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CEN.WADE HAMPTON. 
 
SOUTHERN HISTOKY OF THE WAR. 
 
 THE 
 
 LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWAED A. POLLARD, 
 
 AtTTHOE OF "FIRST, SECOND, AND THIED TEAES OF THE "WAB." 
 
 4 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 CHARLES B. R I C H AR D S O IS", 
 
 540 BEO AD W AY. 
 1866. 
 
Entered according to Act of Conaress, in the year 1865, 
 
 By CHAKLES B. EICHAEDSON, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of 
 
 New York. 
 
 \a^^ 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The author continues in this volume, and closes with it, his 
 Popular Annals of the War. He is well aware that he has 
 made but a rude compilation of events, in this hasty and unpre- 
 tending work ; ■ but he hopes that in his four volumes of plain 
 narrative, he has at least laid a foundation for an elaborate and 
 well-digested History of the War, which he proposes to him- 
 self as the work of years, and entertains as the literary ambi- 
 tion of his life. 
 
 The writer may properly say here, with the completion of 
 this volume of hasty narrative, tliat he designs now to betake 
 himself to the composition of a fair and standard history of the 
 War in America ; of which so far he has constructed scarcely 
 more than the skeleton. Resolved as he is by just and patient 
 labors to rescue the truth from the peculiarly industrious mis- 
 representation of the Yankee, and ambitions thus to do a most 
 important service to his countrymen of the South, and duly 
 vindicate their name to posterity, he shall, in his large and new 
 design, trust much to their aid — especially that of their mil- 
 itary leaders and public men — in giving him the benefit of in- 
 telligent advice, and in collecting the ill-preserved and disject- 
 ed historical testimony of the struggle of the Confederates. 
 
 The announcement of this new work will be shortly made in 
 a more proper form, and with a fuller detail of the author's 
 purposes and requests. 
 
PKEFACE. 
 
 But one word more is not inappropriate here. It is to re- 
 mind the people of the South that the very fact that the war 
 has gone against them makes it more important that its records 
 should not fall entirely to the pens of their enemies. All per- 
 sons in the Son'th who assist in gathering the true testimony of 
 their unfortunate struggle, perform a last, but most important 
 oflSce of faithful love, and do a noble work in rescuing the 
 name of a lost cause from the slanders of t^^ose who, having 
 been our accusers and executioners in this present time, would 
 also be our judges at the Bar of History. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER 1. 
 
 Condition of the Confederacy in the early summer of 1864. — The expectations and 
 hopes of the South. — Grant's " On to Richmond." — Ulysses S. Grant and his com- 
 mand. — His services and character. — The Bawles of the Wilderness. — A heroic 
 stand. — Heth's and Wilco^x's divisions. — A critical conjuncture. — Grant's whole 
 army on the threshold of ruin. — Grant's change of front and General Lee's new 
 line. — The Northern newspapers go into ecstasies. — The Battles of Spottstl- 
 VANiA Courthouse. — A crisis. — A thrilling scene. — " General Lee to the rear !" — 
 Six days of battle. — Grant's obstinacy. — Sheridan's expedition. — A fight at Yellow 
 Tavern. — Death of General " Jeb" Stuart. — Butler's movement up the James. — 
 Beauregard drives him to Bermuda Hundred. — " The Buzzard and the Falcon." — 
 The Enemy's Operations in Western Virginia. — The combination there. — Three 
 movements.— Sigel's defeat at Newmarket. — McCausland checks Crook at Dublin 
 Depot. — Morgan defeats Averill at Wytheville.— Grant moves down the Valley of 
 tho Rappahannock.— Engagements near Hanover Junction. — Grant crosses the Fa- 
 munkey. — He is within a few miles of Richmond. — The true theory of his move- 
 ments, defeat, not victory. — His immense losses.— Lee's admirable movements 
 and positive successes. — Nonsense of the newspapers Page 13 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Grant essays the passage of the Chickahominy. — Battle of Cold Harbor. — A bril- 
 liant and extraordinary victory for the Confederates. — Grant's stock of expedients. 
 — He decides to move to the south side of the James. — Operations in Western 
 ViRQiNLA. — Shocking improvidence of the Richmond authorities. — Hunter cap- 
 tures Staunton. — Death of General Jones.— Grant's new combination.— Hunter's 
 part.— Sheridan's part. — The Battles of Petersburg. — Butler attempts to steal 
 a march upon "the Cockade City."— Engagements of the 16th, I7th, and 18th of 
 June.— Port Walthal Junction.— Defeat of Sheridan at Trevillian Station.— Defeat 
 of Hunter near Lynchburg.— Morgan draws Burbridge into Kentucky.— Two af- 
 fairs on the Petersburg and Weldon Railroad.— The Great Mine Explosion.— A 
 scene of infernal horror.— Yankee comments on Grant's failures.— Great de- 
 pression in the North.— Mr. Chase's declarations.— General Lee's sense of success. 
 —His singular behavior.— The Sinking of the Privateer Alabama.— A Yan- 
 kee trick of concealed armor.— The privateer service of the Confederates.— In- 
 teresting statistics Pag-e 1:9 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Sherman's campaign in Georgia. — How parallel with that in Virginia. — The tasks 
 of Grant and Sherman compared. — Numerical inferiority of General Johnston's 
 forces. — His proposition to the Eichmond authorities. — Pragmatism of President 
 Davis and his secretary. — Engagement in Eesaca Valley. — General Johnston's 
 designs. — Why he retreated. — His disappointment of a buttle at Cassville. — En- 
 gagement AT New Hope Church. — True theory of the retrograde movement of 
 Johnston. —Battle of Kenesaw Mountain. — Sherman's confession. — Sherman 
 master of the Chattahoochee. — Johnston falls back to Atlanta. — The ve.xed ques- 
 tion of Johnston's retreat. — What it surrendered. — What it secured. — Its strategic 
 advantages. — Tlie enemy's movements in Virginia and Georgia both in check. — 
 Disappointment of the enemy. — Statistics of Yankee recruiting. — Another Con- 
 federate success. — Defeat of Sturgis. — " The Avengers of Fort Pillow."— Barbar- 
 ities of the enemy's summer campaign. — Augmentation of Yankee ferocity. — Its 
 effect on the Confederates. — Offensive operation of the Confederates.— Three 
 projects of invasion. — Early's Invasion of Maryland, &c.— Sigel's retreat. — 
 Battle OF Monocaoy Bridge. — Early loses the great opportunity of 1864. — Results 
 of his expedition. — Engagement at Kernstown. — Morgan's Invasion of Ken- 
 tucky. — His failure. — Price's Invasion of MissouRi.-^Pilot Knob. — General Ew- 
 ing's retreat. — Price retires Page 46 
 
 CHAPTER lY. 
 
 Great revulsion in the public mind of the North in the summer of 1864. — A general 
 outcry for peace. — Spirit of Yankee newspapers. — The Niagara Falls "Commis- 
 sion." — The Jacques-Gilmore Affair.— Sorry figure of the Confederacy in these 
 negotiations. — The question of peace negotiations in the Confederacy. — True 
 method of peace. — Manifesto of the Confederate Congress. — Position of President 
 Davis — His letter to Governor Vance, of North Carolina. — The Chicago Conven- 
 tion, etc. — Speeches, etc. — The real programme of the Democratic party.— Why 
 it broke down. — No virtue in public opinion in the North. — The true peace men 
 of the North. — Their Convention at Cincinnati. — A reaffirmation of Jefi'ersonian 
 Democracy. — A masterpiece of statesmanship. — The Presidential campaign of 
 18ti4. — The rival administrations at Richmond and Washington. — A compara- 
 tive view of Northern despotism. — Tlie con.scription and impressment laws of the 
 Confederacy. — The offerings of Southern patriotism. — The Yankee record in the 
 matter of slavery. — " Military necessity."— The Yankee record in the matter of 
 civil liberty. — An outrage upon history , Page 63 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 The business of blockade-running. — Its risks. — Interesting statistics. — Value of the 
 port of Mobile. — Naval Fight and Capture of the Forts in Mobile Bay. — A 
 frightful disparity of force. — Heroic fight of the ram Tennessee.— Absurd boasts 
 of the Yankees. — Surrender of Fort Gaines. — Fall of Fort Morgan. — The Georgia 
 Campaign. — Its importance. — Jolinston's situation at Atlanta. — His removal by 
 President Davis. — A fatal error. — Lieutenant-Gencral Hood. — The Battles of 
 Atlanta — The Fall of "the Gate City." — Reckless and desperate fighting — 
 
CONTENTS. 7 
 
 Yankee raid on the Macon road. — Hood's " magnificent advance." — Bombard- 
 ment of Atlanta. — Hood's fatal mistake. — Sherman's new movement. — He "cuts 
 the Confederates in two." — The Yankees in Atlanta. — Sherman's cruelties. — His 
 depopulation of Atlanta. — Enormity of the order. — Sherman as a pacificator. — 
 Governor Brown's letter. — Position of Vice-President Stephens. — Effects of the 
 fall of Atlanta. — President Davis' Macon speech. — Its swollen tone. — Capture of 
 THE Confederate Privateer Florida. — Its cowardice and outrage. — Yankee idea 
 of glory. — The Destruction of the Confederate Eam Albemarle. — Yankee es- 
 timation of the exploit. — The North Carolina Sounds. — The St. Albans Raid. — 
 Stories of the savage vengeance of the Confederates. — How much truth there was in 
 them 81 
 
 CHAPTER YI. 
 
 The Richmond lines. — The Fall of Fort Harrison, etc. — The attempt to retake it. 
 — Why it failed. — Engagement on the Charles City Road. — Death of General 
 Gregg. — Engagement on the Williamsburg and Boydton Roads. — Another 
 Grand Attempt on Richmond. — A shameful failure. — The "electoral necessity" at 
 Wasliington. — The Campaign in the Valley of Virginia. — Early's mission in the 
 Valley. — How a part of the combination to protect Richmond. — Sheridan's com- 
 mand. — His strategy. — Battle near Winchester. — A critical moment. — The en- 
 emy's centre broken. — He recovers. — Misconduct of the Confederate cavalry. — 
 Early retreats to Fisher's Hill. — The Battle of Fisher's Hill. — A most unex- 
 pected reverse to the Confederates. — Misgivings and alarm in Richmond.— The 
 capture of Staunton. — Sheridan's devastations of the Valley. — " Barn-burning." — 
 An affair of Rosser's cavalry. — " The! Savior of the Valley.'' — Battle of Cedar 
 Creek. — Two-thirds of Sheridan's army completely routed. — Early's awkward 
 pause.— Plunder of the Yankee camp. — The enemy regains the day. — Shameful 
 rout of the Confederates. — The Valley campaign virtually ended. — Southwestern 
 Virginia. — Breckinridge's campaign. — The Yankees capture the salt-works at 
 Saltville. — Destruction of the works 98 
 
 CHAPTER YH. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's extraordinary triumph.— Reassembling of the Richmond Congress. 
 
 President Davis' review of the situation. — A memorable boast. — New demands of 
 the Confederate conscription.— Military resources of the North and South com- 
 pared.— Plethoric wealth of the North.—" Twenty against one."— Two advantages 
 the South had in the war.— Its conditions of success. — The value of endurance on 
 the part of the South. — The Hood-Sherman Campaign. — Speeches at headquarters. 
 —Hood commences his march.— Capture of Dalton.— Slierman follows as far as 
 Gaylesville.— He turns back.— Georgia and South Carolina " at his mercy."— An 
 extraordinary campaign.- Hood and Sherman marching away from each "other.— 
 Hood crosses into Tennes.'fee.- The Yankee retreat to Franklin.— The Battle of 
 Franklin.— Great loss in Confederate officers.— The enemy retreats to Nashville.— 
 Battle OF Nashville.— The giving way of Bates' division.— A shameful stampede. 
 —Hood's losses.— The whole scheme of Confederate defence west of the AUe- 
 ghauies broken down.— The errors of Hood's campaign 116 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER Vm. 
 
 Sherman's march from the mouutains to the sea. — Yankee boasts, — Easy nature of 
 Sherman's enterprise. — " Grand" mistake of the Confederates. — The burninf^ of 
 Atlanta. — Five thousand liouses in ruins. — Sherman's route to Milledgeville. — 
 Second stage of the march to Millen. — Last stage of the march. — Wheeler's cavalry. 
 — The fall of Savannah. — Capture of Fort McAllister. — Probable surprise of 
 Hardee. — The Confederates evacuate Savannah. — Sherman's Christmas-gift to Mr. 
 Lincoln. — The true value of Sherman's exploit. — His own estimation of it. — De- 
 spondency in the South. — Depletion of the Confederate armies. — The exchange op 
 PRISONERS, etc. — Bad faith of the Yankees. — Their misrepresentations. — The ques- 
 tion of recaptured slaves. — A Yankee calculation. — The Washington Government 
 responsible for the sufferings of Yankee prisoners. — How capital was made out of 
 their sufferings. — A game with " sick" prisoners. — How " rebel barbarities" were 
 manufactured. — Noble conduct of General Grant. — Its commentary on the Wash- 
 ington cabinet. — His " victory" over that body 130 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The blockade at Wilmington. — How ineffective. — First expedition against Fort 
 Fisher. — Butler's powder-ship. — The two days' bombardment. — Landing of 
 Butler's troops. — Butler decides not to attack. — His sudden departure. — He is 
 removed from command. — Second expedition against Fort Fisher. — Fall of 
 Wilmington. — Landing of Terry's command. — Movements of General Jloke. — The 
 assault on the fort. — A feu (Tenfer. — Desperate fighting. — The Confederates 
 overpowered. — Surrender of Fort Fisher. — Evacuation of Fort Anderson. — Yankee 
 occupation of Wilmington. — How a part of General Sherman's campaign in the 
 Carolinas. — Sherman's sixty days in the Carolixas. — Direction of his march. — 
 Crossing the Savannah River. — Mismanagement of tlie Confederate troops. — Sher- 
 man at Branchville. — The fall of Charleston. — Hardee joins Beauregard. — 
 Conflagration in Charleston.— Explosion at the railroad depot. — A scan-ed city. — 
 Charleston as seen through Yankee eyes. — Capture and burning of (/Olumbia. — 
 Wild and savage scenes of pillage. — The city on fire. — Four thousand citizens 
 homeless. — Sherman's march northward. — His organization of " bummers." — 
 The column of smoke. — The Yankees at Winnsboro'. — More of the enemy's atro- 
 cities. — Sherman's feint upon Charlotte. — His occupation of Fayetteville. — Hamp- 
 ton attacks Kilpatrick. — Sherman's appointment of a rendezvous with Seliofield. 
 ^Hardee's fight near Averysboro'. — What he did with half a corps of Confeder- 
 ates. — The Battle of Bentonville. — Success of the Confederates. — No decisive 
 results. — Sherman's move towards Goldsboro'. — Schofield's movement. — Sher- 
 man's success. — His congratulatory order. — A military conference at City Point, 
 Virginia 141 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The date of distrust in the Southern mind. — Oliservation of General Lee. — A pecu- 
 liar moral condition of tlie Confederacy. — Want of confidence in President Davis' 
 administration. — Impatience of the prolongation of the war. — Davis' unpopularity. 
 — Weak attempts in Congress at a counter-revolution. — General Lee made coni- 
 mander-in chief. — The title a nominal one. — The Virginia delegation and the Pres- 
 ident. — Mr. Seddou's resignation. — President Davis' defiance to Congress. — The 
 
CONTKXTS. 9 
 
 Davie-Johnston imbroglio. — Senator Wigfall's speeches. — Johnston's restoration. 
 — President Davis' opinion of homoeopathy.— Sullen and indifferent disposition of 
 the Southern people. — How they might have accomplished their iiniependence. — 
 Review of the military situation. — Analysis of the peace feeling in the North. — 
 How it w:iB likely to be developed by a long war. — The Union not the enemy's sine 
 qua non. — Two contingencies tliat limited the war. — Tlie wortldess title of Yankee 
 invasion. — "Cob-web" occupation of the Confederacy. — Note: an address in- the 
 Kichmond newspapers. — The two fatal facts in the condition of the Confedenicy. — 
 The Fortress Monroe Commission. — How it was brought about. — The Yankee 
 ultimatum. — Official narrative of the Confederate commissioners.— A new attempt 
 to rally the spirit of the South. — The meeting at the African church in Richmond. 
 — President Davis' boasts. — His noble allusion to liistory. — How the cause of the 
 Confederacy was in danger. — Proposition to arm the slaves of the South. — 
 Indicative of a desperate condition of the public mind. — General Lee's opinion. — 
 The slaveholding interest. — Its selfishness and insolence. — A weak concli;sion of 
 the matter. — "Catching at straws" in the Confederate Congress. — Cluiracter of 
 this body 159 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 The last address and appeal of the Confederate 'Congress. — The war in a geographical 
 point of view. — The Confederate Congress and President Davis. — The e.xecu- 
 TrvE dep.vrtments. — A sharp recrimination.— A committee of the Senate reply to 
 President Davis. — Maladministration in the War Department. — Two-thirds of the 
 Confederate Army absentees. — Lee loses nearly half his army by desertions. — The 
 other half threatened with starvation. — Ample supply of food in the country. — 
 The fault in the Commissary Department. — Commissary Northrop a " pepper-doc- 
 tor" as the favorite of Davis. — Analysis of President Davis' character for firmness. 
 — How Northrop starved Eichmond. — History of the Confederate Commissa- 
 riat. — Secret testimony in Congress. — President Davis' refusal to trade cotton for 
 meat. — Persistent delusion about "king cotton." — Venality of the enemy. — Davis 
 takes no advantage of it.-.-Eecord of the rations in Lee's army. — Startling statis- 
 tics. — Attempts to get meat from Europe. — General Lee's army without meat. — 
 His telegram to President Davis. — The necessities of the Commissary Department 
 summed up in secret session of Congress. — But little done to meet theni. — How the 
 caiise of tlie Confederacy would have failed without a catastrophe of arms. — Tlie 
 military narrative resumed.— Military events in Virgini.*. in the winter of 
 1864-5. — Sheridan's raid. — Thirteen counties traversed. — Amount of destruction 
 accomplished by the enemy. — The Richmond lines. — Hatcher's Run. — E.xtensioii 
 of Grant's line. — Battle of Hares Hill. — Gallantry of Gordon's command. — Vigor 
 ind brilliancy of the fighting of che Confederates. — No decisive results 178 
 
 CHAPTER XIL 
 
 The Battles around Petersburg.- -The movement of Sheridan's cavalry. — The Five 
 Forks. — General Lee's counter-movement. — Repulse of Sheridan. — Re-enforced by 
 Grant. — The Confederates flanked at tlie Five Forks. — The situation in front of 
 Petersburg. — Lee's lines broken in three places. — Capture of Fort Mahone by the 
 enemy. — General Lee loses his entire line of defence, and the Southside Railroad. 
 — The Evacuation of Richmond. — Great surprise in the Confederate capital.— The 
 news in the churches. — Dr. Hoge's address. — Consternation and uproar in the 
 
10 CONTENTS. 
 
 streets. — The city on fire. — A reckless military order. — Scenes of horror. — Mob*! r)f 
 plunderers. — The scene at the commissary depot. — Weitzel's entry into Eichmond. 
 — Suffering of tlie people. — Scene on Capitol Square. — Devastations of the fire. — 
 The burnt district. — Weitzel's and Shepley's general orders. — Yankee rejoicings 
 over the fall of Kichmond. — Bell-ringings, hymns, and dancing in the streets of 
 New York. — A grand illumination in Washington. — Yankee mottoes. — A memor- 
 able speech 191 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 What the Confederates anticipated on the fall of Richmond. — Two opinions. — Pro- 
 phetic words of the Eichmond Examiner. — Disintegration of Lee's army. — The 
 line of his retreat.— Grant's pursuit.— Sheridan captures prisoners, guns, and wag- 
 ons. — Sheridan's dispatch. — Change in the movements of both armies. — The situa- 
 tion at Appomattox Court-house. — How Lee was surrounded. — Surrender of thb 
 Army of Northern Virginia.— A frightful demoralization of the army. — More than 
 two-thirds of the men deserted. — Pickett's division. — Eeasons to suppose that Gen- 
 eral Lee had predetermined a surrender on moving from Kichmond and Peters- 
 burg. — Straggling of his soldiers. — Official correspondence concerning the surren- 
 der. — Interview between General Lee and General Grant at McLean's house. — How 
 General Lee looked. — Grant's generous conduct. — Scenes between the lines of the 
 two armies.- -An informal conference of officers. — How the news of surrender was 
 received in the Yankee army. — How received at Washington. — Secretary Stanton's 
 dispatch. — President Lincoln's speech. — " Dixie" in Washington.— General Lee's 
 farewell address to his army. — His return to Richmond.— Effect of Lee's surrender. 
 — General Johnston's department. — Movements in the Southwest. — Fall of Mo- 
 bile. — Wilson's cavalry expedition through Alabama and Georgia. — Surrender 
 OF Johnston's army. — Sherman's " basis of negotiations" repudiated at Wash- 
 ington. — The policy of the Northern Government unmasked. — Sherman's reply. — 
 Surrender of Taylor's army. — Surrender of Kirby's Smith's army. — "War 
 meetings" in Texas. — W ant of public resolution.— The last act of the war. — A sud- 
 den peace, and what it implied 207 
 
 APPENDIX No. I. 
 I. 
 
 Political Iconoclasm in America. — The two idols of "the Constitution" and "the 
 Union." — Extravagant praises of the Constitutien. — Its true value. — It contained a 
 noble principle and glaring defects.— Character of the founders of the Constitution. 
 
 Hamilton. — Franklin. — His cookery-book philosophy. — His absurdities in the 
 
 Convention. — The cull for the Convention that formed the Constitution. — Three 
 parties in the Convention. — The idea of a " national" government. — Conflict be- 
 tween the small and large States.— The result of this, the distinguishing feature of 
 the Constitution. — That feature an accident, and not an a ■priori discovery.— Enu- 
 meration of defects in the Constitution. — Tlie weakness and ignorance of its framers. 
 Its one conspicuous virtue and original principle. — (}ombination of State-rights 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 11 
 
 ■with a common anthority.— How involved in the construction of the Senate.— How 
 made more precise in tiie Amendments.— Particulars in which the element of the 
 States was recognized.— A new rule of construction applied to the American Union. 
 —The necessity which originated it.— The Constitution of the United States not a 
 
 ■ political revolution.— The creature of the States.— True interpretation of its moral 
 grandeur.— The bond of the Union a voluntary one.- No mission apart from the 
 States.— Why coercion of the States was not necessary.— How the Union stood 
 for an American nationality.— Its power to reach individuals.— 'Y:\ie. Union, in 
 practice, rather a rough companionship than a national identity.— Eight of seces- 
 8ion.— Not necessary to discuss it— The development of the Union a North and 
 South, and not disintegrated States.— Profound invention of Calhoun of South Car- 
 olina.— How it was a Union measure, and not " Nullification." 23S 
 
 II. 
 
 What the American colonies contended for.— Burke's idea.— The first American Con- 
 gress.— Its demands.— How the question of independence was developed.— Vir- 
 ginia the first to move for indepeudence.— The Declaration of Independence.— The 
 Articles of Confederation.— Diverse character and circumstances of the colonies.— 
 The gentry of Virginia and the Carolinas.— Early type of the Frt^/^e^.— Difference 
 of races.— Its value in historical inquiries.— Commercial spirit of New England 
 in the revolution.— The nature and the value of " the Confederation."— John Ad- 
 ams' idea.—" Perpetual Union."— The Confederation a makeshift of tlie war.— 
 " State-rights" in the treaty pf 1783.— How the revolution succeeded.— Its illustra- 
 tion of th^e value of endurance.— Liberty invariably the fruit of rebellion.— The 
 two conditions of all history ^^^ 
 
 III. 
 
 The times of Thomas Jefferson.- Manners and appearance of the man.— His Democ- 
 racy.— Its application to the relations of the States and Federal Government.— Ori- 
 gin of the Republican or Democratic party.— The idea of consolidation.— New 
 York, and the New England States.— Early political preaching in New England.— 
 The Alien and Sedition laws.— How tlie latter infringed the rights of the States.— 
 The Kentucky Resolutions.— A fact not in the record.— Mr. Jefferson on " nuUifi: 
 cation."— Why the Kentucky Resolutions ^Qr& modified.— The Virginia Resolutions. 
 —The replies of the New England States, and of New York.— Jefferson's triumph. 
 — A new era at Washington • • • • '^^' 
 
 IV. 
 
 The slavery question.— A libel on political nomenclature.— A brief moral de- 
 fence of negro servitude in the South.— The history of its establishment.— 
 Accommodation of the slavery question iii the Constitution.— Political history of 
 the question.— The Hartford Convention. .^Two blows aimed at the South.— Devel- 
 
 ■ opuient of the slavery controversy.— Mr. JeflTerson's opinion as to slavery ia 
 the territories.— The Missouri restriction.— The initial point of the war of «<fC(!io««.— 
 Mr. Jefferson's alarm.— The trace of disunion.— Real causes of conflict between 
 the North and the South.— The slavery question subordinate and yet conspicu- 
 ous.— Why so ?— How it was bound up in the conflict between State-rights and 
 consolidation.— Northern civilization.— An insolent democracy.— Yankee " gentle- 
 naen."— Plainness of the South.— A noble type of civilization.— Effect of slavery 
 on the political and social character of the South.— Yankee vulgarity.— Why the 
 South was the nursery of American statesmen 266 
 
12 ' CONTENTS. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Contrast between the North and South in material progress. — The times of Andrew 
 Jackson. — The tariff controversy. — Calhoun and Webster as representative men. 
 — The latter a sophomore in American politics. — Mr. Webster's private correspon- 
 dence and poetry. — His superficial accomplishments. — " Nullification," another 
 libel of political nomenclature. — A true explanation and analysis of Mr. Calhoun's 
 scheme to save and perpetuate the Onion. — Jefferson Davis' defence of Calhoun. 
 New England's regard for the Union. — The veneration of the Union peculiarly a 
 Southern sentiment. — Mr. Calhoun's Fort Hill speech. — The ignorance or hypoc- 
 risy of Webster and his party. — How the South was driven to " disunion.". . . 274 
 
 YI. 
 
 A Fourth of July sentiment in 1851. — Slavery not the Cause of Disunion. — The War 
 of 1861. — What it has decided. — The incense of weak minds to the Yankee. — 
 Last sentiment of President Davis 284 
 
 APPENDIX No. II. 
 
 KECONSTEUCTION. 
 
 Pbovisional Governments. — The Mississippi question. — The Amnesty Peoola- 
 MATioN. — The franchise in Virginia. — Parcled prisoners. — Trade. — The defi- 
 nition of " loyalty." — Message of Provision al-Goveenor Johnson of Georgia. 
 — Message of Provisional-Governor Perry of South Carolina. — The last six 
 days of the Confedebaoy 287 
 
 OFFICIAL EEPOETS. 
 
 Kepokts of Lieutenant-General Longstreet 325, S58 
 
 Eepokts or Likijtenant-General Jaokson S37 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 CHAPTER I. ■ 
 
 Condition of the Confederacy in the early summer of 1864. — The expectations and 
 hopes of the South. — Grant's " On to Richmond." — Ulysses S. Grant and his com- 
 mand. — His services and character. — The Battles of the Wilderness. — A heroio 
 stand. — Heth's and Wilcox's divisions. — A critical conjuncture. — Grant's whole 
 army on the threshold of ruin.— Grant's change of front and General Lee's new 
 line. — The Northern newspapers go into ecstasies. — The Battles of Spottsyl- 
 VANiA Courthouse. — A crisis. — A thrilling scene. — "General Lee to the rear!" — 
 Six days of battle. — Grant's obstinacy. — Sheridan's expedition. — A fight at Yellow 
 Tavern. — Death of General " Jeb" Stuart. — Butler's movement up the James. — 
 Beauregard drives him to Bermuda Hundred. — " The Buzzard and the Falcon." — 
 The Enemy's Operations in Western Virginia. — The combination there.— Three 
 movements.— Sigel's defeat at Newmarket. — McCausland checks Crook at Dublin 
 Depot. — Morgan defeats Averill at Wytheville.— Grant moves down the Valley of 
 the Rappahannock.— Engagements near Hanover Junction. — Grant crosses the Pa- 
 munkey. — He is within a few miles of Richmond. — The true theory of his move- 
 ments, defeat, not victory. — His immense losses. — Lee's admirable movements 
 and positive successes. — Nonsense of the newspapers. 
 
 The spirit of tlie Southern Confederacy was scarcely ever 
 more buoyant than in the month of May, 1864. The confidence 
 of its people in the ultimate accomplishment of their independ- 
 ence was so firm and universal, that any other conclusion was 
 but seldom referred to in general conversation or in the pre- 
 vision of one's private affairs ; and in Richmond and elsewhere 
 the hope was freely indulged that the campaign of 1864 was 
 to be decisive of the war, and to crown the efforts of the South 
 with peace and independence. 
 
 There had been abundant occasion for this revival of confi- 
 dence in the public mind of the Confederacy. The winter just 
 past had been one of a large aggregate of success to the Con- 
 federate arms. Several brilliant expeditions had been planned 
 and accomplished by them ; while on the enemy's side all the 
 work he had cut out for the winter had come to grief, and 
 every one of his elaborate enterprises in that season had failed, 
 
14 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 with a concurrence of disaster most remarkable in the history 
 of the war. 
 
 The invasion of Florida had been a shocking failure. Thomas 
 had been repulsed in North Georgia, and was held completely 
 in check there, Sherman's grand expedition in the Southwest 
 and his famous experiment of " the strategic triangle" had 
 come to the most absurd and disastrous conclusion — " Half of 
 his army," said this chieftain, " went to Memphis and half 
 went to h — 11." Banks's proposed conquest of the Trans- 
 Mississippi had been to the Confederates the occasion of that 
 celebrated Red River campaign, the most glorious in the pages 
 of their history, in which they not only reclaimed the coast 
 and frontier of the Trans-Mississippi, but left the Massachusetts 
 hero scarcely more of Louisiana than was covered by his 
 pickets. And there had been other positive successes on the 
 Confederate side. Forrest, by long and rapid marches, had 
 spread terror along the banks of the Mississippi, and cut a 
 swath across the State of Kentucky ; and on the eastern fron- 
 tier the expeditions of Pickett and of Hoke had been brilliant 
 events for the Confederacy, leaving the enemy only two places, 
 "Washington and Newborn', on the coast of North Carolina. 
 
 No wonder that the events of this winter were accepted by 
 the Confederates as happy auguries for the ensuing campaign, 
 and fresh occasions of hope and confidence. Their internal 
 aifairs, too, had improved along with this current of military 
 success. The army had been replenished by an enlarged con- 
 scription ; a happy revolution was already going on in the 
 finances under the operation of the law which curtailed the cur- 
 rency thirty-three per cent.; supplies had been accumulated 
 during the winter, and the storehouses of Richmond were filled 
 to bursting with the subsistence that had been gathered, 
 through the course of several months, for the great campaign 
 in Yirginia. 
 
 Such were the extraordinary prospects with which the Con- 
 federacy entered upon the summer campaign of 1864. A gen- 
 eral opinion had taken possession of the public mind that the 
 North would make its grand effort in this year for the conquest 
 of the South ; and that even negative results would be fatal to 
 the enemy, as they would be insufficient to appease the grow- 
 ing popular impatience of the war in the North, or sustain any 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 15 
 
 new demand of the government at "Washington for men and 
 means. 
 
 This opinion was right, at least so far as it contemplated an 
 extraordinary exertion on the part of the North. Two grand 
 campaigns for the summer of 1864 had been elaborately 
 planned at Washington. They were the parallel operations of 
 Grant and Sherman in Virginia and in Georgia. 
 
 GRANT S " ON TO RICHMOND. 
 
 General Ulysses S. Grant had hitherto been known in the 
 North as the great general of the West, and the Yankee news- 
 papers had entitled him the hero of Fort Donelson and Yicks- 
 burg. He was now to answer the eager expectation of the 
 public by a campaign of unrivalled importance in Virginia. 
 His elevation had been rapid. Four years ago the man who 
 commanded all the armies of the North had been occupied 
 with the obscure experiments of life in the successive callings 
 of farmer, auctioneer, and tanner ; and at the beginning of the 
 war, having at first been refused an active military command 
 by Governor Yates of Illinois, he was accidentally selected to 
 lead a regiment of raw recruits. 
 
 The grade of lieutenant-general in the armies of the United 
 States had been conferred by brevet only on General Scott, 
 but as an actual rank in time of war had only been bestowed 
 on General Washington. It was revived by the Federal Con- 
 gress, and the commission conferred on General Grant, the 
 hero of tlie West, who, despite the gap in his successes at Shi- 
 loh in 1862, and his narrow escape on that occasion from being 
 consigned to obscurity by the ungenerous and characteristic 
 changes in the fickle popular idolatry of the North, had had a 
 long run of success, and was in advance of all his contempo'ra- 
 ries in the coarse Yankee measure of greatness. The commis- 
 sion bore date March 2, 1864 ; and on the 9th of that month 
 President Lincoln presented to Grant in person this commis- 
 sion, assuring him of his own cordial personal concurrence in 
 the measure. General Halleck, hitherto general-in-chief, was 
 relieved from duty, and made chief of staff to the army at 
 Washington. 
 
16 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 The armies put under the command of Grunt presented one 
 of the most imposing arrays in modern history. They dotted 
 the conntry from the Potomac to tlie Rio Grande, and thence 
 around and along the sea-coast, and back to the Chesapeake. 
 It was said that the Yankee lines might be traced by the smoke 
 of camp-fires through a zig-zag journey of five thousand miles. 
 
 A few words may be bestowed here upon the character of 
 the man, the designation of whom as the military idol of the 
 l^orth was not extravagant. General Grant had but little educa- 
 tion, and was a man of not much more than ordinary ability ; 
 but he had a Scotch pertinacity of character which was a con- 
 stant and valuable assistance in his military campaigns. As a 
 commander he possessed a rare faculty of combination. He 
 was a man who gathered his forces, who could " afford to 
 wait," who dealt deliberate and heavy strokes ; but he lacked 
 that quickness of perception which decides single fields and 
 illustrates military genius. His heart was certainly not a bad 
 one, and his disposition was above most of the little tricks of 
 the Yankee. On particular occasions he did some noble things, 
 as we shall see in other parts of this volume. He was one of 
 the few Yankee notabilities who, without affectation and in 
 sincerity, avoided sensations and displays, had a horror of be- 
 ing " lionized," and lived for history rather than for the gazette. 
 He had an imperturbable good-humor. In his appearance and 
 manners he was very plain ; but it was not a plebeian plain- 
 ness ; it was the plainness of a man trained to habits of self- 
 reliance, who never lost the dignity and self-poise which come 
 from a consciousness of one's merits without vanity. 
 
 From the moment of receiving his commission as lieutenant- 
 general. Grant had transferred his personal presence to the 
 Army of the Potomac, leaving Sherman as his vicegerent to 
 carry out the Western campaign. Warren, Sedgwick, and 
 Hancock were made the corps commanders of this army, and 
 Burnside was given a separate arm}^ corps. Butler, at Fortress 
 Monroe, was reinforced by the Tenth Corps from Charleston 
 under Gillmore, and the Eighteenth from the West under 
 " Baldy" Smith. To the infamous hero of New Orleans was 
 allotted the task of cutting off the city of Richmond from its 
 southern lines of communication ; while Sigel, operating in the 
 Shenandoah Valley, was to cut the railroad which by way of 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 17 
 
 Gordonsville connected Lee's army with his principal base of 
 supplies at Lynchburg. 
 
 Thus were the preparations completed for the most moment- 
 ous campaign in American history. On Wednesday, May 4, 
 eight weeks from the day Grant received his commission, his 
 two grand columns were ready to move — the one well in hand 
 on the north bank of the Ilapidan, seventy miles north of 
 Richmond; and the other at Fortress Monroe, one day's sail 
 from Richmond on the James. 
 
 THE BATTLES OF THE WILDERNESS. 
 
 At dawn on the 5tk of May, tlie Army of the Potomac, 
 closely succeeded by that of Burnside, had crossed the Rapidan 
 River ; the Second Corps at Ely's, the Fifth and Sixth corps at 
 Germania Ford. Having crossed the river, the first demon- 
 stration of the enemy was an attempt to turn the right flank 
 of Lee's array between the Orange Courthouse ]3ike and the 
 river. 
 
 The enemy's attack on the line of the turnpike was sustained 
 by the division of General Edward Johnson of Ewell's corps. 
 After a brief struggle the enemy succeeded in forcing back 
 part of Jones's brigade, which had been formed across the turn- 
 pike ; but the gap in our lines was speedily closed bj^ Stewart's 
 brigade, and the Yankees driven back with the loss of some 
 guns. In the mean time Gordon's gallant brigade of Georgians 
 crushed tlirough the enemy's first lines, and driving furiously 
 on, struck back the Yankee front in confusion upon its sup- 
 ports. Another advance of the enemy upon Johnson's left 
 flank was gallantly repulsed by Pegram's Virginians and 
 Hays's Louisianians ; and the day's woi'k on the left witnessed 
 the Confederates still holding their advanced lines. 
 
 Hill had been ordered to march from Lee's left, and with 
 Heth's division in advance had moved along the plank-road 
 in a direction somewhat parallel with the turnpike, eventually 
 eflfecting a junction with Gordon's brigade, on Ewell's extreme 
 right. The line of battle, thus completed, presented a front of 
 six miles. 
 
 About 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the attack on Ewell having 
 
 2 
 
18 THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAE. 
 
 been repulsed, tlie enemy commenced a more decided demon- 
 stration in front of Hill. Heth's division bore at first the whole 
 brunt of the attack, but about four o'clock Wilcox's division 
 was moved up from Ewell's right. For more than three hours 
 tlie dreadful conflict continued, the enemy, attempting to force 
 his way rather by constant pressure than by dashing enterprise. 
 Never was a more gallant spectacle than these two divisions 
 of Confederates holding at bay the Yankee onslaught from 
 three o'clock until half-past seven, firm and unbroken in all 
 that long and dreadful monotony of conflict. ISTight closed 
 upon the Confederate line in the position it had originally 
 taken. That the day was an unsuccessful one for the Yankees 
 even their own accounts did not hesitate to admit. " No cheer 
 of victory," says a Northern correspondent, " swelled through 
 the Wilderness that night." 
 
 During the day Hancock, Second Corps, had come up, and 
 the Federal forces were concentrated. On the morning of the 
 6th their lines were consolidated and freshly posted ; the three 
 corps sustaining their respective positions — Warren in the 
 centre, Sedgwick on the right, and Hancock on the left. 
 I The attack was made by the Confederates, Hill and Long- 
 street's corps attacking both of Hancock's flanks with such 
 fury that the whole line of command thus assaulted was broken 
 in several places. The efibrt, however, of the Confederates to 
 pierce the enemy's centre was stayed, the Yankees having se- 
 cured their line of battle behind their intrenchments. 
 
 But with the expiration of the day was to occur a thrilling 
 and critical conjuncture. Just at dusk (the Confederates' fa- 
 vorite hour of battle) a column of Lee's army attacked the en- 
 emy's left, captured Seymour and a large portion of his bri- 
 gade, and excited a panic which put Grant's whole army on 
 the verge of irretrievable rout. Unfortunately, the Confed- 
 edrates had no idea of the extent of their success, and could 
 not imagine how fraught with vital issue were those few mo- 
 ments of encounter. The Yankee supply-trains were thought 
 to be immediately threatened, and artillery was posted to bear 
 upon the Confederate advance in that direction. But the Con- 
 federates did not press their advantage. As it was. Generals 
 Shaler and Seymour, with the greater -part of their commands, 
 were taken prisoners. 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAB. 19 
 
 Such had been the two days' battle of the "Wilderness — a 
 marked success for the Confederates, disputed by the Northern 
 newspapers, of course, but manifest in the face of the facts. 
 The enemy confessed to a loss of twelve thousand.* The im- 
 mediate consequence of these engagements was, that Grant, 
 being clearly out-generalled in his first design of reaching Lee's 
 rear and compelling him to fight a battle with his communica- 
 tions cut oflf, which would be decisive of the campaign, was 
 forced to change his plans, and with it his position ; falling 
 back to his intrenched line, between the "Wilderness and Trigs's 
 Mill, nearly coincident with the Brock road, leading from the 
 Wilderness to Spottsylvania Courthouse. 
 
 On the 7th, with some desultory fighting, Grant continued 
 his movement towards Fredericksburg, with the evident view 
 of attempting the Fredericksburg road to Richmond. It was 
 in consequence of this change of front that General Lee took 
 up a new line on the Po. It will amuse the candid reader to 
 find how this movement was interpreted by the mendacious 
 press of the North ; for in the newspapers of New York and 
 Boston it was entitled, in flaming capitals, " A Waterloo De- 
 feat of the Confederates," " The Retreat of Lee to Richmond," 
 &c. For a few days the North was vocal with exultation, and 
 for the hundredth time it had the rebellion " in a corner," to 
 be conveniently strangled. But this imagination of easy 
 conquest was to be dissipated as the many that had pre- 
 ceded it. 
 
 * A correspondent of the London Herald, wlio witnessed the two days' battle, 
 writes : " The results to the enemy in some parts of the field cannot be described 
 by any word less forcible than massacre. Eleven hundred and twenty-five 
 Federal dead were buried in front of Ewell's line, lying to the left of the turn- 
 pike. Five hundred more were buried on the right of that road ; and, in ad- 
 dition to about one hundred dead officers, whose bodies must have been re- 
 moved, the number of corpses lying on the field, within range of the enemy's 
 sharpshooters, is estimated at fully three hundred. The Federal killed in the 
 struggle on the right may, therefore, be declared positively to number as many 
 as two thousand. I have no data on which to estimate the breadth of the 
 slaughter in the fierce conflicts of the right ; but from the stubbornness and 
 volume of these, feel quite confident that they must have added to the slain 
 as awful an account as that rendered in front of Ewell. With three thousand 
 prisoners and four thousand dead, the usual proportion of six or seven to one 
 for'the wounded, would show that the losses of Grant in the battle of the Wil- 
 derness cannot have been less than thirty thousand men." 
 
20 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 THE BATTLES OF SPOTTSYAVANIA COTJRTHOUSE. 
 
 On the 8th of May two engagements were fought at Spott- 
 sylvania Courthouse, between Longstreet's corps, under An- 
 derson (General Longstreet having been wounded in the battle 
 of the 6th) and the Fifth Corps, under "Warren, supported by 
 cavalry. The enemy was repulsed, with heavy loss, in both 
 instances. 
 
 On the 9th, which was marked by some skirmishing, General 
 John Sedgwick, one of the most valuable corps commanders in 
 the Yankee army, was killed, probably by a stray bullet. He 
 had just been bantering liis men about dodging and ducking 
 their heads at the whistle of Confederate bullets in the distance. 
 " Why," said he, " they couldn't hit an elephant at this dis- 
 tance." The next moment a ball entered his face, just below 
 the left eye, and pierced his brain, causing instant death. 
 
 On Thursday, the 17th of May, occurred what may be en- 
 titled as the great battle of Spottsylvania Courthouse. The 
 enemy had planned an attack on what was supposed to be a 
 vital section of the Confederates, a salient angle of earthworks 
 held by Johnson's division of Ewell's corps. The storming 
 column advanced silently, and without firing a shot, up to the 
 angle of the breastM^orks, over which they rushed, taking the 
 forces within in flank, surrounding them, capturing nearly the 
 entire division of Johnson's, with its commander, and also a 
 brigade or two of other troops, Brigadier-General George H. 
 Stuart in command. 
 
 But the surprise was only momentary. One of the most 
 thrilling scenes of the war was to occur. In a moment w-lien 
 all was excitement, and when it could be easily seen that un- 
 less the Confederates could check the enemy's advance, the 
 consequence would be disastrous in the extreme, General Lee 
 rode forward in front of the Confederate line, his position be- 
 ing opposite at the time to the colors of the Forty-ninth regi- 
 ment of Pegram's brigade. Not a word did he say. He 
 simply took ofi" his hat. " As he sat on his charger," says 
 a near eyewitness of him, " I never saw a man look so noble 
 or witnessed a spectacle so impressive." 
 
 At this interesting moment General Gordon, spurring his 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR, 21 
 
 foaming cliarger to the front, seized the reins of General Lee's 
 horse, and turning him around, said, " General, these are Vir- 
 ginians ! These men have never failed ! They never will ! 
 Will you, boys?" Loud cries of "ISTo, no!" "General Lee 
 to the rear!" "Go back!" "Go back!" " General Lee to 
 the rear ! " burst from along the lines ; and as one led the 
 general's horse to the rear. General Gordon gave the com- 
 mand, " Forward, charge !" And with a shout and yell the 
 brigades dashed on, through bog and swamp, and briers and 
 undergrowth, to tlie breastworks. For long hours a battle 
 raged over the intrenchments, the intense fury, heroism, and 
 horror of which it is impossible to describe. From dawh to 
 dusk the roar of guns was ceaseless ; a tempest of shell shrieked 
 tlu'ough the forest and ploughed the field. Ewell's corps held 
 the critical angle with a courage that nothing could subdue. 
 General Hill moved down from the right, joined Ewell, and 
 tlirew his divisions into the struggle. Longstreet came on from 
 the extreme left of the Confederate line. Column after column 
 of the enemy was stricken down, or repulsed and sent back like 
 a broken wave. The ground in front of the Confederate lines 
 was piled with his slain. 
 
 The works which the Yankees had captured in the morning 
 contained an angle in the form of an A, with the point towards 
 the enemy. At the close of the day the enemy maintained 
 possession of about three hundred yards of our works in that 
 quarter. The loss in Johnson's division was probabl}'' between 
 3,000 and 3,500, including over 2,000 prisoners. Our whole 
 loss, during the day, amounted to between six and seven thou- 
 sand. The enemy stated their loss at from 18,000 to 25,000. 
 They captured twenty pieces of artillery. This was their 
 " great victory," 
 
 The sixth day of heavy fighting had been ended. "It 
 would," says an intelligent critic of this period, " not be im- 
 possible to match the results of any one day's battle with 
 stories from the wars of the old world; but never, we should 
 think, in the history of man were five such battles as these 
 compressed into six days." Grant had been foiled ; but his 
 obstinacy was apparently untouched, and the fierce and brutal 
 consumption of human life, another element of his generalship, 
 and which had already obtained for him with his soldiers the 
 
22 THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAE. 
 
 soubriquet of " the bntclier," was still to continue. He tele- 
 graphed to "Washington : " I propose to fight it out on this 
 line, if it takes all summer." 
 
 But we must turn for a few moments from this dominant 
 field of action and interest to notice other movements, which 
 were 'parts of Grant's combination, and of the great military 
 drama in Virginia. 
 
 While Grant was engaged on the Rapidan, a cavalry expe- 
 dition of the enemy, commanded by General Sheridan, moved 
 around Lee's right flank to the North Anna River ; committed 
 some damage at Beaver Dam ; moved thence to the South 
 Anna and Ashland Station, where the railroad was destroyed ; 
 and finally found its way to the James at Turkey Island, 
 where it joined the forces of Butler. The damage inflicted by 
 this raid was not very considerable ; but it was the occasion 
 of a severe fight, on the 10th of May, at Yellow Tavern, on the 
 road to Richmond, where Sheridan encountered a Confederate 
 cavalry force, in which engagement was lost the valuable life 
 of General J. E. B. Stuart, the brilliant cavalry commander, 
 who had so long made Virginia the threatre of his daring and 
 chivalric exploits. 
 
 The column of Butler, the important correspondent to 
 Grant's movement, intended to operate against Richmond on 
 the south side, had raised the hopes of the JSTorth merely to 
 dash them by a failure decisive in its character, and ridiculous 
 in all its circumstances. On the 5th of May, Butler proceeded 
 with his fleet of gunboats and transports, and the Tenth and 
 Eighteenth army corps, up the James River, landing at Wil- 
 son's Wharf a regiment of Wild's negro troops, and two 
 brigades of the same color at Fort Powhatan ; thence up to 
 City Point, where Hinks's division was lauded ; and at Ber- 
 muda Hundred, just below the mouth of the Appomattox, the 
 entire army was disembarked. 
 
 On the 7th, five brigades, under General Brooks, struck for 
 the Petersburg and Richmond Railroad, and succeeded in 
 destroying a bridge seven miles north of Petersburg. In the 
 mean time, Butler, after intrenching himself, closed about the 
 defences of Drury's Blufi". The Yankee general seemed con- 
 fident that he could by a little fighting, in conjunction with 
 the powerful flotilla upon the James, easily overcome the main 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 23 
 
 barrier to his approach to the rear of the Confederate capital, 
 presented in the defences of Drury's Bhiff. It was ah-eady 
 announced to the credulous public of the North that Butler 
 had cut Beauregard's army in twain ; that he had carried two 
 lines of the defences of Drury's Blufi"; and that he held the 
 keys to the back-door of Richmond. 
 
 On Monday, the 16th of May, General Beauregard fell upon 
 the insolent enemy in a fog, drove Butler from his advanced 
 positions back to his original earthworks, and inflicted upon 
 him a loss of several thousand men in killed, wounded, and 
 captured. He had fallen upon the right of the Yankee line 
 of battle with the force of an avalanche, completely crushing 
 it backward and turning Butler's flank. The action was de- 
 cisive. JSTo result but that of victory could be expected in 
 Richmond when Butler was the combatant. The Richmond 
 Examiner designated the tight as that of " the Buzzard and 
 the Falcon." The day's operations resulted in Butler's entire 
 army being ordered to i-eturn from its advanced position, within 
 ten miles of Richmond, to the line of defence known as Ber- 
 muda Hundred, between the James and Appomattox rivers. 
 
 THE ENEMY S OPERATIONS IN WESTERN VIRGINIA. 
 
 While Butler had thus come to grief, the failure of Sigel, 
 who threatened the Yalley of Virginia was no less complete. 
 
 Grant had made an extraordinary combination in Virginia. 
 His plan of campaign was clearly not limited to the capture 
 of Richmond. He might capture it without capturing the 
 government machinery and without overthrowing Lee's army. 
 In such event further operations were necessary ; and these were 
 already provided for in the ambitious and sweeping plan of 
 the campaign. 
 
 The movement of Sigel up the Shenandoah Valley towards 
 Staunton was designed with the view, first, of taking posses- 
 sion of the Virginia Central Railroad, and ultimately eft'ecting 
 a lodgment upon the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad at 
 Lynchburg. Averill was to move towards the same great 
 railroad with a design of striking it at Salem. General Crook 
 was to move with a strong force and large supplies from Charles- 
 
24 THE LASr YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 town towards Dublin Depot; and a fourth movement — 
 which, however, was not actively; developed until the period, 
 some weeks later, of the second combination of forces in this 
 part of Yirginia — was designed on the Yirginia side of the 
 Big Sandy towards Abingdon on the same railroad. 
 
 The invasion thus planned for Western Yirginia compre- 
 hended a heavy aggregate of forces. There were the six thou- 
 sand of Crook, which came from the Lower Kanawha. These 
 last were joined by Averill, with twenty-five hundred cavalry, 
 coming from JSTorthwest Yirginia ; and there was the army of 
 Sigel, whose strength was variously estimated, but was not 
 less than twelve thousand. The design was that these different 
 corps should strike the Lynchburg and Tennessee and the 
 Central railroads simultaneously at Abingdon, Wytheville, 
 Dublin Depot, and Staunton, and should afterwards unite, 
 west of Lynchburg, and march against that city. Grant was 
 strongly impressed with the importance of this city. In sub- 
 sequent attempts against it, his orders were that it should be 
 taken and held at any loss and at all hazards. 
 
 In pursuance of the plan of operations in Western Yirginia, 
 at the very moment that Grant crossed the Rapidan it was 
 announced that Sigel was in motion upon Staunton, Crook 
 upon Dublin Depot, and Averill upon Wytheville, with de- 
 sign, after destroying that town and the lead mines, to unite 
 with Crook at Dublin for a march towards Lynchburg ; but no 
 news came of a movement at that early day of Major-Gen eral 
 Burbridge upon Abingdon and Saltville. The sequel proved 
 that we were poorly prepared to meet this concerted assault. 
 Breckinridge had been ordered away from Dublin in a hurry, 
 witli all the troops he could collect at short notice, and sent 
 down the Yalley to confront Sigel, leaving nothing but a few 
 scattered troops, afterwards collected together by McCausland, 
 to oppose Crook at Dublin. 
 
 On the 15th of May, Sigel's column was encountered near 
 Newmarket by General Breckinridge, who drove it across the 
 Shenandoah, captured six pieces of artillery and nearly one 
 thousand stand of small-arms, and inflicted upon it a heavy- 
 loss, Sigel abandoning his hospitals and destroying the larger 
 portion of his train. 
 
 But while Breckinridge defeated Sigel, and drove him back 
 
THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAK. 25 
 
 in dismay and rout, McCausland was left at Dublin with only 
 1,500 men to resist Crook's 6,000. He fought bravely, how- 
 ever, and so shattered Crook's army as to destroy his design of 
 proceeding towards Lynchburg, and compel a retreat as fai- as 
 Meadow BluflP, in Greenbrier, for the purpose of recruiting his 
 disorganized army and repairing damages. Crook left several 
 hundred prisoners and all his wounded, but succeeded, before 
 leaving the region of the battle, in destroying the important 
 bridge over New River. 
 
 It so happened that the Confederates had a larger force at 
 that time in the extreme Southwest than anywhere else on the 
 line of the Lynchburg and Tennessee Kailroad. The fact was 
 fortunate, for it enabled General W. E. Jones, then command- 
 ing there, to spare General Morgan's command for services 
 further east. Thus it happened that General Morgan, making 
 a forced march from Saltville, arrived at Wytheville with his 
 mounted men in time to save that town from Averill, and to 
 completely defeat that boasted cavalry officer, with a heavy 
 loss of killed, wounded, prisoners, and horses. This defeat was 
 very important, for it prevented Averill from joining Crook 
 before the battle at Dublin, and before that general had found 
 it necessary to fall back to Meadow Bluff. Averill arrived in 
 Dublin two days after Crook had gone. It was still further 
 fortunate that General Morgan, at the same time that he 
 marched from Saltville with his mounted men against Averill, 
 at Wytheville, was able to send his dismounted men by the 
 railroad to Dublin, which force arrived there just in time to 
 take part with McCausland in the fight which sent Crook back 
 to Meadow Bluff. 
 
 These occurrences took place in the early part of May, si- 
 multaneously with Grant's operations in Spottsylvania. Mor- 
 gan's light at Wytheville, McCausland's at Dublin, and Breck- 
 inridge's at Newmarket, all occurred about the same time with 
 each other, and simultaneously with the great battles of the 
 "Wilderness between Lee and Grant. 
 
 We lefc Grant defeated in the action of the 12th in front of 
 Spottsylvania Courthouse. On the lith he moved his lines 
 by his left fiank, taking position nearer the Richmond and 
 Fredericksburg railroad. On the 18th he attempted an assault 
 on Swell's line, which was easily repulsed. It was admitted 
 
26 THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAR. 
 
 bj the enemy that the object of this attack was to turn Lee's 
 left flank, and that their line got no further than the abattis, 
 when it was " ordered^'' back to its original position. 
 
 A new movement was now undertaken by Grant — to pass 
 his army from the line of tlie Po, down the valley of the Rap- 
 pahannock. It thus became necessary for General Lee to evac- 
 uate his strong position on the line of the Po ; and by an ad- 
 mirable movement he had taken a new position between the 
 North and South Anna, before Grant's army had arrived at the 
 former stream. Having cut loose from Fredericksburg as a 
 base and established depots on the lower Rappahannock, on 
 the 21st Grant's forces occupied Milford Station and Bowling 
 Green, and were moving on the well-known high roads to 
 Richmond. But they were again intercepted ; for Lee had 
 planted himself between Grant and Richmond, near Hanover 
 Junction. 
 
 On the 23d and on the 25th Grant made attempts on the 
 Confederate lines, which were repulsed, and left him to the 
 last alternative. Another flanking operation remained for 
 him, by which he swung his army from the North Anna 
 around and across the Pamunkey. On the 27th, Hanovertown 
 was reported to be occupied by the Yankee advance under 
 General Sheridan ; and on the 28th Grant's entire army was 
 across the Pamunkey. 
 
 In the mean time. General Lee also reformed his line of bat- 
 tle, north and south, directly in front of the Virginia Central 
 Railroad, and extending from Atlee's Station south to Shady 
 Grove, ten miles north of Richmond. In this position he cov- 
 ered both the Virginia Central and the Fredericksburg and 
 Richmond railroads, as well as all the roads leading to Rich- 
 mond, west of and including the Mechanicsville j^ike. 
 
 The favorite tactics of Grant appear to have been to develop 
 tlie left flank ; and by this characteristic manoeuvre he moved 
 down the Hanover Courthouse road, and on the first day of 
 June took a position near Cold Harbor. 
 
 Grant was now within a few miles of Richmond. The vul- 
 gar mind of the North readily seized upon the cheap circum- 
 stance of his proximity in miles to the Confederate capital, and 
 exclaimed its triumph. ■ The capture of Richmond was ac- 
 counted as an event of the next week. The Yankee periodi- 
 
THE LAST TEAK OF THE "WAR. 27 
 
 cals were adorned with all those illustrations which brutal 
 triumph could suggest ; — Grant drubbing Lee across his knee ; 
 the genius of Yankee Liberty holding aloft an impersonation of 
 the Southern Confederacy by the seat of the breeches, marked 
 " Richmond ;" Jefferson Davis playing his last card, ornamented 
 with a crown of death's heads, and with his legs well girt with 
 snakes ; and a hundred other caricatures alike characteristic of 
 the vulgar thought and fiendish temper of the Yankee. To 
 such foolish extremity did this premature celebration go, that 
 a meeting was called in New York to render the thanks of the 
 nation to Grant, and twenty-five thousand persons completed 
 the hasty apotheosis. 
 
 But for the candid and intelligent, the situation of Grant 
 was one of sinister import to him, implied much of disaster, 
 and was actually a consequence of his repeated disappointments. 
 The true theory of it was defeat, not victory. He did nothing 
 more than hold the same ground as that occupied by General 
 McClellan in his first peninsular campaign. This position, had 
 he come by another route, a day's sail from Washington, he 
 could have occupied without the loss of a single man. But he 
 had occupied it by a devious route ; with a loss variously esti- 
 mated at from sixty to ninety thousand men ; with the con- 
 sumption of most of his veteran troops, whom he had put in 
 front ; with the disconcert and failure of those parts of tlie 
 drama which Butler and Sigel were to enact ; and witli that 
 demoralization which must unavoidably obtain in an army put 
 to the test of repeated defeats and forced marches. 
 
 What was represented by the enemy as the retreat of Gen- 
 eral Lee's army to Richmond was simply its movement from 
 a position which its adversary had abandoned, to place itself 
 full before him across the new road on which he had deter- 
 mined to travel. In this sense, it was Grant who was pursued. 
 He had set out to accomplish Mr. Lincoln's plan of an overland 
 march upon Richmond. Mr. Lincoln's scheme, as detailed by 
 himself in his famous letter to General McClellan, was to 
 march by the way of the Manassas Railroad. The first move- 
 ment of General Grant was to give up that route, and fall back 
 upon the line by which Generals Burnside and Hooker at- 
 tempted to reach the Confederate capital — that is, the Freder- 
 icksburg and Richmond line. But, repulsed at Spottsylvania, 
 
28 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR, 
 
 this route proved untenable, and General Grant was forced 
 east and south, and adopted a new base at Port Royal and 
 Tappahannock, on the Rappahannock River, which conformed 
 in a measure to General McCIellan's first plan of a march upon 
 Richmond by way of Urbana. The next change Grant was 
 compelled to make was, after finding how strong the Confed- 
 erates were, as posted on the South Anna, to cross'the Pamun- 
 key and make his base at the White Plouse, bearing thereafter 
 still further east and south to the precise ground of McCIellan's 
 operations. 
 
 The significance of all these movements was, that Grant had 
 utterly failed in his design of defeating Lee's army far from 
 its base, and pushing the fragments before him down to Rich- 
 mond, and had been forced to cover up his failure by adopting 
 the derided scheme of McClellan. The event of the 12th of 
 May at Spottsylvania Courthouse had settled the question 
 whether he could beat Lee in the field and put him in a dis- 
 astrous retreat. Unable to remove the obstacle on the thresh- 
 old of his proposed campaign, nothing was left but to abandon 
 it. Grant makes his way down the valley of the Rappahan- 
 nock ; turns aside to Hanover Junction, to find a repetition of 
 Spottsylvania Courthouse ; deflects to the head-waters of the 
 York ; and at last, by a monstrous circuit, reaches a point 
 where he might have landed on the 1st of May, without loss 
 or opposition. We may appreciate the amount of gaseous non- 
 sense and truculent blackguardism of Yankee journals, when 
 we find them declaring that these movements were a foot-race 
 for Richmond, that Grant was across the last ditch, and that 
 the end of the rebellion was immediately at hand. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Grant essays the passage of the Chickahominy, — Battle of Cold Harbor. — A bril- 
 liant and extraordinary victory for tiie Confederates. — Grant's stock of expedients. 
 — He decides to move to tlie south side of the James. — Operations in Western 
 Virginia. — Shocking improvidence of tlie Richmond authorities. — Hunter cap- 
 tures Staunton. — Death of General Jones. — Grant's new combination. — Hunter's 
 part. — Sheridan's part. — The Battles of Petersburg. — Butler attempts to steal 
 a march upon "the Cockade City." — Engagements of the 16th, I7th, and 18th of 
 June. — Port Walthal Junction. — Defeat of Sheridan at Trevillian Station. — Defeat 
 of Hunter near Lyncliburg. — Morgan draws Burbridge into Kentucky. — Two af- 
 fairs on the Petersburg and Weldon Eailroad. — The Great Mine Explosion. — A 
 scene of infernal horror. — Yankee comments on Grant's failures. — Great de- 
 pression in tlie North. — Mr. Chase's declarations. — General Lee's sense of success. 
 — His singular behavior. — The Sinking of the Privateer Alabama. — A Yan- 
 kee trick of concealed armor. — The privateer service of the Confederates. — In- 
 teresting statistics. 
 
 We return to the events on the Richmond lines. The posi- 
 tion occupied by Grant, on Wednesday, June 1st, had been 
 obtained after some fighting, and, bj the enemy's own admis- 
 sion, had cost him two thousand men in killed and wounded. An 
 important and critical struggle was now to ensue. Grant had 
 secured a position, the importance of which was that it was the 
 point of convergence of all the roads radiating, wliether to 
 Richmond, his objective point, or to White House, his base 
 of supplies. He was now to essay the passage of the Chicka- 
 hominy, and we were to have another decisive battle of Cold 
 Harbor. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF COLD HAKBOK. 
 
 There is good evidence that Grant's intention was to make 
 it the decisive battle of the campaign. The movements of the 
 preceding days, culminating in the possession of Cold Harbor 
 — an important strategic point — had drawn the enemy's lines 
 close in front of the Chickahominy, and reduced the military 
 problem to the forcing of the passage of that river — a problem 
 which, if solved in Grant's favor, would decide whether Rich- 
 mond could be carried by a coup de main^ if a decisive victory 
 
30 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 should attend his arms, or, whether he should betake himself 
 to siege operations or some other recourse. 
 
 Early on the morning of Friday, June 3d, the assault was 
 made, Hancock commanding the left of the Yankee line of 
 battle, and leading the attack. The first Confederate line was 
 held by Breckinridge's troops, and was carried. The reverse 
 was but momentary, for the troops of Milligan's brigade, and 
 the Maryland battalion, soon dashed forward to retrieve- the 
 honors which the Yankees had snatched. 
 
 This engagement was on the right ; Breckinridge's division, 
 with Field's, constituting a part of Longstreet's corps. On the 
 left. General Early engaged the enemy. On every part of the 
 line the enemy was repulsed by the quick and decisive blows 
 of the Confederates. Hancock's corps, the only portion of the 
 Yankee army that had come in contact with the Confederate 
 works, had been hurled back in a storm of fire ; the Sixth 
 Corps had not been able to get up further than within two 
 ■hundred and fifty yards of the main works ; while Warren and 
 Burnside, on the enemy's right and right centre, were stag- 
 gered on the lines of' our rifle-pits. The decisive work of the 
 day was done in a few minutes. Never were there such signal 
 strokes of valor, such dispatch of victory. It was stated in the 
 accounts of the Confederates, that fourteen distinct assaults of 
 the enemy were repnlsed, and that his loss was from six to 
 seven thousand.* No wonder that the insolent assurance of 
 the capture of Richmond was displaced in the Yankee news- 
 papers by the ominous calculation, that Grant could not af- 
 ford many such experiments on the intrenched line of the 
 Chickahominy, and would have to make some other resort to 
 victory. 
 
 The battle of Cold Harbor was sufficient to dispel the delu- 
 sion of weakness and demoralization in Lee's army ; for this 
 derided army, almost in the time it takes to tell the story, had 
 
 * The lowest estimate of their own loss, in the Yankee newspapers, was five 
 thousand ; and the report of the adjutant-general at Washington stated 
 the loss in three days' operations on the Chickahominy at seven thousand 
 five hundred. Yet Grant dispatched to Washington : " Our loss was not se- 
 vere, nor do I suppose the enemy to have lost heavily. We captured over 
 throe hundred prisoners, mostly from Breckinridge." 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAE. 31 
 
 repulsed at every point the most determined assault of the 
 enemy, and, in a few brief moments of a single morning, had 
 achieved an unbroken circuit of victories. Grant and his 
 friends were alike dismayed. The latter insisted that he should 
 have half a million more of men to accomplish his work. 
 " "We should," said a Boston paper, " have a vigorous and 
 overwhelming war, or else peace without further effusion of 
 blood." A certain portion of the Yankee press maintained the 
 unbroken lie, and told the story of an uninterruj)ted series of 
 victories. 
 
 An object of most curious and constant interest in the war 
 was the rivalry of the different routes to Richmond. McClel- 
 lan had chosen the peninsular approach, while Mr. Lincoln 
 dissented in favor of an advance from the Lower Rappahan- 
 nock ; Burnside had chosen Fredericksburg as his base ; 
 Hooker had acted on the same choice. Meade had selected 
 the Rapidan, as Pope had done before him. Grant came to 
 Iiis command, unembarrassed and untrammelled by the prece- 
 dents and comments of others. He had hunted up the roads 
 to Richmond, through the Wilderness and Spottsylvania 
 Court-house, and avowed his unchangeable purpose to adhere 
 to that as his true line. He had now wandered around to 
 McClellan's old base. But the battle of July 3d decided that 
 Richmond could no longer be approached with advantage 
 from the north, and the disconcerted, shifting commander, 
 with his stock of expedients well-nigh exhausted, found noth- 
 ing now left for him but to transfer his entire army to the 
 south side of the James River.* 
 
 * A Ricliinond paper (the DispatcTi) made the following estimate of Grant's 
 enormous losses up to the time of crossing the James ; still leaving him, how- 
 ever, a tremendous force in hand, compared with Lee's numbers: "Grant had 
 had first his own original army, 150,000 ; second, 25,000 veteran reinforce- 
 ments ; third, 40,000 hundred days' men ; fourth, 20,000 from Butler — total, 
 225,000 men, under his own eye. Of these, he had lost 125,000 before he left 
 Cold Harbor. He crossed the river with 110,000 men, and there united his 
 operations with those of Butler, who had with him about 20,000 men, besides 
 those he had sent to Grant." 
 
33 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 OPERATIONS IN WESTERN VIRGINIA. 
 
 We have already referred to the failure in May of the opera- 
 tions in Western Yirginia. Tliey were to be enlarged by the 
 augmentation of the Yankee forces by several thousand troops, 
 drawn from the extreme ISTorth western States, and by the 
 appointment of General Hunter, an officer of higher rank, to 
 command — the same Hunter, by the by, who inaugurated 
 negro enlistments and miscegenation in the department of 
 Beaufort, South Carolina, as early as the first winter of the 
 war. 
 
 This second combination in "Western Yirginia was imposing 
 enough. Crook and Averill were refitting and preparing at 
 Meadow Blufi' for an advance on Staunton and Lynchburg; 
 Hunter was organizing at Winchester heavy reinforcements 
 for a second advance upon Lynchburg by way of Staunton ; 
 and Burbridge, in Kentucky, was getting ready to descend 
 upon extreme Southwestern Yirginia, so as to prevent any 
 advance from that direction upon the rear of the combined 
 armies about to move on Lynchburg. 
 
 It is almost incredible how inadequate the preparations of 
 the Confederates were to meet these formidable enterprises of 
 the enemy. Breckinridge, with the only army that could be 
 called such, which we had west of the Blue Eidge, was ordered 
 elsewhere, leaving nothing to confront some tvventj^-seveu 
 thousand troops but a few small brigades of inferior cavalry, 
 about two regiments of infantry, and a small brigade 
 (Yaughan's) of dismounted troops acting as infantry. To 
 supply the place of Breckinridge, McCausland's little force, 
 from Dublin, was sent to the front of Staunton, and General 
 William E. Jones was ordered to take all the troops he could 
 move from Southwestern Yirginia to the same position in the 
 lower valley. Accordingly, General Jones not only got to- 
 gether all the infantry west of the New Eiver, but dismounted 
 Yaughan's brigade of cavalry also, and took all to Staunton, 
 leaving nothing in the extreme southwest but a few disjointed 
 bodies of cavalry and Morgan's command to meet Burbridge, 
 coming in from Kentucky. 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 33 
 
 On the 5tli of June, Hunter had obtained a success at Pied- 
 mont, in Western Virginia, and had effected the capture of 
 Staunton ; the saddest circumstance of which affair was the 
 loss of General Jones, one of the most distinguished cavalry 
 commanders of the Confederacy.* 
 
 After occupying Staunton. Hunter had formed a junction 
 with the combined forces of Crook and Averill, and on the 
 13th of June was reported to be moving with his whole com- 
 mand against Lynchburg. On the 7th, Sheridan had crossed 
 the Pamuiikey, and was moving eastward in the direction of 
 the Gordonsville Railroad. The main movement of the new 
 combination — tiiat of Grant across the James — commenced 
 Sunday night the 12th of June. 
 
 The first plan of the enemy had comprehended the advance 
 of Sigel down the Slienandoah, and the capture of Petei'sburg, 
 if nothing more, by Butler, while General Grant engaged Lee's 
 army betv>^een the Rapidan and Richmond. That plan having 
 signally failed, the second comprised the capture of Lj-nchburg 
 by Hunter, of Gordonsville and Charlottesville by Sheridan, 
 and of Petersburg by Meade. It was thus hoped to isolate 
 the Confederate capital by cutting off its communications on 
 every side. 
 
 It was, perhaps, not Grant's design to cross the river until 
 he had made some attempt on the Central and ISTew Market 
 roads, leading into Richmond from the direction of Malvern 
 
 * A correspondent thus writes of tliis oflScer — whose eccentricities were 
 almost as well-known to Virginians as those of Stonewall Jackson: "General 
 Jones was a captain in the United States Army, ranking Stuart. A small, thin, 
 black-eyed and whiskered man, he dressed very plainly, bordering on shabbi- 
 ness ; never shaved, never in uniform, no insignia of office. He had a fine, 
 squeaking voice; was misanthropic, despising ^mrade and every man that 
 indulged in it ; never courting any man's favor ; never, perhaps, speaking to a 
 congressman or the President, since the war commenced ; fearing no man — 
 reverencing no man ; speaking freely, if not curtly, to and of everybody. He was 
 a widower. When stationed in Texas he lost his ^\-ife. an accomplished lady, by 
 shipwreck in Galveston Bay ; since which he has never married again, and 
 has seemed, if not to wish for death, at least to hold his life very cheaply. Ho 
 was cool in a fight, and the bravest of the brave. With hat in hand, he was 
 cheering liis men when he lell, pierced through his head by a minnie ball. 
 The enemy refused his body. Some citizens buried him in a neat coffin, and 
 marked the spot." 
 
 3 
 
34 THE LAST YKAK OF THR WAR. 
 
 Hill. On the 13th of June he caused a reconnoissance in force 
 to be made from the Long Bridge towards the Quaker road, 
 and in an affair, near the intersection of this road with the 
 Charles City road, was repulsed, and drew off his force, well 
 satisfied that the Confederates held, with heavy forces, all the 
 roads by which Richmond could be reached from the southeast. 
 The Eighteenth Yankee corps had proceeded by water to 
 Bermuda Hundred. The remaining corps had crossed the 
 Chickahominy at James Bridge and Long Bridge ; and after 
 the reconnoissance of the 13th, proceeded down the James, and 
 crossed it in the neighborhood of City Point. 
 
 THE BATTLES OF PETERSBUEG. 
 
 Petersburg had already sustained a considerable attack of 
 the enemy. An expedition from Butler's lines had essayed its 
 capture on the 9th of June. 
 
 Approaching with nine regiments of infantry and cavalry, 
 and at least four pieces of artillery, the enemy searched our 
 lines a distance of nearly six miles. Hood's and Battles' bat- 
 talions, the Forty-sixth Virginia, one company of the Twenty- 
 third South Carolina, with Sturdevant's battery, and a few 
 guns in position, and Talliaferro's cavalry, kept them at bay. 
 The Yankees were twice repulsed, but succeeded, at last, in 
 penetrating a gap in our line ; when reinforcements coming up 
 drove back the insolent foe from approaches which their foot- 
 steps for the first time polluted. 
 
 The fortunate issue of this first attack on Petersburg encour- 
 aged the raw troops and militia who had been put under arms 
 for the defence of " the Cockade City." General Wise ad- 
 dressed the troops of his command in a memorable and thrill- 
 ing order. " Petersburg," said he, " is to be, and shall be, de- 
 fended on her outer walls, on her inner lines, at her corporation 
 bounds, in every street, and around every temple of God and 
 altar of man." 
 
 Tiie resolution of the gallant city — with its defences rein- 
 forced by the fortunate Beauregard — was now to be put to a 
 much more severe test, for it was to encounter the shock of the 
 bulk of Grant's army. 
 
THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAR. 35 
 
 '' Smith's corps, having disembarked at Bermuda Hundred on 
 the 14th, moved rapidly upon Petersburg, and made an assault 
 on the batteries covering the approaches to the city on the 
 northeast. Having got possession of this line of works, held 
 principally by Confederate militia, Smith waited the coming 
 up of the Second Corps. 
 
 On the evening of the 16th an attack was ordered on the 
 Confederate line of works in front of Petersburg, Smith's corps 
 being on the right, on the Petersburg and City Point road, 
 west of the railroad, the Second Corps in the centre, and Burn- 
 side on the left, reaching the Prince George Courthouse road. 
 The assault was not only repulsed at every point, but our 
 troops, assuming the aggressive, drove the Yankees from their 
 breastworks at Howlett's House, captured some of their guns, 
 and opened upon them an enfilading fire, under which they fled 
 precipitately. 
 
 The most furious assault of the enemy had been made on 
 General Hoke's front, whose division occupied a position facing 
 batteries from Nine to Twelve inclusive. Three different 
 charges were repulsed by these heroic troops. In the final re- 
 pulse of the enemy, a large portion of a Yankee brigade, being 
 exposed to an enfilading artillery fire fVom our guns, sought 
 shelter in a ravine, and surrendered to the Sixty-fourth Georgia 
 regiment. 
 
 On Friday, June 17th, fighting was renewed without result. 
 The next day it was resolved by the enemy to make an assault 
 along the whole line for the purpose of carrying the town. It 
 was thus that the action of the 18th was designed to be decisive 
 of operations in the present position. 
 
 Three diff'erent assaults were made by the enemy during the 
 day — at four in the morning, at noon, and at four in the after- 
 noon. Each one was repulsed. Hancock and Burnside in the 
 centre suffered severely. 
 
 After severe losses on the part of all the Yankee corps, night 
 found the Confederates still in possession of their works cover- 
 ing Petersburg. 
 
 The disaster of this day left Grant without hope of making 
 any impression on the works in his front, and placed him under 
 the necessity of yet another change of operations. The series 
 of engagements before Petersburg had cost him at least teu 
 
36 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 thousand men in killed and wounded, and had culminated in 
 another decisive defeat. 
 
 The misfortune of the enemy appeared, indeed, to be over- 
 whelming. Pickett's division had given him another lesson at 
 Port Walthal Junction. It was here the heroes of Gettysburg 
 repulsed a force under Gillmore engaged in destroying the rail- 
 road, took two lines of his breastworks, and put him to disas- 
 trous flight. 
 
 Nor was there any compensation to be found in the auxiliary 
 parts of Grant's second grand combination. Sheridan had 
 failed to perform his part. lie was intercepted by Hampton's 
 cavalry at Trevillian Station on the Gordonsville road, defeated 
 in an engagement on the 10th, and compelled to withdraw his 
 command across the North Anna. Hunter had come to similar 
 grief, and his repulse at Lynchburg involved consequences of 
 the gravest disaster to the enemy. 
 
 On the 18th of June, Hunter made an attack upon Lynch- 
 burg from the south side, which was repulsed by troops that 
 had arrived from General Lee's lines. The next day, more re- 
 inforcements having come up, preparations were made to attack 
 the enemy, when he retreated in confusion. The Confederates 
 took thirteen of his guns, pursued him to Salem, and forced him 
 to a line of retreat into the mountains of Western Virginia. The 
 attempt of the Yankees to whitewash the infamous and cow- 
 ardly denouement was more than usually refreshing. Hunter 
 officially announced that his expedition had been " extremely 
 successful ;" that he had left Lynchburg because " his ammu- 
 nition was running short ;" and that as to the singular line he 
 had taken up, he was now " ready for a move in any di- 
 rection." 
 
 In the mean time General Morgan had done his part in 
 breaking up the enemy's combination in Western Yirginia. 
 General Jones being ordered from the extreme Southwest, to- 
 geiher with all the troops he could transport, to Staunton at 
 the very time that Southwest Yirginia was about to be in- 
 vaded by Burbridge, General Morgan held a brief and hasty 
 conference with him on the eve of his departure, in which it 
 was agreed by both generals that it would be in vain to meet 
 Burbridge in front, and that, as the enemy had much more to 
 lose in Kentucky than we had in Yirginia, the only chance of 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 37 
 
 saving the Southwest was by Morgan's dashing boldly into the 
 heart of Kentucky, and in that way drawing Burbridge away. 
 This plan was carried into effect, and completely succeeded. 
 Burbridge was lured back, his army scattered and crippled, 
 Southwest Virginia saved for the time, and the discomfited 
 general set to reorganizing his command, — a task which occu- 
 pied him until the necessities of General Sherman rendered all 
 available reinforcements from Kentucky needful at Chattanooga. 
 
 These latter movements all took place in the first part of 
 June, after the date of the battle of Cold Harbor. They were 
 designed by Grant as auxiliary to his own movement upon 
 Petersburg, and were a material part of the comprehensive 
 plan he had formed for completely isolating Richmond. When 
 these important movements west of the Blue Ridge, which had 
 theii' focus at Lynchburg, are considered in connection with 
 Sheridan's great raid in the same central direction, and with 
 the enterprises of "Wilson and Kautz against the Danville and 
 Weldon railroads, all of them auxiliary to Grant's attempt 
 upon Petersburg, we are obliged to accord to the enemy's plan 
 of campaign for June, the merit of unusual grasp and ability. 
 Thanks to the miracles of Providence wrought for us on the 
 west of the Blue Ridge, and to the valor of our soldiers and 
 skill of our generals, so eminently displayed on the east, these 
 formidable movements, to encircle and overwhelm the capital 
 of the Confederacy and the State of Virginia, had completely 
 failed. 
 
 And yet the measure of misfortune in Grant's distracted 
 campaign appeared to be not yet full. On the 22d of June he 
 made a movement on his left to get possession of the Weldon 
 Railroad, but found the Confederates had extended their right 
 to meet him. While the Second and the Sixth corps of Grant's 
 army were attempting to communicate in this movement, the 
 Confederates, under General Anderson, pierced the centre, 
 captured a battery of four guns, and took prisoners one entire 
 brigade. General Pearce's, and part of another. 
 
 Another attempt or raid on the railroad, by Wilson's and 
 Kautz's divisions of cavalry, terminated in disaster. In the 
 neighborhood of Spottswood River, twenty-five miles south 
 of Petersburg, on the 28th, the expedition was attacked, cut in 
 two, the greater part of its artillery abandoned, and its wagon- 
 
38 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 trains left in the hands of the Confederates, The enemy had 
 been encountered by Hampton's cavalry, and Finnegan's and 
 Mahone's infantry brigades ; and the results of the various 
 conflicts were enumerated as one thousand prisoners, thirteen 
 pieces of artillery, thirty wagons and ambulances, and many 
 small-arms. 
 
 THE GREAT MINE EXPLOSION. 
 
 But some weeks later another remarkable and desperate 
 attempt was to be made by Grant upon Petersburg, the arti- 
 fice and elaboration of which were among the greatest curiosi- 
 ties of his campaign. A citizen of Petersburg had, early in 
 July, printed what was supposed to be a crazy letter, stating 
 that he had certain information, at which General Lee would 
 probably laugh, and which he preferred to communicate to 
 the more credulous quarter of the newspapers, to the effect 
 that Grant designed to mine the city of Petersburg, blow it 
 into the air, and thus accomplish its destruction. 
 
 Although the scheme of the Yankees was not quite so ex- 
 tensive, it was elaborate and formidable enough. For six weeks 
 Grant had been preparing a mine on the slopes of Cemetery 
 Hill, with the view of opening the way to an assault on the 
 second line of works that crowned its crest. From day to day, 
 by the aid of the shovel and the pick, the Yankee lines 
 had been insidiously advanced by zigzags and covered ways, 
 until the outlying pickets of both armies scarcely averaged 
 500 yards' distance between them. Along portions of the line, 
 the interval between the rifle-pits was scarcely 150 yards. 
 The crest of Cemetery Hill frowning with guns was not more 
 than 800 yards distant from the advanced works of the 
 Yankees, and its gently sloping sides were welted with long 
 rows of earthworks, pitted with redoubts and redans, and 
 ridged with serried salients and curtains, and other skilful 
 defences. 
 
 To draw ofi" the attention of the Confederates from his real 
 business. Grant had ordered the Second corps to cross to the 
 north side of the James ; and at the same time an empty train 
 of four hundred wagons crossed the Appomattox in view of 
 the Confederate signal stations. 
 
THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAE, 39 
 
 It was appointed tliat the mine, which contained eight tons 
 of powder, shonld be exploded at three o'clock in the morning 
 of the 30th July, and that therenpon Burnside, who com- 
 manded the Yankee centre, should pierce the works in front of 
 him. Simultaneously with the advance of the infantry, every 
 piece of siege artillery posted along the line was ordered to 
 open upon the Confederates ; and all the field artillery which 
 could be got into position, after the opening of the battle, was 
 to advance, as opportunity offered, and bring their batteries 
 into play. It was naturally expected that the shock of tlie ex- 
 plosion, and of the suddenness of this awful fire, would have a 
 demoralizing effect, and so make the way of the infantry easier. 
 
 The mine was not exploded until half-past four o'clock in the 
 morning. The earth was rent along the entire course of the ex- 
 cavation, exhibiting a yawning chasm ; in some places it heaved 
 slowly and majestically to the surface; in others, where the 
 charge in the burrow was heaviest, immense masses of dull, 
 red earth were thrown high in air, and human forms, and gun- 
 carriages, and small-arms, might be seen shooting up in this 
 fountain of horror. 
 
 But the explosion had only demolished a six-gun battery. 
 It was followed immediately by such a thunder of artillery as 
 had seldom been heard before. Ninety-five pieces niched in 
 every hill-side, commanding the position of the Confederates, 
 belched out their sheets of flame and milk-white smoke, while 
 screeching and howling shell sped forward in their work of 
 destruction. But the Confederates were not disma^^ed. In a 
 few moments their own pieces were replying, and banks of 
 angr}^ smoke partially veiled the field from both sides. 
 
 In the midst of the shock of artillery, through the dense 
 clouds of flying dust, the assaulting column of the Yankees 
 passed througli the crater, fifty feet in length, and half as many 
 wide, in what was supposed to be the easy attempt of carrying 
 the second line of Confederate works. But there were men 
 there ready to receive them who had never flinched from 
 death, and who were not to be alarmed by loi^id and furious 
 noises. Some colored troops, under General White's com- 
 mand, were pushed forward, but the poor creatures, unwilling 
 to be thus sacrificed, were soon panic-stricken and past con- 
 trol. They crushed into the ranks of the white troops and 
 
40 THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAR. 
 
 broke tlirougli to the rear. The demoralization was rapid. 
 The whole mass of Yankees, broken and shattered, swept back 
 like a torrent into the crater, which was soon choked with the 
 flying and the dead. An order was given to retreat to tlie old 
 lines, but to do this an open space had to be traversed, and 
 this again was closely dotted with Yankee dead. 
 
 The action was very brief, very terrible, very decisive. 
 Kothing in the war exceeded it in point of severity, and prob- 
 ably no conflict had ever been attended with all the appoint- 
 ments of war displayed in such graphic prominence. The 
 explosion of the mine, the tremendous peals of artillery and 
 musketry, the efibrt of the attacking column, the cai-nage, 
 and finally the retreat of the Yankees to their old lines, all 
 composed a scene of terrible and thrilling interest. 
 
 The Yankee loss was quite five thousand ; that of the 
 Confederates was trivial in comparison. It M'as thus stated in 
 detail: Mahone's division, four hundred and fifty ; Elliot's South 
 Carolina brigade, which was in the blown up fort, tliree hun- 
 dred ; Ransom, Clingraan, and Wise, whose commands were 
 under musketry and artillery firing for sometime, three linndred. 
 
 The ghastly failure of this last of Grant's attempts upon 
 Petersburg appeared to be almost sufficient to persuade the 
 Yankee public that his whole campaign had been a failure. 
 Some intelligent Yankee newspapers made peculiar comments 
 upon it. The Intelligencer, published in Washington, said : 
 "After a loss of more than five thousand men, the army has 
 made no advance towards the capture of that city, which is 
 itself only an outpost of the city of Richmond. The delay in 
 springing the mine, the want of concert and promptitude in 
 following up the explosion with a dash by our assaulting 
 column, and the inaptitude which ordered that this assaulting 
 column should be selected from the least trustworthy and 
 homogeneous corps in the army, are a suflBcient explanation 
 perhaps of this calamity." The New York Times wa*s yet 
 more querulous and explicit. It said : " Under the most favor- 
 able circumstances, with the rebel force reduced by two great 
 detachments, we failed to carry their lines. Will they not 
 conclude that the twenty-five thousand men that held Grant 
 in check are sufficient to garrison the works of Petersburg ? 
 Will they not conclude that, if they were able thus to 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 41 
 
 hold tlieir own with the force of from eighteen to twenty tliou- 
 sand men sent to the north side of the James Eiver neutral- 
 ized, this force is available for active operations elsewhere ?" 
 
 It was evident that the spirit of the North had commenced 
 to stagger under this accumulation of disaster. Gold had al- 
 ready nearly touched three hundred. TJie uneasy whispers in 
 Washington of another draft gave new suggestions to popular 
 discontent. The Confederate Congress had adjourned, after the 
 publication of an address referring to recent military events 
 and the confirmed resolution of the South, and deprecating the 
 enemy's continuance of the war. These declarations were 
 eagerly seized upon by Northern journals, who insisted that 
 no time should be lost in determining whether they might not 
 possibly signify a willingness on the part of the South to make 
 peace on the basis of new constitutional guaranties. The 
 finances at Washington were becoming desperate. Mr. Chase, 
 the Secretary of the Treasury, had peremptorily resigned. His 
 last words of oflflcial counsel were, that notliing could save the 
 finances but a series of military successes of undoubted mag- 
 nitude. 
 
 The brilliant and so far successful campaign of General Lee 
 in Yirginia added, if that were possible, to the popular confi- 
 dence and devotion which were concentrated upon him more 
 than any other man of the South. He had indulged in no 
 terms of exultation. He had written the history of his great 
 summer campaign of 1864, in brief telegrams in which there 
 was never a stray word, and the fullest expressions of which 
 were ascriptions of success to the providence of God. Now in 
 the highest moments of Confederate confidence and expectation, 
 when indeed the people of the South had reason to suppose 
 that they stood on the threshold of peace, and were about to 
 crown their hopes with triumph, General Lee was still the 
 modest and reserved commander, never raising his voice in a 
 note of triumph, or spending a comment upon the situation of 
 aflPairs. • 
 
 A newspaper printed in Yirginia complained that " General 
 Lee never speaks," and with playful but sagacious comment 
 continued : " What does he think about ? None of us can read 
 the thoughts of that impenetrable bosom. It is appropriate 
 that the hero of this story should not be garrulous; the sadness 
 
42 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 of the time renders it fitting tliat the helmsman should guide 
 the shi}) with few words spoken. Perhaps it is by his very- 
 reserve that General Lee has contributed, as much as by any 
 other quality, to make the impression he has made on his fel- 
 low-citizens. He came before them at the beginning of the 
 war by no means the American ideal of a great man. That 
 personage was expected to appear with a hullabaloo ; he was 
 to descend in a shower of fireworks, and environed by a myriad 
 of bursting lights and crackling explosions. For a quiet, un- 
 demonstrative gentleman to step upon the scenes was not at all 
 to their liking ; and therefore, in the beginning, General Lee 
 w'as not popular." 
 
 " Here comes a man bred in the army. He had been reared 
 a gentleman. He despised humbug. He loved order, and 
 every thing and everybody in his place. He told the ladies 
 at Culpepper Courthouse, in 1861, who came out to greet 
 him, to ' go home.' In Richmond they said he had no man- 
 ners ; he attended to his business, and spoke little. They sent 
 him to "Western Virginia — a small theatre, Vvhen Beauregard 
 was at Manassas and Johnston was at Winchester ; he went, 
 and made no comment. The campaign failed — they called 
 him Turveydrop — he did not attempt to excuse himself. Soon 
 we find him in a blaze of glory, the hero of the battles around 
 Richmond. He is still silent. He marches to Manassas, and 
 achieves another great victory. Not a word escapes him. He 
 takes Winchester, is foiled at Sharpsburg for the want of men — 
 defeats Burnside at Fredericksburg — Hooker at Chancellors- 
 ville — but he breaks not his silence. He has the terrible trial 
 of Gettysburg — he only remarked, ' It was my fault' — and then 
 in the present year he has conducted this greatest of all his 
 campaigns — undoubtedly one of the finest in the war. Silent 
 still. When will he speak ? Has he nothing to say ? What 
 does he think of our affairs ? Should he speak, how the country 
 would hang upon every word that fell from him !" 
 
 THE SINKING- OF THE PRIVATEER ALABAMA. 
 
 We must note here, as belonging to the period of Confederate 
 successes we have narrated, an event of the war which con- 
 siderably qualified the general exultation of the South. 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 43 
 
 While the general situation on land, especially in "Virginia, 
 was so advantageous for the Confederacy, and the grand events 
 of the campaign of 1864 had so far been decided in its favor, 
 there occurred an incident of disaster, which, though distant 
 in point of space, and of but little real importance in the de- 
 cision of the genei'al furtune of the war, was yet the subject of 
 keen and peculiar regret to the Confederates. 
 
 This incident was the loss of the famous privateer Alabama. 
 She had eluded the Yankee naval vessels at the Cape of Good 
 Hope and Straits of Sunda, and returning westward had pro- 
 ceeded to the French port of Cherbourg. Here Captain Semmes 
 of the Alabama was strongly persuaded — probably by those 
 who valued the eclat abroad of the Southern arms more than 
 the substantial interests of the Confederacy, so unequally 
 matched in the war, especially in point of naval power — to 
 risk his vessel in a gratuitous fight with a Yankee steamer 
 lying off the harbor — the Kearsarge. The only object of such 
 a naval duel could be the desire of a certain glory on the part 
 of Captain Semmes, for which he took the unwarrantable risk 
 of sacrificing the only really formidable naval structure of the 
 Confederates. It should have occurred to him that, even in 
 the event of success, he would inflict no appreciable injury 
 upon the enemy's naval power, and would secure nothing more 
 than some of that idle glory w^liich was already cheap with his 
 countrymen. 
 
 The ships were about equal in match, the tonnage being 
 about the same — the Alabama carrying one 7-inch Blakely 
 rifled gun,' one 8-ineh smooth-bore pivot gun, and six 32- 
 pounders, smooth-bore, in broadside ; the Kearsarge carrying 
 four broadside 32-pounders, two 11-inch and one 28-pound 
 rifle. On the morning of the 19th of June, the Alabama steamed 
 out of the harbor of Cherbourg, for the purpose of engaging 
 the Kearsarge, which had been lying off-and-on the port for 
 several days previously. She came up with the latter at a dis- 
 tance of about seven miles from the shore. The vessels were 
 about one mile from each other, when the Alabama opened 
 with solid shot upon the enemy, to which he replied in a few 
 minutes. 
 
 To prevent passing each other too speedily, and to maintain 
 their respective broadsides bearing, it became necessary to fight 
 
44: THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 in a circle, the two ships steaming around a common centre, 
 and preserving a distance from each other of from a quarter to 
 half a mile. The enemy's shot and shell began to tell upon 
 the hull of the Alabama. Captain Semmes remarked that his 
 shell, though apparently exploding against tlie sides of the 
 Kearsarge, were doing her but little damage, and returned to 
 solid shot firing, afterwards alternating with shot and shell. 
 
 In little more than an hour, the Alabama was ascertained 
 to be in a sinking condition, the enemy's shell having exploded 
 in her sides and between decks, opening large apertures, 
 through which the water rushed with great rapidity. For 
 some few minutes Captain Semmes had hopes of being able to 
 reach the French coast, for which purpose he gave the ship all 
 steam, and set- such of the fore and aft sails as were available. 
 The ship filled so rapidly, however, that before she had made 
 much progress the fires were extinguished in the furnaces, and 
 she was evidently on the point of sinking. 
 
 Captain Semmes hauled down his colors, when the Kearsarge 
 was within four hundred yards of him. Yet the enemy fired 
 upon the Alabama five times after her colors had been struck. 
 "It is charitable to suppose," says Captain Semmes, " that a 
 ship of war of a Christian nation could not have done this in- 
 tentionally." 
 
 As the Alabama was on the point of settling, every man, in 
 obedience to a previ'ous order which had been given the crew, 
 jumped overboard and endeavored to save himself. There 
 was no appearance of any boat coming from the enemy after 
 the Alabama went down. Fortunately, however, the steam- 
 yacht Deerhound, owned by a gentleman of Lancashire, Eng- 
 land, Mr. John Lancaster, who was himself on board, steamed 
 up in the midst of the drowning men, and rescued a number 
 of both officers and men from the water, among them Captain 
 Semmes himself. 
 
 The loss of the Alabama in killed and wounded was thirty. 
 There was no life lost on the Kearsarge ; and although she had 
 received thirteen or fourteen shots in and about the hull, and 
 sixteen or seventeen about the masts and rigging, she was not 
 materially damaged. In his official report of the fight. Captain 
 Semmes said : " At the end of the engagement, it was discovered 
 by those of our officers who went alongside the enemy's ship with 
 
THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAR. 45 
 
 the wounded, that her midship section, on both sides, was thor- 
 oughly iron-coated; this having been done with chain con- 
 structed for the purpose, placed perpendicularly from the rail 
 to the water's edge, the wliole covered over by a thin outer 
 planking, which gave no indication of the armor beneath. 
 This planking had been ripped oif in every direction by our 
 shot and shell, the chain broken and indented in many places, 
 and forced partly into the ship's side. She was most effectually 
 guarded, however, in this section from penetration." 
 
 The loss of the Alabama was a most severe blow to the pri- 
 vateer service of the South. That service had already caused 
 nearly a thousand Yankee vessels to be sold to foreign shipping 
 merchants ; and it was officially reported at "Washington that 
 478,665 tons of American shipping were flying other flags. Such 
 had been the terror inspired by Confederate privateers, of 
 which the Alabama had been, by far, the most formidable. 
 She alone had accomplished a work of destruction estimated 
 at from eight to ten millions of dollars. It was reported that 
 the news of her loss was received on the exchanges of New York 
 and Boston with a joy far livelier than would have been con- 
 ceived by these commercial patriots, if they had heard of a 
 great victory over Lee's army in Virginia. 
 
CHAPTER m. 
 
 Sherman's campaign in Georgia. — How parallel with that in Virginia. — The tasks 
 of Grant and Sherman compared. — Numerical inferiority of General Johnston's 
 forces. — His proposition to the Eichmond authorities. — Pragmatism of President 
 Davis and his secretary. — Engagement in Resaca Valley. — General Johnston's 
 designs. — Why he retreated. — His disappointment of a battle at Cassville. — En- 
 gagement AT New Hope Church. — True theory of the retrograde movement of 
 Johnston. —Battle of Kenesaw Mountain. — Sherman's confession.— Sherman 
 master of the Chattahoochee. — Johnston falls back to Atlanta. ^The ve.xed ques- 
 tion of Jolmston's retreat. — What it surrendered. — What it secured. — Its strategic 
 advantages. — Tlie enemy's movements in Virginia and Georgia botli in check. — 
 Disappointment of the enemy. — Statistics of Yankee recruiting. — Another Con- 
 federate success. — Defeat of Sturgis. — " Tlie Avengers of Fort Pillow." — Barbar- 
 ities of the enemy's summer campaign. — Augjnentation of Yankee ferocity. — Its 
 effect on the Confederates. — Offensive operation of the Confederates, — Tliree 
 projects of invasion. — Early's Invasion of Maryland, &c. — Sigel's retreat. — 
 Battle OF Monocacy Bridge. — Early loses the great opportunity of 1864. — Results 
 of liis expedition. — Engagement at Kernstown.— Morgan's Invasion of Ken- 
 tucky. — His failure. — Price's Invasion of Missouri. — Pilot Knob. — General Ew- 
 ing's retreat. — Price retires. 
 
 Parallel and concurrent with Grant's summer campaign 
 in Virginia, was the more difficult but less deadly campaign 
 of Sherman in Georgia. Grant's point d'^ajppui was on the 
 Rapidan, while Sherman's was at Chattanooga, in Tennessee. 
 The Alleghany Mountains separated these grand movements ; 
 a thousand miles of distance intervened between them ; com- 
 munication between them was rare, and, to a certant extent, 
 impossible. There is no doubt that Sherman had the more 
 difficult task to accomplish. He had but a single line of rail- 
 w^ay to reach his objective point, Atlanta, and this traversed a 
 wild and mountainous country. Grant could change his base 
 at pleasure, or as circumstances required it; he had water 
 communication with the North, and transports within hailing 
 distance ; he could run no danger from lack of subsistence or 
 munitions of war. Again, Sherman, passing through a broken 
 and intricate countiy, had .to guard his flanks and rear, at 
 every step, from cavalry. Grant had only to put an army of 
 occupation in the Shenandoah Valley to close the single defile 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR, 47 
 
 between the great mountain ridges of Virginia, and thus 
 securely protect his rear from even the possibility of danger. 
 
 It appears from the official report of General Sherman's oper- 
 ations, that he had estimated the force required to reach and 
 capture Atlanta, at one hundred thousand men and two hundred 
 and fifty pieces of artillery : he started with ninety-eight thou- 
 sand seven hundred and ninety-seven men and two hundred and 
 fifty-four guns. This force was divided as follows : — Army of 
 the Cumberland, Major-General Thomas, sixty thousand seven 
 hundred and seventy-three men, one hundred and thirty guns; 
 Army of the Tennessee, Major-General McPherson, twenty- 
 four thousand four hundred and sixty-five men, ninety-six 
 guns ; Army of the Ohio, Major-General Schofield, thirteen 
 thousand five hundred and fifty-nine men, twenty-eight guns. 
 Sherman's intention was to make these proportions fifty thou- 
 sand, thirty-five thousand, and fifteen thousand, but that 
 wretched j^a^cc known as the Red River Expedition kept back 
 some of McPherson's troops, and, besides ruining itself, did as 
 much as possible towards impeding Sherman. It 'will be seen 
 he was furnished within twelve hundred of the number of men 
 he asked for. 
 
 Here again we have the repetition of the story of fearful 
 odds against the Confederates. General Joseph E. Johnston, 
 who had taken command of the Army of Tennessee, had held 
 the Confederate lines in North Georgia, during the winter, 
 with thirty odd thousand men. On the 1st of December, 1S64, 
 he enumerated the effective total of the infantry and artillery 
 of the army, including two brigades belonging to the depart- 
 ment of Mississippi, as 36,826. The effective total of the 
 cavalry, including Roddy's command at Tuscumbia, was 
 5,613. 
 
 In the last weeks of February, 1865, General Johnston had 
 proposed to the government at Richmond an offensive move- 
 ment against the enemy, on the just ground that he was in- 
 creasing the disproportion of numbers, and would take the 
 Confederates at greater disadvantage than if they were to 
 essay at once a forward movement and try issues with him. 
 The proposition lingered in the War Department from Feb- 
 ruary to May. General Bragg and President Davis had their 
 own plan of offensive operations. General Johnston in vain 
 
48 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 telegraphed to Richmond : " I expressly accept taking the 
 offensive ; I only differ with you as to details." But " the 
 details" dictated at Richmond were insisted upon ; and when 
 eventually, in the latter part of April, President Davis sent an 
 officer to Georgia to explain his wishes to Johnston, the enemy 
 had already prepared to make his long-meditated and formi- 
 dable movement. 
 
 On the 1st of May, General Johnston reported the enemy 
 ready to advance. The effective artillery and infantry of the 
 Army of Tennessee amounted then to 40,900 ; the effective 
 cavalry to about four thousand. "With this force Johnston 
 had to fight more than twice his numbers, and had no other 
 prospect of compensation but in superior skill and strategy. 
 
 Sherman moved on Dalton in three columns ; Thomas in 
 front, Schofield from Cleveland on the northeast, while Mc- 
 Pherson threw- himself on the line of communication southwest 
 at Resaca, fifteen miles south of Dalton. On the 7th of May 
 Thomas occupied Tunnel Hill, ten miles northwest of Dalton, 
 and took up a strong position at Buzzard's Roost. By the 
 flank movement on Resaca, Johnston was forced to evacuate 
 Dalton. 
 
 On the 14th the first important engagement of the campaign 
 took place in Resaca valley. Two efforts were made to carry 
 the breastworks of the Confederates, without success, when 
 Johnston, in the afternoon, assumed the offensive, and drove 
 the enemy some distance, with a loss which his own bulletins 
 stated to be two thousand. 
 
 On the 15th there was desultory fighting, and on the 16th 
 General Johnston took up, at leisure, his line of retrograde 
 movement in the direction of the Etowah River, passing 
 through Kingston and Cassville. 
 
 It was clear, in General Johnston's mind, that the great nu- 
 merical superiority of the Yankee army made it expedient to 
 risk battle only when position, or some blunder of the enemy, 
 might give him counter-balancing advantages. He therefore 
 determined to fall back slowly, until circumstances should put 
 the chances of battle in his favor, keeping so near the Yankee 
 army as to prevent its sending reinforcements to Grant, and 
 hoping, by taking advantage of positions and opportunities, to 
 reduce the odds against him by partial engagements. He also 
 
TKE LAST YE.VR OF THE WAK. 49 
 
 expected it to be nuiterially reduced, before the end of June, by 
 llie expiration of the terms of service of many of the regin>ents 
 wliich had not re-enlisted. In this way he fell back to Cassville 
 in two marches. 
 
 Expecting to be attacked, Johnston had drawn np his, troops 
 in an excellent position on a bold ridge immetliately in rear 
 of Cassville, with an open valley before it. But there appears 
 to have been some doubts among his ofHcers as to the value of 
 the position. Lieutenant-Generals Polk and Ilood together 
 expressed the opinion, very decidedly, that the Yankee artillery 
 would drive them, the next day, from tlieir positions, and urged 
 General Johnston to abandon the ground immediately, and 
 cross the Etowah. Lieutenant-General Hardee was confident 
 that he could hold his position. Of this dilemma, General 
 Johnston writes in his official report : " The other two officers, 
 however, were so earnest and unwilling to depend on the ability 
 of their corps to defend the ground, that I yielded, and the 
 army crossed the Etowah on the 20th of May, a step lohich I 
 have regretted ever since ^' 
 
 ENGAGEMENT AT NEW ITOPE CHURCH. \ 
 
 On the 25th the enemy was found to be intrenched near and 
 east of Dallas. Hood's corps was placed with its centre near 
 Kew Hope Church, and Polk's and Hardee's ordered between 
 it and the Atlanta road, which Hardee's left was to cover. 
 An hour before sunset Stewart's division, at New Hope Church, 
 was fiercely attacked by Hooker's corps, which it repulsed 
 after a hot engagement of two hours. Skirmishing was kept 
 up on the 26th and 27t]i. At half past five, p. m., on the 27th, 
 Howard's corps assailed Cleburne's division, and was driven 
 back, about dark, with great slaughter. In these two actions 
 the Confederates were not intrenched. Their loss in each was 
 about four hundred and fifty in killed and wounded. On the 
 27tli the enemy's dead, except those borne off, were counted 
 six hundred, and a reasonable estimate of their entire loss may, 
 therefore, be stated as certainly not less than three thousand. 
 
 So far, the retrograde movement of Johnston was, in some 
 respects, a success. It had been attended with at least two 
 
 4 
 
50 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 considerable victories — Resaca and New Hope ; it liad been 
 executed deliberately, being scarfcely ever under the immediate 
 pressure of "the enemy's advance ; and it had now nearly ap- 
 proached the decisive line of the Chattahoochee, or whatever 
 other line he, who was supposed to be the great strategist of 
 the Confederacy, should select for the cover of Atlanta. The 
 events of the campaign, so far, were recounted witli character- 
 istic modesty by General Johnston. On the 1st of June he 
 telegraplied to Richmond of his army : "In partial engage- 
 ments it has had great advantages, and the sum of all the com- 
 bats amounts to a battle." 
 
 The two armies continued to manoeuvre for position. Skir- 
 mishing was kept up until the 4th of June, the enemy gradu- 
 ally extending his intrenched line towards the railroad and 
 Acku'ortli. On the morning of the 5th the army was formed 
 witli its left at Lost Mountain, its centre near Gilgath Church, 
 and its right near the railroad. On the 7th, the right, covered 
 by Noonday Creek, was extended across the Ackworth and 
 Marietta i-oad. The enemy approached under cover of succes- 
 sive lines of iiitrenchments. On the 19th a new line was taken 
 by Johnston ; Hood's cm-ps with its right on the Marietta and 
 Canton road, Loring's on the Kenesaw Mountain, and Hardee's 
 with its left extending across the Lost Mountain and Marietta 
 road. The enemy approached, as usual, under cover of in- 
 trench meiit. In this position there was incessant lighting and 
 skirmishing until July 3d, the enemy gradually extending his 
 intrenched rio:ht towards Atlanta. 
 
 BATTLE OF KENESAW MOUNTAIN. 
 
 On the 27th of June, General Sherman directed an attack on 
 Johnston's position at Kenesaw Mountain. This mountain 
 was the apex of Johnston's lines. Both armies were in strong 
 works, the opposite salients being so near, in some places, that 
 skirmishers could not be thrown out. The assault of the en- 
 emy was made in three columns, about eight o'clock in the 
 morning. It was repulsed on every part of the Confederate 
 line. The assaults were most vigorous on Cheatliam's and 
 Cleburne's divisions of Hardee's corps, and French's and 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAK. 51 
 
 Featherstone's of Lorlng's. Lieiitenant-General Hardee re- 
 ])orted that Cheatham's division lost in killed, wounded, and 
 missing, one hundred and ninety-five. The enemy opposed to 
 it, by the statement of staff-officers subsequently captured, lost 
 two thousand. The loss of Cleburne's division was eleven, 
 that of the enemy in his front, one thousand ; and Major-Gen- 
 eral Loring reported two hundred and thirty-six of his corps 
 killed, wounded, and missing. The loss of the enemy, by their 
 own estimates, was between twenty-five hundred and three 
 thousand. Of this affair General Sherman wrote, with rare 
 candor, or with ])ecn]iar recklessness, that it was a failure ; 
 but that it demonstrated to General Johnston the enemy's 
 courage — that it " would assault, and that boldly." 
 
 Sherman, on the failure of the .Kenesaw assault, again re- 
 sorted to manoeuvring. McPherson's whole army was thrown 
 rapidly to the Chattahoochee. On the 22d of July, Johnston 
 finding the enemy's right nearer to Atlanta, by several miles, 
 than our left, the army fell back, during the night, to Smyrna 
 Church. On the 4th, Major-General Smith reported that lie 
 should be compelled to withdraw, on the morning of the 5th, 
 to the line of intrenchments covering the raih-oad bridge and. 
 Turner's Ferry. The army was, therefore, ordered to retire at 
 the same time to that line, to secure our bridges. Tlie cavalry 
 crossed the Chattahoochee — Wheeler observing it for some 
 twenty miles above, and Jackson as far below. 
 
 Sherman was left master of the Chattahoochee, and Atlanta 
 lay hut eight miles distant. Peach-tree Creek, and the river 
 below its mouth, was now taken by Johnston for his line of 
 defence. A position on the high ground south of the creek 
 was selected for the army, from which to attack the enemy 
 while crossing. The engineer officers, with a large force of 
 ncgrnes, were set to work to strengthen the fortifications of 
 xVtlaiita ; and the two armies confronted each other in what 
 was unmistakably the crisis of the Georgia campaign. 
 
 We can easily state the just and historical merits of that 
 (jucstion so much discussed in Confederate prints — the retreat 
 of .lolinston to Atlanta. Something may always be said on 
 l.'oth sides of a question which has divided the public mind, 
 and iieen a topic of a certain censure as well as of approbation. 
 
 It i.-i ti'ue that, in some respects, Johnston's retreat to At- 
 
52 THE LAST YKAR OF TIIK WAR. 
 
 lanta was a sore disappointment to tlie Confederate public ; 
 for it had given np to the Yankees half of Georgia, abandoned 
 one of the finest -udieat districts of the Confederacy, almost 
 ripe for harvest; and at Rome and on the Etowah River, had 
 surrendered to the enemy iron-rolling mills, and government 
 works of great value. 
 
 In other respects, however, the retreat had been a in aster- 
 piece of strategy, and a solid as well as a splendid success. 
 The loss of our infantry and artillery, from the 5th of May, had 
 been about ten thousand in killed and wounded, and four 
 thousand seven hundred from all other causes. According to 
 the opinions of our most experienced officers, daily reports of 
 prisoners, and statements of Korthern papers, the enemy's loss 
 in action could not have been less than five times as great 
 as ours. 
 
 The strategic advantages which Johnston had secured in his 
 retreat were indisputable. " At Dalton," writes Johnston, 
 "the great numerical superiority of the enemy made the 
 chances of battle much against ns ; and, even if beaten, they 
 had a safe refuge behind the fortified pass of Ringgold and in the 
 fortress of Chattanooga. Our refuge, in case of defeat, was in 
 Atlanta, one hundred miles off, with three rivers intervening. 
 Therefore, victory for us could have been decisive, while 
 defeat would have been utterly disastrous. Between Dalton 
 and the Chattahoochee we could have given battle only by 
 attacking the enemy intrenched, or so near intrenchments that 
 the only result of success to us would have l>een his falling 
 back into them ; while defeat would have been our ruin. In 
 the course pursued, our troops, always fighting under cover, 
 had very trifling losses, compared with those they inflicted ; 
 so that the enemy's numerical superiority Avas reduced daily 
 and rapidly, and we could reasonably have expected to cope 
 with the Federal army on equal ground by the time the Chat- 
 tahoochee was passed. Defeat on this side of the river would 
 have been its destruction. We, if beaten, had a place of 
 refuge in Atlanta, too strong to be assaulted, and too extensive 
 to be invested," 
 
 It was clear, in the month of July, that a pause had been 
 
 given to the parallel operations of the enemy in Yirginia and 
 
 •Georgia ; aimed, the one at Richmond, whicli the Yankees 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 53 
 
 entitled the heart and brains of the Confederacy ; and the 
 other at AtLanta, the centre of important manufacturing en- 
 terprises, and the door to the great granary of the Gulf States. 
 Both movements were for the time unmistakably in check ; 
 and the interlude of indecision afforded a curious commentary 
 on the boastful confidence that had recorded the fall of Rich- 
 mond and the capture of Atlanta as the expectations of each 
 twenty-four hours. 
 
 There was reason, indeed, for the North to be depressed. 
 The disa2>pointment of the Yankees was with particular ref- 
 erence to the campaign of Grant in Virginia. The advance 
 from the Rapidan, which we have followed to its recoil before 
 Petersburg, had been made under conditions of success which 
 had attended no other movement of the enemy. It was made 
 after eight months' deliberate preparation. In the Congress 
 at Washington it was stated that, in these eight months, the 
 Govcii'nment had actually raised seven hundred thousand men, 
 an extent of preparation which indicated an intention to 
 overwhelm and crush the Confederacy by a resistless combined 
 attack. ISTor was this all. One hundred thousand three 
 months' men were accepted from Ohio and other States, for 
 defensive service, in order that General Grant might avail 
 himself of the whole force of trained soldiers. The result of 
 the campaign, so far, did not justify the expectations on 
 which it had been planned. The Yankee Government which, 
 since the commencement of the war, had called for a grand 
 total of twenty-three hundred thousand men, and had actually 
 raised eighteen hundred thousand men, of an average term of 
 service of three years, to crush the Confederacy, saw, in the 
 fourth year of the war, the Confederacy erect and defiant, and 
 Richmond shielded by an army which had so far set at naught 
 the largest preparations and most tremendous exertions of 
 the North. 
 
 There had been successes, too, in other parts of the Con- 
 federacy than Virginia and Georgia. While the movements 
 we have just been relating were taking place in Georgia, an 
 important event had taken place in the Southwest — the defeat 
 of the Yankee expedition under Sturgis on its way from 
 Memphis to operate in Sherman's rear. In this action, at 
 Guntown (13th June), Sturgis lost most of his infantry and all 
 
54 TEE LAST YEAR OF THIC WAR. 
 
 of his artillery and trains, and the Confederates, under Forrest, 
 achieved a victory that had an important influence on the 
 campaign in Georgia. Forrest took two thousand prisoners, 
 and killed and wounded an equal number. 
 
 This expedition, so severely punished, was one of peculiar 
 atrocity. Its crimes were enough to sicken the ear. It 
 flourished the title of the "Avengers of Fort Pillow." " Be- 
 fore the battle," says a correspondent, " fugitives from the 
 counties through which Sturgis and his troops were advan- 
 cing came into camp, detailing incidents which made men 
 shudder, who are accustomed to scenes of violence and blood- 
 shed. I cannot relate the stories of these poor frightened 
 people. Rude unlettered men, who had fought at Shiloh, and 
 in many subsequent battles, wept like children when they 
 heard of the enormities to which their mothers, sisters, and 
 wives had been subjected by the negro mercenaries of Sturgis." 
 
 Indeed, we may state here, that the enemy's summer.cam- 
 paign in Yirginia and in the West was, more than any other, 
 marked by the barbarities of the enemy. These barbarities 
 had, by regular augmentation, become more atrocious as the 
 war had progressed. In this year, they exceeded all that was 
 already known of the brutality of our enraged enemy. 
 
 General Sherman illustrated the campaign in the West by a 
 letter of instructions to General Burbridge, commanding in the 
 Department of Kentucky, charging him to treat all partisans 
 of the Confederates in that State as '''"wild beastsJ^ It was the 
 invariable and convenient practice of the Yankees to designate 
 as " guerillas" whatever troops of the Confederates were par- 
 ticularly troublesome to them ; and the opprobrious term was 
 made, by General Sherman, to include the regularly commis- 
 sioned soldiers of General Morgan's command, and whatever 
 bodies of Confederate cavalry chose to roam over territory 
 which the enemy disputed.* 
 
 * Burbridge was not slow to carry out the suggestions or instructions of liis 
 masters. The following is a copy of a section of one of his orders. 
 
 Headquaeters District KENTucKr, 
 Fifth Division, Twenty-third Army Corps, 
 Lexington, Kentucky, July 16, 1S64. 
 Eebel sympathizers living within five miles of any scene of outrage com- 
 m^ilted by armed men, not recognized as i)ublic enemies by the rules and 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 55 
 
 Some expressions in the orders referred to were character- 
 istic of the Yankee, and indicated those notions of constitu- 
 tional law which had rapidly demoralized the North. General 
 Sherman declared that be had already recommended to Gov- 
 ernor Bramlette of Kentucky, " at one dash to arrest every 
 man in the conntry who was dangerous to it." "The fact is," 
 said this military Solomon, " in onr country personal liberty 
 has been so well secured, that public safety is lost sight of in 
 our laws and institutions; and the fact is, we are thrown back 
 one hundred years in civilization, laws, and every thing else, 
 and will go right straight to anarchy and the devil, if some- 
 body don't arrest our downward progress. We, the military,' 
 
 must do it, and we have right and law on our side 
 
 Under this law, everybody can be made to staj^ at home and 
 mind his or her own business, and, if they won't do that, can 
 be sent away." These sage remarks on American libei-ty were 
 concluded with the recommendation that all males and females, 
 in sympathy with so-called " guerillas," should be arrested and 
 sent down the Mississippi to some foreign land, where they 
 should be doomed to perpetual exile. 
 
 As Sherman advanced into the interior of Georgia he laid 
 waste the country, fired the houses, and even did not hesitate 
 at the infamous expedient of destroying the agricultural imple- 
 ments of all those who produced from the soil subsistence for 
 man. He declared to the persecuted people that this time he 
 would have their property, but, if the war continued, next 
 year he would have their lives. Four hundred factory girls 
 whom he captured in Georgia he bundled into army wagons, 
 
 usages of war, will be arrested and sent beyoud the limits of tbe United 
 States. 
 
 In accordance witli instructions from tbe major-general commanding the 
 military district of the Mississippi, so much of the property of rebel sympathiz- 
 ers as may be necessary to indemnify the Government or loyal citizens for 
 losses incurred by the acts of such lawless men, wiU be seized and appropriated 
 for this purpose. 
 
 Whenever an unarmed Union citizen is murdered, four guerillas will be 
 selected from the prisoners in the hands of the military authorities, and pub- 
 licly shot to death in the most cohvenient place near the scene of outrage. By 
 command of 
 
 Brevet Major-Qeneral S. G. Bukbhedge. 
 J. B. Dickson, Captain and A A. General. 
 
56 THE LAST YKAR OF THE VVAK. 
 
 "*"and ordered them to be transported beyond the Ohio, where 
 the poor girls were put adrift, far from home and friends, in a 
 sti'ange hind.* 
 
 From Chattanooga to Marietta there was presented to the 
 eye one vast scene of misery. The fugitives from ruined vil- 
 higes or deserted fields sought shelter in the mountains. Cities 
 were sacked, towns burnt, popuhitions decimated. All along 
 the roads weire great wheat-fields, and crops sufficient to feed 
 all New England, which were to be lost for want of laborers. 
 The country had been one of the most beautiful of the Con- 
 federacy. One looked upon the gentle undulations of the val- 
 leys, terminating in the windings of the i-ivers, and flanked by 
 the majestic barriers of the mountains. This beautiful country 
 had been trodden over by both armies- In every town the 
 more public buildings and the more conspicuous residences had 
 been devoured by fire, or riddled with shot and shell. Every 
 house used as headquarters, or for Confederate commissary 
 stores, or occupied by prominent citizens, had been singled out 
 by the enemy for destruction. In some instances churches 
 
 * The following announcement appeared in the Louisville newspapers : 
 
 " Arrival of Women and Children fkom the South. — The train which arrived 
 from Nashville last evening: brought up from the South two hundred and forty-nine 
 women and children, wIjo are sent here by order of General Sherman, to be trans- 
 lerred north of the Ohio Eiver, there to remain during the war. We understand 
 that there are now at Nashville fifteen hundred women and children, who are in a 
 very destitute condition, and who are to be sent to this place to be sent North. A 
 number of them were engaged in tlie manufactories at Sweet Water at the time that 
 place was captured by our forces. These people are mostly in a destitute condition, 
 having no means to provide for themselves a support. Why they should be sent 
 here to be transferred North is more than we can understand." 
 
 It was also stated in these same papers that, when these women and children 
 arrived at Louisville, they were detained there and advertised to be hired out 
 as sei-vants, to take the place of the large number of negroes who had been 
 liberated by the military authorities and were now gathered in large camps 
 throughout Kentucky, where they were fed and supported in idleness and 
 viciousness at the expense of the loyal taxpayers. Thus, while these negro 
 women were rioting and luxuiiating in the Federal camps, on the bounty of 
 the Government, the white women and children of the South were arrested at 
 their homes, and sent off as prisoners to a distant country, to be sold in bond- 
 age, as the following advertisement fully attests : 
 
 " Notice. — Families residini: in the city or the country, wishing seamstresses or 
 servants, can be suited by applying at the refugee quarters on Broadway, between 
 Ninth and Tenth. This is sanctioned by Captain Jones, provost-marshal." 
 
Tllli LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 57 
 
 had not escaped. Tliey had been stripped for fire-wood or con- 
 verted into barraclis and hospitals. Fences were demolislied, 
 and here and there a lordly mansion stood an uusightlj ruin. 
 
 The vandalism of Hunter in Virginia drew upoli him the 
 censure of the few journals in the North which made any pre- 
 tension to the decencies of humanity. At Lexington, he had 
 burned the Virginia Military Institute with its valuable library, 
 philosophical and chemical apparatus, relics and geological 
 specimens ; sacked Washington College, and burned the house 
 of ex-Governor Letcher, giving his wife only ten minutes to 
 save a few articles of clothing. 
 
 Such enormities were monstrous enough ; they shocked the 
 moral sentiment of the age; yet they did not aifright the soul 
 of the South. Tiie outrages practised upon helpless women, 
 more helpless old age, and hopeless poverty, assured the people 
 of the Confederacy of the character of their enemies, and the 
 designs of the war, and awakened resolution to oppose to the 
 last extremity the mob of murderers and lawless miscreants 
 who desecrated their soil and invaded their homes. 
 
 We turn from the dominant and controlling events of the 
 campaign of 1864, in Virginia and Georgia, to x)ther fields of 
 the war, which were within, or close upon the period which 
 our narrative so far has traversed. 
 
 There properly belonged to the campaign of the summer 
 and earl}' fall of 1864 three projects of the Confedei'ate inva- 
 sion of the territory held or disputed by the enemy. These 
 were Earlj^'s invasion of Maryland and Pennsylvania, Mor- 
 gan's invariion of Kentucky, and Price's invasion of Missouri. 
 Their results were small ; opportunities were badly used ; in 
 brief, the Confederate attempts of 1864 at invasion did not 
 differ from the former weak experiments of the kind. 
 
 EAKLT S INVASION OF MARYLAND, ETC. 
 
 The Confederates had planned a series of offensive opera- 
 tions on a small scale, the object of which was to interrupt the 
 main campaigns in the East and West. This line of opera- 
 tions began with Early's invasion of Maryland. About the 
 same time the enemy was startled by the news of an invasion 
 
58 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 of Kentucky by a considerable body of Confederates, moving 
 into that State through Pound Gap. But Early's movement 
 was the superior one, and commands attention first. 
 
 After the engagement at Lynchburg, June 18, Hunter 
 found no way of escape so convenient as through the Blue 
 Ridge to Gauley. This left the way open for Early to move 
 up tlie valley. He did so, accompanied by a cavalry force 
 under Ransom, and reached the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 
 July 3, at a point just above Harper's Ferry, threatening 
 Martinsburg. Sigel, holding the latter place, fell back towards 
 Sharpsburg. The Confederates immediately occupied Mar- 
 tinsburg, where they captured valuable stores. The same day 
 a fight occurred at Leetown, south of the railroad, in which 
 General Mulligan, covering Sigel's retreat, was finally forced 
 back to Sharpsburg, where he joined Sigel, and another en- 
 gagement occurred. The Yankee forces being overpowered, 
 fell back to Maryland Heights. Max Weber, evacuating 
 Harper's Ferry, joined Sigel. In the mean time. General E. 
 B. Tyler, protecting the railroad from Baltimore to the Mono- 
 cacy, prepared fur resisting the Confederates and to reinforce 
 Sigel. General Lew Wallace joined him on the afternoon of 
 the 3d. 
 
 On Saturday, July 9, the Confederates disappeared from 
 Greencastle, Hagerstown, and from other points threatened ; 
 but this was only for the purpose of concentration. The 
 Yankee forces had evacuated Frederick the previous night, 
 and fallen back to Monocacy Bridge. 
 
 BATTLE OF MONOCACY BRIDGE. 
 
 The bridge is four miles from Fredeiuck City. The river 
 runs due north and south. The railroad and national road 
 cross the river at very nearly the same point. As our troops 
 advanced towards the river from Frederick it became apparent 
 that some forces of the enemy, supposed at the time to be cav- 
 alry, were holding the east bank. A couple of our batteries 
 opened on them from the front, while our cavalry were ordered 
 to go up the stream and cross over the bridge. At the same 
 time a considerable force of our infantry moved down th:i 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 59 
 
 stream, and crossing south of the bridge, formed in a piece of 
 woods on the high ground. It was still believed that the en- 
 emy had nothing but cavalry on the ground, but our infantry 
 being ordered forward, emerged into an open field and dis- 
 covered the enemy's infantry drawn up in line of battle along 
 the railroad at the further end of the field. The railroad being 
 several feet lower than the field, the enemy had all the advan- 
 tages of an intrenched position. Evans's brigade charged 
 across tliis field under a heavy fire of musketry. AVhen within 
 fifty yards of the enemy's position, another body of the enemy 
 emerged from the woods on our right and attacked the brigade 
 in flank, and rendered its position critical ; but other of our 
 forces coming up, the enemy's flank movement was coun- 
 teracted. A simultaneous charge was then made by our whole 
 line, when the enemy broke and fled, leaving between a thou- 
 sand and twelve hundred dead and wounded, and seven hun- 
 dred prisoners in our hands. The enemy left the railroad and 
 national pike and fled north in the direction of Gettysburg. 
 
 In this action, which lasted about two hours from the time 
 of firing the first shot, we lost in killed and wounded between 
 five and six hundred men and some valuable oflicers. 
 
 Our forces did not follow the enemy, but proceeded directly 
 towards Washington and Baltimore, making rapid marches, 
 bnt collectino; cattle and horses alono^ the route. 
 
 The Yankee capital was in imminent peri], and the whisper 
 ran through the North that it was already lost or surely 
 doomed. General Early might have taken it by assault. 
 There were only a few regiments to man its defences, and the 
 advance of the Confederates was waited hourly by a popula- 
 tion thrown into pitiable consternation. But General Early 
 did not seize the great opportunity of 1864. He passed the 
 time in which he might have struck the. decisive blow in weak 
 hesitation ; he reconnoitred the defences of Washington ; he 
 scattered his forces into expeditions to destroy telegraphs and 
 intercept trains ; but he could not make up his mind to attack 
 the Yankee capital, and with that characteristic Confederate 
 stupidity which never completed its victories, and was easily 
 pleased with half-way successes, he was satisfied with the re- 
 sults of a raid, where, with more enterprise and persistence, lie 
 might have achieved the most decisive and brilliant success of 
 
60 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 tlie war — marched into Washington, and made his name as 
 illustrious as that of Stonewall Jackson. 
 
 About the middle of July the Confederates began to disap- 
 pear across the Potomac fords, carrying with them niany of 
 the fruits of their expedition. It was reported by General 
 Early that he brought south of the Potomac five thousand 
 horses and twenty-five hundred beef-cattle. Besides this, his 
 cavalry and artillery were all supplied with new and valuable 
 horses. He had also created a useful diversion, and compelled 
 Grant to weaken his army materially before Petersburg. But 
 it must be confessed that the results of his expedition fell be- 
 low public expectation in the South, and that he was justly 
 charged with not having made full use of his opportunities. 
 
 After crossing the Potomac, General Early had occasion to 
 give another sharp lesson to the enemy. He turned back 
 upon Crook, who was pursuing him with about 15,000 infantry 
 and cavalry. The fight commenced between Bartonsville and 
 Kernestown, about five miles from Winchester. Our forces 
 ran the enemy to Bunker's Hill, twelve miles beyond Win- 
 chester, and thoroughly routed them. General Crook con- 
 fessed to a loss of one thousand in killed and wounded. Our 
 entire loss was sixty. After this General Early occupied Mar- 
 tinsburg, and a pause ensued in the campaign in the Yalley ; 
 nothing of any importance occurring for some weeks, except 
 the raid of a few hundred Confederate cavalry to Chambers- 
 burg, Pennsylvania, who burned a considerable portion of the 
 town. 
 
 morgan's invasion of KENTUCKY. 
 
 General John Morgan's expedition into Kentucky was, oil 
 the whole, a failure. In the early part of June, with some 
 2,500 men, he entered Kentucky by Pound Gap, and by swift 
 movements got possession of Paris, Georgetown, Cynthia, 
 Williamstown, Mount Sterling, and other towns. A passenger 
 train on the Louisville and Lexington Railroad, near Smith- 
 field, was attacked, and two passenger cars and a baggage car 
 burned. Other trains were attacked, and railroad communi- 
 cation was for some days interrupted. On the 9tli of June, 
 General Burbridge, who followed Morgan from Pound Gap. 
 
THE LAST YFAR OF ITIE WAR. 61 
 
 came np with him at Mount Sterling, and had an indecisive 
 engagement. A portion of Morgan's command entered Lex- 
 ington at two o'clock the next morning, burned the Kentncky 
 Central Railroad depot, and left at ten o'clock, in the direction 
 of Georgetown and Frankfort. Part of the town of Cynthia 
 was also burned. Two Ohio regiments stationed there were 
 captured. On the 12th June, General Burbridge fell upon 
 Morgan's forces while at breakfast near Cynthia, and after an 
 hour's hard fighting defeated him, killing three hundred, 
 wounding nearly as many, and capturing nearly four hundred, 
 besides recapturing nearly one hundred of the Ohio troops, 
 and over one thousand horses. 
 
 PRrCE S INVASION OF MISSOURI. 
 
 It was late in September when offensive operations M'ere 
 essayed in the distant and obscure country west of the Mis- 
 sissippi. In that month, General Price moved into Missouri 
 with a force estimated at from ten to twenty thousand men. 
 A great excitement was produced, and it was thought that a 
 raid was contemplated on St. Louis. 
 
 Price's main army moved against the village of Pilot Knob, 
 86 miles south of St. Louis, the terminus of the railroad, and 
 the depot for supply of the lower outposts. Several desperate 
 assaults were made on this strongly fortified position of the 
 enemy. Under cover of the night. General Ewing, the Yankee 
 in command, evacuated Pilot Knob, and effected a disastrous 
 retreat to Rolla. In his ofiicial report he said : "The refugees, 
 men, women, and children, white and black, who clung to the 
 command, nearly sacriiiced it by their panics. I had to throw 
 out the available fighting force, infantry and cavalry, as ad- 
 vance and rear guards and flankers, leaving in the body of the 
 column the affrighted non-combatants and two sections of ar- 
 tillery, not often brought into action on the retreat. Repeated 
 and stubborn eftbrts were made to bring us to a stand, and 
 could they have forced a halt of an hour they would have en- 
 veloped and taken us; but our halts, though frequent, were 
 brief, and were only to unlimber the artillery, stagger the pur- 
 suers witli a few rounds, and move on." 
 
62 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR, 
 
 General Price stopped short of Rolla. For some cause — 
 probably th^ demoralization of his army and their disappoint- 
 ment of active sympathy in the country they had penetrated — 
 he seems to have abandoned at tliis stage the original designs 
 of his expedition. He subsequently went into winter-quarters 
 in the vicinity of Washington. He collected but few supplies, 
 and his men were reported to be in worse plight than when 
 they left Arkansas. 
 
THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAE. 63 
 
 CHAPTER lY. 
 
 Great revulsion in the public mind of the North in the summer of 18(')4. — A E^eneral 
 outcry for peace.— Spirit of Yankee newspapers. — ^The Niagara Falls " Commis- 
 sion." — The Jacques-Gilmore Affair.— Sorry figure of the Confederacy in tliese 
 negotiations. — The question of peace negotiations in the Confederacy. — True 
 method of peace. — Manifesto of the Confederate Congress. — Po.sition of President 
 Davis — His letter to Governor Vance, of North Carolina. — Tlie Chicago Conven- 
 tion, etc. — Speeches, etc. — The real programme of the Democratic party. — Why 
 it broke down. — No virtue in public opinion in the North. — The true peace men 
 of the North. — Their Convention at Cincinnati. — A reaffirmation of Jeffer.^onian 
 Democracy. — A masterpiece of statesmanship. — Tlie Presidential campaign of 
 
 lS(i4. — The RIVAL AnMINISTRATIONS AT RICHMOND AND WASHINGTON. — A COMPARA- 
 TIVE VIEW OF Northern despotism. — The conscription and impressment laws of the 
 Confederacy. — The offerinss of Southern patriotism.— The Yankee record in the 
 matter of slavery.—" Military necessity." — The Yankee record in the matter of 
 civil liberty. — An outrage upon history. 
 
 Grant's complete failure in the Virginia campaign, and Slier- 
 man's dead-lock at Atlanta — the first marked by the most 
 frightful slaughter — had produced an evident and great re- 
 vulsion in the public mind of the ISTorth. The masses in that 
 country appeared to have become at last thoronghlj' aroused 
 to a true sense of their condition. On every side arose the 
 demand for peace. Popular demonstrations had already taken 
 place in several localities, showing that the peo])le of the 
 North were growing tired of the Avar, and demanded that it 
 should be stopped. Yankee newspapers, tliat were at one 
 time earnest advocates for a vigorous prosecution of the war, 
 were now still more earnestly in favor of a vigorous prosecu- 
 tion of peace. They no longer spoke w^ith bated breath and 
 whispering humbleness. They said what they meant. ""^ 
 
 * As a most interesting evidence of the extent of this disposition to peace in 
 the Northern mind, we collate the following extracts from " the peace press," 
 as well as from papers that had given a quasi support to the war : 
 
 From the jVetv York Tribune. 
 We feel certain that two-thirds of the American people on either side of the 
 dividing line anxiously, absorbingly, desire pence, and are ready to make all 
 needful sacrifices to insure it. Then why shall it be long withheld ? Let us 
 
64: THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 In tlie summer of 1SG4: there were certain movements look- 
 ing to a special negotiation for peace, which drew no little of 
 the public attention. These movements were fruitless — in 
 some respects they were unworthy and absurd ; but they are 
 interesting as indicating, at the time they took place, a general 
 popular disposition to peace, proceeding from the Northern 
 despondency on the one hand, and the consequent hopes of the 
 South. 
 
 know, as soon as may be, the most that the rebel chiefs will do to secure peace ; 
 let us know what is the " ultimatum" on our side. We have no sympathy 
 with the shuddering dread that our Government may, by listening to propo- 
 sitions from the rebels, virtually acknowledge their independence. Etiquette 
 is tlie disease of little minds, great souls are never troubled by it. 
 
 Washington Constitutional Union. 
 The cry for peace is rung into our ears from every section of tlie country — 
 from all divisions and parties. Even the fanatics have cooled down, in meas- 
 ure, from their fury for blood, have lost the vampire instincts ; and, horrified 
 at the tales of slaughter they read, and shocked at the sights of hospital suf- 
 fering, and of the maimed and crippled crawling about our streets, they even 
 wish the termination of strife which, unprocreative of benefit to either party, 
 even to the medius termimis, the negro, is crushing the vital and social exist- 
 ence of both. Physical calamity constantly displayed before their vision, and 
 high prices crushing out the means of comfortable subsistence, has at length 
 softened the heart of the hardened abolitionist into a lurking yearning for the 
 
 cessation of arms. 
 
 Dayton ( Oldd) Daily Empire. 
 
 We can have no peace so long as the men are allowed to prescribe its terms. 
 
 Let the people, in their sovereign might, command that this cruel war be 
 
 ended, and all differences between the States be submitted to the arbitrament 
 
 of a convention. 
 
 Troy Daily Press. 
 
 To-day, the people of the " loyal" and seceded States would be able to agree 
 upon conditions of peace and stop the war. And it is the duty of the hour to 
 hasten an opportunity for this, by shoving aside extreme men and placing in 
 power those who believe that, in a government like ours, concession, couciliar 
 tion and compromise, are better remedies for differences than eternal strife 
 and war. 
 
 Chicago Times. 
 
 The necessity for peace upon honorable terms is too imperative to permit 
 its sacrifice to a blind, selfish, or corrupt partnership. The alternatives now 
 presented to the nation are peace with honor, and war Avith dishonor ; ]-»eace 
 with preservation of life, and war with its extended and murderous conflicts ; 
 peace with national and individual solvency, and war with national and indi- 
 vidual bankruptcy. 
 
 FrO}}i the World. 
 
 The new President, to be nominated at Chicago, and elected in November, 
 must be a man ready and willing to meet any and every overture for peace, a 
 
THE LAST YKAR OF TnH WAIJ. 65 
 
 In the month of July the whole Northern public was aroused 
 hy a sudden statement in the newspapers, that Messrs. C. C. 
 Clay and Jacob Thompson, Southern Commissioners to nego- 
 tiate a peace, and who had associated with them George 
 Saunders, and also obtained the intermediate services of 
 Horace Greeley, were at Niagara Falls soliciting a safe con- 
 duct to Washington, and that " tei'ms of peace were already 
 passing over the wires." 
 
 There was the usual Yankee exaggeration in this news. 
 Messrs. Clay and Thompson had sought a safe conduct to 
 Washington, for an informal conference to ascertain if there 
 was any possible common ground on which negotiations for 
 peace might be initiated ; and they had been unmercifully 
 snubbed by the authorities, after the usual Yankee fashion of 
 treating all the humble and begging attempts of the Confed- 
 erates to reach the back-door of Washington. Mr. Lincoln dis- 
 patched a reply, addressed " To whom it may concern^'' de- 
 claring that the Union, with the additional and positive con- 
 dition of the abandonment of slavery, was the sine qua nan of 
 peace. 
 
 Almost contemporary with the Niagara Falls affair there 
 was an incident in Richmond, which put in striking contrast 
 the sturdy indifference of Mr. Lincoln, and the simplicity and 
 pliancy of the Confederate autliorities. 
 
 In the same month of J uly a letter was received from Gen- 
 eral Grant, asking permission of the Confederate authorities 
 for Colonel Jacques, of the 73d Illinois infantry, and one J. R, 
 Gilmore, to meet Colonel Quid, the Confederate Commissioner 
 of Exchange, between the lines of the two armies. Ould 
 brought the two Yankees to Richmond for the purpose of see- 
 ing President Davis. It appeared that they came with the 
 knowledge and approval of President Lincoln, and under his 
 
 man wlio shall represent truly the dignity and power of the nation, and who 
 will not be unwilling even to tender an armistice suggesting a National Con- 
 vention of all the States. 
 
 From the New TorJs News. 
 
 The peace Democracy will indorse a nomination that faithfully represents 
 the sentiments herein stated. They are willing to trust to the good sense and 
 patriotism of the people for the realization of a definite peace as the sequel of 
 an armistice and National Convention. 
 
 5 
 
66 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAH. 
 
 pass ; and, while they dischiimed the character of authorized 
 commissioners, they professed to be directly acquainted with 
 the views of the Washington authorities, and plainly hinted 
 that their business was to pave the way for a meeting of formal 
 commissioners authorized to negotiate for peace. 
 
 These two obscure Yankees were treated with silly distinc- 
 tion in Richmond. They were admitted to a personal inter- 
 view with President Davis, who " grasped the hand of one of 
 them with effusion," and entertained them with a long disqui- 
 sition on State Rights, Secession, etc. There was, of course, 
 some Yankee dramatization in the interview. Jacques had 
 arrived in Richmond attired in a large linen duster ; but no 
 sooner had he confronted the Confederate President than he 
 threw off" the garment, disclosing the military uniform and in- 
 signia of a Yankee colonel. 
 
 It appears that these parties had not a single definite 
 proposition to make, and that they sounded Mr. Davis thor- 
 oughly, and, easily approaching his vanity, induced him to 
 make a very elaborate and rhetorical exposition of his views 
 and designs. They carried a long story back to the Yankee 
 newspapers, and made no little capital out of their visit to Rich- 
 mond by " sensations" in the Northern pictorials and itine- 
 rant "lectures" at twenty-five cents a head. 
 
 The nu_)re intelligent and worthy portion of the Confederate 
 public were greatly wounded in their pride by the behavior of 
 their authorities on the peace question. Many of these per- 
 sons had, since the very commencement of the war, insisted on 
 the futility and impropriety of essaying to open any special ne- 
 gotiations with the enemy on peace. There were the many 
 distinct avowals of the purpose of the war on our side, in the 
 declarations and acts of the Government, invariably protesting 
 our simple desire " to be let alone," which were already a clear 
 and standing tender of peace. The issues could not be made 
 more distinct or more urgent than in the ofiEicial record. Why, 
 they argued, should we go beyond it by attempts at kitchen con- 
 ferences, which might not only be insolently rebuffed by the en- 
 emy, to the damage of our self-respect, but which, as our experi- 
 ences had so far shown, were invariably misinterpreted, and not 
 without plausibility, as signs of decadence and weakness in our 
 military affairs. True, the proud and intelligent persons in 
 
TIIK LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 67 
 
 the Confederacy were as anxious for peace as those who were 
 constantly professing their devotion to this end. But they 
 considered that the honor and self-respect of their countrymen 
 had been lowered by devious and unworthy attempts at nego- 
 tiation. Having once announced the terms of peace sufficiently, 
 they judged they would do right, while awaiting the overtures 
 of the enemy, not to betray their anxiety, or open any unne- 
 cessary discussions on the subject. And there could be no 
 doubt of the sufficiency of these announcements. 
 
 A few weeks before the Jacques-Gilmore " mission" the 
 Confederate Congress had published a manifesto naming the 
 terms of peace, sufficiently explaining to the enemy the de- 
 mands of the Richmond Government, and certainly leaving 
 no occasion for discussing the matter with Yankee intermed- 
 dlers, who might choose to visit the Confederate capital on the 
 errands of curiosity, or perhaps in the office of spies. The 
 principles, sentiments, and purposes by which these States had 
 been actuated, were set forth in that paper with all the author- 
 ity due to the solemn declaration of the legislative and execu- 
 tive departments of the Government, and with a clearness 
 which left no room for comment or explanation. In a few 
 sentences it was pointed out that all we asked was immunity 
 from interference with our internal peace and prosperity, 
 " and to be left in the undisturbed enjoyment of those inalien- 
 able rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, which 
 our common ancestors declared to be the equal heritage of all 
 parties to the social compact. Let them forbear aggressions 
 upon us, and the war is at an end. If there be questions 
 which require adjustment by negotiation, we have ever been 
 willing, and are still willing, to enter into communication 
 with our adversaries, in a spirit of peace, of equity, and manly 
 frankness." 
 
 President Davis himself had even more explicitly indicated 
 the methods of peace, excluded special efforts at negotiation 
 with the enemy, and taken a position to which his conduct a 
 few months subsequently was absurdly and inexplicably op- 
 posite. 
 
 Governor Yance of Korth Carolina had written to him, re- 
 ferring to certain political discontent in that State, and pro- 
 posing an effort at negotiation with the enemy, which would 
 
G8 THE LAST TEAR OF TIIK AVAR. 
 
 appease the malcontents, and, if unsuccessful, would strengthen 
 and intensify the war feeling. 
 
 On the Sth of January, ISGi, President Davis wrote a long 
 letter in reply. Some passages of this letter are of sufficient 
 interest to be reproduced by the side of the events of the sum- 
 mer of the same year. The President wrote : 
 
 " We have made three distinct efforts to communicate with 
 the authorities at Washington, and have been invariably un- 
 successful. Commissioners were sent before hostilities were 
 begun, and the Washington Government refused to receive 
 them or hear what they had to say. A second time I sent a 
 military officer with a communication addressed by raj'self to 
 President Lincoln. The letter was received by General Scott^ 
 who did not permit the officer to see Mr. Lincoln, but promised 
 that an answer would be sent. No answer has ever been re- 
 ceived. The third time, a few months ago, a gentleman was 
 sent, whose position, character, and reputation were such as 
 to insure his reception, if the enemy were not determined to 
 receive no proposals whatever from the Government. Vice- 
 President Stephens made a patriotic tender of his services, in 
 the hope of being able to promote the cause of humanity ; and 
 although little belief was entertained of his success, I cheerfully 
 yielded to his suggestion, that the experiment should be tried. 
 The enemy refused to let him pass through their lines or to hold 
 any conference with them. He was stopped before he reached 
 Fortress Monroe, on his way to Washington. To attempt again 
 (in the face of these repeated rejections of all conference with 
 us) to send commissioners or agents to propose peace, is to in- 
 vite insult and contumely, and to subject ourselves to indig- 
 nity without the slightest chance of being listened to. . . . 
 
 '" I cannot recall at this time one instance in which I have 
 failed to announce that our only desire was peace, and the only 
 terms which formed a sine qua non were precisely those that 
 you suggested, namely, ' a demand only to be let alone.' But 
 suppose it were practicable to obtain a conference through 
 commissioners with the Government of President Lincoln, is 
 it at this moment that we are to consider it desirable, or even 
 at all admissible? Have we not just been apprized by that 
 despot that we can only expect his gracious pardon by eman- 
 cipating all our slaves, swearing allegiance and obedience to 
 
THE LAST YI:AR OF Ti^E WAE. 69 
 
 him and his proclamation, and becoming in point of fact tlio 
 slaves of our own negroes ?" 
 
 But the peace movements in the IN'orth, to wliich we have 
 referred, were to take a more practical direction, in view of 
 the approaching Presidential election in that country. 
 
 THE CHICAGO CONVENTION, ETC. 
 
 The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago on the 
 29th of August. The Convention was called to order by Mr. 
 August Belmont, who said that " four years of misrule by a 
 sectional, fanatical, and corrupt party had brought our country 
 to the verge of ruin. The past and present are sufficient 
 warnings of the disastrous consequences which would befall us 
 if Mr. Lincoln's re-election should be made possible by our 
 want of patriotism and unity." 
 
 Mr. Bigler, formerly Governor of Pennsylvania, and Senator 
 in Congress, was chosen as temporary chairman. He said : 
 " The termination of democratic rule in tliis country was the 
 end of the peaceful relations between the States and the people. 
 The men now in authority, through a feud whicli they have 
 long maintained with violent and unwise men at the South, 
 because of a blind fanaticism about an institution in some of 
 the States, in relation to M-hich they have no duties to perform 
 and no responsibilities to bear, are utterly incapable of adopt- 
 ing the proper means to rescue our country from its present 
 lamentable condition." 
 
 Tlie Convention was permanently organized by appointing 
 as chairman, Horatio Seymour, the Governor of 'New York. 
 In his speecli, upon assuming the chair, he inveighed bitterly 
 against the Lincoln Administration and the party in power. 
 " They were," he said, " animated by intolerance and fanati- 
 cism, and blinded by an ignorance of the spirit of our institu- 
 tions, the character of our people, and the condition of our 
 land. Step by step they liave marched on to results from 
 which at the onset they would have shrunk with horror; and 
 even now, when war has desolated our land, has laid its heavy 
 burdens upon labor, and, when bankrnprcy and ruin overliang 
 us, they will not have the Union restored unless upon condi- 
 
TO THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 tions unknown to tlie Constitution. They will not let the 
 shedding of blood cease, even for a little time) to see if Chris- 
 tian charity, or the wisdom of statesmanship, may not woi'k 
 out a method to save our country. They will not even listen 
 to a proposal for peace which does not offer what this Govern- 
 ment has no right to ask. This Administration cannot now 
 save the country if it would. It has placed obstacles in its 
 pathway which it cannot overcome. It has hampered its own 
 freedom of action by unconstitutionalities." " The failure of 
 the policy of the Administration," he said, " was not due to 
 any want of courage or devotion on the part of the soldiers : 
 they had done all that arms could do ; and had wise states- 
 manship secured the fruits of their victories, there would to-day 
 have been peace in the land." "This Administration," he 
 continued, " cannot save the Union. We can. We demand 
 no conditions for the restoration of the Union. We are 
 shackled with no hates, no prejudices, no passions. We wish 
 for fraternal relations with the people of the South. We de- 
 mand for them what we demand for ourselves, the full recog- 
 nition of the rights of the States." 
 
 The platform of the Convention consisted of a series of six 
 resolutions drawn up by a committee appointed for that pur- 
 pose, consisting of one member from each State, chosen by the 
 respective delegations. The two most important resolutions 
 were as follows : 
 
 ■' Resolved, TTiat this Convention does explicitly declare, as tlie sense of tlie 
 American people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the 
 experiment of war, during which, under the pretence of a military necessity, 
 or war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been 
 disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden 
 doAvn, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, 
 humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be 
 made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of 
 all the States, or other peaceable me8,ns, to the end that, at the earliest practi- 
 cable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the federal Union of the 
 States." 
 
 " Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve 
 the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired, and they hereby 
 declare that they consider the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and 
 dangerous powers not granted by the Constitution, the subversion of the civil 
 by military law in States not in insurrection, the arbitrary military arrest, im- 
 prisonment, trial, and sentence of American citizens in States where civil lavsr 
 exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press, the 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 71 
 
 denial of the right of asylum, the open and avowed disregard of State rights, 
 the employment of unusual test-oaths, and the interference with and denial of 
 the right of the people to bear arms, as calculated to prevent a restoration of 
 the Union, and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers from 
 the consent of the governed." 
 
 The platform was adopted with- but four dissenting votes. 
 
 On the 31st the Convention proceeded to ballot for candi- 
 dates. Governor Seymour, of iSTew York, j^ereniptorily refused 
 to allow his name to be used. The vote at first stood one 
 hundred and sixty-two for McClellan, and sixty-four for all 
 others. Several delegations then changed their votes, and the 
 result was two hundred and two and a half for George B. Mc- 
 Clellan, and twenty-three and a half for Thomas H. Seymour. 
 Delaware and Marjdand voted for Seymour, who also received 
 nearly half the votes of Ohio, Indiana, and Missouri. The re- 
 maining eighteen States voted unanimously for McClellan, 
 whose nomination, on motion of Mr. Yallandigham, was made 
 unanimous. 
 
 Despite the protestations of attachment to the Union by the 
 Chicago Convention, there is but little doubt that the real pro- 
 gramme of its operations had, for its final conclusion, the ac- 
 knowledgment of the independence of the Confederate States. 
 
 It was proposed, perhaps, to get to this conclusion by distinct 
 and successive steps, so as not to alarm too much the Union 
 sentiment of the country. The first step was to be the propo- 
 sition of the " Union as it was," in a convention of the States ; 
 if that was voted down, then the proposition of a new princi- 
 ple of federation, limited to the foreign relations and to the 
 revenue ; if that was rejected, then the proposition of an Inter- 
 Confederate Union, to preserve, as far as possible, by an extra- 
 ordinary league, the American prestige ; and, if all these prop- 
 ositions, intended as successive tests of the spirit of the South, 
 were to fail, then, at last, the independence of the Confederate 
 States, made ihQsine qua non, was to be conceded by the Dem- 
 ocratic party of the North, as the last resort of pacification, 
 and the one of two alternatires where their choice could no 
 longer hesitate. In short, it appeared to be the design of the 
 Democratic party to get the North on the naked issue of war 
 and separation. 
 
 Why this programme broke down is explained almost in a 
 
72 THE LAST YEAR OF 'JHE WAE. 
 
 ^ word. Tlic militaiy events wliicli took place between the date 
 of the Chicago Convention and election-day put upon the war 
 a more encouraging aspect for the ]S"orth, and with these 
 changes the Democratic party abandoned ground which they 
 took professedly on principle, but really on the mean consid- 
 erations of expediency and time-serving. The fact was that 
 all party changes in the North, since the war, might be said 
 to be constantly accommodating themselves to the course of 
 military events ; so little was there of virtue or of principle in 
 the public opinion of the Yankee. After the Chicago Conven- 
 tion, the peace party moved inversely with the scale of military 
 success ; and, as tiiat mounted in Northern opinion, it fell until, 
 as we shall see months later, it almost approached zero. 
 
 It was to be expected, by those acquainted with the true 
 springs of action in Yankee politics, that the changes in the 
 military situation, during the fall mouths of 1S64, to the ad- 
 vantage of the North, would induce the Democratic party and 
 their candidate, McClellan, to swerve from the resolutions of 
 the Chicago Convention, and to adopt shifting and equivocal 
 grounds with reference to the war. This shameful departure 
 from the former professions and recorded principles of the so- 
 called Democratic party of the North was the occasion of the 
 secession of tluit portion of it which, declaring for peace on 
 principle and disdaining time-serving, attempted the organiza- 
 tion of a peace j^arty upon " State Rights Jeffersonian Demo- 
 cratic principles." A convention of the true " peace men" 
 was called at Cincinnati on the 18th of October. It nominated 
 no candidates ; its actual political influence had become very 
 small ; but it had the merit of placing on record one of the 
 most perspicuous and complete expositions of the Amei-ican 
 system of government that had ever come from any n:todern 
 pen. As a reaffirmation of the old and true doctrine of that 
 once great organization in America known as the Democratic 
 party, applied to the conduct of the existing war, the platform 
 of the Cincinnati Convention has a noble and permanent in- 
 terest ; it deserves to be studied, both as a declaration of states- 
 manship and as a piece of history. There was scarcely any 
 thing that could exceed in luminous, compact, and forcible 
 style the two following resolutions of this body : 
 
 " 1. Resolved^ That the several States composing the United 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAE. 73 
 
 States are not united on the principle of unlimited submission 
 to their General Government, but that by a compact, under the 
 style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of 
 amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government 
 for special purposes — delegated to the Government certain 
 definite powers, reserving each State to itself the residuary 
 mass of right to tlieir self-government ; and that whenever the 
 General Government assumes undelegated power, its acts are 
 unauthoritative, void, and of no force ; that to this compact 
 each State acceded as a State, and as an integral party, its co- 
 States forming, as to itself, the other party ; that the Govern- 
 ment created by this compact was not made the exclusive or 
 final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since 
 that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, 
 the measure of its powers ; but that, as in all other cases of 
 compact among powers having no common judge, each party 
 has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as 
 of the mode and measure of redress. 
 
 "2. Hesolved, Tha^t as Jefferson made the rugged issue of 
 doctrine with Adams, so must we make it with the Federal 
 Administration, if we would resist efi:*ectually the infinitely 
 greater dangers which surround us. We do, consequently, 
 declare the wak wholly unconstitutional, and on that ground 
 we hold it should be stopped. If a majority of the copartner- 
 ship States can retain a member by force, they may expel one 
 by force, which has not yet been pretended by anybod}'. The 
 Federal agency at Washington, backed up by a majority of 
 tlie States in Congress, without right, in the vain attempt to 
 subjugate the minority of the Status, is destroying their liberty, 
 and crushing the federal system to atoms by thus attacking 
 the Constitution. The Administration, and that majority, are 
 the real enemies of the Union, which cannot and ought not to 
 exist after its conditions are destroyed. The Chicago platform, 
 and General McClellan and his war-record letter, which he has 
 laid over it, must all be repudiated by Democrats for the same 
 reason. If \vc admit that the war is constitutional, we must 
 not murmur at the monstrous abuses which attend it, for they 
 all naturally grow out of the original atrocity. 
 
 "The evils of paper money, of a protective tariff, of the public 
 debt; the military draft; the military governors ; the arbitrary 
 
Y4: THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 arrests ; the provost-marslials ; the fifteen bastiles ; the drum- 
 head courts-martial ; the bayonet elections ; the padlocked lips ; 
 the fettered press ; the wholesale confiscation ; the constructive 
 treason ; our immense armies and navies, are mere incidents of 
 the war itself; and so are President Lincoln's futile proclama- 
 tions of slave emancipation, and his general amnesties. Half 
 truths and narrow issues have been the bane of Democracy for 
 many years, and they have so contracted the minds and hearts 
 of Democrats, that all sense of justice, and all knowledge of 
 constitutional law which sat there so long enthroned, have de- 
 parted, and left us an easy prey to the violence of President 
 Lincoln's Administration, and to corrupt managers of our own 
 part}^ in State and national conventions." 
 
 We shall not undertake here to follow the course, or enu- 
 merate the details of the Presidential campaign of 1864. "We 
 may anticipate our narrative generally to say, that that cam- 
 paign resulted in the signal triumph of fanaticism and violence 
 in the North, and in the election of Abraham Lincoln by the 
 vote of every Northern State except Delaware, Kentucky, and 
 JSTew Jersey. 
 
 THE RIVAL ADMINISTRATIONS AT RICHMOND AND WASHINGTON. 
 
 A COMPARATIVE VIEW OF NORTHERN DESPOTISM. 
 
 While on political subjects in the war, it will not be amiss 
 here to put in comparison the internal administrations of the 
 rival governments at Washington and Richmond. We have, 
 on other occasions, developed some points of this comparison. 
 It is fruitful of many considerations ; it is after all the mobt 
 interesting inquiry in the war ; and it comes up naturally and 
 conveniently for another review at the date of the Northern 
 election which approved Mr. Lincoln's policy, and bestowed 
 upon him a second term of ofiice. 
 
 There were many persons to be found in the North, who, 
 admitting the rapid decline, since the commencement of the 
 war, of their government to despotism, attempted a consola- 
 tion by the assertion thai: a similar lapse of liberty had taken 
 place in the Confederate States. This opinion obtained to a 
 remarkable extent, even among those who were not unfriendly 
 to the South, and certainly were not disposed to do her in- 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 75 
 
 justice. It is to be largely ascribed to the very prevalent 
 ignorance in the North, even among men otherwise well in- 
 formed and intelligent, of the internal policy of the Confed- 
 erate States, and of the true spirit of their peculiar legislation 
 with reference to the war. It was not only the Black Repub- 
 lican party that circulated the idea of an iron-handed tyranny 
 in the Confederate States ; but that idea was admitted to a 
 large extent in the minds of those who were disposed to think 
 well of the Southern experiment, but were not proof against 
 the impressions derived from such peremptory laws as required 
 men to take up arms in mass, to devote certain property to the 
 government, and to hold themselves, generally, in subjection 
 to the necessities of the war. These measures wore the ap- 
 pearance of the machinery of despotism to them, simply be- 
 cause they did yot understand their true nature; while they 
 added to their ignorance the mistake of viewing them from a 
 stand-point which put the I^orth and the South in the same 
 circumstances. 
 
 It is quite true that the conscription and impressment laws 
 of the Confederacy were apparently harsh measures. Yet 
 there is something to be said of them beyond the justification 
 of necessity ; and this is, that they were really nothing more 
 than the organized expressions of the poimlar devotion of the 
 South in the war ; intended only to give effect and uniformity 
 to it. They were not instances of violent legislation imposed 
 upon the people ; they were merely the formulas of willing 
 and patriotic contributions of men and means to a war, in 
 which not only a nation fought for its very existence, but each 
 individual for the practical stake of his own fortune. It was 
 difficult to make Northern men understand this : that, while 
 they had a mortal terror of the draft and other demands of 
 the war, the people of the South were cheerfully willing to 
 take up arms, and to devote their substance to the government. 
 It is thus that the conscription and impressment laws, which, 
 in the North, would have been the essence of despotism, were 
 really in the South not edicts of violence, but mere conven- 
 tionalisms of the war, through which the patriotism of the 
 people acted with efiect and regularity. 
 
 But, beyond these laws, even the appearance of despotism 
 stopped in the Southern Confederacy. We have only to com- 
 
T6 THE LAST YKAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 pare the established routine there with what was constantly 
 observed in the North, to show how divergent, since the first 
 gun was fired at Fort Sumter, had been the histories of the 
 belligerents on all questions affecting political and civil liberty. 
 There were no military governors in the Confederacy ; there 
 was no martial law there ; there was, properly called, no po- 
 litical police there — the police establishment being limited to a 
 mere detective force to apprehend, in the communities in which 
 they were placed, spies and emissaries of the enemy. At uo 
 time in the war had soldiers ever been placed at a polling- 
 place in the Confederacy ; at no time had newspapers ever 
 been suppressed ; and at no time had a single instance of arbi- 
 trar}^ arrest, or of imprisonment without distinct charges and 
 the opportunity to reply, occurred within the Confederate ju- 
 risdiction. These are facts which carry their own comment on 
 the base reflection that in the war the South had declined, 
 along with the liortli, in its civil administration, and had kept 
 company with it on its road to despotism. 
 
 When we sj^eak of the despotis^n at Washington, we do not 
 design a figure or an exaggeration of rhetoric. We merely 
 name a clearly defined species of human government, as we 
 would any other fact in history. The Presidential election of 
 186i gave occasion for a full review of the acts of the Wash- 
 ington authorities. We may sum up that review in some 
 brief paragraphs, dividing it into two branches : First, Mr. 
 Lincoln's unconstitutional course on the rights of the States on 
 the slavery question ; second, his course on the rights of his 
 own people in all matters of civil liberty ; — these two classes of 
 outrage being a convenient division of his Administration, 
 viewed both as to its intentions upon the South and its effects 
 npon the North. 
 
 As to the slavery question, it is only necessary to state the 
 record. 
 
 1. The convention which nominated Abraham Lincoln Pres- 
 ident of the United States in 1860, passed a resolution affirm- 
 ing " the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and 
 esjyecially the right of each State to order and control its own 
 domestic institutions according to its own jadgraent exclusively P 
 
 2. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural of March, 1861, inserted 
 this resolution at length, and declared that to him it would be 
 
THE LAST YKAE OF THE WAR. 77 
 
 " a law," and added, "I now reiterate these sentiments ;" and 
 " in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most 
 conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptihle, that the 
 propei'ty, peace ^ and security of no section are not to he in any- 
 wise endangered hy the now in-coming administration y In the 
 same State paper he had before said, quoting approvingly from 
 one of his own speeches, " I have no purpose, directly or indi- 
 rectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States 
 where it now exists ;" and subjoined, "/ believe I have no law- 
 ful right to do so, and T have no inclination to do so.^^ 
 
 3. In Secretary Seward's famous letter to the minister of the 
 United States, resident at Paris, designed as a diplomatic cir- 
 cular to the European courts, and written " by direction of the 
 President," occurs the following paragraph : " The condition 
 of slavery in the several States will remain just the same, 
 whether it (' the rebellion') succeeds or fails. The rights of the 
 States, and the condition of every human being in them, will 
 remain subject to exactly the same laws and forms of adminis- 
 tration, whether the revolution shall succeed, or whether it shall 
 fail. Their constitutions, and laws, and customs, habits and 
 institutions, in either case, will remain the same. It is hardly 
 necessary to add, to this incontestable statement, the further 
 fact that the new President, as well as the citizens through 
 wdiose suffrages he has come into the administration, has 
 always repudiated all designs whatever, and wherever imputed 
 to him and them, of distui'lmig the system of slavery as it is 
 existing tinder the Constitution and the laws. The case, how- 
 ever, would not be fully presented were I to omit to say that 
 any such effort on his part would be unconstitutional, and all 
 his acts in that direction would be prevented by the judicial 
 authorities, even though they were assented to by Congress 
 and the people." 
 
 4. In his message to Congress of the 6th of March, 1862, 
 known as his emancipation message, after recommending to 
 that body that they should pass a resolution that the United 
 States ought to co-operate with the States by means of pecuni- 
 ary aid in effecting the gradual abolishment of slavery, Mr. 
 Lincoln expressly disavowed, for the Government, any author- 
 ity over the subjeci, except with State assent. His language 
 was, that his proposition " sets up no claim of a right, by Fed- 
 
^O THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAE. 
 
 eral aiitliority, to interfere with slavery within State limits, 
 referring, as it does, tlie absolute control of the sulgect in 
 each case to the State, and its people immediately interested." 
 
 5. The act of Congress of the 6th of August, 1861, emanci- 
 pated only the slaves of " rebels" employed in the " rebellion," 
 and submitted the decision of such cases exclusively to the 
 courts. Major-General Fremont, on the 30th of that month, 
 being then in command in Missouri, by proclamation declared 
 free all the slaves within the State. This, as soon as it came 
 to Mr. Lincoln's knowledge, he disapproved, and declared it, 
 in a formal order of 11th of September, to be void as far as it 
 transcended the provisions of the act of Congress. And in a 
 letter of Mr. Joseph Holt to President Lincoln, of the 22d of 
 the month, that person, being alarmed for the effect of Fre- 
 mont's order, stated that " the act of Congress was believed to 
 embody the conservative policy of your administration." This 
 statement Mr. Lincoln ^never denied. 
 
 6. On the 9th of May, 1862, Major-General Hunter, military 
 commander of the department of the South, embracing Geor- 
 gia, Florida, and South Carolina, by an order of that date, 
 declared all slaves within such States free. On the 19th of the 
 month, even before he was officially advised of the measure, 
 Mr. Lincoln, by proclamation, declared tlie same " whether 
 genuine or false," to be " altogether void." In neither of 
 these instances was there the slightest intimation of a change 
 of opinion by Mr. LincoLn, either on the question of policy or 
 of power. As to both, he then entertained the same opinion 
 that he had announced in his inaugural. 
 
 7. On the 22d of July, 1862, Mr. Crittenden proposed, in the 
 House of Representatives at Washington, a resolution which, 
 after stating that the war was " forced upon the country by 
 the disunionists" of the Southern States, declared that it " is 
 not waged, on our part, in any spirit of oppression, or for any 
 purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing 
 or interfering with the rights of the established institution of 
 these States (the seceded), but to defend and maintain the su- 
 jDremacy of the Constitution and the rights of the several 
 States unimpaired ; and that as soon as these objects are accom- 
 plished the war ought to cease." In the House only two votes 
 were cast against it, and in the Senate but one Republican 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAK. T9 
 
 vote, and it was at once and without hesitation approved by 
 the President. No pretence was here suggested that slavery 
 was to be abolished, or that any of the rights of the States in 
 regard to it were to be interfered with. 
 
 Yet, in tlie face of all this accumulation of precedents, we 
 find Emancipation proclamations put forward under the claim 
 of executive power — the first on the 22d of September, 1862, 
 and the second on the first day of the succeeding year. In the 
 last, all slaves in certain States or parts of States were declared 
 free : it mattered not whether the territory or the slaves should 
 fall within the military occnpation of the United States or 
 not. 
 
 But it has been said that the emancipation proclamation was 
 a military measure^ and to be justified as such from necessities 
 outside of the Constitution. It is difficult to find patience to 
 reply to such nonsense. The plea is the most absurd stufi' 
 that was ever put in the mouth of fool or knave, to brazen out 
 against the good sense and conscience of the world his fraud 
 and outrage. Absurd, because we know, and all the world 
 knows, that it was at the dictation and under the influence of 
 a purel}^ political party that the emancipation proclamation 
 was issued by Mr. Lincoln. Absurd, because we knew, and 
 had had recent assurance from Mr. Lincoln himself, that he 
 did not intend emancipation of the negro to end with the war, 
 which it would do ipso facto if a mere military measure, but 
 had made the abandonment or extirpation of slavery the pre- 
 liminary condition for peace, and thus, therefore, a primary 
 object of the war. 
 
 It was this same dogma of " military necessitj'," applied to 
 the slavery question, that Mr. Lincoln had used to fasten upon 
 the necks of the white citizens of the North a heavy yoke of 
 intolerance. It was only necessary to look upon what was 
 every day passing before the eyes. 
 
 There was seen this despotism in the unreasonable searches 
 and seizures of persons and papers, in direct violation of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 It was seen in arrests of obnoxious individuals, and their 
 imprisonment without warrant or charges preferred, and in 
 some instances cut off from all communication with family, 
 friends, or counsel. 
 
80 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 It was seen in the suppression of newspapers, and wanton 
 arrest of editors. 
 
 It was seen in the assnmption, by the President, of the 
 power to regulate the riglit of suffrage in the States, and estab- 
 lish minority and aristocratic governments under the pretext 
 of guaranteeing republican governments. 
 
 These are not fancy sketches, or the exaggerations of a nar- 
 rative written with passion. It was notorious that such things 
 had occurred in Missonri, Indiana, "West Virginia, Maryland, 
 Delaware, and New York ; and yet even to question their le- 
 gality was deemed disloyal, and men who maintained their 
 inherited freedom in doing so, were designated by scurrilous 
 abuse, and threatened with the penalties of a despot's all-pow- 
 erful displeasure. 
 
 To compare the falsehoods and crimes of the Washington 
 record with that rigor of measures in the Confederacy, which 
 was really nothing more than the logical incident and the 
 proper expression of resolute patriotism, is an outrage upon 
 history. The noble memorials of self-sacrificing patriotism are 
 very different from the scarlet record of ruthless despotism. 
 
THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAR. 81 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The business of blockade-running. — Its risks. — Interesting statistics. — Value of the 
 port of Mobile. — Naval Fight and Captuke of the Forts in Mobile Bay. — A 
 frightful disparity of force. — Heroic fight of the ram Tennessee. — Absurd boasts 
 of the Yankees. — Surrender of Fort Gaines. — Fall of Fort Morgan. — The Georgia 
 Campaign. — Its importance. — Johnston's situation at Atlanta. — His removal by 
 President Davis. — A fatal error. — Lieutenant-General Hood. — The Battles of 
 Atlanta. — The Fall of " the Gate City." — Eeckless and desperate fighting — 
 Yankee raid on the Macon road. — Hood's " magnificent advance." — Bombard- 
 ment of Atlanta. — Hood's fatal mistake. — Sherman's new movement. — He "cuts 
 the Confederates in two." — The Yankees in Atlanta. — Sherman's cruelties.- — His 
 depopulation of Atlanta. — Enormity of the order. — Sherman as a pacificator. — 
 Governor Brown's letter. — Position of Vice-President Stephens. — Effects of the 
 fall of Atlanta. — President Davis's Macon speech. — Its swollen tone. — Captdre of 
 THE Confederate Privateer Florida. — Its cowardice and outrage. — Yankee idea 
 of glory. — The Destruction of the Confederate Eam Albemarle. — Yankee es- 
 timation of the exploit. — The North Carolina Sounds. — The St. Albans Kaid. — 
 Stories of the savage vengeance of the Confederates. — How much truth there was in 
 them. 
 
 A LARGE capital in the Confederacy was engaged in running 
 the blockade. The risks of this business were by no means so 
 great as generally supposed ; and it had made a steady and 
 valuable contribution to the war. The London insurance 
 offices had been in the habit of charging sixty per cent, pre- 
 mium for policies on vessels and goods running the blockade. 
 This was a rate adopted at the beginning of the war, before 
 any facts had been developed to establish the real average of 
 risk. But persons engaged in the business soon found that 
 the real risk was by no means commensurate with the nominal 
 risk as established by the London offices, and they conse- 
 quently ceased to insure ; or, in other words, adopted the plan 
 of being their own insurers. This is naturally the case when 
 the true risk is much below the nominal i-isk. That such was 
 the case in the blockade-running business was clear from the 
 fact that those engaged in it no longer insured. 
 
 A correspondent of the London Index gave a list of vessels 
 employed in running the blockade from the port of Nassau, 
 between November, 1861, and March 10, 1864. The list com- 
 
82 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 prised eiglitj-fuur vessels. Of these, thirtj-seven had been 
 captured, twenty-five had been lost or beached, one foundered 
 at sea, one condemned, two converted into Confederate gun- 
 boats, and the rest were supposed to be still in the business or 
 laid up. The total number of losses which can be ascribed to 
 causes connected with blockade-running was sixty-two. Tlie 
 number of successful round trips made by these vessels was 
 two hundred and fourteen. Thus the risk to the vessels on the 
 round trip was twenty-nine per cent. The percentage on 
 goods was not by any means so great. If the risks out and in 
 had been equal, it would have been fourteen and a half per 
 cent, each way. But the inward risk was much greater than 
 the outward. We are perhaps justified in assuming, on the 
 whole, that the real risk on goods imported into the Confederacy 
 through the blockade was not higher than twenty per cent. 
 
 Mobile was one of the principal ports for the blockade-run- 
 ning trade. It was guarded at its entrance by two imposing 
 fortifications; it was difficult to blockade ; it was a nursery of 
 the Confederate navy ; and vessels were already being con- 
 structed there with a view of raising the blockade. It had 
 been the steady purpose of the Yankees to get possession of 
 Mobile Ba_y as soon as operations on the Mississippi would per- 
 mit the detachment of a sufficient co-operating military force 
 for the expedition. 
 
 NAVAL FIGHT AND CAPTURE OF THE FORTS IN MOBILE BAY. 
 
 In the early part of August, Admiral Farragut, who com- 
 manded the Yankee fleet off Mobile, secured the military co- 
 operation of General Canby for attacking and investing the 
 forts in the harbor of Mobile. On the morning of the 5th 
 of August, the Yankee fleet, numbering fourteen steamers and 
 four monitors, carrying in all more than two hundred guns, 
 and manned by twenty-eight hundred men, made their entree 
 into Mobile Bay. The entire Confederate naval force that was 
 to encounter this huge armada was composed of one iron-clad 
 and three wooden vessels. Such was the frightful disparity of 
 force in a fight which the Yankees afterwards claimed to take 
 rank with the victories of Nelson ! 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR, 83 
 
 In the early light of the morning the attacking fleet moved 
 steadily up the main ship channel, when Fort Morgan opened 
 upon them, and was replied to by a gun from the Brooklyn. 
 A moment later, and the Yankee iron-clad Tecumseh, struck 
 by a torpedo, disappeared instantaneously beneath the waves, 
 carrying with her her commander, T. A. M. Craven, and nearly 
 all her crew. The Yankee flag-ship Hartford now took the 
 lead, and had scarcely passed the fort, when the Confederate 
 ram Tennessee dashed out at her. The three Confederate 
 gunboats, the Morgan, the Gaines, and the Selma, were ahead. 
 After a desperate struggle between the fleets, the Gaines re- 
 tired to Fort Morgan in a sinking condition ; the Selma, cut 
 off, surrendered ; and the Morgan escaped to Fort Morgan. 
 
 Having passed the forts and dispersed the gunboats, Farra- 
 gut ordered most of the vessels to anchor, when about nine 
 o'clock he perceived the Confederate ram Tennessee standing 
 up for the Hartford. He immediately ordered all the Yankee 
 monitors, and such of his wooden ships as were adapted for the 
 purpose, to attack the ram, not only with their guns, but bows 
 on at full speed. And then began one of the most remarkable 
 naval conflicts of the war. A single vessel was beset by a 
 whole fleet. She was struck three times, and as the Hartford, 
 the third vessel which struck her, rasped along her side, the 
 Yankee poured a whole broadside of niue-inch solid shot within 
 ten feet of her casement. The Chickasaw was pounding away 
 at her stern ; the Hartford and three others of the fleet were 
 again heaving down upon her, determined upon her destruc- 
 tion ; her smoke-stack had been shot away, her steering chains 
 were gone, and she lay at the mercy of the enemy. It was 
 not until resistance was hopeless that Admiral Buchanan, him- 
 self wounded on the Tennessee, surrendered the vessel, and 
 ordered the white flag to be hoisted just as she was about be- 
 ing struck by the vessels converging upon her, and when she 
 was already disabled, and her crew almost in a smothering 
 condition. 
 
 Such was the naval fight in Mobile Bay, which the Yankees 
 ranked among their most brilliant victories ; exalting Farragut 
 above Nelson; apostrophizing their hero after the modern 
 New York fashion of big dinners, and having hired poets to 
 recite to him in public " masterly ballads." The Confederates 
 
84: TIIK LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 had a very different and very plain estimation of the affaii*. 
 Their loss in killed and wounded had been only twenty-two. 
 That of the enemy was near three hundred, not including the 
 one hundred and twenty-three who went down in the Te- 
 cumseh. The Richmond Examiner gave a list of the twenty- 
 eight Yankee vessels engaged, having two hundred and twelve 
 guns, with the four Confederates having twenty -two guns. It 
 said : " It was a most unequal contest in which our gallant 
 little navy was engaged ; and we lost the battle, but our ensign 
 went down in a blaze of glory." 
 
 But although our little fleet in the bay of Mobile had been 
 destroyed or dispersed, the forts were still held, and the 
 Yankee success was incomplete. The fall of these, however, 
 was to follow unexpectedly to the South, and not without sotne 
 circumstances of humiliation. 
 
 On the 6th of August, one of the Yankee iron-clads com- 
 menced shelling Fort Gaines. This was a powerful work ; it 
 was provisioned for six months, and had a garrison of 600 
 men. Colonel Anderson, in command, communicated with 
 the enemy's fleet by flag of truce, without the sanction of Gen- 
 eral Page, who was in command at Fort Morgan. General 
 Page inquired by signals what his purpose was, but received 
 no answer. His attention was attracted by signal-guns. Gen- 
 eral Page repeatedly telegraphed, " Hold on to your fort." 
 The same night he visited Fort Gaines, and found Anderson 
 on board the Yankee fleet, arranging terms of capitulation. 
 He left peremptory orders for Anderson, on his return, not to 
 surrender the fort, and relieved him of his command. Fort 
 Morgan signalled the next morning, but no answer was re- 
 ceived, except the hoisting of the Yankee flag over the ram- 
 parts of Fort Gaines. 
 
 From this time onward, movements of the enemy were in 
 progress for capturing Fort Morgan ; and on the 22d of August, 
 at day-dawn, a bombardment was opened from the shore bat- 
 teries, the monitors and ships inside, and the vessels outside 
 the bay. At 6 a. m. of the 23d, a white flag was displayed by 
 the Confederates, and at 2 o'clock p. m. the fort was surren- 
 dered. 
 
 Fort Powell had been already attacked on the night of the 
 5th, and blown up, the guns falling into the enemy's hands. 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 85 
 
 The capture of Forts Powell, Gaines, and Morgan, and the 
 destruction of the Confederate fleet, gave the Yankees posses- 
 sion of the bay, and closed the port to all ingress or egress of 
 blockade-runners. The city of Mobile was still in possession 
 of the Confederates, and months were to elapse before the ene- 
 my were to make any demonstration upon it, and then only 
 with the co-operation of a land force. The Yankee success, so 
 far, although the occasion of a brief blaze of excitement in the 
 North, was not of any great importance ; and it had been 
 dearly purchased. 
 
 THE GEORGIA CAMPAIGN. 
 
 We return to more important events — those of the Georgia 
 campaign — which indeed were to put a new aspect on the 
 war ; to annihilate the peace party in the North ; to give a 
 new hope and impetus to the enemy ; and to date the serious 
 and rapid decline of the fortunes of the Confederacy. 
 
 When we last left off the story of this campaign, Johnston 
 was holding Atlanta, and busied in strengthening its defences.* 
 His position in Atlanta w^as not less secure than that of Lee 
 in Petersburg; and judging prospective by past events, it was 
 impossible to doubt that he would have held Sherman as well 
 as Lee held Grant. He could at least have done that ; and if 
 he succeeded in destroying his land communications — very 
 much more easy to reach than that of Grant over water — he 
 might have forced the enemy into disastrous retreat on Ten- 
 nessee. 
 
 At midsummer, therefore, the two campaigns, for which the 
 enemy had surrendered the Trans-Mississippi and North Caro- 
 lina, were both failures. That military success which would 
 
 * In an official report, General Johnston said : " The proofs that I intended 
 to hold Atlanta are, the fact that under my orders the work of strengthening 
 its defences was going on vigorouslj', the communication on the subject made 
 by me to General Hood, and the fact that my family was in the town. That 
 the public workshops were removed, and no large supplies deposited in the 
 town, as alleged by General Bragg, were measures of common prudence, and 
 no more indicated the intention to abandon the place than the sending the 
 wagons of an army to the rear, on a day of battle, proves a foregone determin- 
 ation to abandon the field." 
 
86 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 alone bring him money, and by which alone could the Lincoln 
 government retain power, was not forthcoming, or even dimly 
 visible in the future. Had the campaign of Georgia pursued 
 its parallel with that of Virginia, McClellan or some other man 
 capable of negotiation would have been elected, and perhaps 
 an honorable peace could have been attained. If no peace, at 
 least the invasion would have lost its venom with its hope — 
 the enemy would be a bankrupt, his army impotent, and his 
 people indisposed to further exactions. 
 
 These bright prospects were changed in a day. President 
 Davis, moved not so much by popular clamor as by a persist- 
 ent personal dislike of Johnston, who resented his catechising 
 interference with his campaign, took occasion to remove from 
 the command of what had become the most important army 
 in the Confederacy a first-rate military man, who had never 
 lost a battle or a regiment in his whole career; who was exe- 
 cuting the masterpiece of his professional life with a perfection 
 of design and detail which delighted his own troops and filled 
 his adversary with involuntary admiration ; who had done the 
 wonderful thing of conducting an army in retreat over threo 
 hundred miles of intricate country, absolutely without any 
 loss in material or prisoners. Johnston was removed, and 
 Lieutenant-General Hood put in command of the army — Pres- 
 ident Davis declaring that if the people wanted " a fighting 
 general" they should have such in this man, wdio was brave, 
 headstrong, incompetent ; who had the heart of a lion, but, 
 unfortunately, with it a head of wood. 
 
 THE BATTLES OF ATLANTA. THE FALL OF " THE GATE CrrT." 
 
 The efiective force which General Johnston transferred to 
 General Hood was about forty-one thousand infantry and ar- 
 tillery, and ten thousand cavalry. It constituted one of tho 
 largest armies the Confederacy had ever put in a single field, 
 and was only a little less numerous than that with which Gen- 
 eral Lee had fought the campaign of the Rapidan. 
 
 On the 20th of July, Hood attacked the enemy's right on 
 Peach-tree Creek, near the Chattahoochee, gaining some tem- 
 porary advantage, and capturing colors and prisoners. 
 
THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAK. 87 
 
 It was one of the most reckless, massive, and lieadlona; 
 charges of the war. A little past three in the evening, and 
 with the celerity of lightning, the bulk of Hood's army massed 
 in enormous columns against lyewton's division, came on 
 without skirmishing, and with yells whose volume exceeded 
 any battle-shout that had yet been heard. It was the aim of 
 Hood to take advantage of a gap between Newton's division 
 and another division of Palmer's corps, to strike the enemy at 
 a vital point, and to destroy his forces on the right. The 
 charge was gallantly led by Walker's and Bates' divisions of 
 Hardee's corps. The column poured down an open but rocky 
 series of fields towards ISTewton's left, evidently aiming at his 
 bridges. At this point, however, the enemy succeeded, with 
 admirable quickness, in massing their artillery, and pouring a 
 terrible fire upon the Confederates. The Yankee gunners 
 worked with frantic energy ; the Confederate columns slack- 
 ened pace, and began to waver and lose their careful arrange- 
 ment ; and in less than half an hour the attack was drawn off 
 in good order, but having plainly and uncpiestionably failed to 
 accomplish its object. 
 
 On the 22d of Jnly, Hood's army shifted its position, form- 
 ing on Peach-tree Creek, and Stewart's and Cheatham's corps 
 formed line of battle around the city. Hardee's corps made a 
 night march, and attacked the enemy's extreme left at one 
 o^clock on the 22d, and drove him from his works, capturing 
 sixteen pieces of artillery and five stands of colors. Cheatham 
 attacked the enemy at four o'clock in the afternoon with a 
 portion of his command, and drove the enemy, capturing six 
 pieces of artillery. During the engagement we captured about 
 two thousand prisoners- 
 After the battle of the 22d, Sherman's army was transferred 
 from its position on the east side of Atlanta to the extreme 
 right of Hood's army, on the west side, threatening the Macon 
 road. He slowly and gradually drew his lines about Atlanta, 
 feeling for the railroads which supplied Hood's army and made 
 Atlanta a place of importance. 
 
 It remained to break the Macon road. For tliis purpose 
 Stoneman was sent with five thousand cavalry, and McCook 
 with four thousand men, to meet on the railroad near Lovejoy'a 
 and to tear it up, and also to attack and drive Wheelei'. Stone 
 
88 thf: last year of the war. 
 
 Snan did not go to Lovejoy's. He tore up much of the raih-oad, 
 and got down in front of Macon ; and on his retreat was 
 hemmed in by Iverson, and was himself captured, together 
 with one thousand of his men and two guns, besides losing 
 many in killed and wounded. McCook cut his way out, 
 losing about five hundred men as prisoners. " On the whole," 
 Sherman reported, " the cavalry raid is not deemed a suc- 
 cess." 
 
 On the 28th of July, Hood made another grand attack on 
 Sherman. Coming out of Atlanta by the Bell's Ferry road, 
 he advanced in parallel lines directly against the Fifteenth 
 Corps, expecting to catch that ilank in air. Of this movement 
 General Sherman said: "His advance was magnificent, but 
 founded on an error that cost him sadly ; for our men coolly 
 and deliberately cut down his men, and, spite of the efforts of 
 the rebel officers, his ranks broke and fled. But they were 
 rallied again and again, as often as six times at some points ; 
 and a few of tlie rebel officers and men reached our lines of 
 rail-piles only to be killed or hauled over as prisoners." The 
 Yankee accounts claimed a loss on the Confederate side in tiiis 
 enofagement of six tliousand men. General Hood stated his 
 loss at fifteen hundred killed and wounded. The excellent in- 
 trenchments of the Yankees and the skilful formation of tlieir 
 lines saved them from any considerable loss, and secured them 
 the fortune of the day. 
 
 General Sherman now extended his lines southwestward 
 towards East Point, in the hope of drawing the Confedei-ates 
 out, from the fear of having their communications severed ; 
 but Hood extended liis fortified line accordingly, and refused 
 to abandon his works. For several weeks Sherman continued 
 the siege of Atlanta, bombarding it with but little effect. He 
 had satisfied himself that to take Atlanta he must resort to 
 new means, and had concluded to plant his armies away below 
 on the Macon road. Hood's main line of supply. The grand 
 movement was assigned for the 18th of August. 
 
 But at this time Hood made the fatal mistake. He sent off 
 "VVheeler and his entire cavalry to raid on Sherman's line of 
 communications. "At last," wrote Sherman, "he made the 
 mistake we had waited for so long, and sent his cavalry to our 
 rear, far beyond the reach of recall." 
 
L^CEN. HARDEE. 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE "WAR. S9 
 
 Instantly the Yankee cavalry was on the Macon road. Sher- 
 man followed quickly with his principal army. On the 31st 
 of August, Howard, on the right, had reached Jonesboro' ; 
 Thomas, in the centre, was at Couch's; and Schofield, on the 
 left, was near Rough and Ready. 
 
 The Confederate forces were at this time in a most singular 
 position. They had been divided into two main armies, sep- 
 arated by an interval of twenty-two miles. One part of the 
 army was intrenched at Atlanta, and the other was at Jonesboro', 
 under General Hardee, and was also intrenched. The cause 
 of this separation of the forces arose from the fact that Hood 
 had found out, by Kilpatrick's raid, that it was necessary he 
 should protect his communications at that point by a large 
 force. Sherman's army was therefore between Hood's forces, 
 and had literally divided the Confederates in two. 
 
 On the evening of the 30th of August, the enemy made a 
 lodgment across Flint River, near Jonesboro'. The Confed- 
 erates attacked them there on the evening of the 31st, with two 
 corps, but failed to dislodge them. Of this event. General 
 Hood telegraphed to Richmond : " This made it necessary to 
 abandon Atlanta, which was done on the night of the 1st of 
 September." 
 
 On the evening of the 1st of September, General Hardee's 
 corps, in position at Jonesboro', v/as assaulted by a superior 
 force of the enemy ; and being outflanked, was compelled to 
 withdraw during the night, with the loss of eight guns. 
 
 The sum of Hood's disasters was now complete. He had 
 remained in Atlanta to find that he was outflanked, his line of 
 supply cut ofl", and the Yankee troops between him and a large 
 portion of his army. In order to save that portion of his com- 
 mand then with him, he determined to evacuate the fortified 
 city; and on the night of September 1st he blew up his maga- 
 zines, destroyed all his supplies that he could not remove, con- 
 sisting of seven locomotives and eighty-one cars loaded with 
 ammunition, small-arms, and stores, and left the place by the 
 turnpike roads. 
 
 Sherman dispatched to Washington : " Atlanta is ours, and 
 fairly won. Since the 5th of May we have been in one con- 
 tinued battle or skirmish, and need rest." The pause in mil- 
 itary operations afforded him the opportunity of launching 
 
90 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 measures of tlie most extraordinary cruelty against the non- 
 combatant people of Atlanta. He ordered the entire depopu- 
 lation of the city, and proceeded to drive from their homes 
 thousands of helpless women and children. General Hood 
 protested against the measure as " unprecedented, studied, and 
 ungenerous cruelty." Sherman wrote diflt'use replies to him 
 and to the Mayor of Atlanta. This Yankee general wrote a 
 sort of tangled English, interlarded with slang phrases, which 
 the North accepted as a model of forcible and elegant style. 
 He replied to Hood, '"' Talk thus to the marines^ and not to ' 
 me ;" and gave to the mayor this bit of military philosophy : 
 " War is cruelty, and you cannot refine ?'?!." He continued : 
 " You might as well appeal against the thunder-storm as against 
 these terrible hardships of war. They are inevitable ; and the 
 only way the people of Atlanta can hope once more to live in 
 peace and quiet at home is to stop this war." 
 
 It appears that the Yankee general had shut his eyes to^ 
 every element and law of civilization in war. He ordered 
 into exile the whole population of a city, drove men, women, 
 and children from their homes at the point of the bayonet, 
 under the plea that it was to the interest of his Government, 
 and on the claim that it was an act of " kindness to these fam- 
 ilies of Atlanta." Butler only banished from New Orleans the 
 registered enemies of his Government, and acknowledged that 
 he did it as a punishment. Sherman issued a sweeping edict 
 covering all the inhabitants of a city, and added insult to the 
 injury heaped upon the defenceless by assuming that he had 
 done them a kindness. 
 
 Shortly after the fall of Atlanta, it was affirmed that many 
 of the leading men of Georgia, including Governor Brown and 
 Alexander H. Stephens, were in favor of that State withdraw- 
 ing from the Confederacy and making a separate peace ; and 
 that negotiations to that effect had been opened with General 
 Sherman. The facts were these : A Mr. King had brought to 
 Governor Brown a message to the effect that he would be 
 pleased to confer with him and others upon the state of the 
 country, with a view to a settlement of the difficulties, and 
 M'ould give him a pass through the Federal lines, going and 
 returning, for that purpose. To this the governor replied, that 
 he, as governor of a State, and General Sherman, as a com- 
 
THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAE. 91 
 
 mander of an army in the field, had no authority to enter upon 
 negotiations for peace. Georgia might perhaps be overrun, 
 but could not be subjugated, and would never treat with a 
 conqueror upon her soil. That while Georgia possessed the 
 sovereign power to act separately, her faith had been pledged 
 by implication to her Southern sisters, and she would not ex- 
 ercise this power without their consent and co-operation. She 
 had entered into the contest knowing all the responsibilities 
 which it involved, and would never withdraw from it with 
 dishonor. " She will never," he says, " make separate terms 
 with the enem_y, which may free her territory from invasion 
 and leave her confederates in the lurch. Whatever may be 
 the opinion of her people as to the injustice done her by the 
 Confederate Administration, she will triumph with her con- 
 federate sisters, or she will sink with them in common ruin. . . 
 The independent expression of condemnation of the measures 
 of the Administration is one thing, and disloyalty to our sacred 
 cause is another and quite a different thing." " If Mr, Lincoln 
 would stop the war, let him," said Governor Brown, " recognize 
 the sovereignty of the States, and leave to each to determine 
 for herself whether she will return to the old Union or remain 
 in her present league." 
 
 About the same time Yice-President Stephens explained his 
 own position in an elaborate letter, in which he declared that 
 the only solution for present and prospective troubles was " the 
 simple recognition of the fundamental principle and truth upon 
 which all American constitutional liberty is founded, and upon 
 the maintenance of which alone it can be preserved — that is, 
 the sovereignty — the ultimate, absolute sovereignty — of the 
 States." He concluded : " All questions of boundaries, con- 
 federacies, and union or unions would naturally and easily ad- 
 just themselves, according to the interests of parties and the 
 exigencies of the times. Herein lies the true law of balance 
 of the power and the harmony of States." 
 
 The fall of Atlanta was a serious blow to the Confederacy. 
 " On that day," said the Eichmond Examiner^ " McClellan's 
 nomination fell still-born, and an heir was born to the Abolition 
 dynasty. On that day, peace waved those ' white wings,' and 
 fled to the ends of the morning. On that day, calculations of the 
 war's duration ceased to be the amusements even of the idle." 
 
92 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR, 
 
 The catastrophe moved President Davis in Eiclnnond. To- 
 wards the close of September, he made a journe}^ to Georgia. 
 lie delivered an elaborate and ill-tempered speech at Macon. 
 lie said that it would have gladdened his heart to have met 
 his auditors in prosperity instead of adversity. Still, though 
 misfortune had befallen the Confederates from Decatur to 
 Jonesboro', the cause was not lost. Sooner or later Sherman 
 must retreat, and then he would meet the fate that befell jN^a- 
 poleon in the retreat from Moscow. He knew the deep dis- 
 grace felt by Georgia at the army falling back from Dal ton to 
 tlie interior of the State ; but he was not one who felt that At- 
 lanta was lost when the army crossed the Chattahoochee, and 
 he had put a man at the head of the army who would strike a 
 manly blow for the city. It did not become him to revert to 
 disaster. Hood's army must be replenished. He had been 
 asked to send reinforcements from Yirginia to Georgia, but 
 the disj^arity in numbers was as great in Yirginia as in Georgia. 
 The army under Early had been sent to the valley of the Shen- 
 andoah, instead of to Georgia, because the enemy had pene- 
 trated to Lynchburg; and now, if Early was withdrawn, there 
 was nothing to prevent the Federal troops from putting a com- 
 plete cordon of men around Richmond. He had counselled 
 with General Lee upon all these points ; his mind had roamed 
 over the whole field, and his conclusion was, that " if one-half 
 of the men now absent from the field would return to duty, 
 we can defeat the enemy. With that hope, I am now going 
 to the front, I may not realize this hope, but I know that 
 there are men there who have looked death too often in the 
 face to despond now," 
 
 The swollen tone of the Confederate President was not with- 
 out effect upon the public mind. Confidence was in a measure 
 revived ; and expectation stood on tiptoe for the results of that 
 wonderful strategy which President Davis had counselled with 
 Hood, and which he promised his Macon audience was to re- 
 cover Atlanta, and bring Sherman to a grief unparalleled in 
 the war. The President's vivid hint of such a campaign was 
 the occasion of new hopes with some people of the Confederacy. 
 But they had forgotten of what ill omen had been his former 
 visits to the Western army; how disaster had followed on his 
 heels ; and how his former plans of campaign in this depart- 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF TIIK WAR. 93 
 
 ment, attended with like vapors, had turned ont to be the 
 veriest chip-traps in military science. But the sequel of the 
 Macon speech belongs to another period of time, and must be 
 reserved for another chapter. 
 
 "We turn here, at this period, to the narration of some naval 
 and military incidents which belong to it, and which, although 
 of uo great importance in themselves, are of considerable in- 
 terest, either on account of the principles they involved or the 
 spirit they illustrated. 
 
 CAPTURE OF THE CONFEDERATE PRIVATEER FLORIDA. 
 
 The Florida had originally sailed from England under the 
 name of Oreto, and under that name she was, on reaching 
 Nassau, brought before the court through the efforts of the 
 Yankee consul. The neutral authorities decided in favor of 
 the vessel, which was permitted to proceed. Leaving Nas- 
 sau she went to Green Bay, where she received on board her 
 armament, ran into Mobile, changed her name to that of 
 Florida, and had since carried on an effective war on Yankee 
 commerce. 
 
 In February, 1864, availing herself of a dark niglit, she es- 
 caped from Brest, eluding the Kearsarge, which was off tliat 
 port. In June, she visited the neutral port of St. Georges, 
 Bermuda, and remained there nine days. Leaving St. Geoi'ges 
 on the 2Tth of that month, she remained outside, but in sight, 
 for thr.ee or four days, boarding all vessels that approached the 
 island. On the 10th of July she captured the Electric Spark, 
 near the coast, while several vessels were cruizing for iier ; but 
 she escaped, and was next heard from at Teneriffe, on the 4tli 
 of August. Subsequently she entered the bay of San Salvador, 
 Brazil. 
 
 While the Florida was at her anchorage in this neutral port, 
 and a portion of her crew, with her commander, were ashore, 
 not dreaming of danger. Captain Napoleon Collins, of the 
 Yankee steamer Wachusett, had conceived the extraordinary 
 and outrageous design of stealing upon the Confederate vessel, 
 and destroj^ing or capturing her by a cowardly stratagem in a 
 neutral port. 
 
94 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 About three o'clock in the morning of the 7th of October, 
 the cables were slipped, and the Wachusett bore down upon 
 the Confederate vessel under a full head of steam. So little ex- 
 pectation was there of such a proceeding, that one-half the 
 officers and crew of the Florida, seventy in number, and includ- 
 ing Captain Morris, were on shore. The Florida's officer on 
 deck supposed the collision, which he saw to be imminent, to 
 be merely accidental, and cried out : " You will run into us if 
 you don't look out." The design of Captain Collins was to 
 strike the Florida amidships, with full steam on, crushing her 
 side, and send her at once to the bottom. The Wachusett, 
 however, did not strike hei- adversary fairly, but hit her in the 
 stern, carrying away the mizen-mast and main-yard. The 
 Florida was not seriously injured by the collision ; but the 
 broken spar fell across the awning over her hatchway in such 
 a manner as to prevent her crew from getting on deck from 
 below. The recoil which followed the shock carried the Wa- 
 .chusett back several yards. In the confusion which ensued, 
 several pistol shots were fired from both vessels, chiefly at 
 random and entirely without effect. Two of the guns of the 
 Wachusett were also discharged, but the shots did not strike 
 the Florida. 
 
 Captain Collins, of the Wachusett, immediately called out : 
 " Surrender, or I will blow you out of the water !" The lieu- 
 tenant in charge of the Florida replied : " Under the circum- 
 stances, I surrender." Without the delay of an instant, dozens 
 of Yankee sailors boarded the prize, and made fast a hawser, 
 connecting her with their own vessel, and the Wachusett 
 turned her course seaward, moving at the top of her speed, 
 and towing the Florida in her wake. 
 
 The fleet of Brazilian vessels was so situated, that the two 
 steamers were obliged to pass under the stern of one of the 
 largest in order to penetrate their line. The Wachusett was 
 challenged, but did not deign a word of reply, and the Florida, 
 when hailed and commanded to halt a moment after, replied 
 that a pause was impossible, as she was towed by the vessel in 
 front. The Brazilians soon divined the state of affairs, and in 
 another moment or two the heavy guns of the fort, under the 
 muzzles of which the capture had l3een made, opened fire on 
 the Wachusett as she disappeared in the darkness. Three 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 95 
 
 sliots were fired after her, all passing harmlessly far above her 
 pennant and striking the water. 
 
 To those familiar with the Yankee disposition to misrepre- 
 sent and boast, it will not appear strange that this stroke of 
 I^apoleon Collins' genius — a piece of cowardice and outrage 
 for which Mr. Seward was afterwards compelled to a|)ologize 
 to the Brazilian government — should have been generally 
 thought, in the North, very commendable and admirable. 
 Bat what sliall be said of this sentiment in a New York news- 
 paper : " Certainly no page of history can show a tnore daring 
 achieveonent, or one executed with more hrilliant rapidity or 
 more complete success .^" 
 
 THE DESTRUCTION OF THE CONFEDERATE RAM ALBEMARLE. 
 
 A few weeks later, and another naval exploit of the Yaidcces 
 was heralded to tlie })ublic. This was the destruction of the 
 formidable ram Albemarle, in the Koanoke River. With four- 
 teen officers and men. Lieutenant Gushing, of the Yankee navy, 
 on the night of the 27th October, ascended the Koanoke to 
 Plymouth, in a torpedo boat, crept upon the ram at her wharf, 
 and sunk her by the explosion of the torpedo. 
 
 The exploit was a most dastardly one — a rare exhibition of 
 cowardice; for no sooner had the Yankees exploded the Albe- 
 marle than, instead of making fight, they cried out, " We sur- 
 der, we surrender !" and "while the vessel was sinking, called 
 for quarter from those upon whom they had stolen under the 
 cover of darkness. 
 
 The Confederates would have been justifiable in dispatching 
 these men on the spot. The Yankees had, in more than one 
 instance, executed in cold blood members of the torpedo corps 
 of the Confederate States ; and when Butler ascended the James 
 River, in May, 1864, the story was grimly told in the New 
 York papers, that certain torpedo-men captured on that occa- 
 sion " would never give any more trouble." But in the case 
 of the Albemarle, the Confederates, with characteristic softness 
 and simplicity of heart, took and treated as prisoners of war 
 the dastardly creatures, whose enterprise had been of no more 
 peril than that of the assassin who stabs in the back, and, as 
 
96 THE LAST YEAE OF THR WAR. 
 
 his victim turns to revenge himself, throws up his hands for 
 mercy. 
 
 It is a peculiarity of the Yankee that the success of an in- 
 genious device of cowardice is more higlily extolled than any 
 exhibition of real courage. ISTo wonder, then, that the affair 
 of the Albemarle was exploited as one of the sensations of the 
 day ; and that Lieutenant Gushing, the commander of tlie 
 Yankee party, was dubbed " hero," and his physiognomy re- 
 corded on the first pages of the New York pictorials. 
 
 The destruction of the Albemarle removed the reliable de- 
 fence of Plymouth. On the 31st of October the Yankees took 
 possession of the place, capturing some prisoners and cannon, 
 and re-establishing their supremacy in the sounds of North 
 Carolina. 
 
 THE ST. ALBANS RAID. 
 
 In the month of October, a great and undue excitement was 
 created in the JSTorth by an expedition of twenty-five Confed- 
 erates from the Canadian frontier into the town of St. Albans, 
 Vermont. The raid occurred on the 18th of October. The 
 banks were robbed of over one hundred thousand dollars, and 
 a citizen was shot ; the raiders declaring that they " intended 
 retaliation for Sherman's cruelties in Atlanta." They escaped 
 across the frontier, but were arrested by the Canadian author- 
 ities. The raid was followed by great excitement, and in a 
 few hours the whole frontier was under arms. 
 
 The apparent complicity of the Confederate authorities in 
 the St. Albans raid furnished the Yankees with the occasion 
 of connecting the Government at Richmond with all sorts of 
 real and pretended schemes, concocted on the Canadian fron- 
 tier, to execute savage justice upon the North. These stories 
 are familiar to the world. It was declared on affidavit, on 
 different occasions, that Confederate agents, on neutral terri- 
 tory, had plotted the burning of Northern cities, the conflagra- 
 tion of hotels, the destruction of railroad trains, the infection 
 of the Northern people with pestilence, and all manner of sav- 
 age and inhuman retribution. 
 
 The slight element of truth in these libels is easily indicated. 
 No human creature is more ingenious and industrious in mis- 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 97 
 
 representation than the Yankee ; and his unscrupulous and 
 busy attempt to hand down the Confederates to history as a 
 savage foe, is to be constantly met in the history of the war. 
 
 It is true that President Davis was a credulous man, and 
 very accessible to the claims of foreign adventurers, to the pro- 
 positions of " blowers," and the game of " coniidence-men." 
 It is quite possible that he .may have given countenance to 
 some of these plausible creatures, who afterwards exceeded 
 their instructions ; and having been designated for legitimate 
 "secret service," assumed, on their own account, the part of 
 highwaymen and incendiaries. But it is an incontestable fact 
 in history, that the Coufederates, so far from being savage 
 avengers, were deficient in the policy and tame in the spirit 
 of retaliation ; that they moderated their warfare with an ex- 
 cess of chivalry and sentimentalisra that was more than once 
 laughed at by the enemy, or seriously censured by the more 
 intelligent and just persons of the South; and that in their 
 general temper in the war, and its well-attested facts of his- 
 tory, they give the conclusive and unmistakable contradiction 
 to the multitudinous Yankee stories of " rebel barbarities" in 
 the episodes of the war. 
 
 7 
 
98 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 CHAPTER Yl. 
 
 The Eichmond lines. — The Fall op Foet Harrison, eto. — The attempt to retake it. 
 — Why it failed. — Engagement on the Charles City Koad. — Death of General 
 Gregg.— Engagement on the Williamsbukg and Boydton Eoads. — Another 
 Grand Attempt on Eichmond. — A shameful failure. — The "electoral necessity" at 
 Washington. — The Campaign in the Valley of Virginia. — Early's mission in the 
 Valley; — How a part of the combination to protect Eichmcnd.--Sheridan's com- 
 mand. — His strategy. — Battle near Winchester. — A critical moment. — The en- 
 emy's centre broken. — He recovers. — Misconduct of the Confederate cavalry. — 
 Early retreats to Fisher's Hill.^THE Battle of Fisher's Hill. — A most unex- 
 pected reverse to the Confederates. — Misgivings and alarm in Eiclimond. — The 
 capture of Staunton.- — Sheridan's devastations of the Valley. — "Barn-burning." — 
 An affair of Eosser's cavalry. — " Tiie Saviour of the Vnlley.". — Battle of Cedar 
 Creek. — Two-thirds of Sheridan's army completely routed. — Early's awkward 
 pause. — Plunder of the Yankee camp. — The enemy regains the day. — Shameful 
 rout of the Confederates. — The Valley campaign virtually ended. — Southwestern 
 Virginia. — Breckinridge's campaign. — The Yankees capture the salt-works a.% 
 Saltville. — Destruction of the works. 
 
 The events on the Riclimond lines in the fall mouths of 1864 
 were not without importance. 
 
 THE FALL OF FOKT HAERISOIST, ETC. 
 
 Early on the night of the 28th of September it was discov- 
 ered that the enemy was crossing a force to the north side of 
 the James, at Deep Bottom, and in a few hours developed the 
 fact that he was crossing infantry, cavalry, and artillery in 
 heavy columns. General Gregg, who was in command at that 
 point, after notifying General Ewell of the situation, placed 
 two brigades of Field's division in readiness to meet an attack. 
 
 At daybreak on the '29th, our pickets were driven in at sev- 
 eral points, showing that a formidable advance was being made, 
 and that the force to oppose it was inadequate to cover all the 
 ground threatened. The best disposition possible, however, 
 was made of the small force present. The first determined as- 
 sault w^as made near the Phillips House, on both sides of the 
 Four Mile Pun. The Texas brigade was hastened in double- 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 99 
 
 quick to that point, and placed in position just in time to repel 
 the attack. The enemy, in very heavy force, had reached the 
 abattis, thirty or forty yards in front, but were there met by 
 a most terrific and galling fire, which mowed them down with 
 terrible slaughter. The white troops fled in great confusion, 
 but, the entangled brush greatly impeding their speed, many 
 of them fell under the fire of the well-aimed rifles of the 
 Texans. 
 
 The negroes, who were driven up at the point of the bay- 
 onet, lay flat upon the ground, just in rear of the abattis, hop- 
 ing thereby to shield themselves from the sad havoc in their 
 ranks, but the Texans, mounting the works, shot them like 
 sheep led to the shambles. The IS'ew York Herald said one 
 Imndred and ninety-four negroes were buried upon that spot. 
 Counting the wounded at five times as great, which is a low 
 estimate, at least twelve hundred killed and wounded cum- 
 bered the ground in front of that little brigade. 
 
 Beaten back at this point, the enemy immediately hurled 
 another column of white troops against General Geary, near the 
 Drill House, on New Market Heights, and met a like bloody 
 repulse. 
 
 Beaten back with terrible slaughter from the heights of New 
 Market, the Yankees determined to accomplish, by flank 
 movements and overwhelming numbers, what their courage 
 failed to do. 
 
 A heavy column moved up the river for the purpose of at- 
 tacking the works on Chafiin's farm, while others moved up 
 the Darby town and New Market roads. A force of Confederates 
 was hastened off in double-quick to reinforce Fort Harrison 
 and adjacent works ; but before they could reach them the en- 
 emy assaulted the fort, which, after a very feeble resistance on 
 the part of the artillery and a portion of Colonel Maury's com- 
 mand, was abandoned to the enemy. This fort occupied a 
 commanding position below Drury's Blufi", and constituted 
 the main defence at that point. 
 
 In the mean time the force that moved up New Market road 
 had massed in a ravine on Taylor's fixrm, northwest of Fort 
 Gilmer, and were moving in two heavy columns upon it and 
 the works to the left. Law's brigade of Field's division (under 
 Colonel Bowls), which had just arrived, opened a destructive 
 
100 THE LAST TEAE OF THE WAK. 
 
 fire on the line advancing upon the works to the left and re- 
 pulsed them. The whole force was then hurled, with great im- 
 petuosity, against Fort Gilmer. 
 
 The open plateau in front gave the Confederates, in and 
 to the left of the fort, an opportunity to pour a galling and 
 destructive fire into the enemy's front and flank for several 
 hundred yards before they could reach the goal at which they 
 aimed. The negroes, as usual, were in front, and rushed for- 
 ward frantically, under dread of the bayonets at their backs, 
 shooting but seldom, and wide of their mark. Their only 
 object seemed to be to gain the ditch, and save themselves 
 from slaughter. The white soldiers never reached the ditch. 
 They were repulsed, and fell back in confusion. 
 
 The total sum of the day's labor was six battle-flags, two 
 guidons, and about five hundred prisoners, besides at least 
 seven hundred of the enemy killed, and three thousand five 
 hundred wounded. 
 
 General Field arrived just prior to the assault upon Fort 
 Gilmer, and, after a careful survey of the situation, favored an 
 attack upon Fort Harrison that evening, before the enemy 
 could strengthen the position. But his superior officers 
 thought it best to defer it until the next day. The sequel 
 shows that General Field was right. Twenty-four hours 
 elapsed, during which time the enemy greatly improved and 
 strengthened his position. The plan determined upon was to 
 attack at two o'clock on the evening of the 30th. Generals 
 Anderson's, Bratton's, and Law's brigades, of Field's division, 
 were to make the assault in front, while Hoke attacked at the 
 same time the side next to the Blufl". By means of a ravine 
 the latter was enabled to form within two or three hundred 
 yards of the fort, while Field was probably three times 
 that distance. At the expiration of a certain time, after a 
 given signal, the assault was to commence. As soon as Gen- 
 eral Field's line moved up, on a line opposite to General Hoke, 
 he was to advance, and the attack was to be made simultane- 
 ous. In accordance with this arrangement, the assaulting 
 columns M^ere put in readiness, and the signal given. In order 
 to cause no delay, and to make sure of getting all the men out 
 of the trenches, a short while before the time expired. General 
 Field ordered General Anderson to move his brigade in front 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 101 
 
 of the works he then occupied, adjust his line, and make the 
 men lie down until the other two brigades could form upon it. 
 General Anderson failing to give his men the necessary in- 
 struction as to his object, as soon as they leaped the breast- 
 works they rushed forward with a yell, and he was unable to 
 control them. This necessitated rapid movement on the part 
 of the other brigades. General Hoke, awaiting the expiration 
 of the time, did not move forward as was designed, in concert 
 with the brigades of Field's division, and thus the enemy was 
 enabled to concentrate his fire upon both assaults. 
 
 Tlie troops did not attack with their usual impetuosity. 
 Law's brigade accomplished its object, in sweeping up the old 
 works, retaking a redan to the left of the fort, and thus pro- 
 tecting our left flank. But the main attack failed. Hoke met 
 a like repulse. Had General Field's plan to attack the even- 
 ing before been adopted, in all human probability the fort 
 would have been recaptured, and the enemy driven back across 
 the river. 
 
 ENGAGEMENT ON THE CHARLES CITY EGAD. 
 
 On the morning of the 6th of October, the Yankee host, 
 forty thousand strong, lay encamped on the north side of James 
 River, the main body in the neighborhood of Fort Harrison, 
 ten miles southeast of Eichmond, the Tenth (Birney's) array 
 corps and Kautz's cavalry being five and a half miles nearer 
 the city, and in position between the Darbytown and Charles 
 City roads. 
 
 With the first early light. General Geary's brigade of cavalry 
 and a considerable force of our infantry struck the enemy's 
 right, resting on the Charles City road, at a point from four 
 and a half to five miles from the city. The Yankees were com- 
 pletely surprised, and with little resistance fled into their in- 
 trenchments, a short distance in their rear. Here they were 
 in strong force, and prepared for a desperate resistance ; but 
 our troops, following up their first blow with great impetuosity, 
 carried the works and drove the Yankees out, capturing nine 
 I)ieces of cannon, one hundred artillery horses, and several 
 hundred prisoners. 
 
;I02 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 General Geary, by tliis time, had Kautz on the run, and was 
 driving him ahead of the infantry. 
 
 Our infantry continued to press the Tenth Corps back. Our 
 troops then pressed forward towards a second line of the ene- 
 my's intrenchments, which were carried after a sharp contest, 
 and the enemy routed and pursued some distance towards Fort 
 Harrison, when our men were withdrawn from tlie pursuit to 
 the enemy's line of intrenchments just taken. 
 
 The enemy, in the course of an hour or two, having been 
 rapidly reinforced from the grand army at Fort Harrison, ad- 
 vanced with confidence to the recapture of their former posi- 
 tion. They were, after a long and desperate fight, repulsed 
 with great slaughter, and as night closed in we held all the 
 ground we had taken. 
 
 In this fight the brave and chivalrous General Gregg, com- 
 manding the Texan brigade, fell at the head of his troops, 
 pierced through the neck by a minie ball. 
 
 ENGAGEMENT ON THE WILLIAMSBURG AND BOTDTON ROADS — 
 ANOTHER GRAND ATTEMPT ON EICHMOND. 
 
 On the 27th of October, General Grant moved against the 
 Confederate right and left flank. An interval of a month had 
 occurred since his capture of Fort Harrison, and the extension 
 of his right to the Darbytown road. The armies of the James 
 and the Potomac moved simultaneously. 
 
 It was soon ascertained that the Eighteenth Corps had made 
 a detour around White Oak swamp, and was advancing in 
 heavy columns up the Williamsburg and Nine Mile rotids. 
 The object of this movement was to find, and if possible turn, 
 Lee's left flank. General Longstreet at once ordered General 
 Field, to take position on the Nine Mile road. 
 
 He moved the division with great celerity, and gained the 
 Williamsburg road just in time to repel an assault and save 
 the fort and guns immediately on the road. 
 
 On his arrival, he found that the enemy's heaviest force was 
 massed upon that road, and that would be the point of main 
 attack. 
 
 Two or three brigades of negroes had been sent np the Nine 
 
 4 
 
THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAR. 103 
 
 Mile road, and had charged and carried the works, and ca]>- 
 tured one piece of artillery, just as the Hampton Legion, of 
 Gearj's cavalry, was going into position. But the Twenty -fourth 
 Virginia cavalry coming up, they, in conjunction with the 
 legion, charged and regained the works and artillery, and 
 drove the negroes back with heavy slaughter. 
 
 Severe skirmishing and artillery duels were being waged on 
 the Darbytown and Charles City roads ; and one or two deter- 
 mined assaults had been made upon Hoke's line, but had been 
 handsomely repulsed. 
 
 In the mean time, the enemy had planted two heavy field- 
 batteries near the Williamsburg road, and were shelling our 
 works most furiously. Their artillery was handled with great 
 skill and precision. Our batteries did not respond, because 
 they desired to hold their fire for the advance of the infantry. 
 Their silence misled the enemy. Soon a line of battle de- 
 bouched from the woods on the left of the Williamsburg road, 
 evidently bent upon the capture of the fort. This time the 
 negroes were in the rear, perhaps because the white soldiers, 
 believing that the fort and its guns were but feebly manned, 
 expected to make easy and quick work of it, and get all the 
 glory. In this they were disastrously deceived. They had to 
 advance through an open and level field for half a mile. The 
 fort opened upon them with grape and canister ; and when 
 within five hundred yards, Anderson's, the Texas, and Brat- 
 ton's brigades poured terrible volleys of minies from their En- 
 field rifles into their wavering ranks ; and by the time they 
 arrived within two hundred yards, the fire from the artillery 
 and musketry had become so destructive that they broke in 
 every direction, and were charged by our skirmishers. The 
 result, in addition to one hundred dead and many wounded, 
 was the capture of 500 prisoners. 
 
 On the Boydton plank-road the day had been no less de- 
 cisive. The main attack of the enemy here was directed 
 against the Southside Kailroad. The enemy was encountered 
 here by three brigades under General Mahone in front, and 
 General Hampton in the rear. Mahone captured four hundred 
 prisoners, three stand of colors, and six pieces of artillery. The 
 latter could not be brought off, the enemy having possession 
 of the bridge. 
 
104 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 In the attack subsequently made by the enemy, General 
 Mahone broke three lines of battle, and during the night the 
 enemy retreated from the Boydton road, leaving his wounded 
 and more than two hundred and fifty dead on the field.* 
 
 Thus failed, almost shamefully, Grant's ambitious movement 
 of October. It had been easily repulsed at all points. There 
 is no doubt that Grant had designed, at this season, an " On 
 to Richmond," which was to electrify the North and carry for 
 Lincoln the approaching Presidential election, only a few days 
 distant. But he had utterly failed to respond to the " electoral 
 necessity" at Washington ; although it must be admitted that 
 events, to which we shall presently refer, in other parts of Vir- 
 ginia, had amply supplied it, and adorned the Yankee arms 
 with no mean success. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 These Yankee successes were to occur in a quarter where 
 tliey were least expected — in the Yalley of Virginia, a district 
 heretofore illuminated by brilliant Confederate victories, and 
 associated with heroic names. 
 
 Early's army in the Valley, first designed to threaten Wash- 
 ington, and to do a not less important service in saving the 
 harvests of the Shenandoah, had become, in other respects, a 
 most necessary part of General Lee's combination to protect 
 Richmond. 
 
 Of the four railroads which enter Richmond, two — the Freder- 
 icksburg and the York River railroads — had become of but 
 little account ; they drained a country already exhausted. But 
 the Gordonsville road, connecting Richmond with the fertile 
 
 * In the series of engagements on the Richmond lines just narrated, Field's 
 division had borne a conspicuous part, and deserves a distinct mention. A 
 correspondent wrote : " For thirty days this division has stood at the gates of 
 the capital against overwhelming odds ; and, almost unaided, lias beaten back, 
 with sad havoc, five of Grant's grand ' 0ns to Richmond.' It has lost, in 
 killed, wounded, and missing, about twelve hundred men ; and yet is stronger 
 to-day than it was a month ago. It has killed more than one thousand of the 
 enemy, wounded five times that number, captured over 1,200 prisoners, several 
 hundred stands of arms, five guidons, and fifteen battle-flags." 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 105 
 
 Valley of the Shenandoah, was of great importance. It was a 
 part of Early's mission to guard this communication, but a 
 more important part of that mission was to cover the approach 
 to Lynchbnrg. After the occupation of the Weldon road by 
 Grant, the safety of Lynchburg became absolutely essential to 
 the maintenance by Lee of any defensive position in Virginia, 
 For Lynchburg was tlien the key to all the communications 
 left to his army ; and if once captured by the Yankee forces 
 and made a military station, it could be held by a small army, 
 and made the centre of a new sj^stem of operations on the west 
 side of Richmond. 
 
 On the 8th of August, General Sheridan was placed in com- 
 mand of what was called the Middle Military Division, super- 
 seding General Hunter, his force consisting at that time of the 
 Sixth, Eighth, and Nineteenth Corps, together with Crook's, 
 Averill's, and Kelly's commands. On receiving his command, 
 Sheridan established his headquarters at Harper's Ferry. 
 
 Concentrating his troops at once along the Potomac, in the 
 immediate vicinity of the Shenandoah Valley, whither General 
 Early, now in command of the Confederate forces, had with- 
 dratvn, Sheridan gradually advanced upon the important posi- 
 tions of Martinsburg, Williamsport, etc., garrisoning these as 
 fast as they were relinquished, and establishing complete and 
 prompt communications between his headquarters and the ad- 
 vanced posts. Early fell back gradually, for the purpose of 
 luring Sheridan on. As Early retired, Sheridan took the op- 
 portunity of seizing and securing "Winchester on the 12th of 
 August, throwing out a cavalry detachment to Front Royal. 
 This accomplished, he fell back in turn, abandoning Winches- 
 ter, and awaiting at Harper's Ferry and its vicinity the concen- 
 tration of his forces. 
 
 On the 18th of September, General Early, with compara- 
 tively a small force, was confronting Sheridan north of Win- 
 chester. Sheridan attacked him on Opequan Creek, and 
 captured fifty men belonging to the Eighth South Carolina 
 regiment, who were on picket. Lnmediately Sheridan tele- 
 graphed to Stanton, " I have captured one entire regiment, 
 ofticers included." 
 
i06 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 BATTLE NEAR WINCHESTER. 
 
 On the morning of the 19th of September, the enemy ad- 
 vanced upon Winchester, near which place General Early met 
 his attack. About daylight the enemy advanced, by the Ber- 
 ryville road, on Ramseur, who was posted at the Spout Spring, 
 on tlie same road, some four miles east of Winchester. Gen- 
 eral Gordon was at Bunker Hill, twelve miles from Winchester, 
 and ten miles from Martinsburg, on a reconnoissance. General 
 Ehodes was at Hopewell Church, near Whitehall, to the left of 
 the Martinsburg road, and about eight miles below Winchester. 
 Gordon commenced moving back to the point of attack about 
 daylight, and Rhodes moved in the same direction about seven 
 o'clock. Wharton, meanwhile, remained on the extreme left, 
 on the Martinsburg road, a short distance below Winchester. 
 Between ten and eleven o'clock all of our troops were in posi- 
 tion on the field, our line facing towards the east, the enemy's 
 towards the west. The situation was as follows : Ramseur's 
 troops stretched from Abraham Creek to the Berryville pike ; 
 Rhodes had taken position between Ramseur and Gordon ; and 
 Wharton, as above stated, held the left. The battle now 
 raged heavily, and bore strongly towards our left. It was 
 about half-past twelve when General Rhodes, while placing a 
 battery in the gap between himself and Gordon, was struck in 
 the head by a ball, and borne from the field. He was carried 
 to Winchester, where he died in about half an hour after 
 reaching the place. 
 
 In some battles there is a marked crisis, when the fortune of 
 the day is visibly and instantly decided. As the enemy pressed 
 forward in the attack, a brigade, in Grover's division of the 
 Nineteenth Corps, was forced to retire ; another was thrown 
 into confusion, and the entire left of the division subsequently 
 gave way. A Confederate battery opened upon the fl.ying 
 troops. Their shells, descending among the broken columns of 
 Grover, demoralized and shattered them still more. The entire 
 infantry of the Confederates charged in turn, pouring in severe 
 and rapid volleys towards the point of breakage. 
 
 " The moment," says a Yankee correspondent, " was a fearful 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 107 
 
 one. Snch a sight rarely occurs more than once in any battle, 
 as was presented on the open space between two pieces of 
 woodland, into which the cheeking enemy poured, in their 
 eagerness. Their whole line, reckless of bullets, reckless even 
 of the shells of our batteries, constantly advanced. Captain 
 Steven's battery, posted immediately in their front, pnured its 
 fire unflinchingly into their columns to the last. The men of 
 the battery kept it at work in the face of the foe, who advanced 
 at least within two hundred yards of the muzzles of the guns. 
 General Rickett's division, pressed heavily in flank, gradually 
 broke, and commenced falling back. General Getty's division, 
 on the left, partially fell back likewise. The day, had such a 
 situation been suffered to continue fifteen minutes longer, 
 would certainly have been lost to us." 
 
 The enemy ordered up his reserves in the rear of his broken 
 centre. His columns were gradually reformed, and the battle 
 raged with renewed fury. 
 
 The Yankees now continued to push their line around our 
 left, and about four o'clock in the afternoon, their cavalry, on 
 the extreme right, made a charge upon our cavalry, completely 
 routing it. Up to this time the battle had been progressing 
 very favorably; but the stampede of our cavalry enabled the 
 enemy to pass on our flank and in our rear, and made it neces- 
 sary for our infantry to fall back, which it did, reaching Win- 
 chester about sundown. The same evening our wliole army 
 retired to Newtown, and the next morning to Fisher's Hill. 
 This position, pronounced by military men to be the strongest 
 in the Yalley, was eighteen miles from Winchester, and 
 seventy-two from Staunton. It was overlooked, from the east, 
 by the Massanutton Mountain, from which it was separated by 
 the north branch of the Shenandoah River, while on the west 
 it was protected by the North Mountain, and along its front 
 base flowed a small branch called Cnmberland Run. 
 
 The disaster of this defeat was painfully recognized by the 
 Confederate public. In the fight, General Early lost three 
 thousand men, from all causes, and three cannon. The misbe- 
 havior of our cavalry was an especial subject of mortification. 
 It had undoubtedly lost the day. Though outnumbered four 
 to one our troops had met the attack nobly, and actually beat 
 Sheridan's infantry, and were driving them back at all points, 
 
108 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 when onr cavalry, who were relied upon to protect our flanks, 
 gave way on our right. The enemy's cavalry immediately as- 
 saulted the right of our victorious columns, and the fortunes of 
 the day were changed, and a defeat of the Confederates ensued. 
 Yet it was at least hoped that Early would be able to hold the 
 immensely strong position of Fisher's Hill against all comers, 
 and that there the tide of disaster would be stayed. But in 
 this the Confederate public was to be infinitely disappointed. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF FISHER S HILL. 
 
 On the 22d of September, Sheridan brought up his entire 
 force to assault the strong position of the Confederates on 
 Fisher's Hill. The works were too formidable to be carried 
 by an attack in front alone, and therefore, while keeping up a 
 feint of a front attack, the Eighth Corps was sent far to the 
 right, and, sweeping about Early's left, flanked him, and at- 
 tacked him in the rear, driving him out of his intrenchments ; 
 while the Sixth Corps attacked at the same time in the centre, 
 front, and the Nineteenth Corps on the left. Confused and dis- 
 organized by attacks at so many different points, the Confed- 
 erates broke at the centre, and fled, in disorganization, towards 
 Woodstock. Artillery, horses, wagons, rifles, knapsacks, and 
 canteens were abandoned, and strewn along the road. Several 
 hundred prisoners and twelve pieces of artillery were captured. 
 The pursuit was continued until the 25th, and did not conclude 
 until Early had been driven below Port Republic. 
 
 This second most unexpected reverse of Early was the occa- 
 sion of no little despondency in Richmond. The total of his 
 losses in men and material was considerable ; and although the 
 story of the Yankees, that in one week ten thousand of his 
 men had been put out of combat, was absurdly false, enough 
 was known in Richmond of the extent of the disaster to occa- 
 sion the most serious misgivings and alarm. The harvests of 
 the Shenandoah Yalley had been lost; the most productive 
 districts of Virginia were opened to the waste of the enemy ; 
 and the second capture of Staunton, that was to ensue, was to 
 be the signal of another alarm for the safety of Lynchburg. 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAE. 109 
 
 While Sheridan made his headquarters at Port Republic, he 
 sent his cavalry, under Torbert, forward to Staunton ; which 
 place they captured, and desti'oyed all the storehouses, machine- 
 shops, and other buildings, owned or occupied by the Confed- 
 erate government, and also the saddles, small-arms, hard-.bread, 
 and other military stores found in the i^lace. They then pro- 
 ceeded to Waynesboro', also on the Virginia Central Railroad ; 
 tore up seven miles of the railroad track, destroyed the depot, 
 the iron bridge over the Shenandoah, a government tannery, 
 and other stores. General Sheridan also improved the time of 
 holding possession of the Shenandoah Yalley to destroy all the 
 grain, hay and forage to be found there, excepting what was 
 necessary for the subsistence of his own army. The whole 
 valley being thus devastated. General Sheridan moved leisurely 
 northward, and on the 6th of October made his headquarters 
 at Woodstock. South of this point over two thousand barns 
 filled with wheat and hay, and over seventy mills stocked with 
 wheat and flour had been destroyed ; and a vast herd of stock, 
 and more than three thousand sheep had been reserved for the 
 supply of the army. The Luray Yalley, as well as the Little 
 Fort Yalley, were subjected to the same devastation. In the 
 marauding expedition into the former valley, sixty-five hundred 
 head of cattle, and five hundred horses were captured, and 
 thirty-two large flouring mills, thirty distilleries, four blast-fur- 
 naces, and over fifty barns were destroyed. 
 
 The horror and crime of this devastation was remarkable 
 even in Yankee warfare. They impoverished a whole popula- 
 tion ; they reduced women and children to beggary and star- 
 vation ; they left the black monuments of Yankee atrocity all 
 the way from the Blue Ridge to the ISTorth Mountain. It is 
 remarkable that the worst of Yankee atrocities were always 
 done in the intoxication of unexpected success, when no longer 
 the fears of previous disasters held in check their cruel coward- 
 ice, and intimidated their native ferocity. 
 
 On the 9th of October, Sheridan liad an aff'air with Rosser's 
 cavalry, which had hung on his rear. One division of the 
 Yankee cavalry charged along the Strasburg pike, while 
 another, moving by a back road, took Rosser in flank. Sher- 
 idan claimed in this afi'air to have taken eleven pieces of ar- 
 tillery, and over three hundred prisoners. He wrote to the 
 
110 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 War Department, at Washington, a dispatch in which profan- 
 ity and slang marked his lively sense of victory. He had 
 " finished ' the Savior of the Yalley,' " and the worsted Con- 
 federates he had pursued " on the jumjpi'''' for twenty-six miles. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF CEDAR CREEK. 
 
 The most important battle of the campaign in the Yalley 
 was yet \o take place. 
 
 On the 18th of October, Early lay at Fisher's Hill with two 
 corps of Sheridan's army in his front, on the north side of 
 Cedar Creek. Another corps, the Sixth, was between Middle- 
 town and Kewtown. Sheridan himself was at Winchester, 
 and his cavalry a little withdrawn from the front. The two 
 corps on Cedar Creek were heavily fortified on the left (look- 
 ing towards Middletown) of the turnpike, but their works on 
 the right of the road were complete. 
 
 This being the situation, Early deterrnined to attack and, if 
 possible, to surprise the force at Cedar Creek. Accordingly, 
 at nightfall of the 18th, he marched out of his works at Fisher's 
 Hill to the stone bridge which crosses the little stream at the 
 foot of the hill. Here his army was divided, the larger column 
 moving to the right of the turnpike, the lesser to the left — the 
 object being simultaneous attack on both flanks of the enemy. 
 In order to flank the enemy's works on the right of the road, 
 it was necessary to move the larger column through a narrow 
 pass in the mountains, where two men could not walk abreast. 
 Thus, marching in single file, the whole night was consumed 
 before the large column found itself in a pro23er position to 
 make the attack. Seven miles of rugged country was to be 
 marched along the mountain side, and down hills so steep 
 that horses could hardly travel, the men holding by bushes, 
 and moving in single rank. The Shenandoah had to be crossed 
 twice, the last time in the face of the enemy's pickets. Can- 
 teens had been left at camp, and the men required to keep 
 silent. 
 
 Everybody was up to time; every thing ready. Payne 
 charged across the river, driving in the pickets at a gallop, 
 and pressing in the direction of Sheridan's headquarters, and 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAE. Ill 
 
 towards Middletown. The infantry was then rushed across, 
 Gordon's division in front, next Eamseur's — ^Pegram's in re- 
 serve. J^othing was to be done but close up ranks, face to the 
 front, and fight rapidly. The tiring began at all points, Ker- 
 shaw charging in front,>and with great success. 
 
 The enemy was struck by a fatal and terrible surprise. The 
 Eighth and Nineteenth Corps were entirely routed. Great 
 numbers of the Yankees were slain in their camps. Eighteen 
 pieces of artillery were captured, fifteen hundred prisoners, 
 small arms without number, wagons and camps, every thing on 
 the ground. Two-thirds of Sheridan's army was routed ; noth- 
 ing was left to cover their disorderly retreat but the Sixth 
 Corps and their cavalry, which had not as yet been brought 
 into action. It was now ten in the morning. Had our victo- 
 rious forces pressed on in hot and vigorous pursuit and struck 
 the Sixth Corps, they would have involved the whole of Sher- 
 idan's army in complete rout, and achieved one of the most 
 magnificent successes of the war. 
 
 But our troops stopped. There was no more rushing, no 
 more charging. They had betaken themselves to plundering 
 the enemy's camp ; demoralization was fast ensuing ; the fire 
 and flush of their victorious charge was quenched ; the fighting 
 was now at long range ; the infantry was pushed forward at a 
 snail's pace ; there was no longer any ardor or enthusiasm. 
 
 For four or five hours there was comparative quiet ; the 
 Confederates ranging the camps of the enemy for plunder, and 
 taking no further notice of his forces in the distance, beyond 
 some skirmishing and desultory firing. 
 
 Tlie enemy, in the mean time, were not idle. Sheridan had 
 slept at Winchester the previous night, but, hearing the can- 
 nonade in the morning, he took his horse and pushed on 
 towards Strasburg at full gallop, arriving on the field at ten 
 o'clock A. M., just as the army had taken up its position north 
 of Middletown. On his way he had met the throng of wounded 
 and stragglers. He immediately ordered a new line of battle : 
 the Nineteenth Corps on the right, the Sixth in the centre, 
 and the recovered Eighth Corps on the left. Custer's cavalry 
 was on the extreme right, and Merritt's on the left. At three 
 o'clock Sheridan assumed the offensive, and attacked w4th 
 vigor. 
 
112 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 Gordon's division, notwithstanding his efforts, soon broke. 
 Kershaw's and Ramseur's divisions were lighting well, but 
 soon followed the example of Gordon's division. Five or six 
 guns in tlie rear were immediately driven back when the line 
 broke, and placed on a high hill, where, with no aid from the 
 infantry, who were flying in every direction, they kept the 
 enemy at bay for an hour or more. Having exhausted their 
 ammunition, they were compelled to withdraw. 
 
 By this time Wharton's and Pegram's men had caught the 
 panic, and the field became covered with flying men. The 
 artillery retired, firing slowly, and sustained only by Pegram's 
 old brigade and Evans' brigade. After the creek was crossed, 
 Pegram's and Evans' brigades participated in the demoraliza- 
 tion — the road was filled with fugitives. The enemy's cavalry 
 charged again in the rear of our train, and not a gun was fired 
 in its defence. Many ordnance and medical stores, and twenty- 
 three pieces of artillery, besides those taken by us in the morn- 
 ing, were captured. 
 
 It was a shameful rout. Our troops behaved as they never 
 behaved before. Our loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners 
 was, perhaps, not greater than three thousand ; but the route 
 of the retreat was strewn with abandoned wagons, ambulances, 
 and small arms thrown away by the panic-stricken fugitives. 
 Early had lost nearly all of his artillery. He had, in fact, 
 received a stunning defeat from which his army never re- 
 covered.* 
 
 * The following address of General Early to Ms troops, on the occasion of 
 this disaster, testifies to its causes, and is one of the most candid and memor- 
 able papers of the war : 
 
 Headquarters Valley District, October 22, 1864. 
 
 Soldiers of the Army of the Valley : 
 
 I had hoped to have congratulated you on the splendid victory won by you 
 on the morning of the 19th, at Belle Grove, on Cedar Creek, when you sur- 
 prised and routed two corps of Sheridan's army, and drove back several miles 
 the remaining corps, capturing eighteen pieces of artillery, one thousand five 
 hundred prisoners, a number of colors, a large quantity of small arms, and 
 many wagons and ambulances, with the entire camps of the two routed corps ; 
 but I have the mortification of announcing to you that, by your subsequent 
 misconduct, all the benefits of that victory were lost, and a serious disaster 
 incurred. Had you remained steadfast to your duty and your colors, the vie- 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 113 
 
 From tins point the Valley campaign ceased to engage much 
 of the public attention ; and with the withdrawal of the bulk 
 of the opposing forces to the Richmond lines, the interest in 
 military events was again transferred to that quarter. 
 
 For six weeks after the battle of Cedar Creek, there were 
 occasional skirmishes of greater or less severity between Tor- 
 
 tory would have been one of the most brilliant and decisive of the war ; you 
 would have gloriously retrieved the reverses at Winchester and Fisher's Hill, 
 and entitled yourselves to the admiration and gratitude of your country. But 
 many of you, including some commissioned officers, yielding to a disgraceful 
 propensity for plunder, deserted your colors to appropriate to yourselves the 
 abandoned property of the enemy ; and, subsequently, those who liad previously 
 remained at their posts, seeing their ranks thinned by the absence of the plun- 
 derers, when the enemy, late in the afternoon, with his shattered columns, 
 made but a feeble effort to retrieve the fortunes of the day, yielded to a needless 
 panic, and fled the field in confusion, thereby converting a splendid victory 
 into a disaster. 
 
 Had any respectable number of you listened to the appeals made to you, 
 and made a stand, even at the last moment, the disaster would have been 
 averted, and the substantia] fruits of victory secured. But under the insane 
 dread of being flanked, and a panic-stricken terror of the enemy's cavalry, you 
 would listen to no appeal, threat, or order, and allowed a small body of cavalry 
 to penetrate to our ti-ain, and carry off a number of pieces of artillery and 
 wagons which your disorder left unprotected. You have thus obscured the 
 glorious tame won in conjunction with the gallant men of the Army of Northern 
 Virginia, who still remain proudly defiant in the trenches around Richmond 
 and Petersburg. Before you can again claim them as comrades, you will have 
 to erase from your escutcheons the blemishes which now obscure them. And 
 this you can do if you will but be true to your former reputation, your country, 
 and your homes. You who hiive fought at Manassas, Richmond, Sharpsburg, 
 Fredericksburg, Chaucellorsville, Gettysburg, and from the Wilderness to the 
 banks of James River ; and especially you who were with the immortal Jackson 
 in all his triumphs are capable of better things. 
 
 Arouse yourselves, then, to a sense of youi- manhood, and appreciation of 
 the sacred cause in which you are engaged ! Yield to the mandates of disci- 
 pline ; resolve to stand by your colors in future at aU hazards, and you can yet 
 reprieve your reputation, and strike effective blows for your country and the 
 cause. Let every man spurn from him the vile plunder gathered on the field 
 of the 19th ; and let no man, whatever his rank, whether combatant or non- 
 combatant, dare exhibit his spoils of that day. They will be badges of his 
 dishonor ; the insignia of liis disgrace. The officer who pauses in the career of 
 victory to place a guard over a sutler's wagon, for his private use, is as bad as 
 the soldier who halts to secure for himself the abandoned clothing or money 
 of a flying foe ; and they both soil the honor of the army, and the blood of 
 their country for a paltry price. He who follows his colors into the ranks of 
 the enemy in pursuit of victory, disdaining the miserable passion for gathering 
 lK)oty, comes out of the battle with his honor untarnished ; and though bare- 
 
114: THE LASr YEAR OF THE WAK, 
 
 bert's cavalry, or some portion of it, and the Confederate cav- 
 alry officers Rosser and Lomax ; biit Early, thongh moving 
 uneasily up and down the Valley from Mount Jackson or New 
 Market to Fisher's Hill, carefully avoided any thing like a 
 general engagement, and in December sent a part of his forces 
 to strengthen General Leo. 
 
 SOUTHWESTERN VIRGmiA. 
 
 In Southwestern Yirginia, during the period we have tra- 
 versed and the early winter of 1864, there was a desultory cam- 
 paign, to which we should briefly refer. 
 
 footed and ragged, is far more to be envied than he that is laden with rich 
 spoils gathered in the trail of his victorious comrades. There were some ex- 
 ceptions to the general misconduct on the afternoon of the 19th, but it would 
 be difficult to specify them all. Let those who did their duty be satisfied with 
 the consciousness of having done it, and mourn that their efforts were para- 
 lyzed by the misbehavior of others. Let them be consoled, to some extent, by 
 the reflection that the enemy has nothing to boast of on his part. 
 
 The artillery and wagons taken were not won by his valor. His camps 
 were destroyed ; his army terribly shattered and demoralized ; his losses far 
 heavier than ours, even in proportion to the relative strength of the armies ; 
 his plans materially impeded ; and he was unable to pursue by reason of his 
 crippled condition. Soldiers of the Army of the Valley, I do not speak to you 
 in anger ; I wish to speak in kindness, though in sorrow. Jly purpose is to 
 show you the cause of our late misfortune, and point out the way to avoid 
 similar ones in future, and insure success to our arms. Success can only be 
 secured by the enforcement and observance of the most rigid discipline. Offi- 
 cers, whatever their rank, must not only give orders, but set the example of 
 obeying them, and the men must follow that example. 
 
 Fellow-soldiers, I am ready to lead you again in defence of our common 
 cause ; and I appeal to you by the remembrance of the glorious career in 
 which you have formerly participated, by the woes of your bleeding country, 
 the ruined homes and devastated fields yoi^ see around you, the cries of an- 
 guish which come up from the widows and orjihans of your dead comrades, 
 the horrors which await you and all that is yours in the future, if your coun- 
 try is subjugated, and your hopes of freedom for yourselves and your posterity, 
 to render a cheerful and willing obedience to the rules of discipline, and to 
 shoulder your musket again with the determination never more to turn your 
 backs upon the foe, but to do battle like men and soldiers until the last vestige 
 of the footsteps of our barbarous and cruel enemies is erased from the soil they 
 desecrate, and the independence of our country is firmly established. If you 
 will do this, and rely upon the protecting care of a just and merciful God, all 
 will be well ; you will again be what you once were, and I will be proud to 
 lead you once more to battle. 
 
 J. A. EakLiT, Lieutenant-General. 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 115 
 
 On the 2d of October, General Breckinridge, wlio had re- 
 lieved Echols in Sontbwestern Virginia, enconntered Bur- 
 bridge, who was advancing on the salt-works at Saltville, Yir- 
 ginia, and on the banks of the Holtston River defeated hiin, 
 giving him a severe lesson. In l^oveniber, Breckinridge, hav- 
 ing joined Yaughn in East Tennessee, defeated the Yankee 
 General Gillem, at Morristown, taking four hundred prisoners; 
 and on the 18th of the month, engaged and defeated the enemy 
 again at Strawberry Plains. 
 
 On the 20th of December, the salt-works at Saltville were 
 captured by the Yankees, who in the early part of the month 
 had been raiding on the Tennessee road. Our forces there 
 were attacked by the whole force of Burbridge, numbering 
 about five thousand. The fight was kept up all the evening, 
 mainly with artillerj^, our forces being commanded by Colonel 
 Preston, and numbering, it is said, not more than three hun- 
 dred and fifty. When night fell they still held their own ; 
 but, under cover of the darkness, the Yankees succeeded in 
 reacliing Fort Breckinridge, one of the main defences of the 
 place, in overpowering numbers, and captured it. Colonel 
 Preston, deeming it impractible to hold the works longer, then 
 ordered the evacuation. The works were fired the next morn- 
 insr. The Yankees did not remain long, and left for East Ten- 
 nessee. At Abingdon, they destroyed two entire blocks of 
 buildings. 
 
116 THE LAST YEAR OF TJIK WAK. 
 
 CHAPTER Yir. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's extraordinary' triumph. — Eeassembling of the Eichmond Congress. — 
 President Davis' review of the situation. — A memorable boast. — New demands of 
 the Confederate conscription. — Military resources of the North and South com- 
 pared. — Plethoric wealth of the North. — " Twenty against one." — Two advantages 
 the South had in the war. — Its conditions of success. — -The value of endurance on 
 the part of the South. — The Hood-Sherman Campaign. — Speeches at headquarters. 
 — Hood commences his march. — Capture of Dalton. — Sherman follows as far as 
 Gaylesville. — He turns back. — Georgia and South Carolina " at his mercy." — An 
 e.xtraordinarj campaign.— Hood and Sherman marching away from each other. — 
 Hood cros.ses into Tennessue. — The Yankee retreat to Franklin. ^-The Battle op 
 Franklin. — Great loss in Confederate officers. — The enemy retreats to Nashville. — 
 Battle of Nashville. — The giving way of Bates' division. — A shameful stampede. 
 — Hood's losses. — The whole scheme of Confederate defence west of the AUe- 
 ghauies broken down. — The errors of Hood's campaign. 
 
 We have already stated that the military successes of the 
 two or three preceding months secured the re-election of Pres- 
 ident Lincoln on the Sth of Novemher. His re-election was 
 singularly triumphant. General McClellan received only the 
 electoral vote of Delaware (3), Kentucky (11), and I^Tew Jersey 
 (7), 21 in all. Mr. Lincoln received that of the remaining 22 
 States, 213 in all. Mr. Lincoln had the vote of all the States 
 which he received in 1860, with the exception of the half vote 
 of New Jersey, which was cast for him in consequence of a 
 division in the opposition party. Besides these, he received 
 the 7 electoral votes of Maryland, which in 1860 were cast for 
 Mr. Breckinridge; the 11 votes of Missouri, cast for Douglas; 
 and the 11 votes of the new States of Kansas, West Virginia, 
 and Nevada. In the States which voted at this election, there 
 was in 1860 a popular majority of about 100,000 against Mr. 
 Lincoln ; the popular majority in his favor now was about 
 300,000. 
 
 A few days before this election, the Confederate Congress 
 had reassembled in Bichmond. The message of President. 
 Davis opened with an ingenious review of the campaign ot 
 1864. " At the beginning of the year," he said, "Texas was par- 
 tially in the possession of the enemy ; now no Federal soldiers 
 
thp: last tear of the war. 117 
 
 were in tlie State, except as prisoners. In Northwestern 
 Louisiana, a large Federal army and fleet bad been defeated, 
 and had only escaped with a loss of one-tliird of its numbers, 
 and a hirge part of its munitions and vessels. Arkansas had 
 been nearly recovered ; and the Confederate forces had pene- 
 trated into Missouri. On the east of the Mississippi, in spite 
 of some reverses, the Confederates had been on the whole suc- 
 cessful ; Northern and Western Mississij^pi, Northern Ala- 
 bama, and Western Tennessee were in their possession. On 
 the seacoast, the successes of the Federals had been confined 
 to the capture of the outer defences of Mobile Bay. Their 
 armies had been defeated in different parts of Virginia ; and 
 after a series of defeats around Richmond, they were still en- 
 gaged in the effort, commenced four months before, to capture 
 Petersburg. The army of Sherman, though it had captured 
 Atlanta, had gained no real advantage beyond the possession 
 of a i'ew fortified points which could be held only by large 
 garrisons, and were menaced with recapture." 
 
 President Davis CDncluded his review with a memorable 
 boast. "The Confederacy," he declared, " had no vital points. 
 If Pichmond, and Wilmington, and Charleston, and Savannah, 
 and Mobile were all captured, the Confederacy would remain 
 as defiant as ever, and no peace would be made which did not 
 recognize its independence." 
 
 The Confederate President, while professing to see no cause 
 for despondency in the military situation, took occasion to re- 
 commend the repeal of all laws gi-anting exemption from mili- 
 tary service. He said that " no position or pursuit should 
 relieve any one who is able to do active duty from the enrol- 
 ment in the army," unle-s he amid be more useful in another 
 sphere, and this could not be the case with entire classes. The 
 military authorities should have the power to exempt individ- 
 uals only, whose services may be more valuable in than out 
 of the army. In regard to the question of the employment of 
 slaves in the army, Mr. Davis recommended that slaves to the 
 number of 40,000 should be " acquired" by the general gov- 
 ernment, who should be employed not merely as ordinary 
 laborers, cooks, and teamsters, but as engineer and pioneer 
 laborers. He recommended that these slaves should be liber- 
 ated on their discharge, after faithful service, rather than that 
 
118 THE LABT YEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 tliey should be manumitted at once, or retained in servitude. 
 He was opposed, under present circumstances, to arming "the 
 slaves; but he added : " The subject is to be viewed solely in 
 the light of policy and our social economy. Should the alter- 
 native ever be presented of subjugation or of the employment 
 of the slave as a soldiei', there seems to be no reason to doubt 
 what then should be our decision." 
 
 AYe have, at different periods in the history of the war, in- 
 stituted a comparison between the material resources of the 
 belligerents. They were terribly unequal at this period. Mr. 
 Lincoln, in his message to Congress, referred to a fact which 
 could not be denied : that the steady expansion of popula- 
 tion, improvement, and governmental institutions over the 
 new and unoccupied portion of the North had scarcely been 
 checked, much less impeded or destroyed by the war. 'New 
 and immense resources had been recently developed by the 
 enemy ; and it seemed, indeed, that providential circumstances 
 had come to his aid in the war. The discovery and develop- 
 ment of petroleum had added immensely to the national wealth, 
 and it was calculated that in a few years it would become an 
 article of export to the extent of one hundred and fifty millions 
 of dollars. Mineral resources, almost fabulous, had been 
 brought to light. What once seemed a barren and uninhabit- 
 able waste, between the Atlantic States and those which had 
 grown up on the Pacific Ocean, had proved a new El Dorado. 
 It was estimated that the products of the mines of gold, silver, 
 and cinnabar in that region had, in the past year, exceeded one 
 hundred millions of dollars. It was discovered that a vast 
 belt of some one or two hundred miles in width and eight or 
 nine hundred in length, embracing portions of Idaho, Nevada, 
 acd Arizona, w^as rich in silver ore. The North had be- 
 come suddenly plethoric with wealth ; and for men and ma- 
 terial for the purposes of w^ar, it had the whole world to draw 
 upon. 
 
 A Yankee newspaper said : " We have now over twenty-six 
 millions of people within the Union lines, against less than five 
 millions (over one-half negro slaves) within the lines of Davis. 
 All things considered, the actual, positive available strength 
 of Lincoln against Davis is more than twenty against one. 
 The war, then, should be, at the furthest, brought to an end 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 119 
 
 within six montlis, and with becoming energy on the part of 
 the administration it might be finished in three." 
 
 Bnt there was one element which the newspaper did not 
 take into its calculation ; and which, despite the almost appall- 
 ing disparity of resources between the belligerents, insured, 
 on certain conditions^ the final success of the South. It was 
 the vast extent of territory which the North proposed to sub- 
 jugate, and which never yet, in the history of wars, was 
 brought to such a fate, on the single condition that its people 
 remained firm in their resolution and purpose. Against the 
 inequality of resources between the JSTorth and the South, we 
 may put these considerations, in which the latter had immense 
 advantages : that the South was fighting on the defensive, and 
 had, therefore, no need of positive victories; that she only 
 sought a negative conclusion, and might win by endurance ; 
 and that her territory was so extensive that it would take 
 several millions of men to garrison it, as long as its people 
 were firmly disposed to dispute the authority of the in- 
 vaders. 
 
 With reflecting persons in the North, the real question 
 touching the war had come to be the measure of Southern en- 
 durance ; and this virtue had obtained a new and vital value 
 in the stages through which the war was now passing. It was 
 fashionable for Yankees to laugh at Confederate expectations 
 of political revolutions or financial rupture in the North; they 
 concluded that the time was past when the Confederates could 
 expect to win their independence by a grand military cQu;p or 
 force of military successes. All these calculations were lightly 
 or insolently regarded by Northern men. Their real anxiety 
 was, the measure of endurance on the part of the South. The 
 great curiosity of Northern politicians was as to the real spirit 
 of the South, and the questions of thinking men amon"- tliem 
 invariably went to the point of the probable term of Southern 
 endurance. This quality had assumed a new value in Northern 
 eyes. It had become morally certain that by force of it alone 
 the South would obtain her independence. Such was the silent 
 but general concession of the Northern mind. There was but 
 one condition to assure the independence of the South : that 
 the spirit of the people and the army would not break by some 
 unworthy impatience, or not be deliberately broken down by 
 
120 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 insane persistence in folly on the part of Davis and his clique 
 of toadies and encouragers 
 
 There were two parties in the North, perhaps equally intel- 
 lio-ent, and each claiming to draw their opinions from Southern 
 sources of information, which differed as to the real spirit of 
 the South : one claiming that it was resolute, and even in the 
 last necessity desperate ; the other contending that it was fast 
 beino- broken by reverses, and would end in submission. One 
 found this question in every circle in the North. Eeliable in- 
 formation upon it was far more valuable to the "Washington 
 Government than maps of all the fortifications in the Confed- 
 erate States. To convince the North of the spirit of the 
 Southern people was more important than half-a-dozen vic- 
 tories ; for it was to convince them of the hopelessness of war, 
 and to put before their eyes the immediate necessity of con- 
 scription. 
 
 President Davis said rightly that the Confederacy " had no 
 vital points ;" but the declaration implied the condition that 
 the spirit of the people^ despite of temporary disasters, was to 
 remain erect and unbrohen. And a period of the war was 
 now approaching when precisely that condition was to be 
 tested, and the spirit of the people of the' Confederacy was to 
 be tried, as it had never before been, by the fire and sword of 
 the invader. To the events of this remarkable period we must 
 now draw the attention of the i-eader. 
 
 THE HOOD-SHERMAN CAMPAIGN. 
 
 The public did not have long to wait for the development 
 of that curious strategy which President Davis had planned 
 wnth Hood for the compensation of the loss of Atlanta. In- 
 deed, no secret was made of its general movement and designs. 
 
 On the 18th of September, President Davis arrived at Gen- 
 eral Hood's headquarters, and the following day reviewed the 
 'whole army. In the evening, the President addressed the sol- 
 diers in hopeful and encouraging tones. Turning to Cheat- 
 ham's division of Tennesseeans, he said : " Be of good cheer, 
 for within a short while your faces will be turned homeward, 
 and your feet pressing Tennessee soil." 
 
 General Hood was enthusiastically called for. He said : 
 
 i 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAB. 121 
 
 " Soldiers, it is not my province to make speeches : I was not 
 born for such work ; tlu\t I leave to other men. Within a few 
 days I expect to give the command ' Forward !' and I believe 
 you are, like myself, willing to go forward, even if we live on 
 parched corn and beef. I am ready to give the command 
 ' Forward !' this very night. Good-night." 
 
 On the 29th of September, Hood began his march, getting 
 well in the rear of Sherman, and next day encamping near the 
 old battle-ground of Kew Hope Church. His first movement 
 attracted but little attention. The incautious language of 
 President Davis first led the enemy to suppose that this move- 
 ment was preliminai-y to something more extensive, and Gen- 
 eral Sherman's suspicions also were apparently aroused by it ; 
 for we find him about this time sending his spare forces to the 
 rear, under General Thomas, and distributing strong detach- 
 ments, under Newton, Corse, and Scholield, at different points 
 imiuediateiy in the rear of Atlanta. He also ordered frequent 
 reeonnoissances of the enemy in his position near IsTewnan. 
 Tlie Yankee cavalry reported, on September 27, farther move- 
 ments of Hood towards the Chattahoochee. On October 1, 
 Generals Fuller and Ransom made a reconnoissance towards 
 Kewnan, and discovered that the Confederates had crossed the 
 Chattahoochee River on September 29 and 30, and had con- 
 centrated in the vicinity of Powder Springs, Ga. On the 3d 
 of October, General Sherman, with the bulk of his army, 
 moved in pursuit, Avowing his intention to destroy Hood. 
 
 On the 5th of October, when Hood's advance assaulted Al- 
 latoona, Sherman was on Kenesaw Mountain, signalling to the 
 garrison at Allatooua, over the heads of the Confederates, to 
 hold out until he relieved them. Hood moved westward, and 
 crossing the Etowah and Oostananla rivers by forced marches, 
 attacked Dalton on the 12th, which was surrendered. 
 
 After obstructing Snake Creek Gap as much as possible, in 
 order to delay Sherman, who continued to press him. Hood 
 moved west, passing through the gap of Pigeon Mountain, aiid 
 entered Lafayette on the 15th of October. He had now ad- 
 vanced as far north as it was thought possible to do without 
 fighting, and a battle appeared to be imminent in the vicinity 
 of the old battle field of Chickanuiuga. But Hood, after hold- 
 ing the gaps of Pigeon Mountain as long as possible, suddenly 
 
122 
 
 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 moved south from Lafayette to Gadsden, Alabama, closely fol- 
 lowed as far as Gaylesville by General Sherman, This move- 
 ment was looked upon as a retreat, and as the end of the great 
 raid of which Hood and Davis had promised and boasted so 
 much. But it soon became apparent that Hood was not yet 
 at the end of his strategy, and that the campaign was only 
 about to begin in earnest. 
 
 On October 23, Hood moved from Gadsden, through Look- 
 out Mountain, towards Gunter's Landing and Decatur, on the 
 Tennessee Kiver, near the last of wdiich places he formed a 
 junction with a portion of General Dick Taylor's army, which 
 had meantime quietly moved up the Mobile and Ohio Rail- 
 road to Corinth, and thence to Tuscumbia, the new base of 
 supplies. He thus placed himself far in General Sherman's 
 rear before that officer could take steps to transfer his army to 
 the new front of the Confederates on the Tennessee. Hood's 
 advance had probably reached the Tennessee before Sherman 
 positively knew that he had abandoned Gadsden. Undoubt- 
 edly it was much to his surprise when, on October 25, he tried 
 the gap and found it abandoned by Hood. The position was 
 certainly startling. He dared not follow, thus abandoning his 
 line of supplies to venture in a mountainous country, through 
 which a large army liad just passed. It w^as impossible to 
 transfer his entire army to Hood's front in time to meet him 
 and thus hold his communications intact. Tlie j)osition de- 
 manded resolution and action. 
 
 General Sherman seems here to have comprehended Hood's 
 designs.. On the junction of Taylor's army with him, he rea- 
 soned that the two would strike a blow for the recovery of 
 Middle Tennessee; and, if successful, then for East Tennessee 
 also. But he calculated that Tennessee would be safe in charge 
 of General Thomas, to whom he could assign a force sufficient 
 to grapple with Hood, Taylor, or Beauregard ; while for him- 
 self he had projected another campaign. Turning eastward, 
 then, from Gaylesville, he announced to his army that he 
 should follow Hood no longer, but let him go north as far as 
 he pleased. " If he will go to the river," he said, "I will give 
 him his rations." Giving his instructions to General Thomas, 
 and dividing his army so as to spare him a part of the Army 
 of the Cumberland and the Army of the Ohio, he moved 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 123 
 
 southeast towards Atlanta by the Ist of November, causing 
 the raih'oacl track to be removed from Atlanta to Cliattanooga, 
 and sent to the latter city. On the 4th of I^ovember, he be- 
 gan his preparations for his new movement; and the same day 
 telegraphed his intentions to Washington, in the following 
 words: "Hood has crossed the Tennessee. Thomas will take 
 care of him and Nashville, while Schofield will not let him 
 into Chattanooga or Knoxville. Georgia and South Carolina 
 are at my mercy — and I shall strike. Do not be anxious 
 about me. I am all right." The campaign he had projected, 
 was neither more nor less than this : witli the four corps, and 
 the cavalry force still under his immediate command, an army 
 of not far from sixty thousand infantry and artillery, and about 
 five thousand cavalry, he purposed, catting loose from all bases, 
 and constituting a strictly movable column, with thirty or 
 forty days' rations, and liis train reduced to the smallest pos- 
 sible dimensions, to move southeastward, through the heart of 
 the country, upon Savannah ; and thence, should circumstances 
 favor, northward through South Carolina and North Carolina, 
 to compel the sui"render or evacuation of Richmond. 
 
 And now commenced one of the most extraordinary cam- 
 paigns of any war — presenting the singular spectacle of two 
 great antagonistic chieftains hotJi at once acting on the offen- 
 sive, day after day marching away from each other, and mov- 
 ing diametrically apart. 
 
 On the 20th of November, General Hood commenced to 
 move his army from Northern Alabama to Tennessee. His 
 line of march from Florence followed two parallel roads to 
 the chief town of Wayne County, in Tennessee — Waynesboro'. 
 Simultaneously with this advance, the Yankees evacuated or 
 surrendered Decatur and Huntsville. The Fourth Army 
 Corps, under General Stanley, two divisions of the Twenty- 
 third Corps, under General Schofield, and an aggregation of 
 fort-garrisons from the surrounding country, under General 
 Richard W. Johnson, concentrated at Pulaski. Hood, imme- 
 diately after his arrival at Waynesboro', changed front to the 
 northwest ; and, while marching directly upon Columbia, 
 threatened, with Forrest's cavalry, to cut ofi" the Yankee re- 
 treat from Pulaski. That position, about to be flanked, was at 
 once abandoned. Schofield, with the force that had been con- 
 
124 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 centrated there, retreated on the 23d ; and, while his cavahy 
 were being pressed in upon his rear by those of Hood, at- 
 tempted, by a forced march, to reach Columbia. Forrest had, 
 however, fallen upon the Yankee base, and, having forced 
 them back rapidly, had advanced within four miles of Colum- 
 bia, Schofield's infantry had, however, come up in time to 
 sa-. e the place from capture, and to hold back the Confederates 
 until the works covering the place had been made impassable 
 by a chevaiix defrize of Yankee bayonets. 
 
 Hood's infantry marched on. On tlie 25th, they had com- 
 menced a movement for flanking Colambia on the eastward, in 
 conjunction with an attempt of Forrest to cut that place off 
 from railroad communication with Nashville. Under heavy 
 skirmishing and cannonading, Forrest succeeded in extending 
 his flank to Duck River, and in throAving a large force of his 
 cavalry to the opposite bank. The Confederate infantry, filing 
 at the same time around the place on the east, the state of af- 
 fairs became critical, and compelled Schofield to fall back 
 hurriedly, with a loss of stores, on the night of the 26th. 
 
 The retreat to Franklin was one of constant fighting. Skir- 
 mishing of the very heaviest and deadliest character was 
 maintained all the way. Forrest hung like a raging tiger upon 
 the rear, and occasionally pressing Wilson back, brought face 
 to face the retreating and the pursuing infantry. On the 29th, 
 General Cox, commanding Schofield's rear, was brought to bay 
 at Spring Hill, midway between Columbia and Franklin, and, 
 after a struggle to delay the advance, retreated successfully to 
 the main body at Franklin, 
 
 The Confederates pressed on, Forrest leading, Stewart next, 
 and Cheatham following. Lee was still in the rear, but coming 
 up. The enemy were closely pushed, retreated rapidly, and 
 left evidences of their haste on every side ; wagons half burned 
 or with wheels cut, and animals, weltering in their own fresh 
 blood, were strewn along the road. After travelling in this 
 manner for about seven miles, Stewart sent word to the rear 
 that he had brought the Yankees to bay, and they were two 
 miles' in his front, in line of battle, occupying a ridge of hills. 
 
 By the time a disposition of our forces was made for an as- 
 sault, the Yankee columns broke into marching order, and 
 moved on as before. A short distance ahead the Yankees 
 
THK LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 125 
 
 agaiu made a stand. Tlie Confederates prepared, as before, to 
 attack. No sooner were the preparations complete, however, 
 than the Yankees resumed their march, and thus gained time 
 for their wagon trains and artillery. On reaching the last 
 bridge on which the enenij had halted, Hood saw before him 
 the town of Franklin, and in front of it three strong lines of 
 battle, in three heavy series of breastworks. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF FRANKT.TK. 
 
 « 
 
 It was late in the evening of the 30th of November, when 
 the Confederate army approached Franklin. General Hood 
 resolved to attack at once. Had he waited till the next morn- 
 ing, a new and formidable line of works would have confronted 
 him, and the second and inner line would have been so greatly 
 strengthened, that it would have been madness to have attacked. 
 General Hood knew that Thomas would endeavor to hold 
 the old line of Nashville, Murfreesboro', and Franklin ; and he 
 felt that if he could fight the battle of Nashville at Franklin, 
 and be successful, that Nashville would fall, Tennessee be 
 given up, and the war transferred to the Ohio. 
 
 Stewart and Forrest made a detour to the right, and by five 
 o'clock had struck the enemy a stunning blow on his left ilank. 
 Cheatham now moved up, and joining his right, as near as 
 practicable, to Stewart's left, the battle was joined, and waged 
 with fierceness on both sides. 
 
 Thousands of our soldiers were standing once more on their 
 own native soil, and some in sight of their own homes ; and 
 they fought with every incentive in their hearts that can urge 
 manhood to noble deeds. The enthusiasm of the troops was 
 glorious ; the country a vast, unbroken plain, as level as a 
 table ; and the sight of those long dark lines, fringed with fire 
 and smoke, with twenty thousand rifles mingling their sharp 
 notes with the deeper thunders of the artillery, was well cal- 
 culated to inspire the heroism which impelled our army on to 
 victory. Major-generals, brigadiers, and colonels rode in front 
 of their commands, waving hats, and urging on the troops. 
 Men fell wounded and dead — great rents were torn — but, with 
 
126 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 the steadiness of veterans, the gaps were filled by the living, 
 and the colnnm moved on. 
 
 The first line of breastworks was swept clean. Our loss had 
 been great. General Pat. Cleburne, the " Stonewall Jackson'' 
 of the West, fell, shot, through the head with four balls, and 
 died on the ramparts. General Gist, previously wounded in 
 the leg, had refused to leave the field, limping along on foot, 
 cheering his men, and finally received a ball through the 
 breast, killing him instantly. Brown, Maniganlt, Johnson, 
 Strahl, and scores of field and staff ofticers, who had ex- 
 posed themselves at the head of their troops, were either 
 killed or wounded. Still our men faltered #iot. Dashing on, 
 they reached the second line. Tiie Yankees were stubborn. 
 On the right they had charged Batjes' division, and gained a 
 momentary advantage ; but recovering, that gallant oflicer 
 was again at the front, and, with his brave Tennesseeans, doing 
 splendid service. 
 
 For a time the Yankees lield their breastworks, and the 
 fiffhtino- was hand to hand between those in the ditch on the 
 outside, and those behind the intrenchments. But tlie struggle 
 was not long, and again the foe was flying across the field. 
 It was night, however, and the difficulties of continuing the 
 battle so gi-eat, that at two o'clock a. m., save the occasional 
 spattering of musketry, the grand chorus of battle was at an end. 
 The next morning it was discovered that the Yankees had 
 evacuated the position, and were in full retreat to ^Nashville. 
 It was likewise discovered that Thomas had been largely rein- 
 forced, and thus enabled to make the stubborn resistance 
 which had not been anticipated by Geneiiil Hood. 
 
 Just before the battle of Franklin had been joined, Hood 
 liad ridden along the lines of his army, telling his men that the 
 Yankee lines were weak, and that once broken, the army 
 would be driven out of Tennessee. He had been extravagant 
 in his promises. The Yankee General Thomas lay at Nashville 
 with his main force. 
 
 Hood now advanced upon Nashville, and laid siege to it on 
 the 2d of December, closely investing it for a fortnight. 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAK. 127 
 
 THE BATTLE OV NASHVILLE. 
 
 Wlnle Hood was intrenching Ijefore iSTashville, Thomas was 
 preparing for an assault on the Confederate position. Rein- 
 forcements were received from several sources, until by the 
 12th the Yankee ranks were swelled to an extent which war- 
 ranted Thomas to advance to the attack whenever his arraiige- 
 ments were completed, A consultation of the Yankee com- 
 manders was held on the 12th, and it was determined to attack 
 the Confederate lines on the following day. Tliis plan was 
 frustrated by Hood, who fell back to a stronger position, two 
 miles south of that held by him on the 12tli. Another council 
 W'as held on the 14th, and all things being in readiness, it was 
 agreed to make the attack next morning. 
 
 On the morning of the loth of October, the enemy attacked 
 both flanks of Hood's arm3^ They were repulsed on the right 
 with heavy loss ; but towards evening they drove in the Con- 
 federate infantiy outposts on the left flank. 
 
 The next day the enemy made a general attack on Hood's 
 entire line. The battle raged furiously from dawn till dark. 
 Thomas' overwhelming numbers enabled him to throw heavy 
 columns against Hood's left and centre. All the enemy's as- 
 saults were repulsed until about half-past three o'clock in the 
 afternoon. When it was supposed by General Hood that he 
 had in his grasp a splendid victory, a stampede suddenly took 
 place in one of his divisions, and the day was lost in a moment. 
 
 Bates' division was to the left of^the Confederate centre. It 
 had repulsed the enemy in the morning. He advanced again 
 late in the evening, and was repulsed again from the other 
 points of the line fronting Bates' division, but rushed over this 
 point, and by sheer force of numbers beat down and run over, 
 killing, wounding, and capturing, in the ditches, nearly every 
 man holding them. Support had been asked for by General 
 Bates and General Walthall, as is understood; both of them 
 were within forty yards of this point all the day. Instead of 
 getting support at this, the only salient point in the whole 
 Confederate line, one brigade was taken from the right and 
 another from tiie left of this point, to save the extreme left of 
 
128 THE LAST YKAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 tlic line. When this was done, so confident was General Bates 
 of the coming disaster, that he ordered his artillery back on 
 the Franklin pike, which was then its only exit. 
 
 The break in Bates' division was the signal for a general 
 panic in Hood's army. The moment a small break was made 
 in his lines, the whole of two corps unaccountably and in- 
 stantly fled from their ditches, most of them without firing a 
 gun. It was a disgraceful retreat. Fifty pieces of artillery 
 and nearly all of Hood's ordnance M^agons were left to the 
 enemy. Our loss in killed and wounded was disgracefully 
 small ; and it w^as only through want of vigor in Thomas' pur- 
 suit that Hood's shattered and demoralized army efi['ected its 
 retreat. 
 
 He finally made his escape across the Tennessee River with 
 the remnant of his army, having lost from various causes more 
 than ten thousand men, half of his generals, and nearly all of 
 his artillery. Such was the disastrous issue of the Tennessee 
 campaign, which put out of existence, as it were, the splendid 
 army that Johnston had given up at Atlanta, and terminated 
 forever the whole scheme of Confederate defence west of the 
 Alleghanies. 
 
 General Hood recrossed the Tennessee at Florence, General 
 Forrest covering his retreat, and was at Tu2:)elo on the 6th of 
 January, 1865, where, on the 23d, he took leave of the army 
 in the following order : 
 
 " Headquarters Araiy op the Tennessee, 
 Tupelo, Miss., Jan. 23, 18G5. 
 
 " Soldiers — At tny request, I have this day been relieved 
 from the command of the army. In taking leave of you, ac- 
 cept my thanks for the patience with which you have endured 
 your hardships during the recent campaign, I am alone re- 
 sponsible for its conception, and strove hard to do my duty in 
 its execution. I urge upon you the importance of giving your 
 entire support to the distinguished soldier who now assumes 
 command, and shall look with deep interest on all your future 
 operations, and rejoice at your success. 
 
 "J. B. Hood." 
 
 The complete and disastrous failure of General Hood was 
 freely acknowledged in the Confederacy ; and the glaring 
 
GEN. HOOD. 
 
 C.B.Bidiardsoii .Poblistier. 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 129 
 
 errors in his campaign did not escape the savage criticisms of 
 the Richmond newspapers. It was said, with obvious justice, 
 that his greatest mistake had been at Nasliville. He had sat 
 down before that city for a fortnight, and proceeded to invest 
 it on the south. Had he struck boldly across the Cumberland, 
 and settled himself on the Yankee communications, he would 
 have forced Thomas to evacuate Nashville and fall back to- 
 wards Kentucky. But he adopted another plan, and paid the 
 penalty of his error in defeat and heavy loss. 
 
 While at one end of the line of the Tennessee-Georgia cam- 
 paign the Confederates had thus come to grief, at the other 
 end, stretching towards the sea, there were other more import- 
 ant disasters and occasions of peculiar trial, such as the spirit 
 of the Confederacy had never before experienced. The effect 
 of Sherman's march to the sea on the morale of the Confed- 
 eracy dates the first chapter of its subjugation. 
 
130 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 CHAPTEE YIII. 
 
 Sherman's march from the mountains to the sea. — Yankee hoasts. — Easy nature of 
 Sherman's enterprise. — " Grand" mistake of the Confederates. — Tlie burning of 
 Atlanta. — Five thousand houses in ruins.— Sherman's route to Milledgeville. — 
 Second stage of tlie march to Millen. — Last stage of the march. — Wheeler's cavalry. 
 — The fall of Savannah. — Capture of Fort McAllister. — Probable surprise of 
 Hardee. — The Confederates evacuate Savannah. — Sherman's Christmas- gift to Mr. 
 Lincoln. — The true value of Sherman's exploit. — His own estimation of it. — De- 
 spondency in the South. — Depletion of the Confederate armies. — The exchange of 
 PRISONERS, etc. — Bad faith of the Yankees.— Their misrepresentations. — The ques- 
 tion of recaptured slaves. — A Yankee calculation. — The Washington Government 
 responsible for the sufferings of Yankee prisoners. — How capital was made out of 
 their snfferings. — A game with "sick" prisoners. — How "rebel barbarities" were 
 manufactured. — Noble conduct of General Grant. — Its commentary on the Wash- 
 ington cabinet. — His "victory" over that body. 
 
 There was scarcely a Yankee newspaper that did not find 
 more or less frequent occupation in fextolling the genius of the 
 march which Sherman had undertaken from the mountains of 
 Georgia to the sea, and placing it above the achieveriients of 
 Hannibal, Napoleon, and Marlborough. I3ut the simple fact 
 was, that the Davis-Hood strategy was a grand mistake, and 
 Sherman's advantage of it proportionally grand. By this 
 strategy Georgia was uncovered, and Sherman had plain march- 
 ing to the sea. There was no considerable force to oppose 
 him. The whole plan, which had originated in the brain of 
 President Davis, to compensate for the enemy's oflfensive 
 movement in Georgia by penetrating Tennessee was outrage- 
 ously foolish, from the simple consideration that the two inva- 
 sions wei'e necessarily unequal : for that into the enemy's 
 country could not seriously affect his superabundant resources, 
 while that into the Southern interior went right into the heart 
 of the Confederacy ; and having once passed the frontiers, on 
 which the South had necessarily thrown out all its resources in 
 men, was destined to realize General Grant's assertion, that the 
 Confederacy was merely a shell. 
 
 Before undertaking his great campaign towards Savannah, 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 131 
 
 Sherman ordered the destruction of most of the inhabitable 
 part of Atlanta. He destroyed, in all, nearly five thousand 
 houses here, and left behind him a picture of ruin and desola- 
 tion, such as is seldom to be found in the ravages of war.* 
 
 On the 15th day of ISTovember, Sherman began his march to 
 the sea. He moved forward in two columns. General Howard 
 commanding the right and General Slocum the left, while his 
 cavalry covered his flanks. General Howard's column moved 
 through East Point, Kough-and-Keady, Griffin, Jonesboro', 
 
 * An agent of Governor Brown, of Georgia, made the following official report 
 of the extent of the destruction done by the enemy in Atlanta : " The property 
 of the State was destroyed by fire, yet a vast deal of valuable material remains 
 in the ruins. Three-fourths of the bricks are good, and will be suitable for re- 
 building if placed mider shelter before freezing weather. There is a quantity 
 of brass in the journals of burned cars, and in the ruins of the various ma- 
 chinery of the extensive railroad shops ; also, a valuable amount of copper 
 from the guttering of the State depot, the flue pipes of destroyed engines, stop 
 cocks of machinery, etc., etc. 
 
 The car-wheels that were uninjured by fire were rendered useless by break- 
 ing the flanges. In short, every species of machinery that was not destroyed 
 by fire, was most ingeniously broken and made worthless in its original form 
 — the large steam-boilers, the switches, the frogs, etc. Nothing has escaped. 
 The fire-engines, except Tallulah No. 3, were sent North. Tallulah has been 
 overhauled, and a new fire-company organized. Nos. 1 and 2 fire-engine 
 houses were saved. All the city pumps were destroyed, except one on 
 Marrietta-street. The car-sheds, the depots, machine shops, foundries, rolling 
 mills, merchant mills, arsenal, laboratory, armory, etc., were all burned. 
 
 In the angle between Hunter-street, commencing at the City Hall, running 
 east, and McDonough-street, rimning south, all houses were destroyed. The 
 jail and calaboose were burned. All business houses, except those on Alabama- 
 street, commencing with the Gate City Hotel, running east to Lloyd-street, 
 were burned. All the hotels, except the Gate City, were burned. By referring 
 to my map you wUl find about four hundred houses standing. The scale of 
 the map is four hundred feet to one inch. Taking the car-shed for the centre, 
 describe a circle, the diameter of which is twelve inches, and you will perceive 
 that the circle contains about three hundred squares. Then, at a low esti- 
 mate, allow three houses to every four hundred feet ; and we will have thirty- 
 six hundred houses in the circle. Subtract the number of houses indicated on 
 the map as standing, and you will see by tliis estimate the enemy have de- 
 stroyed thirty-two hundred houses. Refer to the exterior of the circle, and 
 you will discover that it is more than half a mile to the city limits in every 
 direction, which was thickly populated, say nothing of the houses beyond, and 
 you will see that the enemy have destroyed from four to five thousand houses. 
 Two-thirds of the shade-trees in the park and city, and of the timber in the 
 Buburbs have been destroyed. The suburbs present to the eye one vast, naked, 
 ruined, deserted camp." 
 
132 THE LAST YEAB OF THE WAE. 
 
 McDonoiigh, Forsythe, Hillsboro', Monticello, and bridging 
 the Ocmulgee entered Milledgeville on the 20th of JSTovember. 
 Here General Sherman made his headquarters for a few days, 
 while Howard moved on through Saundersville, Griswold, to- 
 wards LouisvillOj the point of rendezvous, with the left wing. 
 That wing, under the command of General Slocum, had mean- 
 time passed through Decatur, Covington, Social Circle, Madi- 
 son ; made a feint of an attack upon Macon ; parsed through 
 Buckhead and Queensboro', and, dividing one detachment, 
 moved towards Augusta, and the other to Eatonton and Sparta. 
 The second stage of Sherman's march may be taken as from 
 Milledgeville to Millen. The distance was about seventy -five 
 miles, and the time occupied in the march eight days, f^om 
 November 24th to December 2d. 
 
 The Yankee troops left Milledgeville admirably clothed 
 and equipped. Each man had eighty rounds of ammunition : 
 while their wagons contained fixed material without stint. 
 Kations for forty days had been prepared, and they sufi'ered 
 for nothing. The Yankee cavalry, with the left wing, on 
 crossing the Oconee, had visited Sparta, which is on a line be- 
 tween Warrenton and Milledgeville, about equi-distant from 
 both. On the evening of the 24th, General Slocum's advance 
 encamped at Devereux, seven miles west of Sparta, and the 
 cavalry scoured the whole country, one of the most fertile and 
 thickly settled in the whole State, and vast quantities of forage 
 and provisions, many horses, and mules were obtained, and 
 much cotton burned. For several days the Yankees raided 
 through the entire country between the two railroads in the 
 vicinity last described. Abundance of food and forage was 
 secured, and every thing was destroyed which could be useful 
 to the enemy. The march was leisurely — Sherman evidently 
 finding himself master of the situation. He did not start 
 directly for the seaboard until he had all the provisions he 
 desired. 
 
 Sherman was now ready to enter upon the third and last 
 stage of his march. Behind him the Georgia Central Railroad lay 
 destroyed for more than a hundred miles, and the Georgia road 
 for full sixty. The railroad-bridge over the Oconee and the 
 Ogeechee, on the Georgia Central, had been destroyed, and 
 also those over Brier Creek and Buckhead Creek, en the 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAE. 133 
 
 Waynesboro' Branch connecting Augusta with Millen. In- 
 calculable damage had been done. It only remained to move 
 down to the Atlantic, and crown the campaign in the capture 
 of Savannah. 
 
 From Millen, then, on the 2d of December, the Yankee 
 army swung southerly down on the final stage of its journey 
 to Savannah, in half a dozen columns, moving over as many 
 different roads for the sake of convenience and speed. The 
 Confederate forces, massed at Augusta, were left hopelessly in 
 Slierman's rear. The army was protected on either flank by a 
 large river, and cavalry formed the vanguard and rear-guard. 
 Its mission, as a curtain for the conceahnent of infantry opera- 
 tions, had now been accomplished. The country traversed was 
 covered with pine forests, cut up by numerous creeks, and in- 
 tersected by wide stretches of swamps ; and further on the 
 coastwise, swamps and the low rice-fields became the prevalent 
 character of tlie region. 
 
 So far General Sherman's march had been almost without 
 opposition. It had had one or two small conflicts with Wheel- 
 er's cavalry ; and some few militiamen and conscripts, hastily 
 assembled and badly organized, were easily brushed from his 
 path. Ten miles from Savannah, where his left wing struck 
 the Charleston Railroad, he encountered Confederate skir- 
 mishers posted in a swamp near by, which indicated the 
 presence of the Confederate forces under Hardee for the first 
 time. 
 
 THE FALL OF SAVANNAH. 
 
 On the 10th of December, Sherman lay in line of battle, con- 
 fronting the outer works of Savannah, about five miles distant 
 from the city. It was easy for him to see that his first task 
 was to open communication with the fleet. 
 
 That part of the coast of Georgia, at the mouth of the Sa- 
 vannah, is of that amphibious character which marks so much 
 of the Southern coast in general — the ravelled and unfinished 
 ends of nature's web, where sea and land join. The ocean, 
 breaks in between Great Wassaw and Ossabaw Islands, form- 
 ing Ossabaw Sound, and into this estuary flow the Great and 
 Little Ogeechee and the Vernon rivers. The land, or rather 
 
134 THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAR. 
 
 the marsh on each side of the Ogeechee, was almost d ileur 
 cfeau^ certainly hardly rising a foot above the level of the river, 
 while at times it is entirely submerged. For miles and miles 
 on every hand tliere was nothing to be seen but these low and 
 level islands and islets, covered with reeds and rank grasses, 
 save where a lustier vegetation had pushed up in occasional 
 clumps of trees called " hummocks." 
 
 About six miles from the mouth of Ossabaw Sound, near 
 where the Savannah, Albany, and Gulf Railroad crosses the 
 Ogeechee, the river jets out into a promontory named Point 
 Genesis, covered by one of these hummocks of more than 
 ordinary size. Behind this, hidden from the river, lay Fort 
 McAllister, an earthwork of considerable strength, erected by 
 the Confederates early in the war. Its batteries completely 
 commanded the river. 
 
 On the 12th of December, Hazen's division of the Fifteenth 
 Corps was selected for the important work of carrying Fort 
 McAllister. At half-past four o'clock of the 13th, the division 
 went forward to the assault, another division supporting it, 
 over an open space of more than five hundred yards. The 
 Yankees rushed on at the double-quick. The fort was ap- 
 proached and stormed from all sides. Resistance was useless, 
 as by a singular improvidence the fort was garrisoned by not 
 more than two or three hundred Confederates ; and there is no 
 doubt that General Hardee had been surprised by the quick- 
 ness and decision of the enemy. 
 
 Sherman himself had ordered the assault, and witnessed the 
 execution of the order from the top of a house not far distant; 
 and as soon as he saw the men on the parapets, he exclaimed 
 to his stafl^", " The fort is ours ! Order me a boat — I am going 
 down to the fleet." 
 
 The possession of Fort McAllister opened Ossabaw Sound, 
 effected communication with Dahlgren's fleet, and made the 
 capture of Savannah, where Plardee had allowed himself to be 
 shut up with fifteen thousand men, but a question of time. In 
 fact Sherman had now invested the city on all but the eastern 
 side. His right held King's Bridge, far in the rear of Savan- 
 nah, and controlled the Ogeechee, whence his lines stretched 
 across the Savannah River, his left being about three miles 
 above the city. He had cut off all the railroad supplies of 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAE. 135 
 
 Savannah. On the south, he had struck the Savannah, Albany, 
 and Gulf Railroad, which formerly had transported large sup- 
 plies of cattle and provisions from Florida to Savannah. 
 The railroads from Augusta and Macon were thoroughly 
 broken. Foster's batteries had gotten within shelling distance 
 of the Charleston Railroad, and prevented the passage of 
 trains. It only remained to move regularly upon the city by 
 systematic approaches. It could not hope for outside succor 
 of any kind ; Sherman's prompt seizure of Fort McAllister 
 having prevented reinforcements down the, Charleston road, 
 and cut off General G. W. Smith, who, with several thousand 
 Confederates, was on the other side of the Ogeechee. 
 
 From the 10th to the 16th of December heavy artillery 
 firing and skirmishing went on all along the lines, but no 
 regular engagement occurred. On the 16th, Sherman for- 
 mally demanded the surrender of the city from its commander, 
 Hardee, who declined next day to accede to the demand. Sher- 
 man instantly hurried more heavy siege-guns upon his lines, and 
 on the 20th was prepared to bombard the city and assault its 
 works. But Hardee had already taken the alarm. Finding that 
 only the eastern exit was open to him, and that on that Sherman 
 was already cannonading, and soon might capture it by assault, 
 Hardee resolved to evacuate Savannah. On the afternoon of the 
 20th, his iron-clads and batteries opened a tremendous lire, 
 lasting into the night, and, under cover of the demonstration, the 
 Confederate general crossed his fifteen thousand men and his 
 large force of negro laborers upon a pontoon bridge, laid below 
 his rear batteries, to the South Carolina side, and marched 
 them off towards Charleston on the Union causeway. The 
 night was exceedingly favorable for such a movement, it being 
 very dark, with a west wind blowing. Next morning, at 
 break of day, the pickets of Geary's division crept forward, 
 advanced still farther, and went over the works ; and Geary 
 himself, marching into Savannah, received, on the morning of 
 the 21st December, 186'1, its formal surrender at the hands of 
 its mayor. The troops were gone. The navy-yard, two iron- 
 clads, many smaller vessels, and a vast amount of ammunition^ 
 ordnance stores, and supplies had been destroyed before the 
 evacuation, but all the rest of the uninjured city fell into the 
 hands of the Yankees. 
 
136 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 Sherman sent a characteristic dispatch to Washington. He 
 wrote to President Lincoln : " I beg to present you, as a 
 Christmas gift, the city of Savannah, with one hundred and 
 fifty heavy guns and plenty of ammunition, and also about 
 twenty-five thousand bales of cotton." 
 
 And so ended Sherman's famous march to the sea — an ex- 
 ploit which Yankee newspapers declared had not been excelled 
 since William of Normandy crossed the English Channel and 
 burned his boats on the shore ; and since Hernando Cortez 
 plunged into Mexico, on the most astounding of expeditions, 
 and stranded his ships at Yera Cruz. But Sherman himself 
 had a much juster and more modest estimation of his exploit. 
 On receiving the congratulations of the President and also of 
 his personal friends, on account of his success, and seeing him- 
 self greatly praised in the public journals at home and abroad, 
 he wrote : " I am now a great faverite because 1 have been 
 successful ; but if Thomas had not whipped Hood at Nashville, 
 six hundred miles away, my plans would have failed,, and I 
 would have been denounced the world over." In his special 
 congratulatory orders, he said : "The armies serving in Georgia 
 and Tennessee, as well as the local garrisons of Decatur, 
 Bridgeport, Chattanooga, and Murfreesboro', are alike entitled 
 to the common honor, and each regiment may inscribe on its 
 colors at pleasure the words ' Savannah' or ' Nashville.' " 
 
 The fall of Savannah was the occasion, whether duly or not, 
 of great despondency in the South. The single disaster was 
 not very considerable ; but the march through Georgia that 
 had led to it had afforded a painful exhibition of the decay of 
 the spirit of the Confederates, and the moral efi'ect of this ex- 
 hibition was far worse than any disaster the South had ever 
 yet suffered in the field. It suggested a general review of the 
 situation of the Confederacy ; the people commenced to cal- 
 culate the cost and sacrifices of the war, and to estimate the 
 terrible depletion that had taken place in the armies of the 
 Confederacy during the campaign of 1864. 
 
 That depletion had ensued from various causes. The Yankees 
 had encouraged desertion to an extent never known before, 
 and they had managed to keep in captivit}' nearly every pris(MiiH- 
 they had taken west of the Mississippi since the battle of Ge>- 
 tysburg. The history of Yankeejinesse in this matter deserves 
 
THE LAST YKAK OF THE WAE. 
 
 a distinct place in the records of the war, and may properly be 
 reviewed here at the close of the year 1864. 
 
 THE EXCHANGE OF PEISONERS, ETC. 
 
 It may be truly and emphatically said that on no subject had 
 the enemy shown such bad faith as on that of the exchange of 
 prisoners. During the year 1864, the Confederate authorities 
 had, at different times, put forth every exertion to obtain an 
 exchange of prisoners; but such exertion to this end was met 
 by some new pretence of the Yankees, who had resolved to 
 avoid a general exchange, and to coin a certain advantage out 
 of the sufferings of their own men in Southern prisons. 
 
 The Confederate authorities had at first insisted upon the re- 
 lease of all prisoners, the excess to be on parole. The enemy 
 refused to comply with this plain requirement of the cartel, 
 and demanded, when a delivery of prisoners was made, an 
 equal number in return. Seeing a persistent purpose on the 
 part of the Yankee Government to violate its agreement, our 
 authorities, moved by the sufferings of the brave men who 
 were so unjustly held in the Northern prisons, determined to 
 abate their just demands. On the 10th of August, 1864, 
 Colonel Ould, the Confederate commissioner, offered to ex- 
 change the prisoners respectively held by the two belligerents, 
 officer for officer and man for man. Although this offer was 
 substantially what had often been propos-ed by the Yankee 
 authorities, and would have left in their hands whatever excess 
 of prisoners they might have had, yet it was not accepted. 
 
 Another pretence put forth by the Yankees for declining a 
 general exchange of prisoners was, that the Confederates had 
 refused to include in the cartel negro soldiers. This was a 
 misrepresentation. The extent of the claim of the Confederates 
 on this point was simply that they would not return to the 
 enemy recaptured slaves ; for to do this the Confederate Gov- 
 ernment would stultify itself, ignore the law of its social system, 
 and be a party to an outrage on the rights of property in its 
 own citizens. 
 
 But this proper position of the Confederate authorities in- 
 volved the disposition of only a few hundred persons; and it ia 
 
138 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 not reasonable to suppose that a punctilious care for them 
 really stood in the way of the duties of humanity to forty or 
 fifty thousand white captives. This professed care for two or 
 three hundred black slaves, which was made to weigh down 
 all considerations of humanity in behalf of thousands of white 
 men pining in prison, was plainly nothing more than a pre- 
 tence, a new ground of frivolous excuse, to refuse a general 
 exchange. In November, Colonel Onld wrote to the Confed- 
 erate secretary of war : 
 
 " My own iirm conviction is, tliat even if we were to agree 
 to the unjust demands of the enemy in this respect, we would 
 not secure a general exchange. * * * x think it 
 
 very doubtful whether they would agree to a general ex- 
 change, even if we consented to treat recaptured slaves as 
 prisoners of war, and delivered those whose term of service had 
 not expired. T am satisfied their course is the result of a con- 
 viction forced upon them by the events of the war, that a Con- 
 federate soldier is more valuable than a Federal. The miseries 
 of tens of thousands of their own people are as nothing when 
 weighed ao;ainst a calculation." 
 
 Here was the true secret of the game which the North 
 played on the subject of exchange. Men were scarce in the 
 South ; the Confederate soldier was superior in prower.s to the 
 Yankee ; and thus the Government at Washington was con- 
 vinced that any exchange, man for man, would be to its dis- 
 advantage, and deliberately adopted the remorseless and in- 
 human policy of enforcing the captivity, with all its attendant 
 suiferings, of the prisoners on both sides during the war. This 
 policy of the Yankees exhibited to the unhappy victims from 
 their army an amount of ingratitude that was to the last 
 deirree monstrous. General Sherman had not hesitated to 
 avow, with utter disregard of the claims of his captive soldiers 
 on his consideration and protection, that as the terms of service 
 of many had expired, they were not to be regarded as sub- 
 jects of general exchange. 
 
 But the Washington Government was not satisfied, for con- 
 siderations of certain advantage, to consign its soldiers to the 
 extraordinary sufferings of imprisonment incident to the scant 
 Bupplies in the South, which indeed it was daily endeavoring 
 to diminish by blockade and devastation. It went a step 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 139 
 
 further. It paraded these very sufferings, for which it was 
 responsible, whicli indeed its own malignity had produced, to 
 raise a clamor about the cruelty of the Confederates, and thus 
 engage the sympathies of the world. 
 
 It is almost impossible to sound the depths of Yankee 
 cruelty in this subject of exchange. 
 
 At one time, in the fall of 1864, the Yankees refused to ex- 
 change any prisoners but those who were sick ^ and then to 
 accuse the inhumanity of the Confederates, the poor, wasted 
 victims of prison diseases were paraded through the country, 
 and had their photographs taken for pictorials, as fair speci- 
 mens of the results of life in Confederate prisons. The calcu- 
 lation that could have prompted such an exhibition appears 
 indeed to partake of an ingenuity of beings other than man.* 
 
 * The following expose was made in a Riclimond paper. It refers to an ex- 
 change of sick prisoners made in the fall of 1864 : 
 
 " The mortality among our unfortunate prisoners sent by sea to Savannah to 
 be exchanged was very remarkable. We liave published a list of one hundred 
 and seventeen who died on the passage to Savannah ; also a list of thirty-two 
 who died within a few days after being landed. Distressing as is tliis mortal- 
 ity, the Confederate newspa^^ers have not been so inconsiderate as to impute it 
 to a wrong cause. Revolting at the shocking inhumanity which limits ex- 
 changes to the sick, the feeble, and the dying, .we have received home our 
 bretliren, emaciated as they are with long-protracted disease, and we have 
 wondered, not that so many died, but tha tso many, travelling in such a con- 
 dition, should live. 
 
 " We have sent to the truce-boat a similar class of the Federal prisoners in 
 our hands ; it is for these only that tlie Yankees have bargained. When the 
 poor creatures reach them, worn and wasted by sickness, and evidencing, in 
 their appearance, that they should be in the hospitals instead of travelling, in 
 place of the sense of shame which the Yankee authorities and people should 
 feel at the consequences of tlieir inhuman policy, with such audacious hypoc- 
 risy as a Yankee only can manifest, they seize the occasion to calumniate the 
 Confederates, a reluctant party to a commerce worse than ' the middle pas- 
 sage.' and only better than protracted imprisonment. They pretend to con- 
 sider the returned men as samples of those who have been left behind ; they 
 charge their weakness and emaciation to starvation, and not to sickness ; tliey 
 clamor like so many howling dervishes ; and with an effrontery that the 
 world beside cannot equal, they extract self-glorification out of their own 
 crime, and heap reproaches on us who are its victims ! 
 
 " We know that their treatment of our prisoners is horrible enough. But, 
 much as we execrate such conduct, and the people who can practise it, we 
 respect ourselves too much to slander them. We do not pretend that the .sick 
 men who are sent home to us are samples of the rest. We are not so false as 
 to represent their emaciation as due to starvation and not to disease. Multi- 
 
140 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 / 
 
 In connection with the history of the prisons of the war, 
 there is something of tribute to be paid to the conduct of 
 General Grant. This high officer, however profuse of the lives 
 of his men in battle, had certainly an unaffected sympathy 
 and interest for the imprisoned soldier. It was through his 
 offices that, in the later months of 1864, an agreement, first 
 proposed by General Lee, was concluded, to the effect that, 
 without releasing either Government from the obligation of 
 affording due provision to its captives, each should have the 
 right of furnishing to its own prisoners, in the possession of the 
 other, under the direction of officers among them, to be paroled 
 for the purpose, such additional supplies of necessary articles 
 as it might deem expedient to send. It is, indeed, indicative 
 of the remorseless policy of the Yankee Government that such 
 concessions to the claims of humanity should have been made 
 Booner by the stern soldier in the lield than by their statesmen 
 in the cabinet. 
 
 We may add here, in advance of the order of our narrative, 
 that General Grant, having been subsequently empowered 
 with the duties of exchanging prisoners, and put in a position 
 to overrule the behests of such men as Stanton and Butler, did 
 himself immortal honor in instantly authorizing a general ex- 
 change, and breaking by a stroke of the pen all the tissues of 
 falsehood and cunning in which this matter had been so long 
 entangled. This act has done more for his reputation in just 
 and humane history than any victory of his in the field. But 
 the benefit of it came too late for the South, and only a few 
 thousand Confederate prisoners reached home in time to wit- 
 ness the catastrophe of the spring of 1865. 
 
 tudes of the poor suflferers die, as we have seen, on their way to our lines. 
 Many die before we can take them to our arms. Many die before we can get 
 them into our hospitals ; and many there languish and die without a sight of 
 the home for which they risked the travel. In all our distress at this mor- 
 tality, we are candid enough to recognize the cause, and to tell the truth amid 
 our resentments. Not so the Yankees." 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 141 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The blockade at Wilmington. — How ineffective. — First expedition against Fort 
 Fisher. — Butler's powder-sliip.— The two days' bombardment. — Landing of 
 Butler's troops.— Butler decides not to attack. — His sudden departure. — He is 
 removed from command. — Second expedition against Fort Fisher. — Fall of 
 Wilmington. — Landing of Terry's command.— Movements of General Hoke. — The 
 assault on the fort. — A feu (Venfer. — Desperate fighting. — The Confederates 
 overpowered. — Surrender of Fort Fisher. — Evacuation of Fort Anderson. — Yankee 
 occupation of Wilmington. — How a part of General Sherman's campaign in the 
 Carolinas. — Sherman's sixtv days in the Carolinas. — Direction of his march. — 
 Crossing llie Savannah River. — Mismanagement of the Confederate troops. — Sher- 
 man at Branchville. — The fall of Charleston. — Hardee joins Beauregard. — 
 
 Conflagration in Charleston. — E.xplosion at the railroad depot. — A scarred city. 
 
 Charleston as seen through Yankee eyes. — Capture and burning of Columbia. 
 
 Wild and savage scenes of pillage. — The city on fire. — Four thousand citizens 
 
 homeless. — Sherman's march northward. — His organization of " bummers." 
 
 The column of smoke. — Tlie Yankees at Winnsboro'. — More of the enemy's atro 
 cities. — Sherman's feint upon Charlotte. — His occupation of Fayetteville. — Hamp- 
 ton attacks Kilpatrick. — Sherman's appointment of a rendezvous with Schofield. 
 — Hardee's fight near Averysboro'. — What he did with half a corps of Confeder 
 ates. — The Battle of Bentonville. — Success of the Confederates. — No decisive 
 results. — Sherman's move towards Goldsboro'. — Schofield's movement. — Sherman's 
 success. — His congratulatory order. — A military conference at City Point, Virginia. 
 
 "Wilmington had long been a thorn in the enemy's side. 
 Mr. Welles, the Yankee secretary of the navy, had declared, 
 in his last oflacial report, that Wilmington, owing to the pecu- 
 liarity of its situation, could not be absolutely closed to block- 
 ade-runners, without the co-operation of the army ; for the 
 forts which protected it were in such shoal water that the 
 heavily armed ships could not get at them. Fifty fast Yankee 
 steamers had been unable to close this port. 
 
 FIRST EXPEDITION AGAINST FORT FISHER. 
 
 At the close of the summer of 1864, an expedition had been 
 planned against Fort Fisher, according to Mr. Welles' sugges- 
 tion of the co-operation of a land force. It was delayed, for 
 various reasons, until the winter. Vice- Admiral Farragut was 
 
142 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 selected by the Yankee Government to take charge of the naval 
 force, but was unable to assume that duty on account of ill 
 health. Rear-Admiral Porter was then transferred from the 
 command of the Mississippi squadron to the command of the 
 North-Atlantic blockading squadron. The most powerful fleet 
 ever known in American history was assembled at Hampton 
 Koads, under command of Admiral Porter. The land force 
 consisted of six thousand five hundred infantry, two batteries 
 of artillery, and a few cavalry. On the 13th and 14th of De- 
 cember the expedition started, General Butler with the army 
 transports proceeding to a place twenty-five miles off New 
 Inlet. Admiral Porter, with his fleet, proceeded to Beaufort 
 to complete taking on his ammunition and supplies, including 
 some powder for a vessel proposed to be exploded before Fort 
 Fisher, and some ammunition for the monitors, which were 
 towed light from Fortress Monroe to Beaufort. 
 
 "Wilmington was then but feebly garrisoned. A number of 
 Confederate troops there had been sent to increase the forces 
 opposed to Sherman in his march across the State of Georgia. 
 General Butler had supposed that he would find an easy con- 
 quest there ; and, in fact, he had foisted himself upon the expe- 
 dition to get what he supposed would be a cheap glory, for the 
 command of it had been given to General Weitzel, and Butler 
 had insisted upon accompanying him, for the reason that the 
 scene of operations was within his department, and the troops 
 from his command. 
 
 A novel feature was introduced into the expedition against 
 Fort Fisher, viz., a vessel loaded with a large quantity of 
 powder to be exploded as near the fort as possible. The idea 
 appears to have originated with General Butler, in consequence 
 of reading of the terrible effects of the explosion of a large 
 quantity of gunpowder at Erith, England, some time before. 
 He suggested it to the departments at Washington, and they 
 submitted it to their engineer and ordnance ofiicers for exam- 
 ination and report. Those oflicers, while not anticipating any 
 very wonderful results from this new experiment, still deemed 
 it of such importance as to reccanmend its trial. 
 
 On Friday, 23d of December, Admiral Porter gave orders 
 that the powder vessel be sent in as near Fort Fisher as possi- 
 ble, and exploded that night at one o'clock. Information of 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 143 
 
 what he proposed to do was sent to General Butler at Beau- 
 fort, but did not reach him until Saturday morning, when he 
 immediately started for Fort Fisher, ordering the transports to 
 follow as rapidly as possible. The powder-boat was exploded a 
 little before two o'clock on Saturday morning, and the Yankee 
 navy commenced their bombardment about noon of that day. 
 
 The explosion of the powder-boat was a ridiculous failure, 
 and attracted such little attention in the fort that General 
 Whiting, Mdio was in command there, supposed it to be nothing 
 more than the bursting of one of the enemy's guns. The bom- 
 bardment of the fort continued for two days. It was probably 
 the heaviest which had ever occurred in the annals of naval 
 warfare. The huge frigates of Porter's fleet led the way ; then 
 the grim ugly Ironsides ; then the monitors and the great line 
 of smaller vessels, stretching away out, almost as far as the 
 eye could reach. From every vessel could be seen the white 
 curl of smoke, and high up in the air hundreds of smoky rings 
 were formed from the explosion of guns. Thick flew the shell ; 
 loud sounded the thunder of artillery ; lurid were tlie flashes 
 of great guns as they vomited forth their missiles of death and 
 destruction. ]S"obly stood the Confederates to their guns. 
 From Shephard's battery to the mound, they stood unquailing 
 and defiant, loading and firing coolly and calmly ; the gunners 
 sighting their guns as if they were practising at a target. 
 
 After the arrival of General Butler a conference was had ' 
 with Admiral Porter as to operations next day. It M-as ar- 
 ranged that General Weitzel should land with some two or 
 three thousand troops, and reconnoitre the fort with the view 
 of assaulting it. 
 
 The expectation of the garrison that they would have a 
 night-fight was not realized. The night was spent in watch- 
 ing and in repairing the slight damage sustained by the fio-ht. 
 As the morning dawned, the fleet could be discerned in the ' 
 distance getting ready to renew the attack; but it was not 
 expected that operations would commence before high tide, 
 which would be about half-past twelve o'clock. However, 
 every man was at his post, ready, at any moment, to again 
 engage the fleet. About ten o'clock the fleet commenced mov- 
 ing in — their extreme right resting near Gatlin's battery, about 
 six miles up the beach, and their left extending down to the 
 
144: THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 fort. The Ironsides led the attack, the frigates resting on her 
 right and left, and tlie monitors to the right of the frigates. 
 There were counted fifty-two vessels in all — one Ironsides 
 three or four monitors, four frigates, and forty-seven other ves- 
 sels. They steamed in very slowly, two of the frigates going 
 round to the sea front of the fort, and the iron-clads and moni- 
 tors lying abreast of the centre fi'ont. The Ironsides and 
 monitors cimie up within a mile ; the rest of the fleet remained 
 out about one and a-half miles. At half-past ten a. m. the first 
 gun was fired by the Ironsides, followed by the rest of the fleet 
 — firing very slowly and deliberately for the while. The fort 
 reserved its tire, thinking that the wooden fleet would be 
 tempted to come in closer range. Finding, however, that they 
 would not come closer, it opened, also firing very slowly. 
 
 About noon the fleet commenced firing with great rapidity. 
 The dull, heavy, thumping sounds of the enemy's guns, as 
 they were fired, could be heard first, and then the whistling, 
 shrieking sound of the shells as they came whizzing and buzz- 
 ing through the air. Their explosion and the myriad frag- 
 ments that went rattling by, thick almost as hail, were terrible 
 to listen to. The air was hot with fire ; the earth shook ; there 
 was no interval of quiet ; all was noise — crash, bang, and crash 
 all the time. 
 
 A shell whistled close to General Whiting. It buried itself, 
 exploding, and covering him all over with the wet sand. He 
 did not even move, not even take his pipe from his mouth, and 
 only remarked coolly, " Well, it spattered me." 
 
 While the bombardment was at its height, it was discovered 
 that tlie enemy had succeeded in landing a force at Anderson 
 and Holland batteries, and that their line of skirmishers were 
 advancino- on the fort. All was excitement now. The infan- 
 try man the parapets, and the sharp crack of the rifle is heard 
 instead of the heavy booming of guns. The lull was of short 
 duration — the most terrific bombardment now commenced ; 
 the fleet had seen their land forces, and they opened with 
 greater fury than ever to keep the Confederates from engaging 
 the skirmishers. 
 
 But there was to be no battle on land. Weitzel had re- 
 ported to Butler that it was not advisable to attack ; and that 
 commander had very promptly desisted from the enterprise. 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF TIIK WAR. 145 
 
 His troops (more than two thousand had been landed) were 
 ordered back to the transports ; and his whole force, consisting 
 of sixty -tive hundred men, was summarily withdrawn from 
 the expedition, and with such singular celerity that the next 
 day they were on the way back to Fortress Monroe. 
 
 As night came on the fire of the fleet fell off. Tiie fort had 
 made a gallant and complete defence; and the success of the 
 Confederates could no longer be disputed. The enemy's at-« 
 tack the first day lasted five hours ; on the second day, seven 
 hours ; firing altogether over tw^enty thousand shots from fifty 
 odd vessels. 
 
 The Confederates responded with six hundred and sixty-two 
 shots the first day, and six hundred the second. Their loss 
 was only three killed and fifty-five wounded. 
 
 The ground in front and rear of the fort was covered with 
 shells, and was torn in deep pits. But the damage to the 
 works was not considerable. Two guns in the fort burst, two 
 were dismounted by the Confederates, and two by the enemy's 
 fire ; but the fort was unhurt. 
 
 The failure of the expedition against Fort Fisher, the out- 
 post of the defences of Wilmington, was the occasion of some 
 sharp recrimination between Admiral Porter and General 
 Bntler. It is very certain that the latter oflicer, who had 
 boasted that he would eat his Christmas dinner at Wilmington, 
 was generally considered to have retired from the scene of 
 action in disgrace, and that a few days thereafter he was made 
 to pay the penalty of his failure by an order from Washington, 
 removing him from the Army of the James, and sending him 
 to his home in Massachusetts.* 
 
 * General Grant testified as follows before a committee of tlie Yankee Con- 
 gress, appointed to inquire into Butler's conduct : 
 
 Question— The expectation was to surprise the fort ? 
 
 Answer — Yes, sir; and my instructions were very clear, and if they eflFected 
 a landing there above Fort Fisher, that in itself was to be considered a suc- 
 cess ; and if the fort did not fall immediately upon their landing, then they 
 were to intrench themselves, and remain there and co-operate with the navy 
 until the fort did fall. In my instructions I provided for a bold dash for the 
 capture of Wilmington, in case Fort Fisher did fall immediately upon the 
 landing of the troops. If it did not fall, then they were to intrench, enter upon 
 a siege of the place, and remain there until it did fall. And the capture of Wil- 
 mington would thus become a matter for future consideration. General Butler 
 came away from Fort Fisher in violation of the instructions which. I gave him. 
 
 10 
 
146 THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAR. 
 
 SECOND EXPEDITION AGAINST FORT FISHER, — FALL OF WILMINGTON. 
 
 Neither General Grant nor tlie "Washington authorities were 
 satisfied with Butler's conclusion that Fort Fisher was impreg- 
 nable. The naval force remained in the vicinity during some 
 very stormy weather, while a second military force was organ- 
 ized under command of General Terr3^ This force consisted 
 of some eight thousand five hundred men, with siege guns and 
 intrenching tools. On the 13th of January, the troops were 
 landed on the beach above Fort Fisher, and proceeded to 
 throw up intrenchm(>nts. 
 
 Tlie enemy landed, under cover of his fleet, near Battery 
 Gat] in, about nine miles from Fort Fisher. Wiiile he was 
 landing. General Hoke appeared and drew up in line parallel, 
 to watch his movements, and intercept them when possible to 
 do so. It was not possible to j)revent the landing, owing to 
 the situation of the point chosen. The enemy landed on the 
 banks, just above the neck of the sound, thus interposing a 
 small surface of water between them and an attacking force ; 
 or compelling such force to circle around the lower extreme of 
 the sound — either of which movements would have to be done 
 under tlie fire of the whole fleet. 
 
 When General Hoke found this to be the situation, he es- 
 tablished a line facing the sea, and threw out cavalry on his 
 right flank, towards Battery Anderson, wliicli was down the 
 beach towards Fort Fisher, about four miles. The intervening 
 country here was broken ; and the low places were grown up 
 with thick bushes, and were marshy. The purpose of the 
 cavalry was to observe the movements, and give the signal of 
 the first advance of the enemy towards establishing a line 
 across the neck of land to the river, it being the order and 
 purpose of General Bragg to have General Hoke attack him as 
 soon as he advanced. During the night, however, the enemy, 
 passing between the cavalry, and threading their way through 
 the thick, marshy undergrowth, made their way to the river, 
 and next morning General Hoke found an intrenched line on 
 his right flank, extending across the peninsula, from the sea 
 to, or near to the river. He succeeded, however, in maintain- 
 ing his base at Sugarloaf, immediately changed his line, and 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 147 
 
 informed General Bragg of the situation. Then General Bragg 
 gave the order to charge the enemy in their works. In the 
 mean time, General Hoke had made a close reconnoissance, 
 under the fire of the enera}^, and discovered the strength of 
 their force and position. On receiving the order to charge 
 he communicated the result of his observations, and asked 
 General Bragg to reconnoitre in person, which he did ; and 
 both of tliese officers concurred that it was not proper to 
 assault the lines. It was then determined to re-enforce the 
 fort. By this time the enemy, four thousand strong, were 
 secure beliind their works ; and the fleet proceeded to bombard 
 Fort Fisher, which was done uninterruptedly until Sunday, 
 the 15th of January, about six o'clock in the evening. 
 
 At this time the column of assault, numbering about four 
 thousand, moved from the enemy's lines, and as they ad- 
 vanced, they were plainly' visible from Fort Fisher. But the 
 beleaguered garrison was kept close confined within the bomb- 
 proofs by the concentrated and continued fire of seven hundred 
 guns pouring torrents of shell and missiles on every spot. On 
 the land side of Fort Fisher the Confederates had seventeen 
 guns — sufficient, could they have been used, to make it impos- 
 sible that any force could have advanced under their fire. 
 But, as the line of assailants got nearer to the fort, the whole 
 fleet concentrated the fire, in richochet shot, on the land side, 
 and speedily dismounted every gun ; and this unintermittent 
 feu (Tenfer was kept up until the enemy's line was within sixty 
 yards of the works. Then it ceased, and with a rnsh and yell 
 the charge was made. Captain Braddy commanded the com- 
 pany guarding the sally-port. On him the hope of the garri- 
 son hung to keep the assailants out until the men and officers, 
 who had been packed in the bomb-proofs for fifry-six hours, 
 could get out and make ready. This officer and his command, 
 it is said, surrendered, and the enemy entered the open gate. 
 The Confederates were benumbed and exhausted, and the 
 thing was the work of a moment. They were obliged to fall 
 back in order to rally. Colonel Lamb brought liis men into 
 line near headquarters. General Whiting being present, en- 
 couraging and cheering on the troops and creating enthusiasm 
 by his ardent heroism. Under these inspiring influences the 
 men were brought to the charge. The numbers were against 
 
148 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 them in the proportion of four thousand, aided by two thousand 
 marines, to two thousand, but they forced the enemy back to 
 the mound, and a hand-to-hand fight, of unmitigated despera- 
 tion and fury, ensued, continuing from seven to about ten 
 o'clock, when bravery, endurance, and devotion failed to over- 
 come numbers. The Confederates were overpowered, and the 
 work of assault was accomplished ; but not until the enemy 
 had paid dearly for his prize. He had not lost a man until he 
 entered the fort. 
 
 Thus fell Fort Fisher after a heroic defence. About mid- 
 night, General Whiting surrendered himself and his men to 
 General Terry as prisoners of war, numbering over eighteen 
 hundred, the remainder of his force being killed or wounded. 
 The enemy confessed a loss of seven or eight hundred in killed 
 and wounded. General Whiting received three wounds in 
 the thigh, and thus wounded was fated to languish and die in 
 a Yankee prison. 
 
 The fall of Fort Fisher did not clear the way to Wilmington. 
 Yet it was decisive of the fate of that city. On the 19th of 
 February, Fort Anderson, higher up the river, was evacuated 
 under a heavy lire from Porter's fleet, with a co-operating 
 Yankee force eight thousand strong, which Schofield had 
 moved up from Smithville. The troops were pushed for Wil- 
 mington, while at the same time Porter's vessels passed the 
 obstructions and steamed, up the river. Wilmington was 
 occupied without resistance. The eight or ten thousand Con- 
 federate troops there, under the command of General Bragg, 
 had been withdrawn towards what was now the dominant 
 theatre of the war in the interior of the Carolinas. 
 
 The capture of Wilmington, indeed, had been an arranged 
 parallel of Sherman's grand expedition through the Carolinas ; 
 it was intended to open still another base of operations towards 
 Richmond ; and it proved, in fact, a great element of success in 
 that extraordinary march that carried the Yankee banners 
 from Savannah to Goldsboro'. To that movement attention 
 must now be directed in the logical order of our narrative. 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAB. 149 
 
 SHERMAN S SIXTY DAYS IN THE CAROLINAS. 
 
 About the 16th of January, hardly a month from his entry 
 into Savannah, Slierman had reviewed and reorganized liis 
 command, but only partially refitted it, owing to delays in for- 
 warding the necessary supplies. Appreciating the value of 
 time, he hurried forward his preparations, and dispatching 
 Howard's wing by water to Beaufort, from whence it penetrated 
 up the Pocotaligo, deceived the Confederates into the belief 
 that this force was the advance of his army moving upon 
 Charleston. The interval between the embarkation of Howard 
 at Savannah and his arrival in front of the Branchville and 
 Charleston Railroad was well employed by Sherman, who 
 marched Slocum's wing towards Augusta, Davis' corps on the 
 Georgia side, and William's on the Carolina side of the Savan- 
 nah River, to Sister's Ferry, 
 
 The laboiions duty of the campaign commenced with the 
 crossing of the Savannah River. The Confederate forces to 
 oppose Sherman were scattered all the way from Augusta to 
 Charleston ; the design being to guard all the approaches to 
 the railway that connected Charleston with the interior. Tliis 
 want of concentration was the secret of Sherman's success. 
 
 Early in February, Sherman struck the railroad between 
 Branchville and Charleston, compelled the Confederates to 
 evacuate Branchville on the 11th of February, and broke up 
 the South Carolina Railroad for sixty or seventy miles, thus 
 preventing any reinforcements from the west. The left wincr, 
 by rapid marches of eighteen miles per day, had made a 
 detour far to the left, within thirty miles of Augusta, gained a 
 lodgment upon the road, and severed communications. Here 
 was a dangerous position for the Confederates; Sherman's 
 whole force of cavalry, militia, and veterans at Branchville, 
 and Augusta open to capture by a sudden swoop of Kilpat- 
 rick's cavalry. That citj', with its arsenals, laboratories, 
 machine-shops, rolling stock, and cotton, was too valuable to 
 be neglected ; and Cheatham's corps of Hood's army, was 
 marched night and day to its relief, arriving there in time to 
 find that Sherman had turned the cold shoulder upon Augusta, 
 
150 THE LAST YKAK OF THE WAR. 
 
 and by a dexterous movement thrown his left wing between 
 Hill and the main force in his front. 
 
 Continuing his march north, Sherman entered Orangeburg 
 on the 16th of February ; and General Beauregard, who, owing 
 to the extraordinary dispersion of the Confederate plan of de- 
 fence, had certainly not more than ten thousand men at Co- 
 lumbia, was already preparing to evacuate the capital of South 
 Carolina. 
 
 THE FALL OF CHAKLESTON. 
 
 In the mean time, the movement of Sherman had already 
 been decisive of the fate of Charleston. General Hardee End- 
 ing himself flanked at Charleston, and appreciating the instant 
 necessity of effecting a junction with Beauregard and Cheat- 
 ham, and concentrating all available forces in Sherman^s path, 
 resolved to evacuate this city, so famous in the war and so 
 long coveted by the Yankees. But he was resolved to leave 
 as little as possible for the enemy's rapacity. 
 
 At an early hour of the morning, before the retirement of 
 General Hardee's troops, evei-y building, warehouse, or shed, 
 stored with cotton, was fired by a guard detailed for the pur- 
 pose. The engines were brought out, but with the small force 
 at the disposal of the fire department, very little else could be 
 done than to keep the surrounding buildings from igniting. 
 On the western side of the city the conflagration raged with 
 great fury. 
 
 The horrors of the conflagration were heightened by a ter- 
 rible catastrophe. It appears some boys had discovered a 
 quantity of powder at the depot of the Northwestern Railroad, 
 and amused themselves by flinging handfuls of it upon the 
 masses of burning cotton in the streets. It was not long before 
 the powder running from their hands formed a train upon the 
 ground leading from the fire to the main supplies of powder in 
 the depot. The result is easily conjectured. A spark ignited 
 the powder in the train, there was a leaping, running fire 
 along the ground, and then an explosion which shook the city 
 to its very foundation from one end to the other. The build- 
 ing was, in a second, a whirling mass of ruins, in a tremendous 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 151 
 
 volume of flame and smoke. About two hundred lives were 
 lost by the explosion, and not less than one hundred and fifty 
 bodies were found charred in that fiery furnace. 
 
 From the depot the fire spread rapidly, and communicating 
 with the adjoining buildings, threatened destruction to that 
 part of the town. Four squares, embracing the area bounded 
 by Chapel, Alexander, Charlotte, and Wasliington-streets, were 
 consumed before the conflagration was subdued. 
 
 The destruction of public property in Charleston had been 
 as complete as General Hardee could make it. He burned the 
 cotton warehouses, arsenals, quartermaster's stores, railroad 
 bridges, two iron-clads, and some vessels in the ship-yard. 
 
 Among the captured property were two hundred pieces of 
 artillery, spiked and temporarily disabled, as they could not 
 be brought oft'. 
 
 The Yankees occupied Charleston on the 18th of February. 
 A scarred city, blackened by fire, with evidences of destruction 
 and ruin wrought by the enemy at almost every step, had at 
 last come into their possession ; but not until a heroic defence 
 running through nearly four years, and at last only by the 
 stratagem of a march many miles away from it. The appear- 
 ance of the city was eloquent of the sacrifice and heroism of its 
 people. A Yankee correspondent who had joined in the 
 triumphal entry into Charleston thus described the scene be- 
 fore his eyes : ^'Not a building for blocks here that is exempt 
 from the marks of shot and shell. All have sufl'ered more or 
 less. Here is a fine brown-stone bank building, vacant and 
 deserted, with great gaping holes in the sides and roof, 
 through which the sun shines and the rain pours, windows and 
 eashes blown out by exploding shell within, plastering knocked 
 down, counters torn up, floors crushed in, and fragments of 
 mosaic pavement, broken and crushed, lying around on the 
 floor, mingled with bits of statuary, stained glass, and broken 
 parts of chandeliers. Ruin within and without, and its neigh- 
 bor in no better plight. The churches, St. Michael's and St. 
 Philip's, have not escaped the storms of our projectiles. Their 
 roofs are perforated, their walls wounded, their pillars demol- 
 ished, and within the pews filled with plastering. From Bay- 
 etreet, studded with batteries, to Calhoun-street, our shells have 
 carried destruction and desolation, and often death with them.'* 
 
152 THE LAST YiiAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 CAPTURE AND BURNING OF COLUMBIA. 
 
 While the Yankees were making a triumphal entry into the 
 burning city of Charleston, a scene yet more terrible and 
 dramatic was taking place in the capital of South Carolina. 
 General Beauregard had evacuated Columbia in haste. Sher- 
 man entered it on the ISth of February. A white flag dis- 
 played from the steeple of the City Hall announced the 
 surrender of the town. With bands playing, drum-corps 
 beating, flags flying, and their men in step, the Yankee army 
 marched down Main-street to the Capitol square. 
 
 No sooner had the enemy entered Columbia than a wild and 
 savage scene of pillage commenced. Stragglers, " bummers," 
 pontoon men, and the rifi'raif of the army were to be met in 
 every street and almost every house. If they wanted a pair of 
 boots they took them from one's feet. Watches were in con- 
 stant demand — in several instances being snatched from tlie 
 persons of ladies. Ear and finger-rings were taken by force, 
 and, in isolated cases, the dresses of ladies were torn from their 
 bodies by villains who expected to find jewels or plate con- 
 cealed. Search for silver and provisions was made in every 
 conceivable place. Ramrods were used as probes to indicate, 
 where boxes were buried ; and gardens, outhouses, cellars, 
 garrets, chimneys, and nooks, never thought of by anybody but 
 a thief in search of plunder, were turned, so to speak, inside 
 out. Eev. Mr. Shand, the Episcopalian clergyman, while con-, 
 veying a trunk containing the communion service of silver 
 from the church to the South Carolina College, was accosted 
 by a Yankee and a negro, who compelled him, under threat of 
 death, to give it up. 
 
 The conflagration which destroyed the city commenced 
 about dusk. The flre started near the rear of the jail. A 
 high wind prevailed, and in a short time the flames were in 
 full and unconquerable progress, spreading rapidly in three 
 directions — up and down Main-street and eastwardly. From 
 ten until three o'clock in the morning the scene was appalling. 
 The sky was one broad sheet of flame, above which, amid the 
 lurid smoke, drifted in eddying circles a myriad of sparks. 
 These falling scattered the conflagration on every side. The 
 
' THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 153 
 
 monotone of the roaring, leaping, hissing tongues of flame, as 
 thej careered on their wild course, alone filled hearts with 
 dismay. The air was like that of a furnace. Many of the 
 streets were impassable. Frightened men, women, and chil- 
 dren ran in all directions, some only to flee again from the fresh 
 attacks of the destroying element. Property thrown out of 
 houses was either burned or stolen. Many of the Federal 
 soldiers, maddened by liquor, dashed through the city with 
 lighted torches to inflame the dwellings yet untouched. Morn- 
 ing revealed to some extent the broad sweep of destruction. 
 Four thousand or more citizens were houseless and homeless. 
 From the State-house to Cotton Town, and an average of two 
 or three squares on each side of Main-street, nothing but 
 blackened ruins remained. Every vestige of the once busy 
 street was gone. 
 
 After having completed, as far as possible, the destruction of 
 Columbia, Sherman continued his march northward. The 
 Seventeenth and Twentieth corps moved in two columns upon 
 Winnsboro', thirty miles north, on the Columbia and Cliarlotte 
 Railroad ; the Seventeenth destroying the railroad, and twisting 
 the rails so that they could not be used again. From Winns- 
 boro', where they found many of the refugees from Charleston 
 and Columbia, General Sherman sent Kilpatrick's cavalry still 
 northward towards Chesterville, to keep up the delusion that 
 he was moving on Charlotte, but Sherman himself with his 
 main army moved directly eastward, crossing the Catawba or 
 Wateree nearly east of Winnsboro', and moving his left wing 
 directly towards Cheraw, while the right threatened Florence. 
 
 After leaving Columbia, the rapidly increasing mass of 
 refugees, black and white, who followed the army, were org;in- 
 ized into an emigrant train, and put under the charge of the 
 officers and men who had escaped from the Confedei'ate prisons 
 at Salisbury and elsewhere on the route. Under the direction 
 of their escort they foraged for themselves, and being supplied 
 liberally with horses and mules, wagons and other vehicles, of 
 which large numbers were taken along the route, they moved 
 on with very little expense or trouble to the army. This 
 organization, known as that of "'Sherman's bummers," often 
 mixed up with the regular troops of the army, cari-ied devas- 
 tation, ruin, and horror along the march. It was said, indeed, 
 
154 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 that Sherman's march through the Carolinas was tracked by a 
 cohimn of smoke, and that stragglers never found any 
 difficulty in rejoining the command, when this ghastly evi- 
 dence of its march stood constantly in tlie sky. 
 
 At Winnsboro', private dwellings were entered ruthlessly; 
 all kind of necessaries and luxuries of life were stolen, and, in 
 some cases, helpless women were cursed and threatened to be 
 shot if they did not deliver up keys of apartments. This town 
 was also fired. Charred ruins n:!et the eye, where once the 
 busy feet of men passed in the daily pursuits of life. Wedding- 
 rings and mementos of deceased husbands or parents were 
 stolen as ruthlessly as gold coin would have been ; watches 
 and jewelry were cut from the persons of ladies, and, in some 
 instances, their shoes removed on the pretence of searching for 
 rings. 
 
 Leaving this town, the enemy took their line of march on 
 the State road leading to Blackstocks. , On the route their road 
 could be easily distinguished by tall chimneys standing solitarv 
 and alone, and blackened embers, as it were, lavinij at their 
 feet. Every fine residence, all corn-cribs, smoke-houses, cotton- 
 gins — all that could give comfort to man — were committed to 
 the fiames ; dead animals — horses, mules, cows, calves, and 
 hogs — slain by the enemy, were scattered along the road. The 
 railroad track from Winnsboro' to about four bundled yards 
 on the other side of Blackstocks was in one mass of ruins. 
 Horses and mules that were hid in dense foi-ests were found 
 and taken. Corn, fodder, and shucks that the enemy could 
 not use were burned ; gentlemen were robbed of what funds 
 they had about their pei'son ; watches were jerked from the 
 pockets of both male and female; in truth every indignity and 
 every insult that could be oft'ered to citizens was perpetrated.* 
 
 * The following are extracts from some private letters giving some; account 
 of Sherman's pillagers in the Carolinas : 
 
 " My Dear : Sherman has gone, and terrible has been the storm that has 
 
 swept over us with his coming and going. They deliberately shot two of our 
 citizens — murdered them in cold blood— one of them a Mr. Murphy, a wounded 
 soldier, Confederate States Army. They hung up three others and one lady, 
 merely letting them down just in time to save life, in order to make them tell 
 where their valuables were concealed. There was no place, no chamber, 
 trimk, drawer, desk, garret, closet, or cellar that was private to their unholy 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 155 
 
 On the 3d of March Sherman occupied Cheraw. The feint 
 upon Charh)tte was intended to uncover Fayetteville to Sher- 
 man and Goldsboro' to Schofield, wlio, with a large and vic- 
 torious army, was sweeping up from the coast witli i-einforce- 
 
 eyes. Their rude hands spared nothing but our lives, and those tliey would 
 have taken but they knew that therein they would only accomplish the death 
 of a few helpless women and children — they would not in the least degree 
 break or bend the spirit of our people. Squad after sqnad unceasingly came 
 and went and tramped through the halls and rooms of our house day and 
 night during, the entire stay of the army. 
 
 " At our house they killed every chicken, goose, turkey, cow, calf, and every 
 living thing, even to our pet dog. Tliey carried off our wagons, carriages, and 
 horses, and broke up our buggy, wheelbarrow, garden implements, axes, 
 hatchets, hammers, saws, etc., and burned the fences. Our smoke-houses and 
 pantry — that a few days ago were well stored with bacon, lard, flour, dried 
 fruit, meal, pickles, preserves, etc. — now contain nothing whatever, except a few 
 pounds of meal and flour, and five pounds of bacon. They took from old 
 men, women, and children alike, every garment of wearing apparel save what 
 we had on, not even sparing the napkins of infants ! Blankets, sheets, quilts, 
 etc., such as did not suit them to take away, they tore to pieces before our 
 eyes. After destroying every thing we had, and taking from us every morsel 
 of food (save the pittance I have mentioned), one of these barbarians had to 
 add insult to injury by asking me ' what you (I) would live upon now?' I re- 
 plied, ' Upon patriotism ; I will exist upon the love of my country as lono' as 
 life will last, and then I will die as firm in that love as the everlasting hills.' " 
 
 A lady residing in South Carolina, who was in the enemy's lines for five 
 days, writes her experience to a friend in Augusta as follows : 
 
 " Pauline came rushing up to me saying the Yankees had come, 
 A hasty glance from the window confirmed her words, and we instantly re- 
 treated to aunt's room. This being on the first floor, was speedily filled with 
 armed men. At first I very politely unlocked several trunks, assuring them 
 that they only contained ladies' apparel, but as the number increased we gladly 
 retreated to the sitting-room, where the whole family soon collected. There 
 we remained from twelve to six o'clock, while this band of one hundred and 
 fifty men ransacked every nook and corner ; breaking open trunks and boxes 
 singing, whistling, swearing. Many passed through the room in which we 
 were. At first none addressed us. At last one young villain came in, fastened 
 the door, demanded our watches, and using the most prc^ane language and 
 terrible threats, ordered us to confess where our gold and silver was buried ; 
 laid his hands on Pauline's shoulder and mine, while we obediently emptied 
 
 our pockets. They then marched Dr. into the entry, stripped the poor 
 
 old gentleman to the waist, robbing him of the one thousand dollars he had 
 succeeded in bringing from his own house, which meanwhile has been laid in 
 ashes — so he is homeless. We have lost in silver, china, and o-lass. All our 
 blankets, quilts, bowls, and aU the pillow-cases were used as bags to remove 
 provisions. Great destruction in clotKing, dresses torn up, etc. Hardly a 
 handkerchief in the house." 
 
156 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 meiits for Sherman, establishing a line of supplies as he 
 moved. 
 
 On the afternoon and night of the 6th of March, the Yankee 
 army crossed the Great Pedee River in safety, and swept for- 
 ward the next day — the main arm}^, in four columns, moving 
 on Laurel Hill and Montpelier, Korth Carolina, and the 
 cavalry, under Kilpatrick, guarding the extreme left, and 
 approaching Rockingham, North Carolina, where they came in 
 contact with Butler's division of Wade Hampton's cavalry, 
 with which they had some desultory skirmishing. A long and 
 heavy rain delayed somewhat the Yankee approach to Fayette- 
 ville, but that place was reached on tlie llth of March. 
 
 Some more severe and important fighting than Sherman had 
 yet experienced since he and Johnston parted at Atlanta was 
 now to take place ; the latter general having been put in com- 
 mand of the Confederate forces in the Carolinas. 
 
 On the 10th of March General Wade Hampton approached 
 before daylight Kilpatrick's lieadquarters, at Monroe's planta- 
 tion, and administered to him a severe lesson, taking guns and 
 prisoners. 
 
 At Fayetteville Sherman communicated with Schofield at 
 Wilmington. He had fixed upon the vicinity of Goldsboro' as 
 the place where he would form a junction with Schofield, and 
 the 22d of March as the time — before leaving Savannali — 
 and having brought his army thus far in time, he was dis- 
 posed to move slowly to allow Schofield time to reach the 
 rendezvous. 
 
 On tlie 16th of March General Hardee, with about half a 
 corps (Rhett's and Elliot's brigades), was intrenched between 
 Black Creek and Cape Fear River, at no great distance from 
 the confluence of these streams. This small detachment of 
 Confederate force was attacked here by two corps of Sherman's 
 veterans, under Slocum, together with Kilpatrick's cavalry. 
 The Confederates held their ground with the most determined 
 valor. Three different charges of the enemy were repulsed. 
 At last, to prevent being flanked. General Hardee had to fall 
 back with the loss of two guns. This engagement took place 
 at Averysboro', on the Cape Fear River, about lialf-way 
 between Raleigh and Fayetteville. Tiie loss of the enemy was 
 out of all proportion to our own. General Johnston tele- 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 157 
 
 graphed to Kichmond that the total Confederate loss was four 
 hundred and fifty ; that of the Yankees thirty-three hundred. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENTONVILLE. 
 
 On the 19th of March a yet more important engagement 
 was to occur. It was Johnston's purpose to cripple Sherman, 
 if possible, before he could effect a junction with Schofield ; 
 and, accordingly, he brought what troops he had in hand by a 
 forced march into position at Bentonville, intending to fling 
 them upon Sherman's left wing, commanded by Slocum. 
 
 About nine o'clock in the morning the fight commenced. 
 On the right. Bate's and Cleburne's division charged and car- 
 ried two lines of breastworks, driving the enemy two miles. 
 Hill, commanding Lee's corps, and Loring, commanding 
 Stewart's corps, did similarly on the left. The Confederates 
 fought gallantly. Three guns were taken from the enemy, and 
 his whole line pushed back. 
 
 A mile in rear the enemy rallied upon fresh troops, but was 
 forced back slowly, until six o'clock p. m., Avhen, receiving 
 more troops, he apparently assumed the offensive, which 
 movement was resisted without difiiculty until dark. 
 
 During the night the enemy threw up heavy intrenehments, 
 and the next morning General Johnston did not think it advis- 
 able to renew the attack. The engagement had been a very 
 severe one. The total loss of the Confederates was about 
 twenty-five hundred. Although they had achieved a success, 
 Johnston appears to have been well convinced that he had not 
 force sufiicient to cope with Sherman and resist his junction 
 with Schofield. On the night («f the 20th the enemy aban- 
 doned their works and moved towards Goldsboro'. General 
 Johnston then withdrew towards Raleigh. 
 
 In the mean time, Schofield, from jS'ewbern, had entered and 
 occupied Goldsboro', and Terry, from Wilmington, had secured 
 Cox's bridge crossing, and laid a pontoon bridge across the 
 Neuse River. Sherman was thus in the position lie had 
 planned more than two months ago in Savannah ; he had 
 brought up every part of the combination in perfect order; 
 and so far had achieved a success at once brilliant and com- 
 
158 ■ THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 plete. On the 22d of March he publislied in Goldsboro' a con- 
 gratuhatory address to his troops. He said : " After a march 
 of the most extraordinary character, nearly five hundred miles, 
 over swamps and rivers deemed impassable to others, at the 
 most inclement season of the year, and drawing our chief sup- 
 plies from a poor and wasted country, we reach our destination 
 in good health and condition." 
 
 We must leave Sherman at Goldsboro' — the proper termi- 
 nation of his campaign in the Carolinas. The position was 
 critical enough for the Confederates. Between Sherman's 
 army, augmented by the corps of Schofield and Terry, and the 
 army of Grant, the Confederacy was in danger of being 
 crushed. The two armies were separated by only one hun- 
 dred and fifty miles, and a railroad, which could be rapidly 
 put in order, connected them. No sooner had Sherman dis- 
 posed his army in camp at Goldsboro' than he hastened to 
 City Point, Virginia, for an interview with General Grant and 
 President Lincoln. The results of that conference were soon 
 to be* known to the Confederacy, and meant any thing else 
 than that " peace negotiation" into which some lively imagi- 
 nations in Richmond construed this collection of distinguished 
 persons. 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 159 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The date of distrust in the Soiitliern mind. — Observation of General Lee. — A pecu- 
 liar moral condition of the Confederacy. — Want of confidence in President Davis' 
 administration. — Impatience of the prolongation of the war. — Davis' unpopularity. 
 — Weak attempts in Congress at a counter-revolution. — General Lee made com- 
 mander-in cliief. — The title a nominal one. — The Virginia delegation and the Pres- 
 idetit. — Mr. Seddon's resignation. — President Davis' defiance to Congress. — Tlio 
 Davis-Johnston imbroglio. — Senator Wigfall's speeches. — Johnston's restoration. 
 — President Davis' opinion of homcEopathy. — Sullen and indifferent disposition of 
 the Southern people. — How they might have accomplished their independence. — 
 Eeview of the military situation. — Analysis of the peace feeling in tlie North. — 
 How it was likely to be developed by a long war. — The Union not the enemy's sine 
 qica non. — Two contingencies tliat limited the war. — The worthless title of Yankee 
 invasion. — " Cob- web" occupation of the Confederacy. — Note: an address in tho 
 Eichmond newspapers. — Tiie two fatal facts in the condition of the Confederacy. — 
 The Fortress Monroe Commission.— How it was brousrht about. — The. Yankee 
 ultimatum. — Official narrative of the Confederate commissioners. — A new attempt 
 to rally the spirit of the South. — The meeting at the African church in Eichmond. 
 — President Davis' boasts. — Plis noble allusion to history. — How the cause of the 
 Confederacy was in danger.— -Proposition to arm the slaves of the South. — 
 Indicative of a desperate condition of the public mind.— General Lee's opinion. — 
 The slaveholding interest. — Its selfishness and insolence. — A weak conclusion of 
 the matter. — "Catching at straws" in the Confederate Congress. — Character of 
 this body. 
 
 In the winter of 1S64-5, intelligent minds in the Confed- 
 eracy became, for the first time, impressed with the idea that 
 its victory and independence were no longer certain conclu- 
 sions, and conceived a painful distrust as to the issues of the 
 war. 
 
 General Lee, a man who used few words, and had the faculty 
 of going directly to the point of a discussion, and putting 
 sagacious judgments in plain phrases, once said of the conduct 
 of the people of the Confederacy in the war, that " they were 
 only half in earnest." But this remark, unlike most of Lee's 
 judgments, was only half true. No one can doubt that the 
 Confederates had been thoroughly and terribly in earnest in 
 the first periods of the war ; and if, in its later periods, they 
 appeared to lack earnestness, the truth was they did not lack 
 it so much as they did confidence in their rulers, and a dispo- 
 
160 THE LAST YEAIi OF THE WAK. 
 
 sition to continue the war under an administration, whose 
 squanderings and make-sliifts turned all the sacrifices of the 
 people to naught. In the later periods of the terrible conflict 
 through which the Confederacy had passed, its moral condition 
 was peculiar. All confidence in the administration at Hicli- 
 mond M'as gone ; the people were heart-broken ; they had been 
 cheated too often by the highly colored prophesies of President 
 Davis, and those boastful predictions, which are unfailing 
 characteristics of the weak mind ; they saw that their sacrifices 
 were squandered, and their most patriotic efforts misapplied; 
 they were so far demoralized by want of confidence in their 
 authorities, and, in some instances, by positive antipathy to 
 them, that it may be said that in the last periods of the war, a 
 majority of the people of the Confederacy actually deprecated 
 any single success, and did not desire a victory to their arms 
 which might give a new occasion of prolongation of the war — 
 for having already taken it for granted as hopeless, they prayed 
 in their hearts that it would be closed at the earliest moment. 
 They did not desire the delay of any mere fluctuations of for- 
 tune, which they were sure was to be adverse at the last. " If 
 failure \vas to ensue, then the sooner the better." Such was 
 the phrase of the vulgar judgment which everywhere in the 
 Confederacy assailed the ears of nobler and more resolute men. 
 
 Whatever share the maladministration at Richmond may 
 have had in producing this public demoralization, it is not to 
 be excused entirely on this account. It involved with it much 
 that was shameful, for which tlie people had themselves to 
 blame, and to charge to the account of their -own disposition 
 to let the war lapse to its final conclusions of defeat and ruin. 
 
 For months Mr. Davis had been a President, with nothing at 
 his back but a clique of office-holders. The people had be- 
 come thoroughly estranged from him. If all did not speak of 
 him in terms of derision or hate, there were but few who named 
 him without expressions of distrust. But altliougli the country 
 was thus thoroughly dissatisfied with Mr. Davis' administra- 
 tion, there was not nerve enough in it, not courage enough 
 among its public men, to overthrow his rule, or put it under a 
 severe and effective check. 
 
 In the first months of 1865 there were introduced in Con- 
 gress some partial but remarkable measures to correct the 
 
THE LAST YEAH OF THE WAR. IGl 
 
 administration. Tliey indicated public sentiment; but tliey 
 failed and utterly broke down in their execution, and left 
 Davis the defiant and angry master of the field. 
 
 The first of these was an act of the Confederate Congress 
 making General Lee commander-in-chief of the armies. Tlie 
 intention of this law was never executed. Lee was unwilling 
 to accept practically its trust ; he was unwilling, too, to break 
 a personal friendsliip with the President ; and so he remained 
 in immediate command of tlie Army of Northern Yirginia, and 
 Davis continued in the jDractical control of the armies at large, 
 without any diminution of liis power or insolence. 
 
 In January, 1865, the Yirginia delegation in the House of 
 flepresentatives, headed by Mr. Bocock, the speaker of the 
 House, addressed to the President an earnest, bat most respect- 
 ful paper, expressing their want of confidence in the capacity 
 and services of his cabinet, the members of M-hich for four 
 years had been mere figure-heads in Richmond. Mr. Davis 
 resented the address as impertinent. Mr. Seddon, tlie secre- 
 tary of war, a citizen of Virginia, recognizing the censure as 
 coming from Virginians, and, therefore, as peculiarly applicable 
 to liimself, and conscious of the excessive unpopularity he had 
 incurred in the administration of his office — an ugly little cir- 
 cumstance of which had recently come to light, namely, that 
 while he had been impressing the grain of tlie Virginia farm- 
 ers at nominal prices, lie had sold his own crop of wheat to the 
 Government at forty dollars a bushel — insisted upon resigning, 
 and thus appeasing the public indignation against himself. 
 Ml". Davis opposed this action of his secretary, sought to dis- 
 suade him from it; and wlien Mr. Seddon did resign, the Pres- 
 ident went out of his way to declare in a letter, published in 
 the newspapers, that the event of this resignation would in no 
 n^anner change the policy or course of his administration, and 
 thus, in words not to be mistaken, threw down his defiance to 
 Congress and the country. 
 
 Another point wliich Congress made with the President was 
 the restoration of General Joseph E. Johnston to command. 
 For weeks in the Confederate Senate, Mr. Wigfall, of Texas — 
 a course, heavy man, of large brain, who, under an unsenti- 
 mental exterior, possessed more of the courage and fire of the 
 orator than any other man in the South — dealt his sledge-ham- 
 
 11 
 
162 THE LAST YEAR OF TIIK WAE. 
 
 mer blows on the President, who, he dechired, not satisfied 
 with persecuting Johnston, was trying to make him the scape- 
 goat for his own sins. The debate in the Johnston-Davis im- 
 broglio was a memorable one in the dreary annals of the Con- 
 federate Congress. The fierce impatience of Mr. Wigfall more 
 than once caused him to launch into philippics against the 
 President, which most of the Richmond newspapers did not 
 dare to report. The President was denounced without mercy, 
 "lie was," said Mr. Wigfall, summing up on one occasion his 
 points of indictment, " an amalgam of malice and mediocrity." 
 The President did restore Johnston ; but under circum- 
 stances which made it no concession to the public. To an inti- 
 mate friend he remarked with grim humor, tluit "if the people 
 wanted to try homoeopathic treatment — sirnilia similihus cur- 
 antuT — he would give them another dose of Johns::on." lie 
 I'estored this commander, as he well knew, to the conduct of a 
 campaign that was already lost ; he put him in command of a 
 broken and disorganized force tiiat Sherman had already swept 
 before him through two States into the forests of North Caro- 
 lina; and Johnston was right when some weeks before he 
 wrote to a private friend that he was quite sure that if the 
 authorities at Kichmond restored him to command, they were 
 resolved not to act towards him in good faith and with proper 
 support, but to put him in circumstances where defeat was 
 inevitable, and thus confirm to the populace the military judg- 
 ment of President Davis. 
 
 The people of the Confederacy, towards the final periods of 
 the war, may be said to have looked with folded arms upon 
 the sins of its Government, and to have regarded its general 
 tendency to disaster and ruin with a sullen disposition to let 
 matters take their own course, or with weak and blank despair. 
 These sins were not only the fruit of Mr. Davis' violent and 
 imperious animosities; they covered the whole conduct of his 
 administration, and involved as much the want of capacity as 
 that of ofiicial candor and personal impartiality. Everywhere 
 the military establishment was falling to decay, and although 
 the Confederacy was still full of fighting men and war mate- 
 rial, there was nothing but the dregs of its resources at the 
 practical command of the Government. 
 
 The most remarkable fact in the later days of the Confed- 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 163 
 
 eracy was, that while tlie conntiy was really capable of fight- 
 ing the war indefinitely, and accomplishing its independence, 
 if by nothing more, yet surely by the virtue of endurance, it 
 had in active employment but the smallest portion of its re- 
 sources, and was loitering ou the brink of destruction at a 
 time when victory, with jprojper efforts^ was never more surely 
 in its grasp. 
 
 To understand this great and melancholy fact in the history 
 of the war — that the Confederates, with an abler government 
 and a more resolute spirit, might have accomplished their 
 independence — we have only to review, with candor, the 
 situation as it existed in the opening of the memorable year 
 of 1865. 
 
 In the summer of 1864 everywhere the thought of the ISTortli 
 was peac^ ; not so much in the newspapers, whose office, 
 especially with the Yankees, was rather to disguise public sen- 
 timent than to express or apply it ; but in every circle of con- 
 versation, and every quarter where men dared to unmask their 
 minds and to substitute their true convictions for the stereo- 
 types of affectation, there was to be found a real desire for 
 peace, which had almost ripened into a popular demand, ready 
 to define its terms and resolved to insist upon its concession. 
 The Chicago Convention meant peace ; this and that man, 
 least suspected of generosity to the Confederacy or of deference 
 to truth, privately confessed the war to be a failure ; even Ke- 
 publicans of Mr. Lincoln's school, seizing upon certain amiable 
 expressions in the Confederate Congress of the summer of 
 1864, wanted to know if they might- not mean some accommo- 
 dation of the question of the War, and replied to them with 
 those affectations of generosity with which the dexterous cow- 
 ardice of the Yankee is always ready to cover his sense of 
 defeat. 
 
 This disposition of the public mind in the North was easily 
 accounted for, when it was closely observed. It was clearly 
 not the fruit of any decisive disasters to the Northei-n arras in 
 the summer campaign of 1864. But that campaign had been 
 negative. Atlanta had not fallen. All the engagements in 
 Northern Georgia had not amounted, as Johnston said, to the 
 sum of more than one battle, and it was yet doubtful on which 
 side to strike the average of success. Richmond was erect and 
 
164 THE LAST yi;ar of the war. 
 
 defiant; and Lee's army had given new and conspiciioug proofs 
 of fortitude at Cold Harbour and Petersburg. Nowhere, then, 
 could the enemy find any prospect of the speedy termination 
 of the war; and though he had searched every link of tlic 
 armor of the Confederacy he had been unable to plant any- 
 where a serious wound. It was simply because the enemy's 
 campaign was negative; simply in prospect of a prolongation 
 of the war that, in midsummer of 186i, the Yankee public 
 halted in its opinions and seriously meditated a proposition of 
 peace. 
 
 The great lesson which the South was to learn of public 
 opinion in the JSTorth was this : that the prospect of a long 
 war was quite as snre to obtain the success and independence 
 of the Confederacy, as the positive victories of her arms. It 
 might not have been so in the first periods of the war, when 
 the resolution of tlie enemy was fresh and patient, and the 
 Union was then really the apple of his eye. But it was when 
 patience had been worn threadbare by promises — when expec- 
 tation had stood on tip-toe until it had ached ; when the senti- 
 ment of Union had lost all its original inspiration ; when " the 
 Union as it was " had become more and more impossible to 
 the hopes of the intelligent, and the attempt to realize it had 
 fallen from the resolution of a sovereign necessity to a mere 
 preference of alternatives — that we find the enemy quite as 
 likely to be defeated by the prospect of a prolonged war, as 
 by the dint of positive disaster, and, in fact, meditating more 
 anxiously the question of Southern endurance, than the imme- 
 diate fortunes (^f any military campaign. 
 
 It was a great mistake to suppose that in these later years 
 of the war, the North was fighting for the Union as the sine 
 qua non^ the indispensable thing. That was the clack of Yan- 
 kee newspapers and the drone of demagogues. But the facts 
 were to the contrary. It was to be admitted that the North, 
 in the development of her resources in the war, and the discov- 
 ery contemporary with it of an almost fabulous wealtli in her 
 oil regions and mines, and new fields of enterprise .opened 
 along the entire slope of the Kocky Mountains, liad obtained 
 a confidence which had assured her, among other things, that, 
 even apart from the South, she had in herself the elements of 
 a irreat national existence. It was this swollen wealth — some 
 
 CD 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 165 
 
 of it the windfalls of a mysterious Providence — which had 
 appeased much of that avarice which formed so large a share 
 in the Northern desire for the Union. Again, as the war had 
 progressed, it had become more and more obvious to countless 
 intelligent persons in the North, that it had wasted what was 
 most desirable in the Union ; destroyed its esprit i left nothing 
 to be recovered but its shadow, and that along with such pal- 
 try recovery of a mere name, were to be taken the conse- 
 quences of such despotic government as would be necessary to 
 hold two hostilized countries under a common I'ule. It was 
 thus that the sentiment of the Union had lost much of its 
 power in the North. The lirst fervors of the war were scarcely 
 now to be discovered among a people wlio had chosen to carry 
 on liostilities by the mercenary hands of foreigners and negroes, 
 and had devised a s^-stem of substitution — a vicarious M^arfare 
 — to an extent that was absolutely without parallel in the his- 
 tory of any modern nation. 
 
 All persons in the North, with the exception of some hun- 
 dreds, professed that they preferred the Union ; it was a uni- 
 versal desire spoken everywhere ; but spoken only as a prefer- 
 ence and desire, and no longer as a passion that insisted upon 
 an object which it considered death and ruin to dispense with. 
 Of all who declared for the Union, but few were ready to tes- 
 tify sincerely that they were for it at all hazards and conse- 
 quences. Whatever might be the convenient language or the 
 fulsome protestation of public opinion in the North, two things 
 were certain. 
 
 First, that the North would not insist upon the Union in 
 plain prospect of a war indefinitely prolonged. 
 
 And second, that the North would never fight the war be- 
 yond that moderate point of success on the part of the South, 
 where she would be disposed to accommodate the enemy with 
 certain treaty favors which might stand in lieu of the old 
 Union, and where she would not be quite confident enough in 
 her position to insist upon a severe independence. 
 
 It was thus that the war, on the part of the North, was 
 limited by contingencies, which were very far short of decisive 
 results one way or the other, and which might ti-anspire even 
 without any very signal successes of the Confederate arms. f 
 
 What had been said of the peace movement in the North 
 
166 TB^- lAST YKAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 in the summer of 1864, before the fall of Atlanta, has its ap- 
 plication to the times of which we are now writing. Tliat 
 movement was simply the result of a conviction, not that tlio 
 South was about to accomplish a positive triumph, but that 
 she was able to endure the war much longer than had been 
 expected, and yet had not reached that point of confidence 
 where she would not be likely to make valuable concessions 
 to the North for the early and graceful acknowledgment of 
 her independence. That acknowledgment the North was then 
 on the eve of making under certain disguises, it is true, of 
 party convenience, but none the less certainly because it sought 
 decent excuse for the act. The Democratic party was then 
 well nigh a unit on the subject of peace. " Burn my letter,'* 
 wrote a distinguished politician of New England to a Confed- 
 erate then in New York; "but when you get to Richnjond, 
 hasten to President Davis, and tell him the Chicago Conven- 
 tion means peace, and nothing but peace." It was the mili- 
 tary events which followed that interrupted this resolution, 
 and showed how little there was of principle or of virtuous 
 intention in Yankee parties; and with the fall of Atlanta, Sa- 
 vannah, Wilmington, and Charleston, and Sherman's campaign 
 of magnificent distances, the Northern mind had again be- 
 come inflamed with the fervor of new hopes, and clamored 
 for unconditional war, when it thought that it was in the last 
 stages of success. 
 
 Yet in face of this clamor it was plain enough that if the 
 Confederates could ever regain substarntially nothing more 
 than the status quo of seven months ago ; if they could ever 
 present to the North the same prospect of a long war as they 
 did then, and put before them the weary task of overcoming 
 the fortitude of a brave people, they would have peace and 
 independence in their grasp. It was a vulgar mistake that to 
 accomplish our success in this war we had to retrieve all of 
 the past and recover by arms all the separate pieces of our 
 territory. It was to be remembered that we were fighting on 
 the defensive, and had only to convince the enemy that Ave 
 were able to protect the vital points of our country to compel 
 him to a, peace in which all was surrendered that he had over- 
 run, and all the country that he held by the worthless title of 
 invasion, would fall from him as by the lawof gravitation. 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 167 
 
 It may be said briefly tliafc if the Confederates could only 
 regain the situation of the last summer, or even if they would 
 only give a proof to the enemy that they were not at the ex- 
 tremity of their resources, or a't the last limits of resolution — 
 that they were able and determined to fight the war indefi- 
 nitely — they had then accomplished the important and vital 
 conditions of peace. Nor was the first impossible — to recover 
 substantially, in all important respects, the losses of the past 
 few months, and even add to the status qito of last summer new 
 elements of advantage for us. To defeat Sherman at any stage 
 short of Richmond would be to reoj^eu and recover all the 
 country he had overrun. If the enemy was left in possession 
 of the seaports, these' had but little value to us as ports of 
 entry, and were but picket-po&ts in our system of defences. 
 Sherman's campaign clearly came to naught if he could not 
 reach Grant — nothing left of it but the brilliant zig-zag of a 
 raid vanishino- as heat lio-htnino; in the skies. The conse- 
 quences of Sherman's misadventure would be obvious enough. 
 Grant's army, without the looked-for aid from the Carolinas, 
 was by no means certain of the capture of Kichmond. It was 
 true that Grant was within a few miles of the Confederate 
 capital, when the same time last year he was on the Rapidan. 
 But that was a fool's measure of danger, for in each case we 
 had the same army shielding Kichmond, and whether that 
 shield was broken ten or one hundred miles away was of no 
 importance to the interest it covered. 
 
 There was nothing really desperate in the military situation 
 of the Confederac}', unless to fools and cowards who drew lines 
 on paper to show how the Yankees were at this place and at 
 that jilace, and thought that this cob- web occupation of the 
 country, where the enemy had no garrisons and no footliolds, 
 indicated the extent of Yankee conquest and gave the true 
 measure of the remnant of the Confederacy ! And yet this was 
 too much the popular fashion of the time in estimating the 
 military situation. Men were drawing for themselves pictures 
 of despair out of what were, to those who thought profoundly 
 and bravely, no more important than the passages of the hour. 
 It is not to be disguised that the condition of the Confederacy 
 was demoralized in the extreme, and that it was difficult to re- 
 organize, as the patriots of ISGi, men who were now exclaim- 
 
\ 
 
 168 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 ino- evcrywliere their despair, and counselling embassies of 
 submission.* 
 
 Briefly, if the fatal facts in the condition of the Confede- 
 
 * In Marcli, 1865, the author printed an address in the Eichmond news- 
 papers, of which the following was the concluding portion. Ilie occasion and 
 sjiirit of this address are significant enough of what was taking place in 
 Richmond at that time : 
 
 " I am determined to express the truth, no matter how painfal to myself or 
 unwelcome to others. In the first period of this war who was not proud of 
 the Confederacy and its heroic figure in history ! Yet now it is to be confessed 
 that a large portion of our people have fallen below the standards of history, 
 and hold no honorable comparison with other nations that have fought and 
 struggled for independence. It is easy for the tongue of the demagogue to trip 
 with flattery on the theme of the war ; but when we come to the counsels of 
 the intelligent the truth must be told. We are no longer responding to the 
 lessons and aspirations of history. You speak of the scarcity of subsistence. 
 But Prussia, in lier wars, drained her supplies until black bread was the only 
 thing eat in the king's palace ; and yet, under Frederick, she won not only 
 her independence, but a position among the five great powers of Europe. You 
 speak of the scarcity of men. Yet with a force not greater than that with 
 which we have only to hold an invaded country and maintain the defensive,. 
 Napoleon fought his splendid career, and completed a circle of victories that 
 touched the bomidaries of Europe. 
 
 " It is enough to sicken the heart with shame and vexation that now, v/lien, 
 of all times, it is most important to convince the enemy of our resolution — 
 now, when such a course, for peculiar reasons, will insure our success — there 
 are men who not only whine on the streets about making terms with the 
 enemy, but intrude their cowardice into the official places of the Government, 
 and, sheltered by secret sessions and confidential conversations, roU the word 
 ' reconstruction ' under the tongue. Shame upon the Congress that closed its- 
 doors that it might better consult of dishonorable things ! Shame upon those 
 leaders who should encom-age the i^eople, and yet have broken down their con- 
 fidence by private conversations ; and who, while putting in newspapers some 
 cheap words of patriotism, yet in the same breath express their despair by a 
 suspicious cant about trusting in Providence, and go off to talk submission 
 with their intimates in a corner ! Shame upon those of the people who have 
 now no other feeling in the war than an exasperated selfishness I who are 
 ready to sink, if they can carry down in their hands some little trash of 
 property ! who will give their sons to the army, but not their precious negro 
 slaves ! who are for hurrying off embassies to the enemy to know at what 
 price of dishonor they may pm-chase some paltry remnants of their posses- 
 sions ! Do these men ever think of the retributions of history ? 
 
 " When Cato the Younger was pursued to Utica by the victorious arms of 
 Caesar, Plutarch relates of him on this occasion certain conversations and senti- 
 ments which singularly apply to our own condition in a besieged city, and 
 may almost be taken as repeated in the streets of Richmond.: 
 
 " ' One of the Council,' writes Plutarch, ' observed the expediency of a de- 
 cree for enfranchising the slaves, and many commended the motion. Cato, 
 
^ THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 169 
 
 racy at the time of which we write, are to be suinmed up, they 
 are simply these : 
 
 1. A want of confidence in the administration of Mr. Davis 
 
 however, said : ' He would not do that, because it was neither just nor lawful ; 
 but such as their masters would voluntarily discharge, he would receive, pro- 
 vided they were of proper age to bear arms.' This many promised to do ; and 
 Cato withdrew, after lia^ang ordered lists to be made out of all that should offer. 
 All of the patrician order with great readiness enfranchised and 
 armed their slaves ; but as for the three hundred, who dealt in traffic and loans 
 of money at high interest, and whose slaves were a considerable part of their 
 fortune, the impression which Cato's speech had made upon them did not last 
 long. As some bodies readily receive heat, and as easily grow cold again when 
 the fire is removed, so the sight of Cato warmed and liberalized these traders ; 
 but when they came to consider the matter among themselves, the dread of 
 Caesar soon put to flight their reverence for Cato and for virtue. For thus 
 they talked : ' What are we, and what is the man whose orders we refuse to 
 receive ? Is it not Csesar, into whose hands the whole power of the Roman 
 empire is fallen ? And surely none of us is a Scipio, a Pompey, or a Cato. 
 Shall we, at a time when their fears make all men entertain sentiments be- 
 neath their dignity — shall we, in Utica, fight for the liberty of Rome with a 
 man against whom Cato and Pompey the Great durst not make a stand in 
 Italy ? Shall we enfranchise our slaves to oppose Giesar, who have no more 
 liberty ourselves than that conqueror is pleased to leave us ? Ah ! wretches 
 that we are ! Let us at last know ourselves, and send deputies to intercede 
 with him for mercy.' .... They told Cato that they had re- 
 solved to send deputies to Caesar to intercede first and principally for him. If 
 that request should not be granted, they would have no obligation to him for 
 any favor to themselves, but as long as they had breath would fight for Cato. 
 Cato made his acknowledgments for their regard, and advised them to send 
 immediately to intercede for themselves. ' For me,' said he, ' intercede not. 
 It is for the conquered to turn suppliants, and for those who have done an in- 
 jury to beg pardon. For my part, I have been uuconquered through life, and 
 superior in the things I wished to be ; for in justice and honor I am Ctesar's 
 superior.' ' 
 
 " The arguments of the traders and thne servers in Utica are not unknown 
 in Richmond. But shall we not also find in this city something of the aspira- 
 tions of Cato — a determination, even if we are overcome by force, to be uucon- 
 quered in spirit, and, in any and all events, to remain superior to the enemy — ^ 
 in honor. 
 
 '' I do not speak to you, my countrymen, idle sentimentalism. I firmly be- 
 lieve that the great commonwealth of Virginia, and this city, which has a 
 peculiar title to whatever there is of good and illustrious report in this war, 
 have been recently, and are yet in some measure on the verge of questions 
 which involve an interest immeasurably greater than has yet been disclosed in 
 this contest — that of their historical and immortal honor, 
 
 " I know — I have had opportunities of informing myself — that there are in- 
 fluences at work to place the State of Virginia, in certain contingencies, in 
 
170 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 — sueli as \vas never before exhibited between a people and its 
 rulers in a time of revolution. 
 
 communication with the public enemy, for terms of peace, which cannot be 
 otherwise than coupled with the condition of her submission to the Federal 
 authority. The extent of this conspiracy against the honor of Virginia has 
 been screened by secret'sessions, and been covered up by half-mouthed sugges- 
 tions, and the ifs and ands of men who are not yet ready to disclose their cor- 
 ruption, and to spit from their lips the rottenness in their hearts. I know the 
 fashionable arguments of these men. 'If there is to be a wreck,' say they, 
 why not save what we can from it ?" ' Honor,' they say, ' is a mere rhetorical 
 laurel ;' ' General Lee talks like a school-girl when he speaks of preferring to 
 die on the battle-field to getting the best terms of submission he can ;' ' let us 
 be done with this sentimental rubbish, and look to the care of our substantial 
 interests.' 
 
 " My friends, this is not rubbish. The glory of history is indifferent to 
 events ; it is simply honor. The name of Virginia in this war is historically 
 and absolutely more important to us than any other element of the contest ; 
 and the .coarse time-server who would sell an immortal title of honor as a 
 trifling sentimentalism, and who has constantly in his mouth the phrase of 
 ' substantial interests,' is the inglorious wretch who laughs at history and 
 grovels in the calculations of the brute. 
 
 " Those who have lived entirely in the South since the commencement of 
 this war have little idea of the measure of honor which Virginia has obtained 
 in it, and the consideration she has secured in the eyes of the world. One 
 away from home, finds even in intercourse with our enemies, that the name of 
 Virginian is an ornament to him, and that the story of this her heroic 
 capital — the record of Richmond — is xmiversally accepted in two hemispheres 
 as the most illustrious episode of the war. Honor such as this is not a piece 
 of rhetoric or a figure of speech ; it is something to be cherished under all cir- 
 cumstances, and to be preserved in all events. 
 
 " It is scarcely necessary to say that I regard subjugation but as the vapor 
 of our fears. But if remote possibilities are to be regarded, I have simply to 
 say, that in all events and extremities, all chances and catastrophes, I am for 
 Virginia going down to history, proudly and starkly, with the title of a subju- 
 gated people — a title not inseparable from true glory, and which has often 
 claimed 'the admiration of the world — rather than as a people who ever sub- 
 mitted, and bartered their honor for the mercy of an enemy — in our case a 
 mercy whose pittance would be as a mess of pottage weighed against an im- 
 mortal patrimony ! 
 
 " The issue I would put before you is : No submission ; no State negotia- 
 tions with the enemy ; no conventions for such objects, however proper for 
 others. Let Virginia stand or fall by the fortunes of the Confederate arms, 
 with her spotless honor in her hands. 
 
 " If Virginia accepts the virtuous and noble alternative, she saves, in all 
 events, her honor, and by the resolution which it implies, may hope to secure 
 a positive and glorious victory ; and I, among the humblest of her citizens, will 
 be proud to associate myself with a fate which, if not happy, at least can 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 171 
 
 2. And as main consequence of that want of confidence, 
 when all measures to i-epair it had failed, a general breaking 
 down of the public virtue, and the debasement of a people 
 who, having lost hope in the existing order — rather the' exist- 
 ing disorder — and having no heart for a new experiment, or 
 thinking it too late, descend to the condition of time-servers, 
 and those who tamely and infamously submit to fortune. 
 
 THE FORTRESS MONROE COIOIISSIOX. 
 
 But another and last appeal was to be made to the reso- 
 lution of the South. 
 
 In January, 1S65, Mr. Francis P. Blair, of Maryland, made 
 several visits to Richmond, which were the occasion of much 
 speculation and curiosity in the public mind. He had gone to 
 Richmond with Mr. Lincoln's pass; but the objects of his 
 mission were not committed to paper. However, they were 
 soon developed. On his return to Washington, Mr. Blair 
 showed Mr. Lincoln a letter which President Davis had 
 written, stating that Mr. Blair was at liberty to say to Mr. 
 Lincoln that Mr. Davis was now, as he always had been, 
 willing to send commissii)ners, if assured they would be re- 
 ceived, or to receive any that should be sent ; that he was not 
 disposed to find obstacles in forms. He would send commis- 
 sioners to confer with the Northern Pj-esident with a view to 
 the restoration of peace between the two countries, if he could 
 be assured they would be received. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln, therefore, on the 18th day of January, ad- 
 dressed a note to Mr. Blair, in which, after acknowledging 
 that he had read the note of Mr. Davis, he said that he was, 
 and always should be, willing to receive any agent that Mr. 
 Davis, or any other influential person now actually resisting 
 the authority of the Government, might send to confer in- 
 
 never be ignoble. But, if she chooses to submit, and make terms for Yankee 
 clemency, the satisfaction will at least remain to me of not sharing in the dis- 
 honor of my native State, and of going to other parts of the world, where I 
 may say : ' I, too, was a Virginian, but not of those who sold the jewels of her 
 history for the baubles and cheats of her conquerors.' " 
 
173 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 formally with him, with a view to the restoration of peace to 
 the people of "our common country." 
 
 In consequence of this notification Pi'esident Davis re- 
 quested Vice-President Stephens, Senator Hunter, and Judge 
 John A, Campbell, to proceed through the lines to hold a con- 
 ference Mnth Mr. Lincoln, or such persons as he might depute 
 to represent him. The following report, made by the Confeder- 
 ate commissioners, gives the official narrative of the affair : 
 
 Richmond, February 6th. 
 To the President of the Confederate States : 
 
 Sir — Under your letter of appointment of commissioners, of the 8th, we 
 proceeded to seek an informal conference with Abraham Lincoln, President of 
 the United States, upon the subject mentioned in the letter. A conference 
 was granted, and took place on the 30th, on board the steamer anchored in 
 Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln and Hon. Mr. Seward, sec- 
 retary of State of the United States. It continued for several hours, and was 
 both full and explicit. We learned from them that the message of President 
 Lincoln to the Congress of the L~^nited States, in December last, explains clearly 
 his sentiments as to the terms, conditions, and mode of proceeding by which 
 peace can be secured to the jjeople ; and we were not informed that they would 
 be modified or altered to obtain that end. We understood from him that no 
 terms or proposals of any treaty or agreements looking to an ultimate settle- 
 ment would be entertained or made by him with the authorities of the Con- 
 federate States, because that would be recognition of their existence as a sepa- 
 rate power, which, under no circumstances, would be done-; and for like rea- 
 sons, that no such terms would be entertained by him from the States sepS/- 
 rately ; that no extended truce or armistice, as at present advised, would be 
 granted or allowed, without the satisfaction or assurance in advance, of the 
 complete restoration of the authority of the constitution and laws of the 
 United States over all places within the States of the Confederacy ; that 
 whatever consequence may follow from the re-establisl'unent of that' author- 
 ity, it must be accepted; but all individuals subject to the pains and penalties 
 under the laws of the United States, might rely upon a very liberal use of tlie 
 power confided to him to remit those pains and penalties if peace be restored. 
 During the conference, the proposed amendments to the constitution of the 
 United States, adopted by Congress on the 31st, was brought to our notice. 
 These amendments provide that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, 
 except for crime, should exist within the United States or any place within ita 
 jurisdiction, and Congress should have power to enforce the amendment by 
 appropriate legislation. Of all the correspondence that preceded the confer- 
 ence herein mentioned, and leading to the same, you have heretofore been 
 informed. > 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servants. 
 
 A. H. Stephens, 
 R. M. T. Hunter, 
 J. A. Campbell. 
 
 Of the conference Mr, Seward testified that " the Kichmond 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THK WAK. 173 
 
 party approached the discussion rather indirectly, and at no 
 time did they make categorical demands, or tender formal stip- 
 ulations or absolute refusals ; nevertheless, during the confer- 
 ence, which lasted four hours, the several points at issue be- 
 tween the Government and the insurgents were distinctly 
 raised and discussed fully, intelligently, and in an amicable 
 spirit. What the insurgent party seemed chiefly to favor was 
 a postponement of the question of separation upon which the 
 war was waged, and a mutual direction of the efforts of the 
 Government, as well as those of the insurgents, to some extra- 
 neous policy or scheme for a season, during which passions might 
 be expected to subside, and the armies be reduced, and trade 
 and intercourse between the people of both sections be resumed." 
 
 The proposition which looked to an armistice or truce was 
 distinctly answered by Mr. Lincoln, who stated that he 
 would agree to no cessation or suspension of hostilities unless 
 on the basis of the disbandment of the Confederate forces. 
 There were no notes of the conference. There was no attend- 
 ance of clerks or secretaries ; and nothing was written or read. 
 But the result of the whole conversation, which was earnest 
 and free, may be summarily stated to have shown that tlie 
 enemy refused to enter into negotiations with the Confederate 
 States, or any of them separately, or give to their ])eople any 
 other terms or guarantees than those which Congress might 
 grant; or to permit the Southern people to have a vote on any 
 other basis than unconditional submission to their rule, coupled 
 with the accej^tance of the recent legislation at Washington, 
 including an amendment to the Constitution for the emancipa- 
 tion of all negro slaves. 
 
 The failure of the Fortress Monroe commission was made 
 the occasion in the South of a new attempt to rally the spirit of 
 its people, and to infuse into the war a new element of desper- 
 ate passion. The people were told that the result of the con- 
 ference at Fortress Monroe showed plainly enough that every 
 avenue to peace was closed, except such as might be carved 
 out by the sword. It was calculated ingeniously enough that 
 the i)arty in the South which had so long clamored for nego- 
 tiations with Wasnmgton would now atmndon its visions of 
 reconciliation and generosity, and give in their adhesion to a 
 renewed and even desperate prosecution of the war. 
 
174 
 
 TIIK LAST YEAR OF THE WAfJ. 
 
 These expectations were not realized. The attempt to raise 
 the drooping spirits of the South, and to introduce, as some of 
 the public men in Richmond fondly imagined, a new era of 
 resolution and devotion in the war, shamefully failed. The 
 Fortress Monroe affair produced in the Confederacy a feeble 
 flare of excitement which Was soon extinguished. A mass- 
 meeting was called' at the African church in Richmond, that 
 the people might renew their testimony of devotion to the 
 Confederacy. The meeting was held at high noon ; all busi- 
 ness in the city of Richmond M-as suspended, as if to give ex- 
 traordinary solemnity to the occasion ; fiery addresses were 
 made, and tokens of enthusiasm were said in the newspapers 
 to have been abundant. But speeches and hurrahs are cheap 
 things. The public mind of the South made but a sickly re- 
 sponse to what was undoubtedly, in all its circumstances, one 
 of the most powerful appeals ever calculated to stir the heart 
 and nerve the resolution of a people fighting for liberty ; and 
 in its relapse into the abject and timid counsels of the submis- 
 sionists, exhibited a want of spirit wliichjit must be confessed, 
 must ever make a painful and humiliating page in the history 
 of the Confederacy. 
 
 Mr. Davis also spoke at the African church. He did not 
 omit the occasion of exhorting the people. But he unfortu- 
 nately fell into that style of boastful prediction and bombastic 
 speech which was characteristic of all his pul)lic addresses ; 
 which was evidence of his weak mind ; and which furnished 
 the grave ground of accusation against him that in his public 
 declarations he never dealt with the people in a proper spirit 
 of candor. He declared that the military affairs of tiie Con- 
 federacy were in excellent condition ; he hinted at great vic- 
 tories which were about to be accomplished ; he boasted that 
 '' Sherman's march through Georgia would be his last ;" he 
 completed his rhetorical flourish with the strange prediction 
 that before the summer solstice fell upon the country it would 
 be the Yankees who would be asking for terms of peace and 
 the grace of conferences in which the Confederates might 
 make known their demands. 
 
 But in this unfortunate address of the President there was 
 one just and remarkable sentiment. He referred to the judg- 
 ment of history upon Kossuth, who had been so weak as to 
 
I THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAK. 175 
 
 abandon the canse of Hnngary with an army of thirty tliouRmid 
 men in the field ; and spoke of the disgrace of snrrender, if the 
 Confederates should abandon their cause with an army on our 
 side and actually in the field more numerous tlian those which 
 had made the most brilliant pages in European history ; an 
 army more numerous than that with which Napoleon achieved 
 his reputation ; an army standing among its homesteads; an 
 army iti which each individual man was superior in every 
 martial quality to each individual man in the ranks of the 
 invader, and reared with ideas of independence, and in the 
 habits of command 1 
 
 It was very clear that the Confederacy was very far from 
 the histoi'ical necessity of subjugation. But it was at anytime 
 near the catastrophe of a panic. If the cause was to be lost, 
 it was to be so by weak despair ; by the cowardice of suicide; 
 by the distress of weak minds. 
 
 PEOrOSITION TO ARM THE SLAVES OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 A measure indicative of the desperate condition of thp South- 
 ern mind was that to extend the conscription to the slaves. 
 A proposition to arm the negroes of the South, and use them 
 as soldiers in the Confederate Army, had been debated in the 
 Richmond press as early as the fall of 1864. It was favored 
 by General Lee, but variously received by the general public. 
 There were many persons who argued that the negro might be 
 effectively used in this new department of service ; that mili- 
 tary experience had shown that a soldier could be made of 
 any thing that had arms and legs; that the United States had 
 formerly recruited its regular army from the dregs of human- 
 ity; that the experience of the North with the negro had 
 shown him to be a serviceable soldier; and that the South 
 could offer him superior inducements to good service, by mak- 
 ing him a freeman in his own home, and could give him offi- 
 cers who could better understand his nature, and better pi-ompt 
 his good qualities, tiian his Yankee militaiy taskmasters. 
 These views were encouraged by General Lee. Indeed, this 
 distinguished officer made no secret of his opinion, that the 
 military service of the slave should be secured on the basis of 
 
1Y6 THE LAST TEAR OF THE "WAK. 
 
 general emancipation ; arguing, with no little ingennitv. that 
 the institution of slavery had been so shaken by the invasions 
 and raids of the enemy, which had penetrated every portion 
 of the country-, that its practical value had become ])nt a small 
 consideration in view of the insecure tenure of the property ; 
 that it might, eventually, be broken up if tlie war continued ; 
 and that, by a decree of emancipation, the South might make 
 a virtue of necessity, remove a cause of estrangement, however 
 unjust, between it and the Christian world, and possibly neu- 
 tralize that large party in the North, whose sympathy and 
 interest in the war were mainly emploj^ed with tlie negro. 
 
 The question divided the couiitry. The slaveholding inter- 
 est, in its nsual narrow spirit — in its old character of a greedy, 
 vulgar, insolent aristocracy — took the alarm, and in Congress 
 and in the newspapers, proclaimed that the use of negroes as 
 soldiers was the entering wedge of Abolition; that it would 
 stultify the whole cause of the Confederacy ; that it would 
 give up what they falsely imagined to be the leading object 
 of the war — the protection of the interests of less than a 
 quarter of a million of people Mdio owned slaves in the South. 
 The Charleston Mercury declared that if the slaves were 
 armed, Soutli Carolina could no longer have any interest in 
 prosecuting the war. 
 
 But beyond the opposition of the slaveholders and the cotton 
 aristocrats, there were many intelligent men in the South who 
 seriousl}'' doubted both the capacity and fidelity of the ne^ro 
 as a Confederate soldier. General Lee and many of "his dis- 
 tinguished officers were not among these. 
 
 A majority of the Confederate Army were probably in favor 
 of the experiment of negro soldiers; and many who doubted 
 their efficiency at the front were persuaded that they might be 
 made useful in other parts of the military field. General 
 Ewell, who commanded in the Department of Henrico, declared 
 that the employment of the negroes in the trenches, aroimd 
 Hichmond, would relieve fifteen thousand white soldiers, who 
 miglit be used on the enemy's front, and thus make an import- 
 ant accession to our forces actually in the field. 
 
 The action of the Confederate Conj^ress with reference to 
 the military employment of the negro was characteristic of 
 that body. The subject was debated threadbare, discussed 
 
THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAR. 177 
 
 and dissected in open and secret session ; but no practical 
 action conld be obtained on the matter, but what was too h^tc 
 in respect of time, and absurdly small with reference to the 
 measure of the necessities by which legislation on the subject 
 had been invoked. 
 
 Congress took no action on the subject until at the heel of 
 its session. A bill was passed on the 7th of March authoriz- 
 ing the President to ask and accept from the owners of negro 
 slaves as many able-bodied negroes as he might deem expedi- 
 ent, to perfoi'm military service in any capacity he might 
 direct, and providing that nothing in the act should be con- 
 strued to alter the existing relation between master and slaves. 
 
 The entire results of this ridiculously small and visionary 
 legislation, which proposed to obtain negro soldiers from such 
 volunteers as their masters might j^atriotically dedicate to the 
 Confederate service, and was ominously silent on the subject 
 of their freedom, were two fancy companies raised in the city 
 of liichmond, who were allowed to give balls at the Libby, 
 and to 23arade in Capitol Square, and were scarcely inteu'ded 
 to be more than decoys to obtain sable recruits. But they 
 served not even this purpose. The measure passed by Con- 
 gress may be taken, indeed, as an indication of that vague des- 
 peration in the Confederacy which cauglit at straws, and had 
 not nerve enough to make a practical and persistent effort at 
 safety. 
 
 The Congress of the Confederate States was a weak, spas- 
 modic body. There was no organization of opinion in it ; no 
 leaders ; plenty of idle debate, capricious measures, weak re- 
 crimination, and but little of the sense and order of legislative 
 assemblies. It went in and out of secret session almost every 
 twenty-four hours ; it was fruitful of propositions without 
 results; and it finally adjourned on the 18th of March, after 
 a session of four months, in which it had failed to enact any 
 effective measure to i-ecruit the army, to improve the finances, 
 to mobilize the subsistence of the country, or, in fact, to serve 
 one single important- interest in the Confederacy. 
 
 13 
 
178 THE LAST YEAR OF TUE WAR. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 The last address and appeal of the Confederate Congress.— The war in a geographical 
 point of view. — The Confederate Congress and President Davis. — The execu- 
 tive DEPAUTMENTS. — A sharp recrimination. — A committee of the Senate reply to 
 President Davis.— Maladministration in the War Department.— Two-thirds of the 
 Confederate Army absentees. — Lee loses nearly half his army by desertions. — The 
 other half threatened with starvation.— Ample supply of food in the country. — 
 The fault in the Commissary Department. — Commissary Northrop a "pepper-doc- 
 tor" as the favorite of Davis. — Analysis of President Davis' character for firmness. 
 — IIow Northrop starved Kichmond. — History of the Confederate Commissa- 
 HiAT.^Secret testimony in Congress. — President Davis' refusal to trade cotton for 
 meat. — Persistent delusion about "king cotton." — Venality of the enemy. — Davis 
 takes no advantage of it. — Record of the rations in Lee's army. — Startling statis- 
 tics. — Attempts to ^et meat from Europe. — General Lee's army without meat.— 
 His telegram to President Davis. — The necessities of the Commissary Department 
 summed up in secret session of Congress. — But little done to meet them. — How the 
 cause of the Confederacy would have failed without a catastrophe of arms. — Tlie 
 military narrative resumed. — Military events in Virginia in the winter of 
 1864-5.— Sheridan's raid. — Thirteen counties traversed. — Amount of destruction 
 accomplished by the enemy. — The Eichmond lines.— Hatcher's Eun. — Extension 
 of Grant's line. — Battle of Hares Hill. — Gallantry of Gordon's command. — 
 Vigor and brilliancy of the fighting of the Confederates. — No decisive results. 
 
 On the occasion of "what was to be its final adjournment, 
 Congress published an address to the people of the Confederate 
 States. It was more prolix than other documents of this sort, 
 liut it contained one just and admirable reflection, to whicli 
 we have ah-ead}^ referred in the pages of the preceding chapter. 
 
 It said: "The extent of our territory, the food-producing 
 capacity of our soil, the amount and character of our popula- 
 tion, are elements of strengtli which, carefully husbanded and 
 wisely employed, are amply sufficient to insure our final tri- 
 umph. The passage of liostile armies through our country, 
 though productive of cruel suifering to our people, and great- 
 pecuniary loss, gives the enemy no permanent advantage or 
 foothold. To subjugate a country, its civil government must 
 be suppressed by a continuing military force, or supplanted by 
 another, to which the inhabitants yield a voluntary or forced 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 179 
 
 obedience. The passage of hostile armies through our territory 
 cannot produce this result. Permanent garrisons would have 
 to be stationed at a sufficient number of points to strangle all 
 civil government before it could be pretended, even by the 
 United States Government itself, that its authority was ex- 
 tended over these States. How many garrisons would, it re- 
 quire ? How many hundred thousand soldiers would suffice 
 to suppress the civil government of all the States of the Con- 
 federacy, and to establish over them, even in name and. form, 
 the authority of the United States? In a geograpTiical 'point 
 of view, therefore, it may he asserted that the conquest of these 
 Confederate States is impracticable.^^ 
 
 THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS AND PRESIDENT DAVIS. THE EXEC- 
 UTIVE DEPARTMENTS. 
 
 The last Confederate Congress concluded with a sharp re- 
 crimination between it and President Davis as to the responsi- 
 bilit}'- for the low state to which the public defence had lapsed. 
 The President had charged, in a public message, that the meas- 
 ures of Congress for recruiting the army were insufficient, and 
 that it had generally neglected to supply the urgent need of 
 men and supplies for the army. 
 
 A committee of the Senate made an elaborate reply to this 
 accusation. It declared that all the measures recommended 
 by the President, to promote the efficiency of the army, ^lad 
 been adopted, except the entire repeal of class exemption ; and 
 that some measures not suggested by him — such as the creation 
 of general-in-chief — were originated and passed by Congress, 
 with a view to the restoration of public confidence and the 
 energetic administration of military affairs. 
 
 The committee retorted upon the executive the chai'ge that 
 by a. system of details, in which corruption and favor were 
 dominant, the Conscription Law had been robbed of its legiti- 
 mate fruits, and the army enfeebled. They said that in re- 
 markable contrast to the number of persons relieved from 
 military service by the exemptions enacted by Congress, the 
 report of the Conscript Bureau exhibited the fact, that east of 
 the Mississippi Kiver, twenty-two thousand and thirty-five men 
 
180 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 had been detailed by executive authority. It was, they de- 
 clared, in consequence of this abuse of the power of detail, 
 that Congress had passed an act revoking all details, and lim- 
 iting the exercise of that power in the future. 
 
 We shall not go at large into the merits of this recrimina- 
 tion between the Confederate Congress and the executive. 
 Each, undoubtedly, had its share of responsibility for the 
 general improvidence and mismanagement that had fatally 
 involved the fortunes of the Confederacy. But the mal-admin- 
 istration in the War Department was even greater than Con- 
 gress chose to indicate. From that department the confession 
 bad repeatedly gone forth, that two-thirds of our army were 
 absentees ; and yet nothing was done to enforce discipline or 
 to punish desertions, and the morale of the Confederate Army 
 was left entirely to the regulation of loose patriotic sentiment 
 among those who composed it, No more forcible commentary 
 can be made on the feeble execution of the military laws of 
 the Confederacy, and the omission of the most ordinary disci- 
 pline in the arnjy, than to state the simple and indisputable 
 fact that in the winter of 1864-5 Lee lost neai'ly half his anny 
 by desertions alone. 
 
 And that half was frequently in a condition bordering on 
 starvation. There was really no lack of supplies in the coun- 
 try. It is needless to go into details, or to adduce statistics in 
 proof of this. It is obvious to every well-informed mind. 
 Although the occupation by the enemy, and his ruthless policy 
 of destroying the harvests, granaries, and agricultural imple- 
 ments of the people, wherever he moved, had, undoubtedly, 
 diminished the amount of cereals in ihe South, still, in view of 
 the fact that in eviivj State of the Confederacy without excep- 
 tion, its agricultural labor had been devoted almost exclusively 
 to the raising of breadstuffs (while before the war it was mainly 
 devoted to the production of cotton, tobacco, and other ex- 
 ports), it was impossible to doubt that there was ample supply 
 of food in the country. 
 
 The fault was in the Commissary Department at Richmond ; 
 where a man flagrantly incompetent, appointed to the most 
 important post in the country, on no other ground of selection 
 than that many years ago he had been the college chum of the 
 President, seemed busy for almost four years in bearing down 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. ISl 
 
 all common sense and advice, practising the most ridiculous 
 quackeries, and stifling the very life of the Confederacy. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact in history that many famous men 
 who have prided themselves on their firmness and resolution 
 in public affairs, and indeed have displajed these qualities to 
 the generality of mankind, have yet been discovered to bo 
 under the dominion of the most paltry influences — in many 
 instances governed by women, court-jesters, and the smallest 
 of favorites. Such an apparent contradiction of character was 
 to be found in President Davis. He could brace his mind and 
 set his face against Congressmen and counsellors generally. 
 But he was absurdly uxorious; he was surrounded by adven- 
 turers and " confidence-men ;" and some old West Point or 
 Washington acquaintance might readily obtain his car and 
 favur when they were denied to the first men of the Confed- 
 eracy. 
 
 Commissary Northrop, whose profession Mr. Foote declared 
 in Congress had been that of a " pepper doctor," was one of 
 the small favorites of President Davis. This old man was an 
 extraordinary combination of ignorance and obstinacy ; and 
 it was remarked of him that such was his perversity, that 
 whenever advice or suggestion was offered to him, he instantly 
 and invariably took the precisely opposite course. 
 
 Kichmond was now almost destitute of supplies, through the 
 mismanagement and conceit of this man. Ilis latest fancj^ had 
 been to prohibit to the general public the importation of any 
 supplies whatever into the Confederate capital. The farmer 
 could not bring a bushel of corn or a pound of meat into 
 Richmond without running the gauntlet of impressment 
 agents. Permits to get flour into Richmond were valued at 
 high figures, and obtained only through special favors. The 
 consequences of Mr. Northrop's folly were, that large stocks of 
 supplies were kept at home in difi'erent parts of the interior of 
 Virginia ; that they were thus exposed to Yankee devastation, 
 and, in time, became an easy prey of the enemy's raids. It 
 was through such mismanagement that the rich harvests of the 
 Shenandoah were lost to the Confederacy. There had been 
 ample time to have gathered into Richmond at least a large 
 portion of these rich and accessible supplies. Numerous per- 
 sons had gone to Commissary Northrop with the proj^osition 
 
182 THE LAST YKAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 to bring into Richmond grain and flour from the Yalley, and 
 were willing to make the condition that any part of their 
 stocks would be given up to the Government, whenever there 
 was any occasion for it to encroach upon the private store- 
 houses of Richmond. But Mr. Kortlirop closed the door to 
 all such applications, and the commission houses and provision 
 stores of Richmond were left almost empty ; while the law of 
 supply and demand was sending prices up far beyond the 
 reach of the general customer. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CONFEDERATE COlfMISSARIAT. 
 
 In the last Congress of the Confederate States, a secret com- 
 mission was appointed to investigate the affairs of the Com- 
 missary Department. There was thus obtained within closed 
 doors a mass of testimony which covered the whole history of 
 the commissariat, and contains, indeed, subjects of the great- 
 est interest in the war. This testimony was never permitted 
 to see the light in the Confederacy ; probably because it so 
 deeply involved President Davis and his associates in the 
 charge of maladministration. 
 
 It appeared before the secret commission that as early as 
 the second year of the war, the meat supplies of the Confed- 
 eracy were discovered to be largely deficient. This became 
 evident enough on the successive captures of Forts Donelson 
 and Henry. The subsequent campaign lost us Kentucky and 
 much of Tennessee, and left us comparatively bare of meat. 
 
 At this time a number of propositions were made to the 
 Richmond authorities, by responsible parties, to exchange 
 through the enemy's lines meat for cotton. One man, whose 
 ability to meet his engagements was never questioned, offered 
 to deliver thirty thousand hogsheads of bacon through the 
 lines in exchange for cotton. It was urged that there was 
 enough cotton to feed and clothe our army, in a section tribu- 
 tary to Memphis — which city was then, and had been for some 
 time previous, in the secure possession of the enemy ; that 
 such cotton must otherwise probably be destroyed, to j^revent 
 its falling into the hands of the enemy ; but that the owners, 
 as a general rule, though willing to let the Government have 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 183 
 
 their crops, were averse, if not stubbornly opposed, to having 
 them destroyed. 
 
 Against every proposition to get meat through the inland 
 military lines, President Davis set his face as flint. He had 
 got an idea into his head that the enemy's finances were about 
 to collapse, and that if a little cotton might be kept from them, 
 they would be unable to pay the January interest of 1863. 
 It appears, indeed, to have been impossible for him and his 
 associates to rid themselves of their early conceit of the power 
 of cotton ; and it was this wretched delusion in hoarding this 
 inert wealth of the South, that did moi'e than any thing else to 
 wreck the finances of the Confederacy, and eventually to 
 reduce the rations of its armies to one-quarter of a pound of 
 meat a day per man. 
 
 The venality of the enemy aflorded full o])portunity to the 
 Richmond authorities to use the Mississippi from Memphis to 
 New Orleans, until all their needed supplies should be ob- 
 tained. But no advantage was ever taken of this ample and 
 obvious opportunity. The arguments used against trade in 
 cotton through the lines were : 
 
 First — That the Federal finances were in such a condition 
 that if they could not obtain cotton, upon which to draw bills 
 wherewith to pay their then accruing interest, their credit 
 would explode, and the war would speedily cease from the 
 bankrupting of our assailants. Hence they wanted cotton. 
 
 Second — That they did not want cotton, but only sought, 
 under cover of a contract for supply, to find out the channels 
 of navigable streams, to ascertain the location and condition 
 of certain defences, and otherwise to spy out the land. 
 
 Third — That the trade on the part of the Government would 
 demoralize the people among whom it miglit be conducted. 
 
 Fourth — That to trade through Is^ew Orleans, and let cotton 
 clear from that port, " would nuike Europe think we had caved, 
 who thereupon would decline to recognize us, or to intervene." 
 
 The reader will recognize fur himself the little value of these 
 arguments — some of them childish — by the side of the great 
 necessity of feeding the armies of the South. 
 
 The record of the narrow escapes of Lee's army alone from 
 starvation, is sufiicient commentary upon the management at 
 Kichmond. In consequence of the refusal to be allowed to 
 
184 TUE LAST YEAE OF THE WAK. 
 
 purchase on the Mississippi, the army, especially iii Yirginia, 
 was put upon short rations. First, they were reduced to one- 
 half pound of meat per day, — which, if it could have been 
 kept up at that, would have been sufficient ; then to one-third 
 of a pound — though this allowance was not agreed to or ad- 
 hered to by several of the generals commanding ; and then to> 
 one-quarter of a pound. Upon this last allowance the Army 
 of Northern Virginia wintered in 1864-5. 
 
 On the 18th of October, 1864, a memorandum was commu- 
 nicated to President Davis, showing that there were on hand 
 in the Confederate States 4,105,048 rations of fresh meat,, 
 and 3,426,519 rations of bacon and pork, which would 
 subsist three hundred thousand men twenty-five days. The 
 authorities were now compelled to subsist, independent of 
 the armies of the Confederacy, many thousand prisoners ot 
 war who were collected in diJSerent camps throughout the 
 country. 
 
 In 1863 a feeble and badly organized attempt had been 
 made to get meat from Euro^ie through the blockade. Much 
 of it was allowed to remain at Nassau and Bermuda until it 
 spoiled. Contracts for supplies, payable in cotton in our At- 
 lantic ports, were made with several parties; but in no instance 
 with success. Either the amount involved was too small, to 
 tempt the venality of those who could control or purchase an 
 evasion of the blockade ; or the engagement to deliver meat 
 alone, was found to be too small an inducement to those en- 
 gaged in blockade-running. 
 
 In the winter of 1864 the- subsistence of the Confederate 
 armies appeared to be in the last stages of exhaustion. Major 
 Ruffin, assistant-commissary-general, testifies before a secret 
 committee of Congress : 
 
 " On the 5th of December I brought tlie condition of things 
 to the attention of the Secretary of War, coupling it with a 
 statement of subsistence on hand, which showed nine days' 
 rations on hand for General Lee's army ; and, quoting his let- 
 ter to the commissary-general, that day received, stating that 
 his men were deserting on account of short rations, I urged 
 prompt action ; but none was taken. On the 14th of Decem- 
 ber, nine days afterwards. General Lee telegraph;! Mr. Davis 
 that his army was without meat." 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 185 
 
 III January, 1865, the following points were presented in 
 secret session of Congress : 
 
 First — That there was not meat enough in the Sonthern 
 Confederacy for the armies it had in the field. 
 
 Second — That there was not in Virginia either meat or bread 
 enough for the armies within her limits. 
 
 Third — That the bread supply from other places depended 
 absohitely upon the keeping open the railroad connections of 
 tlie South. 
 
 Fourth — That the meat must be obtained from abroad 
 through a seaport, and by a different system from that whicli 
 has heretofore prevailed. 
 
 Fifth — That the bread could not be had by impressment, 
 but must be paid for in market rates. 
 
 Sixth — That the payment must be made in cash, whicli, so 
 far, had not been furnished; and, if possible, in a better medi- 
 um than treasury scrip. 
 
 Seventh — That the transportation was not adequate, from 
 whatever cause, to meet the necessary demands of the service. 
 
 Eighth — That the supply of fresh meat to General Lee's 
 army was precarious; and if the army fell back from Richmond 
 and Petersburg, there was every probability that it would cease 
 altogether. 
 
 Nothing was done by the Confederate Government com- 
 mensurate with the necessities indicated above — nothing, in 
 fact, done to meet them beyond a visionary scheme, enacted in 
 the last days of Congress, to raise three millions in specie to 
 purchase supplies from those producers of the Confederacy 
 who were no longer* willing to take scrip for tlieir commodi- 
 ties. But few persons outside of official circles in the Confed- 
 eracy were acquainted with the true state of affairs; so hedged 
 in with secrecy w^as the weak and recluse government of Mr. 
 Davis. To the well-informed and intelligent the appalling 
 fact was manifest — that the whole system of Confederate de- 
 fence was hound to hreak down hy sheer mismanagement in 
 the commissariat^ even xoithout a catastrophe of arms. 
 
 Before we reach the final and sudden catastrophe that was 
 to befall the arms of the Confederacy, there is a slight space 
 in our military narrative which we have to cover by a brief 
 relation of the events of the war iu Yirg-inia in the winter of 
 
186 TUK LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 1864-5. Tliis record is a very slender one. But it is tlie pi-cf- 
 ace, in point of time at least, to those great events which, in 
 April, 1865, were to bring the war to a singularly abrupt close, 
 and with a precipitation heretofore but little known in the 
 history of great contests. 
 
 military events in virginia in the winter of 1864—5 
 
 Sheridan's raid. 
 
 Our last reference to the campaign in the Yalley of Yir- 
 ginia was, when the forces there had been much reduced and 
 the scale of operations had become inconsiderable ; the bulk 
 of Early's troops having been withdrawn to General Lee's 
 lines. Sheridan, too, had sent most of his infantry to Grant. 
 In December, the Sixth Corps was returned to the Army of 
 the Potomac ; and the Army of the Shenandoah for nearly two 
 months acted principally as an army of observation. 
 
 Towards the last of February, 1865, Sheridan began to " ride" 
 again up the Yalley of the Shenandoah, leaving Hancock in 
 command of his department at Winchester. On reachhig 
 Waynesboro' a battle occurred between Early and Custer's 
 divisions, which resulted in the rout of the Confederates. 
 Sheridan captured about thirteen hundred prisoners — nearly 
 all of Early's little command ; which indeed fell an easy prey 
 to the magnificent Yankee cavalry. Early himself escaped 
 with difficulty, some of his staflf-officers and his personal bag- 
 gage being captured. 
 
 Charlottesville was surrendered the next day. Fron-i this 
 point, on the 6th of March, Sheridan moved in two columns 
 southward towards the James. One division, nnder General 
 Deven, took a directly southern route to Scottsville, destroying- 
 all mills, merchandise, and bridges on the line of nuirch, and 
 along the Rivanna River to Columbia. The other division 
 proceeded down on the railroad to Lynchburg, destroying it 
 as far as Amherst — a distance of over forty miles. From 
 Scottsville, Deven's division proceeded westward along the 
 banks of the James, destroying every lock on the canal as far 
 as Dugaldsville, twenty miles from Lynchburg. Not being 
 able to cross the James on account of the high water. Slier idau 
 
THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAE. 1S7 
 
 moved around the north side of Richmond, and, crossing at 
 Deep Bottom, joined General Meade's army south of Peters- 
 burg. 
 
 The destruction accomplislied by this raid was serious 
 enough. The country through which it passed was devastated, 
 and a Yankee correspondent, who accompanied the expedition, 
 boasted that two million dollars worth of provisions and war 
 material were destroyed in a single day. The damage to the 
 Kanawha and James Kiver Canal was almost irreparable; as 
 to the railroads between Waynesboro' and Charlottesville, 
 Charlottesville and Amherst Court-house, and Louisa Court- 
 house, and the South Anna, and between Chesterfield Station 
 and the Chickahominy River, every bridge, nearly eveiy cul- 
 vert, and scores of miles of the rail itself, had been completely 
 destroyed ; and in thirteen counties traversed by the expedi- 
 tion, mills of various kinds, tobacco warehouses, manufactured 
 and leaf tobacco, and various other descriptions of private 
 property were pillaged or destroyed. 
 
 THE RICHMOND LINES HATCHER S RTTJST. 
 
 On the lines around Richmond and Petersburg, during the 
 winter of 1864—5, there were no very important events. Two 
 very considerable engagements were fought on them in this 
 time ; but they were wholly indecisive and strangely barren 
 of results commensurate with the scale of fighting. Pegram's 
 division, of Lee's army, whilst reconnoitring on the morning 
 of the 6th of February, was attacked by cavalry and infantry 
 in heavy force. The enemy's cavalry at one time broke 
 through one of his brigades, but the men fought them all the 
 while. Capturing some in rear of our lines, driving the others 
 off, the division was pressed slowly back, occupying a very 
 long line, but fighting obstinately, under the direction of its 
 gallant commander. 
 
 Evans, commanding Gordon's division, arrived, and was 
 formed on the left. The two divisions now charged, and drove 
 the enemy back. They were finally overpowered, and driven 
 back a short distance ; but reforming, charged again and 
 again. 
 
188 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 The battle raged fiercely for hours over a space of ground 
 not more than live hundred yards in v^idth. Every effort of 
 the Yankees to break through the Confederate lines was re- 
 pulsed. Mahone's division came up and reported late in the 
 afternoon, and was formed between the other two, when the 
 three divisions made a most spirited advance and drove the 
 enemy in the greatest disorder from the field to his fortifica- 
 tions on Hatcher's Run, The pursuit was continued until 
 after dark. General Pegram fell in the last charge, just be- 
 fore Mahone's division came up. 
 
 The enemy kept his position on Hatcher's Run, which pro- 
 longed his line, but did not advance it in the direction of Pe- 
 tersburg. The advantage of this extension was even question- 
 able ; and after this important movement quiet was resumed 
 on the Richmond lines, unbroken by any remarkable incident 
 for several weeks. 
 
 BATTLE OF HAKE S HILL. 
 
 At daylight, on the 25th of March, General Lee suddenly 
 attacked Grant's lines south of the Appomattox. The attack 
 was immediately directed by General Gordo-n on the enemy's 
 works at Hare's Hill. But there is no doubt that General 
 Lee's plan was more extensive ; that his design was to follow 
 up the first success by the capture of the neighboring works, 
 and then making the line a part of his own, to command 
 Grant's military railroad. If his success should be all that 
 he hoped, he might even venture to cut Grant's entire left 
 from its base at City Point and from the army north of the 
 James. 
 
 About four o'clock in the morning, every thing being in 
 readiness, the corps of sharpshooters, about two hundred and. 
 fifty strong, left our works, and, with empty guns, advanced 
 stealthily but rapidly upon the enemy's positions. They fell 
 like a thunder-clap upon the Yankees, behind the first line of 
 works they struck, clubbing such as they found awake with 
 their muskets, taking a good many prisoners, and capturing 
 several hundred yards of breastworks. Not a musket was 
 fired, and not a man injured on our side. Meantime the 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 189 
 
 several brigades massed, both to support and assist them, came 
 np, and the formidable force on Hare's Hill, with a consider- 
 able portion of the heavy line of works adjoining and connect- 
 ing with it, were charged and captured, additional prisoners 
 and numerous mortars and guns falling into our hands. Un- 
 fortunately some of the Yankees, who had escaped in the dark- 
 ness, fled and aroused the men in the rear line of works; and 
 the alarm was quickly spread throughout the reserve camps 
 behind, so that a formidable force was soon alert. By the 
 time our froops had formed into line on either side of the cap- 
 tured fort the enemy was thoroughly aroused, and was pre- 
 pared for further offensive operations on our side; otherwise 
 the advance of our troops would have been irresistible and 
 successful beyond anticipation. As it was, they came into a 
 position subject to an enfilading fire on either side, and con- 
 fronted by heavy forts and breastworks. The Yankees were 
 not slow to take advantage of the opportunity thus afforded 
 them, and they quickly massed artillery in the neighboring 
 forts and infantry in our front. They made several fierce 
 assaults upon our columns in heavy lines, which were repulsed 
 with great coolness and vigor; and in which, it is believed, the 
 enemy sustained much loss. Finding it impossible to dislodge 
 the Confederates by their infantry attacks, the enemy opened 
 upon them with their artillery. A battery on the river, and 
 Tort Steadman on the right, both so situated as thoroughly to 
 command and enfilade the captured fort and works, belched 
 forth their terrible discharges of shell, grape, and canister into 
 our ranks, and rendered the position almost untenable. Fur- 
 ther advance by our troops, in the face of the terrible obsta- 
 cles that presented themselves, was deemed impracticable, and 
 General Gordon gave the command to retire. 
 
 The success of tlie day was incomplete, and of but lit^e 
 value, although Gordon had shown the greatest gallantry, and 
 the Confederates had fought with a vigor and brilliancy that 
 reminded one of Lee's old campaigns. They had swept the 
 enemy's lines for a distance of four or five hundred yards to 
 the right and left, and two efforts made to i-ecover the cap- 
 tured works had been handsomely repulsed. It was only 
 when it was found that the inclosed works in rear, command- 
 ing the enemy's main line, could only be taken at a great 
 
190 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 sacrifice, that our troops were withdrawn to their original 
 position. 
 
 Gordon captured nine pieces of artillery, eight mortars, 
 and between five and six hundred prisoners, amongst them 
 one brigadier-general and a number of officers of lower 
 grade. It being impracticable to bring off the captured guns, 
 owing to the nature of the ground, they were disabled and 
 left. 
 
THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAK. 191 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Battles around Petersbuho. — Themovement of Slieridan's cavalry. — The Five 
 Forks. — General Lee's counter-movement. — Repulse of Sheridan. — Ec-enforced by 
 Grant. — The Confederates flanked at tlie Five Forks. — The situation in front of 
 Petersburg. — Lee's lines broken in three places. — Capture of Fort Mahone by the 
 enemy. — General Lee loses his entire line of defence, and the Southside Railroad. 
 — The Evacuation of Richmond. — Great surprise in llie Confederate capital. — The 
 news in the churches. — Dr. Hoge's address. — Consternation and uproar in the 
 streets. — The city on fire. — A reckless military order. — Scenes of -horror. — Mobs of 
 plunderers. — The scene at the commissary depot. — Weitzel's entry into Richmond. 
 — Sutfering of the people. — Scene on Capitol Square. — Devastations of the fire. — 
 The burnt district. — Weitzel's and Shepley's general orders. — Yankee rejoicings 
 over the fall of Richmond. — Bell-ringings, hymns, and dancing in the streets of 
 New York. — A grand illumination in Washington. — Yankee mottoes. — A memor- 
 able speech. 
 
 Grant w^as quick in retaliating for General Lee's attempt on 
 his lines, which, as we have seen, drove the enemy at Hare's 
 Hill, but did not liold the ground it traversed, or accomplish 
 any decisive results. 
 
 THE BATTLES AEOUND PETERSBURG. 
 
 On the 29th of March, Grant began a heavy movement to- 
 wards the Southside Railroad. The cavalry command, con- 
 sisting of General Crook's division and Sheridan's cavalry, 
 moved out on the Jerusalem plankroad, about three and a 
 half miles from Hancock Station, where they took the country 
 road leading across the Weldon Railroad at Ream's Station, 
 and into the Yaughn road one mile from the Dinwiddie Court- 
 house, General Crook's division going in advance. They 
 reached Dinwiddie Court-house about four o'clock in the 
 evening. 
 
 In the mean time the Fifth and Second corps of infantry had 
 been moving in a parallel line on the Yaughn road. Gen- 
 
192 THE LAST TEAR OF THE "WAK. 
 
 eral Grant's headquarters on tlie night of the 29th were on 
 the Boydtown Plankroad, in the neighborhood of Gravelly 
 Kun. 
 
 The next day heavy rains impeded operations ; but the force 
 of the enemy pressed on towards the Five Forks, the extreme 
 right of Lee's line on the Southside Railroad. 
 
 General Lee had not been idle in meeting this movement. 
 On the 31st of March, the enemy found on his front, prepared 
 to contest the prize of the railroad, Pickett's division of in- 
 fantry, and General Fitzhugh Lee's and General William H. 
 Lee's divisions of cavalry. In the afternoon of the day, the 
 Confederates made a determined and gallant charge upon the 
 whole cavalry line of the Yankees, forced it back, and drove 
 the enemy to a point within two miles of Dinwiddle Court- 
 house. 
 
 But the news of Sheridan's repulse had no sooner reached 
 General Grant, than the Fifth Corps was moved rapidly to his 
 relief. The re-enforcement arrived in time to retrieve the for- 
 tunes of the enemy. The next day, April 1st, the combined 
 forces of Yankee cavalry and Warren's infantry advanced 
 against the Confederates. Overpowered by numbers, the Con- 
 federates retreated to the Five Forks, where they were flanked 
 by a part of the Fifth Corps, which had moved down the 
 White Oak road. It was here that several thousand prisoners 
 were taken. 
 
 On the night of Saturday, April 1st, the prospect was a 
 most discouraging one for General Lee. Grant had held all 
 his lines in front of Petersburg, had manoeuvred troops far to 
 his left, had turned Lee's right, and was now evidently pre- 
 pared to strike a blow upon the thin lines in front of Pe- 
 tersburg. 
 
 By daylight, on Sunday, April 2d, these lines were assaulted 
 in three different places by as many different Yankee corps. 
 They were pierced in every place. The Sixth Corps went 
 through ti]-sr, at a point about opposite the western extremity of 
 Petersburg; the Twenty-fourth, a little way further west; and 
 the Ninth Coi-ps further east, near to the Jerusalem plankroad, 
 capturing Fort Mahone, one of the largest forts in the Peters- 
 biirg defences. The Confederates made a desperate struggle 
 for Fort Mahone, which was protracted through the day, but 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 193 
 
 without snccGss. At dark the position of the contending par- 
 ties was the same as during the day. 
 
 The Yankees had congratulated themselves that, by the suc- 
 cess of the Sixth Corps, they had cut Lee's army in two — cut- 
 ting off the troops that were not in Petersburg. As that place 
 was supposed to be the Confederate point of manoeuvre — as it 
 was supposed that troops couki not cross the Appomattox ex- 
 cept through the city — their capture was taken as certain by 
 the enemy, since tliey were hemmed in between Sheridan, the 
 Sixth Coi'ps, and the river. But in tliis they were mistaken. 
 The Confederates easily forded the river ; and the close of the 
 day found Lee's army brought together within the inner line 
 of the Petersburfi: defences.* 
 
 * Among tlie Confederate killed was the brave General A. P. Hill, whose 
 name had been illustriously connected with the Army of Northern Virginia 
 all during the war. He had desired to obtain a nearer view of a portion of the 
 Yankee line during the attack of the 2d of April, and leaving his staff behind 
 in a place of safety, rode forward, accompanied by a single orderly, and soon 
 came upon a squad of Yankees, who had advanced along ravines far beyond 
 their lines. He immediately ordered tliem to surrender, which they were on 
 the point of doing, under the supposition that a column of troops were at his 
 heels. They soon discovered he was nearly unattended, and shot him through 
 ,the heart. 
 
 General Hill was a native of Culpepper County, Virginia, and descended 
 from an ancient family, famous in the political annals of that portion of the 
 commonwealth ; although he himself had had nothing to do with ci\al or po- 
 litical life. He appeared to be about thirty-six or thirty-seven years of age, 
 and was a soldier by profession. He was graduated at VS^est Point, entered the 
 army, and served in the Mexican war, and made arms not only his profession, 
 but an enthusiastic study, to which he was prompted by the natural tastes and 
 disposition of his mind. 
 
 General Hill was, undoubtedly, a commander of remarkable talents and 
 qualities. He had risen rapidly in the war by the force of personal merit. At 
 the famous field of Manassas he was colonel of the Thirteenth Virginia regi- 
 ment, in General Johnston's army, which, it will be recollected, arrived on the 
 field in time to secure and complete the great victory of that memorable day. 
 At the battle of Williamsburg he had risen to the rank of brigadier-general ; 
 and in that fight he exhibited an extraordinary spirit and energy, which were 
 recognized by all who observed his behavior on that field, and drew the eyes 
 of the public upon him. 
 
 General Hill made his greatest reputation by his conspicuous part in the 
 seven days' battles around Eichmond, in the summer of 18G2. Having then 
 been made major-general, he occupied, with his division, the extreme left of our 
 position in the neighborhood of Meadow Bridge. He was put in command of 
 one of the largest divisions of the Army of Richmond, his division being com 
 
 13 
 
194: THE LAST YKAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 Bat the disasters whicli had already ocurred were, in General 
 Lee's opinion, irretrievable. In killed and wounded his loss 
 had been small — two thousand would probably cover it in 
 the entire series of engagements ; but he had lost an entire line 
 of defence around Petersburg, and with it the Southside 
 Railroad, so important to Richmond as an avenue of supply. 
 
 THE EVACUATION OF EICmiOND. 
 
 The morning of Sunday, the 2d of April, broke calmly and 
 pleasantly over the city of Richmond. The usual crowds were 
 collected at the Post-office and tlie War Department, asking 
 for news, discussing common-places, and idling away the irk- 
 some hours of the Sabbath in Richmond. There was not a 
 breath of excitement in the general community. It is a re- 
 markable circumstance that, outside of official circles, not half 
 a dozen persons in Richmond knew, on that Sunday morning, 
 of the three days' fighting that had taken place around Peters- 
 burg, and at the distance of only a few hours' ride from the 
 capital. For months past, the Government had been reticent 
 of all military news whatever ; the newspapers had been 
 warned not to publish any military matters, but what should 
 be dictated to them from the ^Var Department ; and the public 
 was left to imagine pretty much what it pleased concerning the 
 progress of the war. Indeed, the idea current in the streets on 
 this Sunday morning was rather pleasant and reassuring than 
 
 posed of the brigades of Anderson, Branch, Pender, Gregg, Field, and perhaps 
 some others. He rapidly brought his division to perfection in organization. 
 It was made his duty to cross at Meadow Bridge, and make the first attack 
 upon McClellan's forces. He performed this duty alone, without waiting for 
 other movements ; and, unassisted by a portion of his command (for Generals 
 Branch and Gregg did not come up until late in the evening), he sustained a 
 terrible conflict with the enemy, encouraging his troops by examples of per- 
 sonal audacity, which kept him constantly exposed to the enemy's fire. That 
 position of the enemy being gained, the division of General Hill followed his 
 subsequent movements, being j^laced first in the line of our advance, and 
 bearing the brunt of the action to Frazier's farm, where occurred the memor- 
 able engagement in which the command of General Hill, composed of his own 
 division and one division of General Longstrect's two, fought the whole Yan- 
 kee force, and achieved a success which broke the spirit of the enemy, and 
 completed the cixcuit of our famous victories around Richmond in 1863. 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE "WAR. 195 
 
 otherwise ; for there was a general impression that Johnston 
 was moving to Lee's lines, and that the combined force was to 
 take the offensive against the enemy. Beyond this general 
 anticipation, the Richmond public had, on the day referred to 
 not the sh'ghtest inkling of the situation. The news which a 
 few hours later was to overwhelm them, of the reverse of Lee 
 and the forced evacuation of Richmond, was to burst upon 
 them like a thunderclap from clear skies. 
 
 The first breath of the report was obtained in the churches. 
 While President Davis was seated in his pew in St. Paul's 
 church, the services were interrupted by a messenger handing 
 him a dispatch. It was from General Lee ; it stated that his 
 lines had been broken in three places, and that preparations 
 should be made to evacuate Richmond by eight o'clock the ensu- 
 ing night, in the event that he should be unable to re-establish 
 his lines. The President left the church with a measured, but 
 nervous step. .It was the constrained calmness of despair. 
 ISTo one but himself knew the exact contents of the dispatch ; 
 but an uneasy whisper ran through the congregation, and, as 
 they were hastily dismissed, the rumor was caught up in the 
 streets that Richmond was to be evacuated, and was soon car- 
 ried to the ends of the city. 
 
 In another of the churches, the news was more plainly told. 
 Dr. Hoge, the beloved pastor of the Presbyterian church, 
 than whom there was no brighter Christian or nobler patriot 
 within the limits of Richmond, had, at the conclusion of his 
 sermon, given out a beautiful hymn to be sung by his congre- 
 gation. Before they raised their voices, he told them, with his 
 own voice broken with emotion, that he had sad news to com- 
 municate ; that our army had " met with a reverse ;" that with- 
 out being exactly apprised of the extent and nature of the re- 
 verse, he was convinced that it was probable that they might 
 never again meet in that house of God ; and then he spoke to 
 those who had so long known and loved him a tender farewell, 
 in such beautiful and plaintive words that there was not a dry 
 eye among all those dismayed faces which hung upon his 
 words. 
 
 Men, women, and children rushed from the churches, pass- 
 ing from lip to lip news of the impending fall of Richmond. 
 And yet it was diflScult to believe it. To look up to the calm, 
 
196 TUK LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 beautiful sky of the spring day unassailed by one single noise 
 of battle, to watch the streets unvexed by artillery or troops, 
 stretching away into the qniet hazy atmosphere, and believe 
 that the capital of tlie Confederacy, so peaceful, so apparently 
 secure, was in a few hours to be the prey of the enemy, and to 
 be wrapped in the infernal horrors of a conflagration ! 
 
 It was late in the afternoon when the signs of evacuatidn 
 became apparent to the incredulous. AVagons on the streets 
 were being hastily loaded at the departments with boxes, trunks, 
 etc., and driven to the Danville depot. Those who had de- 
 termined to evacuate with the fugitive Government looked on 
 with amazement ; then, convinced of the fact, rushed to follow 
 the Government's example. Yehicles suddenly rose to a pre- 
 mium value that was astounding; and ten, fifteen, and even a 
 liundiied dollars in gold or federal currency was offered foi' a 
 conveyance. Suddenly, as if by magic, the streets became 
 filled with men, walking as though for a wager, and behind 
 tliem excited negroes with trunks, bundles, and luggage of 
 every description. All over the city it was the same — wagons, 
 trunks, bandboxes, and their owners, a mass of hurrying fugi- 
 tives, filling the streets. The banks were all open, and deposit- 
 ors were as busy as bees removing their specie deposits ; and 
 the directors were equally active in getting off their bullion. 
 Hundreds of thousands of dollars of paper money was de- 
 stroyed, both State and Confederate. Night came, and with 
 it came confusion worse confounded. There was no sleep for 
 human eyes in Richmond that night. 
 
 The city council had met in the evening, and resolved to 
 destroy all the liquor in the city, to avoid the disorder con- 
 sequent on the temptation to drink at such a time. About the 
 hour of midnight the work commenced, under the direction of 
 committees of citizens in all the wards. Hundreds of barrels 
 of liquor were rolled into the street and the heads knocked in. 
 The gutters ran M-ith a liquor freshet, and the fumes filled and 
 impregnated the air. Fine cases of bottled liquors were tossed 
 into the street from third story windows, and wrecked into 
 a thousand pieces. As the work proo-ressed, some strao-alino; 
 soldiers, retreating through the city, managed to get hold of a 
 quantity of the liquor. From that moment law and order 
 ceased to exist. Many of the stores were pillaged, and the 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 197 
 
 sidewalks were encumbered with broken glass, where the 
 tliieves had smashed the windows in their reckless haste to get 
 their hands on the plunder within. The air was tilled with 
 the wild cries of distress, or the yells of roving pillagers. 
 
 But a more terrible element was to appear upon the scene. 
 An order had been issued from General Ewell's headquarters to 
 fire the four principal tobacco warehouses of the city — namely, 
 the public warehouse, situated at th.e head of the basin, near the 
 Petersburg Railroad depot; Shockoe warehouse, situated near 
 the centre of the city, side by side with the Gallego flour-mills ; 
 Mayo's warehouse, and Dibrell's warehouse, on Gary-street, a 
 square below the Libby prison. 
 
 Late in the night, Mayor Mayo had dispatched, by a com- 
 mittee of citizens, a remonstrance against this reckless military 
 ordei-, which plainly put in jeopardy tlie whole business portion 
 of Richmond. It was not heeded. Nothing was left for the 
 citizens but to submit to the destruction of their property. 
 The warehouses were fired. The rams in the James River 
 were blown up. The Richmond, Virginia, and another one, 
 were all blown to the four winds of heaven. The Patrick 
 Henry, a receiving ship, was scuttled. Such s-hipping, very 
 little in amount, as was lying at the Richmond wharves, was 
 also fired, save the flag-of-truce steamer Allison. 
 
 The bridges leading out of the city — namely, the Danville 
 Railroad bridge, the Petersburg Railroad bridge, Mayo's 
 bridge, leading to Manchester and the opposite side of the 
 James, were also fired, and were soon wrapped in flames. 
 
 Morning broke upon a scene such as those wdio witnessed it 
 can never forget. The roar of an immense conflagration 
 sounded in the ears; tongucB of flame leaped from street to 
 street; and in this baleful glare were to be seen, as of demons, 
 the figures of busy plunderers, moving, pushing, rioting, 
 through the black smoke and into the open street, bearing 
 away every conceivable sort of plunder. 
 
 The scene at the commissai-y depot, at the head of the dock, 
 beggared description. Hundreds of government wagons were 
 loaded with bacon, flour, and whiskey, and driven off in hot 
 haste to join the retreating army. Thronged about the depot 
 were hundreds of men, women, and children, black and white, 
 provided with capacious bags, baskets, tubs, buckets, tin pans 
 
198 THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAK. 
 
 and aprons ; cursing, pushing, and crowding, awaiting the 
 throwing open of the doore, and the order for each to lielp 
 himself. 
 
 About sunrise the doors were opened to tlie populace, and 
 a rusli, that ahnost seemed to carrj the building off its founda- 
 tion, was made, and hundreds of thousands of pounds of bacon, 
 flour, etc., were soon swept away by a clamorous crowd. 
 
 In the mean time, let us see what was passing on the Yankee 
 lines. When General Ord withdrew to the lines investing 
 Petersburg, he carried with him exactly one-half of his 
 army. On the north side, occupying his entire line, he left 
 "Weitzel, with Kautz's division of the Twenty-fourth Corps, 
 and Ashborne's and Thomas' divisions of the Twenty-fifth 
 Corps. 
 
 While the fighting was in progress around Petersburg, 
 Weitzel's entire line was perfectly quiet, not a shot anywhere. 
 His command had orders to make as great a show as possible. 
 At night he set all his bands to work upon national airs, and 
 the night was filled with melodious strains. 
 
 Towards midnight this musical entertainment ceased, and 
 a silence, complete and absolute, brooded over the contending 
 lines. At this hour, the enemy's camps were startled into life 
 again, by explosions heard in Pichmond. 
 
 To Weitzel's brain the full meaning of the event came home 
 at once, and he did not need the confirmatory lurid light he 
 saw hanging over the Confederate capital to tell him that the 
 hour had come. His orders were to push on, whenever 
 satisfied of his ability to enter the city. 
 
 Day had no sooner broke than Weitzel dispatched Major A. 
 H. Stevens, of the Fourth Massachusetts cavalry, and Major 
 E. E, Graves, of his staff, with forty cavalry, to investigate the 
 condition of affairs. The troops rode steadily into Richmond. 
 On a trot they proceeded to the Capitol, and creeping to its 
 summit, planted the stars and stripes. The symbols of the 
 United States thus hoisted by the halyards, consisted of two 
 guidons from companies E and H of the Fourth Massachusetts 
 cavalry, of which Stevens was one of the field-officers. The 
 colors of the enemy fluttered in the early morning light over 
 the Capitol of the Confederacy. 
 
 As the day advanced, Weitzel's troops poured through the 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 199 
 
 streets of the city. Long lines of negro cavalry swept by the 
 Exchange Hotel, brandishing their swords and uttering savage 
 shouts. These shouts, the roar of devouring flames, the endless 
 processions of plunderers passing from street to street, tugging 
 away the prizes they had drawn from the hellish circle of the 
 lire, made up an indescribable horror. Here were the garish 
 Yankee troops sweeping up towards the Capitol Square, with 
 music and wild cheers; everywhere, almost, the pandemonium 
 of fire and pillage ; and in the midst of all the wild agony, the 
 fuiritive distress of women and children rushino^ towards the 
 open square for a breath of pure air, all that was now left them 
 in heaven's great hoUowness. And even that was not to be 
 obtained there. The air, even in the square of the Capitol, was 
 almost choking; and one traversed it blinded by cinders and 
 struggling for breath. Beneath the trees, on the sward, were 
 piles of furniture, dragged from tlie ruins of burning homes ; 
 and on carpets, sti'etched on the slopes of the hill, were family 
 groups, making all sorts of uncouth arrangements to protect 
 their little ones, and to patch up, with broken tables and 
 bureaus, some sort of home in the open air. 
 
 In the afternoon, the fire had burned itself out. It had con- 
 sumed the very heart of the city. A surveyor could scarcely 
 have designated more exactly the business portion of the city, 
 than did the boundaries of the fire. Commencing at the 
 Shockoe warehouse, the fire radiated front and rear, and on 
 two wings, burning down to, but not destroying, the store No. 
 77 Main-street, south side, lialf way between Fourteenth and Fif- 
 teenth streets, and back to tlie river, tlirough Cary and all the 
 intermediate streets. Westward, on Main, the fire was stayed 
 at Kinth-street, sweeping back to the river. On the north side 
 of Main the flames were stayed between Thirteenth and Four- 
 teenth streets. From this point the flames raged on the north 
 side of Main up to Eighth-street, and back to Bank-street. 
 
 Among some of the most prominent buildings destroyed 
 were, the Bank of Richmond, Traders' Bank, Bank of the Com- 
 monwealth, Bank of Virginia, Farmers' Bank, all the banking 
 houses, the American Hotel, the Columbian Hotel, the En- 
 quirer building on Twelfth-street, the Dispatch ofiice and job 
 rooms, corner of Thirteenth and Main-streets ; all that block 
 of buildings known as Belvin's Block ; the Examiner otfice,. 
 
200 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 engine, and machinery rooms ; the Confederate Post-ofBce De- 
 partment building ; the State Conrthonse, a fine old building 
 situated on Capitol Square at its Franklin-street entrance ; the 
 Mechanics' Institute, vacated by the Confederate War Depart- 
 ment, and all the buildings on that square up to Eighth-street 
 and back to Main-street ; the Confederate arsenal and labora- 
 tory, Seventh-street. 
 
 The streets were crowded with furniture and every descrip- 
 tion of wares, dashed down to be trampled in the mud or 
 burned up where it lay. All the government storehouses 
 were thrown open, and what could not be gotten oif by the 
 Government was left to the people. 
 
 Next to the river the destruction of property v.-as fearfully 
 complete. The Danville and Petersburg Railroad dej^ots, and 
 the buildings and shedding attached, for the distance of half 
 a mile from the north side of Main-street to the river, and be- 
 tween Eighth and Fifteenth streets, embracing upwards of 
 twenty blocks, presented one waste of smoking ruins, black- 
 ened walls, and solitary chimneys. 
 
 On the occupation of RichnKjnd, General Weitz'el established 
 his headquai'ters in the State Capitol, in the hall lately occu- 
 pied by the Virginia House of Delegates, and instituted meas- 
 ures to restore order. He immediately issued the following 
 order : 
 
 Headquartees Detachment Army op the James, 
 Richmond, Va., April 3, I860. 
 
 Major-General Godfrey Weitzel, commanding detachment of the Army of 
 the James, announces the occupation of the city of Richmond by the Armies of 
 the United States, under command of Lieutenant-General Grant. The people 
 of Richmond are assured that we come to restore to them the blessings of peace, 
 prosperity, and freedom, under the flag of the Union. 
 
 The citizens of Richmond are requested to remain, for the present, quietly 
 •within their houses, and to avoid all public assemblages or meetings in the 
 public streets. An efficient provost-guard will immediately re-establish order 
 and tranquillity within the city. 
 
 Martial law is, for the present, proclaimed. 
 
 Brigadier-General George F. Shcpley, United States Volunteers, is hereby 
 appointed military governor of Richmond. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Fred. L. Manning, provost-marshal-general, Army of 
 the James, will act as provost-marshal of Richmond. Commanders of detach- 
 ments doing guard-duty in the city will report to him for instructions. 
 By command of 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAIi WeITZEL. 
 
 D. D Wheeler, Assistant Adjutant-General. 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 201 
 
 Brigadier-General G. F. Sheplej, having been announced as 
 military governor of Kichmond, issued the following order : 
 
 Headquarteus Militaky Governor op Richmond, 
 Richmond, Va., April 3, 1865. 
 
 I. The armies of the rebellion having abandoned their effort to enslave the 
 people of Virginia, have endeavored to destroy by fire the capital which they 
 could not longer occupy by their arms. Lieutenant-Colonel Manning, provost- 
 niarshal-geueral of the Army of the James and provost-marshal of Richmond, 
 will immediately send a sufficient detachment of the provost-guard to arrest, 
 if possible, the progress of the- flames. The fire department of the city of 
 Richmond, and all the citizens interested in the preservation of their beautiful 
 city, will immediately report to him for duty, and render every possible assist- 
 ance in staying the progress of the conflagration. The first duty of the Armies 
 of the Union will be to save the city doomed to destruction by the armies of 
 the rebellion. 
 
 II. No person will leave the city of Richmond, without a pass from the office 
 of the provost-marslial. 
 
 III. Any citizen, soldier, or any person whatever, who shall hereafter plun- 
 der, destroy, or remove any public or private i)roperty of any description what- 
 ever, will be arrested and summarily punished. 
 
 IV. The soldiers of the command will abstain from any offensive or insult- 
 ing words or gestures towards the citizens. 
 
 V. No treasonable or offensive expressions, insulting to the flag, the cause, 
 or the Armies of the Union, will hereafter be allowed. 
 
 VI. For an exposition of their rights, duties, and privileges, the citizens of 
 Richmond are respectfully referred to the proclamations of the President of the 
 United States in relation to the existing rebellion. 
 
 VII. All persons having in their possession, or under their control, any prop- 
 erty whatever of the so-called Confederate States, or of any officer thereof, or 
 the records or archives of any public officer whatever, will immediately report 
 the same to Colonel Manning, provost-marslial. 
 
 In conclusion, the citizens of Richmond are assured that, with the restora- 
 tion of the flag of the Union, they may expect the restoration of that peace, 
 prosperity, and happiness which they enjoyed under the Union, of which that 
 flag is the glorious symbol. 
 
 G. F. Shepley, Brigadier-General U. S. V., 
 and Military Governor of Richmond. 
 
 "While the scenes of terror and destruction we have nar- 
 rated were taking place in Richmond, the North was cele- 
 brating, with those fervors and shows known only to the Yan- 
 kee, the fall of the Confederate capital. In J^ew York and in 
 Washington were the most swollen exhibitions of the popular 
 triumph. 
 
 In the former city there was an unlimited display of flags ; 
 bells were rung ; impromptu meetings were gotten up, and 
 
202 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 wild and enthusiastic congratulations were exchanged on the 
 streets. The New York Herald said : " People fairly danced 
 in the excess of enthusiasm. To state that they howled would 
 sound harsh and flat, but it would nevertheless be the simple 
 truth. Huzzaing and cheering were heard, as never they 
 were heard before. Singing also formed part of the popular 
 mode of letting off the exuberant feelings of the masses. 
 Down in Wall-street, a chorus, which Maretzek could never 
 hope to rival, almost made the ancient piles of stone and brick 
 treujble in sympathy." 
 
 The rage for flags was immense. Half an hour after the 
 receipt of the news of the capture of the Confederate capital, 
 there was, says a 'New York paper, not a single large flag of a 
 national character in the whole city left unpurchased. Every 
 housekeeper showed his loyalty and satisfaction, by exhibiting 
 the stars and stripes from some portion of his establishment. 
 The railway cars and horses were decorated with miniature 
 flags. Carts, stages, and wagons, all over the city, displayed 
 the same symbol of loyalty ; and every spot, where a piece of 
 bunting could properly be fastened, was so decorated. 
 
 At noon, the bells of Trinity and St. Paul churches were 
 rung. The chimes of Trinity resounded melodiously through 
 the air, above the din of rumbling stages and heavy vehicles 
 of every description. The example of these two churches was 
 speedily followed by almost every church in the city ; and for 
 half an hour or more the ringing was heard from Trinity to 
 Harlem — a distance of six miles. 
 
 A large meeting of leading merchants, and other prominent 
 citizens, was held at the custom-house, to make arrangements 
 for a suitable celebration of the great victory. A number of 
 speeches were made on the occasion. At the conclusion of 
 one of the speeches, some persons present, with a grand chorus, 
 began the hymn, to the tune of " Old Hundred," generally 
 known in churches as the Doxology : 
 
 "Praise God, from whom all blessings flow ; 
 Praise Him, all creatures here below ; , 
 
 Praise Him above, ye heavenly host ; 
 Praise Father, Son, and Holy Ghost." 
 
 The whole crowd joined in. The chimes of Trinity came in 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 203 
 
 at tlie proper time with good eiFect ; and, as the voices of over 
 twenty thousand singers subsided, the echoes of the chimes 
 from the towers of Trinity came floating on the breeze, and 
 repeating in musical accord — 
 
 " Praise Him, all creatures here below." * 
 
 * From tlie appearance of the New York papers one would suppose that the 
 general excitement, produced by the capture of Richmond, had culminated in 
 the commercial metropolis of the North. 
 
 The Tribune occupied one-half of its first page with an enormous- spread 
 eagle, and the eighth page with a map of Richmond. The editor, while con- 
 gratulating his readers on the fall of Richmond, could not avoid saying, that 
 " it might have been ours long ago." An Irish drinking song, prepared for the 
 occasion, and beginning, " Bad luck to the man who is sober to-night," was 
 published on the inside, and proposed a good health to every official who had 
 been connected with the military department of the Government, not excepting 
 " Shtanton." 
 
 The World's columns were chiefly occupied with a brilliant and lengthy- 
 account of the battles, but the displayed heads of the news were jubilant and 
 expressive; and the editor declared, that " the taking of Richmond was a greater 
 event, and more fully j ustified exiiberant rejoicing, than any previous achieve- 
 ment in the history of the war." 
 
 The New York Herald declared, that the taking of Richmond was " one of 
 the grandest triumphs that had crowned human efforts for centuries." 
 
 The following specimen of Yankee poetry on the occasion was published in 
 a New York paper : 
 
 RICHMOND IS CUES ! 
 
 Richmond is ours ! Richmond is ours ! 
 
 Hark ! to the jubilant chorus ! 
 Up, through the lips that no longer repress it, 
 Up, from the Heart of the Peoi)le ! God bless it 1 
 Swelling with loyal emotion, 
 Leapeth our joy, like an ocean ! — 
 Richmond is ours ! Richmond is ours ! 
 Babylon falls, and her temples and towers 
 Crumble to ashes before us ! 
 
 Glory to Grant ! Glory to Grant ! 
 
 Hark ! to the shout of our Nation ! 
 Up, from the Irish heart, up from the German — 
 Glory to Sheridan ! Glory to Sherman ! 
 
 Up, from all peoples uniting — 
 
 Freedom's high loyalty plighting— 
 Glory to all ! Glory to all !— 
 Heroes who combat, and martyrs who fall 1 
 
 Lift we our joyous ovation 1 
 
204: THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 Tlie people of Washington vied with those of New York in 
 demonstrations of joy over the fall of Richmond and Peters- 
 burg;. In accordance with the recommendation of the Secre- 
 tiiry of State, the Execntiv^e Mansion, the Capitol, and all the 
 departments and other public buildings, and the City Hall, 
 were at night illuminated, and each in a blaze of light was ex- 
 hibited in its beautiful pro])ortions. The National flag was a 
 ju'ominent adornment, and appropriate mottoes were conspicu- 
 ously displayed. Pennsylvania Avenue and the principal 
 streets were thronged with pedestrians. Bonfires were kindled 
 in various parts of the city, and rockets ignited. "Washington 
 was, in short, ablaze with lights. The residences of the heads 
 of the departments, and other officers of the Government, were 
 also adorned and illuminated. 
 
 The Capitol made a splendid appearance. It was the centre 
 of attraction, and from basement to dome was a blaze of light. 
 Over the main entrance, fronting on Pennsylvania Avenue, 
 was a large transparency, on which was inscribed, " This is 
 the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes." 
 
 Over the main entrance to the War Department was the 
 motto, " The Union must and shall be preserved," and under- 
 neath an eagle, the word, " Richmond." 
 
 Over the main entrance to the Patent Office building was 
 an immense gas-jet, displaying the word, " Union." Over the 
 
 Fling out the Flag ! Flash out the Flag ! 
 
 Up from each turret and steeple ! 
 Up from the cottage, and over the mansion, 
 Fling out the symbol of Freedom's expansion 1 
 
 Victory crowneth endeavor ! 
 
 Liberty seals us forever ! 
 Up from each valley, and out from each crag, 
 Fling out the Flag ! Flash out the Flag ! 
 
 Borne on the breath of the People ! 
 
 Richmond is ours ! Eichmond is ours ! 
 
 Hark ! how the welkin is riven ! 
 Hark ! to the joy that our Nation convulses. 
 Timing all hearts to the cannon's loud pulses ; 
 
 Voices of heroes ascending. 
 
 Voices of martyred ones blending : 
 Mingling like watchwords on Liberty's towers, 
 " Richmond is ours ! Richmond is ours !" 
 
 Freedoin rejoketh in Heaven ! 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 205 
 
 lower entrance of the Treasury building, on Fifteentli-street, 
 was a huge transparency representing a ten-dollar Treasury 
 note, over which was the motto, " U. S, greenbacks and U. S. 
 Grant — Grant gives the greenbacks a metallic ring." 
 
 Over the front entrance of the State Department was dis- 
 played the motto, " At home, union is order, and order is 
 strength ; abroad, union is strength, and strength is peace." 
 Over the Fifteenth-street entrance was the following motto, 
 "Peace and good-will to all nations; but no entangling 
 alliances, and no foreign intervention." 
 
 Thousands of persons of both sexes attended a public meeting 
 at the southern portico of the Patent Office, where the word 
 " Union" was largely prominent in flaming gasjets. Speeches 
 were delivered by a number of persons, among them Yice- 
 President Johnson. He made a long and intensely Union 
 speech, in the course of which he said he could live down all 
 the slanders which had been uttered against him. He was 
 particularl}' severe on " the rebels," at the head of whom he 
 placed Jeft'erson Davis, and he asked, what should be done 
 with him. The response from many voices was, " Hang him ! 
 hang him !" To this he agreed, and applause succeeded his 
 remark that Davis ought to be hanged twenty times higher 
 than Ham an. 
 
 The following are passages from Yice-President Johnson's 
 speech : 
 
 " At the time tliat tlie traitors in the Senate of the United States plotted 
 against the Government, and entered into a conspiracy more foul, more ex- 
 ecrable, and more odious than that of Catiline against the Eomans, I happened 
 to be a member of that body. I was then and there called upon to know what 
 I would do with such traitors, and I want to repeat my reply here. I said, if 
 we had an Andrew Jackson, he would hang them as high as Haman. Humble 
 as I am, when you ask me what I would do, mj- reply is, I would arrest them ; 
 T would try them ; I would convict them ; and I would hang tliem. I say this : 
 ' The halter to intelligent, influential traitors.' But to the honest boy, to the 
 deluded man, who has been deceived into the rebel ranks, I would extend 
 leniency ; I would say, return to your allegiance, renew your support to the 
 
 Government, and become a good citizen ; but the leaders I would hang 
 
 It is not my intention to make any imprudent remarks or allusions, but the 
 hour will come when those nations that exhibited towards ns such insolence 
 and improper interference in the midst of our adversity, and, as they supposed, 
 of our weakness, will learn that this is a Government of the people, possessing 
 power enough to make itself felt and respected." 
 
206 THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 
 
 The passages of this speech, quoted above, as we must pre- 
 sume correctly, from the cohimns of a New York paper, ob- 
 tained a most important significance in view of the tragical 
 death of Mr. Lincoln, on the 14th day of April, and the succes- 
 sion of Mr, Johnson to the ofiice of President of the United 
 States, and that of dictator of the programme of subjugation 
 consequent upon the war. But these events lie beyond the 
 period and purpose of our narrative of the war, and we make 
 only this brief and passing reference to them. 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 207 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 "What the Confederates anticipated on the fall of Kichmond. — Two opinions.— Pro- 
 phetic words of the Richmond Examiner. — Disintegration of Lee's army. — The 
 line of his retreat. — Grant's pursuit.— Sheridan captures prisoners, guns, and wag- 
 ons. — Sheridan's dispatch. — Change in the movements of both armies. — The situa- 
 tion at Appomattox Court-house. — How Lee was surrounded. — Surrender of the 
 Army of Northern Virginia. — A frightful demoralization of the army.^More than 
 two-thirds of the men deserted. — Pickett's di-vision.' — Reasons to suppose that Gen- 
 eral Lee had predetermined a surrender on moving from Richmond and Peters- 
 burg. — Straggling of his soldiers. — Official correspondence concerning the surren- 
 der. — Interview between General Lee and General Grant at McLean's house. — How 
 General Lee looked. — Grant's generous conduct. — Scenes between the lines of the 
 two armies.- -An informal conference of officers. — How tlie news of surrender was 
 received in the Yankee army.— How received at Washington. — Secretary Stanton's 
 dispatch. — President Lincoln's speech. — " Dixie" in Washington. — General Lee's 
 farewell address to his army. — His return to Richmond.— Effect of Lee's surrender. 
 -General Johnston's department.— Movements in the Southwest. — Fall of Mo- 
 bile. — Wilson's cavalry expedition through Alabama and Georgia. — Surrekdeb 
 OF Johnston's akmt. — Sherman's " basis of negotiations" repudiated at Wash- 
 ington. — The policy of the Northern Government unmasked. — Sherman's reply. — 
 Surrender of Taylor's army. — Surrender of Kirby's Smith's army. — "War 
 meetings" in Texas. — \\ ant of public resolution. — The last act of the war. — A sud- 
 den peace, and what it implied. 
 
 FoK a long time there had been two opinions in the Confed- 
 eracy, as to the eflfect the fall of Richmond would have upon 
 the war. Many intelligent persons considered that Richmond 
 was not a vital point in the Confederaxjy ; and now that it had 
 been evacuated, there were not a few persons who still indulged 
 the hope of the supremacy of the Southern arms and the dream 
 of independence. There were found sanguine persons in Rich- 
 mond the day after the evacuation, who pleased themselves 
 with the imagination that that event was only about to date a 
 new era in the Confederate defence ; that the Government 
 would re-establish itself, perhaps, in Georgia, and with advan- 
 tages and under auspices it had never had before ; that it might 
 reopen Georgia and the Carolinas, and thus place itself nearer 
 its resources of subsistence, and have the control of a territory 
 practically much larger than that in the Richmond jurisdiction. 
 But these hopeful and ingenious persons wholly failed to take 
 
208 THE LAST TKAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 into account the moral effect of the loss of the Confederate 
 capital, and to calculate the easy transition in such circum- 
 stances from despondency to despair. 
 
 Several weeks before the catastrophe the Richmond Ex- 
 aminer had used the following almost prophetic language: 
 "•The evacuation of Richmond would be the loss of all respect 
 and authority towards the Confederate Government, the disin- 
 tegration of the army, and the abandonment of the scheme of 
 an independent Southern Confederation. Each contestant in 
 the war has made Richmond the central object of all its plans 
 and all its exertions. It has become the symbol of the Con- 
 federacy. Its loss would be material ruin to the cause, and, in 
 a moral point of view, absolutely destructive, crushing the 
 heart and extinguishing the last hope of the country. Our 
 armies would lose the incentive inspired by a great and worthy 
 object of defence. Our military policy would be totally at 
 sea; we should be without a hope or an object; without civil 
 or military organization ; without a treasury or a commissariat ; 
 without the means of keeping alive a wholesome and active 
 public sentiment ; without any of the appliances for supj)orting 
 a cause depending upon a popular faith and enthusiasm ; with- 
 out the emblems or the semblance of nationality." 
 
 These sad but intelligent anticipations were now to be 
 vividly realized. The disintegration of Lee's army com- 
 menced with its withdrawal from the Richmond and Peters- 
 burg lines. 
 
 In his last telegram to Richmond from Petersburg, Sunday 
 evening, the 2d of April, General Lee stated that some time 
 during the night he would fall back behind the Appomattox — 
 that is, to the north bank of that stream, to prevent being 
 flanked. The Appomattox rises in Appomattox County, eighty 
 miles west of Petei'sburg, flows northeast to Matoax Station, 
 on the Danville Railroad, twenty-seven miles from Richmond, 
 and thence southeast to City Point. When Lee sent his tele- 
 gram above alluded to, his troops were holding a semicircular 
 line south of the river, and including Petersburg ; his left rest- 
 ing on the Appomattox, his right on the Southside Railroad, 
 some fifteen miles west of the town. The Yankee armies were 
 pressing his whole line, Sheridan being on his extreme right. 
 During Sunday night he got across the Appomattox, and com 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 209 
 
 menced to push up the north bank of that streara. The Yan- 
 kee forces were hurried up the Southside Raib'oad to BurkcB- 
 ville Junction to cut him off. Sheridan made direct pui'suit, 
 with the double object of harassing the rear of the retreating- 
 columns, and cutting off such troops as were retreating from 
 Richmond and attempting to join Lee. 
 
 Grant was possessed of the interior or shorter lines .to 
 Burkesville. He might thus hope to cut off Lee's retreat from 
 Danville or from Lynchburg. Indeed, there appeared but one 
 way for Lee to escape — namely, a tremendous run up the 
 bank of the Appomattox, to reach the Southside Railroad at 
 Farmville,_ destroj^ing the bridges in his rear. Even this 
 chance Sheridan was sanguine of cutting off'. 
 
 On the 5th of April, Sheridan made an important capture of 
 prisoners, guns, and wagons. It appears that Lee's army was 
 moving as rapidly west as his limited transportation and the 
 demoralized condition of his troops would permit, on the road 
 between Amelia Court-house and Jetersville. The Yankee 
 cavalry having gained possession of the Danville Railroad 
 some time previous, were not long in discovering liis where- 
 abouts. Sherida>n immediately sent Davies' brigade around 
 on his left flank ; and although they were repulsed and driven 
 back upon the infantry, it was not until they had taken several 
 hundred prisoners, five guns, and a number of wagons. 
 
 On the evening of the 5th of April, a portion of the advance 
 of Grant's army was at Burkesville Station (the junction of the 
 Southside and Danville railroads). Sheridan, with the main 
 body of his cavalry, at three p. m. of that day, was at Jeters- 
 ville, on the Danville road, a station forty-three miles from 
 Richmond. Lee, at the same date, with the remnants of his 
 army, was at Amelia Court-house, a point thirty-six miles from 
 Richmond, and seven miles north of Sheridan's advance. 
 
 In this situation Sheridan telegraphed to Grant : " I feel 
 confident of capturing the entire Army of Northern Virginia, 
 if we exert'ourselves. I see no escape for Lee." 
 
 On the 6th, at daylight. General Meade, with the Second, 
 Fifth, and Sixth corps, was at Burkesville Station, Lee being- 
 near Amelia Court-house ; the Yankee forces were south and 
 west of him. Sheridan's advance was at Jetersville ; and, as it 
 moved towards Amelia Court-house, its left stretched well out 
 
 U 
 
210 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 towards Painesville, a point about ten miles northwest of 
 Amelia Court-house, and directly on the line of Lee's retreat 
 towards the Appomattox. 
 
 It seemed as if Sheridan's position at Jetersville, with his 
 left across the line of Lee's westward march to the Appomat- 
 tox, M'ould compel Lee to stand still. Llence the enemy's 
 movement towards the Appomattox was given up, and the 
 men were faced about and moved northeast, towards Amelia 
 Court-house, expecting to fight Lee there. Lee, however, was 
 already on his way from the court-house towards the river ; 
 and when this became known, the direction of the enemy's 
 movement was changed once more. 
 
 On the evening of the 6th, two divisions of the Sixth Army 
 Corps came up with Lee's retreating columns at the intersec- 
 tion of the Burkesville Station road with the road upon which 
 they were moving. Some desultory fighting ensued. Sheri- 
 dan telegraphed : " If the thing is pressed, I think Lee will sur- 
 render." He claimed already to have captured Generals 
 Ewell, Kershaw, Button, Corse, De Bare, and Custis Lee, sev- 
 eral thousand prisoners, fourteen pieces of artillery, with cais- 
 sons, and a large number of wagons. 
 
 The position into which the remnant of Lee's army had now 
 been forced was one from which it was impossible to extricate 
 it witliout a battle, which it was no longer capable of fighting. 
 His army lay massed a short distance west of Appomattox 
 Court-house; his last avenue of escape towards Danville, on 
 the southwest, was gone ; he was completely hemmed in. 
 Meade was in his rear on the east, and on his right flank north 
 of Appomattox Court-house; Sheridan had headed him off 
 completely, by getting between him and Lynchburg ; General 
 Ord was on the south of the court-house, near the railroad ; 
 the Yankee troops were in the most enthusiastic spirits, and 
 what remained of the Army of Northern Virginia was plainly 
 doomed. 
 
 SURRENDER OF THE ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA. 
 
 The line of Lee's retreat afforded ample evidence of the ex- 
 f cessive, frightful demoralization of his army. It was strewn 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 211 
 
 with arms and accoutrements, with abandoned caissons, with 
 knapsacks, blankets, and clothing — in short, with whatever could 
 be most readily cast away in flight. The whole intervening 
 country was tracked by deserters returning in squads to their 
 homes ; and who, anticipating a surrender of the army, were 
 anxious to avoid what they supposed would be the conditions 
 of such an event. The extent of this desertion was without 
 precedent. Lee's whole army had almost ran through his 
 lingers. He had had on the lines he had abandoned between 
 twenty-seven and twenty-eight thousand men ; at Appomattox 
 Court-house he had scarcely ten thousand men for a battle, 
 and actually surrendered less than eight thousand.* On the 
 Petersburg lines Pickett's division had been roughly estimated 
 at eight thousand men. It surrendered only forty-five muskets. 
 Such were the moral effects of the fall of Richmond, and such 
 the necessities which brought with it the terrible consequence 
 of the surrender of what had been by far the most formidable 
 army the Qonfederates had ever had in the field. 
 
 There can be no doubt in history that General Lee, in taking 
 his army away from Richmond and Petersburg, had decided, 
 in his own mind, upon the hopelessness of the war, and had 
 predetermined its surrender. The most striking proof of this 
 is, that on his retreat there was no order published against 
 straggling — a thing unprecedented in all deliberate and strategic 
 retreats — and nothing whatever done to maintain discipline. 
 The men were not animated by the style of general orders 
 usual on such occasions. They straggled and deserted almost 
 at will. An idea ran through thfe Virginia troops that with 
 the abandonment of Richmond the war was hopeless, and that 
 they would be justified in refusing to fight outside the limits 
 of their State. Nothing was done to check the notorious 
 
 * The looseness of historical statement in the North with reference to the 
 war is very remarkable. We must expect exaggeration and brag in Yankee 
 newspapers ; but in the magazine, pamphlet, report, and those deliberate foi-ms 
 of literature, which stand between tlie daily paper and the bound volume, some 
 effort at accuracy of statement is to be expected. Yet we see in the col umns 
 of a popular Northern magazine that Lee surrendered at Appomattox Court- 
 house fifty tliousaiid men ! And this absurd statement is quite as likely to go 
 into Yankee history as any other absurd piece of statistics about the extent 
 and glory of Yankee conquests. 
 
212 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 circulation of this notion in the army. The Virginia troops 
 scattered off to their homes at ahnost every mile of the ronte. 
 We have seen that Pickett was left with only a handful oi 
 men. Some of the brigade commanders had not hesitated to 
 advise their men that the war was virtually over, and that they 
 had better go home and " make crops." 
 
 - But there are other proofs, besides the omission of the 
 measures against straggling usual on retreats, that General 
 Lee had prevised a surrender of his army. He carried off from 
 Petersburg and Kichmond all the transportation of his army, 
 sufficient, perhaps, for one hundred thousand men, certainly 
 largely in excess of the actual needs of the retreat. The ex- 
 cessive number of Virginia troops who were permitted to drop 
 out of the ranks and return to their homes, shows very well 
 that there was no firm purpose to carry the war out of the 
 limits of that State. Prisoners taken on the retreat invariably 
 reported that the army was soon to be halted for a surrender ; 
 and General Custis Lee, when captured by the enemy, is 
 alleged to have made the same revelation of his father's 
 designs. 
 
 While the pursuit of Lee's army by Grant's overwhelming 
 forces was still in progress, the following correspondence ensued 
 between the two commanders : 
 
 AvRiL 7, 1865. 
 Geneeal R. E. Lee, Commanding C. /S. A. : 
 
 General — The result of the last week must convince you 
 of the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army 
 of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and 
 regard it as my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of 
 any further effusion of blood, by asking of you the surrender 
 of that portion of the Confederate Southern army, known as 
 the Army of Northern Virginia. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 F. S. Grant, 
 Lieut.-Gen. commandinsr Armies of the United States. 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. i 213 
 
 n. 
 
 April 7, 1865. 
 
 General — I have received your note of tins day. Though 
 
 not entirely of the opinion you express of the hopelessness of 
 
 further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia, 
 
 I reciprocate your desire to avoid useless effusion of blood, and 
 
 therefore, before considering your proposition, ask the terms 
 
 you will offer on condition of its surrender. 
 
 R. E. Lee, General. 
 
 To LlEUTENANT-GENERAIi U. S. GrAIH', 
 
 Commanding Armies of the United States, 
 
 in. 
 
 April 8, 1865. 
 
 To General R. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A. : 
 
 General — Your note of last evening, in reply to mine of 
 the same date, asking the conditions on which 1 will accept 
 the surrender of the Army of Northern Yirginia is just re- 
 ceived. 
 
 In reply. I would say, that peace being my first desire, there 
 is but one condition that I insist upon, viz. : 
 
 That the men surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up 
 arms again against the Government of the United States until 
 properly exchanged. 
 
 I will meet you, or designate officers to meet any officers 
 you may name for the same purpose, at any point agreeable to 
 you, for the purpose of arranging definitely the terms upon 
 which the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia will be 
 received. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General, 
 Commanding Armies of the United States. 
 
 lY. 
 
 April 8, 1865. 
 
 General — I received, at a late hour, your note of to-day in 
 answer to mine of yesterday. 
 
 I did not intend to propose the surrender of the Army of 
 Northern Virginia, but to ask the terms of your proposition. 
 
214 THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAR. 
 
 To be frank, I do not think the emergency has arisen to call 
 for the surrender. 
 
 But as the restoration of peace should be the sole object of 
 all, I desire to know whether your proposals would tend to 
 that end. 
 
 I cannot, therefore, meet you with a view to surrender the 
 Army of Northern Virginia ; but so far as your proposition 
 may affect the Confederate States forces under my command 
 and tend to the restoration of peace, I should be pleased to 
 meet you at ten a. m. to-morrow, on the old stage-road to 
 Richmond, between the picket-lines of the two armies. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 E. E. Lee, General C. S. A. 
 To Lieutenant-General Grant, 
 
 Commanding Armies of tlie United States. 
 
 V. 
 
 April 9, 1865. 
 
 General E.. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A. : 
 
 General — Your note of yesterday is received. As I have 
 no authority to treat on the sul)ject of peace, the meeting pro- 
 posed for ten a. m. to-day cduld lead to no good. I will state, 
 however, General, that I am equally anxious for peace with 
 yourself; and the whole North entertain the same feeling. 
 The terms upon which peace can be had are well understood. 
 By the South laying down their arms they will hasten that 
 most desirable event, save thousands of human lives, and 
 hundreds of millions of property not yet destroyed. 
 
 Sincerely hoping that all our difficulties may be settled 
 without the loss of anotlier life, I subscribe myself, 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 U. S. Grant, 
 Lieutenant-General United States Army. 
 
 VT. 
 
 April 9, 1865. 
 
 General — I received your note of this morning on the 
 picket-line, whither I had come to meet you and ascertain 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 215 
 
 definitely what terms were embraced in your proposition of 
 yesterday with reference to the surrender of this army. 
 
 I now request an interview in accordance with the ofi'er 
 contained in your letter of yesterday for that purpose. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 R. E. Lek, General. 
 To Lieutenant-Genekal Grant, 
 
 Commanding Armies of the United States. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Aprel 9, 1865. 
 
 General R. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A. : 
 
 Your note of this date is but this moment, 11.50 a. m., re- 
 ceived. 
 
 In consequence of my having passed from the Richmond and 
 Lynchburg road to tHe Farmville and Lyncliburg road, I am, 
 at this writing, about four miles west of "Walter's Church, and 
 will push forward to the front for the purpose of meeting you. 
 
 Notice sent to me on this road where you wish the interview 
 to take place, will meet me. 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Appomattox Court-house, April 9, 1865. 
 General R. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A.: 
 
 In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the 
 8th inst., I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of 
 Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit : 
 
 Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate, 
 one copy to be given to an officer designated by me, the other 
 to be retained by such ofiiccrs as you may designate. 
 
 The officers to give their individual parole not to take arms 
 against the Government of the United States until properly 
 exchanged ; and each company or regimental commander to 
 sign a like parole for the men of their commands. 
 
 The arms, artilfery, and public property to be parked and 
 stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed by me to 
 receive them. 
 
216 THE LAST YKAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 This will not embrace the side-arms of the officers, nor their 
 private horses or baggage. 
 
 Tliis done, each officer and man wall be allowed to return to 
 their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so 
 long as they observe their parole and the laws in force where 
 they may reside. 
 
 Yery respectfully, 
 
 U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. 
 
 rx. 
 
 Headqtjaiiters Ahmy of Northern Virgestia, April D, 1865. 
 Libdt.-Gkneral U. S. Grant, Commanding TJ. S. A. : 
 
 General — I have received your letter of this date, contain- 
 ing the terms of surrender of the Army of JSTorthern Virginia, 
 as proposed by you. As they are substantially the same as 
 those expressed in your letter of the 8th inst., they are accepted. 
 I will proceed to designate the proper officers to carry the 
 stipulations into effect. 
 
 Very respectfull}', your obedient servant, 
 
 R. E. Lee, General. 
 
 Thus in two days time, and by means of nine short letters, 
 was accomplished the decisive event of the war, and what in 
 fact was to prove its complete conclusion. 
 
 General Lee and General Grant had met at the house of Mr. 
 "Wilmer McLean, The interview was very simple, and unat- 
 tended by any ceremony. General Lee was attended only by 
 Colonel Marshal, one of his aids, while with Grant there were 
 several of his staff-officers ; and a number of Yankee generals 
 entered the room during the interview. The two commanders 
 greeted each other with courtesy, and without idle words or 
 dramatic flourishes proceeded at once and simply to business. 
 
 General Lee immediately alluded to the conditions of the 
 surrender, characterized them as lenient, and said he would 
 leave the details to General Grant's own discretion. General 
 Grant stated the terms of the parole ; that the arms should be 
 stacked, the artillery parked, and the supplies and munitions 
 turned over to him, the officers retaining their side-arms, 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 217 
 
 horses, and personal effects. General Lee promptly assented 
 to the conditions, and the agreement of surrender was engrossed 
 and signed by General Lee at half-past tliree o'clock in the 
 afternoon. 
 
 A Yankee correspondent thiis described the appearance of 
 General Lee in this memorable interview : " General Lee 
 looked very much jaded and worn, but, nevertheless, presented 
 the same magnificent physique for which he has always been 
 noted. He was neatly dressed in gray cloth, without em- 
 broidery or any insignia of rank, except three stars worn on 
 the turned portion of his coat-collar. His cheeks were very 
 much bronzed by exposure, but still shone ruddy underneatli 
 it all. He is growing quite bald, and wears one of the side 
 locks of his hair thrown across the upper portion of his fore- 
 head, which is as white and fair as a woman's. He stands 
 fully six feet one- inch in height, and weighs something over 
 two hundred pounds, without being burdened with a pound of 
 superfluous flesh. During the whole interview he was retired 
 and dignified to a degree bordering on taciturnity, but was 
 free from all exhibition of temper or mortification. His de- 
 meanor was that of a thoroughly possessed gentleman who 
 had a very disagreeable duty to perform, but was determined 
 to get through it as well and as soon as he could." 
 
 It is to be fciirly and cheerfully admitted that General 
 Grant's conduct, with respect to all the circumstances of the 
 surrender, exhibited some extraordinary traits of magnanimityl 
 He had not dramatized the aftair. He had conducted it 
 with as much simplicity as possible, avoided " sensation," and 
 spared every thing that might wound the feelings or imply 
 the humiliation of a vanquished foe. Such conduct was 
 noble. Before the surrender, General Grant had expressed to 
 his own officers his intention not to require the same for- 
 malities as are required in a surrender between the forces of 
 two foreign nations or belligerent powers, and to exact no 
 conditions for the mere purpose of humiliation. 
 
 Wliile the interview with reference to the surrender was 
 taking place between the commanders, a strange scene was 
 transpiring between the lines of the two armies, and occupied 
 the period of the armistice. An informal conference and 
 mingling of ofiicers of both armies gave to the streets of the 
 
218 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 village of Appomattox Court-house a strange appearance. On 
 the Yankee side were Generals Ord, Sheridan, Crook, Gib- 
 bon, Griffin, Merritt, Ayres, Bartlett, Chamberhiin, Forsyth, 
 and Michie. On the Confederate side were Generals Long- 
 street, Gordon, Ileth, Wilcox, and otliers. The conference 
 lasted some hour and a half. None but general officers were 
 allowed to pass through the skirmish line. There were mutual 
 introductions and shaking of hands ; and soon was passed about 
 some whiskey, and mutual healths were drank. Gi-adually the 
 area of the conference widened. The parties filled the streets, 
 and before this singular conference closed, some were seated on 
 the steps, and others, for lack of more comfortable accommo- 
 dations, chatted cosily, seated on a contiguous fence. 
 
 Between the skirmish lines of the two armies tliere was a 
 great suspense, for it was felt that great interests were at stake 
 between them. Skirmish line confronted skirmish line, lines 
 of battle confronted lines of battle, cannon confronted cannon. 
 Eager hopes hung on the interview between the opposing 
 great commanders of the two armies. Peace miglit follow 
 this interview. It might end in resumption of hostilities, in 
 fiercest battle, in terrible carnage. The two arnaies were plainly 
 visible to one another. The Confederates skirted a strip of woods 
 in rear of the town. Through the vistas of the streets might 
 be seen their wagon-trains. The minutes passed but slowly. 
 The approach of every horseman attracted an eager look. Two 
 o'clock had been appointed by Grant for the resumption of 
 hostilities. It arrived, and the Yankee skirmish line com- 
 menced to advance. The Confederate pickets were in plain 
 sight, and stationary. A moment more, and the crack of the 
 rifle would indicate the resumption of carnage. But a clatter 
 of hoofs is heard, and a flag of truce appears upon the scene, 
 with an order from General Grant that hostilities should cease 
 until further orders. 
 
 After the interview at McLean's house. General Lee returned 
 to his own camp, about half a mile distant, where his leading 
 officers were assembled awaiting his return. He announced the 
 result, and the terms. They then approached him in order of 
 rank, shook hands, expressing satisfaction at his course and their 
 regret at parting, all shedding tears on the occasion. The fact 
 of surrender and the terms were then announced to the troops, 
 
THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAK. 219 
 
 and when General Lee appeared among them he was loudly- 
 cheered. 
 
 At four o'clock it was announced in Grant's army that the 
 surrender had been consummated, and the articles signed. 
 And now the enthusiasm which liad been restrained by uncer- 
 tainty broke loose. The various brigade commanders an- 
 nounced the joyful news to their commands, and clieers of the 
 wildest description followed. The men threw their hats high 
 in the air, leaped, ran, jumped, threw themselves into each 
 other's arms, and seemed mad with joy. 
 
 But this scene of joy was but slight in comparison with 
 what was taking place in distant parts of the Korth, where the 
 news of the surrender had been carried by the telegraph. Sec- 
 retary Stanton, in Washington, immediately telegraphed an 
 order to the headquarters of every army and department, and 
 to every fort and arsenal in the United States, to fire a salute 
 of two hundred guns in celebration of the event. To Grant he 
 dispatched : " Thanks be to Almighty God for the great vic- 
 tory with which He has this day crowned you and the gallant 
 armies under your command. The thanks of this department, 
 and of the Government, and of the people of the United States 
 — their reverence and honor have been deserved — will be ren- 
 dered to you and the brave and gallant officers and soldiers of 
 your army for all time." 
 
 The clerks of the departments, in Washington, went in pro- 
 cession to the President's house, and entertained him with the 
 " Star Spangled Banner" and " Old Hundred." A crowd of 
 several thousands were soon assembled in front of the executive 
 mansion. They shouted for Mr. Lincoln. The President tes- 
 tified his participation in the joy by calling for the once popular 
 secession song of " Dixie." He said : " I have always thought 
 that ' Dixie' was one of the best songs I ever heard. Our ad- 
 versaries over the way, I knoM^, have attempted to appropriate 
 it ; but I insist that on yesterday we fairly captured it. I re- 
 ferred the question to the attorney-general, and he gave it as his 
 legal opinion that it is now our property. (Laughter and loud 
 applanse.) I now ask the band to give us a good turn upon it." 
 
 The day after the surrender General Lee bid farewell to his 
 army in the following simple address, so characteristic of his 
 plain and manly style of writing : 
 
220 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 GENEKAL ORDER NO. 9. 
 
 Headquarters Army Northern VmaiNiA, 
 April 10, 1865. 
 
 After four years of arduous service, marked by unsurpassed courage and for- 
 titude, the Army of Northern Virginia lias been compelled to yield to orer- 
 wlielming numbers and resources. 
 
 I need not teU the survivors of so many hard-fought battles, who have re- 
 mained steadfast to the last, that I have consented to this result from no dis- 
 trust of them ; but feeling that valor and devotion could accomplish nothing 
 that could compensate for the loss that would have attended the continuation 
 of the contest, I have determined to avoid the useless sacrifice of those whose 
 past services have endeared them to their countrymen. 
 
 By the terms of agreement, officers and men can return to their homes and 
 remain there until exchanged. 
 
 You will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds from the consciousness 
 of duty faithfully performed ; and I earnestly pray that a merciful God will 
 extend to you his blessing and protection. 
 
 With an unceasing admiration of your constancy and devotion to your coun- 
 try, and a grateful remembrance of your kind and generous consideration of 
 myself, I bid you an affectionate farewell. 
 
 R. E. Lee, General. 
 
 A few days after the surrender, General Lee, attended bj 
 five members of his staff, rode into Richmond over the pontoon 
 bridge at the foot of Seventeenth-street, and thence up Main- 
 street to his residence on Franklin-street between Seventh and 
 Eighth streets. 
 
 Passing rapidly through the city he was recognized by but 
 few citizens, who raised their hats, a compliment which was 
 in every case returned ; but on nearing his residence, the fact 
 of his presence having spread quickly, a great crowd rushed to 
 see him, and set up aloud cheering, to which he. replied by 
 simply raising his hat. As he descended from his horse, a 
 large number of persons pressed forward and shook hands with 
 him. In a few moments the General made his way into his 
 house, the crowd dispersed, and thus quietly passed from the 
 theatre of action and public observation the great and famous 
 commander of the Army of Northern Virginia. 
 
 The surrender of General Lee drew after it important and 
 rapid consequences, and, in effect, terminated the war. 
 
 It left Johnston with no alternative but surrender. On the 
 26th of April, by the official returns of the Army of Tennessee, 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 221 
 
 the number of infantry and artillery, present and absent, was 
 seventy thousand five hundred and ten ; the total present, 
 eighteen thousand five hundred and seventy-eight; the ef- 
 fective fighting force, fourteen thousand one hundred and 
 seventy-nine. The eff'ective total of the cavalry was only a 
 a little over five thousand. These statistics afford a startling 
 exhibition of the demoralization of the Confederates, and of 
 the amount of that offence in our armies mildly called " ab- 
 senteeism ;" but for which, in military language, there could 
 be no name but desertion. 
 
 The limits of Johnston's command included North and South 
 Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. In the distant districts of his 
 department the situation was even more deplorable and des- 
 perate than in the vicinity of Raleigh. In South Carolina the 
 Confederates had only a division of cavaliy, less than one 
 thousand, and in Florida they were as weak. 
 
 In General Dick Taylor's department there had been disas- 
 trous events. Mobile had fallen, and there were no means of 
 opposing the formidable Yankee army under General Canby. 
 
 MOVEMENTS IN THE SOUTHWEST. — FALL OF MOBILE, ETC. 
 
 The operations against this city had been renewed late in 
 March, when two corps of Canby's army invested the Spanish 
 Fort, one of the principal defences on the east side of the bay. 
 The design of this renewal of operations against Mobile was to 
 give the crowning stroke to the system of Confederate defence 
 in the Southwest. After Hood's defeat before Nashville, Gen- 
 eral Thomas indicated to the Washington authorities that he 
 would not, on account of the state of the roads and for other 
 reasons, be able to enter immediately upon another campaign. 
 But he offered to co-operate with General Canby by sending 
 to the latter one-half of his infantry force, and almost all his 
 cavalry, the former under the command of General A. J. 
 Smith, the latter under General Wilson. 
 
 In addition to these movements, another column of Yankee 
 troops under Steele had left Pensacola, Florida, on the 20th of 
 March, arrived in front of Mobile, and opened communication 
 with General Canby's force. On his march General Steele had 
 
222 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 considerable skirmishing, but met with no serious opposition. 
 His command arrived on the 22d of April, having cut the Mo- 
 bile and Montgomery Railroad near Pollard. 
 
 On the 8th of April, an extraordinary force was brought to 
 bear upon Spanish Fort. Twenty-two Parrott guns were got 
 within half a mile of the work, while other powerful batteries 
 were still nearer. Two gunboats joined in the tremendous 
 cannonade. The result was, that the fort surrendered a little 
 after midnight. Fort Alexandria followed, and the guns of 
 these two were turned against Forts Tracy and Huger, in the 
 harbor, at the mouth of the Blakely and Appalaehee rivers. 
 But these had already been abandoned. The monitors then 
 went busily to work removing torpedoes, and ran up to within 
 shelling distance of the city. On the 12th of April the city 
 of Mobile was occupied by the Yankee forces. General Maury, 
 the Confederate commander, having evacuated the city with 
 the bulk of his army. 
 
 In the mean time "Wilson's movements were completing the 
 plan of subjugation in the Southwest. His cavalry force had 
 moved almost unresisted through the Southwest, ca])tured 
 Selma, in Alabama, were already in the vicinity of Macon, 
 Georgia, and might easily calculate upon the capture of every 
 place of importance west of Augusta. 
 
 Selma was occupied by the Yankee forces on the 2d of 
 April. The first resistance met by the enemy's forces was at 
 Monticello, where, after a short engagement, they continued to 
 advance. On the 1st of April, Forrest, Lyon, and Chalmers 
 liaving formed a junction, the first named took command, and 
 the Confederates again made a stand, and were driven back 
 wdtli loss. They then retreated to Selma, where an obstinate 
 defence was prepared for. On the next day, the 2d of April, 
 Wilson moved to the attack of the place, and after about an 
 hour of severe fighting, the fortifications were carried by as- 
 sault, and his troops entered the town, capturing over two 
 thousand prisoners, one hundred cannon, large numbers of 
 horses and mules, and immense quantities of supplies, ammu- 
 nition, etc. Besides these, there fell into the enemy's posses- 
 sion millions of dollars worth of cotton, a large arsenal, naval 
 iron-works and other manufactories, all of which were de- 
 stroyed. 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 223 
 
 Montgomery, the first Confederate capital, was peaceably 
 surrendered on the 12th. Cohimbus, Georgia, was captured 
 on the 16th. Macon was approached on the 21st. Here Wil- 
 son was met by a flag of truce from Howell Cobb, announcing 
 an armistice between Sherman and Johnston. 
 
 The survey of the situation south of Virginia leads to the 
 conclusion that to carry on the war east of the Mississippi the 
 Confederacy had to depend on Johnston's army alone. The 
 enemy could have brought against it twelve or fifteen times its 
 number in the armies of Generals Grant, Sherman, and Can- 
 by. With such odds against us, without the means of procur- 
 ing ammunition or repairing arms, without money or credit to 
 provide food, it was thought by Johnston impossible to con- 
 tinue the war with any reasonable hope of success. 
 
 SURRENDER OF JOHNSTON S ARMY. 
 
 This conclusion the Confederate commander announced to 
 the governors of the States within his department by telegraph 
 as follows : 
 
 " The disaster in Virginia, the capture by the enemy of all our workshops 
 for the preparation of ammunition and repairing of arms, the impossibility of 
 recruiting our little army, opposed to more than ten times its ni;mber, or sup- 
 plying it except by robbing ouj own citizens, destroyed all hope of suc-cessful 
 war. I have, therefore, made a military convention with Major-General Sher- 
 man to terminate hostilities in North and South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. 
 I made this convention to spare the blood of this gallant little army, to pre- 
 vent further suffering of our people by the devastation and ruin inevitable from 
 the marches of invading armies, and to avoid the crime of waging a hopeless 
 war." 
 
 Johnston had at first made an attempt to obtain terms to 
 give security to citizens as well as to his own soldiers. The 
 first result of his negotiations with Sherman was a basis of 
 agreement, which that Yankee commander declared in a cir- 
 cular address was to secure instant peace in all parts of the 
 country, and would involve the surrender of every battalion 
 of Confederates within the limits of the United States. The 
 following is a copy of the important paper signed by the com- 
 manders of the two armies : 
 
224: THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 MEMOEANDtJM, OR BASIS OF AGREEMENT, made this eigliteentli day of April, 
 A. D., 1865, near Durham Station, in the State of North Carolina, by and be- 
 tween General Joseph E. Johnston, commanding Confederate Army, and 
 Major-General W. T. Shennan, commanding Army of the United States, in 
 North Carolina, both being present : 
 
 1. The contending armies now in the field to maintain the status quo, until 
 notice is given by the commanding general of any one to its opponent, and 
 reasonable time, say forty-eight hours, allowed. 
 
 2. The Confederate armies now in existence to be disbanded, and conducted 
 to their several state capitals, therein to deposit their arms and public property 
 in the state arsenal, and each officer and man to execute and file an agreement 
 to cease from acts of war, and to abide the action of both State and Federal 
 authorities. The number of arms and munitions of war to be reported to the 
 chief of ordnance at Washington City, subject to the future action of the Con- 
 gress of the United States, and in the mean time to be used solely to maintain 
 peace and order within the borders of the States respectively. 
 
 3. The recognition by the Executive of the United States of the several State 
 governments, on their officers and legislatures taking the oath prescribed by 
 the constitution of the United States ; and where conflicting State govern- 
 ments have resulted from the war, the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to 
 the Supreme Court of the United States. 
 
 4. The re-establishment of all federal courts in the several States, with 
 powers as defined by the constitution and laws of Congress. 
 
 5. The people and inhabitants of all these States to be guaranteed, so far as 
 the Executive can, their political rights and franchises, as well as their rights 
 of person and property, as defined by the constitution of the United States 
 and of the States respectively. 
 
 6. The executive authority of the Government of the United States not to 
 disturb any of the people by reason of the late war, so long as they live in 
 peace and quiet and abstain from acts of armed hostility, and obey the laws 
 in existence at the place of their residence. 
 
 7. In general terms, the war to cease — a general amnesty, so far as the 
 Executive of the United States can command, on the condition of the disband- 
 ment of the Confederate armies, distribution of the arms, and the resumption 
 of peaceable pursuits by the officers and men hitherto composing said armies. 
 
 Not being duly empowered by our respective principals to fulfil these terms, 
 we individually and officially pledge ourselves to promptly obtain an answer 
 thereto, and to carry out the above programme. 
 
 W. T. Sherman, Major-General, 
 
 Commanding Army U. S. in N. C, 
 J. E. Johnston, General, 
 
 Commanding C. S. A. in N. C. 
 
 Sherman's vivid vision of restoring " peace to the banks of 
 the Rio Grande" did not take at Washington. The announce- 
 ment there of the nature and terms of his conference witii 
 Johnston was the signal for the outpouring of such censure 
 and denunciation as required all his military reputation to 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 225 
 
 withstand. In fact, Sherman had committed the unpardonable 
 offence of attempting to substitute for the idea of subjugation 
 that of a restored Union ; and it was easy enough' now to see 
 tliat the profession of the latter purpose had all along been 
 nothing more than the mask of the real designs of the Wash- 
 ington Government, which w^ould be content with nothing 
 short of the abolition of slavery in the South, the extinction of 
 the State governments, or their reduction to provisional estab- 
 lishments, and the programme of a general confiscation of 
 property. The President rejected Sherman's terms; the de- 
 partment disallowed them, and General Grant, although a 
 warm personal friend of Sherman, disapproved them. 
 
 It was fiercely argued by the Washington authorities that 
 the terms proposed by Sherman would bring the war to naught; 
 that if the State governments were re-established in the South, 
 they might re-enact slavery, and set up a power in defiance of 
 the General Government ; and that it was the madness of gen- 
 erosity to abolish the confiscation laws, and relieve " rebels" 
 from all pains and penalties for their crimes. 
 
 General Sherman replied to the censures uttered or instigated 
 at Washington, by including in the official report of his cam- 
 paign an elaborate justification of his course in entering upon 
 the convention with Johnston which was disavowed by the 
 Government. The substance of his defence Avas, that General 
 Johnston wished, in addition to the terms granted to General 
 Lee, some general concessions that would enable him to con- 
 trol his followers until they could be got. back to tlie neighbor- 
 hood of their homes, thereby saving North Carolina from the 
 devastation wliich would result from turning the men loose 
 and unprovided for, and by the pursuit of these scattered bodies 
 through the State. All of Sherman's generals were in favor 
 of his granting, as far as lay in his power, such concessions. 
 At the next meeting Sherman stated that Johnston satisfied 
 him that he had power to disband all the Confederate armies, 
 as well as those under his own immediate command. What 
 the Confederate commander especially dreaded was, that the 
 States would be dismembered and deprived of any political 
 existence, and that the absolute disarming of his men would 
 leave the South powerless and exposed to the depredations of 
 assassins and robbers. " In any case," concluded Sherman, 
 
 15 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 " the memorandum was a mere basis for reference to the Pres- 
 ident, to enable him, if he chose, at one blow to dissipate the 
 power of the Confederacy, which had threatened the national 
 safety for years. It admitted of modilication, alteration, and 
 change. It had no appearance of an ultimatum, and by no 
 false reasoning can it be construed into a usurpation of powers 
 on my part." 
 
 The dissatisfaction at Washington with Sherman's conduct 
 was so extreme, that Grant was ordered to proceed at once to 
 North Carolina, to take control of Sherman's" army, and to 
 force Johnston to an immediate and unconditional surrender. 
 In this instance, Grant again showed that magnanimity which 
 seems to have been largely developed in the hours of his 
 triumph, and in the last scenes of the war — at a time, indeed, 
 when the true character of the popular hero is most surely 
 tested. In the most fortunate period of the life of any living 
 man in America, Grant was not intoxicated by vanity or 
 conceit. He M-as incapable of an attempt upon the reputation 
 of a rival. He went to ISTorth Carolina, but he kept the opera- 
 tions in the hands of Sherman. He insisted upon giving him 
 the honor of concluding the final negotiations with Johnston, 
 and receiving his surrender. It was concluded on the same 
 terms as had been conceded to General Lee. 
 
 SURRENDEK OF TAYLOR'S ARMT. 
 
 On the 4th of May, General Dick Taylor surrendered to 
 General Canby all " the forces, munitions of war, etc., in the 
 Department of Alabama, Mississippi, and East Louisiana." 
 The negotiations for 'this surrender took place at Citronville, 
 Alabatna. The terms were essentially the same as those ac- 
 corded to Johnston: officers and men to be paroled until duly 
 exchanged or otherwise released by the United States ; officers 
 to give their individual paroles ; commanders of regiments and 
 companies to sign paroles for their men ; arms and munitions 
 to be given up to the United States ; officers and men to be 
 allowed to return to their homes, and not to be molested so 
 long as they kept their paroles, and obeyed the laws where 
 they reside, but persons resident in Northern States not to 
 
THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 227 
 
 return without permission ; officers to be allowed to retain their 
 side arms, private horses, and baggage; horses, the private 
 property of enlisted men, not to be taken from them, but they 
 to be allowed to retain them for private purposes only. This 
 surrender virtually involved that of the Confederate vessels 
 blockaded in the Tombigbee Eiver. 
 
 SURRENDER OF KIRBY SMITh's ARMY. 
 
 In the first days of May, 1865, all the Confederate forces 
 east of the Mississippi River had been surrendered. But west 
 of that stream, in Western Louisiana and Texas, there remained 
 a considerable force of Confederates, under command of 
 General E. Kirby Smith. There was yet a prospect that the 
 war might be continued there for some indefinite period. The 
 country was ill adapted for the advance of an invading array. 
 The fortune of the Confederate arms in the Trans-Mississippi 
 had been superior, in the average of successes, to that east of 
 the river ; because there our forces, not tied down to any par- 
 ticular cities or forts, or any particular line of defence — which 
 indeed had been the cardinal error in the general system of the 
 Confederate warfare — had fought as opportunity occurred, and 
 generall}^ on ground of their own selection. 
 
 When the news of Lee's surrender first reached Kirby Smith, 
 he issued, from his headquarters at Shreveport, a stirring gen- 
 eral order to his troops. He reminded them that they had the 
 means of long resisting invasion ; he declared that they had 
 hopes of succor from abroad ; he promised them that if they 
 protracted the struggle, they would surely receive the aid of 
 nations who already deeply sympathized with them. He 
 said : 
 
 "The great resources of the department, its vast extent, the 
 numbers, discipline, and the efficiency of the army, will secure 
 to our country terms that a proud people can with honor 
 accept, and may, under the providence of God, be the means 
 of checking the triumph of our enemy, and securing the final 
 success of our cause." 
 
 War meetings were held in difl'erent parts of Texas. At 
 Houston, General Magruder addressed the citizens ; he declared 
 
228 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 that lie was not at all discouraged by the position of affairs ; 
 and he ended by protesting that he had rather be a '< Camanche 
 Indian" than bow the knee to the Yankees. In Washington 
 County, the citizens submitted to the military authorities a pro- 
 position that every white male over the age of thirteen years 
 should be called into the army ; that every male slave should 
 be brought in with his master; and that every white female 
 should be provided with arms. Kesolutions and plans of this 
 sort were rife for some weeks in Texas. 
 
 But these were but spasmodic expressions of the public 
 mind in the first moments of disappointment and rage; they 
 lacked resolution and steadiness. When Kirby Smith published 
 his address at Shreveport, the extent of the disasters east of 
 the Mississippi Eiver was not fully known. When it was fully 
 known, a demoralization, which it was impossible to check, 
 quickly ensued in Smith's army, and involved most of the 
 people of Texas. His force was daily wasting away by deser- 
 tions, and it had received but few accessions from across the 
 Mississippi. On the 23d of May, he sent officers to General 
 Canby, at Baton Rouge, to negotiate terms of surrender. 
 These were agreed upon on the 26th of May, and were such as 
 had been conceded to the other Confederate forces.* 
 
 With this act there passed from the great stage of the war 
 the last armed Confederate. The last action of the war had 
 been a skirmish near Brazos, in Texas. Peace now reigned 
 from the Potomac to Rio Grande. 
 
 Contrary to the plausible expectations of those who supposed 
 that if the war went adverse to the South, it would drag out 
 its last terms in irregular fighting in mountain warfare, and 
 such desultory contests, complete and profound peace fell 
 
 * On the 1st of June, General Brown, commanding the Yankee forces, 
 occupied and garrisoned Brownsville. On the 2d of June, Generals Kirby 
 Smith and Magruder met, in the harbor of Galveston, General A. J. Smith, 
 representing IMajor-General Canby, and General Kirby Smith then and there 
 signed the terms of surrender previously agreed on at New Orleans. On the 
 5th of June, full and formal possession of Galveston was delivered up to the 
 Yankee forces, and the flag of the Union raised. On the 8th of June, Admiral 
 Thatcher went ashore, and was received by the Confederate naval and 
 military authorities, who requested a part of the United States naval force to 
 remain there i'or their protection. General Sheridan was subsequently 
 assigned to command in Texas, and the blockade of Galveston raised. 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 229 
 
 upon the Confederacy as the cahn after the hurricane. "Sur- 
 render" was the word, as the news of Lee's disaster travelled 
 from point to point, from camp to camp, in the Confederacy. 
 The quick succession of these surrenders — the suddenness and 
 completeness of the catastrophe — show plainly enough that 
 there was a widely spread rottenness in the affairs of the Con- 
 federacy, and that its cause went down in a general demoraliza- 
 tion of the arm"" and people. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX No. I. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEAS: THE KEYS TO THE HISTORY OF THE WAR. 
 
 Political Iconocltism in America.— The two idols of " the Constitution" and " the 
 Union." — Extravagant praises of the Constitution. — Its true value. — It contained a 
 noble principle and ghiring defects.— Character of tlie founders of tiie Constitution. 
 — Hamilton. — Franl^lin. — His cool^ery-book pliilosophy. — His absurdities in the 
 Convention.- — The call for the Convention that formed the Cotistitution. — Three 
 parties in the Convention. — The idea of a " national" governnient. — Conflict be- 
 tween the small and large States. ^The result of this, the distinguishing feature of 
 the Constitution. — That feature an accident, and not an a priori discovery. — Enu- 
 meration of defects in the Constitution. — Tlie weakness and ignorance of its fi-amers. 
 — Its one conspicuo\is virtue and original principle. — (Combination of State-rights 
 ■with a common autliority. — How involved in the construction of the Senate. — How 
 made more precise in the Amendments. — Particulars in which the element of iAs 
 States was recognized. — A new rule of construction applied to the American Union. 
 — The necessity wliich originated it. — The Constitution of the United States not a 
 political revolution. — Tlie creature of the States. — True interpretation of its moral 
 grandeur. — The bond of the Union a voluntary one. — No mission apart from the 
 States. — Why coercion of the States was not necessary. — How the Union stood 
 for an American nationality. — Its power to reach individuals.— T\\& Union, in 
 practice, rather a rough companionship than a national identity. — Eight of seces- 
 sion. — Not necessary to discuss it. — The development of the Union a North and 
 South, and not disintegrated States. — Profound invention of Calhoun of South Car- 
 olina. — How it was a Union measure, and not " NuUilication." 
 
 An effect of great civil commotions in the history of a peo- 
 ple is to liberate reason, and to give to intelligence the oppor- 
 tunity to assert itself against the traditions and political 
 idolatries of the past. Such a period is essentially one of 
 political iconoclasm — the breaking of idols which we find we 
 have heretofore unduly cherished, and with it the recovery 
 from the delusions of an unworthy and traditional worship. 
 When there is little in the present to interest men, and their 
 
234: THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 lives are passed in an established routine, it is natural for them 
 to exaggerate and to adorn the past. But when the present 
 has its own historical convulsion, it is then that men find new 
 standards with which to judge the past, and a period in which 
 rightly to estimate it, — destroying or dwarfing, it is true, much 
 that before claimed their admiration or enchained their wor- 
 ship ; but, on the other hand, ofttimes exalting what before 
 had had an obscure and degraded place in popular estimation. 
 It is in such periods that the native historian of his country 
 finds the justest time for determining the correct value of the 
 past, and distinguishing between what were its mere idols, and 
 what should have been its true aspirations. 
 
 It is thus, from the stand-point of the recent great war in 
 America, that one may justly contemplate the true value of 
 its past history, measure correctly its great men of a former 
 period, and master the delusions of an old political idolatry. 
 The world knoM's how before this war the people of North 
 America had, for nearly three-quarters of a century, wor- 
 shipped, as its two political idols, the Federal constitution and 
 the Union of States formed under it. Looking back at these 
 from the present period in American history, which has freed 
 us from the restraints of mere sentiment and tradition, he who 
 thus makes the calm and intelligent retrospect is astonished to 
 find what extravagance and delusion were in the minds of 
 these worshippers, and what acts of devotion were made to 
 what were ofttimes but gilded images of clay. 
 
 For two generations of men, the almost miraculous wisdom 
 of the Federal constitution of America has been preached and 
 exclaimed, until it was thought to be political blasphemy to 
 impugn it. Its praises were hymned by poets. The public 
 orator was listened to with impatience who had not some ex- 
 aggerated tribute to pay to the sacred virtues of what Daniel 
 "Webster called tlie consti-z!(?wj-tion, and the almost angelic 
 excellence of " the forefathers" who had framed it. It was 
 seriously asserted, that in this instrument had been combined 
 the political wisdom of all ages, and that it was the epitome 
 of the human science of government. The insolent heights to 
 which this extravagance arose were astounding. The world's 
 last hopes of good government were said to be contained in 
 these dozen pages of printed matter. 
 
APPENDIX. 235 
 
 Unhappily for such hopes, or for such boasts, we are now at 
 a period when we may estimate the right value of this won- 
 derful constitution, and take the severe judgment of history 
 upon it. We may now dare to state that judgment briefly: 
 it is, that never did a political instrument contain, from the 
 necessity of its circumstances, a nobler principle, or present 
 the folly and ignorance of men in more glaring defects, than did 
 the Federal constitution of the United States. 
 
 It is no longer required, by the political fashion of the times, 
 for an American to say, that the men who formed this consti- 
 tution were either intellectual giants or wonderful scholars. 
 Beyond a few names — such as Randolph and Patrick Henry, 
 " the forest-born Demosthenes," of Virginia, Pinckney and 
 Luther Martin, of Maryland, Hamilton, of New York, and 
 Franklin, of Pennsylvania — the Convention which formed this 
 instrument may be described as a company of very plain men, 
 but little instructed in political science, who, in their debates, 
 showed sometimes the crudities and chimeras of ignorant re- 
 form, and exhibited more frequently a loose ransacking of 
 histo-ry for precedents and lessons, such as rather might have 
 been expected in a club of college sophomores than in a council 
 of statesmen. 
 
 The two last names mentioned on the list of distinction in 
 the Convention — Hamilton and Franklin — may be taken as ex- 
 amples of the American exaggeration of their public men, 
 which, indeed, more peculiarly belonged to the people of the 
 Northern States — that division of the American people which 
 after-events have classified as Yankees. Hamilton, who had a 
 school of his own in the Convention, was readily exalted as an 
 idol by the party which he so early begot in the history of his 
 country. The man who was honored by pageants and proces- 
 sions in the streets of New York, at the close of the Conven- 
 tion, must be declared, by the just and unimpassioned historian, 
 to have been superficial as a statesman, and defective as a 
 scholar. He had, indeed, neither the intuition of genius, nor 
 the power of analysis. He was a man of little mind. But he 
 had studied a peculiar style in writing, which Washington was 
 weak enough to take for a model, and, it is said, sometimes 
 appropriated. Tiiere was no point or sharp edges in the stjde 
 either of Alexander Hamilton or George Washington. Both 
 
236 THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAR. 
 
 wrote and spoke in those long sentences in which comrnon- 
 phices are pompously dressed up, and in which the sense is so 
 overlaid with qualilications that it is almost impossible to 
 probe it. But Washington made no pretensions to literature 
 and scholarship, while Hamilton had no titles to fame other 
 than these. And in these it must be confessed that he had 
 scarcely any other merit than that of a smooth constructer of 
 words, a character which with the vulgar often passes for both 
 orator and statesman, '\}'\ d' y- '"! 'j-, ' ,',','-'',1 C '- 9^' ^'lA 
 
 Benjamin Franklin was thoroughly ia representative Yankee, 
 the first clear-cut type we recognize in history of that material- 
 ism, coarse selfishness, pelf, low cunning, and commercial 
 smartness, which passes with the contemporary Yankee as the 
 truest philosophy and highest aim of life. It is alike curious 
 and amusing to examine the grounds of estimation in the minds 
 of his countrymen, which ctmferred the high-sounding title of 
 philosopher on an old gentleman in blue stockings, who, in 
 France, was the butt of the Parisian wits, and who left a legacy 
 of wisdom to posterity in the " Maxim,s of Poor Richard^ 
 How many modern Yankees have been educated in the school 
 of the "Maxims'' of Franklin it would be difficult to over-esti- 
 mate. If a gross and materialistic value of things is to pass 
 as " philosophy ;" if the hard maxims of selfishness, and the 
 parings of penuriousness, such as "Poor Richard" dins to 
 American youth, do really contain the true lessons and mean- 
 ing of life, then we may declare, in the phrases of Yankee ad- 
 miration, that Benjamin Franklin was a philosopher and a sage, 
 who eclipsed all other lights in the world, and " whipped the 
 universe." But really, after all, may we not doubt the value of 
 this cookery-book philosophy of smart things ; think it doubt- 
 ful whether the mighty problem of how pence make pounds, 
 be the largest or best part of human wisdom ; and conclude 
 that Benjamin Franklin, though not the greatest celebrity 
 America has ever produced, was neither worse nor better 
 than a representative Yankee. 
 
 We are almost inclined to laugh at the part which this queer 
 figure acted in the Convention which formed the constitution 
 of the United States. No member had more clap-traps in the 
 way of political inventions. His ignorance of political science 
 and of popular motives was alike profound ; and we find him 
 
APPENDIX. 237 
 
 proposing to govern the country after a fashion scarcely less 
 beautiful and less practicable than the Republic of Plato and 
 the Arcadia of Sydney. He tliought that magistrates might 
 serve the public from patriarchal affection or for the honor 
 of titles. He quoted in the Convention a maxim that sounds 
 curiously enough to American ears : that "in all cases of public 
 service, the less profit, the greater honor." He was in favor 
 of the nonsense of a plural executive. He insisted in the Con- 
 vention on the practicability of "finding three or four men in 
 all the United States with public spirit enough to bear sitting 
 in peaceful council, for perhaps an ecpial term, merely to pre- 
 side over our civil concerns, and see that our laws were duly 
 executed." Such was the political sagacity of this person, 
 who, it must be confessed, made what reputation he had rather 
 in the handbooks of Yankee economj^ than in monuments of 
 statesmanship). 
 
 But we shall find a better key to the real value of the con- 
 stitution in a summary review of its debates, than in a portrait- 
 ure, however interesting, of the men who composed it. The 
 Convention of delegates assembled from tlie different States at 
 Philadelphia, on the second Monday in May, 1787, had met on 
 a blind errand. They had been called by Congress, "for the 
 sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confedera- 
 tion, and reporting to Congress and the several legislatures 
 such alterations and provisions therein, as shall, when agreed 
 to in Congress and confirmed by the States, render the Federal 
 constitution adequate to the exigencies of government and the 
 preservation of the Union." 
 
 This singularly confused language, in the call of the Conven- 
 tion, naturally gave rise to differences of opinion. One party 
 in the Convention — representing what was known as the New 
 Jersey proposition — took the ground that its power was limited 
 to a mere revision and amendment of tlie existino; Articles of 
 Confederation : that it was, therefore, necessary to take the 
 present federal system as the basis of action, to proceed upon 
 terms of the federal equality of the States ; in short, to remedy 
 the defects of the existing government, not to supplant it. 
 Hamilton and his party were for a new and violent system of 
 reform. They were said to favor the establismeut of a mon- 
 archy. The extent to which this was true is, that they were in 
 
238 THE LAST YEAIi OF THK WAK. 
 
 favor of the annihilation of the State governments and the perma- 
 nent tenure of public offices. A third party in the Convention 
 avoided both extremes, insisted upon a change of the federal 
 principle, and proposed a " national" government, in the sense 
 of a supreme power with respect to certain objects common 
 between the States, and committed to it, and which would 
 have some kind of direct compulsory action upon individuals. 
 The word " national" was used only in this limited sense. The 
 great defect of the existing Confederation was, that it had no 
 power to reach individuals, and thus enforce its decrees. The 
 proposed Union, or " national" government, was to be a league 
 of States, but with power to reach individuals ; and yet these 
 only in certain severely defined respects, arid through powers 
 expressly delegated by the States. In the nature of things, this 
 power could not act upon the States collectively; that is, not 
 in the usual and peaceful mode in which governments are con- 
 ducted. All that was claimed for it, and all that could be 
 claimed for it, was to reach individuals in those specifications 
 of authority that the States should make to it. 
 
 The plan of this party was no sooner developed in the Con- 
 vention than it met the furious opposition of the smaller 
 States. It was declared by Lul^her Martin, that those who 
 advocated it " wished to establish such a system as could give 
 their own States undue power and influence in the government 
 over the other States." Both Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, and 
 Mr. Pinckney, of Maryland, who had brought before the 
 Convention drafts of the plan referred to, agreed that the 
 members of the Senate should be elected by the House of 
 Representatives ; thus, in effect, giving to the larger States 
 power to construct the Senate as they chose. Mr. Randolph 
 had given additional offence to the smaller States. He pro- 
 posed that, instead of an equal vote by States, " the right of 
 suffrage in the National Legislature ought to be proportioned 
 to the quotas of contribution, or to the number of free inhabit- 
 ants." 
 
 There was thus excited in the Convention a jealousy between 
 the larger and smaller States; the former insisting upon a 
 preponderating influence in both houses of the ISTational 
 Legislature, and the latter insisting on an equality of repre- 
 sentation in each house. This jealous controversy is tracked 
 
APPENDIX. 239 
 
 through the debates of the Convention. It proceeded to a 
 decree of warmth and anirer in which the Convention was on. 
 the point of dissolution. When the vote was taken, five States 
 were for an ecpialitj of representation and five against it. At 
 this critical period, a conference committee was appointed. It 
 resulted in a compromise ; tlie opponents of an unequal repre- 
 sentation agreeing to yield their objections to it in the lower 
 House, provided its advocates would pledge themselves to 
 support an equal representation in the Senate : and on this 
 basis of agreement was reared the constitution of the United 
 States of America. 
 
 The reader must observe here, that the great distinguishing 
 feature of this constitution, the peculiar virtue of the American 
 system — namely, the mixed representation of the people and 
 the States — was purely the result of a jealousy between the 
 larger and the smaller States, the fruit of an accident. It 
 contained the true virtue of a political instrument, which, as 
 we shall see, was otherwise full of faults and glaring with 
 defects. It was that in which it was original. But it was 
 not an a priori discovery. It was not the i-esult of the wisdom 
 of our ancestors. History abounds in instances where acci- 
 dental or empirical settlements have afterwards been discovered 
 to contain great elements of wisdom and virtue ; and it has 
 been natural and pleasing for succeeding generations to ac- 
 count these ratlier as tlie result of human reason and prescience, 
 than as the product of blind circumstances. But we are forced 
 to confess, tliat in that great political novelty of the American 
 system — in which the world was to see, for the first time 
 combined and harmonized, the principle of geographical 
 sovereignties with that of a confederate unity, which, for 
 certain purposes, was to stand for national identity — the 
 " wisdom" of our forefathers had no part, but acted uncon- 
 sciously under the pressure of circumstances, or the direction 
 of divine Providence. 
 
 This statement is not pleasant to American vanity. But 
 it is due to the truth of history. It is highly probable that 
 the framers of the constitution did not fully comprehend the 
 importance of the principles of the combination of State 
 sovereignty with that of the simple republic on which they 
 had stumbled. If they had, it might be supposed that they 
 
24:0 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 would liave defined with a mncli severer accuracy the political 
 relations of the States and the General Government ; for it 
 lias been for the want of such accuracy that room lias been 
 found, at least for disputation, and the creation of two po- 
 litical parties, which have run through the whole of American 
 history. 
 
 And here it is we must turn from the consideration of that 
 principle in the constitution whicli was its distinctive feature 
 and its saving virtue, to view briefly the enormous defects and 
 omissions of an instrument that has shared so much of the 
 undue admiration of mankind. 
 
 It is impossible to resist the thought, that the frainers of the 
 constitution were so much occupied with the controversy of 
 jealousy between the large and the small States that they over- 
 looked many great and obvious questions of government, 
 which have since been fearfully developed in the political 
 history of America. Beyond the results and compromises of 
 that jealousy, the debates and the work of the Convention show 
 one of the most wonderful blanks that has, perhaps, ever 
 occuri-ed in the political inventions of civilized mankind. 
 They left behind them a list of imperfections in political pre- 
 Bcience, a want of provision for the exigencies of their country, 
 such as has seldom been known in the history of mankind. 
 
 A system of negro servitude existed in some of the States. 
 It was an object of no solicitude in the Convention, The only 
 references in the constitution to it are to be found in a provision 
 in relation to the rendition of fugitives " held to service or 
 labor," and in a mixed and empirical rule of popular represen- 
 tation. However these provisions may imply the true status 
 of slavery, how much is it to be regretted that the Convention 
 did not make (what might have been made so easily) an ex- 
 plicit declaration on the subject, that would have put it beyond 
 the possibility of dispute, and removed it from even the 
 plausibilities of party controversy ! 
 
 For many years the veiy obvious question of the power of 
 the General Government to make " internal improvements" 
 has agitated the councils of America ; and yet there is no text 
 in the constitution to regulate a matter which should have 
 stared its authors in the face, but what maybe derived, by 
 
APPENDIX. 241 
 
 the most forced and distant construction, from the powers of 
 Congress " to regulate commerce," and to " declare war," and 
 " raise and support armies." 
 
 For a longer period, and with a fierceness once almost fatal 
 to the Union, has figured in the politics of America, " the 
 tariff question," a contest between a party for revenue and a 
 party for protective prohibitions. Both parties have fought 
 over that vague platitude of the constitution, the power of 
 Congress " to regulate commerce ;" and in the want of a more 
 distinct language on a subject of such vast concern, there has 
 been engendered a controversy which has progressed from the 
 threshold of the history of the Union up to the period of its 
 dissolution. 
 
 With the territorial possessions of America, even at the date 
 of the Convention, and with all that the future promised in the 
 expansion of a system that yet scarcely occupied more than 
 the water-slopes of a continent, it might be supposed that the 
 men who formed the constitution would have prepared a full 
 and explicit article for the government of the territories. 
 That vast and intricate subject — the power of the General 
 Government over the territories, the true nature of these 
 establishments, the status and political privileges of their 
 inhabitants — is absolutely dismissed with this bald provision 
 in the constitution of the United States : 
 
 " New States may be admitted by Congress into tMs Union." — Art. iv., 
 Sec. 3. 
 
 But however flagrant these omissions of the constitution, 
 and however through them sprung up much that was serious 
 and deplorable in party controversy, we must lose neither 
 sight nor appreciation of the one conspicuous and character- 
 istic virtue of this instrument. That was the combination of 
 State rights with an authority which should administer the 
 common concerns of the States. This principle was involved 
 in the construction of the Senate. It was again more fully 
 and perfectly developed in the amendments of the constitu- 
 tion ; these amendments having a peculiarity and significance 
 as parts of the instrument, since they were, in a certain sense, 
 
 16 
 
242 THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 
 
 conditions precedent made by the States to their ratification of 
 it. They provide : 
 
 " The enumeration in the constitution, of certain rights, shall not be con- 
 Btrued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 
 
 " Tlie jwwers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor 
 prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the 
 people." * 
 
 It may be said, that whereas the element of the States was 
 recognized in the construction of the Senate, that element was 
 precisely adjusted and admeasured in the amendments which 
 we have just quoted. In the debates in the legislatures of the 
 difierent States on the ratification of the constitution, it was 
 never doubted that their original existence was already rec- 
 ognized in it ; not only in the text of the instrument, but in 
 the composition hy States of the convention that framed it, 
 and in the ratification hy States which was necessary to pro- 
 mulgate it, and give it force and existence. The design of the 
 amendments referred to, was simply to adjust in more precise 
 language a vital and important element in the new system, 
 and to declare formally what sense the States had of it, and 
 with what understanding they approved it. 
 
 * These amendments, •which were the fruit of the legislative wisdom of the 
 States, not of that of the Convention, and were designed to give a full devel- 
 opment and a proper accuracy to vrhat was certainly ill-performed work in it, 
 will be found embodied in the official declarations of at least six of the States, 
 coupled with their ratification of the constitution. 
 
 Massachusetts. — " That it be explicitly declared, that all powers not ex- 
 pressly delegated by the aforesaid constitution, are reserved to the several 
 States, to be by them exercised." 
 
 New Hampshire.— " That it be explicitly declared, that all powers not ex- 
 pressly and particularly delegated by the aforesaid constitution, are reserved 
 to the several States, to be by them exercised." 
 
 South Carolina. — " Tliis convention doth also declare, that no section or 
 paragraph of the said constitution warrants a construction that the States do 
 not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them, and vested in the 
 General Government of the Union." 
 
 Virginia. — " We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, etc., do, in the 
 name and in behalf of the people of Virginia, declare and make known that 
 the powers granted under the constitution, being derived from the people of 
 the Unite_d States, may be resumed by them, whensoever the same shall be 
 perverted to their injury or oppression, and that every power not granted there- 
 by remains with them, and at their will ; that, therefore, no right, of any de- 
 '• nomination, can be cancelled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by the Con- 
 
APPENDIX. 243 
 
 But even if these official texts are — as a party in America 
 has long contended — insnfficient to establish the political 
 element of the States, and to measure it as the depository of 
 sovereignty by the rule of reserved' rights, we are left a rule 
 of construction as to the true nature of the Atnerican Union, 
 which is completely out of the reach of any ingenious torture 
 of language, and far above any art of quibble on words.* 
 
 gress, by the Senate, or House of Representatives, acting in any capacity, by 
 the President, or any department or oflBcer of the United States, except in 
 those instances in which power is given by the constitution for those purposes ; 
 and that, among otlier essential rights, the liberty of conscience, and of the 
 press, cannot be cancelled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by any authority 
 of the United States." 
 
 New York. — " That the powers of government may be resumed by the 
 people whensoever it ghall become necessary to their happiness ; that every 
 power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by the said constitution clearly 
 delegated to the Congress of the United States, or the departments of the Gov- 
 ernment thereof, remains to the people of the several States, or to their respec- 
 tive State governments, to whom they may have granted the same ; and that 
 those clauses in the said constitution, which declare that Congress shall not 
 have or exercise certain powers, do not imply that Congress is entitled to any 
 powers not given by the said constitution ; but such clauses are to be con- 
 strued either as exceptions to certain specified powers, or as inserted merely 
 for greater caution." 
 
 RnoDE Island. — " That those clauses in the constitution which declare that 
 Congress shall not have or exercise certain powers, do not imply that Congress 
 is entitled to any powers not given by the said constitution ; but such clauses 
 are to be construed as exceptions to certain specified powers, or as inserted 
 merely for greater caution." 
 
 * It is curious to notice to what lengths of verbal torture that party in 
 America that denied the sovereignty of the States, and represented the Union 
 as a popular consolidated government, have gone. 
 
 Thus it has been fashionable to quote in the school of consolidation a decla- 
 ration in the letter of George Washington, president of the Convention, sub- 
 mitting the constitution to the States for their ratification, in which he says : 
 
 " It is obviously impracticable in the Federal Government of these States 
 to secure all the rights of independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide 
 for the interest and safety of all." — Eliot's Debates, Vol. I., p. 17. 
 
 Yet the word " all," which we have capitalized for emphasis, and which a 
 hasty reader might lose in the context, is directly opposed to the theory of 
 consolidation, and directly implies the residuum of sovereignty in the States. 
 
 Again, the word " United States" has been used as a popular argument for 
 a consolidated government. Yet we find in the history of America that the 
 same words designated all the former associations of the colonies and of the 
 States ; that the first assembly of delegates to take into consideration the 
 grievances that led to the revolt from the British crown were known as the 
 
244 THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. ^ 
 
 f 
 
 That rule is found in the historical circumstances and exigen- 
 cies in which the constitution of the United States was formed. 
 It is decisive. For surely there is no juster measure of a grant 
 of political powers than the necessity which originated it, if 
 that necessity be at once intelligible and precise. 
 
 Such was the necessity which originated the constitution of 
 the United States. It was a necessity for purely economical 
 purposes. It could not have been intended as a revolution in 
 the sense of a proclamation of new civil polity ; for the civil 
 institutions of the States, as derived from the common law of 
 England, were already perfect and satisfactory, and have 
 remained without material change for nearly a century. The 
 constitution of the United States was thus not a political revo- 
 lution. It was a convenience of the States, growing out of 
 their wants of a system by which they might have a common 
 agent and a uniform code on concerns common between them- 
 selves. Is it too much to conclude, therefore, that the new 
 Union had no mission apart from the States ; that it was the 
 government of the States ; that, in short, it could not have 
 been intended to destroy the very bodies which invoked it as 
 a benefactor to each as well as to all ? 
 
 It is in this sense that the moral grandeur of the American 
 Union is interpreted ; in this sense that its great political 
 virtue was contained. There was put before the eye of man- 
 
 Congress of delegates of the United States ; that the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence emanated from " the representatives of the United States of America," 
 and that the style of the subsequent confederation was declared in its first 
 article to be, " The United States of America." So, if the words " United 
 States" are at all to be considered, their natural force and their precedent 
 use are alike in direct opposition to the dogma of consolidation. 
 
 Of a similar style of puerile argument for this dogma is this : Whereas, tho 
 preamble of the constitution recites, " We, the people of the United States," 
 the people are, therefore, represented as one corporation. Daniel Webster, who 
 was always ready to catch at sophomorial crudities, actually descended to an 
 argument so absurd. The explanation of this phraseology is simple to the 
 last degree. Tho names of the contracting States were first inserted in the 
 preamble of the constitution. They were suppressed because it was still im- 
 certain what States would adopt it ; and as it was impossible to know which 
 might be the first nine States of the Union — that number being necessary to 
 establish the constitution as between themselves — it was agreed to use the 
 corporate style we have quoted in the preamble, that it might include those 
 cmly who adheied to it. 
 
APPENDIX. 245 
 
 kind, not a consolidated nationality ; not a simple republic, 
 with an anomalous and indefinable appendage of " States," 
 which were not provinces, or cantons, or territories, and yet 
 subordinate ; not some undefined and misshapen political 
 mongrel ; but a spectacle such as it had never seen — an asso- 
 ciation of coequal and sovereign States, with a common 
 authority, the subjects of which were yet sufficient enough to 
 give it the efi'ect of an American and national identity ; " a 
 republic of republics ;" a government which derived its entire 
 life from the good-will, the mutual interests, and the uncon- 
 strained devotion of the States which at once originated and 
 composed it. 
 
 It may be said that the admission of the sovereignty of the 
 States breaks at once the bond of their association. Yet, this 
 can be said only in a low and narrow sense. The wants and 
 hopes of men operate with the same effect in political bodies 
 as in the social community. Men will scarcely withdraw from 
 a society in which they are alike happy and fortunate. Nor 
 was it to be supposed that any of the American States would 
 be so mad as to withdraw from a Union through which they 
 were to be profited and to ascend, as long as it fulfilled its de- 
 signs of affording them protection against foreign powers, 
 commercial interchanges, justice and welcome among them- 
 selves, the charms and benefits of social intercourse ; or that 
 after these, its essential designs might have, within the exigen- 
 cies of history or the possibilities of human depravity, ceased 
 to be fulfilled, any State could be held in it without violating 
 quite as well the spirit of republican institutions, and the obli- 
 gations of public morals, as the written text of a compact. 
 
 Such undoubtedly were the designs and the law of the 
 American Union. It was a compact which covered only the 
 interests which it specified ; yet quite large enough to stand 
 as ah American nationality for all practical purposes. It had 
 no d)^nastic element ; it had no mission separate from the 
 States; it had no independent authority over individuals^ 
 except within the scope of the powers delegated to it by the 
 States. The States retained the power to control their own 
 soil, their own domestic institutions, and their own morals. 
 In respect to the powers which they prohibited to the General 
 Government, they retained, of necessity^ the right of exclusive 
 
246 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 judgment. That Government was not a mere league; it did 
 have the power to reach individuals within the scope of powers 
 delegated by the States ; and as to these powers, its own courts 
 — the Federal judiciary — were made the exclusive judge. In 
 this sense — only in this sense — ^it had the qualities of a gov- 
 ernment ; but a government founded, exclusively on the good 
 of the States, resting in their consent, and to which the law of 
 force was as foreign in respect of its maintenance, as it had 
 been in respect of its ordination. 
 
 The Union was beautiful in theory. It might have been 
 beautiful in practice. If it did prove in the history of America 
 rather a rough companionship, scarcely ever a national iden- 
 tity in the common concerns intrusted to it, such was not the 
 result of inherent defects, but of that party abuse and usurpa- 
 tion, in which have been wrecked so many of the political 
 fabrics of mankind. 
 
 The right of secession, whether involved or not by the prin- 
 ciple of State sovereignty, was not necessarily the weak point 
 of the Union. We shall see hereafter that the development 
 of this Union was two hostile sections — a political J^orth and 
 a political South — and not disintegration of States ; that the 
 Union was sacrificed, not to the dogma of secession, but to the 
 overruling event of a sectional rupture. In view of, and in 
 connection with, these events, it will be wholly unnecessary to 
 discuss " the right of secession." 
 
 Forty years after the ordination of the constitution of the 
 United States, we shall see how there sprung up the profound 
 invention of the greatest political scholar of America — John 
 C. Calhoun, of South Carolina — to avoid this very issue of 
 secession ; how it was designed to erect over the Union a 
 council of States, and to submit it to their august guardian- 
 ship ; how it represented the true and sublime theory of the 
 association of the States ; and how, avoiding the issue of seces- 
 sion, it proposed a measure that would have perpetuated the 
 Union, carried the constitution of the United States to the 
 liighest point of development, perfected the American system, 
 introduced into it the principle of adaptability to all circum- 
 stances, and given it that elasticity which is the first virtue of 
 wise governments, and the best element of their endurance. 
 We shall see how this scheme of the South Carolina statesmen 
 
APPENDIX. 247 
 
 — emphatically a Union tneasure — was rejected by the 
 
 Northern States under a shallow clamor and the coarsest and 
 
 most ignorant of all party libels in America — " Nullification ;" 
 
 and how this rejection left no other resource to dissatisfied 
 
 States than what Mr. Calhoun of all men most deplored, and 
 
 most sought to avoid — disunion. These assertions may already 
 
 sound strange to those who have got their political history of 
 
 America from Northern sources. But we must not anticipate 
 
 too much here what is undoubtedly the most interesting period 
 
 in American history, between the dates of Union and Disunion 
 
 — the era of Calhoun. 
 ******** 
 
248 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAS. 
 
 II. 
 
 What the American colonies contended for. — Burke's idea. — The first American Con- 
 gress. — Its demands. — How the question of independence was developed. — Vir- 
 ginia the first to move for independence. — The Declaration of Independence. — The 
 Articles of Confederation. — Diverse character and circumstances of the colonies. — 
 The gentry of Virginia and the Carolinas.^ — Early type of the Yankee. — Difference 
 of races. — Its value in historical inquiries. — Commercial spirit of New England 
 in the revolution. — The nature and the value of " the Confederation." — John Ad- 
 ams' idea. — " Perpetual Union." — The Confederation a makeshift of the war. — 
 " State-rights" in the treaty of 1783. — How the revolution succeeded. — Its illustra- 
 tion of the value of endurance. — Liberty invariably the fruit of rebellion. — The 
 two conditions of all history. 
 
 In their dissatisfaction with the British government, the 
 American colonies did not at first propose the experiment of 
 independence. They only claimed equality with Englishmen 
 at home in respect of rights ; contending that the ancient and 
 existing charters of Englishmen — the guaranties of Magna 
 Charta, and the later muniments acquired under the Stuarts 
 — were theirs by birthright ; and resenting the idea that they 
 were an inferior class of British subjects, to be governed as 
 Charles I. proposed, and as even that luminary of the law — 
 Blackstone — with curious obtuseness justified, as the denizens 
 of a conquered country. 
 
 No man in England better understood the temper of the 
 colonists, or better divined the future as containing the ques- 
 tion of peace and war between Great Britain and America, 
 than did Edmund Burke. This illustrious man, who was not 
 only a superb artist of words, but an orator in action, defended 
 the cause of the colonies with a happiness of expression, and a 
 measure of zeal, that have since confirmed to the world his repu- 
 tation as the most acute and eloquent of English statesmen. 
 " Freedom," said he, "and not servitude, is the cure of an- 
 archy." He declared in the House of Commons a plan of 
 pacification alike simple, generous, and eflfective. " My idea," 
 he said, " without considering whether we yield as matter of 
 right, or grant as matter of favor, is, to admit the people of 
 our colonies into an interest in our constitution." 
 
APPENDIX. 249 
 
 The pacific counsels did not prevail. The " day-star of the 
 English constitution," as Burke termed it — alba stella — was 
 not decreed to arise over the troubled waters and shed its influ- 
 ence of peace. The colonists were left to contest as best they 
 might their claim of equality with other subjects of the Brit- 
 ish crown. 
 
 They did nothing more than this on the very threshold of 
 the revolution. In 1774, the first American Congress of dele- 
 gates met at Philadelphia. On the 14th of October it made 
 a declaration and adopted resolutions relative to the rights and 
 grievances of the colonies. It was unanimously resolved, " that 
 the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of Eng- 
 land, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege 
 of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the 
 course of that law ;" " that they were entitled to the benefit 
 of such statutes as existed at the time of their colonization, 
 and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be 
 applicable to their several and local circumstances ;" and that 
 their ancestors, at the time of their immigration, were " entitled 
 to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural- 
 born subjects within the realms of England." 
 
 But with actual hostilities came the full development of the 
 question, the opportunity to compromise which had been lost. 
 It was the assertion of independence. Such was the reply of 
 the colonies, provoked by the insolence of power that had too 
 long disdained all means of peace, but what it supposed the 
 easy compulsion of three millions of people by the arms of an 
 empire, upon which it was boasted the sun never set. 
 
 To Virginia belongs the honor of the first motion for inde- 
 pendence. In Congress, on the 7th of June, 1776, the dele- 
 gates from Virginia moved, in obedience to instructions from 
 their constituents, that the Congress should declare that " these 
 United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and inde- 
 pendent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to 
 the British crown ; that all political connection between them 
 and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis- 
 solved ; and that measures should be immediately taken for 
 procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a confederation 
 formed to bind the colonies more closely together." 
 
 The proposition aroused a deep anxiety, and was received 
 
250 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 ■with no little opposition. Other colonies had not kept pace 
 with the spirit of Virginia. The middle colonies — Maryland, 
 Delaware, Pennsylvania, the Jerseys, and New York — were not 
 ripe for the dissolution of the British connection. Their dele- 
 gates declared that it would be improper for Congress to take 
 such a capital step until the voice of the people drove them into it. 
 
 The final decision was postponed to the 1st of July. It was 
 taken on the original motion made by tlie delegates of Yir- 
 ginia; but the ultimate question was postponed for a day, in 
 order to obtain unanimity ; and on the second of July twelve 
 colonies gave their voice for it, — New York withdrawing from 
 the question for instructions, but subsequently adhering to the 
 others through the decision of her convention. But the hesi- 
 tation of Congress was not yet entirely over. The motion of 
 Virginia has been triumphantly carried ; but it remained to 
 pass upon the text of the "declaration" of independence. 
 " The pusillanimous idea," said Thomas Jefferson, the author 
 of this famous paper, "that we had friends in England worth 
 keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many." But 
 the declaration was at last and substantially agreed to on the 
 evening of the fourth of July, and subscribed by the auto- 
 graplis of the members present ; and thus from this paper, 
 which introduced as it were the august ceremony of personal 
 pledges, rather than from the official act of Congress on the 
 motion of Virginia, concluded on the second of July, dates the 
 natal day of American Independence. 
 
 The natural companion of the act of independence — " the 
 Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of 
 America" — was the confederation of the States, to enable them 
 to conduct the war with a common and efi'ective purpose. It 
 had been proposed on the motion of Virginia. Eight days 
 after the declaration of independence, articles of confederation 
 were reported. It was an obvious necessity of the war. The 
 average population of the colonies was less than two hundred 
 and thirty thousand inhabitants ; and it would have been 
 absurd for any one of them to attempt to measure arms singly 
 with the British power, and for each to conduct the war on its 
 own responsibility. 
 
 It was fortunate indeed that a common military necessity 
 had supplied what scarcely any thing else could have sup- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 251 
 
 plied — a political bond between colonies suddenly erected into 
 sovereign States. There had been no similarity of natural cir- 
 cumstances to unite the colonies. They had been planted at 
 different times, from 1606 to 1732, and by different stocks of 
 population. Differences of government, the sharpest antago- 
 nism of religious faith, the natural difficulties of intercourse, and 
 the obstructions of trade between them, as the effect of the 
 navigation laws, which hindered the development of their 
 marine, had not only separated the colonies, but drawn 
 through them lines of exasperated division. 
 
 The New England colonies were settled by a people very 
 different from those who laid the foundations of empire in 
 Virginia and the Carolinas. In those latter countries the 
 notions of chivalry were early planted by the Cavaliers ; and 
 in Virginia especially, the British gentry founded many 
 families whose names have become illustrious in American 
 history.* With such a stock of ancestors in the South the 
 
 * Dr. Randall, in his Life of Jefferson (Vol. I., pp. 3, 4, and 5), has drawn a 
 strong and graphic picture of the early lowland aristocracy of Virginia, which 
 we reproduce here for its historical interest, especially with reference to its 
 contrast to the Puritan stock of population in America : 
 
 " In the early settlement of Virginia, the inhabitants found the river-bot- 
 toms of the tide-water region more fertile than the intervening sandy ridges ; 
 and the rivers themselves for a long period furnished the only convenient 
 means for transporting heavy products to or from the seaboard. The popula- 
 tion, therefore, clung to their banks, each new wave of foreign emigration, or 
 younger and spreading generation of the inhabitants, advancing higher towards 
 their sources. Lands were obtained on easy conditions from the government 
 and otherwise ; and provident individuals secured vast estates. This was par- 
 ticularly the case on James River, where the most enterprising and wealthy 
 of the earlier emigrants established themselves. Some of these, men of par- 
 ticular mark and energy, acquired possessions vying in extent with those of 
 the proudest nobles of their native land. These were perpetuated in their 
 families by entails, the laws regulating which were ultimately rendered more 
 stringent in Virginia than in England itself As their lands rose gradually 
 in value, the great lowland proprietors began to vie with English nobles in 
 wealth as well as in territory. Many of them lived in baronial splendor. 
 Their abodes, it is true, were comparatively mean, as the country did not yet 
 furnish permanent building materials, except at vast cost, nor did it furnish 
 architects to make use of them ; but their tables were loaded with plate and 
 with the luxuries of the old and new world ; numerous slaves, and wliite per- 
 sons whose times they owned for a term of years, served them in every 
 capacity which use, luxury, or ostentation could dictate ; and when they trav. 
 elled in state, their cumbrous and richly appointed coaches were dragged by 
 
252 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 Roundhead regicide of the New England settlements had but 
 little sympathy, and few points of agreement. The religion of 
 the Puritan settler ; his fierce and relentless persecution, even 
 to the extremity of death, of those who dissented from dissent ; 
 his hypocritical and canting selfishness, with which he robbed 
 the Indians of their lands for " the Lord's people," and sold 
 some of them into West Indian slavery ; his pious formulas of 
 selfish aggrandizement, were a detestable barrier between hiai 
 and the Episcopalian of Virginia and the Carolinas ; and a 
 diversity prominent in religion naturally ran through the 
 manners, morals, and politics of the two early stocks of popu- 
 lation in America. 
 
 six horses, driven by three postillions. But usually the mistress of the house- 
 hold, with her children and maids, appropriated this vehicle. The Virginia 
 gentleman of that day, with much of the feeling of earher feudal times, when 
 the spur was the badge of knighthood, esteemed the saddle the most manly, 
 if not the only manly way of making use of the noblest of brutes. He accord- 
 ingly performed all his ordinary journeys on horseback. When he went 
 forth with his whole household, the cavalcade consisted of the mounted white 
 males of his family, the coach-and-six lumbering through the sands, and a ret- 
 inue of mounted body-servants, grooms with spare led horses, etc., in the rear. 
 " In their general tone of character, the lowland aristocracy of Virginia 
 resembled the cultivated landed gentry of the mother country. Numbers of 
 them were highly educated and accomplished by foreign study and travel ; 
 and nearly all, or certainly much the largest portion, obtained an excellent 
 education at William and Mary College, after its establishment, or respectable 
 acquirements in the classical schools kept in nearly every parish by the 
 learned clergy of the established Church. As a class, they were intelligent, 
 polished in manner, high-toned, and hospitable --and sturdy in their loyalty 
 and in their adherence to the national Church. Their winters were often 
 spent in the gayeties and festivities of the provincial capital ; their summers, 
 when not connected with the public service, principally in supervising their 
 iminense estates, in visiting each other, and in such amusements as country 
 life afforded. Among the latter the chase held a prominent place. Born 
 almost to the saddle and to the use of firearms, they were keen hunters ; and 
 when the cliase was over they sat round groaning boards, and drank con- 
 fusion to Spaniard and Frenchman abroad, and to Roundhead and Prelatist 
 at home. When the lurking and predatory Indian became the object of pur- 
 suit, no strength of the red-man could withstand, no speed of his elude this 
 fiery and gallantly mounted cavalry. The social gulf which separated this 
 from the common class of colonists became about as deep and wide, and as 
 difficult to overleap in marriage a.nd other social arrangements, as that which 
 divided the gentry and peasantry of England. Such were the Carters, the 
 Carys, the Burwells, the Byrds, the Fairfaxes, the Harrisons, the Lees, the 
 Randolphs, and many other timilies of early Virginia." 
 
APPENDIX. 253 
 
 It is certainly not a mere speculation which has thought 
 to discover in the history of the New England settlements 
 some of the elements of the character of the modern Yankee. 
 We must, however, take care not to push the speculation too 
 far. It has been often an over-refinement in the treatment of 
 history to trace up the character of nations to difierences in 
 race and blood ; forgetting how much of that character is due 
 to those developments of events and interests which have 
 taken place between the first beginnings of a people and the 
 period of histoi-ical retrospect. We are not disposed to risk 
 the analysis of the modern Yankee character on those elements 
 of race and blood which were involved in the early settlement 
 of America. We shall see, in the progress of this inquiry, how 
 much of this character was due to subsequent development and 
 education in the crooked paths of their political history, and 
 what a large and various addition of meanness was thus made 
 to the nature and habit of the original New England colonist. 
 
 But in that early type of the colonist we certainly do dis- 
 cover some traits, more or less imperfect, of the Yankee of a 
 later period. We would only warn the reader from expecting 
 to discover too much here, reminding him that the character 
 of a people, although undoubtedly deriving some elements from 
 its ancestry, takes, as does the individual life, additions and 
 modifications from the school of events and influences ; that, 
 in short, the geometrical accuracy of ethnology is an imperfect 
 and sophistical guide to the truth of history. 
 
 Modern events have most largely produced the Yankee of 
 our day. Yet in the sniifling Puritan, with hi^ stock of pious 
 excuses for every ferocious scheme of selfishness, and in the 
 Massachusetts " trader," with his early code of commercial 
 politics, which, in fact, he carried into the revolution of 1776, 
 we find no slight likeness to the present generation of their 
 Northern descendants. It is not overstating the case to say, 
 that the New England colonies went into the revolution rather 
 resenting the restraints upon their commerce than animated by 
 the pure love of liberty. Their commercial casuistry had long 
 defied the laws and authority of the mother country. Sir 
 William Berkeley, the Governor of Virginia, when remon- 
 strating, in 1671, against the Navigation Act cutting ofi" all 
 trade with foreign countries, made it the subject of particular 
 
254: THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAK. 
 
 complaint that, while the Virginians were " most obedient to 
 all laws, the New England men break through, and men trade 
 to any place that their interest leads them." He had already 
 discovered two different rules of public morals in the begin- 
 nings of American history. 
 
 It is no wonder that the confederation, despite the plain 
 military necessity which demanded it, was an achievement of 
 no little difficulty, and a bond of very partial and imperfect 
 effect. It was debated for nearly five years. It was not con- 
 summated until the 1st of March, 1781. It lasted nominally 
 about eight years, but, practically, not more than two. It 
 was distinctly founded on the sovereignty of the States ; was 
 ratified by the State legislatures, and gave Congress the power 
 of determining questions only by the vote of the States. True, 
 it was something more than a military alliance. It was in- 
 tended to unite the resources of the States, and to establish a 
 foundation for public credit for the purposes of the war. It 
 was intended for nothing more. In the circular letter of Con- 
 gress, urging the reluctant States to accede to the confedera- 
 tion, they were urged " to conckide the glorious compact, which, 
 by uniting the wealth, strength, and councils of the whole, might 
 bid defiance to external violence and internal dissensions, whilst 
 it secured the public credit at home and abroad." 
 
 The compact had been ostentatiously styled in its title a 
 " perpetual Union," and Mr. John Adams, of Massachusetts, 
 had really desired to incorporate into it the features of a con- 
 solidated government. These, however, were the fancies of 
 ignorance, and the dreams of extravagance. The confedera- 
 tion, indeed, even as an association to give a common direction 
 to, and, create a common fund for, the war, was very imperfect 
 and lamentably loose. It had no power to reach individuals^ 
 and to enforce the common will of the States. It could only 
 apportion the quota to be paid by each State, but had no way 
 of compelling the payment. It could make commercial treaties 
 with foreign States, but, unless the legislatures of the States 
 chose to adopt such commercial regulations in their ports as 
 might be necessary, the treaties might be utterly inoperative. 
 Such au anomaly, such a weak pretence of a common govern- 
 ment, could scarcely be expected to last beyond the war, of 
 which it was the makeshift. At the peace, it naturally went 
 
APPENDIX. 255 ^ 
 
 to pieces. " Each State," says Madison, " yielding to the voice 
 of immediate interest or convenience, withdrew its support 
 from the confederation, till the frail and tottering edifice was 
 ready to fall npon our heads and crush us beneath its ruins." 
 The " perpetual Union" was practically terminated by the 
 uninterrupted free will of the States which composed it. 
 
 The treaty of 1783, wliich crowned the success of the Amer- 
 ican revolution, contained the only description which had ever 
 been made, on the part of Great Britain, of the nature of the 
 new power which was recognized in recognizing American 
 independence. What was recognized, was the independence 
 sevei-ally of the thirteen States formerly colonies. And it is 
 especially to be remarked that these States were recognized 
 sevei'ally, and not jointly, in the treaty. 
 
 The revolution was thus crowned with success. But it 
 is doubtful whether there was any merit in obtaining it 
 other than endurance. The American armies were generally 
 unsuccessful ; the American troops — however American vanity 
 may proclaim the contrary — fought no better than the British 
 veterans. George Washington was not a military genius. The 
 diplomacy of the revolution was neither a monument of wisdom 
 nor of letters.* The result of the war was the triumph of the 
 endurance of a people resolved to be free, over the less deter- 
 mined wishes and interests of those who desired merely an ad- 
 dition of empire. 
 
 The war of the American States added another illustration 
 to a curious fact in all history. This fact is, that no system of 
 liberty ever yet emanated from the generosity or wisdom of 
 human rulers ; it lias invariably been the fruit of rebellion — 
 the result of a contest between the natural tendency of power 
 to centralize and exaggerate its authority, and the opposition of 
 its subjects, naturally intermittent, in its checks on usurpation. 
 
 * It is true that the American States, in their war with Great Britain, made 
 connections and some advantageous arrangements in Europe ; but these were 
 natural results, rather than skilful achievements. The diplomacy of the revo- 
 lution was a botch. In the beginning of the revolution the foreign correspond- 
 ence was intrusted to a committee. The confederation included a department 
 of foreign affairs ; but the secretary had no power to perform any thing but 
 the specific acts authorized by Congress, which, at that time, was at once the 
 executive and the legislative power. 
 
256 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 "We embrace here the two conditions of history : the tendency 
 of all political power, and the disposition of its subjects. So 
 true are these of man, everywhere, that they have passed into 
 two general declarations, which have the force of maxims. 
 The first is, that " tyranny, when possible, is always certain." 
 The second is found in the text of the American Declaration of 
 Independence: " All experience hath shown that mankind are 
 more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right 
 themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are ac- 
 customed." 
 
APPENDIX. 257 
 
 III. 
 
 The times of Tliomas Jefferson. — Manners and appearance of the man. — His Democ- 
 racy. — Us application to tlie relations of the States and Federal Government. — Ori- 
 gin of the Kepublican or Democratic party. — The idea of consolidation. — New 
 York, and the New Entrland States. — Early political preaching in New England. — 
 The Alien and Sedition laws. — How the latter infringed the rights of the States. — 
 The Kentucky Resolutions. — A fact not in the record. — Mr. Jefferson on " nullifi- 
 cation." — Why the Kentucky Resolutions were modified. — The Virginia Resolutions. 
 — The replies of the New England States, and of New York. — Jefferson's triumph. 
 — A new era at Washington. 
 
 It has been fashionable for two generations to entitle Thomas 
 Jefferson, of Virginia, the father of the Democratic party of 
 America. Unlike most of the party phrases of tradition, this 
 is strictly true. 
 
 The name of Jeft'erson fills a large space in American his- 
 tory ; it is identified with an important and enraged political 
 crisis ; it is connected with much of party controversy ; and 
 for more than sixty years his name has been, on the one hand, 
 adorned, with titles of popular adulation, and on the other, 
 coupled with the very same terms which Hamilton, his contem- 
 porary enemy, and the best representative of Federalist ran- 
 cor, applied to him — " an atheist in religion, and a fanatic in 
 politics." 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was a remarkable man. He was thor- 
 oughly a Virginian ; and he was by nature a Democrat. 
 Born of a moderate family in Chesterfield County, he carried, 
 through all the honors and illustrious passages of his life, the 
 plain, unostentatious, and kindly manners of a Virginia farmer. 
 His sandy hair, and strong features, and large bones, were 
 Virginian. His dress had always the quaintness of a country- 
 n)an ; he wore under-waistcoats and woollen tippets ; and hia 
 manners, unafi'ected as his dress, invited all classes of persons 
 to approach him. 
 
 We have said that Thomas Jefferson was a Democrat by 
 nature. His official residence in France, as minister to that 
 court from 1784 to 1Y89, is reported to have been the occasion 
 
 17 
 
258 THR LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 of contracting peculiar views on the subject of popular rights. 
 It, no doubt, added something to them ; but he had contracted 
 his king-phobia in the Revolution, in his own country, and 
 before thei'e was such a thing as a Democrat in France. His 
 hatred of monarchy was expressed in such intense words, as 
 could only have come from ideas identified with the constitu- 
 tion of the mind. There was a savage sincerity in all he ever 
 Baid or wrote of monarchies. The people who lived under 
 them, he divided into two classes, — " wolves and sheep." 
 Among tlie lessons which he recommended to those of his 
 countrymen, who were, in 1787, debating the idea of a new 
 constitution, were " never to call on foreign powers to settle 
 their differences ; to guard against hereditary magistrates ; to 
 prevent their citizens from becoming so established in wealth 
 and power, as to be thought worthy of alliance, by marriage, 
 with the nieces, sisters, etc., of kings ; and, in short, to besiege 
 the throne of Heaven with eternal prayers, to extirpate from 
 creation that class of human lions, tigers, and mammoths, called 
 kings." There is an unpleasant excess in these views. But 
 we may certainly pardon something to the rhetorical fervor of 
 strong convictions. 
 
 When Jefferson returned to America, the name of Democrat 
 was not popular there. His most careful biographer, Dr. 
 Kandall says : " In 1786, and for some period later, there 
 were few, if any, prominent Americans who avowed them- 
 selves in favor of a broadly Democratic system. In the 
 Federal Convention of 1787 (which framed our constitution), 
 not a man could be found who advocated such systems, or was 
 willing to be suspected of, at heart, favoring them. There 
 were gentlemen in that Convention who avowed themselves 
 monarchists in theory ; but not one could be found who would 
 take the name of Democrat ! Jefferson was the first, and for 
 a long time the only very prominent American we know of, 
 who was willing persistently to avow that Democracy con- 
 stituted the essence of his system, or the rule of construction 
 which he would apply to the mixed forms of the State and 
 Federal Goveinments." 
 
 It is in its application to the relations subsisting between 
 the State and Federal authority that we find the technical 
 meaning of that broad nomenclature — the Democratic party 
 
APPENDIX. 259 
 
 of America. The application of the general principle of De- 
 mocracy — the doctrine of popular rights — to this relation was 
 obvious. Mr. Jefferson was, to the end of his life, persuaded 
 that there was a monarchical party, more or less disguised, in 
 America. It is probable that he fought nothing more than a 
 shadow in this, and mistook a fondness of the Federalists for 
 the traditions and fashions of the ante-revolutionary period — a 
 depraved appetite for social ceremonies in New York and 
 Philadelphia — as a desire for the substance as well as the trap- 
 pings of monarchy. 
 
 But Jefferson had a real substance to fight in the consolida- 
 tion school of politics, which wa« early established in New 
 York, and in the New England States. It is true that the 
 propositions of this school bordered on the monarchical idea; 
 but it is extravagant to say that they fully implied it. They 
 suggested no change in the republican forms of the General 
 Government. But the idea of the Federalists was to accumu- 
 late power in that Government at the expense of the States ; to 
 impair these original political institutions of America ; and to 
 strike down, in the States, that principle of local sovereignty 
 which had been interposed between the general authority and 
 people, and which, in fact, from the daj's of the Saxon Octar- 
 chy to those of the American Union, may be taken as consti- 
 tuting the most important bulwark of popular liberty. 
 
 The idea of consolidation had obtained early popularity and 
 rapid growth in the Northern States. Mr. Jefferson found his 
 most powerful enemies in the compact masses of Federalists 
 in New England. It was during his party contests with Mr. 
 Adams' administration, and his subsequent campaign for the 
 presidency, that we may find the development of the peculiar 
 spirit of hierocracy in New England — a disposition of the 
 clergy to control in secular affairs — and date that era oi polit- 
 ical preaching^ which has had so much to do with Yankee 
 politics, and the party education of Northern mobs. Mr. 
 Jefferson was never pelted from the hustings and ward-rooms 
 with viler abuse, than from the pulpits of New England. 
 Rev. Cotton Mather Smith, of Shena, declared that he had 
 been guilty of " fraud and robbery ;" and with that usual 
 decent and Christian weapon of New England — an attack on 
 private life — deluged him with vituperations from the pulpit, 
 
260 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAE. . 
 
 and pronounced stern maranatha on the man. Another New 
 England divine made an elaborate parallel between the dis- 
 tinguished Virginian and the wicked Rehoboam, printed his 
 " sermon," and distributed it through the land. This Puri- 
 tanical rancor mingled largely in the party conflicts of Mr. 
 Jefferson's time; but probably disturbed him less than any 
 other element of enmity. He had a greater contempt for 
 religious fanaticism than for any other form of error ; he was 
 inclined to jest on it ; he was never disposed to appease attacks 
 on his private character ; he was satislied to trust himself to 
 the tests of reason, and to do his work faithfully and patiently 
 for history. That work was the foundation of the Bepublican 
 party, known long after him as the Democratic, or State- 
 rights party of America. 
 
 The administration of John Adams was distinguished by 
 two important assaults on the liberties of the country — one of 
 them involving an obvious infringement of the principle of 
 State sovereignty. These were the Alien and the Sedition laws. 
 The first, passed Congress on the 22d day of June, 1798, 
 authorized the President to deport at pleasure, aliens whom 
 he might judge " dangerous to the peace and safety of the 
 United States." The second, passed the 14th of July, 1798, 
 abridged the freedom of the press, by an odious bill of penalties, 
 and assumed to punish, by fine and imprisonment, " false, 
 scandalous, and malicious writings" against the Goverimient, 
 It did more than aim a blow at civil liberty: it conveyed an 
 attack against tlie structure of the Government, and the vital 
 principle of the Federal compact. It was inferred, from the 
 existence of State laws on the subject, that Congress had a 
 similar power of legislation ; that its authority might thus be 
 deduced from implication ; violating the cardinal principle of 
 the Democratic or Republican school, that the State sovereign- 
 ties were only diminished by the powers specifically enume- 
 rated, and that the Federal agency had no power whatever to 
 intrude upon the reserved ground. It is easily seen that the 
 extent of the pretension was to endow Congress with a power 
 of legislation in all cases whatsoever, to strip the States of their 
 sovereignty, and to despoil them of all the rights they had 
 reserved to themselves. 
 
 Against this tremendous pretension, Jefferson raised the 
 
APPENDIX. 261 
 
 standard of party revolt. The leading republicans in Congress 
 formed a plan of action, which was, "to retire from that field, 
 and take a stand in the State legislatures" against Federalist 
 enterprises on the constitution. The co-operation of Kentucky 
 with Yirginia was assured. Mr. Jefferson was consulted, and 
 from his pen emanated the famous Kentucky Resolutions, 
 which were passed ahnost unanimously by the Legislature of 
 that State, in November, 1798, and which have since con- 
 stituted the most august text of the principles of American 
 Democi-acy, and for two generations have been the exacting 
 standard of party authority. 
 
 The first of these resolutions was in the nature of a general 
 declaration of principles, while others of the series practically 
 applied to the Alien and Sedition laws and ofher excesses of 
 the Federalists. It is sufficient to quote it : 
 
 " Resolved, That the several States composing the United States of America, 
 are not united on the principle of imlimited submission to their General 
 Government ; but that by compact, under the style and title of a constitution 
 of the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General 
 Government for special purposes, delegated to that Government certain definite 
 powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own 
 self-government ; and, that whensoever the General Government assumes 
 undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force ; that 
 to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party ; that 
 this Government, created by this compact, was not made the exclusive or 
 final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would 
 have made its discretion, and not the constitution, tlie measure of its powers ; 
 but, that as in all other cases of compact among parties having no common 
 judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions 
 as of the mode and measure of redress." 
 
 But there was something beliind this record which is not 
 to be omitted from history. Mr. Jefferson, in the original 
 draft of the resolutions, as it came from his hand, had proposed 
 the remedy for an assumption by Congress of powers not 
 delegated to it. He was too logical to state conclusions del- 
 icately. He declared the right of nulliJiGation. In the ninth 
 of tlie series of resolutions, he wrote: "That in cases of an 
 abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the General 
 Government being chosen by the people, a change by the 
 people would be the constitutional remedy ; but, where powers 
 are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of 
 
262 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 the act is the rightful remedy ; that every State has a natural 
 right in cases not within the compact {casus non f(£,deris)^ to 
 nullify, of their own authority, all assumptions of power by 
 others within their limits ; that, without this right, they would 
 be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever 
 might exercise this right of judgment over them ; that, never- 
 theless, this commonwealth, from motives of regard and respect 
 for its co-states, has wished to communicate with them on the 
 subject." 
 
 It remained for another generation of American people to 
 consider the " rightful remedy" of nullification, and for the 
 masterly mind of Mr. Calhoun to develop Mr. Jefferson's idea 
 expressed above ; to modify it, as Mr. Jefferson himself, in 
 another period of his life, did modify it to a call of convention 
 of States ; and to draw out of this first crude suggestion of a 
 remedy the most finished and conservative plan that was ever 
 devised in the politics of America, to exorcise the spirit of 
 sectionalism, and to save an imperilled Union. 
 
 But the peril of 1798 was not important enough to force a 
 discussion of the remedy wliich Mr. Jefferson had indicated. 
 He was satisfied to declare the right of it. It was supposed 
 that the repeal of the Alien and Sedition laws might be effected 
 without invoking extraordinary remedies ; and that it was 
 best to accomplish it without unnecessary ferment, and through 
 the forms of polite remonstrance. Mr. Jefferson thought so. 
 He wrote to a friend : " For the present, I shall be for resolv- 
 ing the Alien and Sedition laws to be against the constitution, 
 and merely void, and for addressing the other States to obtain 
 similar declarations ; and I would not do any thing at this 
 moment which should commit us further, but reserve ourselves 
 to shape our future measures, or no measures, by the events 
 which may happen." 
 
 It was in a similar conviction, and probably with the con- 
 currence of Mr. Jefferson, that the Kentucky Legislature 
 nu^dified the eighth resolution, so as to omit any alhision to 
 ulterior remedies, simply requiring their representatives to use 
 their best endeavors for the repeal in Congress of the obnoxious 
 legislation referred to. The governor was requested to transmit 
 the resolutions to the other States,*and solicit their concurrence 
 in procuring the desired repeal. 
 
APPENDIX. * 263 
 
 Yirginia followed the action of Kentucky. In December, 
 1798, her legislature passed a series of resolutions responsive 
 to those of Kentucky. They were drafted by Mr. Madison. 
 They referred to the spirit of the Federal Government " to 
 enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional 
 charter," and " so to consolidate the States by degrees into 
 one sovereignty." They peremptorily declared that they 
 viewed " the powers of the Federal Government, as resulting 
 from the compact, to which the States are parties, as limited 
 by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting 
 that compact, as no further valid than they are authorized by 
 the grants enumerated in that compact ; and that in case of a 
 deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, 
 not granted by the said compact, the States, who are parties 
 thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose 
 for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining 
 within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and 
 liberties appertaining to them." 
 
 The resolutions of Virginia and Kentucky were communi- 
 cated to the other States for council and co-operation. They 
 drew upon them a unanimous bui'st of Federalist denunciation 
 from all of the New England States. The replies of these 
 States, and that of New York, reveal the extent of the early 
 establishment of the consolidation school in the North, and 
 discover those principles from which have flowed the more 
 modern political principles of the Yankee. 
 
 Each of the New England States, confounding judicial cases 
 with political questions, declared that the State legislatures 
 had no power to supervise the acts of the General Govern- 
 ment (which, it is scarcely necessary to say, parenthetically, 
 was to nullify the political influence of the States) ; that the 
 construction of such laws as the Alien and Sedition acts was 
 exclusively vested in the judicial courts of the United States. 
 Yet each of these States went out of the way to afiirm, specu- 
 latively, the constitutionality and expediency of these acts. 
 Massachusetts declared, that in no circumstances had the State 
 legislatures " the right to denounce the administration of that 
 government to which the people themselves, by a solemn 
 compact, had exclusively committed their national concerns." 
 The State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantation declared, 
 
264: THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 that the resolutions of Yirginia were " very unwarrantable," 
 and " hazarded an interruption of the peace of the States by 
 civil discord." Connecticut " explicitly disavowed" the 
 principles contained in these resolutions. New Hampshire 
 thought the State legislatures were not the proper tribunals 
 to pass npon the laws of the General Government. Vermont 
 "highly disapproved" of the Yirginia resolutions, and thought 
 them "unconstitutional in their nature, and dangerous in 
 their tendency." New York, then united to New England 
 by the tie of Federalism, and long kept in that bad alliance 
 by the influence of Hamilton, exceeded even the intolerance 
 of her Puritan associates. Her legislature declared that they 
 observed with anxiety and regret " the inflammatory and per- 
 nicious sentiments, and doctrines which are contained in the 
 resolutions of Yirginia and Kentucky." 
 
 On the issues involved in the Yirginia and Kentucky resolu- 
 tions. Ml'. Jefierson achieved a decisive triumph, and by his 
 election to the presidency in 1800 put the Federalist party 
 almost out of existence. After that event, it may be said to 
 have degenerated into a mere local faction. Mr. Jefi'erson 
 launched the country into a career of Democratic simplicity, 
 and real substantial prosperity, that ran through many years. 
 
 He abolished all the stately ceremonials which had grown 
 up in Washington's administration. He discontinued the 
 levees at the Executive Mansion ; he dispensed with the 
 pageant of opening Congress ; he threw the doors of that 
 assembly open, for the first time, to news]3aper reporters, and 
 broke down, as far as possible, every barrier of ceremony and 
 exclusiveness between the Government and the people. The 
 simplicity of his inauguration into oflice made people stare. 
 An English spectator thus describes his appearance on the 
 occasion : " His dress was of plain cloth, and he rode on horse- 
 back to the Capitol, without a single guard, or even servant, 
 in his train ; dismounted without assistance, and hitched the 
 bridle of his horse to the palisades." 
 
 But Mr. Jefl'erson marked the administration of his high 
 office with changes much more important than outward tokens 
 of Democratic simplicity. He instituted a rule of rigid econ- 
 omy in every department of tlie Government. By economy 
 alone, he reduced the public debt twelve millions of dollars. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 265 
 
 By the purchase of Louisiana and treaties with the Indians, 
 he doubled the area of the United States. The second census 
 of the United States presented an increase of exports from 
 nineteen to ninety-four millions of dollars. The country was 
 on the high and plain road to prosperity. 
 
THE LAST YEAB OF THE WAR. 
 
 TV. 
 
 The slavery question. — A libel on political nomenclature. — A brief moral de- 
 fence of negro servitude in tlie South. — The history of its establishment. — 
 Accommodation of the slavery question in the Constitution. — Politiciil history of 
 the question. — The Hartford Convention. — Two blows aimed at the South. — Devel- 
 opment of the slavery controversy. — Mr. Jefferson's opinion as to slavery in 
 the territories. — The Missouri restriction. — The initial point of the wstt o? sections. — 
 Mr. Jefferson's alarm. — The trace of disunion. — Real causes of conflict between 
 the North and the South. — The slavery question subordinate and yet conspicu- 
 ous. — Why so ? — How it was bound up in the conflict between State-rights and 
 consolidation. — Northern civilization. — An insolent democracy. — Yankee "gentle- 
 men." — Plainness of the South. — A noble type of civilization. — Effect of slavery 
 on the political and social character of the South. — Yankee vulgarity. — "Why the 
 South was the nursery of American statesmen. 
 
 The peaceful and fortunate career on which Mr. Jefferson's 
 administration launched the country was to meet with a 
 singular interruption. That interruption was tlie sectional 
 agitation which finally broke the bonds of the Union and 
 plunged North and South into one of the fiercest wars of 
 modern times. Tlie occasion of that conflict was what the Yan- 
 kees called — by one of their convenient libels in political no- 
 menclature — slavery f but what was in fact nothing more than 
 a system of negro servitude in'the South; well guarded bylaws, 
 which protected the negro laborer in the rights of humanity ; 
 moderated by Christian sentiments which provided for his 
 welfare ; and, altogether, one of the mildest and most benefi- 
 cent systems of servitude in the world. 
 
 It is not our purpose here to enter upon a moral defence of 
 slavery in the South (using, as we would remind the reader, 
 that opprobrious term, wherever it occurs in these pages, 
 under a constant protest, and simply because it has become 
 the familiar word in the party controversies of America to 
 describe the peculiar institution of labor in the South). Our 
 object in these pages is simply with the political complications 
 of slavery. But as a problem in morals there are but two 
 principles which decide it ; and these we may briefly turn our 
 
• . APPENDIX. 267 
 
 pen to announce, candidly believing them to be the summary 
 of the entire ethics of negro servitude in the South : 
 
 1. The white being the superior race, and the black the in- 
 ferior, subordination, with or without law, must be the status 
 of the African in the mixed society of whites and blacks. 
 
 2. It thus becomes the interest of both races, especially of 
 the inferior race, that this status should be fixed and pro- 
 tected by law ; and it was simply the declaration and defini- 
 tion of this principle that went by the name of negro slavery 
 in the South. 
 
 Slavery (without that moderation of legislative checks and 
 Christian sentiments which were the constant employment of 
 the South) had been planted in America by the direct and 
 persistent action of the British government. It was the com- 
 mon law of the thirteen colonies before their separation from 
 England. The mother country established negro slavery in 
 the colonies. It maintained and protected the institution. It 
 originated and carried on the slave trade. It forbade the col- 
 onies permission either to emancipate or export their slaves. 
 It prohibited them from inaugurating any legislation in dimi- 
 nution or discouragement of the institution. Even after the 
 Continental Congress had been assembled, and the battle of 
 Lexington had been fought, the earl of Dartmouth, British 
 Secretary of State, in answer to a remonstrance from the agent 
 of the colonies on the subject of the slave trade, replied : " We 
 cannot allow the colonies to check or discourage in any degree 
 a trafiic so beneficial to the nation.'' 
 
 In the constitution of the United States, the slavery question 
 had been singularly accommodated. Two clauses covered it. 
 The first guaranteed to the South its property — it provided for 
 the return of slaves recognized as the property of their South- 
 ern masters. Another clause, in the interest of the North, 
 prevented a disturbance of the representative system by an 
 importation of slaves, and provided that the South should not 
 increase her negro population (five of which in the basis of 
 representation were made equal to three white men) by im- 
 portation after the lapse of twenty years. 
 
 The political history of the slavery question in the early 
 periods of the American Union is scarcely more than an 
 enumeration of dates or of measures which were taken as 
 
268 THE LAST YKAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 matters of course. The action of the first Congress, in relation 
 to slavery in the territories, was simply to acquiesce in a 
 government for the Northwest territory, based upon a jpre- 
 existing anti-slavery ordinance — the ordinance of 1781-87. 
 The Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 was passed without opposition 
 and without a division in the Senate ; and in the House, by a 
 vote of forty-eight to seven. The slave trade was declared 
 piracy. Petitions upon the slavery question were at iirst re- 
 ferred to a committee ; and afterwards were rejected, and in 
 one instance returned to the petitioner. Louisiana and Florida, 
 both slaveholding countries, were added to our territories 
 without agitation in Congress. Kentucky, Tennessee, Missis- 
 sippi, and Alabama were admitted into the Union, bringing 
 the institution of slavery with them, without a murmur of 
 opposition. 
 
 It is to be remarked, however, that that jealousy of South- 
 ern domination which was the characteristic and controlling: 
 element of the Northern mind, and which afterwards became 
 singularly associated with the slavery discussion, may be 
 dated with the acquisition of Louisiana. The famous Hartford 
 Convention, held in 1814, aimed two remarkable blows at the 
 power of the South. It proposed to strike down the slave rep- 
 resentation in Congress, and to have the representation con- 
 formed to the number of free persons in the Union ; and as a 
 further restriction upon the power of the South — the extension 
 of our territory being then in that direction — it proposed an 
 amendment to the constitution, to the eifect that no new 
 States should be admitted into the Union without the concur- 
 rence of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress. 
 
 But the shivery question was as yet only incidental to this 
 sectional rivalry, and was scarcely yet developed into a dis- 
 tinct and independent controversy. There was some general 
 discussion as to the polic}' of the extension of slaveiy into the 
 new territories ; and some political union, without, liowever, 
 any distinct lines of party organization, had already been 
 occasioned in the North by a proposition to extend the ordi- 
 nance of 1787 west of the Mississippi River. It is a remarkable 
 circumstance, in connection Mnth these early discussions of 
 the " Free-Soil " school, that Mr. Jefferson, notwithstanding his 
 Connection with the ordinance of 1787, was in favor of the free 
 
APPENDIX. 269 
 
 and unlimited extension of slavery over the new soil acquired 
 by the United States. And he maintained this view on a 
 very singular and ingenious ground : it was that " the dif- 
 fusion of the slaves over a greater surface would make them 
 individually happier, and proportionably facilitate the accom- 
 plishment of their emancipation, by dividing the burden on a 
 greater number of coadjutors." 
 
 It may be said generally — notwithstanding the episode of 
 the Hartford Convention — which fell into early disrepute — 
 that there was nothing in the precedents of the Government to 
 betoken that wild and violent controversy nursed in the selfish 
 mind of the North, which, in 1820, was to break througli the 
 bonds of secret jealousy and array the country into two 
 sectional parties struggling for supremacy, on opposite con- 
 victions, or perhaps on opposite pretences, with regard to the 
 slavery question. 
 
 The Missouri legislation — by which the institution of slavery 
 was bounded by a line of latitude — naturally divided the 
 United States into geographical parties, and tore the country 
 in twain. It created for the first time a distinct political 
 North and a distinct political South. It is to be taken as the 
 proper initial point of that war of sections which raged in 
 America for forty years, and at last culminated in an appeal 
 to arms. The discussion of the Missouri matter awoke the 
 anti-slavery sentiment of the country that had for some years 
 past been almost completely dormant. It was the occasion 
 of a call of a convention of abolitionists at Philadelphia. It 
 tired the passions of the populace, and to the seiious statesmen 
 of the country gave unbounded alarm. " From the battle of 
 Bunker's Hill to the treaty of Paris we never had so ominous 
 a question," said Mr. Jefi'erson. To a friend he wrote : " This 
 momentous question, like a fire-bell in the night, awakened 
 and filled me with terror." After the passage of what was 
 called " a compromise " in Congress, he wrote : " The question 
 sleeps for the present, but is not dead." " A geographical 
 line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, 
 once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men will 
 not be obliterated ; and every new irritation will make it 
 deeper and deeper." The Sage of Monticello spoke propheti- 
 
270 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 cally, and in one of his letters put on record this remarkable 
 declaration : 
 
 " I regret that I ara now to die in the belief that the useless 
 sacrifice of themselves, by the generation of 1776, to acquire 
 self-government and happiness to their country, is to be thrown 
 away by the unwise and unworthy passions of their sons ; and 
 that my only consolation is to be, I live not to weep over it. 
 If they would but dispassionately weigh the blessings they 
 will throw away, against an abstract principle more likely to 
 be afiected by union than by scission, they would pause before 
 they would perpetrate this act of suicide on themselves, and of 
 treason against the hopes of the world." 
 
 Mr. Jefferson was right in designating the Missouri Re- 
 striction as the preliminary trace of disunion. Thereafter, the 
 slavery question was developed as a well-defined controversy ; 
 and for forty years the most ingenious attempts to appease it, 
 and to erase the geographical line, which was drawn in 1820, 
 were worse than ineffectual. 
 
 But it is to be remarked that the true causes of sectional 
 animosity between the North and the South were beyond the 
 slavei'y question, although unavoidably and indissolubly con- 
 nected with it. If we are to analyze that animosity, we shall 
 discover that its deep-lying causes were certain radical an- 
 tipathies, which discovered slavery as the most prominent 
 ground of distinction between the two sections, and seized 
 upon it as the readiest point of controversy. We must not 
 fall into the common error of taking occasions for original 
 agents, and confounding as one a number of causes, attached 
 to each other, or even grown out of each other, and yet logi- 
 cally distinct. The war between North and South was es- 
 sentially a war between two great political schools, and 
 what is more, between two distinct civilizations. Yet in both 
 regards, the slavery question was bound up in the conflict, be- 
 ing, in the first place, an inevitable issue between the States- 
 rights and consolidation schools; and, in the second place, 
 itself being the most prominent cause of the distinction between 
 the civilizations, or social autonomies of North and South. 
 
 It is thus that the slavery question, although subordinate — 
 although, so to speak, a smaller question than those with 
 which it was associated — pervaded all of American politics, 
 
APPENDIX. 271 
 
 and played the conspicuous part in the dissolution of the 
 Union. The two great political tendencies in America — that 
 of consolidation and that of State-rights — naturally joined 
 issue on slavery ; for the first school, recognizing the authority 
 at Washington as a national one, could easily presume it 
 responsible for what was denounced as " the plague-spot of 
 the country," and deplored as a tarnish of the American 
 name. Again, as the North envied the peculiar intellectual 
 civilization of the South, its higher sentimentalism, and its 
 superior refinements of scholarship and manners, it would 
 naturally find the leading cause of these things in the peculiar 
 institution of slavery, and concentrate upon it all the unscru- 
 pulous rage of jealousy, and that singularly bitter hate, which 
 is inseparable from a sense of inferiority. 
 
 Free labor founded in the North a material civilization, a 
 pestilent system of public schools, and that insolent democ- 
 racy which went by the phrase, " D — n you, I am as good as 
 you." That, and "commercial" politics, made the North pros- 
 perous ; a showy, glittering mass of all the national elements 
 of civilization, by the side of the apparently scanty, but re- 
 fined. South. Northern men were apt to sneer at the uncul- 
 tivated asj^ects of the South ; to point to the slight nets of 
 internal improvements that stretched over tracts of wild 
 timber and swamps ; to laugh at the plain architecture in the 
 cities of the South ; and to talk, with great self-complacency, 
 of " tlie want of enterprise" in the slaveholding States. Yet 
 after all, the Yankee trader had a sneaking, irrepressible con- 
 sciousness that the Southern planter, in his homespun garb, 
 w^as infinitely his superior as a gentleman ; that he could not 
 compete with him in courage, in the sentiment of honor, in 
 the refinements of manners, or in any of the solid and merito- 
 rious accomplishments of manhood. The sleek business men 
 of New York, Boston, and Philadelphia might be very im- 
 pressive in their exteriors, but they never had any manners; 
 they were not even accustomed to the words, "Sir" and "gen- 
 tleman," in their conversation ; they might talk a learned 
 jargon about stocks and markets, but beyond that, in matters 
 of history and literature, many of these well-dressed men were 
 as ignorant as the draymen at their door. 
 
 Despite the plainness of the South, and the absence there of 
 
272 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 the shows and gauds of material prosperity, and the insepar- 
 able companion of such prosperity in a moneyed aristocracy, 
 there was recognizable, in this slaveholding country, a noble 
 and singularly pure type of civilization. Slavery introduced 
 elements of order and conservatism in the society of the 
 South ; and yet, after all, there was no truer democracy in the 
 world than there : the lower white classes recognizing, it is 
 true, certain distinctions in social intercourse; but outside of 
 these, having a manly sense of equality, and claiming, from 
 the more prosperous orders of societj', a consideration and 
 measure of respect that the poor man in the North, where 
 society was made up of browbeating on the one hand, and an 
 insolent assertion of equality on the other, in vain contended 
 for. Slavery trained the white race of the South in habits of 
 command ; and though, sometimes, these may have degenerated 
 into cruelty and insolence, yet they were generally the occasions 
 of the revival of the spirit of chivalry in the nineteenth 
 century ; of the growth of many noble and generous virtues ; 
 and of a knightly polish of manners, that the shopkeeping 
 aristocracy of the North, being unable to emulate, was satis- 
 fied to ape in its hotels and caravansaries. Slavery relieved 
 the better classes in the South from many of the demands of 
 physical and manual labor; but although in some instances 
 idle or dissolute lives may have been the consequence of this, 
 yet it afforded opportunity for extraordinary intellectual cul- 
 ture in the South, elevated the standards of scholarship and 
 mental cultivation there, and furnishes some explanation of 
 the extraordinary phenomenon in American history, that the 
 statesmanship of the country was peculiarly, and almost ex- 
 clusively, the production of the slaveholding States. 
 
 The vulgar North envied the South, even down to the small 
 hands and feet of its people. For the better civilization and 
 higher refinement of slaveholders, the North retaliated that 
 the South was dull and unenterprising, and had to import all 
 of its luxuries, and many of its comforts from Yankee shops. 
 This was true ; but it proved nothing, or it might prove more 
 than the Yankee argument might desire, for with Northern 
 luxuries there came into the South Northern vices. It was said, 
 with a coarse wit, but with not a little meaning, that there were 
 " three things" for which the South would always be depend- 
 
APPENDIX. 273 
 
 ent upon the ISTortli, and never could produce for herself; they 
 were " ice, play-actors, and prostitutes," There is a certain 
 exaggeration in every hon mot j but the witticism is a good 
 one, as it gives an indication of that coarse, vulgar measure of 
 superiority which the North applied to itself to compensate 
 for its defects in refinement, and in the nobler attributes of 
 national life by the side of the South. 
 
 With reference to the singular point of contrast between 
 the North and' the South in the exhibitions of statesmanship 
 and political scholarship, we discover the most remarkable 
 feature of American history. Slavery appears, indeed, to 
 have been the school of American statesmanship, for it is from 
 its domains there came by far the most considerable contribu- 
 tion to the political literature of the country. The smallness 
 of Yankee contribution in this respect has been a subject of 
 remark by every impartial historian of America ; and there 
 are but few candid persons who will deny that the quality of 
 Yankee statesmanship was always intensely sophomorical. 
 It may have been that slavery afforded to the statesmen of 
 the South certain fields of observation, and applied certain 
 influences of conservatism that qualified them for their pecu- 
 liar studies ; but it is unquestionably true, that to them we 
 must look for the monuments of political literature in Amer- 
 ica. It has been acutely remarked by a Yankee writer, in the 
 anonymous pages of a magazine, that the public men of the 
 North were generally actuated by an ambition to make a 
 show on what they imagined the theatre of national life ; 
 that they neglected the obscure theatres, but noble schools, of 
 State politics ; and that to this shallow, ostentatious ambition 
 is to be attributed much of the Yankee distaste for the 
 severity and exclusiveness of the States-rights school. 
 
 18 
 
274- THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAR. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Contrast between the North and South in material progress.— The times of Andrew- 
 Jackson. — The tariff controversy. — Calhoun and Webster as representative men. 
 — The latter a sophomore in American politics. — Mr. Webster's private correspon- 
 dence and poetry. — His superficial accomplishments. — " Nullification," another 
 libel of political nomenclature. — A true explanation and analysis of Mr. Calhoun's 
 scheme to save and perpetuate the CTnion. — Jefferson Davis' defence of Calhoun. 
 New England's regard for the Union. — The veneration of the Union peculiarly a 
 Southern sentiment. — Mr. Calhoun's Fort Hill speech. — The ignorance or hypoc- 
 risy of Webster and his party. — How the South was driven to " disunion." 
 
 The inequality between the I^ortli and tlie South, with 
 respect to material progress, was perhaps never more marked 
 than at the time of the memorable administration of Andrew 
 Jackson. Referring to this period, a Northern biographer of 
 President Jackson writes in the following style of Yankee 
 conceit : 
 
 " The North was rushing on like a Western high-pressure 
 steamboat, with resin in the furnace and a man on the safety- 
 valve. All through "Western New York, Ohio, Indiana, and 
 Illinois, the primeval wilderness was vanishing like a mist, 
 and towns were springing into existence with a rapidity that 
 rendered necessary a new map every month, and spoiled the 
 gazetteers as fast as they were printed. The City of New York 
 began already to feel itself the London of the New World, and 
 to calculate how many years must elapse before it would be 
 the London of the World. 
 
 " The South, meanwhile, was depressed and anxious. Cotton 
 was down ; tobacco was down ; corn, wheat, and pork were 
 down. For several years the chief products of the South had 
 either been inclining downward, or else had risen in price too 
 slowly to make up for the (alleged) increased price of the com- 
 modities which the South was compelled to buy. Few new 
 towns changed the Southern map. Charleston languished, or 
 *Beeraed to languish — certainly did not keep pace with New 
 
APPENDIX. 2Y5 
 
 Tork, Boston, and Philadelphia. N"o Cincinnati of the So^^th 
 became the world's talk by the startling rapidity of its growth. 
 'No Southern river exhibited at every bend and coyne of van- 
 tage a rising village. No Southern mind, distracted with the 
 impossibility of devising suitable names fdr a thousand new 
 places per annum, fell back in despair upon the map of the Old 
 World, and selected at random any convenient name that pre- 
 sented itself, bestowing upon clusters of log huts such titles as 
 Utica, Rome, Palermo, Naples, Russia, Egypt, Madrid, Paris, 
 Elba, and Berlin. No Southern commissioner, compelled to 
 find names for a hundred streets at once, had seized upon the 
 letters of the alphabet and the figures of arithmetic, and called 
 the avenues A, B, C, and D, and instead of naming his cross 
 streets, numbered them." 
 
 The Yankee writer attributes this inequality of conditions to 
 ■ the influence of negro slavery in the South. But it has another 
 interpretation. The tariff measures, which were closely asso- 
 ciated with the slavery question — being the commercial appli- 
 cation of that doctrine of the power of numerical majorities, 
 taught in the consolidation schools, which had attained its 
 moral and sentimental development in the war upon slavery — 
 had been used by the North as the stepping-stones to pros- 
 perity, and the most profitable expedients of sectional aggran- 
 dizement. In 1831 the public debt of the United States was 
 near extinction ; and it was calculated that, jvith the tariff 
 then in force, there would be, in three j^ears thereafter, a sur- 
 plus in the treasury. The South demanded the repeal of a 
 measure which was no longer necessary for the purposes of 
 public revenue ; which had been used to promote the manu- 
 facturing and commercial interests of the North ; and which, 
 taxing her for the benefit of the Yankees, had restricted and 
 embarrassed her resources, and put upon her the badge of 
 inferiority. 
 
 The tariff controversy of 1831-2 introduced on the political 
 stage two of the most remarkable men in America, who more 
 than any others, are to be regarded as the representative men 
 of the North and the South, and the clear-cut anti-types of 
 consolidation and State-rights. They were John C. Calhoun, 
 of South Carolina, and Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts. The 
 issue between these men was the broadest and most compre- 
 
276 THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAE. 
 
 hensive ever made in the political history of the country, in- 
 volving not only the slavery and tariff questions, but going to 
 the very roots of the constitution, and embracing the whole 
 American system of politics. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun was a splendid type of the accomplished scholar 
 of the South, and a consummate champion of State-rights. 
 He was the opposite of the shallow and rhetorical Massa- 
 chusetts man in every respect. He was an ascetic in his pri- 
 vate habits and tastes ; he was a devotee of " the midnight 
 lamp ;" he was the most exact logician that ever figured in 
 political life ; he had no ad cajptandutn arguments for the 
 vulgar ; his phrases were almost syllogisms, and his language 
 as clear-cut as the diamond. 
 
 If Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, can be described by a 
 phrase, he may be briefly designated as a. representative of the 
 smattering of New England education and the rhapsody of 
 " spread-eagleism." This may offend the taste of his wor- 
 shippers ; but of that we are careless, as long as we do not 
 offend the truth of history. To the end of his days, Mr. Web- 
 ster was nothing more than a ready-spoken sophomore in 
 politics — a man wlio adorned common-places with silken ora- 
 tions—who had an unrivalled " Fourth-of-July" style of public 
 speaking — but who never invented or discovered any thing in 
 politics, and who defended his doctrines much more with frothy 
 sentiments than with sound arguments. There is nothing so 
 injurious to posthumous reputation as the publication of " pri- 
 vate correspondence," where the great man is discovered in 
 undress ; and the officious friends of Mr. Webster, who pub- 
 lished two octavo volumes of his letters, after his death, have 
 exhibited the intellectual hero of Massachusetts as a vapid, 
 sophomorical, shallow statesman, who could not afford to wear 
 his literary court-dress — a tinsel one at that — but on state 
 occasions. Mr. Webster had the weakness of putting scraps of 
 law Latin in his correspondence; and it is doubtful whether his 
 attainments in the dead languages extended beyond this cheap 
 collection from his professional glossary. In his early days he 
 affected a taste for poetry, and wrote tawdry and conceited 
 verses to his friends. In one instance — as a specimen of his 
 muse, some years after his admission to the bar — we are given 
 this bit of the Yankee pastoral : 
 
APPENDIX. 277 
 
 " Nor health alone — be four more blessings thine ! — 
 ■ Cash, and the Fair One, Friendship, and the Nine." 
 
 But it is scarcely just to estimate Mr. Webster's mind from 
 his experiments in Latin or in verse, or from any other of his 
 notoriously weak efforts at scholarship. In his political life — 
 his so-called " statesmanship" — he was an excellent rej^resent- 
 ative of the shallowness and fluency of the New England 
 mind. He had the Yankee tact of showing his little learning 
 to the greatest advantage. In vulgar estimation, he could 
 overwhelm the most logical opponent by the beauty of a 
 peroration. He had an abundance of catch-phrases and bril- 
 liant illustrations ; his manner was pompous, slow, and sage ; 
 his figure, in social life, was that of a good liver — a well-fed 
 and well-drunken Sir Oracle. In short, he was a man who 
 might easily be imposed upon the vulgar as a proficient in 
 eloquence and a pundit in politics. A mind like Mr. "Web- 
 ster's readily seized upon the crude plausibilities of the con- 
 solidation school of politics, and was admirably suited to 
 employ, to the best advantage, its superficial though captious 
 arguments. 
 
 In connection with the tarifi" dispute, Mr. Calhoun devel- 
 oped his so-called scheme of " Nullification." This masterly 
 scheme of politics was misrepresented by a Yankee word, so 
 adept were the Northern people in conveying libels in the 
 party nomenclature they imposed upon the world. Mr. Cal- 
 houn's proposition was in no sense nullifiGation. Strange as it 
 may sound to those who have got American history from the 
 narrow and sophistical pages of Yankee books, it was emphati- 
 cally a Union- sa/uing riieasure ', devised in deference to the 
 Union sentiment of the country ; and better calculated, in 
 reality, to maintain the bonds of confederation between the 
 States than any thing ever planned or suggested by the 
 American mind. 
 
 A loose impression has gained in the world, that our State 
 institutions were schools of provincialism; that they were a 
 partial and incomplete expression of the nationality of 
 America ; and that their logical tendency was to the disrup- 
 tion of the confederate bond. Mr. Calhoun was not the first 
 to conceive, although more than any other he expressed logi- 
 cally and clearly, that the rights of the States were the only 
 
278 THE LAST YKAK OF THE WAK. 
 
 solid foundation of the Union ; and that, so far from being an- 
 tagonistic to it, they constituted its security, realized its per- 
 fection, and gave to it all the moral beauty with which it 
 appealed to the affections of the people. It was in this sense 
 that the great South Carolina statesman, so frequently calum- 
 niated as " nullifier," agitator, etc., was indeed the real and 
 devoted friend of the American Union. He maintained the 
 rights of the States — the sacred distribution of powers between 
 them and the General Government — as the life of the Union, 
 and its bond of attachment in the hearts of the people. And 
 in this he was right. The State institutions of America, 
 properly regarded, were not discordant ; nor were they unfor- 
 tunate elements in our political life. They gave certain occa- 
 sions to the divisions of industry ; they were instruments of 
 material prosperity ; they were schools of pride and emula- 
 tion ; above all, they were the true guardians of the Union, 
 keeping it from degenerating into that vile and short-lived 
 government in which power is consolidated in a mere numeri- 
 cal majority. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun's so-called doctrine of Nullification is one of 
 the highest proofs ever given by any American statesman of 
 attachment fo the Union. The assertion is not made for para- 
 doxical effect. It is clear enough in history, read in the severe 
 type of facts, without the falsehoods and epithets of that Yan- 
 kee literature which has so long defamed us, distorted our 
 public men, and misrepresented us, even to ourselves. 
 
 The so-called and miscalled doctrine of Nullification marked 
 one of the most critical periods in the controversies of America, 
 and constitutes one of the most curious studies for its philoso- 
 phic historian. Mr. Calhoun was unwilling to offend the 
 popular idolatry of the Union ; he sought a remedy for exist- 
 ing evils short of disunion, and the consequence was what was 
 called, by an ingenious slander, or a contemptible stupidity, 
 Nullification. His doctrine was, in fact, an accommodation 
 of two sentiments : that of Yankee injustice, and that of rever- 
 ence of the Union. He proposed to save the Union by the 
 simple and august means of an appeal to the sovereign States 
 that composed it. He proposed that should the General Gov- 
 ernment and a State come into conflict, the power should be 
 invoked that called the General Government into existence, 
 
APPENDIX. 279 
 
 and gave it all of its authority. " In such a case," said Mr. Cal- 
 houn, " the States themselves may be appealed to, three-fourths 
 of which, in fact, form a power whose decrees are the constitu- 
 tion itself, and whose voice can silence all discontent. The 
 utmost extent, then, of the power is, that a State acting in its 
 sovereign capacity, as one of the parties to the constitutional 
 compact, may compel the Government created by that com- 
 pact to submit a question touching its infraction to the parties 
 who created it." He proposed a peculiar, conservative, and 
 noble tribunal for tlie controversies that agitated the country 
 and threatened the Union. He was not willing that vital con- 
 troversies between the sovereign States and the General Gov- 
 ernment should be submitted to the Supreme Court, which 
 properly excluded political questions, and comprehended those 
 only where there were parties amenable to the process of the 
 court. This was the length and breadth of Nullification. It 
 was intended to reconcile impatience of Yankee injustice, and 
 that sentimental attachment to the Union which colors so much 
 of American politics ; it resisted the suggestion of revolution ; 
 it clung to the idolatry of the Union, and marked that passage 
 in American history in which there was a combat between 
 reason' and that idolatry, and in which that idolatry made a 
 marked conquest. 
 
 The doctrine, then, of Mr. Calhoun was tliis : he proposed 
 only to constitute a conservative and constitutional barrier to 
 Yankee aggression ; and, so far from destroying the Union, 
 proposed to erect over it the permanent and august guard or 
 a tribunal of those sovereign powers which had created it. It 
 was this splendid, but hopeless vision of the South Carolina 
 statesmen, which the North slandered with the catch-word of 
 Nullification ; which Northern orators made the text of indig- 
 nation ; on which Mr. Webster piped his schoolboy rhetoric ; 
 and on which the more modern schools of New England have 
 exhausted the lettered resources of their learned blacksmiths 
 and senatorial shoemakers. 
 
 The suggestion of the real safety of the Union, first made by 
 Jeflferson,* and reproduced by Calhoun, the North slandered 
 
 * At a late period of his life Mr. Jefferson wrote : " With respect to our 
 State and Federal governments, I do not think their relations are correctly 
 
280 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 as nullification, insulted as heresy, and branded as treason. 
 " It was," said Jefferson Davis, on occasion of his taking leave 
 of the United States Senate in 1861, " because of his deep- 
 seated attachment to the Union, his determination to find some 
 remedy for existing ills, short of a severance of the ties which 
 bound South Carolina to the other States, that Mr. Calhoun 
 advocated the doctrine of Nullification, which he proclaimed 
 to be peaceful, to be within the limits of State power ; not to 
 disturb the Union, but only to be the means of bringing the 
 agent before the tribunal of the States for their judgment." 
 Mr. Davis, on that occasion, publicly confessed that the South 
 was about to resort to another class of remedies than that pro- 
 posed by the great South Carolinian — Skcession — and, vindi- 
 cating the name of Calhoun, suggested that, as the door had 
 been closed to his great and efiicient proposition to save the 
 Union, there was no longer any hope for the South but in vio- 
 lent measures. 
 
 Daniel Webster had no complicated or nice theory about the 
 American Union. In his eyes, the Government at Washington 
 was nothing more than a central organization of numbers, with 
 scarcely any feature of originality to distinguish it from other 
 rude democracies of the world. " It had," he said, " created 
 direct relations between itself and individuals ;" and " no State 
 authority had power to dissolve these relations." He scouted the 
 whole doctrine of State-rights. He spoke as the mouth-piece 
 of manufacturing interests in the North ; apostrophized " the 
 glorious Union;" declared its benefits and gains, and easily led 
 the whole North to worship the Union, in the base spirit of 
 commercial idolatry, as a pretty machinery to secure tariffs 
 and bounties, and to aggrandize a section. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun and his school worshipped the American 
 Union in a very different sense from the Yankee material- 
 
 understood by foreigners. They suppose the former subordinate to the latter. 
 This is not the case. They are co-ordinate departments of one simple and in- 
 tegral whole. But, you may ask, if the two departments should claim each 
 the same subject of power, where is the umpire to decide between them ? In 
 cases of little urgency or importance, the prudence of both parties will keep 
 them aloof from the questionable ground ; but, if it can neither be avoided nor 
 compromised, a convention of the States must be called to ascribe the doubtful 
 power to that department which they may think best." 
 
APPENDIX, 281 
 
 ists. The 'moral veneration of the Union was peculiarlj a 
 sentiment of the South. The political ideas of the North, as 
 represented by Mr. Webster and his school, excluded that of 
 any peculiar moral character about the Union ; the doctrine 
 of State-rights was rejected by them for the prevalent notion 
 that America was a single democracy ; thus, the Union to 
 them was nothing more than a geographical name, entitled to 
 no peculiar claims upon the affections of the people. It was 
 diiferent with the South, The doctrine of State-rights gave 
 to the Union its moral dignity ; this doctrine was the only 
 really possible source of sentimental attachment to the Union ; 
 and this doctrine was the received opinion of the Southern 
 people, and .the most marked peculiarity of their politics. 
 The South venerated the Union, because she discovered in 
 it a sublime moral principle ; because she regarded it as a 
 peculiar association, in which sovereign States were held by 
 high considerations of good faith ; by the exchanges of equity 
 and comity ; by the noble attractions of social order ; by the 
 enthused sympathies of a common destiny of power, honor, 
 and renown. 
 
 In his famous Fort Hill speech, delivered in 1831, Mr. Cal- 
 houn said : 
 
 " I yield to none, I trust, in a deep and sincere attachment 
 to our political institutions and the Union of these States. I 
 never breathed an opposite sentiment ; but, on the contrary, I 
 have ever considered them the great instruments of preserving 
 our liberty, and promoting the happiness of ourselves and of 
 our posterity ; and next to these I have ever held them most 
 dear. Nearly half of my life has passed in the service of the 
 Union, and whatever public reputation I have acquired is 
 indissolubly identified with it. With these strong feelings of 
 attachment, I have examined with the utmost care the bearing 
 of the doctrine in question ; and so far from anarchical or 
 revolutionary, I solemnly believe it to be the only solid foun- 
 dation of our system, and of the Union itself; and that the 
 opposite doctrine, which denies to the States the right of pro- 
 tecting their reserved powers, and which would vest in the 
 General Government (it matters not through what department) 
 the right of determining exclusively and finally the powers 
 delegated to it, is incompatible with the sovereignity of the 
 
282 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 States and of the Constitution itself, considered as the basis 
 of a Federal Union. * * * Xo realize the perfection of 
 this Union, we must view the General Government and the 
 States as a whole, each in its proper sphere sovereign and 
 independent; each perfectly adapted to their respective 
 objects; the States acting separately, representing and pro- 
 tecting the local and peculiar interests; acting jointly, through 
 the General Government, with the weight respectively assigned 
 to each by the constitution, rejDresenting and protecting the 
 interests of the whole, and thus perfecting, by an admirable 
 but simple arrangement," the great princii^le of representation 
 and responsibility, without which no government can be free 
 or just. To preserve this sacred distribution as originally 
 settled, by coercing each to move in its prescribed orb, is the 
 great and difficult problem, on the solution of which the dura- 
 tion of our constitution, of our Union, and in all j)robability, 
 our liberty depends. * * * I must think the fear of weak- 
 ening the Government too much in this case to be in a great 
 measure unfounded, or at least, that the danger is much less 
 from that than the opposite side. I do not deny that a power 
 of so high a nature," [that of demanding the judgment of a 
 convention of States on questions disputed with the General 
 Government,] "may be abused by a State; but when I reflect 
 that the States unanimously called the General Government 
 into existence, with all of its powers, which they freely surren- 
 dered on their part, under the conviction that their common 
 peace, safety, and prosperity required it ; that they are bound 
 together by a common origin, and the recollection of common 
 suffering and common triumph in the great and splendid 
 achievement of their independence ; and the strongest feel- 
 ings of our nature, and among the love of national power and 
 distinction, are on the side of the Union ; it does seem to me 
 that the fear which would strip the States of their sovereignty, 
 and degrade them, in fact, to mere dependent corporations, 
 lest they should abuse a right indispensable to the peaceable 
 protection of those interests, which they reserved under their 
 own peculiar guardianship, when they created the General 
 Government, is unnatural and unreasonable." 
 
 Such were the just views and noble sentiments of the man 
 whom Webster and his party hounded as a traitor, and who 
 
THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 283 
 
 has gone down to history in Yankee books in the utterly false 
 character of a Disunionist. 
 
 The failure of Mr. Calhoun's scheme to bind up the rights 
 of the States with the interests and glory of the Union, was to 
 the consolidation school a new and decisive era of power. 
 State-rights fell into a loose disrepute from which they never 
 recovered ; the sectional controversy between ISTorth. and South 
 went on with increased force ; and influences were combining 
 to force the South at last to abandon all conservative expe- 
 dients and to accept the conclusion of Disunion. That conclu- 
 sion remained as the only possible protection against that 
 Northern party which founded the school of consolidation 
 only to use the Government at "Washington as the organ of 
 numerical majorities and the engine of sectional oppressipn. 
 
284 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 YI. 
 
 A Fourth of July sentiment in 1851. — Slavery not the Cause of Disunion. — The war 
 of 1861. — What it has decided. — The incense of weak minds to the Yankee. — 
 Last sentiment of President Davis. 
 
 On the Fourth of July, 1851, the foundation was laid for an 
 addition to the Capitol at Washington. Under the corner- 
 stone of the addition, Daniel Webster deposited a paper, in 
 his own handwriting, containing the following sentence: "If 
 therefore, it shall be hereafter the will of God that this struc- 
 ture shall fall from its base, that its foundations be upturned, 
 and the deposit beneath this stone brought to the eyes of men, 
 be it then known that on this day the Union of the United 
 States of America stands, firm — that their constitution still 
 exists unimpaired, and with all its original usefulness and 
 glory, growing every day stronger and stronger in the affec- 
 tions of the great body of the American people, and attracting 
 more and more the admiration of the world." 
 
 But ten years after this glowing tribute to the permanency 
 of American institutions, the Union was rent in twain, and the 
 States which composed it were ranged in one of the most im- 
 mense and violent wars of modern times. On the Fourth of 
 July, 1861, a remnant of Congress met at Washington, to raise 
 armies and means for a war upon the Southern States, which 
 having realized the constitution as a farce, and the Union as 
 the penalty of association of the oppressed with the oppressors, 
 were prepared to take their political destinies in their own 
 hands. 
 
 The disruption of the Union, in 1861, was by no means the 
 direct or the logical consequence of the slavery discussion. 
 The dispute on that subject had at last narrowed down to a 
 solitary point — whether it was competent for the Congress of 
 the United States, directly or indirectly, to exclude slavery 
 from the territories of the Union ; and to this proposition the 
 Supreme Court of the United States had given a negative 
 answer. 
 
APPENDIX. 286 
 
 The terrible war which ensued on Disunion must be taken 
 as the result of a profound and long-continued conflict between 
 the political and social systems of North and South, with 
 which slavery had a conspicuous connection, but was not in- 
 deed an independent controversy; a conflict on which was 
 ranged on one side the party that professed the doctrines of 
 consolidation and numerical majorities; that represented the 
 material civilization of America; that had the commerce and 
 the manufactures, the ships, the workshops, the war-material 
 of the country — on the other side, the party that maintained 
 the doctrines of State-rights, studied government as a system 
 of checks and balances, and cultivated the highest schools of 
 statesmanship in America ; that represented a civilization 
 scanty in shows and luxuries, but infinitely superior in the 
 moral and sentimental elements; that devoted itself to agricul- 
 ture, and had nothing but its fields and brave men to oppose 
 to a people that whitened every sea with their commerce, and 
 by the power of their wealth and under the license of " legiti- 
 macy," put the wliole world under tribute for troops and 
 munitions. 
 
 It is said that in this war the material civilization of the 
 North has conquered; that the principle of consolidation is 
 supremely triumphant, and that hereafter, under the captiva- 
 ting title of an Imperial Republic, it is to found, without dis- 
 pute, a new and permanent order of things in America. 
 
 The latter part of the proposition we dispute. The principle 
 of State-rights, which for three generations has been harbored 
 in the American mind, cannot be destroyed by an act of war. 
 The just opinions of men are immortal; suppressed or terrified 
 at times, they reassert themselves on opportunity ; punished 
 in one instance, although they may never resort again to the 
 fatal experiment, they discover new resources of contest, and 
 find new modes of expression and activity. 
 
 Since the close of the war, a newspaper published by Yir- 
 ginians in Virginia has thus attempted to state the issues it 
 decided : 
 
 " We accept the verdict ; we renounce our theory of the 
 Federal compact ; we abandon our ideas of State sovereignty ; 
 we abjure our faith in the right of secession. Henceforth, in 
 our conception, the Federal Government is supreme." 
 
286 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 The declaration is gratuitous ; it is not even demanded by 
 the enemy ; it is the passing and ephemeral incense of weak 
 minds to the Yankee. "We shall find in another instance a 
 truer indication of the future of the South, and a better ex- 
 pression of what remains of its spirit. When Jefferson Davis, 
 the President of the Confederate States, was seeking safety in 
 flight, a fellow traveller remarked to him that the cause of the 
 Confederates was lost. He replied : 
 
 " It appears so. But the principle for which we contended 
 is hound to reassert itself^ though it may he at another time and 
 in another form.^^ 
 
APPENDIX No. II. 
 
 EECONSTEUCTION. 
 
 Provisional Governments. — The Mississippi question. — The Amnesty Proola- 
 MATioN. — The franchise in Virginia. — Paroled prisoners. — Trade. — The defi- 
 nition OF " LOYALTY." — MESSAGE OF PrOVISIONAL-GoVERNOR JohNSON OF GEORGIA. 
 
 — Message of Provisional-Governor Perry of South Carolina. — The last six 
 DAYS of the Confederacy. 
 
 It would exceed tlie purpose and limits of this volume to 
 discuss the conseqtiences of the war, with respect to the po- 
 litical and civil rights of the people of the South. But, as 
 a brief and appropriate appendix, we may make up the rec- 
 ord of the official acts of the Washington Government, and 
 those of some of the States, in this regard, which gives the 
 outline of the history of reconstruction, so far as it has pro- 
 gressed, up to the date of this publication. 
 
 Provisional Governments. 
 
 The following proclamation of the President of the United 
 States, issued with reference to the re-establishment of the 
 State authority in North Carolina, was observed literally, or 
 substantially, with reference to the other Southern States, and 
 indicates the general plan of reconstruction : 
 
 " Whereas, the fourth section of the fourth article of the 
 constitution of the United States declares, that the United 
 States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a repub- 
 
288 TIIK LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 iican form of government, and shall protect each of them 
 against invasion and domestic violence; and 
 
 " Whereas, the President of the United States is, by the con- 
 stitution, made commander-in-chief of the army and navj'^, as 
 well as chief executive officer of the United States, and is 
 bound by solemn oath faithfully to execute the office of Pres- 
 ident of the United States, and to take care that the laws be 
 faithfully executed ; and 
 
 " Whereas, the rebellion, which has been waged by a portion 
 of the people of the United States, against the properly con- 
 stituted authorities of the Government thereof, in the most 
 violent and revolting form, but whose organized and armed 
 forces have now been almost entirely overcome, has, in its 
 revolutionary progress, deprived the people of the State of 
 I^orth Carolina of all civil government ; and 
 
 " Whereas, it becomes necessary and proper to carry out and 
 enforce the obligations of the United States to the people of 
 North Carolina, in securing them in the enjoyment of a re- 
 publican form of government : 
 
 "!Now, therefore, in obedience to the high and solemn duties 
 imposed upon me by the constitution of the United States, 
 and for the purpose of enabling the loyal people of said State 
 to organize a State government, whereby justice may be estab- 
 lished, domestic tranquillity insured, and loyal citizens pro- 
 tected in all their rights of life, liberty, and propert}^ ; I, 
 Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, and Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, 
 do hereby appoint William W. Holden provisional governor 
 of the State of North Carolina; whose duty it shall be, at the 
 earliest practicable period, to prescribe such rules and regula- 
 tions as may be necessary and proper for convening a conven- 
 tion, composed of delegates to be chosen by that portion of the 
 people of said State who are loyal to the United States, and 
 no others, for the purpose of altering or amending the consti- 
 tution thereof, and with authority to exercise, within the lim- 
 its of said State, all the powers necessary and proper to enable 
 such loyal people of the State of North Carolina to restore 
 said State to its constitutional relations to the Federal Gov- 
 ernment, and to present such a republican form of State gov- 
 ernment as will entitle the State to the guarantee of the 
 
APPENDIX. 289 
 
 United States therefor, and its people to protection by the 
 United States, against invasion, insurrection, and domestic 
 violence: Provided, that, in any election that may be here- 
 after held for choosing delegates to any State convention, as 
 aforesaid, no person siiall be qualified as an elector, or shall 
 be eligible as a member of sucli convention, unless he shall 
 have previously taken and subscribed to the oatli, or amnesty, 
 as set forth in the President's proclamation of May 29, 1865, 
 and is a voter qualified as prescribed by the constitution and 
 laws of the State of North Carolina in force immediately be- 
 fore the 20th day of May, A. D. 1861, the date of the so- 
 called ordinance of secession ; and the said convention, when 
 convened, or the legislature that may be thereafter assembled, 
 will prescribe the qualifications of electors, and the eligibility 
 of persons to hold ofiice under the constitution and laws of the 
 State — a power the people of the several States composing the 
 Federal Union have rightfully exercised, from the origin of 
 the Government to the present time. And I do hereby direct : 
 
 " First. That the military commander of the department, and 
 all ofiicers and persons in the military and naval service, aid 
 and assist the said provisional governor in carrying into eflfect 
 this proclamation; and they are enjoined to abstain from in 
 any way hindering, impeding, or discouraging the loyal people 
 from tlie organization of a State government, as herein au- 
 thorized. 
 
 " Second. That the Secretary of State proceed to put in force 
 all laws of the United States, the administration whereof be- 
 longs to the State Department, applicable to the geographical 
 limits aforesaid. 
 
 " Third. That the Secretary of the Treasury pi-oceed to nom- 
 inate for appointment assessors of taxes, and collectors of cus- 
 toms and internal revenue, and such other ofiicers of the 
 Treasury Department as are authorized by law, and put in 
 execution the revenue laws of the United States, within the 
 geographical limits afoi'esaid. 
 
 " In making the appointments, the preference shall be given 
 to qualified, loyal persons residing within the districts where 
 their respective duties are to be performed ; but if suitable 
 residents of the districts shall not be found, then persons re- 
 siding in other States or districts shall be appointed. 
 
 19 
 
290 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 '■'- Fourth. That the Postmaster-General proceed to establish 
 post-routes, and put into execution the postal laws of the 
 United States, within the said State, giving to loyal residents 
 the preference of appointment; but if suitable residents are 
 not found, then appoint agents from other States. 
 
 '-^ Fifth. That the district judge, for the judicial district in 
 which North Carolina is included, proceed to hold courts 
 within said State, in accordance with the provisions of the act 
 of Congress. 
 
 "Tiie attorney-general will instruct the proper officers to libel 
 and bring to judgment, confiscation, and sale, property subject 
 to confiscation, and enforce the administration of justice with- 
 in said State, in all matters within the cognizance and jurisdic- 
 tion of the Federal courts. 
 
 " Sixth. That the Secretary of the ISTavy take possession of 
 all public property belonging to the Navy Departinent within 
 said geographical limits, and put in operation all acts of Con- 
 gress,, in relation to naval affairs, having application to said 
 St^te. 
 
 " Seventh. That the Secretary of the Interior put in force all 
 laws relating to the Interior Department, applicable to the 
 geographical limits aforesaid. 
 
 " In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 "Andrew Johnson. 
 
 " Done at tlie city of Washington, this 29th day of May, in the year of our Lord 
 one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the independence of 
 the United States the eighty-ninth. 
 
 " By the President : 
 
 " "Welliam H. Sewabd, Secretary of State." 
 
 The Mississippi Question. 
 
 In a letter from President Johnson to Governor Sharkey of 
 Mississippi, relative to organizing the militia of that State, he 
 wrote : 
 
 " It is believed there can be organized in each county a 
 force of citizen militia to preserve order and enforce the civil 
 
APPENDtX. 291 
 
 authority of the State, and of the United States, which would 
 enable the Federal Government to reduce the array and with- 
 draw, to a great extent, the forces from the State, thereby re- 
 ducing the enormous expenses of the Government. 
 
 " If there was any danger from an organization of the citi- 
 zens for the purpose indicated, the military are there to sup- 
 press, on the first appearance, any move insurrectionary in its 
 character. One great object is to induce the people to come 
 forward in the defence of the State and Federal Governments. 
 General "Washington declared, that the people, or the militia, 
 was the arm of the constitution, or the arm of the United 
 States ; and, as soon as it is practicable, the original design of 
 the Government should be resumed under the principles of 
 the great charter of freedom, handed down to the people by 
 the founders of the Republic. The people must be trusted 
 with their government, and, if trusted, my opinion is, that they 
 will act in good faith, and restore their former constitutional 
 relations with all the States composing the Union. The main 
 object of Major-General Caii Schurz's mission to the South was 
 to aid, as much as practicable, in carrying out the policy 
 adopted by the Government for restoring the States to their 
 former relations with the Federal Government. It is hoped 
 such aid has been given. The proclamation authorizing the 
 restoiation of State government requires the military to aid 
 the Provisional Governor in the performance of his duties as 
 prescribed in the proclamation, and in no manner to interfere 
 or throw impediments in the wa}' of the consummation of the 
 object of his appointment, at least without advising the Gov- 
 ernment of the intended interference. 
 
 " Andrew Johkson." 
 
 On September 2d, the President received a dispatch from 
 Governor Sharkey, stating that General Slocum had issued an 
 order preventing the execution of his proclamation of August 
 19th, to organize the militia of the State for certain purposes 
 of home protection, and acknowledging the receipt of the copy 
 of the dispatch sent to General Schurz on the 30th ultinio, 
 whicli dispatch Governor Sharkey earnestly requested permis- 
 sion to publish. 
 
 To this request, the President replied by telegraph : 
 
292 THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAE. 
 
 "My dispatch was not intended for publication, but yon 
 can make such use of it as you deem best." 
 
 The same day the following dispatch was sent to General 
 
 Slocum : 
 
 " War Department, Washington, D. C, Sept. 2. 
 
 '' Majoe-Genebal Slocum, &c. : 
 
 " Upon the 19th of August, Governor Sharkey issued a proc- 
 lamation calling for the formation of military companies in 
 each county to detect criminals, prevent crime, and preserve 
 good order in places where the military forces of the United 
 States were insufficient to do so. If you have issued any order 
 countermanding this proclamation, or interfering with its exe- 
 cution, you will at once revoke it. Acknowledge the receipt 
 of this order, and telegraph your action on it. 
 
 " By order of the President of the United States. 
 
 "T. T. Eckert, 
 " Acting Assistant Secretary of "War." 
 
 The Amnesty Proclamation'. 
 
 "Whereas, the President of the United States, on the eighth 
 day of December, A. D. eighteen hundred and sixty-three, 
 and on the twenty-sixth day of March, A. D. eighteen hundred 
 and sixty-four, did, with the object to suppress the existing re- 
 bellion, to induce all persons to return to their loyalty, and to 
 restore the authority of the United States, issue proclamations 
 offering amnesty and pardon to certain persons who had di- 
 rectly or by implication participated in the said rebellion ; and 
 
 "Whereas, many persons who had so engaged in said rebel- 
 lion have, since the issuance of said proclamation, failed or 
 neglected to take the benefits offered thereby ; and 
 
 "Whereas, many persons who have been justly deprived of 
 all claim to amnesty and pardon thereunder, by reason of their 
 participation, directly or by implication, in said rebellion and 
 continued hostility to the Government of the United States 
 since the date of said proclamation, now desire to apply for and 
 obtain amnesty and pardon ; 
 
 To the end, therefore, that the authority of the Government 
 of the United States may be restored, and that peace, order 
 
APPENDIX. 293 
 
 and freedom may be established, I, Andrew Johnson, Presi- 
 dent of the United States, do proclaim and declare that I here- 
 by grant to all persons who have directly or indirectly parti- 
 cipated in the existing rebellion, except as hereinafter except- 
 ed, amnesty and pardon, with restoration of all rights of prop- 
 erty, except as to slaves, and except in cases where legal pro- 
 ceedings, under the laws of the United States providing for 
 the confiscation of property of persons engaged in rebellion, 
 have been instituted ; but on the condition, nevertheless, that 
 every such person shall take and subscribe to the following 
 oath or affirmation, and thenceforward keep and maintain said 
 oath inviolate, and which oath shall be registered for perma- 
 nent preservation, and shall be of the tenor and effect follow- 
 ing, to wit : 
 
 I, , do solemnly swear (or affirm), in presence of 
 
 Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support and 
 defend the constitution of the United States and the Union of 
 the States thereunder ; and that I will, in like manner, abide by 
 and faithfully support all laws and proclamations which have 
 been made during the existing rebellion with reference to the 
 emancipation of slaves. So help me God. 
 
 The following classes of persons are excepted from the bene- 
 fits of this proclamation. 
 
 .Fwst. All who are, or shall have been, pretended civil or 
 diplomatic officers, or otherwise, domestic or foreign agents, of 
 th e pretended Confederate Government. 
 
 Second. All who left judicial stations under the United 
 States to aid the rebellion. 
 
 Third. All who shall have been military or naval officers 
 of said pretended Confederate Government above the rank of 
 colonel in the army and lieutenant in the navy. 
 
 Fourth. All who left seats in the Congress of the United 
 States to aid the rebellion. 
 
 Fifth. All who resigned or tendered resignations of their 
 commissions in the army oi* navy of the United States to evade 
 duty in resisting the rebellion. 
 
 Sixth. All who have engaged in any way in treating other- 
 wise than lawfully as prisoners of war persons found in the 
 United States service as officers, soldiers, seamen, or in other 
 capacities. 
 
294 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 Seventh. All persons who have been or are absentees from 
 the United States for the purpose of aiding the rebellion. 
 
 Eighth. All military and naval officers of the rebel ser- 
 vice who were educated by the Government in the Military 
 Academy at West Point, or the United States Naval Acad- 
 emy. 
 
 Ninth. All persons who held the pretended offices of gov- 
 ernors of States in insurrection against the United States. 
 
 Tenth. All persons who left their homes within the juris- 
 diction and protection of the United States, and passed beyond 
 the Federal military lines into the so-called Confederate States 
 for the purpose of aiding the rebellion. 
 
 Eleventh. All persons who have been engaged in the de- 
 struction of the commerce of the United States upon the high 
 seas, and all persons who have made raids into the United 
 States from Canada, or been engaged in destroying the com- 
 merce of the United States upon the lakes and rivers that sep- 
 arate the British provinces from the United States. 
 
 Twelfth. All persons who, at the time when they seek to 
 obtain the benefits hereof, by taking the oath herein prescribed, 
 are in military, naval, or civil confinement or custody, or under 
 bonds of the civil, military, or naval authorities or agents of 
 the United States, as prisoners of war or persons detained for 
 offences of any kind either before or after conviction. 
 
 Thirteenth. All persons who have voluntarily participated 
 in said rebellion, and the estimated value of whose taxable 
 property is over twenty thousand dollars. 
 
 Fourteenth. All persons who have taken the oath of amnes- 
 ty, as prescribed in the President's proclamation of December 
 8th, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, or an oath of 
 allegiance to the Government of the United States, since the 
 date of said proclamation, and who have not thenceforward 
 kept and maintained the same inviolate. 
 
 Provided, that special application may be made to the Pres- 
 ident for pardon by any person belonging to the excepted 
 classes, and such clemency will be liberally extended as may 
 be consistent with the facts of the case, and the peace and dig- 
 nity of the United States. 
 
 The Secretary of State will establish rules and regulations for 
 administering and recording the said amnesty oath, so as to in- 
 
APPENDIX. 295 
 
 sure its benefit to the people, and guard the Government 
 against fraud. 
 
 In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Andrew Johnson. 
 
 Done at the city of Wasliingt.on, the twenty-ninth day of May, in the year of 
 our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the independ- 
 ence of the United States the eiglity -ninth. 
 
 By the President : 
 
 Wm. H. Sewakd, Secretaiy of State. 
 
 The Franchise in Virginia. 
 
 To the Justices of the County Courts of Virghiia : 
 
 Gentlkmkn — I desire to call your attention to the second 
 paragraph of the third article of the State constitution, which 
 is in the following words : 
 
 " No person shall vote, or hold office under this constitution, who has held 
 office under the so-called Confederate government, or any rebellious State 
 government, or who has been a member of the so-called Confederate Congress, 
 or a member of any State Legislature in rebellion against the authority of the 
 United States, excepting therefrom coimty officers." 
 
 I have reliable information that in a number of counties in 
 the State, persons have been elected to the office of Common- 
 wealth's attorney, sheriff, commissioner of the revenue, and 
 clerk of the court, and, in some instances, justices of the peace, 
 who are disqualified by the clause of . the constitution above 
 quoted, and who have not been relieved by acts of the General 
 Assembly. Wherever it has come to the knowledge of the 
 executive, that a person elected as a justice of the peace labors 
 under the disability referred to, a commission has been refused. 
 You will also take care that no justice to whom a commission 
 has been issued, and who is disqualified under the said clause, 
 be permitted to qualify ; and you will further take care that 
 no person so disqualified, who has been elected to the offices 
 above referred to, shall qualify or enter upon their duties. 
 
 You will consider all offices above referred to, to which 
 persons so disqualified shall have been elected, vacant, and 
 order elections immediately to fill such vacancies. 
 
 Judges of the Circuit Courts will observe this order in or- 
 ganizing their respective courts. 
 
296 THE LAST YEAE OF THE WAE. 
 
 I take it for granted that this seeming disrespect for the 
 constitution has arisen from a want of proper consideration. 
 I am loth to believe that it has been done, in any instance, 
 through any disrespect for the constitution and laws of the 
 State ; but I feel it incumbent on me to see that the organic 
 law of the State is enforced. 
 
 In the elections to fill vacancies, you will be guided by the 
 provisions of the code of 1860. 
 
 F. H. PlEEPOINT, 
 
 Governor of Yirginia. 
 
 The following is a copy of the franchise bill passed by the 
 General Assembly : 
 
 " An act prescribing means ly icJdch persons who Tiave heen disfrancMsed hy the 
 third article of the constitution may be restored to the rights of voters. 
 Passed June 23, 1865. 
 
 " Whereas, in the opinion of this General Assembly, the time 
 has arrived when it would be safe and expedient to restore to 
 the rights of voters certain persons who are disfranchised by 
 the provisions of the third article of the constitution' of Yir- 
 ginia ; now, for the purpose of so restoring such persons, 
 
 " Be it enacted hy the Oeneral Assembly of Virginia, That 
 every person possessing, in other respects, tlie qualification of 
 a voter under the constitution and law^s of the State, Nvho has 
 taken, or who shall hereafter take, the oath prescribed by the 
 Amnesty Proclamation of the President of the United States, 
 of the 29th of May, 1865, which oath is in the following words, 
 to wit: " I do solemnly swear ^or affirm), in the presence of 
 Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, pro- 
 tect, and defend the constitution of the United States, and the 
 union of the States thereunder ; and that I will in like manner 
 abide by, and faithfully support, all laws and proclamations 
 which have been made during the existing rebellion, with 
 reference to the emancipation of slaves ;" and an oath to 
 uphold and defend the government of Yirginia, as restored 
 by the convention which assembled at Wheeling, on the 11th 
 day of June, 1861, which oath is in the following words : " I 
 do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will uphold and defend 
 the government of Yirginia, as restored by the convention 
 which assembled at Wheeling, on the lltli day of June, 1861,'* 
 
APPENDIX. 297 
 
 shall be entitled and qualified to vote for members of the 
 General Assembly, and all officers elective by the people, 
 subject always to the laws in regard to voters and voting, not 
 inconsistent with this act. Provided, however, that the per- 
 sons excluded by the terms of the said proclamation from the 
 benefits thereof, excepting those embraced in the thirteenth 
 class of such excluded persons, shall not be entitled or qualified 
 to vote as aforesaid, unless pardoned by the President, as pro- 
 vided for by said proclamation. This act shall be in force 
 from its passage." 
 
 Paroled Pkisoneks. 
 
 Department of State, Washington, August 35, 1865. 
 Paroled prisoners asking passports, as citizens of the United 
 States, and against whom no special charges may be pending, 
 will be furnished with passports upon application therefor to 
 the Department of State, in the usual form. Such passports 
 will, however, be issued upon the condition that the applicants 
 do not return to the United States without leave of the presi- 
 dent. Other persons implicated in the rebellion, who may 
 wish to go abroad, will apply to the Department of State for 
 passports, and the applications will be disposed of according 
 to the merits of the several cases. 
 
 By the President of the United States, 
 
 William H. Sewaed. 
 
 Trade. 
 
 By proclamation of the President of the United States of the 
 29th of April, 1865, all restrictions upon internal, domestic, 
 and commercial intercourse — with the exception of the follow- 
 ing articles: arms, ammunition, all articles from which am- 
 munition is made, and gray uniforms and cloth — were removed 
 in such parts of the States of Tennessee, Virginia, North Car- 
 olina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, 
 and so much of Louisiana as lies east of the Mississippi liiver 
 as shall be embraced within the lines of national miHtary occu- 
 pation. 
 
 On the 13th of June, a proclamation was published direct- 
 
298 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 ing that all restrictions upon internal, domestic, and coastwise 
 intercourse and trade, and upon the removal of products of 
 States heretofore declared in insurrection — reserving ana ex- 
 cepting only those relating to contraband of war, and also 
 those which relate to the reservation of rights of the United 
 States to property purchased in the territory of an enemy, 
 heretofore imposed in the territory of the United States, east 
 of the Mississippi River — be forthwith removed ; and that, on 
 and after the tirst day of July next, all i-estrictions upon for- 
 eign comm.erce with said ports, with the exception and res- 
 ervation aforesaid, be removed; and that the commerce of said 
 States shall be conducted under the supervision of the regu- 
 larly appointed officers of the customs provided by law; and 
 such officers of the customs shall receive any captured and 
 abandoned property that may be turned over to them, under 
 the law, by the military or naval forces of the United States, 
 and dispose of such property as shall be directed by the secre- 
 tary of the treasury. 
 
 On the 23d of June, the following proclamation was issued, 
 as to the termination of the blockade : 
 
 " Whereas, by the proclamations of the President of the 15th 
 and 27th of April, 1861, a blockade of certain ports of the 
 United States was set on foot; but, whereas, the reasons for 
 that measure have ceased to exist : Now, therefore, be it 
 known, that I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United 
 States, do hereby declare and proclaim the blockade aforesaid 
 to be rescinded, as to all the ports aforesaid, including that of 
 Galveston, and other ports west of the Mississippi River, which 
 ports will be open to foreign commerce on the iirst of July 
 next, on the terms and conditions set forth in my proclama- 
 tion of the 2'2d of May last. It is to be understood, however, 
 that the blockade thus rescinded was an international measure, 
 for the purp(>se of protecting the sovereign rights of the United 
 States. The greater or less subversion of the civil authority 
 in the region to which it applied, and the impracticability of at 
 once restoring that, in due efficiency, may for a season make 
 it advisable to emplo}^ the army and navy of the United States 
 towards carrying the laws into effect, wherevei' such employ- 
 ment may be necessary. 
 
APPENDIX. 299 
 
 " In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, acd 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 " Andrew Johnson. 
 
 " Done at tlie city of Washington, this twenty-third day of June, in the year of 
 our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the independ- 
 ence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth. 
 
 " By the President : 
 
 " W. Hunter, Acting Secretary of State." 
 
 By proclamation of the 24th of June, the benefits of former 
 proclamations, annulling all restrictions upon internal, do- 
 mestic, and coastwise intercourse and trade, and upon the 
 purchase and removal of products of States, and parts of States 
 and territories, heretofore declared in insurrection, were ex- 
 tended to the States and territories lying west of the Missis- 
 sippi Eiver. 
 
 The following proclamation appears to have finally ac- 
 complished the entire freedom of trade with the Southern 
 States : 
 
 "Whereas, by my proclamations of the 13th and 24th of June, 
 1865, removing restrictions, in part, upon internal, domestic, 
 and coastwise intercourse and trade with those States recently 
 declared in insurrection, certain articles were exempted from 
 the effect of said proclamation as contraband of war ; and 
 
 " AVhereas, the necessity for restricting trade in said articles 
 has now, in great measure, ceased, it is hereby ordered that 
 on and after the 3d day of September, 1865, all restrictions 
 aforesaid be removed, so that articles, declared by the said 
 proclamations to be contraband of war, may be imported into 
 and sold in said States, subject only to such regulations as the 
 secretary of the treasury may prescribe. 
 
 " In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 " Andrew Johnson. 
 
 " Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-ninth day of August, in the year 
 of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty -five, and of the independ- 
 ence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth. 
 
 «' By the President : 
 
 " W. H. Seward, Secretary of State." ' 
 
300 the last tear of the war. 
 
 The Definition of " Loyalty." 
 
 The following is the text of a communication, dated Wash- 
 ington, October, 28, 1865, and transmitted to his excellency, 
 James Johnson, provisional-governor of Georgia, Milledge- 
 ville: 
 
 " Washington, October 29, 1865. 
 
 " Your several telegrams have been, received. The Presi- 
 dent of the United States cannot recognize the people of any 
 State as having resumed their relations of loyalty to the Union, 
 that admits, as legal, obligations contracted or debts created 
 in their name to promote the war of the rebellion. 
 
 " W. H. Sewakd." 
 
 The following has been addressed to his excellency, William 
 Marvin, provisional-governor of Florida, at Tallahassee : 
 
 " Washington, November 1, 1865. 
 " Your letter of October 7th was read, and submitted to the 
 President. He is gratified with the favorable progress to- 
 wards reorganization in Florida, and directs me to say that he 
 regards the ratification, by the Legislature, of the congressional 
 amendment of the constitution of the United States, as indis- 
 pensable to a successful restoration of the true loyal relations 
 between Florida and the other States, and equally indispen- 
 sable to the return of peace and harmony throughout the 
 Republic. 
 
 " WiLLLA-M H. Seward." 
 
 Message of Provisional-Governor Johnson of Georgia. 
 
 The Georgia Legislature met on the 25th of October, 1865. 
 After organization, the following message was sent in by the 
 governor : 
 
 " Gentlemkn of the Convention — The circumstances under 
 which you have assembled, make it proper, in my judgment, 
 that you should have set before you a summary of the financial 
 condition of the State, that you may be the better prepared to 
 give appropriate directions to executive officers touching the 
 
APPENDIX. 301 
 
 discharge of important duties necessary to be performed before 
 the Legislature will assemble. Upon entering on the duties of 
 my office, I ascertained from a source deemed reliable, that 
 the cotton which had been previously purchased by the State, 
 had either been captured or consumed by fire ; and that all of 
 the assets the State held abroad, had been drawn against to 
 the full extent of their value. 
 
 " The Western and Atlantic Railroad yielded us no income, 
 and the stock belonging to the State in banks and other rail- 
 roads were entirely unavailable. Our charitable institutions — 
 the Academy for the Blind at the city of Macon and the Lun- 
 atic Asylum at this place — were without funds, and are now 
 compelled to resort to such credit as they may obtain to pro- 
 cure supplies necessary for the maintenance of their unfortu- 
 nate inmates. The penitentiary, with its shops and machinery, 
 has been nearly destroyed, to such an extent as to render it 
 wholly inadequate to accomplish the purpose designed, and 
 nearly all of the convicts have either escaped or been dis- 
 charged. 
 
 " It will be necessary, therefore, to make some provisions to 
 carry into effect the judgments of the courts against certain 
 criminals for offences committed in violation of existing laws, or 
 which may be committed, until new laws shall be made pre- 
 scribing new penalties and other modes of inflicting punish- 
 ment for crime. 
 
 " During the progress of the war, the Western and Atlantic 
 Railroad was alternately destroyed and rebuilt by the contend- 
 ing armies, until by the operations of last spring it finally fell 
 into the possession of the military authorities of the United 
 States. By them it was temporarily repaired and put in run- 
 ning order, and by them retained until about the 25th of last 
 month, when it was turned over to the State upon certain terms 
 and conditions proposed by the United States. Most of the 
 depots on the road and the workshops on it are to be repaired 
 or rebuilt, many cross-ties to be furnished, and much of the 
 iron to be relaid. The bridges over the streams were found to 
 be frail, and liable to be swept off by the first heavy freshets. 
 Such being the case, the superintendent and directors did not 
 hesitate, with my approval, to enter into contracts for the im- 
 mediate construction of permanent and substantial bridges 
 
302 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 They are fourteen in number, and by the terms of the contracts 
 are to be completed by the 15th of December next. The rolling- 
 stock on the road being iusufiicient, the superintendent and di- 
 rectors purchased of the United States nine engines and about 
 one hundred cars. This outlay cannot be met by the proceeds 
 of the I'oad, but will require, it is estimated, more than half a 
 million of dollars. 
 
 " I have caused some repairs to be put upon the State House 
 and Executive Mansion. These will require further appro- 
 priations, to replenish and put them in proper order. Having 
 no available assets with which to pay the mileage of the mem- 
 bers of the Convention or their per diem, I borrowed on the 
 faith of the State, from citizens of Augusta, about the sum of 
 fifty thousand dollars, to be used by the Convention for that 
 pui*pose. Special contracts have been made with the citizens 
 lending the money, to which contracts I invite your attention, 
 and respectfully ask that they be approved, and that provi- 
 sion be made to meet them promptly. 
 
 " Since our last election for members to the Congress of the 
 United States, a new apportionment of representatives has been 
 made under the census returns of 1860 ; and by that appor- 
 tionment the number allotted to the State of Georgia is reduced 
 to seven. It being desirable that representatives should be 
 elected at as early a day as practicable, it will be proper that 
 the Convention shall, by resolution or otherwise, divide the 
 State into the requisite number of districts, and order that the 
 election for members to Congress be held on the same day as 
 that on which the governor and mem.bers of the General As- 
 sembly may be directed to be holden; 
 
 " The changes which the war and its results have made in our 
 property, population, and resources, suggest that some corre- 
 sponding changes or modiUcations be made in the organic law, 
 fixing the basis and the mode of representation in each branch 
 of the General Assembl3^ To approximate perfect justice on 
 this subject, is, under the most favorable circumstances, al- 
 most impossible ; but with us, at present, it is still more diffi- 
 cult, because of the want of accurate statistical information. For 
 the purpose of aiding you in performing this delicate task, I have 
 procured for the use of the Convention, " Vol. Population" of 
 the census of 1860, and which will be furnished when desired. 
 
APPENDIX. 303 
 
 " Within the past few years we have made several experi- 
 ments on our judicial system. These experiments, I think, 
 have demonstrated that t'he judges should be independent of 
 the executive, and that sound policy, and the wholesome ad- 
 ministration of law, require that the governor be deprived of 
 the appointment of all judicial functionaries. The administra- 
 tion of justice will, under the new condition of society, require 
 that the organic law be so made, as to allow the Legislature to 
 establish inferior tribunals, in each county, with jurisdiction 
 over certain classes of civil and criminal causes. The sessions 
 of such courts should be frequent, so as to dispatch business 
 without delay ; and should be held, subject to legislation, from 
 time to time, as the public exigencies might require. 
 
 " In this connection, I cannot forbear earnestly recommending 
 to your deliberate consideration, the propriety of ordaining 
 that the Supreme Court shall hold its sessions at one place, 
 and that one place shall be the seat of government for the 
 State. The advantages resulting from it will be many and 
 great. It will better secure the convenniece of suitors, and 
 approximate more nearly in distributing justice to each man's 
 door. It will add consequence to our capital, give more dig- 
 nity to the court, and more authority to their decisions. 
 
 "The public debt of the State, as reported by the comptroller, 
 amounts to about $20,813,525. Of this sum, $2,667,750 were 
 contracted prior to the commencement of the war ; the bal- 
 ance, about $18,135,775, during its existence. On the amount 
 incurred previous to hostilities, there is now due and unpaid 
 about the sum of $284,000. The liabilities incurred before the 
 war are, in every sense, a debt ; and the State is bound, by 
 every consideration of good faith and public morality, so to re- 
 gard it, and to make provision for the prompt and faithful dis- 
 charge of such liability. No reasonable doubt can be enter- 
 tained that such will be her pleasure and her action. But the 
 debt created during the war stands on a very different basis. 
 It is of no legal or moral obligation, because it was created to 
 aid in the prosecution of a war of rebellion against the United 
 States. The purpose sought to be accomplished was unconsti- 
 tutional ; and all who participated, in any wise, in the effort to 
 sever the country, were violators of law, and can, therefore, set 
 up no claim, either legal or equitable, for money advanced, or 
 
304: THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 for services rendered. Furthermore, these contracts, from 
 which a litibiUty is said to result, were made with Georgia in 
 revolt — with Georgia as a member of the Confederate States 
 government. The government to which she then belonged 
 has been overthrown, and with its overthrow, all Confederate 
 debts became extinct. Georgia, as a component part of it, no 
 longer exists, and her debts then incurred, have, in like man- 
 ner, been extinguished. She is now no longer in revolt. She 
 is one of the States of the Federal Union ; and, in her return to 
 reconciliation, her allegiance to the Government requires that 
 the act of secession be cancelled, and all other acts done and 
 performed in aid of the rebellion be declared void and of no 
 effect. The ultimate redemption of the currency, both State 
 and Confederate, was made dependent, in fact and in terms, 
 upon the result of the fatal struggle. Ko one expected pay- 
 ment, if finally defeated in our efforts to secure independence; 
 and, therefore, no plighted faith is violated by a refusal on the 
 part of Georgia to assume to pay an indebtedness dependent 
 on the issue. The currency and the cause flourished together, 
 while in life ; and now that the cause has no longer a being, 
 the currency that sustained it may well be interred in the same 
 grave. 
 
 " To call a refusal on the part of the State to acknowledge or 
 pay these extinct demands repudiation, is but a perversion of 
 the use of language, and presents an appearance of an attempt 
 to sustain and uphold a desperate cause by a resort to odious 
 words and opprobrious epithets. Our burdens are already 
 great, and our strength greatly diminished. The assumption 
 of such a debt will still add to our weakness, impair our 
 credit, increase our taxes, deter immigration, prevent capital 
 from seeking an investment among us, and will embarrass us 
 in a variety of ways for years to come. 
 
 " To transler this great question to the Legislature will be 
 considered as a quasi indorsement of its justice. The Legisla- 
 ture will have its own peculiar burdens to bear, and will be 
 pressed with business beyond that of any one that has assem- 
 bled in our day. It will be charged with framing and passing 
 tax laws, police laws, penal laws, laws relating to contracts 
 and to all the manifold relations of life. Such subjects will 
 be sufficient to consume the time and the talents of the most 
 
APPENDIX. 305 
 
 able and industrious of men ; and the public welfare will de- 
 mand that, to these subjects, the members of the Legislature 
 shall give tlieir earnest, best, and undivided efi'orts. Let not 
 that body, when in session, be besieged, from day to day, by 
 claimants, and their agents and attorneys, urging the assump- 
 tion, in whole or in part, of these unconstitutional demands. 
 Let the hope of reward in such eiforts be entirely cut off; let 
 this overflowing fountain of corruption be now and forever 
 dried up; and let the record of your action on this subject dis- 
 courage, in the future, all premature efforts to overthrow long 
 and well-established government. In a word, ordain solenmly 
 and deliberately that no Legislature, now or hereafter, shall, 
 directly or indirectly, in whole or in part, assume to pay, in 
 any manner, these demands, unconstitutional in their creation, 
 and many of them without even the countenance of equity to 
 support them. 
 
 " The events of this year will constitute an era in history. 
 Slavery has been abolished in these States. Georgia, in con- 
 vention, is called upon to put on record an acknowledgment 
 of the accomplished f^ict, to give assurance to mankind that 
 involuntary servitude shall not hereafter, in any form, or by 
 virtue of any device, exist within her borders ; to enjoin on 
 succeeding legislators that they shall guard by law the com- 
 munity from the evils of sudden emancipation ; shall secure 
 those emerging from bondage in the enjoyment of their legal 
 rights ; and shall protect the humble, the ignorant, and the 
 weak from wrong and aggression. Such are some of the un- 
 foreseen and wonderful results of the war. In passing through 
 this revolution our chastisements have been sevei'e and our 
 calamities have been heavy ; but we should do well to remember 
 that this great change is of Him who does all things wisely 
 and "according to the councils of His will." 
 
 " J. Johnson, 
 " Provisional-Governor of Georgia." 
 20 
 
306 THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAK. 
 
 Message of Pkovisional-Goveknok Perry of South Carolina. 
 
 Executive Department, South Carolina, Oct. 24, 1865. 
 
 To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives : 
 * * * * * -x- 
 
 After the termination of our recent disastrous and ruinous 
 struggle with the Federal Government, it pleased the Presi- 
 dent of the United States to select me, without my knowledge 
 or any solicitation on the part of my friends, for the high and 
 responsible position which I now hold, to organize a State 
 government for South Carolina, and have her restored to all 
 her civil and political rights as a member of the Federal 
 Union, I felt deeply the delicate responsibility of the station 
 to which I had been called, and was fearful that, in obeying 
 the orders and carrying out the policy of the Federal Govern- 
 ment, I should' not be able to protect the State and save the 
 people from unjust exaction and oppression. But, most foi'- 
 tunately, the wise, generous, and magnanimous policy of 
 President Johnson towards the Southern States has enabled 
 me to do both, and rendered my administration pleasant and 
 gratifying to me. I have been greatly sustained, too, by the 
 honor, patriotism, and loyalty of the people. 
 
 Though I received my appointment several months after 
 other provisional governors had been cpnimissioned, I have 
 the pleasure of informing you that South Carolina is now as 
 far advanced in her reconstruction as any other Southern 
 State. Instead of wasting time in trying to fill all the civil 
 offices of the State with my personal or political friends and 
 partisans, I determined to restore those who were in office at 
 the suspension of the civil government, and who had been 
 elected by the people or appointed by the Legislature, and 
 ^^^ere familiar with their official duties. I knew too well the 
 character of South Carolina, to doubt for a moment that her 
 sons would prove loyal and true, after renewing their oaths of 
 allegiance to the United States. In this way I re-established 
 civil government at once in South Carolina, and greatly expe- 
 dited her reconstruction. An election for members of the 
 convention to reform our State constitution was immediately 
 
APPENDIX. 307 
 
 ordered. Magistrates were authorized to administer the oath 
 of allegiance, so as to qualify the voters in time for the elec- 
 tion. I also restored civil law throughout the State, and 
 ordered the courts to be opened. These measures were ob- 
 jected to by the military authorities, as transcending my 
 powers as provisional governor. But the President sustained 
 me in all that I had done, and ordered the military authorities 
 not to interfere Math my policy of reconstruction. Like a wise 
 statesman and patriot, he confides in the people, desires to see 
 them enjoying civil liberty and governing themselves. Wash- 
 ington had the immortal honor of creating the American Re- 
 public, and to Andrew Johnson will be assigned, in history, 
 the glory of having reconstructed its broken and dismembered 
 fragments, without marring its civil beauties. Like Washing- 
 ton, too,, he is, by his just, wise, and magnanimous policy, 
 uniting and consolidating all parties in the support of his ad- 
 ministration. 
 
 The State Convention assembled, and, after a most harmoni- 
 ous session of fifteen days, presented a new constitution for the 
 future government of South Carolina. This constitution is 
 more popular and democratic in all of its features than the old 
 one adopted in 1790. The parish system of representation in 
 the Senate, which had become, by the growth of the upper 
 country in wealth and population, unequal and unjust, allow- 
 ing one judicial district to have ten senators, and others of 
 equal extent in territory but one, was abolished, and all were 
 assigned an equal representation in the Senate. The just, 
 equal, and conservative basis of representation in the House, 
 founded on white population and taxation, was retained. The 
 unequal classification of lands has been changed, and taxes are 
 now to be levied in proportion to the assessed value of all tax- 
 able property. A moderate poll-tax is- provided for, which 
 will cause all to contribute something towards the support of 
 the government under which they live and are protected. The 
 property qualification of members of the Senate and House of 
 Kepresentatives, which seemed to presume that a man's pa- 
 triotism depended on his wealth, has been dispensed with. 
 The members of the Legislature are required to vote viva voce 
 in all elections, so that their constituents may know for whom 
 they voted. The chief magistrate of the State is to be elected 
 
308 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 by the people for four years, and has a qualified veto on the 
 legislation of the two houses. **-»** 
 
 The emancipation of our slaves will, in all probability, ab- 
 stract greatly from the active labor of the country. Planters 
 and farmers should dispose of a portion of their lands to immi- 
 grants and capitalists from Europe and the North. This will 
 increase the wealth and industry of the State, and render more 
 valuable the lands which remain unsold. It will also have a 
 wholesome check on the colored population, and strengthen 
 our security from insurrections and violence. Three-fourths of 
 the State of South Carolina are uncultivated. Instead of a 
 population of seven hundred thousand, our territory is suffi- 
 cient to support one of seven millions, if properly distributed 
 in manufactures, commerce, and agriculture. 
 
 It becomes your urgent duty, gentlemen, to make immedi- 
 ate provision for the protection and government of the freed- 
 men and colored people who have been so suddenly released 
 from slavery in their ignorance and destitution. This is alike 
 due to humanity and justice, as well as the imperative neces- 
 sities of society. The negro has lost the protection of his mas- 
 ter, and he must now be protected by the law. This is expected 
 of you by the President and the Federal Congress, and will 
 remove all pretence for military rule in the State, as well as 
 facilitate your speedy restoration to the Union and self-gov- 
 ernment. The negro is innocent of all that he has gained, and 
 all that you have lost, and he is entitled to your sympathy 
 and kindness, your protection and guidance. The Convention 
 ordered the provisional-governor to appoint a commission for 
 the purpose of preparing and submitting to the Legislature for 
 their adoption a code of laws for the protection and govern- 
 ment of the freedmen and colored persons. In obedience to 
 their order, I have appointed Judge Wardlaw and Mr. Burt, 
 two of the most eminent jurists in the State, to compose this 
 commission. They will, in due time, report to you the result 
 of their labors. The Convention also authorized the Legisla- 
 ture to establish a court in each district, for the trial of all cases 
 in which freedmen are concerned. It becomes your duty to see 
 that these courts are organized. * * * * 
 
 The election of members of Congress should be provided for 
 at as early a day as possible. It is a matter of the highest im- 
 
APPENDIX. 309 
 
 portance, that our representatives in Congress should be in 
 Washington, ready to take their seats on the first Monday in 
 December. By act of Congress, passed March, 1863, it is made 
 the duty of the clerk of the previous House of Representatives 
 to " make a roll of the representatives elect, and place thereon 
 the names of all persons — and such persons only — whose cre- 
 dentials show that they were regularly elected, in accordance 
 with the laws of their States respectively, or the laws of the 
 United States." It is therefore the imperative duty of the 
 clerk to call the roll of the members of the Southern States, 
 whose credentials have been exhibited to him, and shown that 
 they were regularly elected. He has no more right, under 
 this act, to exclude the members elect from South Carolina 
 than he has to exclude those from Massachusetts. The Federal 
 authoiities have maintained that the Union never was dis- 
 solved, and that the Southern States have always been, and 
 still- are, members of that Union. In July, 1862, Congress 
 passed an act prescribing an oath of office for all persons to 
 take who were elected or appointed to any oflSce of honor 
 or profit under the Government of the United States. This 
 oath requires the party to swear that he has never borne arms 
 against the United States ; that he has never held or sought 
 ofiice under any power inimical to the United States; that 
 he has given no aid, counsel, or countenance to persons in 
 hostility to the United States ; and that he has not yielded a 
 voluntary support to any authority hostile to the United 
 States. If this oath is to be applied to members of Congress, 
 it will, of course, exclude all from South Carolina. It may, 
 with truth, be said, that no man in South Carolina can take it, 
 without committing perjury. But the constitution of the 
 United States prescribes an oath for members of Congress to 
 take, and they cannot be required to take any other oath con- 
 etitutionally. There may have been some show of propriety 
 for exacting this oath, when it was enacted, amidst the war 
 between the Southern States and the United States ; but there 
 can be none now, unless it be for the purpose of excluding the 
 Southei'n people from all office within their respective States, 
 and still holding those States in military subjection. I know 
 that this is not the policy of the President, and I cannot be- 
 lieve that it will be the avowed policy of the Federal Con- 
 
310 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 gress. If the Southern members are present when the roll is 
 called by States, they will take a part in the organization of 
 the House, and may vote against the oath being tendered to 
 the members when they are sworn. 
 
 The Convention divided the State into four congressional dis- 
 tricts, which you will respect and recognize as election dis- 
 tricts. It will be your duty, also, at some convenient and 
 proper time, during your extra session, to elect two United 
 States Senators to represent the State of South Carolina in the 
 Senate of the United States. There are now two vacancies 
 in that body from South Carolina. * * * 
 
 The subject of finance is one of great embarrassment and 
 serious difficulty at this time in South Carolina, and will re- 
 quire great wisdom and sagacity in your legislation. The peo- 
 ple are in a most destitute condition, without money and with- 
 out the means of paying their taxes. Their gold and silver 
 were exported during the war as a species of commerce. The 
 State banks are all broken, and their bills have ceased to circu- 
 late. The Confederate money, with which the country was 
 inundated, is utterly worthless. The Federal currency is inac- 
 cessible to our people. Their cotton has been destroyed, and 
 their provisions consumed by the armies, and they have nothing 
 to procure money with. Under these circumstances, it would 
 be well for you to consider whether or not it is possible to de- 
 fray the necessary expenses of the State by issuing and selling 
 State bonds, so as to avoid levying any tax during the ensuing 
 year. The present indebtedness of the State is not large, and 
 her credit ought to be such as to secure the sale of her bonds 
 at fair prices. If you conclude to raise money in this way, you 
 ought to include the payment of the direct tax, and which 
 South Carolina now owes the United States, and which her 
 citizens will soon be called upon to pay. 
 
 It is important that the courts of justice in this State should 
 be once more fully opened, civil law restored and properly 
 administered. This cannot be done till yon fill the several 
 vacancies on the bench. You will have to electa chief-justice 
 of the State, two law judges, and one chancellor. 
 
 The reorganization of the militia is a measure of the highest 
 importance under existing circumstances. I have received in- 
 formation from the Secretary of State at Washington that, as 
 
APPENDIX. 311 
 
 soon as our State government is organized, all the Federal 
 troops would be withdrawn from South Carolina. We must 
 then relj on the militia for the protection of the State against 
 insurrection and domestic violence. It is a matter of serious 
 consideration, however, whether we should not desire to retain, 
 for the present, a portion of the Federal troops in the State. 
 The freed men and colored people look to these troops as their 
 friends and protectors, and would be much less likely to have 
 any collision with them than with the militia. The colored 
 garrisons which were at one time stationed throughout the 
 country, have done infinite mischief, by inducing the negroes 
 to believe that all the lands of their former owners were to be 
 divided out among them. This has made them discontented 
 and unwilling to make contracts for the ensuing year. In 
 many portions of the State there are serious apprehensions of 
 disturbance at the beginning of the next year. Strong garri- 
 sons ought to be continued in Charleston, Beaufort, and 
 Georgetown, where there is such a preponderance of the negro 
 population. But these garrisons should not be permitted to 
 exercise any civil jurisdiction, and should be subordinate to 
 civil law. Otherwise their presence would be productive of 
 more mischief than good. You will take such action in this 
 
 matter as in your judgment shall seem best for the State. 
 * * % -x- 
 
 As soon as the Convention adjourned, I communicated to 
 the President and Secretary of State copies of the new consti- 
 tution of South Carolina. I have the pleasure of informing 
 you that President Johnson has expressed to me his gratifica- 
 tion at the amendments made in our constitution, and his con- 
 fident hope that we should soon be, once more, " a united, 
 happy, and prosperous people, forgetting the past, and looking 
 only to the future welfare of our common country." 
 
 The bank of the State, like all similar institutions, is in a 
 most embarrassed and crippled condition by the loss of its ad- 
 vancements to the late Confederate States. I have not had 
 the pleasure of seeing the report of the President. This docu- 
 ment will be submitted to you in proper time, and then you 
 will be able to take such action in reference to the bank as 
 its condition requires. Whatever may be the state of our 
 finances, I am sure South Carolia will never sully her honor 
 
^12 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 bj any act of repudiation. If we have lost every thing else, let 
 us on that account be more careful in maintaining the honor 
 of the State. 
 
 In conclusion, I would urge you, gentlemen, to look only to 
 the future in your legislation, and forget, so far as you can, 
 the past. There is much to hope and live for yet in South 
 Carolina. We should congratuhite ourselves and the country 
 that civil war has ceased, and peace is restored to the land. 
 No longer are our citizens to be forced from their homes and 
 families and offered a bloody sacrifice on the field of battle. 
 No longer is our beloved' State to be ravaged and desolated, and 
 our towns and villages committed to the flames. A merciful 
 Providence has once more blessed our land with an abundant 
 crop, and no longer have we any apprehensions of want and 
 starvation. "We are in the enjoyment of health. Our young 
 men, noble and gallant soldiers, are peaceably resuming their 
 former vocations, and exerting themselves in restoring the State 
 to her wonted prosperity and happiness. No civil broils or 
 deadly feuds are disgracing our people as in other States. We 
 have no political divisions. South Carolina presented a unit after 
 her act of secession, and she is now united as o.ne man in re- 
 turning to the Union, and will be as true and loyal to her 
 plighted faith as any State north of Mason and Dixon's line. 
 In this respect there is no difference between former secession- 
 its and old Union men. They all have equally at heart the 
 peace, honor, glory, and prosperity of the American republic. 
 And I earnestly pray that all your legislation and deliberations 
 may tend to this great purpose, under the guidance and pro- 
 tection of Almighty God. 
 
 B. F. Perky. 
 
 The LAST Six Days of the Confederacy. 
 
 It is said by Coleridge, that no man thrown to the surface 
 of human affairs ever succeeded in simultaneously gaining dis- 
 tinction and affection, unless he possessed something of an 
 epicene nature — that is to say, a mixture of masculine and 
 feminine qualities. Without claiming for General Lee, in 
 the highest sense, the title of "great," it is impossible to 
 
APPENDIX. 313 
 
 deny that bis memory will be eberished by those who, in the 
 crisis of his three years of trial, stood and suffered by his 
 side, as an exceptionally dear and precious possession. Few 
 soldiers, if asked whether they would rather have served 
 under Lee, on the one hand, or under Cromwell, Frederic the 
 Great, Marlborough, or Napoleon, on the other, would hesi- 
 tate to prefer the four famous generals to the discomfited Con- 
 federate. Yet it is doubtful whether any of the four, after they 
 had passed away, and had ceased to communicate the electric 
 shock of their presence and contact — of eye, voice, character, 
 and influence — to others, possessed such hold on the affections 
 and esteem as were inspired by Robert E. Lee. 
 
 The truth seems to be, that the greatest men de par lemonde 
 are necessarily and intensely selfish. All great men are mon- 
 sters, says a German proverb ; and it may, I think, be con- 
 ceded, that when a man is playing a conspicuous role in life, 
 and is generally loved, he is not, in the world's highest sense, 
 great. He is probably something far better. He has the 
 thoughtfulness about others, the unobtrusiveness and renun- 
 ciation of self, the truthfulness, purity, modesty, charity, guile- 
 lessness, which cannot long be unnoticed by those around 
 him, and which lay firm hold upon their hearts. But to be 
 great, to fill a very large space in the world's eye, during a 
 man's few brief years upon earth, he must throw modesty and 
 unobtrusiveness overboard ; he must be grasping, aggressive, 
 discreetly greedy of praise, covetous of a large share of honor, 
 judiciously envious ; he must know how to undermine trouble- 
 some rivals without being found out, and to help useful friends 
 without being supplanted. Heartily agreeing with Coleridge, 
 that where distinction and affection have been won coincident- 
 ly, there must be the epicene element in their winner, I venture 
 to doubt, whether man's affection is ever won by the greatest ; 
 or, in other words, whether in the greatest any of the woman 
 is to be found. It is the nature of man to love woman ; and 
 thus if A., being a man, love B., who is also man, it has al- 
 ways seemed to me, that in proportion to the womanly quali- 
 ties of B. (wisely interspersed, of course, with the best manly 
 qualities) will be the love which A. bears him. The up- 
 right, earnest, energetic men, in whom there is little or no 
 womanliness — such men as the incomparably drawn character 
 
314 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 of Tom, in "The Mill on the Floss" — win confidence, admira- 
 tion, esteem ; but from their brother-man thej win little love. 
 Be this as it may, that there was a large streak of the woman 
 both in Washington and Lee admits of no doubt. The men 
 who are brave from tenderness, are braver than the men who 
 are brave from pride. But the men who, to encourage or 
 spare others, are gratuitously brave, are not selfish enqugh to 
 be great. The calm judgment of posterity, especially if as- 
 sisted by the pen of Mr. Carlisle (who is said to hold that 
 Washington stands too high, and who, if I am rightly inform- 
 ed, contemplates lowering his pedestal), will, I think, reverse 
 the verdict of Mr. Everett's well-known lecture, and will 
 pronounce that Washington was not greater than Peter, or 
 Frederic, or Marlborough, as Mr. Everett contends, but was 
 simply more estimable. 
 
 The exceeding lovableness of Lee became more patent as 
 your consciousness that, as a politician, he lacked vigor aud self- 
 assertion became more irresistible. This lovableness was based 
 on a never-tiring unselfishness, a contagious endurance of hard- 
 ship and danger, a shrinking modesty, an unbounded tender- 
 ness. The child and the young girl, who had never seen him 
 before, ran to him instinctively, as to a friend. His look spoke 
 of honesty, directness, kindliness, courage — his smile was irre- 
 sistibly winning. But the stufi" which made Cromwell, ISTapo- 
 leon, William the Silent, greater as politicians than as sol- 
 diers, was lacking in Lee. All that there was of true and 
 brave in the people whom he so nearly made into a nation, 
 called on him, by signs that he who ran might have read, to 
 put Congress aside, to control the press, to be Dictator, indeed ; 
 and yet he would not ! Nevertheless, in the belief that there is 
 no more powerful stimulant to a noble ambition than the study 
 of such a character as Lee's, I desire to throw my stone upon 
 the cairn by gathering together a few notes, for the general 
 accuracy of which I can entirely vouch, exhibiting the main 
 features of those eventful six days which intervened between 
 the evacuation of the Confederate lines around Petersburg 
 and Richmond, on the night of April 2d, and the surrender 
 of Lee's army, on the morning of April 9tli. 
 
 In order rightly to understand these six days, it should be 
 premised that the Federal cavalry, massed under General 
 
APPENDIX. 315 
 
 Sheridan, numbering about fifteen thousand sabres, splendidly- 
 equipped, and converted by their able commander into a body 
 of military horsemen upon whom an Austrian or French 
 sohreur might have looked without disdain, moved south- 
 wards down the valley of Virginia between the 1st and 10th of 
 March, and encountered a scratch Confederate army, of about 
 three thousand men under General Early, at Waynesboro'. 
 General Early, distrustful of his men, who were equally dis- 
 trustful of him, planted them with their backs to a deep river, 
 in order to make retreat impossible. The result is easily fore- 
 seen. General Sheridan bagged two-thirds of his enemy's 
 force, and most of his enemy's artillery. In the previous sum- 
 mer I remember that, as General Early kept losing gun after 
 gun, great efforts were made to resupply his losses by sending 
 up fresh guns from Richmond. Upon one of these guns some 
 wag of a Confederate soldier had chalked, " General Sheridan, 
 care of General Early." The transfer was probably efiected at 
 Waynesboro'. Sweeping rapidly onwards towards the James 
 River, between Richmond and Lynchburg, Sheridan found 
 himself confronted by a swollen and impassable stream. He 
 fell back, rounded the left wing of Lee's army, crossed the 
 Pamunkey River at the White House (where he recruited his 
 strength by picking up twelve hundred fi-esh horses which 
 awaited him there), and upon the 25th of March joined Gen- 
 eral Grant in the lines before Petersburg. To Sheridan's un- 
 tiring and sagacious activity in the subsequent operations, 
 more than to the agency of any other man, is due the com- 
 pleteness of the Federal triumph — the seemingly inexplicable 
 collapse of the Confederacy. 
 
 It was not long before Grant's accession of strength was felt 
 by Lee. Upon the evening of Saturday, April 1st, General 
 Longstreet, who had long defended Richmond, by command- 
 ing the Confederate forces to the north of James River, re- 
 ceived information from Lee that Grant had detached Sheri- 
 dan's cavalry and two corps of infantry (about twenty-five 
 thousand men in all) to act against the Southside Railroad. 
 Before communicating with Longstreet, Lee had dispatched 
 Pickett's and Bushrod Johnson's divisions, Wise's and Ran- 
 ^om's brigades, Huger's battalion of artillery, and Fitzhugh 
 Lee's division of cavalry (in all about seventeen thousand men), 
 
316 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 to meet the attack with which the Southside Railroad was 
 menaced. But in sending away these seventeen thousand 
 men, Lee had so weakened his lines before Petersburg, that 
 there was but one Confederate left to every fifty yards. Un- 
 der these circumstances, Lee called upon Longstreet for men. 
 But at dawn, upon the 2d of April, before Longstreet had 
 had time to obey Lee's orders. Grant descried from his wooden 
 tower of observation the weakness of the Confederate lines. 
 Immediately he threw a very heavy column, consisting, I be- 
 lieve, chiefly of Gibbon's corps, upon the weakest spot. The 
 Federals carried, with very slight loss, the outer line, thinly 
 held by Heth's division of Confederates, and bulged inwards 
 until they struck two of the detached forts, whereof a string 
 or system ran behind the whole length of the Confederate 
 outer works. These two detached forts, which were of course 
 designed to cover each other, were named Forts Gregg and 
 Alexander. The officer in command of Fort Alexander, which 
 was furthest away from the on-coming Federals, deemed it 
 more important to save his guns than to try and help Fort 
 Gregg. Receiving no assistance from its twin brother. Fort 
 Gregg, manned by Harris's Mississippi brigade, numbering 
 two hundred and fifty undaunted men, breasted intrepidly the 
 tide of its multitudinous assailants. Five times Gibbon's corps 
 surged up and around the work — five times, with dreadful 
 carnage, they were driven back. I am told that it was subse- 
 quently admitted by General Gibbon, that in carrying Fort 
 Gregg he lost from five hundred to six hundred men ; or in 
 other words, that each Mississippian inside the works struck 
 down at least two assailants. When at last the work was car- 
 ried, there remained out of its two hundred and fifty defenders 
 but thirty survivors. Li those nine memorable April days 
 there was no episode more glorious to the Confederate arms 
 than the heroic self-immolation of the Mississippians in Fort 
 Gregg to gain time for their comrades. 
 
 Fort Gregg fell about seven o'clock in the morning of the 
 2d. After a delay of two or three hours, the Federals swept 
 onwards in the direction of Petersburg, taking the Confederate 
 lines en revers. At this moment, Longstreet, accompanied by 
 Benning's brigade of Field's division, about one hundred and 
 seventy bayonets strong, met the on-pouring flood, and checked 
 
APPENDIX. 317 
 
 it long enough to enable fresh troops to hurry up in his rear, 
 and to form a fresh line in front of Petersburg. Simultane- 
 ously, in an attempt of Heth's division to re-establish their 
 lines, General A. P. Hill (who commanded the corps to which 
 Heth's division belonged) lost a life which for nearly four 
 years he had unflinchingly exposed in a hundred of his country's 
 battles. About the same moment was dispatched the mem- 
 orable telegram which surprised President Davis in church, 
 and announced that the last day of that heroic resistance 
 which had made Eichmond the most notable of beleaguered 
 cities had at length arrived. The delay purchased by the ob- 
 stinate defence of Fort Gregg, and by Longstreet's bold hand- 
 ling of Benniug's brigade, saved Petersburg until the tobacco 
 and cotton stored in the filthy little town could be burnt, and 
 until leisurely preparation for its evacuation could be made. 
 It is remarkable that no further onslaught was made by the 
 Federals throughout the day or during the evening, although 
 the flames springing up in many parts of the town must have 
 told their own tale. At nightfall, on the 2d, all the Confeder- 
 ate troops, about four thousand strong, which remained under 
 the command of General Ewell, to the north of James Piver, 
 fell back from their lines, and passed through the bewildered 
 streets of Richmond, traversing before daybreak the bridges 
 over the James River, which were so soon to be given to the 
 flames, and pushing in the direction of Amelia Court-house. 
 
 About ten, on the night of the same 2d, the Confederate 
 troops also commenced leaving Petersburg, their retreat be- 
 ing covered by Field's division under Longstreet. Pursuit 
 there was none. It is probable that already Grant was bend- 
 ing all his energies to get round, and cut oif Lee's retreat. 
 The Petersburg section of the Confederate troops, full of vigor 
 and elan^ crossed to the north of the Appomattox River on a 
 pontoon bridge four or five miles from Petersburg, and made 
 sixteen miles during their first night of retreat. It would be 
 difficult to conceive any thing brighter or more hopeful than 
 the tone of General Lee's spirits on the morning ot the 3d. 
 " I have got my army safe out of its breastworks," he said, 
 " and, in order to follow me, my enemy must abandon his 
 lines, and can derive no further benefit from his railroads, or 
 the James River." There can be little doubt that Lee's design 
 
318 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 ■was to recruit his army with rations, which he hoped to find 
 in abundance at Amelia Court-house, and to fall in detail upon 
 the Federals, who, breaking up into bodies of one or two army 
 corps, were scattering all over the country with a view to a 
 vigorous pursuit. Two days' rations at Amelia Court-house 
 for forty thousand men would possibly have made a great dif- 
 ference in the immediate, though, as I believe, none in the ul- 
 timate, history of the continent of North America. 
 
 There is little satisfaction in dwelling in detail upon the five 
 subsequent days, for which a parallel must be sought on the 
 banks of the Beresina, or in other similar passages of military 
 anguish. It is hardly necessary to state, that at Amelia Court- 
 house Lee found not a ration. I shall not pause now to distrib- 
 ute blame, or to investigate who was at fault. All that I 
 have to state is, that the fault was not Lee's, whose orders on 
 this subject, for a fortnight past, had been urgent and precise. 
 It became necessary for Lee to break nearly half his army up 
 into foraging parties, to get food. The country through which 
 he was passing was a tract of straggling woods and pine bar- 
 rens, with occasional little patches of clearings. The foraging 
 parties had to go so far a-field in quest of food that they were 
 taken prisoners by wholesale. In the face of such suftering 
 as they left behind, it cannot be wondered if some of the poor 
 fellows courted capture. Those foragers who returned to Lee 
 brought little or nothing with them. The sufi'ering of the men 
 from the pangs of hunger has not been approached in the mil- 
 itary annals of the last fifty years. But the sufi'ering of the 
 mules and horses must have been even keener ; for the men 
 assuaged their craving by plucking the buds and twigs of 
 trees just shooting in the early spring, whereas the grass had 
 not yet started from its winter sleep, and food for the unhap- 
 py quadrupeds there was none. As early as the morning of 
 the 4th, Lee sent ofi" half his artillery towards the railroad, to 
 relieve the famished hoi-ses. This artillery making slow prog- 
 ress, thanks to the exhaustion of the horses, was captured by 
 the Federals on the 8th, but not until Colonel Lindsay Walker 
 had buried many of his guns, which were of course subse- 
 quently exhumed (seventy of them at one haul) by their cap- 
 tors. 
 
 It is easy to see that the locomotion of an army in such a 
 
APPENDIX. 319 
 
 plight must have been slow and slower. The retreat was con- 
 ducted in the following fashion : About midnight the Confed- 
 erates slipped out of the hasty fieldworks which they had 
 thrown up and held during the previous day, and fell back 
 until ten or eleven o'clock the next morning. They then halt- 
 ed, and immediately threw up earthworks for protection dur- 
 ing the day. It was not long before the wolves were again on 
 their heels, and from their earthworks the Confederates ex- 
 changed a heavy fire with their pursuers throughout the day. 
 Delayed by the necessity of guarding an ammunition train of 
 from thirty-five to forty miles in length, enfeebled by hunger 
 and sleeplessness, the retreating army was able to make 
 only ten miles each night. This delay enabled the active 
 Sheridan to get ahead with his cavalry, and to destroy the 
 depots of provisions along the railroad between Burksville (fifty 
 miles South of Kichmond) and Danville. Upon the 5th, many 
 of the mules and horses ceased to struggle. It became necessary 
 to burn hundreds of wagons. At intervals the enemy's cavalry 
 dashed in and struck the interminable ammunition train here or 
 there, capturing and burning dozens upon dozens of wagons. 
 Towards evening of the 5th, and all day long upon the 6th, 
 hundreds of men dropjDed from exhaustion, and thousands let 
 fall their muskets from inability to carry them any further. 
 The scenes of the 5th, 6th, Yth, and 8th were of a nature which 
 can be apprehended in its vivid reality only by men who are 
 thoroughly familiar with the harrowing details of war. Be- 
 hind and on either flank a ubiquitous and increasingly ad- 
 venturous enemy — every mud-hole and every rise in the road 
 choked with blazing wagons — the air filled with the deafening 
 reports of ammunition exploding, and shells bursting when 
 touched by the flames — dense columns of smoke ascending to 
 heaven from the burning and exploding vehicles — exhausted 
 men, worn-out mules and horses, lying down side by side — 
 gaunt famine glaring hopelessly from sunken, lack-lustre eyes 
 — dead mules, dead horses, dead men everywhere — death, many 
 times welcomed as God's blessing in disguise — who can wonder 
 if many hearts, tried in the fiery furnace of four unparalleled 
 years, and never hitherto found wanting, should have quailed in 
 presence of starvation, fatigue, sleeplessness, misery, uniuter- 
 mitted for five or six days, and culminating in hopelessness ? 
 
320 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 Yet there were not wanting occasional episodes which re- 
 called something of the old pride of former memories, and re- 
 minded men that this hnnted, famishing crowd was still the 
 same army which had won two Bull Runs, which had twice 
 (in pursuit of a fatal policy) trodden its enemy's soil, and had 
 written Fredericskburg, Chancellorsville, and a dozen other 
 gloijous names upon its banners. On the 6th, a large body of 
 Federal cavalry, having got ahead of Lee's army, and occu- 
 pied Kice's station, was attacked by some Confederate horse, 
 under General Rosser, who drove them off, capturing six hun- 
 dred and eighty prisoners. On the Tth, a heavy attack was 
 made upon Mahone's division ; and the prowess of this active 
 Confederate general, so frequently exhibited during the last 
 twelve months of the war, was maintained to the end, inas- 
 much as a Federal brigade, getting entangled in a ravine, was 
 surrounded by Mahone's men, and literally disappeared. On 
 the evening of the Tth, General Gregg, with six or seven 
 thousand Federal cavalry, made a desperate effort to capture 
 all the wagon-trains. He was gallantly met by two thousand 
 horsemen, under Fitzhugh Lee, and defeated. Gregg himself 
 was captured. Throughout these gloomy days, as an offset to 
 the countless Confederates captured, while foraging, by the 
 Federals, numerous Federal prisoners were taken by the Con- 
 federates, and became participants of a hunger and suffering 
 of which they had no previous conception. I may as well 
 mention now, that as the surrender became more inevitable, 
 Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Rosser, with about two thousand 
 Confederate cavalry, tacitly determined not to be included in 
 it, and started off towards Lynchburg. On their road, they 
 fell in with a Federal supply-train, and burned eight hundred 
 and sixty wagons. The scanty and partial rations which, 
 after the surrender, were issued on the night of the 9th to the 
 starving Confederates by their captors, were apologized for by 
 the Federals, on the ground of the destruction of these eight 
 liundred and sixty wagons by Fitzhugh Lee. 
 
 The reader will have gathered, that when Lee found his 
 depots along the Danville road destroyed by Sheridan, he had 
 no alternative but to make for Lynchburg. He still hoped 
 to get rations, and to turn suddenly upon Grant, whose army 
 was dispersed into many columns. The fatigue of the pursuit, 
 
APPENDIX. 321 
 
 thongli unaggravateJ by fainine, was beginning to tell upon 
 the pursuers. But, in pressing for Lynchburg, Lee found 
 himself in a dangerous predicament. He was on a strip of 
 land not more than seven or eight miles broad, between the 
 James and Appomattox rivers. On the afternoon of the 
 7th, Lee's situation seemed so unpromising, that Grant, for the 
 first time, sent to propose surrender. Lee at once replied tliat 
 his circumstances did not seem to him such as to juslify his 
 entertaining such a proposal. On the morning of tli(> 8th, 
 Grant renewed his solicitations. Lee did not decline, buc de- 
 bated the matter, calling a council of war in the evening. No 
 determination was arrived at on the 8th, and at midnight, the 
 usual dreary retreat was resumed. The springs of energy and 
 will, unstrung by long want of food, had run down in the men, 
 like the machinery of a broken clock. Hitherto, the retreat had 
 been covered alternately by Longstreet and Gordon ; but now, 
 the Federal force, which had got ahead of Lee, and was ob- 
 structing his retreat, had become so considerable, that Gordon 
 was thrown out with two thousand- men in front, while the 
 "old bulldog," Longstreet, whose pluck neither liunger, nor 
 fatigue, nor depression could abate or subdue, still covered tlie 
 rear. At daybreak, on the 9th, a courier from Gordon an- 
 nounced to Lee, that a large body of Federal cavalry (in other 
 words, Sheridan's army) was across the road at Appomattox 
 Court-house. At the same moment, a heavy force of intanrry, 
 under Grant, was pushing Longstreet vigorously in the rear. 
 Between Gordon and Longstreet were tlie remaining wagons, 
 and, climbing to them, thousands of un:irmed and famished 
 stragglers, too weak to carry their muskets. Lee sent orders 
 to Gordon to cut his way through, coute qxt'll coute. Presenlly 
 came another courier from Gordon, announcing that the en- 
 emy was driving him back. Lee had, at this moment, less 
 than eight thousand men with muskets in their hands. The 
 fatal moment had indisputablj' come Hastily donning his 
 best uniform, and buckling on his sword, which it was never 
 his fashion to wear. General Lee turned sadly to the rear, to 
 seek the linal interview with General Grant. 
 
 There is no passage of history in this heai-t-breaking \v:u- 
 which will, for years to come, be more honorably mentioned 
 and gratefully remembered than the demeanor, on the 9th of 
 
 21 
 
322 THE LAST TEAK OF THE WAR. 
 
 April, 1865, of General Grant towards General Lee. I do not so 
 much allude to the facility with which honorable terms were 
 accorded to the Confederates, as to the bearing of General 
 Grant, and of the officers about him, towards General Lee. 
 The interview was brief. Three commissioners, upon either 
 side, were immediately appointed. The ao;reement to which 
 tliese six commissioners acceded was as follows : 
 
 " Appomattox Coukt-house, Va., April 10, 1865. 
 
 " Agreement entered into this day, in regard to the surrender of the army of 
 Northern Virginia to the United States authoiities. 
 
 " First. The troops shall march by brigades and detachments to a designated 
 point ; stack their arms, deposit their flags, sabres, pistols, etc., and from thence 
 march to their homes, under charge of their officers, superintended by their re- 
 spective division and corps commanders, officers retaining their side-arms and 
 the authorized number of private horses. 
 
 " Second. All public horses, and public property of all kinds, to be turned 
 over to staff-officers, to be designated by the United States authorities. 
 
 " Third. Such transportation as may be agreed upon as necessary for the 
 transportation of the private baggage of officers will be allowed to accompany 
 the officers, to be turned over^ at the end of the triji, to the nearest United 
 States quartermaster, receipts being taken for the same. 
 
 "Fourth. Couriers and mounted men of the artillery and cavalry, whose 
 horses are their own private property, will be allowed to retain them. 
 
 " Fifth. The surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia shall be construed 
 to include all the forces operating with that army on the 8th instant, the date 
 of the commencement of the negotiations for surrender, except such bodies of 
 cavalry as actually made their escape previous to the surrender, and except, 
 also, such pieces of artillery as were more than twenty miles from Appomattox 
 Gourt- house at the time of surrender on the 9th instant. 
 
 "(Signed) John Gibbon, Major-General Volunteers. 
 
 Chap.les Gf.iffin, Brevet Major-General U. S. Vols. 
 
 W. Merritt, Brevet Major-General. 
 
 J. LoNGSTEEET, Lieutenant-General. 
 
 J. B. Gibbon, Major-General. 
 
 W. N. Pendleton, Brig.-Gen. and Chief of Artillery." 
 
 In the mean time, immediately that General Lee was seen 
 riding to the rear, dressed more gayly than usual, and begirt 
 with his sword, the rumor of imminent surrender flew like 
 wildfire through the Confederates. It might be imagined, 
 .that an army which had drawn its last regular rations on the 
 ,1st of April, and harassed incessantly by night and day, had 
 ■ been marching and fighting until the morning of the 9th, 
 '■would have welcomed anv thins'like a termination of its suflfer- 
 
APPENDIX. 323 
 
 ings, let it come in what form it might. Let those who idly 
 imagine that the tiner feelings are the prerogative of what are 
 called the " upper classes," learn from this, and siraihar scenes, 
 to appreciate "common men." As the great Confederate cap- 
 tain rode back from his interview with General Grant, the 
 news of the surrender acquired shape and consistency, and 
 could no longer be denied. The effect on the worn and bat- 
 tered troops — some of whom had fought since April, 1861, and 
 (sparse survivors of hecatombs of fallen comrades) had passed 
 unscathed through such hurricanes of shot as, within four years, 
 no other men had ever experienced — passes mortal descrip- 
 tion. "Whole lines of battle rushed up to their beloved old. 
 chief, and, choking with emotion, broke ranks and struggled 
 with each other to wring him once more by the hand. Men 
 who had fought throughout the war, and knew what the agony 
 and humiliation of that moment must be to him, strove, with 
 a refinement of unselfishness and tenderness which he alone 
 could fnlly appreciate, to lighten his burden and mitigate his 
 pain. With tears pouring down both cheeks, General Lee at 
 length commanded voice enough to say : " Men, we have 
 fought through the war together. I have done the best that I 
 could for you." Not an eye that looked on that scene was 
 dry. Nor was this the emotion of sickly sentimentalists, but 
 of rough and rugged men, familiar with hardship, danger, and 
 death in a thousand shapes, mastered by sympathy and feeling 
 for another, which they had never experienced on their own 
 account. I know of no other passage of military history so 
 touching, unless, in spite of the melodramatic coloring which 
 French historians have loved to shed over the scene, it can 
 be found in the Aclieux de Fontainchleau. 
 
 It remains for me briefly to notice the last parade of an 
 army whereof the exploits will be read with pride, so long as 
 the English tongue is spoken. In pursuance of an arrange- 
 ment of the six commissioners, the Confederate army marched 
 by divisions, on the morning of April the 12th, to a spot in 
 the neighborhood of Appomattox Court-house, where they 
 stacked arms and deposited accoutrements. Upon this solemn 
 occasion, Major-General Gibbon represented the United States 
 authorities. With the same conspicuous and exalted delicacy 
 which he had exhibited throughout these closing scenes. Gen- 
 
324 THE LAST YEAR OF THK WAR, 
 
 f 
 
 eral Grant was not again visible after his final interview with 
 General Lee. About seven thousand eight hundred Confed- 
 erates marched up, with muskets in their hands, and they 
 were followed by about eighteen thousand unarmed stragglers, 
 wiio claimed to be included in the capitulation. Each Confed- 
 erate soldier was furnished with a printed form of parol, which 
 was filled up for him by his own officers, and a duplicate 
 handed to a designated Federal officer. By the evening of the 
 ]2th, the paroles were generally distributed, and the disband- 
 ed men began to scatter through the country. Hardly one of 
 them had a farthing of money. Some of them had from one 
 thousand five hundred to two thousand miles to travel, over a 
 countiy of which the scanty railroads were utterly annihilated. 
 Many an interesting diary of the adventures of these indi- 
 viduals, as they journeyed from Eastern Yirginia to Western 
 Texas, or possibly to Mexico, may well have been written. 
 It is to be hoped that one or two such narratives will yet be 
 given to the world. 
 
 Shortly after noon, on the 12th, General Lee, escorted by a 
 guard of honor of Federal cavalry, mounted his horse, as a sol- 
 dier for the last time, and started for the city of Kichmond. 
 On his road, he arrived about evening at the headquarters of his 
 *' old war-horse," General Longstreet ; and the last and sad- 
 dest of their many interviews took place. There are scenes 
 which are too sacred and affecting for description, even 
 though the pen were guided by a Macaulay or a Hoffmann. 
 If ever there were two genuine, simple-minded men upon 
 earth, to whom any thing melodramatic or theatrical is utterly 
 abhorrent, they are the men of whom I am now writing. I 
 close this brief chronicle with the remark that, in proportion 
 to the reader's estimate of the sustained heroism wath which 
 Lee and Longstreet, for four years, bore up and stood erect 
 under such a burden as never yet was laid upon man, will be 
 his appreciation of the circumstances and emotions under 
 which their parting interview took place. 
 
OFFICIAL REPORTS. 
 
 KEPORT OF GENERAL LONGSTREET. 
 
 Headquarters near Winchester, Va., Oct. 10, 1863. 
 
 Brigadier-General R. H. Chilton, 
 
 Adjutant and Inspector-General : 
 
 General — I have the honor to submit the following report 
 of the operations of my command in the late campaign : 
 
 In obedience to the orders of the commanding general, the 
 command marched from Gordonsville on the 16tli August, 
 crossing the Rapidan on the 20th, at Raccoon Ford. 
 
 The next day, at Kelly's Ford, I received orders to move up 
 the Rappahannock to Rappahannock Station. As we were 
 withdrawing from Kelly's Ford, the enemy crossed the river 
 and made an attack upon the rear brigade (Featherston's) 
 under the command of Colonel Posey. After a sharp skir- 
 mish, Colonel Posey drove him back with considerable loss. 
 
 Arriving at Rappahannock Station, General Hood, with his 
 own and Whiting's brigade, was detached to relieve a portion 
 of General Jackson's command at Freeman's Ford. About 
 the moment tiiat General Hood reached this ford, the enemy 
 crossed in considerable force, and made an attack upon the 
 commands of Brigadier-Generals Trimble and Hood. They, 
 however, drove him back across tlie river in much confusion 
 and with heavy loss. Meanwhile, I had ordered Colonel Wal- 
 ton to place his batteries in position at Rappahannock Station, 
 and to drive the enemy from his positions on both sides of the 
 river. 
 
 The batteries were opened at sunrise on the 23d, and a 
 severe cannonade continued for several hours. In about two 
 Ijours, however, the enemy was driven across the river, aban- 
 
326 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 doning his tete-de-pont. The brigades of Brigadier-Generals 
 Evans and D. R. Jones, the latter under Colonel G. T. Ander- 
 son, moved forward to occupy this position. It was found 
 untenable, however, being exposed to a cross-fire of artillery 
 from the other bank. The troops were, therefore, partially 
 withdrawn, and Colonel S. D. Lee was ordered to select posi- 
 tions for his batteries, and joined in the combat. The enemy's 
 position was soon rendered too warm for him, and he took ad- 
 vantage of a severe rain-storm to retreat in haste, after firing 
 the bridge and the private dwellings in its vicinity. Colonel 
 Walton deserves much credit for skill in the management of 
 his batteries, and Colonel Lee got into position in time for 
 some good practice. 
 
 The next day, August 24th, the command, continuing the 
 march up the Rappahannock, crossed Hazel River, and biv- 
 ouacked at Jefferson ton. 
 
 On the 25th we relieved a portion of General Jackson's 
 command at Waterloo Bridge. There was more or less skir- 
 mishing at this point until the afternoon of the 26th, when the 
 march was resumed, crossing the Rappahannock at Hinson's 
 Mill Ford, six miles above Waterloo. A dash of several 
 squadrons of Federal cavalry into Salem, in front of us, on 
 the 27th, delayed our march about an hour. Not having 
 cavalry, I was unable to ascertain the meaning of this move- 
 ment, hence the delay. This cavalry retired, and the march 
 was resumed, resting for the night at White Plains. The head 
 of my column reached Thoroughfare Gap about three o'clock 
 p. M. On the 28th a small party of infantry was sent into the 
 mountains to reconnoitre. Passing through the Gap, Colonel 
 Beck, of the Ninth Georgia regiment, met the enemy ; but 
 was obliged to retire before a greatly superior force. The 
 enemy held a strong position on the opposite gorge, and suc- 
 ceeded in getting his sharp-shooters in position on the moun- 
 tain. Brigadier-General D. R. Jones advanced two of his 
 brigades rapidly, and soon drove the enemy from his position 
 on the mountain. Brigadier-General Hood, with his own and 
 General Whiting's bi'igade, was ordered, by a footpath over 
 the mountain, to turn the enemy's right ; and Brigadier- 
 General Wilcox, with his own and Brigadier-Generals Feather- 
 ston's and Pryor's brigades, was ordered through Hopewell 
 
APPENDIX. 327 
 
 Gap, three miles to our left, to turn the right and attack the 
 enemy in rear. The enemy made his attack upon Jones, how- 
 ever, before these troops could get into their position, and, 
 after being repulsed with severe loss, commenced his retreat 
 just before night. In this affair, the conduct of the First 
 Georgia regulars, under Major Walker, was dashing and 
 gallant. 
 
 Early on the 29th the columns were united, and the ad- 
 vance, to join General Jackson, was resumed. The noise of 
 battle was heard before we reached Gainesville. The march 
 was quickened to the extent of our capacity. The excitement 
 of battle seemed to give new life and strength to our jaded 
 men, and the head of my column soon reached a position in 
 rear of the enemy's left flank, and within easy cannon-shot. 
 On approaching the field, some of Brigadier-General Hood's 
 batteries were ordered into position, and his division was de- 
 ployed on the right and left of the turnpike, at right-angles 
 with it, and supported by Brigadier-General Evans' brigade. 
 Before these batteries could open, the enemy discovered our 
 movements and withdrew his left. Another battery (Captain 
 Stribling's) was 'placed upon a commanding position to my 
 right, which played upon the rear of the enemy's left, and 
 drove him entirely from that part of the field. He changed 
 his front rapidly, so as to meet the advance of Hood and 
 Evans. 
 
 Three brigades, under General Wilcox, were thrown forward 
 to the support of the left, and three others, under General 
 Kemper, to the support of the right of these commands. 
 General D. R. Jones' division was placed upon the Manassas 
 Gap Railroad, to the right and in echelon with regard to the 
 three last brigades. Colonel Walton placed his batteries in a 
 commanding position between my line and that of General 
 Jackson, and engaged the enemy for several hours in a severe 
 and successful artillery duel. At a late hour in the day, 
 Major-General Stuart reported the approach of the enemy in 
 heavy columns against mj extreme right. I withdrew Gen- 
 eral Wilcox, with his three brigades, from the left, and placed 
 his command in j)osition to support Jones in case of an attack 
 against my right. After some few shots, the enemy withdrew 
 his forces, moving them around towards his front, and, about 
 
328 THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAK. 
 
 four o'clock in the afternoon, began to press forward against 
 General Jackson's position. Wilcox's brigades were moved 
 back to their former position, and Hood's two brigades, sup- 
 ported bj Evans, were quickh^ pressed forward to the attack. 
 At tlie same time, Wilcox's three brigades njade a like ad- 
 vance, as also Ilunton's brigade, of Kemper's command. 
 
 These movements were executed with ciMnmendable zeal 
 and ability. Hood, supported by Evans, niade a gallant 
 attack, driving the enemy back till nine o'clock at night. Ono 
 piece of artillery, several regimental standards, and a number 
 of prisoners were taken. The enemy's entire force was found 
 to be massed directly in my front, and in so strong a position 
 that it was not deemed advisable to move on against his im- 
 mediate front; so the troops were quietly withdrawn at ono 
 o'clock the following morning. The wheels of the captured 
 piece were cut down, and it was left on the ground. The 
 enemy seized that opportunity to claim a victory, and the 
 Federal commander was so impudent as to dispatch to his 
 Govei-nmcnt, bj^ telegraph, tidings to that effect. After with- 
 drawing from the attack, n)y troops were placed in tiie line 
 first occupied, and in the original order. 
 
 During the day. Colonel S. D. Lee, with his reserve artillery, 
 was })laced in the position occupied the day previous by Col- 
 onel Walton, and engaged the enemy in a very severe artillery 
 combat. The result was, as the day previous, a success. At 
 half-past three o'clock in the afternoon, I rode to the front for 
 tlie purpose of completing arrangements for making a diver- 
 sion in favor of a flank movement, then under contemjjlation. 
 Just after reaching my front line, I received a message for 
 re-enforcements for General Jackson, who was said to be 
 severely pressed. From an eminence near by, one portion of 
 the enemy's masses attacking General Jackson were immedi- 
 ately within my view, and in easy range of batteries in that 
 position. It gave me an advantage tliat I had not expected 
 to have, and I made haste to use it. Two batteries were 
 ordered for the purpose, and one placed in position immedi- 
 ately and opened. Just as this fire began, I received a mes- 
 sage from the commanding general, informing me of General 
 Jackson's condition and his wants. As it was evident that the 
 attack against General Jackson could not be continued ten 
 
APPENDIX. 329 
 
 minutes under the fire of these batteries, I made no movement 
 with my troops. Before the second battery could be placed 
 in position, the enemy began to retire, and, in less tlian ten 
 minutes, tlie ranks were broken, and that portion of his arm}" 
 put to flight. A fair opportunity was offered me, and the in- 
 tended diversion was changed into an attack. My whole line 
 was rushed forward at a charge The troops sprang to their 
 work, and moved forward with all the steadiness and firmness 
 that characterize war-worn veterans. The batteries continu- 
 ing their play upon the confused masses, completed the work 
 of this portion of the enemy's line, and my attack was, there- 
 fore, made against the forces in my front. The order for the 
 advance had scarcely been given, when I received a message 
 from the connuanding general, anticipating some such emer- 
 gency, and ordering the move which was then going on, at 
 the same time offering me Major-General Anderson's division. 
 The commanding general soon joined me, and, a few moments 
 after, Major-General Anderson arrived with his division. 
 The attack was led b}' Hood's brigade, closely supported by 
 Evans. These were rapidly re-enforced by Anderson's division 
 from the rear, Kemper's three brigades, and D. R. Jones' 
 division from the rif^ht, and Wilcox's bris^ade from the left. 
 The brigades of Brigadier-Generals Featherston and Pi-yor 
 became detached, and opei'ated with a portion of General 
 Jackson's command. The attacking columns moved steadily 
 forward, driving the enemy from his different positions as 
 rapidly as he took them. My batteries were thrown forward 
 from point to point, following the movements of the general 
 line. These, however, were somewhat detained by an enfilade 
 fire from a battery on my left. This threw more than its 
 proper share of fighting upon the infantry, retarded our rapid 
 progress, and enabled the enemy to escape with many of his 
 batteries, which should have fallen into our hands. The battle 
 continued imtil ten o'clock at night, when utter darkness put 
 a stop to our progress. The enemy made his escape across 
 Bull Run before daylight. Three batteries, a lai'ge number of 
 prisoners, many stands of regimental colors, and twelve thou- 
 sand stands of arms, besides some wagons, ambulances, etc., 
 were taken. 
 
 The next day, like the day after the first battle of Manassas 
 
330 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 Plains, was stormy and excessively disagreeable. Orders were 
 given early in the day for caring for the wounded, burying 
 the dead, and collecting arms and other supplies. 
 
 About noon. General Pryor, with his brigade, was thrown 
 across Bull Run, to occupy the heights between that and Cub 
 Run, and, at two o'clock in the afternoon, the balance of the 
 command marched to cross Bull Run at Sudley Ford. Cross- 
 ing the run on the following day, the command marched for 
 Chantilly, via the Little River turnpike. The enemy was re 
 ported in position in our front, as we reached Chantilly, and 
 he made an attack upon General Jackson before my troops 
 arrived. He was repulsed, however, before my re-enforcements 
 got up, and disappeared during the night. 
 
 On the 2d of September the command marched via Drains- 
 ville, Leesburg, and across the Potomac, at White's Ford, to 
 Frederick City, Maryland, arriving there on the Tth. I moved 
 from Frederick for Hagerstowu on the 10th, and reached 
 there, with part of my command, on the 11th, sending six 
 brigades, under Major-Gen eral Anderson, to co-operate with 
 Major-General McLaws in the assault upon Maryland Heights 
 and Harper's Ferry. During the operations against this gar- 
 rison, the approach of a large army from "Washington City for 
 its relief was reported. We were obliged to make a forced 
 march in order to reach Boonsboro' Pass to assist Major- 
 General D. H. Hill's division in holding this army in check, 
 so as to give time for the reduction of Harper's Ferry. I 
 reached Boonsboro' about three o'clock in the afternoon, and, 
 upon ascending the mountain, found General Hill heavily en- 
 gaged. My troops were hurried to his assistance as rapidly 
 as their exhausted condition would admit of. The brigades 
 of Brigadier-General Evans, Pickett (under Garnett), Kemper, 
 and Jenkins (under Colonel Walker), were extended along the 
 mountain to our left. Brigadier-General Hood, with his own 
 and Whiting's brigade (under Colonel Law), Drayton's, and 
 D. R. Jones' (under Colonel G. T. Anderson), were extended 
 to the right. Major-General Hill had ab'eady placed such 
 batteries in position as he could find ground for, except one 
 position on the extreme left. It was my intention to have 
 placed a battery in this position, but I was so much occupied 
 in front, that I could find no time to do so before nightfall. 
 
APPENDIX. 331 
 
 We succeeded in repulsing the repeated and powerful at- 
 tacks of the enemy, and in holding our position till night put 
 an end to the battle. It was short, but very fierce. Some of 
 our most gallant officers and men fell in this struggle, among 
 them the brave Colonel J. B. Strange, of the Nineteenth Vir- 
 ginia regiment. 
 
 Had tlie command reached the mountain pass in time to 
 have gotten into position before the attack was made, I be- 
 lieve that the direct assaults of the enemy could have been 
 repulsed with comparative ease. Hurried into action, how- 
 ever, we arrived at our position more exhausted than the 
 enemy. It became manifest that our forces were not suffi- 
 cient to resist the renewed attacks of the entire army of Gen- 
 eral McClellan. He would require but little time to turn 
 either flank, and our command must then be at his mercy. In 
 view of this, the commanding general ordered the withdrawal 
 of our troops to the village of Sharpsburg. This position was 
 regarded as a strong defensive one, besides being one from 
 which Ave could threaten the enemy's flank or rear, in case he 
 should attempt to relieve the garrison at Harper's Ferry. 
 
 Crossing the Antietam, on the morning of the 15th, Major- 
 General D. H. Hill's divison and my own command were 
 placed in line of battle between the stream and the village of 
 Sharpsburg. Soon after getting into position, we heard of the 
 surrender of Harper's Ferry. This left the portions of the 
 army engaged in the reduction of that garrison free to join us. 
 After much shelling at one point and another of our line, 
 which extended more than a mile on each side of Sharpsburg, 
 the enemy finally attacked General Hood, on my extreme left, 
 late Tuesday evening, September 16th. Hood drove him back, 
 but not without severe loss, including that of Colonel Liddell, 
 of the Eleventh Mississippi, an officer of great merit, modesty, 
 and promise. During the night, the enemy threw his forces 
 across the Antietam, in front of Hoods position, and renewed 
 his attack at daylight the next morning. Hood was not 
 strong enough to resist the masses thrown against him. Sev- 
 eral of Major-General D. H. Hill's brigades re-enforced tlie 
 position, but, even with these, our forces seemed but a handful 
 when compared with the hosts thrown against us. The com- 
 mands engaged the enemy, however, with great courage and 
 
332 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 determination, and, retiring very slowly, delayed him until 
 the forces of Generals Jackson and "Walker came to our relief. 
 D. R. Jones' brigade, under Colonel G. T. Anderson, came up 
 about the same nioment, and, soon after this, the divisions of 
 Major-Generals McLaws and R. H. Anderson. Colonel S. D. 
 Lee's reserve artillery was with General Hood, and took a dis- 
 tinguished part in the attack, on the evening of the 16th, and 
 in delaying that of the 17th. General Jackson soon moved off 
 to our left, for the purpose of tui-ning the enemy's right flank, 
 and the otlier divisions, except Walker's, were distributed at 
 other points of tlie line. As these movements were made, the, 
 enemy again tlirew forward his masses against my left. This 
 attack was met by Walker's division, two pieces of Captain 
 Miller's batter}^ of the Washington Artiller}?^, and two pieces of 
 Captain Bryce's battery, and was driven back in some con- 
 fusion. An effort was made to pursue, but our line was too 
 weak. Colonel Cooke, of the Twenty-seventh North Carolina, 
 very gallantly charged with his own regiment; but, liis 
 supply of ammunition being exhausted, and he being unsup- 
 ported, he was obliged to return to his original position in 
 the line. 
 
 From this moment our centre was extremely weak, l)eing 
 defended by but part of Walker's division, and four pieces of 
 artillery, Cooke's regiment of that division being without a 
 cartridge. In this condition, again the enemy's masses moved 
 forward against us. Cooke stood with his empty guns, and 
 waved his colors to show that his troops were in position. 
 The artillery played upon their ranks with canister. Their 
 lines began to hesitate, soon halted, and, after an hour and a 
 half, retired. 
 
 Another attack was quickly made, a little to the right of 
 the last. Captain Miller, turning his pieces upon these lines, 
 and playing upon them with ronnd shot (over the heads of 
 R. li. Auderson's men), checked the advance; and Anderson's 
 division, with the ai'tillery, held the enemy in check until 
 night. This attack was followed by the final assault, about 
 four o'clock P.M., when the enemy crossed the bridge in front 
 of Sharpsbui-g, and made his desperate attack upon my right. 
 Brigadier-General Toombs held the bridge, and defended it. 
 most gallantly, driving back repeated attacks, and only yielded 
 
ArpENDix. 833 
 
 it after the forces brouglit against liim became overwhelming 
 and threatened his flank and rear. 
 
 The enemy was then met by Brigadier-General D. R. Jones, 
 with six brigades. Pie drove back our right several times, and 
 M-as himself made to I'ctire several times, badly crippled ; but 
 his strong re-enforcements finally enabled him to drive in my 
 right, and occupy this part of my ground. Thus advanced, 
 the enemy's line was placed in such a position as to enable 
 General Toombs to move his brigade directly against his flank. 
 General Jones seized the opportunity, and threw Toombs down 
 against the enemy's flank, drove him back, and recovered our 
 lost ground. 
 
 Two of the brigades of Major-General A. P. Hill's division 
 advanced against the enemy's front, as General Toombs made 
 his flank attack. 
 
 The display of this force was of great value, and it assisted 
 us in holding our position. 
 
 The enemy took shelter behind a stone wall, and another 
 line was advanced to the crest of a hill, in support of his first 
 line. 
 
 Captain Richardson's, Brown's, and Moody's batteries were 
 placed in position to play upon the second line, and lK)tli lines 
 were eventually driven back by these batteries. Before it 
 was entirely dark, the hundred thousand men, that liad been 
 threatening our destruction for twelve hours, had melted away 
 into a few stragglers. 
 
 The battle over, orders were sent around for ammunition- 
 chests and cartridge-boxes to be refilled. Early on the morn- 
 ing of the 18th a few sharp-shooters began to exchange shots. 
 I observed that the enemy had massed his artillery on the 
 opposite side of the Antietam, with a view, apparently, to 
 meet an attack from us. Our ranks were too much thiimed to 
 warrant a renewal of the conflict, with the chances of being 
 drawn under the fire of this artillery. The eflTort to make a 
 flank movement by our left, the day previous, developed the 
 fact that the enemy had extended his right, so as to rest it 
 upon the Potomac, and thus envelop our left flank. From our 
 position, it was impossible to make any move, except a direct 
 assault upon some portion of the enemy's line. I, therefore, 
 took the liberty to address a note to the commanding general, 
 
334 THE LAST YKAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 abont two o'clock in the afternoon, suggesting a withdrawal 
 to the south side of the Potomac. Before my note reached 
 him, however, he rode to my bivouac, and expressed the same 
 views. Arrangements to move across the Potomac were com- 
 pleted by dark. My command, moving first, crossed about 
 two o'clock in the morning, and part of it was placed in posi- 
 tion, in case it should be needed at the ford. The entire army 
 crossed, however, without molestation ; and, as directed by 
 the commanding general, I proceeded to form his line. As 
 this was completed, it became evident that the enemy was not 
 pursuing, except with some of his batteries and some small 
 force. The various commands were then marched off to their 
 points of bivouac. 
 
 The name of every officer, non-commissioned ofiicer, and 
 private, who has shared in the toils and privations of this cam- 
 paign, should be mentioned. 
 
 In one month, these troops had marched over two hundred 
 miles, upon little more than half rations, and fought nine 
 battles and skirmishes, killed, wounded, and captured nearly 
 as many men as we had in our ranks, besides taking arms, and 
 other munitions of war, in large quantities. I would that I 
 could do justice to all of these gallant officers and men in this 
 report. As that is impossible, I shall only mention those most 
 prominently distinguished. These were: Major-General R. 
 H. Anderson, on the Plains of Manassas, at Harper's Ferry, 
 and at Sharpsburg, where he was wounded severely. Briga- 
 dier-General D. R. Jones, at Thoroughfare Gap, Manassas 
 Plains, Boonsboro', and Sharpsburg. Brigadier-General R. 
 Toombs, at Manassas Plains, in his gallant defence of the 
 bridge at Antietam, and in his vigorous charge against the 
 enemy's flank ; he was severely wounded at the close of the 
 engagement. Brigadier-General "Wilcox, at Manassas Plains, 
 on the 29th and 30th of August, afterwards absent sick. 
 Brigadier-General Garnett, at Boonsboro' and Sharpsburg. 
 Brigadier-General Evans, on the Plains of Manassas, both on 
 the 29th and 30th of August, and at Sharpsburg. Brigadier- 
 General Kemper, at Manassas Plains, Boonsboro', and Sharps- 
 burg. Brigadier-General Hood, and Colonels Law and Wof- 
 ford, at Manassas Plains, and on the 29th and 30th of August, 
 Boonsboro', and at Sharpsburg, on the 16th and 17th. Col- 
 
APPENDIX. 335 
 
 onel G. T. Anderson, commanding D. K. Jones' brigade, at 
 Thoroughfare Gap, Manassas Plains, Boonsboro', and Sharps- 
 bnrg. Brigadier-General Malione, at Manassas Plains, wliere 
 he received a severe wound. Brigadier-General R. A. Pryor, 
 at Sharpsburg. Brigadier-General Jenkins, at Manassas 
 Plains, on the 29th and 30th of August; on the last day 
 severely wounded. Colonels Hunton, Corse, Stuart, Stevens, 
 Hately (severely wounded), and Walker (commanding Jenkins' 
 brigade, after the latter was wounded), at Manassas Plains, 
 Boonsboro', and Sharpsburg, Colonel Posey, at Manassas 
 Plains and Sharpsburg, where he commanded Featherston's 
 brigade. Colonel Penning, at Manassas Plains and Sharps- 
 burg. At Sharpsburg, Captain Miller, of the Washington 
 Artillery, was particularly distinguished. Colonel Walton, of 
 the Washington Artillery, at Rappahannock Station, Manassas 
 Plains (August 29th), and Sharpsburg. Major Garnett, at 
 Rappahannock Station. Lieutenant-Colonels Skinner and 
 Marye, at Manassas Plains, where they were both severely 
 wounded. Major Walker, at Thoroughfare Gap and Manassas 
 Plains; in the latter engagement, this gallant officer was mor- 
 tally wounded. 
 
 It is with no common feeling that I recount the loss, at 
 Manassas Plains, of Colonels Gadbury, Eighteenth South 
 Carolina, Means, Seventeenth South Carolina, Moore, Second 
 South Carolina, Glover, First South Carolina, Nelson, Seventh 
 Georgia, and Lieutenant-Colonel Upton, Fifth Texas. At 
 Boonsboro', Colonel J. B. Strange, Nineteenth Yiginia volun- 
 teers, and Lieutenant- Colonel McLemore, Fourth Alabama ; 
 and, at Sharpsburg, Colonel Liddell, Eleventh Mississippi, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Coppens, and Lieutenant-Colonel Holmes, 
 Second Georgia volunteers. These valuable and gallant offi- 
 cers fell in the unflinching performance of their duty, bravely 
 and successfully heading their commands in the thickest of 
 the fight. 
 
 To my staff-officers, Major G. M. Sorrell, assistant adjutant- 
 general, who was wounded at Sharpsburg, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 P. T. Manning, chief of ordinance, Major J. W. Fairfax, 
 Major Thomas Walton, who was also wounded at Sharpsburg, 
 Captain Thomas Goree, and Lieutenant R. W. Blackwell, I 
 am under renewed and lasting obligations. These officers, full 
 
336 THE LAST YEAK OF THE WAR. 
 
 of courage, intelligence, patience, and experience, were able to 
 give dii'ections to commands such as they tlionght proper, 
 which were at once approved, and commanded mj admiration. 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Blunt volunteered his services to me at 
 Boonsboro', and was, both there and at Sharpsburg, of material 
 service to me. The medical department, in charge of Surgeon 
 Cullen, were active and unremitting in the care of the wounded, 
 and have my thanks for their humane efforts. 
 
 My party of couriers were zealous, active, and brave. They 
 are justly entitled to praise for the manly fortitude and coura- 
 geous conduct shown by them in the trying scenes of the cam- 
 paign. The cavalry escort, commanded by Captain Doby, 
 have my thanks for meritorious conduct and valuable aid. 
 Captain Doby, Lieutenants Bonny and Matthieson, Sergeants 
 Lee and Haile, and Corporals Whitaker and Sahnond, were 
 distinguished in the active and fearless performance of their 
 arduous duties. 
 
 I am indebted to Colonel E.. H. Chilton, Colonel Long, 
 Majors Taylor, Marshall, Venable, and Talcott, and Captains 
 Mason and Johnson, of the staff of the commanding general, 
 for great courtesy and kindness in assisting me on the dif- 
 ferent battle-fields. 
 
 I respectfully ask the attention of the commanding general 
 to the reports of division, brigade, and other commanders, and 
 approve their high encomiums of their officers and men. 
 
 Reports of killed, wounded, and missing have already been 
 forwarded. 
 
 I remain, sir, with respect, your obedient servant, 
 
 J. LONGSTRKET, 
 
 Lieutenant-General Commanding. 
 
CEN. STERLING PRICE. 
 
 'J.B.Kicliardson, 
 Putlisher. 
 
APPENDIX. 337 
 
 EEPOKTS OF LIEUTENANT-GENEEAL JACKSON. 
 
 Headqttaiiters Second Corps, A. N. V., AprU 27, 1863. 
 Brigadiek-Generai, E. H. Chilton, 
 
 A. A. A. General, Headquarters Department, A. N. V. : 
 
 General — I have the honor herewith to submit to )'ou a 
 report of the operations of nij command from the 15th of 
 August to the 5th day of September, 1862, embracing the sev- 
 eral engagements of Manassas Junction, Bristoe Station, Ox 
 Hill, and so much of the battle of Groveton, on the 2Sth, 29th, 
 and 30th of August, as was fouglit by the troops under my 
 command : 
 
 On the 15th of August, in obedience to instructions from the 
 commanding general, I left my encampment near Gordons- 
 ville, and, passing Orange Courthouse, encamped in the even- 
 ing near Mount Pisgah church, where I remained until the 
 20tb, when, in accordance with my instructions, whilst General 
 Longstreet was crossing at Raccoon Ford, I crossed the same 
 river at Somerville Ford. The command encamped for the 
 night near Stevensburg. My command at this time comprised 
 Ewell's, A. P. Hill's, and Jackson's divisions. Ewell's was 
 composed of the brigades of Generals Lawton, Early, Haja 
 (Colonel Farno commanding), and Trimble, with the bat- 
 teries of Bi'own, Dement, Latimer, Balthis, and D'Aquin. A. 
 P. Hill's division was composed of the brigades of Generals 
 Branch, Gregg, Field, Pender, Archer, and Colonel Thomas, 
 with the batteries of Braxton, Latham, Crenshaw, Mcintosh, 
 Davidson, and Pegram. Jackson's division, commanded by 
 Brigadici'-General William B. Taliaferro, was composed of 
 Windei-'s brigade (Colonel Baylor commanding), Colonel 
 Campl)e]rs brigade (Major John Seddon commanding), Bi-ig- 
 adier-General William B. Taliaferro's brigade (Colonel A. G. 
 Taliaferro commanding), and Starke's brigade, with the bat- 
 teries of Brockenbrough, Wooding, Poague, Carpenter, Caskie, 
 and Eaines. Major-General Stuart, with his cavalry, co- 
 operated during the expedition ; and I shall more than once 
 
 22 ' 
 
838 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 have to acknowledge my obligations for the valuable and 
 efficient aid which he rendered. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 21st, the command left its en- 
 campment and moved in the direction of Beverly's Ford, on 
 the Eappahannock, General Taliaferro's command in the lead. 
 On approaching the ford, the enemy was seen on the opposite 
 bank. Batteries of that division, under the direction of Major 
 Shumaker, chief of artillery, were placed in position, which, 
 after a short resistance (as reported by General Taliaferro), 
 silenced the enemy's guns, and dispersed his infantry. Major- 
 General Stuart had crossed with a portion of his cavalry, sup- 
 ported by some pieces of artillery, and, after skirmishing with 
 the enemy a few hours, taking some prisoners and arms, 
 returned with the information that the Federal forces were 
 moving in strength upon his position, and were close at hand. 
 The enemy soon appeared on the opposite bank, and an ani- 
 mated firing was opened, and, to a considerable extent, kept 
 up across the river for the rest of the day, between the Federal 
 artillery and the batteries of Taliaferro's command. 
 
 On the following morning (22d), the three divisions con- 
 tinned their march up the bank of the Bappahannock, General 
 Evvell in the advance, and crossed Hazel River, one of its 
 tributaries, at Wellford's Mill, near which General Trimble 
 was left with his brigade to protect the flank of our wagon- 
 train from the enemy, who was moving up the north side of 
 the Rappahannock, simultaneously with the advance of our 
 troops on the south side. 
 
 About twelve m., a small party surprised part of the train, 
 and captured some ambulances and mules, which were, how- 
 ever, soon recovered, and some prisoners taken, who gave 
 information that a more considerable Federal force had crossed 
 the river. 
 
 About four p. M., General Trimble, supported by General 
 Hood (who was the advance of Longstreet's command), had a 
 sharp engagement with this force, in which, after gallantly 
 charging and taking a number of prisoners, they drove the 
 residue, with severe loss, across the river, under the protection 
 of the guns of the main body of the Federal army, on the 
 opp.osite side. In the mean time the command paesed Fj'ce- 
 Djuji's Fold, which it found strongly guarded, and moved on 
 
APPENDIX. 339 
 
 to a point opposite the Fauqnier "White Snlphnr Springs, where 
 we found the bridge destroyed, and other evidence that the 
 enemy was in close proximity. 
 
 In the afternoon of the 23d, the Thirteenth Georgia, Colonel 
 Douglas, Brown's and Dement's batteries of four guns each, 
 and Early's brigade, crossing over, took possession of the 
 springs and adjacent lieights, and taking some prisoners, and 
 incurring some risk from the rain and sudden rise of the 
 water, which for a few hours cut off communication with the 
 main body. In this critical situation, the skill and presence 
 of mind of General Early was favorably displayed. It was 
 deemed advisable not to attempt a passage at that point, but 
 to proceed liigher up the river. 
 
 By dawn, on the morning of the 24-th, General Early, by 
 means of a temporary bridge, which had been constructed for 
 his relief, had his troops and artillery safe on the, southern 
 side. 
 
 On the 24th, there was a fierce cannonade between General 
 HilTs artillery and that of the enemy across the river. In the 
 mean time, General Stuart, who had preceded me, crossed the 
 Eappahannock, striking the enemy in his rear, making his 
 brilliant night attack upon his camp at Catlett's Station, cap- 
 turing many prisoners, personal baggage of General Pope, and 
 his dispatch-book, containing information of value to us in this 
 expedition. In the evening we moved near Jefferson ton. Pur- 
 suing the instructions of the commanding general, I left Jef- 
 fersontun on the morning of the 25th, to throw my command 
 between Washington City and the army of General Pope, and 
 to break up his railroad communication with the Federal 
 capital. Taking the route by xAmissviJle, crossing Hedgeman 
 Kivcr, one of the tributaries of the Rappahannock, at Hensou's 
 ]\lill, and moving via Orlean, we reached the vicinity of Salem, 
 after a severe day's march, and bivouacked there for the 
 niglit. 
 
 On the next day (26th), the march was continued, diverging 
 to the right at Salem, crossing the Bull Bun m(»untain rlirmigh 
 TiiDrought'are Gap, and, passing Gainesville, we reacl;c"' P-is- 
 toe Station on the Orange and Alexandria Baili' ;r 
 
 sunset. 
 
 At Gainesville I was joined by General Smart, wlicu after 
 
340 THE LAST TEAR OF THK WAR. 
 
 f 
 
 leaving the vicinity of Waterloo Bridge, about two o'cloct 
 A. M., had, by a rapid march, come up in time to render all 
 useful assistance. He kept upon my right flank during the 
 residue of the day. My command was now in rear of General 
 Pope's army, separating it from the Federal capital and its 
 base of supply. As we approached Bristoe Station, the sound 
 of cars coming from the direction of Warrenton Junction was 
 heard, and General Ewell divided his force so as to take simul- 
 taneous possession of the two points of the railroad. Colonel 
 Munford, with the Second Virginia Cavalry, co-operated in 
 this movement. Two trains of cars and some prisoners were 
 captured, the largest portion of the small Federal force at that 
 point making its escape. Learning that the enemy had col- 
 lected at Manassas Junction, a station about seven miles dis- 
 tant, stores of great value, I deemed it important that no time 
 should be lost in securing them. Notwithstanding the dark- 
 ness of the night, and the fatiguing march which would, since 
 dawn, be over thirty miles, before reaching the junction, Brig- 
 adier-General Trimble volunteered to proceed there forthwith, 
 with the Twentj'-first l!^orth Carolina (-Lieutenant-Colonel Ful- 
 ton commanding), and the Twenty-first Georgia (Major Glover 
 commanding), in all, about five hundred men, and capture the 
 place. I accepted the gallant offer, and gave him orders to 
 move without delay. In order to increase the prospect of suc- 
 cess, Major-General Stuart, with a portion of his cavalry, was 
 subsequently directed to move forward, and, as the ranking- 
 officer, to take command of the expedition. The duty was 
 cheerfully undertaken by all who were assigned to it, and 
 most promptly and successfully executed. Notwithstanding 
 the Federal fire of musketry and artillery, our infantry dis- 
 persed the troops placed there for the defence of the place, 
 and captured eight guns, with seventy-two horses, equipments, 
 and ammunition complete, immense supplies of commissary 
 and quartermast-er stores, upwards of two hundred new tents; 
 and General Trimble also reports the capture of over three 
 hundred prisoners, and one hundred and seventy-five horses, 
 exclusive of those belonging to the artillery, besides recovering 
 over two hundred negroes. The next morning, the divisions 
 under command of Generals Hill and Taliaferro, moved to 
 Manassas Junction, the division of General Ewell remaining 
 
APPENDIX. 341 
 
 at Bristoe Station. About a mile before reaching the junc- 
 tion, Colonel Ba^'lor encountered and dispersed a regiment of 
 Federal cavalry. Soon after the advance of the troops from 
 Bristoe Station reached the junction, they were fired upon by 
 a distant battery of the enemy posted in the direction of the 
 battle-field of Manassas. This artillery was soon driven off, 
 and retreated in the direction of Centreville. Soon after, a 
 considerable body of Federal infantry, under Brigadier-Gen- 
 eral Taylor, of New Jersey, came in sight, having, it is be- 
 lieved, that morning left Alexandria in the cars, and boldly 
 pushed forward to recover the position and stores which had 
 been lost the previous night. The advance was made with 
 great spirit and determination, and under a leader worthy of 
 a better cause. Assailed by the batteries of Poague and Car- 
 penter, and some of General HilPs division, and apparently 
 seeing that there was danger of its retreat being cut off by 
 our other troops if it continued to move forward, it soon com- 
 menced retreating, and, being subjected to a heavy fire from 
 our batteries, was soon routed, leaving its killed and wounded 
 upon the field. Several brigades of General Hill's division 
 pressed forward in pursuit. In this conflict the Federal com- 
 mander, General Taylor, was mortally wounded. 
 
 Our loss was small. In the afternoon of the same day, 
 heavy columns of the enemy were seen approaching Bristoe 
 Station from the direction of Warrenton Junction, and on the 
 right of the railroad. General Ewell promptly made disposi- 
 tions to meet them. So soon as the enemy came within range, 
 the batteries of his division opened upon them from their sev- 
 eral positions, as did also the Sixth and Eighth Louisiana and 
 Sixtieth Georgia regiments. By this combined fire, two col- 
 umns of the enemy, of not less than a brigade each, were 
 driven back. But fresh columns soon supplied their places, 
 and it was obvious that the enemy was advancing in heavy 
 force. General Ewell's instructions were, if hard pressed, to 
 fall back and join the main command at Manassas Junction, 
 and orders were accordingly given for the withdrawal of his 
 forces north of Broad Bun. At the moment of issuing this 
 order, a portion of the troops were actively engaged, and the 
 enemy advancing; and yet the withdrawal of the infantry and 
 artillei-y was conducted with perfect order, General Early 
 
342 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAE. 
 
 closing up the rear. The Federals halted near Bristoe Station, 
 and General Ewell moved without further molestation, Colonel 
 Munford, of the Second, and Colonel Rosser, of the Fifth Yir- 
 ginia Cavalry, bringing up his rear to Manassas. The destruc- 
 tion of the railroad-bridge across Broad Run was intrusted to 
 Lieutenant (now Captain) Boswell, of the engineer corps, under 
 whose superintendence the duty w^as promptly and efficiently 
 executed. Orders were given to supply the troops with ra- 
 tions and other articles which they could properly make sub- 
 servient to their use from the captured property. It was vast 
 in quantity and of great value, comprising fifty thousand 
 pounds of bacon, one thousand barrels of corn-beef, two thou- 
 sand barrels of salt pork, two thousand barrels of flour, quar- 
 termasters', ordnance, and sutlers' stores, deposited in buildings 
 and filling two trains of cars. Having appropriated all that 
 we could use. and unwilling that the residue should again fall 
 into the hands of the enemy, who took possession of the place 
 the following day, orders were given to destroy all that re- 
 mained after supplying the immediate wants of the army. 
 This Avas done during the night. 
 
 General Taliaferro moved his division that night across to 
 the Warrenton and Alexandria turnpike, pursuing the road to 
 Sudley Mill, and crossing the turnpike in the vicinity of 
 Groveton, halted near the battle-field on the 21st of July, 
 1861. Ewell's and Hill's divisions joined Jackson's on the 28th. 
 My command had hardly concentrated north of the turnpike 
 before the enemy's advance reached the vicinity of Groveton 
 from the direction of Warrenton. General Stuart kept me 
 advised of the general movements of the enemy, whilst Colonel 
 Rosser, of the cavalry, with his command, and Colonel Brad- 
 ley T. Johnson, commanding Campbell's brigade, remained in 
 front of the Federals and operated against their advance. Dis- 
 positions were promptly made to attack the enemy, based upon 
 the idea that he would continue to press forward upon the 
 turnpike towards Alexandria. But as he did not appear to 
 advance in force, and there was reason to believe his main 
 body was leaving the road, and inclining towards Manassas 
 Junction, my command was advanced through the woods, 
 leaving Groveton on the left, until it reached a commanding 
 position near Brawner's house. By this time it was near sun- 
 
APPENDIX. 343 
 
 set, but his column appeared to be moving by witli its flank 
 exposed. I determined to attack at once, which was vigor- 
 ously done by the divisions of Taliafeiro and Ewell. The 
 batteries of Wooding, Poague, and Carpenter were placed in 
 position in front of Starke's brigade, and above the village of 
 Groveton, and firing over the heads of our skirmishers, poured 
 a heavy fire of shot and shell upon the enemy. This was 
 responded to by a very heavy fire from the enemy, forcing 
 onr batteries to select another position. By this time, Talia- 
 ferro's command, with Lawton's and Trimble's brigades on his 
 left, were advanced from the woods to the open field, and were 
 now moving in gallant style until they reached an orchard on 
 the right of our line, and were less than a hundred yards from 
 a large force of the enemy. The conflict here was fierce and 
 sanguinary. Although largely re-enforced, the Federals did 
 not attempt to advance, but maintained their ground with 
 obstinate determination. Both lines stood exposed to the dis- 
 charge of musketry and artillery, until about nine o'clock, 
 when the enemy slowly fell back, yielding the field to our 
 troops. The loss on both sides was- heavy, and among our 
 wounded were Major-General Ewell and Brigadier-General 
 Taliaferro; the latter, after a few months, was able to assume 
 his duties ; the former, I regret to say, is still disabled by his 
 wound, and the army thus deprived of his valuable services. 
 
 This obstinate resistance of the enemy appears to have been 
 for the purpose of protecting the flank of liis column until it 
 should pass the position occupied by our troops. Owing to 
 the difliculty of getting artillery through the woods, I'did not 
 have so much of that arm as I desired at the opening of the 
 engagement ; but this want was met by Major Pelham, with 
 the Stuart Horse Artillery, who dashed forward on my right 
 and opened upon the enemy at a moment when his services 
 were much needed. Although the enemy moved ofi" under 
 cover of the night, and left us in quiet possession of the field, 
 he did not long permit us to remain inactive, or in doubt as to 
 his intention to renew tlie conflict. The next morning I found 
 that he had abandoned the ground occupied as the battle-field 
 the evening before, and had moved further to the east, and to 
 my left, placing himself between my command and the Fed- 
 eral capital. My troops on this day were distributed along, 
 
344: THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 and in the vicinity of, the cut of an imfinishecl railroad (in- 
 tended as a part of the track to connect the Manassas road 
 directly with Alexandria) stretching from the Warrenton turn- 
 pike in the direction of Sudley Mill. It was mainly along tlie 
 excavation of this unfinished road that my line of battle was 
 formed on the 29th: Jackson's division under Brigadier-General 
 Starke, on the right ; Ewell's division, under Brigadier-General 
 Lawton, in the centre, and Hill's division on the left. In the 
 morning, about ten o'clock, the Federal artillery opened with 
 spirit and animation upon our right, which was soon replied 
 to by the battei'ies of Poagne, Carpenter, Dement, Brocken- 
 brough and Latimer, under -Major Shumaker. This lasted for 
 some time, when the enemy moved around more to our left to 
 another point of attack. His next eifoit was directed against 
 our left. This was vigorously repulsed by the batteries of 
 Braxton, Crenshaw, and Pegram. About two o'clock p. m., 
 the Federal infantry, in large force, advanced to the attack of 
 our left, occupied by the division of General Hill. It pressed 
 forward in defiance of our fatal and destructive fire with great 
 determination, a portion of it crossing a deep cut in the rail- 
 road-track, and penetrating in heavy force an interval of near 
 a hundred and seventy-five yards, which separated the right 
 of Gregg's from the left of Thomas's brigade. For a short time 
 Gregg's brigade, on the extreme left, was isolated from the 
 main body of the command. But the Fourteenth South Car- 
 olina regiment, then in reserve, with the Forty-ninth Georgia, 
 left of Colonel Tliomas's, attacked the exultant enemy with 
 vigor, and drove them back across the railroad-track with 
 great slaughter. General McGowan reports that the opposing 
 forces, at one time, delivered their volleys into each other at 
 the distance of ten paces. Assault after assal^lt was made on 
 the left, exhibiting, on the part of the enemy, great pertinacity 
 and determination, but every advance was most successfully 
 and gallantly driven back. General Hill reports that six sep- 
 arate and distinct assaults* were thus met and repulsed by his 
 division, assisted by Hay's brigade. Colonel Forno command- 
 ing. By this time the brigade of General Gregg, which, from 
 its position on the extreme left, was most exposed to the ene- 
 my's attack, had nearly expended its ammunition. It had 
 suffered severely in its men, and all its field-officers, except 
 
APPENDIX. 345 
 
 two, were killed or wounded. About four o'clock it had been 
 assisted by Hay's brigade (Colonel Forno). It was now retired 
 to the rear to take some repose after seven houi's of severe service 
 and General Early's brigade, of Swell's division, with the Eighth 
 Louisiana regiment, took its place. On reaching his position, 
 General Early found that the enemy had obtained possession 
 of the railroad and a piece of wood in front, there being at this 
 point a deep cut, which furnished a strong defence. Moving 
 through a field, he advanced upon the enemy, drove them 
 from the wood and railroad-cut with great slaughter, and fol- 
 lowed in pursuit some two hundred yards. The Tiiirteenth 
 Georgia at the same time advanced to the railroad and crossed 
 with Early's brigade: As it was not desirable to bring on a 
 general engagement that evening, General Early was recalled 
 to the railroad, where Thomas, Pender, and Ai'cher had firmly 
 maintained their positions during the day. Early kept his 
 position there until the following morning. Brigadier-General 
 Field and Colonel Forno (commanding Hay's brigade) were 
 severely wounded. Brigadier-General Trimble was also seri- 
 ously wounded. During the day, a force of the enemy pene- 
 trated the wood in my rear, endangering the safety of my 
 ambulances and train. Upon being advised of this, by Gen- 
 eral Stuart, I sent a body of infantry to drive them from the 
 wood. But, in the mean time, the vigilant Pelham had un- 
 limbered his battery and dispersed that portion of tlieni which 
 had reached the wood. At a later period, Major Patrick, of 
 the cavalry, who was by General Stuart intrusted with guard- 
 ing the train, was attacked, and although it was promptly and 
 effectually repulsed, it was not without the loss of that intrepid 
 officer, who fell in the attack, whilst setting an example of gal- 
 lantry to his men well worthy of imitation. During the day, 
 the commanding general arrived, and also General Longstreet, 
 with his command. On the following day (30th), my com- 
 mand occupied the ground, and the divisions the same relative 
 position to each other, and to the field, which they held the 
 day before, forming the left wing of the army. General Long- 
 street's command formed the right wing. A large quantity 
 of artillery was posted upon a commanding eminence in the 
 centre. 
 
 After some desultory skirmishing and heavy cannonading 
 
346 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 during the day, tlio Fecleriil infantry, about four o'clock in the 
 evening, moved from under cover of tlie wood and advanced 
 in several lines, first engaging the right, but soon extending 
 its attack to the centre and left. In a few moments our entire 
 line was engaged in a fierce and sanguinary struggle with the 
 enemy. As one line was repulsed, another took its place and 
 pressed forward as if determined, by force of numbers and fury 
 of assault, to drive us from our positions. So impetuous and 
 well sustained were these onsets as to induce me to send to 
 the commanding general for re-enforcements, but the timely 
 and gallant advance of General Longstreet, on the right, re- 
 lieved my troops from the pressure of overwhelming numbers, 
 and gave to those brave men the chances -of a more equal con- 
 flict. As Longstreet pressed upon the right, the Federal ad- 
 vance was checked, and soon a general advance of my whole 
 line was ordered. Eagerly and fiercely did each brigade press 
 forward, exhibiting in parts of the field scenes of close en- 
 counter and murderous strife not witnessed often in the turmoil 
 of battle. The Federals gave way before our troops, fell back 
 in disorder, and fled precipitately, leaving their dead and 
 wounded on the field. During their retreat the artillery 0})ened 
 Avitli destructive power upon the fugitive masses. The infantry 
 followed until darkness put an end to the pursuit. 
 
 Our loss was heavy; that of the enemy, as shown by the 
 battle-field, of which we were in possession, much heavier. 
 Among the losses was Colonel Baylor, commanding Winder's 
 brigade, who fell in front of his brigade, whilst nobly leading 
 it on to the charge. We captured eight pieces of artillery, 
 with their caissons, and six thousand five hundred and twenty 
 small arms were collected from the battle-field. 
 
 It being ascertained next morning that the Federal army 
 had retreated in the direction of Centreville, I was ordered by 
 the commanding general to turn that position. Crossing Bull 
 Kun at Sudley Ford, thence pursuing a country road until we 
 reached the Little River turnpike, which we followed in the 
 direction of Fairfax Courthouse until the troops halted for the 
 niglit. Early next morning, September 1st, we moved for- 
 ward, and late in the evening, after reacliing Ox Hill, came in 
 contact with the enemy, who were in position on our right 
 and front, covering his line of retreat from Centreville to Fair- 
 
APPENDIX. 3i7 
 
 fax Courthouse. Our Hue of battle was formed — General 
 Hill's division on the right ; Ewell's division, General Lawton 
 commanding, in the centre; and Jackson's division. General 
 Starke commanding, on the left — all on the right of the turn- 
 pike road. . Artillery was posted on an eminence to the left of 
 the road. The brigades of Branch and Field, Colonel Brock- 
 enbrough commanding the latter, were sent forward to feel 
 and engage the enemy. A cold and drenching thunder shower 
 swept over the field at this time, striking directly into the faces 
 of our troops. These two brigades gallantly engaged the ene- 
 my, but so severe was the fire in front and flank of Branch's 
 brigade, as to produce in it some disorder and falling back. 
 The brigades of Gregg, Thomas, and Pender were then thrown 
 into the fight. Soon a portion of EwelFs division became en- 
 gaged. The conflict now raged with great fury, the enemy 
 obstinately and desperately contesting the ground until their 
 Generals Kearney and Stephens fell in front of Thomas's bri- 
 gade, after which they retired from the field. 
 
 By the following morning the Federal army had entirely 
 disappeared from our view, and it soon appeared, by a report 
 from General Stuart, that it had passed Fairfax Courthouse, 
 and had moved in the direction of Washington City. 
 
 On the 3d of September we left Ox Hill, taking the i'oad by 
 Dranesville and Leesburg, and on the 4th bivouacked near the 
 Big Spring, between Leesburg and the Potomac. 
 
 The oflicial reports of the casualties of my command, in i.ts 
 operations from the Rappahannock to the Potomac, will show 
 a loss of seventy-five ofiicers killed and two hundred and 
 seventy -three wounded, seven hundred and thirty non-com- 
 missioned officers and officers and privates killed, three thou- 
 sand two hundred and seventy-four wounded, and thirty-five 
 missing, making a total loss of four thousand three hundred 
 and eighty-seven. 
 
 Colonel S. Crutchfield, chief of artillery, discharged his duties 
 well. The conduct of ofiicers and men during the various 
 enffaffements described was such as to entitle them to o-reat 
 praise. The wounded were skilfully cared for by medical 
 director. Dr. Hunter McGuire. In the transmission of orders 
 I was greatly assisted, during the expedition, by the following 
 members of mv stafl": Colonel A. Smead, assistant insjjector- 
 
348 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 general ; Major E. F. Paxton, acting assistant adjutant-gen- 
 eral ; Captain R. E. Wilbourn, chief signal officer; First- 
 Lieutenant II. It. Douglas, assistant inspector-general ; First- 
 Lieutenant J, G. Morrison, aid-de-camp, and Colonel William 
 L. Jackson, volunteer aid-de-camp. Captain Wilbourn was 
 so severely wounded at the battle of Groveton as to be unable 
 to go further with the army. The ordnance, quartermaster, 
 and commissary departments were well managed by their 
 respective chiefs, Majors G. H. Baer, J. A. Harman, and W. 
 J. Hawks. 
 
 For further information, respecting the detailed movements 
 of troops and the conduct of individuals, I would respectfully 
 refer you to the accompanying reports. 
 
 For these great and signal victories our sincere and humble 
 thanks are due unto Almighty God, We should in all things 
 acknowledge the hand of Him who reigns in heaven and rules 
 among the armies of men. In view of the arduous labors and 
 great privation^ the troops were called to endure, and the 
 isolated and perilous position which the command occupied, 
 while engaged with greatly superior numbers of the enemy, 
 we can but express the grateful conviction of our mind, that 
 God was with us and gave to us the victory, and unto His 
 holy name be the praise. 
 
 I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 T. J. Jackson, Lieutenant-General. 
 
 Headqtjartees Second Coeps, A. N. V., April 23, 1863. 
 Brigadiek^General K. H. Chilton, A. A. General : 
 
 General — I have the honor, herewith, to submit a report of 
 the operations of m.y command from the 5th to the 27th of 
 September, 1862, embracing the capture of Harper's Ferry, 
 the engagement at Shepherdstown, and so much of the battle 
 of Sharpsburg as was fought by the troops under my com- 
 . mand : 
 
 My command comprised A. P. Hill's division, consisting of 
 the brigades of Branch, Gregg, Field (Colonel Brockenbrough, 
 commanding), Pender, Archer, and Colonel Thomas, with the 
 batteries of the division, under Lieutenant-Colonel P. L. 
 
APPENDIX. 349 
 
 Walker; Ewell's division, under Brigadier-General Lawton, 
 consisting of the brigades of Early, Hays (Colonel Strong), 
 Trimble (Colonel Walker), and Lawton (Colonel Douglas), 
 with the artillery, under Major Courtnay, and Jackson's divi- 
 sion, under Brigadier-General Starke, consisting of the brigades 
 of Winder (Colonel Grigsby), Jones (Colonel B. T. Johnson), 
 Taliaferro (Colonel Warren), and Starke (Colonel Stafford), 
 with the artillery under Major Shumaker, chief of artillery. 
 
 On the 5th of September my command crossed the Poto- 
 mac at White's Ford, and bivouacked that night near the 
 Three Springs, in the State of Maryland. Not having any 
 cavalry with me except the Black Horse, under Captain Ran- 
 dolph, I dii-ected him, after crossing the Potomac, to take part 
 of his company and scout to the right, in order to avoid a 
 surprise of the column from that direction. For the thorough 
 and efficient manner in which this duty was dischai-ged, and 
 for the valuable service rendered generally, whilst attached to 
 my headquarters, I desire to make special mention of this 
 company and its officers. Captain Randolph and Lieutenants 
 Paine, Tyler, and Smith, who frequently transmitted orders 
 in the absence of staff-officers. 
 
 The next day we arrived in the vicinity of Frederick City. 
 Jackson's division encamped near its suburbs, except the bri- 
 gade of General Jones (Colonel Bradley T. Johnson command- 
 ing), which was posted in the city as a provost-guard. Ewell's 
 and Hill's divisions occnpied positions near the railroad-bridge 
 over the Monocacy, guarding the approaches from Washington 
 City. • 
 
 In obedience to instructions from the commanding general, 
 and for the purpose of capturing the Federal forces and stores 
 then at Martinsburg and Harper's Ferry, my command left 
 the vicinity of Frederick City on the 10th, and passing rapidly 
 through Middletown, Boonsboi-ough, and Williamsport, re- 
 crossed the Potomac into Virginia, at Light's Ford, on the 
 11th. General Hill moved with his division on the turnpike, 
 direct from Williamsport to Martinsburg. The divisions of 
 Jackson and Ewell proceeded towards the North Mountain 
 depot, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, about seven miles 
 northwest of Martinsburg. They bivouacked that night in 
 the vicinity of the depot in order to prevent the Federal forces, 
 
350 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 then at Martinsbiirg, from escaping westwaixl unobserved. 
 Major Myers, commanding the cavahT, sent part of his troops 
 as far south as the Berkeley and Hampshire turnpike. Briga- 
 dier-General White, who was in command of the Federal forces 
 at Martinsburg, becoming advised of onr approach, evacuated 
 the place on the night of the 11th, and retreated to Harper's 
 Ferry. 
 
 O.n the morning of the 12th our cavahy entered tlie town, 
 as, in the course of the day, did the main body of my com- 
 mand. At this point, abandoned quartermaster, commissary, 
 and ordnance stores fell into our hands. Proceeding thence 
 towards Harper's Ferry, about eleven o'clock a. m., on the 
 following morning (13th), the head of our column came in 
 view of the enem}', drawn up in force upon Bolivar Heights. 
 General Hill, who was in tlie advance, went into camp near 
 Hull town, about two miles from the enemy's position. The 
 two other divisions encamped near by. 
 
 The commanding general having directed Major-General 
 McLaws to move with liis own and General R. H. Anderson's 
 divisions to take possession of tlie Maryland Heights overlook- 
 ing Harper's Ferry, and Brigadier-General J. G. "Walker, pur- 
 suing a different route, to cross tlie Potomac and move u]) tliat 
 river on the Virginia side and occupy the Loudon Heights, 
 both for the purpose of co-operating with me, it became neces- 
 sar}' before making the attack to ascertain whether tliey were 
 in position. Failing to learn the fact by signals, a courier 
 was dispatched to each of those points for the required infor- 
 mation. During the night the courier to the Loudon Heights 
 returned with a message from General Walker that he was in 
 position. In the mean time. General McLaws had attacked 
 the Federal force posted to defend the Maryland Heights, had 
 routed it, and taken possession of that commanding position. 
 The Potomac River flowed between the positions respectively 
 occupied by General McLaws and myself, and the Shenandoah 
 separated me from General Walker, and it became advisable, 
 as the speediest mode of communication, to resort to signals. 
 Before the necessary orders were thus transmitted, the day was 
 far advanced. 
 
 The enemy had, b}" fortifications, strengthened the natui-ally 
 strong position he occupied along Bolivar Heights, extending 
 
APPENDIX. 351 
 
 from near the Shenandoali to the Potomac. McLaws and 
 "Walker, being thus separated from the enemy, by intervening 
 rivers, would afford no assistance beyond the fire of their artil- 
 lery and guarding certain avenues of escape to the enemy. 
 And from the reports received from them, by signals, in con- 
 sequence of the distance and range of their guns, not much 
 could be expected from their artillery, so long as the enemy 
 retained his advanced position on Bolivar Heights. 
 
 In the afternoon. General Hill was ordered to move along 
 the left bank of the Shenandoah, turn the enemy's left, and 
 enter Harper's Ferry. General Lawton, commanding Ewell's 
 division, was directed to move along the turnpike for the pur- 
 pose of supporting General Hill, and of otherwise operating 
 against the enemy to his left. General J. R. Jones, com- 
 manding Jackson's division, was directed, with one of his 
 brigades and a battery of artillery, to make a demonstration 
 against the enemy's right, whilst the remaining part of his 
 command, as a reserve, moved along the turnpike. Major 
 Massie, comm.anding the cavalry, was directed to keep upon 
 our left flank Iw the purpose of preventing the enemy from 
 escaping. Brigadier-General Walker guarded against an escape 
 across the Shenandoah River. Fearing lest the enemy should 
 attempt to escape across the Potomac, by means of signals I 
 called the attention of Major-General McLaws, commanding on 
 the Maryland Heights, to the propriety of guarding against 
 such an attempt. The demonstration on the left against the 
 enemy's right was made by Winder's brigade (Colonel Grigsby 
 commanding). It was ordered to secure a commanding hill to 
 the left of the heights, near the Potomac. Promptly dispersing 
 some cavalry, this eminence, from which the batteries of 
 Poaguc and Carpenter subsequently did such admirable execu- 
 tion, was secured without difficulty. In execution of the order 
 given Major-General Hill, he moved obliquely to the right 
 until he struck the Shenandoah River. Observing an eminence 
 crowning the extreme left of the enemy's line, occupied by 
 infantry, but without artillery, and protected only by an abatis 
 of fallen timber, Pender, Archer, and Brockenbrough were 
 directed to gain the crest of that hill, while branch and Gregg 
 were directed to march along the river, and, during the night, 
 to take advantage of the ravines, cutting the precipitous banks 
 
362 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 of the river, and establish themselves on the plain to the left 
 and rear of the enemy's works. Thomas followed as a reserve. 
 The execution of the first movement was intrusted to Brigadier- 
 General Pender, who accomplished it with slight resistance ; 
 and during the night, Lieutenant-Colonel Walker, chief of 
 artillery of Hill's division, brought up the batteries of Captains 
 Pegram, Mcintosh, Davidson, Braxton, and Crenshaw, and 
 established them upon the position thus gained. Branch and 
 Gregg also gained the positions indicated for them, and day- 
 break found them in rear of the enemy's line of defence. 
 
 As directed, Brigadier-General Lawton, commanding EwelFs 
 division, moved on the turnpike in three columns — one on the 
 road, and another on each side of it — until he reached Hull- 
 town, when he formed line of battle, and advanced to the 
 woods on School-house Hill. The division laid on their arms 
 during the night, Lawton and Trimble being in line on the 
 right of the road, and Hays on the left, M'ith Early immedi- 
 ately in his rear. During the night. Colonel Crutchfield, my 
 chief of artillery, crossed ten guns of Ewell's division over the 
 Shenandoah, and established them on its right bank, so as to 
 pnfilade the enemy's position on Boliver Heights, and take his 
 nearest and most formidable fortifications in reverse. The 
 other batteries of Ewell's division were placed in position on 
 School-house Hill, on each side of the road. 
 
 At dawn, September 15th, General Law^ton advanced his 
 division to the front of the woods, Lawton's brigade (Colonel 
 Douglas commanding) moved by flank to the bottom between 
 School-house Hill and Bolivar Heights, to support the ad- 
 vance of Major-General Hill. Lieutenant-Colonel Walker 
 opened a rapid enfilade fire from all his batteries at about one 
 thousand yards range. The batteries on School-house Hill 
 attacked the enemy's lines in front. In a short time the guns 
 of Captains Brown, Garber, Latimer, and Dement, under the 
 direction of Colonel Crutchfield, opened from the rear. The 
 batteries of Poague and Carpenter opened fire upon the 
 enemy's right. The artillery upon the Loudon Heights, of 
 Brigadier-General Walker's command, under Captain French, 
 which had silenced the enemy's artillery near the superinten- 
 dent's house on the preceding afternoon, again opened upon 
 Harper's Ferry, and also some guns of Major-General McLaws 
 
APPENDIX. 353 
 
 from the Maryland Heights, In an hour the enemy's fire 
 seemed to be silenced,, and the batteries of General Hill were 
 ordered to cease their fire, which was the signal for storming 
 the works. General Pender had commenced his advance, 
 when the enemy again opening, Pegram and Crenshaw moved 
 forward their batteries, and poured a rapid fire into the 
 enemy. The white flag was now displayed, and shortly after- 
 wards, Brigadier-General "White (the commanding ofiicer. Col- 
 onel D. S. Miles, having been mortally wounded), with a gar- 
 rison of about eleven thousand men, surrendered as prisoners 
 of war. Under this capitulation, we took possession of seventy- 
 three pieces of artillery, some thirteen thousand small arms, 
 and other stores. Liberal terms were granted to General 
 White, and the officers under his command, in the surrender, 
 which, I regret to say, do not seem, from subsequent events, to 
 have been properly appreciated by their government. 
 
 Leaving General Hill to receive the surrender of the Federal 
 troops, and take the requisite steps for securing the captured 
 stores, I moved, in obedience to orders from the commanding 
 general, to rejoin him in Maryland, with the remaining di- 
 visions of my command. By a severe night march, we 
 reached the vicinity of Sharpsburg on the morning of the 16th. 
 
 By direction of the commanding general, I advanced on the 
 enemy, leaving Sharpsburg to the right, and took position to 
 the left of General Longstreet, near Dunkard church, Ewell's 
 division (General Lawton commanding) forming the right, and 
 Jackson's division (General J. R. Jones commanding) forming 
 the left of my command. .Major-General Stuart, with the 
 cavalry, was on my left. Jackson's division (General Jones 
 commanding) was formed partly in an open field, and partly 
 in the woods, with its right resting upon the Sharpsburg and 
 Hagerstown turnpikes ; Winder's and Jones' brigades being in 
 front, and Taliaferro's and Starke's brigades a short distance in 
 their rear, and Poague's battery on a knoll in front. 
 
 Ewell's division followed that of Jackson to the woods on 
 the left of the road near the church. Early's brigade was then 
 formed on the left of the line of Jackson's division, to guard 
 its flank, and Hay's brigade was formed in its rear. Lawton's 
 and Trimble's brigades remained during the evening, with 
 arms stacked, near the church. 
 
 23 
 
354 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 A battery of the enemy, some five hundred yards to the 
 front of Jackson's division, opening fire upon a battery to the 
 right, was silenced in twenty minutes by a rapid and well- 
 directed fire from Poague's battery. Other batteries of the 
 enemy opened soon after upon our lines, and the firing con- 
 tinued until after dark. 
 
 About ten p. m., Lawton's and Trimble's brigades advanced 
 to the front to relieve the command of Brigadier-General Hood 
 (on the left of Major-Gen eral D. H. Hill), which had been 
 more or less engaged during the evening. Trimble's brigade 
 was posted on the right, next to Ripley's, of D. H. Hill's 
 division, and Lawton's on the left. 
 
 The troops slept that night upon their arms, disturbed by 
 the occasional fire of the pickets of the two armies, who were 
 in close proximity to each other. At the first dawn of day 
 skirmishing commenced in front, and in a slrort time the Fed- 
 eral batteries, so posted on the opposite side of the Antietam as 
 to enfilade my line, opened a severe and damaging fire. This 
 was vigorously replied to by the batteries of Poagiie, Carpen- 
 ter, Brockenbrough, Eaines, Caskie, and Wooding. About 
 sunrise, the Federal infantry advanced in heavy force to the 
 edge of the wood, on the eastern side .of the turnpike, driving 
 in our skirmishers. Batteries were opened in front from the 
 wood with shell and canister, and our troops became exposed, 
 for near an hour, to a terrific storm of shell, canister, and 
 musketry. General Jones having been compelled to leave the 
 field, the command of Jackson's division devolved upon Gen- 
 eral Starke. With heroic spirit, our lines advanced to the con- 
 flict, and maintained their position in the face of superior num- 
 bers with stubborn resolution, sometimes driving the enemy 
 before them, and sometimes compelled to fall back before their 
 well-sustained and destructive fire. Fresh troops from time to 
 time relieved the enemy's ranks, and the carnage on both sides 
 was terrific. At this early hour, General Starke was killed, 
 Colonel Douglas (commanding Lawton's brigade) was also 
 killed. General Lawton, commanding division, and Colonel 
 Walker, commanding brigade, were severely wounded. More 
 than half of the brigades of Lawton and Hays were either 
 killed or wounded, and more than a third of Trimble's, and all 
 the regimental commanders in those brigades, except two, were 
 
APPENDIX. 355 
 
 killed or wounded. Thinned in their ranks, and exhausted of 
 their ammunition, Jackson's division and the brigades of Law- 
 ton, Haj's, and Trimble retired to the rear, and Hood, of 
 Longstreet's command, again took the position from which he 
 had been before relieved. In the mean time, General Stnart 
 moved his artillery to a position nearer to the main command, 
 and more in our rear. Early being now directed, in conse 
 quence of the disability of General Lawton, to take command 
 of EwelPs division, returned with his brigade (with the excep- 
 tion of the Thirteenth Virginia regiment, which remained with 
 General Stuart) to the piece of wood where he had left the 
 other brigades of his division when he was separated from 
 them. Here he found that the enemy had advanced his in- 
 fantry near the wood, in which was the Dimkard church, and 
 had planted a battery across the turnpike, near tlie edge of the 
 wood and an ojren field, and that the brigades of Lawton, 
 Hays, and Trimble had fallen back some distance to the rear. 
 Finding here Colonels Grigsby and Stafford, with a portion of 
 Jackson's division, which formed on his left, he determined to 
 maintain his position there if re-enforcements could be sent to 
 his support, of which he was promptly assured. Colonel 
 Grigsby, with his small command, kept in check the advance 
 of tlie enemy on the left flank, while General Early attacked, 
 with great vigor and gallantry, the column on his right and 
 front. The force in front was giving way under this attack, 
 when another heavy column of Federal troops were seen mov- 
 ing across the plateau on his left flank. By this time the ex- 
 pected re-enforcements, consisting of Semmes' and Anderson's 
 brigades and a part of Barksdale's, of McLaw's division, 
 arrived, and the whole, including Grigsby's command, now 
 united, charged upon the enemy, checking his advance, then 
 driving him back, with great slaughter, entirely from and 
 beyond this wood, and gaining possession of our original 
 position. No further advance, beyond demonstrations, was 
 made by the enemy on the left. In the afternoon, in obedience 
 to instructions from the commanding general, I moved to the 
 left with a view to turning the Federal right; but I found his 
 numerous artillery so judiciously established in their front and 
 extending so near to the Potomac, which here makes a remark- 
 able bend, as will be seen by reference to the map herewith 
 
356 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 annexed, as to render it inexpedient to hazard the attempt. In 
 this movement, Major-General Stuart had the advance, and 
 acted his part well. This otiicer rendered valuahle service 
 throughout the day. His bold use of artillery secured for us 
 an important position, which, had the enemy possessed, might 
 have commanded our left. At the close of the day, my troops 
 held the ground which they had occupied in the morning. 
 The next day we remained in position awaiting another attack. 
 The enemy continued in heavy force west of the Antietam on 
 our left, but made no further movement to the attack. 
 
 I refer you to the report of Major-General A. P. Hill for 
 the operations of his 'command in the battle of Sharpsburg. 
 Arriving upon the battle-field from Harper's Ferry at half-past 
 two o'clock of the 17th, he reported to the commanding 
 general, and was by him directed to take position on the right. 
 I have not embraced the movements of his division, nor his 
 killed and wourded of that action, in my report. 
 
 Early in the morning of the 19th we recrossed the Potomac 
 Piver into Virginia near Shepherdstown. The promptitude and 
 success with which this movement was effected reflects the 
 highest credit upon the skill and energy of Major Harman, 
 chief quartermaster. In the evening, the command moved on 
 the road leading to Martinsburg, except Lawton's brigade, 
 (Colonel Lamar, of the Sixty-first Georgia, commanding,) which 
 was left on the Potomac Heights. 
 
 On the same day the enemy appeared in considerable force 
 on the northern side of the Potomac, and commenced planting 
 heavy batteries on its heights. In the evening, the Federals 
 commenced crossing under the protection of their guns, driving 
 off Lawton's brigade and General Pendleton's artillery. By 
 morning, a considerable force had crossed over. Orders were 
 dispatched to Generals Early and Hill, who had advanced 
 some four miles on the Martinsburg road, to return and drive 
 back the enemy. General Hill, who was in the advance, as 
 he approached the town, formed his line of battle in two lines, 
 the first composed of the brigades of Pender, Gregg, and 
 Thomas, under the command of General Gregg, and the second 
 of Lane's, Archer's, and Brockenbrough's brigades, under com- 
 mand of General Archer. General Early, with the brigades 
 of Early, Trimble, and Hays, took position in the wood on the 
 
APPENDIX. 357 
 
 right and left of the road leading to the ford. The federal 
 infantry lined the high banks of the Virginia shore, while their 
 artillery, formidable in numbers and weight of metal, crowned 
 the opposite heights of tlie Potomac. General riilFs division 
 advanced with great gallantry against the Federal infantry, in 
 the face of a continuous discharge of shot and shell from their 
 batteries. The Federals, massing in front of Pender, poured a 
 heavy fire into his ranks, and then exte-iiding with a view to 
 turn his left, Archer promptly formed on Pender's left, when 
 a simultaneous charge was made, which drove the enemy into 
 the river, followed by an appalling scene of the destruction of 
 human life. Two hundred prisoners were taken. This position, 
 on the bank of the river, we continued to hold that day, al- 
 though exposed to the enemy's guns and within range of his 
 sharp-shooters, posted near the Chesapeake and Ohio Cunal. 
 Our infantry remained at the river until relieved by cavalry, 
 under General Fitzhugh Lee. 
 
 On the evening of the 20th the command moved from 
 Shepherdstown and encamped near the Opequon, in the vicinity 
 of Martinsburg. We remained near Martinsburg until the 27th, 
 when we moved to Bunker Hill, in the county of Berkeley. 
 
 The official list of casualities of my command-, during the 
 period embraced in this report, will show that we sustained a 
 loss of thirty-eight officers killed and one hundred and seventy- 
 one wounded, of three hundred and thirteen con-commissioned 
 officers and privates killed, one thousand eight hundred and 
 fifty-nine wounded, and fifty-seven missmg ; making a total 
 of two thousand four hundred and thirty-eight killed, wounded, 
 and missing. 
 
 I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 T. J. Jackson, Lieutenant-General. 
 Official : 
 
 Chaeles J. Faulkner, Lieut.-Col. and A. A. G. 
 
358 THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 EEPORT OF LIEUTEE^ANT-GENEEAL LONGSTREET. 
 
 Headquabters FmsT Army Corps, A. N. V., 
 Near Fredericksburg, Va., Dec. 20, 1865. 
 Brigadier-General R. H. CnrLTON, 
 
 Assistant Adjutant and Inspector-General : 
 General — Upon ray arrival at Fredericksburg, on the 19th 
 of November, the troops of this command were assigned to 
 positions as follows — viz., McLaws' division npon the heights 
 immediately behind the city and sonth of the Telegraph road ; 
 And'^j'son's division on McLaws' left and occupying the heights 
 as far as Taylor's Hill on the Rappahannock ; Pickett's division 
 on McLaws' right, and extending to the rear along the margin 
 of the wood which skirts Deep Run Yalley ; Hood's division 
 near Hamilton's Crossing of the raili-oad ; Ransom's division in 
 reserve, near my headquarters. Our batteries were assigned 
 ]iositions along the heiglits by General Pendleton, Colonel Ca- 
 bell, Colonel Alexander, and Captain Johnson (Colonel Wal- 
 ton being absent sick). Pits were made for the protection of 
 these batteries, under the supervision of those oflScers. A por- 
 tion of General Pendleton's reserve artillery was assigned to 
 the heights with Major-General McLaws' division. Colonel 
 Walton's (Washington Artillery) occupied the heights at 
 Marye's Hill, and a portion of Colonel Alexander's reserve 
 occupied the other portion of Anderson's front, extending to 
 the Taylor House on our left. The brigade batteries that were 
 not assigned to positions on the heights were held in readiness 
 to co-operate with their commands, or for any other service 
 that might be required of them. Our picket-line was estab- 
 lished along the river-bank, extending from Bank's Ford to Tal- 
 cott battery, the most important portion of it under the imme- 
 diate orders of Major-General McLaws. Upon the approach 
 (if General Jackson's army. Hood's divison was closed in upon 
 the right of Pickett, and put in position upon the heights on 
 the opposite side of Deep Run Valley. Li addition to the 
 natural strength of the position, ditches, stone-fences, and road- 
 
APPENDIX. 359 
 
 cuts were found along different portions of the line, and parts 
 of General McLaws' line were further strengthened by rifle 
 trenches and abatis. 
 
 The enemy held quiet possession of the Stafford Heights 
 until three o'clock on the morning of the 11th, when our signal 
 guns gave notice of his approach. The troops, being at their 
 different camp grounds, were formed immediately and marched 
 to their positions along the line. Eansom's division was 
 ordered to take a sheltered position in easy supporting dis- 
 tance of the batteries on the Marye Hill. Before the troops 
 got to their positions, McLaws' pickets (Barksdale's brigade) 
 engaged the enemy at the river, and from time to time, drove 
 back different working-parties engaged in laying the bridges. 
 The enemy was compelled, eventually, to abandon his plan of 
 laying the bridges, and began to throw his troops across the 
 river in boats, under cover of the fire of his sharp-shooters, and 
 an hundred and fifty odd pieces of artillery. 
 
 At many points along the river-bank our troops could get 
 no protection from the artillery fire. This was particularly 
 the case at the mouth of Deep Run, where the enemy suc- 
 ceeded in completing his bridge early in the afternoon. Later 
 in the afternoon he succeeded in throwing large bodies of 
 troops across, at the city, by using his boats. Barksdale, how- 
 ever, engaged them fiercely at ever}^ j)oint, and with remark- 
 able success. Soon after dark, General McLaws ordered 
 Barksdale's brigade to retire. The general was so confident of 
 his position that a second order was sent him before he would 
 yield the field. His brigade was then relieved by that of 
 Brigadier-General T. R. R. Cobb, which was placed by Gen- 
 eral McLaws along the Telegraph road, in front of Marye's 
 House (a stone fence and cut along this road gave good pro- 
 tection against infantry). When Cobb's brigade got into posi- 
 tion. Ransom's division was withdrawn and placed in reserve. 
 During the night the enemy finished his bridges and began to 
 throw his troops across. 
 
 His movements, early on the 12th, seemed to be directly 
 against our right ; but when the fog lifted, columns were seen 
 opposite Fredericksburg, the head of them then crossing at the 
 bridges opposite the city. Ransom's division was moved back 
 to the Marye Hill. Featherston's brigade of Anderson's 
 
360 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAR. 
 
 division (previously occupying this hill) was closed in upon 
 the other brigades of Anderson. The entire day was occupied 
 by the enemy in throwing his forces across the river, and de- 
 ploying his columns. Our batteries were opened upon the 
 masses of inftmtry whenever they were in certain range. Our 
 fire invariably drew that of the enemy's on the opposite 
 heights, and they generally kept up the fire long after our bat- 
 teries had ceased. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 13th I rode to the right of my 
 position, Hood's division. The dense fog in the early twiliglit 
 concealed the enemy from view ; but his commands, " For- 
 ward, guide centre, march !" were distinctly heard at differ- 
 ent points near my right. From the direction of the sound, 
 and the position of his troops the day before, I concluded that 
 his attack would be upon General Jackson, at some point be- 
 yond my right. I therefore rode back to a point near the 
 centre of my forces, giving notice to General Hood that the 
 enemy would attack General Jackson beyond his right, that he 
 should watch carefully the movements, atid when an apportu- 
 nity offered, he should move forward and attack the enemy's 
 flank. Similar instructions were given to General Pickett, 
 with orders to co-operate with General Hood. The attack was 
 made as had been anticipated. It did not appear to have all 
 the force of a real attack, however, and General Hood did not 
 feel authorized to make more than a partial advance. Where 
 he did move out, he drove the enemy back in handsome style. 
 
 About eleven o'clock a. m., I sent orders for the batteries 
 to play upon the streets and bridges beyond the city, by way 
 of diversion in favor of our right. The batteries had hardly 
 opened, when the enemy's infantry began to move out towards 
 my line. Our pickets in front of the Marye House were soon 
 driven in, and the enemy began to deploy his forces in front 
 of that point. Our artillery being in position, opened fire as 
 soon as the masses became dense enough to warrant it. This 
 fire was very destructive and demoralizing in its effects, and 
 frequently made gaps in the enemy's ranks that could be seen 
 at the distance of a mile. The enemy continued his advance 
 and made his attack at the Marye Hill in handsome style. He 
 did not meet the fire of our infantry with any heart, however, 
 and was therefore readily repulsed. Another effort was speed- 
 
APPENDIX. 361 
 
 ily made; but witli little more success. The attack was again 
 renewed, and again repulsed. Other forces were seen preparing 
 for another attack, when I suggested to General McLaws the 
 propriety of re-enforcing his advanced line with a brigade. 
 He had previously re-enforced with part of Kershaw's brigade 
 and ordered forward the balance. About this time, Brigadier- 
 General T. R. R. Cobb fell, mortally wounded, and almost 
 simultaneously Brigadier-General J. R. Cooke was severely 
 wounded. 
 
 General Kershaw dashed to the front to take the command. 
 General Ransom, on the Marye Hill, was charged with the 
 immediate care of the point attacked, with orders to send for- 
 ward additional re-enforcements, if it should become necessary, 
 and to use Featherston's brigade (Anderson's division) if he 
 should require it. 
 
 Tlie attack upon our right seemed to subside about two 
 o'clock, when I directed Major-General Pickett to send me two 
 of his brigades. One (Kemper's) was sent to General Ransom, 
 to be placed in some secure position to be ready in case it 
 should be wanted. The other (Jenkins') was ordered to 
 General McLaws, to replace that of Kershaw in his line. 
 
 The enemy soon completed his arrangements for a renewed 
 attack, and moved forward with nmch determination. He met 
 with no better success than he had on the previous occasions. 
 These efforts were I'epeated and continued from time to time 
 till after night, when he left the field literally strewn with his 
 dead and wounded. 
 
 Colonel's "Walton's ammunition was exhausted about sunset, 
 and his batteries were relieved by Colonel Alexander's. Orders 
 were given for fresli supplies of ammunition, and for every 
 thing to be prepared for a renewal of the battle at daylight. 
 
 On the 14th tliere was little firing between the sharp-shooters. 
 The enemy screening his forces under a slight descent in the 
 ground, held a position about four hundred yards in front of 
 us. In the afternoon, I sent Captain Latrobe, of my stafi^, to 
 the left to place artillery in position to play along the enemy's 
 line, with instructions to Colonel Alexander to use such artil- 
 lery there as he might think proper. The point was selected 
 and the pits made by light the following morning. General 
 Ransom was also ordered to strengthen his position on the 
 
362 THE LAST TEAR OF THE WAK. 
 
 Marye Hill by rifle trenches. Similar instructions were sent 
 along the entire line. These jDreparations were made to meet 
 the grand attack of the enemy, confidently cxpecUd on Monday 
 morning. As the attack was not made, the artillery and 
 General Ransom's sharp-shooters opened upon the enemy and 
 drove him back to cover in the city. 
 
 During the night, the enemy recrossed the river. His 
 retreat was not discovered till he had crossed the river and 
 cut his bridges at this end. Our sharp-shooters were moved 
 forward, and our old positions resumed. 
 
 Four hundred prisoners, fifty-five hundred stands of small 
 arms, and two hundred and fifty thousand rounds of small- 
 arm ammunition were captured. 
 
 Our loss, for the number engaged, was quite heavy, Brig- 
 adier-General T. E.. R. Cobb fell, mortally wounded, in the 
 heat of the battle of the 13th. He defended his position with 
 great gallantry and ability. In him we have lost one of our 
 most promising officers and statesmen. A tabular statement 
 and lists of the killed, wounded, and missing accompany this 
 report. 
 
 Much credit is due Major-General McLaws for his untiring 
 zeal and ability in preparing his troops and his position for a 
 successful resistance, and the ability with which he handled 
 his troops after the attack. I would also mention, as particu- 
 larly distinguished in the engagement of the 13th, Brigadier- 
 Generals Ransom, Kershaw, and Cooke (severely wounded), 
 and Colonel McMillan, who succeeded to the command of 
 Cobb's brigade, and Colonel Walton (Washington Artillery), 
 and Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander (reserve artillery). 
 
 Brigadier General Barksdale, witli his brigade, held the 
 enemy's entire army at the river-bank for sixteen hours, giving 
 us abundance of time to complete our arrangements for battle. 
 A more gallant and worth}' service is rarely accomplished by 
 so small a force. 
 
 I )-efer you to the reports of these officers for more detailed 
 accounts of the engagements. I desire to call the attention of 
 the government to the gallant officers and nien mentioned in 
 their reports. 
 
 Major-Generals Anderson, Pickett, and Hood, with their 
 gallant divisions, were deprived of their opportunity by tho 
 
APPENDIX. 363 
 
 unexpected and hasty retreat of the enemy. A portion of 
 General Anderson's command was engaged in defending the 
 passage of the river ; a portion of General Hood's in driving 
 back the attack against our right ; and a portion of Pickett's 
 did important service near the Marye Hill. I refer you to 
 their reports for particular accounts. 
 
 Major Garnett held three batteries in reserve, in the Yalley, 
 between the positions of Generals Pickett and Hood, and 
 was much disappointed not to have the opportunity to use 
 them. 
 
 My staff-officers, Major Sorrell, Lieutenant-Colonel Man- 
 ning, Major Fairfax, Captain Latrobe, Captain Goree, and 
 Lieutenant Blackwell, gave me their usual intelligent, willing 
 aid. Major Haskell, Captain Young, and Captain Rodgers 
 volunteered their assistance, and rendered important services. 
 
 My thanks are also due to Surgeon Cullen, chief surgeon ; 
 Major Mitchell, chief quartermaster; Major Moses, chief of 
 the subsistence department ; and Captain Manning, signal 
 officer, for valuable services in their respective departments. 
 I have the honor to be, General, 
 
 Most respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 James Long street, 
 Lieutenant-General Commanding.