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 COPYRIGHT 1918 BY 
 
 INDEPENDENT CORPORATION 
 
 FEB 19 1918 
 )CI.A481737 
 
 "WO ( 
 
DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF 
 WILLIAM BAILEY HOWLAND 
 
The Great Wae Year by Tear 
 The First Year 
 
 By Willis Fletcher Johnson 
 The Second Year 
 
 By Edwin E. Slosson 
 The Third Year 
 
 By Preston Slosson 
 In the Fourth Year 
 
 The War in the Air 
 
 The Destruction of a Zeppelin 
 
 Shell-scarred Verdun 
 
 The Skeleton of a City 
 
 Fighting in the Dark 
 
 A Four-Act Thriller 
 
 Thru Bursting Shrapnel 
 
 The Airship in the Role of Hawk 
 
 Death Astern 
 
 The Eagle's Wings 
 
 The Lafayette Escadrille 
 
 A Hydroplane Coming in 
 
 The Eyes of the Army 
 
 "H. M. S. Sausage" 
 
 What a Man Must Do to Fly 
 
 War in the Third Dimension 
 
 The Caproni Triplane 
 
 Above the Battle 
 
 We Must Win the War with Wings 
 By Donald Wilhelm 
 
 The Aerial Coast Patrol 
 
 By John Hays Hammond, Jr. 
 
 The Fight on the Sea 
 
 A Blast from the "Michigan" 
 
 Somewhere Off the Coast of France 
 
 Jack 
 
 Good Gunning 
 
 The Eyes of the Navy 
 
 The Mosquito Fleet 
 
 Submarine Chasers 
 
 Our Deep-tongued Guns 
 
 The French Answer to Submarines 
 
 Sea-wasps 
 
 The Harbor Mines 
 
 Turkish Transports on the Tigris 
 
 Sighting a Torpedo Tube 
 
 The "Deutschland" 
 
 Plattsburg at Sea 
 
 The Battleship "New York" 
 
 The Amateur Sea-dogs 
 
 Queenstown, May 16, 1917 
 
 When the Blue Devil Finds Its 
 
 Mark 
 Aboard the "Arizona" 
 The Navy under Uncle Sam 
 Repairing a Ship's Propeller 
 The Sinking of a Transport 
 Our Largest Submarines 
 Shore Leave 
 All Hands at Work 
 Bucking the Sea 
 "It's Always Fair Weather — " 
 
 Sailing Past Submarines 
 By Harold Howland 
 
 The Men in the Trenches 
 
 A Bomb Fight in Four Rounds 
 
 While the Gargoyle Watches 
 
 Ready ! Go ! 
 
 Enter the Tank 
 
 Across No Man's Land 
 
 Will They Hammer Out a Victory? 
 
 Sandbags for Defense 
 
 At Bay 
 
 Men of Note 
 
 The Pneumatic Bomb-thrower 
 
 Good-bye Broadway ! Hello France ! 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 France's Greatest Aviator 
 
 Chaplain of the Amazons 
 
 The Father of British Tanks 
 
 Burrowing to Berlin 
 
 The Men Who Tired of Fighting 
 
 Dogs of War 
 
 Tommies in Training 
 
 Action — and Rest 
 
 Why Wear Helmets? 
 
 The Unwieldy Willie 
 
 "The Devil's Own" 
 
 As the Allies Go Forward 
 
 A Lion of Flanders 
 
 In a Deserted Dugout 
 
 The Curtain of Fire 
 
 In the Wake of the German Army 
 
 Victory in the Making 
 
 Waiting for a Chance at Action 
 
 A Bitter Pill for the Kaiser 
 
 '61 and '17 
 
 The Bombardment of Rheims 
 
 The War of Hide and Seek 
 
 Making Friends Along the Way 
 
 Sammy in the Trenches 
 
 The War in the Snows 
 
 Follow the Flag 
 
 By Theodore Marburg 
 
 First Aid to the Allies 
 By Heber Blankenhorn 
 
 The First Troops Overseas 
 By Donald Wilhelm 
 
 The United States Answers the 
 Call 
 
 The Keynote 
 
 The Biggest Parade Since '65 
 
 The Army Y. M. C. A. 
 
 When the Soldiers Aren't Drilling 
 
 The Colleges Lead the Way 
 
 The Day's Work at Plattsburg 
 
 The Boys Are Marching 
 
 What a Boy Scout Can Do 
 
 The Spirit of '17 
 
 Sewing Shirts for Soldiers 
 
 A Patriot Proved 
 
 Woman's Place 
 
 At Vassar College 
 
 "We Must Build Ships" 
 
 The Poilu's Hail to Sammy 
 
 Feeding a Million Men 
 
 The First Drafted Troops 
 
 The Sammies in London 
 
 The "Fighting Seventh" 
 
 Over There 
 
 West Point, the Keystone 
 
 The First Ten Thousand 
 By Herbert Reed 
 
 Cartoon Comment 
 The Phoenix 
 Hold the Fort! 
 The Call 
 
 Ready, Uncle Sam ! 
 Our Souls' Desire 
 The Shadow 
 
 Another Innocent Slaughtered 
 "Well, William?" 
 "Onward with God" 
 They that Take the Sword 
 Pipe Dreams 
 "Two More, Sire" 
 Die Nacht 
 The Postscript 
 The Deluge 
 Revolutionary Russia 
 Peace Proposals 
 Straws 
 
 As We Go to War 
 
 The Adventures of Brother Bruin 
 
 Air Raids and Reprisals 
 
 Is There a Food Card in Your 
 
 Home? 
 Three Square Meals a Day? 
 Come Across ! 
 
 Winning Our First Great Drive 
 Germany After Three Years of It 
 Closing in on Hohenzollern 
 An Embargo that Beats the Dutch 
 Hints to Householders 
 
 Courage, Mon Vieux 
 By Henry G. Dodge 
 
 Battle Poems 
 
 By Wilfrid Wilson Gibson 
 
 Paris with a Difference 
 By Harold Howland 
 
 War — By the Way 
 The Only Son Left 
 Telling Father's Comrade All About 
 
 It 
 Trench Sketches 
 War — with a Difference 
 This Time the Zeppelins Passed 
 The Greek Dilemma 
 Situations Wanted 
 A Republic in the Making 
 Keep on Digging 
 The Harrowing Details 
 The War in New York 
 Signs of the Times 
 A Military Hospital in New York 
 Camouflage 
 
 The Battalion of Death 
 In Germany's Prison Camps 
 A Corkscrew Expedition 
 
 Wartime Leaders 
 
 Premier Lloyd George 
 
 General Pershing 
 
 Field Marshal Joffre 
 
 Alexander Kerensky 
 
 General Cadorna 
 
 Herbert Hoover 
 
 President Wilson and His Cabinet 
 
 Colonel House 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt 
 
 Henry P. Davison 
 
 General Hindenburg and General 
 
 Ludendorff 
 The Aggressor 
 
 The Kings Must Go 
 
 Whom the Gods Would Destroy 
 
 Daimons 
 
 And There Shall Be No More 
 
 Kings 
 Kings 
 
 By G. Bernard Shaw 
 The Doom of the Dynasties 
 Perhaps 
 
 At War with Germany 
 
 President Wilson's Address to the 
 Congress on April 2, 1917 
 
 After War — What? 
 War as an Industry 
 As the World Lives On 
 
 By H. G. Wells 
 The Last Great War 
 
 By William Howard Taft 
 The League to Enforce Peace 
 
 By Hamilton Holt 
 
BY WAY OF 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 THIS book is a news record of the Great War, 
 since "ancient history closed at midnight of 
 July 31, 1914." It consists of pictures, poetry 
 and prose, made and written for The Inde- 
 pendent during this period. Perhaps its most striking 
 claim to distinction is its difference from the con- 
 ventional history we studied in school. The history 
 in this book was written at the time of the event 
 and its pictures were made on the spot — photo- 
 graphs of the events themselves. So in this book one 
 follows the vivid drama of the war just as The Inde- 
 pendent has followed it week by week. 
 
 In the days of peace — now so strangely remote — 
 when the magazines of entertainment flooded the 
 land with their garish girl covers and their plethora 
 of fiction and when the sensational dailies main- 
 tained their vast circulations by featuring "sport" 
 for the men and "love" for the women, The Inde- 
 pendent pursued the path it had set for itself, proud 
 in the conviction that it was exerting a vital influ- 
 ence on the thought and action of the times and 
 leaving to its rivals the cultivation of romance 
 rather than reality. 
 
 But the Great War has changed the situation. 
 Now truth is stranger than fiction. Now the simple 
 narration of war's valor and sacrifice grips the mind 
 and heart as no imaginary tale of adventure can 
 possibly do. If war is the greatest of all games, as 
 Ruskin has said, because the stake is death, who 
 would now prefer to read an article on the strategy 
 of the Yale-Harvard football game, when the cor- 
 respondents are telling us of Pershing's prepara- 
 tions to match his might with Hindenburg? And 
 who cares to dally with the cooing of Phyllis and 
 Adonis when the little tear-stained war brides are 
 bidding their khaki-clad husbands good-by? 
 
 As nowadays the old files of The Independent and 
 Harper's Weekly are recognized everywhere as con- 
 taining' the best interpretation of the times that 
 tried men's souls from '61 to '65, so today these two 
 magazines, now united in one, are doing again a 
 similar public service, not only for this generation, 
 but for those to come. 
 
 The present book, assembled and edited by my dis- 
 criminating and efficient colleague, Miss Hannah 
 White, is an attempt to preserve in permanent and 
 convenient form the moving- picture of the Great 
 War from its beginning to January 1, 1918. It opens 
 with a brief history of the war. The successes and 
 failures of each year are separately summarized. A 
 day-to-day chronology is also added which should 
 prove of unique value for historical reference. It 
 
 concludes with a brief section of editorial comment 
 entitled "The Kings Must Go," a prophecy by H. G. 
 Wells on "Reconstruction After the War," an article 
 by William H. Taft on "The Last Great War," and 
 my editorial "The League to Enforce Peace." I 
 would especially call attention to the editorial 
 "Whom the Gods Would Destroy" written by Pro- 
 fessor Franklin H. Giddings and published as the 
 leader in the first issue of The Independent after 
 the declaration of war. In my opinion, this is the 
 greatest editorial, all things considered, that has 
 appeared in The Independent during the twenty- 
 four years that I have been connected with the mag- 
 azine. Perhaps I may be pardoned for adding that 
 my editorial was one of the primary factors in the 
 establishment of the League to Enforce Peace, whose 
 program, first given to the world at Independence 
 Hall, Philadelphia, June 17, 1915, has now been ac- 
 cepted by most of the responsible statesmen of the 
 world as the cornerstone of the war's aims. 
 
 Since the issues of Harper's Weekly during the 
 Civil War are most highly prized for their illustra- 
 tions we have made the main portion of this book 
 chiefly pictorial. There is a section on "The War in 
 the Air," "The Fight at Sea," "The Men in the 
 Trenches," "Come Across — The United States An- 
 swers the Call," "War — By the Way," "War Time 
 Leaders," and a particularly good collection of orig- 
 inal and reproduced cartoons. Scattered among these 
 are a few special war articles: "Follow the Flag" 
 by Theodore Marburg, "The First Ten Thousand" 
 by Herbert Reed, "Sailing- Past Submarines" by Har- 
 old Howland, "Courage, Mon, Vieux" by Henry G. 
 Dodge, "The Aerial Coast Patrol" by John Hays 
 Hammond, Jr., and others. I would especially call 
 the reader's attention to the touching episode of 
 French heroism in the true incident narrated by 
 Mr. Dodge in "Courage, Mon Vieux." Shall we, too, 
 see such scenes in the coming months in our beloved 
 United States? 
 
 But this Holy War is not yet won. It is plain, 
 therefore, that we must follow this volume with an- 
 other. This we hope and expect to do. But let us pray- 
 that the third volume may deal with the happier 
 days of the coming reconstruction, when the stricken 
 but rejoicing people will be busied rearing their new 
 civilization on the ashes of the old, and when, as 
 Victor Hugo prophesied, "the only battlefield will 
 be the market opening to commerce and the mind 
 opening to new ideas." 
 
 Hamilton Holt 
 Editor of The Independent 
 
© Paul Thompson 
 
 THE LEADER OF DEMOCRACY 
 

 1£) indrrtrood i Underwood 
 
 ABOVE THE BATTLE 
 
 S7ic/Z /totes and bayonet charge — i/ie battle of Soyecourt, photographed by an air scout. After days of artillery fire the 
 French soldiers are leaving their trenches in the foreground to attack, hi the distance is the burning village 
 
THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR 
 
 BY WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON 
 
 Ni 
 
 August, 1915 
 ■EITHER party expected for 
 the war the magnitude or 
 the duration which it has al- 
 ready attained. Each looked 
 for an easier triumph." These words of 
 Abraham Lincoln, uttered after nearly 
 four years of our Civil War, might with 
 equal fitness be applied to the Great 
 War and its belligerents at the ending 
 of its first year. A month of declara- 
 tions of war, a year of waging war, in- 
 estimable months or years of war yet 
 to be waged, and generations of slow 
 and incomplete recovery from the re- 
 sults of war: Such in epitome is the 
 record of the past, present and future 
 of the Great War. 
 
 Between July 28 and August 28, 1914, 
 no fewer than fourteen individual wars, 
 "all parts of one stupendous whole," 
 were declared or recognized to exist; 
 and half a dozen more at later dates. 
 They were: Austria-Hungary against 
 Serbia, against Russia, against Japan, 
 and against Belgium; Germany against 
 Russia, against France, and against 
 Belgium; Great Britain against Ger- 
 many, and against Austria-Hungary; 
 Montenegro against Austria-Hungary, 
 and against Germany; Serbia against 
 Germany; France against Austria- 
 Hungary; and Japan against Germany. 
 Later acts of war involved Turkey as 
 an ally of Germany and Austria-Hun- 
 gary, and Portugal and Italy on the 
 side of the Allies. 
 
 The grand plan of campaign was Ger- 
 many's. That was to fight her three 
 great foes separately and crush them 
 in .succession. She was herself ready "to 
 the last shoe-button," while not one of 
 her adversaries was even measurably 
 prepared for war. She therefore aimed 
 to strike first at the least unprepared, 
 and planned to leave the most unready 
 to be dealt with last. Therefore she tore 
 up her treaty with Belgium as a "scrap 
 of paper" and violated the neutrality 
 and integrity of that country in order 
 to launch her first tremendous blow at 
 France on an undefended frontier. Thus 
 she hoped to dictate peace at Paris and 
 to eliminate France from the problem 
 before Russia, unready and slow-mov- 
 
 T HE WAR BY SEA 
 
 Submarine Exploits 
 
 September .? — British cruisers "Cres- 
 sy," "La Sogue," "Aboukir" sunk 
 in North Sea by German submarine 
 "TJ-9," Captain Otto Weddigen in 
 command 
 
 October 10 — Russian cruiser "Pallada" 
 sunk in Baltic by German sub- 
 marine 
 
 October 16- -British cruiser "Bawke" 
 sunk in North Sea by "V-9" 
 
 December l.'f — British submarine 
 "B-ll" dove under five lines of 
 mines at Dardanelles and sank 
 Turkish cruiser "Messoudiyeh" 
 
 January 1 — British battleship "For- 
 midable" sunk in English Channel 
 
 January 30 — Three merchantmen sunk 
 in Irish Sea by German submarine 
 
 February IS — German war zone 
 around British Isles in effect. Ger- 
 many threatens to sink all enemy 
 merchantmen in this area. 225 ves- 
 sels sunk to date 
 
 March 28 — British liner "Falaba" 
 sunk in St. George's Channel. One 
 American citizen lost 
 
 May 1 — American tanker "Gulfiiyhl" 
 sunk off Scilly Islands. Three deaths. 
 Germany promises indemnification 
 
 May 7 — British litter "Lusitania" 
 sunk west of Queenstown by Ger- 
 man submarine. 1152 deaths, includ- 
 ing lllf Americans 
 
 May 25 — American merchantman 
 "Nebraskan" torpedoed but not 
 sunk, off Fastnet, Ireland 
 
 May 25 and 27 — German submarine 
 "U-51" sinks "Triumph" and "Ma- 
 jestic" at Dardanelles after voyage 
 of four thousand miles from Wil- 
 helmshaven 
 
 June It — Italian submarine sunk by 
 Austrian submarine — first such 
 event in history 
 
 July 2 — German battleship "Pom- 
 mem" sunk by British submarine at 
 Bay of Dantzig. 900 miles from 
 British base 
 
 July IS — Italian cruiser "Giuseppe 
 Garibaldi" sunk by Austrian sub- 
 marine near Ragusa 
 
 ing, could give her serious trouble at 
 the east. Next she would transfer her 
 vast and victorious armies, rich with 
 
 the spoils of France, to her eastern 
 marches, smash Russia, crush Serbia, 
 and dictate a second peace at Warsaw. 
 Finally, with the Continent subdued, 
 she would try conclusions with her 
 most hated foe, Great Britain, which 
 she regarded as the most unready of 
 them all, and indeed as a power which 
 could never be formidable on land, but 
 would be dealt with on the sea alone. 
 
 One city spoiled that plan. Liege was 
 the new Thermopylae. The four days' 
 delay of the German advance, in hurl- 
 ing first men and then eleven-inch shells 
 at Brialmont's domed fortresses, was 
 brief, but it served. It gave France time 
 to awaken to her needs and Great Brit- 
 ain time to respond to the call of her 
 ally. The German tide flowed on, bear- 
 ing all before it, all thru that month 
 of August, headed straight for Paris, 
 which the Germans expected to occupy 
 by mid-September. The French Govern- 
 ment fled to Bordeaux, and Paris, with 
 the thunder of German guns heard in 
 her streets again after forty-four years, 
 grimly awaited siege and storm. The 
 German van was within four days' 
 march of the city. But the four days 
 which would have carried them to its 
 walls had been lost at Liege; and now 
 a million French and British troops 
 were massed along the Marne, under 
 orders to die rather than to retreat. 
 
 Another decisive battle of the world, 
 and probably the greatest in human 
 history, began on September 6 and 
 raged for five whole days; and at its 
 end the German tide ebbed from its 
 high-water mark, never to regain it. 
 The French and British prest forward, 
 hoping to transform repulse into hope- 
 less rout. But they had not calculated 
 German thoroness. As if anticipating 
 just such operations, the Germans had 
 already prepared behind them elaborate 
 defensive works upon which they could 
 fall back and to these they did fall back 
 and there turned at bay. A vast but in- 
 decisive battle followed, on the Aisne, 
 and then the combatants settled down 
 to a grim rivalry in long endurance. 
 The battle line which was drawn at the 
 west at the end of the first six weeks 
 of war has changed but little, merely 
 
Imernautmal Filn 
 
 The war at sunset — an Anzac sentinel, probably a veteran of Gallipoli, patrolling the outworks on the Somme front 
 
 The war at dawn — bringing in British wounded early in the morning after a day of stiff fighting along the Somme 
 
international Film 
 
 The war by night — shells from British batteries dropping a curtain in front of captured positions as the "push" began 
 
 The war by night — the eyes of the British battleships off Saloniki keep close watch on the city while it is dark 
 
THE WAR BY SEA 
 Clearing the Sea of Germans 
 
 August IS — - German battle-cruiser 
 "Goeben" and cruiser "Breslau" 
 sold to Turkey to avoid capture in 
 Mediterranean 
 
 Altruist 27 — German auxiliary cruiser 
 "Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse" sunk 
 north of Cape Verde Islands by 
 British cruiser "Highflyer" 
 
 November 10 — German light cruiser 
 "Emden" destroyed at Cocos Island 
 in Indian Ocean by Australian 
 cruiser "Sydney," after having cap- 
 tured twenty-aim merchantmen 
 
 March 10 — German auxiliary cruiser 
 "Prims Eitel Fried/rich" put into 
 Hampton Roads after sinking eleven 
 merchantmen, including the Ameri- 
 can ship "William P. Frye." Subse- 
 quently interned, Germany consent- 
 ed to pay for the "Frye" 
 
 March 15 — German cruiser "Dresden," 
 survivor of the Falkland Islands 
 fight, bloivn up at Juan Fernandez 
 Island to avoid capture 
 
 April 11 — Last commerce raider, auxil- 
 iary cruiser "Kronprinz "Wilhelm," 
 put into Hampton Roads and teas 
 subsequently interned 
 
 vibrating to and fro in distances meas- 
 ured by yards rather than miles, thru 
 all the weary year. 
 
 The chief changes have been at the 
 extreme northwest. Baffled in the di- 
 rect rush toward Paris, the German 
 armies again and again have striven to 
 turn the left flank of the Allies and to 
 gain the French shore of the British 
 Channel; aiming thus to break the di- 
 rectest line of communication between 
 France and Great Britain, and to se- 
 cure a base from which to attack and 
 to invade the latter country. For weeks 
 the fiercest fighting of the war was 
 near and on the coast at the Franco- 
 Belgian boundary. On the ground and 
 under the ground, on the sea and under 
 the sea, and in the air, it raged re- 
 lentlessly; and even the sea itself was 
 let in, to swallow the land and to drown 
 the combatants. But in the end, as at 
 the Marne, the line of last defense held 
 good and the German advance was 
 checked. 
 
 Meantime another disaster befell the 
 German plans at the eastern borders. 
 Russia mobilized her armies more slow- 
 ly than did France, but she did mobilize 
 them and sent them surging across the 
 frontiers into both Austria-Hungary 
 and Germany. By the end of August, 
 when the Germans were pressing toward 
 Paris and needed every man and gun 
 to make that drive successful, the Rus- 
 sians had invaded East Prussia as far 
 as Allenstein and Tannenberg, and 
 were threatening Konigsberg, Dantzig 
 and Posen. Then came disaster, when 
 they were routed and driven back with 
 appalling losses, while the Germans 
 
 poured into Poland in a drive at War- 
 saw. At the south the Russians were 
 more successful. They overran Galicia 
 and Bukowina, captured Lemberg, 
 Przemysl and Czernowitz, threatened 
 Cracow, and crost the Carpathians to 
 the borders of the great plain of Hun- 
 gary. But here, too, were reverses. Lack 
 of munitions, which left tens of thou- 
 sands of Russians to fight with clubbed 
 rifles and sticks and stones, led to dis- 
 aster and compelled defeat. Przemysl 
 and Lemberg were abandoned and near- 
 ly all of Galicia and Bukowina were 
 evacuated. Vast and repeated fluctua- 
 tions to and fro marked the story of 
 the eastern battle line all thru the year. 
 
 THE W A R BY SEA 
 Two Mysteries 
 
 October 27 — British superdreadnought 
 "Audacious" reported sunk off north 
 coast of Ireland. Disaster unex- 
 plained and not admitted by British 
 Admiralty 
 
 November 26 — British battleship "Bul- 
 wark" blown up in Thames. British 
 Admiralty gives internal explosion 
 as cause 
 
 THE WAR BY SEA 
 
 Naval 
 
 Battles 
 
 August 2S — Off Heligoland, Rear-Ad- 
 miral Sir David Beatty with squad- 
 ron of British battle-cruisers, light 
 cruisers and destroyers sunk three 
 German light cruisers and two de- 
 stroyers 
 
 Xorember 1—Off Coronel, Chile, Ger- 
 man squadron — armored cruisers 
 "Scharnhorse," "Gneisenau," third- 
 class cruisers "Leipzig," "Dresden," 
 "Niirnberg," Admiral Count von 
 Spee in command — defeated British 
 cruisers "Good Hope," "Glasgow," 
 "Monmouth" and transport "Otran- 
 to," Admiral Sir Christopher Cra- 
 dock in command; sinking "Good 
 Hope" and "Monmouth" 
 
 December 8 — Off Falkland Islands. 
 British squadron — battle-cruisers 
 "Inflexible," "Invincible," battleship 
 "Canopus," armored cruisers "Car- 
 narvon," "Cornwall," "Kent," sec- 
 ond-class cruisers "Glasgow." "Bris- 
 tol," Rear-Admiral Sir Frederick 
 Sturdee in command — defeated Ad- 
 miral von Spee's squadron, sinking 
 "Leipzig," "Scharnhorst," "Gneise- 
 nau" and "Niirnherg" 
 
 January 24 — In North Sea. British 
 squadron — battle-cruisers "Tiger," 
 "Lion," "Princess Royal," "New Zea- 
 land," "Indomitable," Vice-Admiral 
 Sir David Beatty in command — pur- 
 sued German raiding squadron — 
 battle-cruisers "Derfflingcr," "Seyd- 
 litz," "Moltke," "Bliicher," Admiral 
 Hibber in command ■ — sinking 
 "Bliicher" 
 
 THE WAR BY SEA 
 Threatening Constantinople 
 
 February 19-21 — General attack on 
 forts at entrance to Dardanelles be- 
 gun by fleet of forty warships, Vice- 
 Admiral Sackville Hamilton Garden 
 in command, including British super- 
 dreadnought "Queen Elizabeth" and 
 a number of French battleships 
 
 March 5 — Forts near Kilid Bahr 
 shelled by "Queen Elizabeth" firing 
 across Gallipoli peninsula 
 
 March IS — French battleship "Bou- 
 vet," British battleships "Irresist- 
 ible," "Ocean" sunk by floating 
 mines. British battle-cruiser "In- 
 flexible," French battleship "Gau- 
 lois" disabled by gunfire. Attack sus- 
 pended. Occasional bombardment 
 and mine-sweeping in following 
 weeks. Ten warships reinforce fleet 
 
 March 2S and intermittently there- 
 after — Russian fleet bombards Bos- 
 porus forts 
 
 April 25 — Anglo-French fleet renews 
 bombardment to cover landing of 
 troops on Gallipoli 
 
 May 12 — British battleship "Goliath" 
 torpedoed by Turkish destroyer 
 
 May 25 and 27- -British battleships 
 "Triumph" and "Majestic" sunk by 
 German submarine 
 
 June — Larger warships withdrawn 
 from Dardanelles 
 
 At the end of the year the Russians 
 have lost nearly all that they gained, 
 while the victorious Teutons have over- 
 run the bulk of Poland, have put an 
 iron ring three-fourths of the way 
 around Warsaw, and are sweeping with 
 little resistance thru the Baltic Prov- 
 inces toward Riga if not toward Petro- 
 grad itself. 
 
 Advance on one side means, however, 
 inertia if not peril of disaster on the 
 other; and Germany thus suffers the 
 immense disadvantage of having to fight 
 all her foes at once instead of one at a 
 time, a circumstance which has trans- 
 formed the whole aspect of the war. 
 As for the auxiliary campaigns, they 
 have been of minor interest. After many 
 violent fluctuations of fortune, the Serbs 
 and Montenegrins at last expelled the 
 Austrian invaders and themselves be- 
 came the aggressors in Austro-Hun- 
 garian territory. Turkey entered the 
 war at Germany's command, but has 
 been handicapped by the impossibility 
 of getting supplies across the barrier 
 of Rumanian and Bulgarian neutrality. 
 She has consequently been chiefly on 
 the defensive, with her strength steadily 
 waning, and with a prospect that the 
 Straits will soon be in the hands of the 
 Allies and be opened as an avenue for 
 Russia's much-needed supplies. Japan 
 wrested from Germany the latter's Chi- 
 nese holdings; Australia took New 
 Guinea and other islands; and France 
 and Great Britain or their colonies took 
 
Central Newt 
 
 REHEARSING A BATTLE 
 This model of the terrain to be captured teas made from aeroplane observation and studied by the soldiers who took Messines Ridge 
 
THE LOSSES IN THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR 
 
 As Reported in Official Statistics and Reckoned by the Red Cross 
 and Other Relief Organizations 
 
 Killed 
 
 Russia 800,000 
 
 France 450.000 
 
 Great Britain 125,000 
 
 Belgium 50,000 
 
 Serbia 65,000 
 
 Montenegro S.000 
 
 Italy 5,000 
 
 Totals 1,503,000 
 
 Germany 500,000 
 
 Austria-Hungary 355,000 
 
 Turkey 50,000 
 
 Totals 905.000 
 
 Grand totals 2,408,000 
 
 Wounded 
 
 and Missing 
 
 Total 
 
 2,000.000 
 
 800,000 
 
 3,600,000 
 
 S00.000 
 
 310.000 
 
 1,560,000 
 
 250,000 
 
 90,000 
 
 465,000 
 
 1 05.1 II HI 
 
 45,000 
 
 260,000 
 
 113,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 228.000 
 
 15,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 28,000 
 
 12,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 19.000 
 
 3,355,000 
 
 1,302,000 
 
 6,160,000 
 
 900,000 
 
 250,000 
 
 1.650,000 
 
 800,000 
 
 200,000 
 
 1.355,000 
 
 100,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 200,000 
 
 1,800,000 
 
 500.000 
 
 3,205,000 
 
 5,155,000 
 
 1,S02,000 
 
 9,365,000 
 
 all of Germany's extensive African pos- 
 sessions save one, which also seems 
 doomed soon to be taken. Last, Italy en- 
 tered the war, fighting, however, not 
 against the Teutonic powers in aid of 
 the Allies but simply against Austria- 
 
 Hungary for the advancement of her 
 own interests and especially for the re- 
 covery of "Italia Irredenta," in the 
 Alps and on the Adriatic. 
 
 The first year of the war has therefore 
 produced conditions quite different from 
 
 A 
 
 7 
 u 
 
 'J 
 
 G 
 
 S 
 
 E 
 
 E 
 
 P 
 
 C 
 
 F 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 T 
 
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 ON THE EASTERN FRONT 
 
 These diagrams indicate approximately the fluctuations of the tides of invasion 
 mid occupation of territory by the belligerents in the west of Europe — Belgium, 
 France and the Reichsland of Germany — and in the chief eastern seat of tear 
 — Poland, Galicia, Bukoicina. East Prussia and the Baltic provinces. In the 
 upper diagram the continuous line shows the area occupied by the Germans in 
 Luxemburg, Belgium and northern France, the high-water mark of about 25,000 
 square miles being at the beginning of the Battle of the Marnc in the second 
 week of September. Since November the changes have been inconsiderable. The 
 dotted line indicates the gains of the French in Alsace and Lorraine, amounting 
 at most to only a few hundred square miles, and exaggerated for the sake of 
 clearness on this diagram. Much greater gains on both sides, and greater fluctua- 
 tions, appear in the lower diagram. The continuous line shows the advance of 
 the Germans and Austrians in Russian Poland and the Baltic provinces, now 
 higher than ever before and approximating .'/0.000 square miles. The dotted line 
 indicates the occupation by the Russians of German territory in East Prussia 
 and Silesia and of Austro-Hungarian territory in Galicia, Bukowina and Hun- 
 gary; reaching a maximum of about 1)0.000 square miles in April and now 
 ebbing toward the vanishing point 
 
 those which were confidently antici- 
 pated, and probably a comparably great 
 change in the attitude of the belliger- 
 ents toward the issues involved. At the 
 beginning, exulting in their known 
 strength and never having tasted de- 
 feat, the Germans, even the foremost 
 men of light and leading, talked of 
 nothing less than the annexation of 
 Belgium, northern France, Poland, the 
 Baltic Provinces, and the bulk of Great 
 Britain's colonies, and the exaction of 
 indemnities which would "bleed white" 
 all their antagonists. Now, with their 
 plan of campaign defeated, and with 
 their empire surrounded by an iron 
 ring of foes threatening- at once to 
 starve and to crush it. they speak of an 
 "honorable peace" without annexations 
 or indemnities but on the basis of the 
 status quo ante helium. That Germany 
 can be starved is doubtful. That she 
 can be beaten thru failure of military 
 supplies also seems doubtful. That she 
 will in the course of another year suffer 
 grave embarrassment if not disaster 
 thru monetary famine — in brief, bank- 
 ruptcy — seems far less doubtful if not, 
 indeed, quite probable. It is this aspect 
 of the situation and of the outlook which 
 now causes most concern and the most 
 zealous desire to press the war with 
 some speedy and decisive stroke. 
 
 The tone of the Allies, too, has great- 
 ly changed. The first hot flush of wrath 
 at the violation of Belgium may not 
 have cooled, but the expectation of 
 wreaking speedy and overwhelming 
 vengeance has been disappointed. There 
 is no more talk of a swift march to Ber- 
 lin, of the fall of the Hohenzollerns, and 
 of the dissolution of the German Em- 
 pire. The Allied Powers are, indeed, 
 bound by a common pledge to make no 
 peace until all are agreed upon its 
 terms. But they are thoughtfully con- 
 sidering the question of how long it will 
 take to march to Berlin if a year of 
 such furious and costly fighting as the 
 world has never seen before has not 
 sufficed to drive the invading Germans 
 out of France and Belgium. 
 
 Great Britain is of all the Allies the 
 most belligerent in sentiment, tho the 
 least so in action. Also, she has suffered 
 least. She is the least inclined toward 
 peace, and insists upon the sine qua non 
 of the restoration and full indemnify- 
 ing of Belgium, the surrender or de- 
 struction of the German navy, and the 
 adoption of such measures as will make 
 impossible another German attack upon 
 her. It is yet to be seen how heavier 
 losses and increasing financial burdens 
 will affect her. 
 
 France has been waging a war with 
 immeasurably greater losses to herself 
 than either of her great allies has suf- 
 fered, but with a fortitude and resolu- 
 tion never surpassed by any nation in 
 history. Her first spontaneous demand 
 
LANDMARKS OF THE CAM- 
 PAIGNS 
 
 On the Eastern Front 
 
 August 12 — Austrians invaded Serbia 
 and bombarded Belgrade 
 
 August 28— Battle of the Jadar River. 
 Austrians driven out of Serbia with 
 great loss 
 
 August 2/f — Russians penetrated far 
 into East Prussia, threatening 
 Konigsbcrg, Dantzig and Posen 
 
 August 30 — Russians routed at Allen- 
 stein and Tannenberg and driven 
 out of East Prussia with tremend- 
 ous losses 
 
 September 2 — Russians took the Gali- 
 cian capital, Letnberg, renaming it 
 Lvov 
 
 September 5-15 — Serbians invaded 
 Austria-Hungary, captured Semlin 
 and threatened Sarajevo 
 
 September 23 — Russians captured 
 Jaroslav and overran most of Gali- 
 cia, threatening Cracow 
 
 October 1 — Russians erost the Car- 
 pathians and threatened Hungary 
 with invasion 
 
 December 2 — Austrians occupied the 
 Serbian capital. Belgrade 
 
 December 11/ — Serbians rcoccu pied 
 Belgrade and assumed the aggressive 
 against Austria-Hungary 
 
 January 1-5 — Russians invaded Hun- 
 gary, occupied Bukoirina, and 
 threatened Transylvania with inva- 
 sion 
 
 February If — Great German drive at 
 Warsaw, directed by von Hinden- 
 burg 
 
 February 10-12 — Germans under von 
 Hindenburg inflicted crushing de- 
 feat upon the Russians in the Mazu- 
 rian Lakes region, driving them out 
 of East Prussia 
 
 March 19 — Russians occupied Memel 
 and threatened Tilsit 
 
 March 22 — After a siege lasting since 
 September the Russians captured the 
 Galician fortress of Przcmi/sl 
 
 April 2-15 — Tremendous battles in the 
 Carpathians 
 
 April 30 — Germans invaded the Baltic 
 provinces 
 
 May 3 — Great German and Austrian 
 
 victory in Galicia, in consequence of 
 
 which the Russians began to retire 
 
 May l.'f — German and Austrian armies 
 
 began attacks upon Przemysl 
 
 June 3 — Germans and Austrians re- 
 took Przemysl from the Russians 
 and moved toward Lemberg 
 
 June 23 — Germans and Austrians re- 
 took Lemberg, and soon afterward 
 drove the Russians out of most of 
 Galicia and Bukowina 
 June 15 — Great German drive at War- 
 saw simultaneously from ivest, north 
 and south, and German invasion of 
 Courland threatening Riga 
 
 LANDMARKS OF THE CAM- 
 PAIGNS 
 
 On the Fringes of the War 
 
 August 26 — Germans surrendered To- 
 
 goland to Frcncli and British 
 September 25 — Australians captured 
 
 New Guiana 
 September 28 — French and British 
 
 seized the German Congo Colony 
 July 9 — British Union of South Africa 
 
 completed conquest of German 
 
 Southivest Africa^ 
 November 7 — Germans surrendered 
 
 Tsing-tau to the Japanese 
 April 21 — Armies of the Allies landed 
 
 on Gallipoli Peninsula for conquest 
 
 of the Straits 
 May 20 — Italians began their invasion 
 
 of Austria, moving simultaneously 
 
 toward Trent, Gbrz and Trieste 
 July 12 — Italian raiders penetrated to 
 
 within three miles of Trieste 
 
 was for a restoration of Alsace and 
 Lorraine and repayment of the two mil- 
 liards wrested from her in 1871. Wheth- 
 er the latter part of this demand is still 
 
 so positively maintained is open to 
 question. 
 
 Austria-Hungary planned at the out- 
 set to crush and spoliate Serbia, to 
 dominate the Balkans, and to gain an 
 outlet upon the Aegean Sea. Now she is 
 confessedly ready to assent to anything 
 which her greater partner may deem 
 expedient or necessary; even to the 
 granting of guarantees to Serbia and 
 of actual concessions of territory to 
 Italy and Rumania. 
 
 Russia entered the war as the de- 
 fender and champion of all the Slavs. 
 She meant to crush Austria, to shatter 
 Germany's military power, to annex 
 Galicia and perhaps Silesia and Posen 
 to her own Poland, and to magnify Ru- 
 mania, Serbia and Bulgaria as her 
 minor allies. Doubtless that is still her 
 purpose. But Muscovite ways are not 
 the ways of western Europe. Her pol- 
 icy may not break, but it often bends; 
 she may not abandon her designs, but 
 she may postpone them. Suffering heavy 
 losses and with declining credit, a read- 
 iness on her part to temporize is not 
 beyond the pale of possibility. 
 
 Italy is fighting for her own hand. 
 She wants to redeem "Italia Irredenta," 
 to remove the menace of Austria at 
 Lake Garda, and to establish a greater 
 influence for herself on the Albanian 
 shore of the Adriatic. But she is not at 
 war with Germany, and she is not bound 
 to make peace with Austria collectively 
 with the Allies. 
 
 Turkey, at least in Europe, is proba- 
 bly doomed; not so much thru the ag- 
 gressions of the Allies as thru the re- 
 fusal of Rumania and Bulgaria to let 
 the military supplies which she needs 
 pass to her from Germany across their 
 neutral territory. The fall of Constan- 
 tinople and the opening of the Straits 
 to the Allies will be chiefly important 
 
 LANDMARKS OF THE CAM- 
 PAIGNS 
 
 In France and Belgium 
 
 August 2 — Germans took possession 
 of Luxemburg in violation of its new- 
 trality, and tints gained unobstruct- 
 ed entrance into France 
 
 August 7 — Germans entered Liege, tho 
 some of its forts remained uncon- 
 qncred. and passed on thru Belgium 
 toward France 
 
 August 8 — French troops occupied 
 Millhausen and advanced as far as 
 Colmar, in Alsace 
 
 August 19 — Germans destroyed Lou- 
 vain 
 
 August 20 — Germans passed thru 
 Brussels, unopposed, on their "way 
 to Paris" 
 
 August 21-23 — French driven from 
 Namur and British from Mons, 
 slowly retreating into France before 
 the oncoming Germans 
 
 September 2 — French Government re- 
 tired from Paris to Bordeaux and 
 Paris prepared for siege 
 
 September 6-10 — Battle of the Marne, 
 in which the French and British, 
 under orders to "die rather than re- 
 treat," checked and turned back the 
 Germans at the high water mark of 
 their invasion of France and drive 
 toward Paris 
 
 September 16-28— Battle of the Aisne, 
 in ivhich the Germans held their 
 ground against the attempt of the 
 Allies to drive them out of France 
 
 October 10 — Germans captured Ant- 
 werp, completing their conquest of 
 Belgium, and the remains of the Bel- 
 gian army retired into France and 
 joined the Allies 
 
 October 15-25 — Five-fold battles of 
 four nations in western Flanders in 
 which the first great German drive 
 at Calais and the Channel coast was 
 baffled 
 
 October 30 — Belgians flooded western 
 Flanders to drive out Germans 
 
 December 30 — German aviators bom- 
 barded Dunkirk 
 
 March 11 — British capture Neuve 
 Chapclle after several days' fighting 
 with, heavy losses on both sides 
 
 April 22 — In great battle near Ypres 
 the Germans began the use of 
 asphyxiating and poisonous gases in 
 warfare, with effective results 
 
 June 2 — Battles in the "Labyrinth" 
 begun 
 
 because it will enable Russia to be far 
 more readily supplied with the military 
 munitions which her backward indus- 
 trialism makes her unable to provide 
 for herself. 
 
 Rumania, Bulgaria and Greece have 
 so long kept out of the struggle that 
 they may succeed in doing so to the end, 
 unless they gratuitously inject them- 
 selves into it for the sake of seeking 
 a share in the spoils. However that may 
 be, there can be little doubt that the set- 
 

 -iV- : 
 
 ' i -. 
 
 
 x 
 
 FIRST 
 
 Pictorial Press 
 
 HOW THE ALLIES ADVANCE IN 
 FRANCE 
 
 The photograph above shows one of the 
 important German positions taken by the 
 Allies in 1917 on the western front. 
 The lines of trenches have been retraced 
 and lettered to bring out exactly the prob- 
 lem that their capture offered and the 
 direction of the attack, to the summit of 
 Cornillct, indicated. During the preliminary 
 bombardment the French gunners fired 
 orer fifty thousand shells into this one spot. 
 The attack, successful only after a month 
 of hard fighting, was carried on under 
 the direction of General Anthoine (whose 
 photograph is published on this page). 
 After the battle of Marne the Germans 
 occupied an uninterrupted line of observa- 
 tions starting at Notre Dame-de-Lorette, 
 extending to Yimy, Chemin des Dames. 
 Moronvilliers, Montfaucon and Les Eparges, 
 down to Hartmannswillerkopf. One of the 
 strongest points on this line was Mont 
 Cornillct. which was a dominating point to 
 the plains of Chalons. Under the direct 
 command of General Anthoine the costly 
 battle of Moronvilliers began on April 17. 
 1917, and lasted till May 20 of the same 
 year. The capture of Mont Cornillet, which 
 changed hands a score of times, was the 
 
 THE CAPTURE OF MONT 
 CORNILLET 
 
 key to the rest of the "massifs" irhirh 
 protected Moronvilliers. German genius in 
 putting up a strong defensive observation 
 post on the summit of the hill was discov- 
 ered after a survey by a major of Fifty- 
 first Infantry. There he found a shaft 
 thirty meters deep cut in the center of the 
 hill and a connecting tunnel dug thru from 
 the eastern slope leading directly to the 
 shaft. An elaborate series of barracks and 
 commanding posts large enough to house 
 three infantries safe from the most terrific 
 bombardment had been built there, yet a 
 single shot from the -',00 French mortars 
 demolished the whole structure and the 
 German dead were found piled on top of 
 each other for ten meters deep. A French 
 engineer, sent in to explore the German 
 tunnel-redoubt under Mont Cornillet after 
 the Allies had captured it. took the photo- 
 graph on the opposite page by the light of 
 a German flare. At least six hundred 
 corpses, piled fire or six deep, were lying in 
 heaps in various parts of the long under- 
 ground galleries; the French bombardment 
 had choked the entrances and ventilation 
 shafts in such a manner that almost the 
 entire garrison irere killed by suffocation 
 
London Splicrc, © Xew York Herald. 
 
 AFTER THE BATTLE 
 This flashlight photograph of the tunnel under Mont Cornillet -was taken by a Frenchman sent in to reconnoiter after its capture 
 
 (*) 
 
WAR 
 
 SURPRIZES 
 
 Temperance and abstinence as meas- 
 ures for military efficiency 
 
 Sixteen-inch siege howitzers throwing 
 ton shell fifteen miles 
 
 Failure of steel and concrete fortifica- 
 tions hitherto considered impreg- 
 nable 
 
 Submarines 300 feet long with cruising 
 radius of .',000 miles 
 
 Aerial warfare with aeroplanes, Zep- 
 pelins and Zeppelin destroyers ; 
 using artillery and showers of steel 
 darts 
 
 Armored and armed motor cars 
 
 Incendiary grenades 
 
 Searchlight bombs 
 
 Use of asphyxiating gases 
 
 Photography from rockets 
 
 Fire-fold warfare: Terrestrial, subter- 
 ranean, aerial, marine and sub- 
 marine 
 
 THE ARMIES AT WAR 
 
 When they entered the war the bel- 
 ligerents were possest of the following 
 approximate numbers of trained sol- 
 diers : 
 
 Russia 5,962,000 
 
 France 3,878,000 
 
 Italy 1,115,000 
 
 Great Britain 633,000 
 
 Serbia 240,000 
 
 Belgium 222,000 
 
 Montenegro 50,000 
 
 Total of Allies 12,100,000 
 
 Germany 4,000,000 
 
 Austria-Hungary 1,820,000 
 
 Turkey 1,100,000 
 
 Total 6,920,000 
 
 Grand total 19,020,000 
 
 During the first year of the war these 
 forces have suffered total losses of ap- 
 proximately nine million men, as indi- 
 cated in another table. Neiv levies hare 
 filled the places of these losses and 
 have made the armies at the end of the 
 year probably larger than at the be- 
 ginning. 
 
 tlement at the end of the war will com- 
 prise a radical readjustment of affairs 
 in that much-troubled corner of the con- 
 tinent. The ostensible pretext, tho not 
 the actual cause, of the war was in that 
 region, and there, too, must be felt its 
 results. 
 
 The United States, altho so far re- 
 moved from the scene of war and from 
 interest in its issues, has been subjected 
 to belligerent influences and considera- 
 tions far more than in any preceding- 
 foreign war; more, even, than in that 
 Napoleonic war of more than a century 
 ago which led to our becoming involved 
 in our second war with Great Britain. 
 Our interest arose from a variety of 
 causes — the large number of our pop- 
 ulation of foreign origin and sympa- 
 thies, the extensive purchase of supplies 
 in this country by the belligerents, the 
 widely different conceptions and inter- 
 pretations of neutrality held by this 
 country and by some of the belligerents, 
 and above all, perhaps, the correspond- 
 ing differences in regard for interna- 
 tional law. 
 
 The United States has from the 
 beginning insisted upon maintaining 
 the same principles of neutrality 
 which have consistently governed its 
 course, and upon observance of the in- 
 ternational rules of warfare which 
 have hitherto been agreed to and re- 
 spected by all nations. Some of the bel- 
 ligerents, on the contrary, have de- 
 manded a radical abandonment of some 
 of our fundamental principles of neu- 
 trality, and have insisted upon arbi- 
 trarily changing the rules of warfare 
 without our consent and to our great 
 injury. The result is that the close of 
 the year of war finds our relations with 
 some European powers more seriously 
 strained than they have ever been be- 
 fore without actual breakage. 
 
 MONEY COST OF THE FIRST 
 
 YEAR OF THE WAR 
 William Miehaelis, of Berlin, an emi- 
 nent German statistician, is quoted as 
 estimating the present cost of the war 
 to the chief belligerents as $42,250,000 
 a day, or at the rate of nearly $15,- 
 500,000,000 a year. Stupendous as 
 these figures are, they are more proba- 
 bly under than, over the truth. Mr. 
 Asquith recently reported to Parlia- 
 ment that Great Britain alone was 
 spending $15,000,000 a day. It has 
 been credibly estimated that France 
 and Russia arc spending at least $12,- 
 000,000 a day each. Such figures, car- 
 ried thru the list, ivould make the total 
 cost something like twice the figures 
 of Mr. Miehaelis. The loans issued and 
 subscribed by the chief belligerents 
 down to the present date have been as 
 folloivs: 
 Great Britain, two 
 
 loans $5,525,000,000 
 
 France, two loans 3,203,000,000 
 
 Russia, one loan 1,065,000,000 
 
 Total for Allies $9,793,000,000 
 
 Germany, two loans.. $3,491,000,000 
 
 Prussia, one loan 2,500,000,000 
 
 Austria-Hungary, two 
 
 loans 1,260,000,000 
 
 Total for Teutonic 
 
 powers $7,251,000,000 
 
 Grand total $17,044,000,000 
 
 1'he minor powers and neutrals have 
 also made loans on account of the tear. 
 Belgium has borrowed $50,000,000 and 
 Serbia $.',,000,000 from Great Britain 
 without interest until the end of the 
 war. Rumania has borrowed $25,000,- 
 000 from the same source. Switzer- 
 land has raised $36,000,000 in three 
 loans to improve her defenses against 
 violation of her neutrality. The jigurrs 
 cited do not, of course, indicate the 
 whole cost of the war, as other large 
 expenses are met from increased taxa- 
 tion. It has recently been estimated by 
 careful and competent authority that 
 the first i/car of the war will have cost 
 $25,000,000,000, or more than the sum 
 of the public debts of all the nations 
 concerned at the beginning of the war. 
 
 <t + 
 
 
 £ Cdincotid £ Underload 
 
 The modern way of inarching. Sending troops to the front is managed now trillion! wearing out the men by tedious marches 
 
Inli i iiatit'ii-il V dm 
 
 SOWING THE DRAGON'S TEETH— A MODERN VERSION 
 Bayonets fixed, these English troops are lined up for inspection — and probably applause — just before leaving for the front 
 
 % Jf 
 
 THE BIG BRITISH HAMMERS 
 An unusual photograph of actual fighting. This is one of the batteries of British heavy howitzers pounding away at the Hindenburg line 
 
Vn4crtcood 
 
 The end of the second year of war found the boy-soldiers of the class of 1916 fighting in the French trenches 
 
i j TERRITORY OF ALLIES 
 
 [ m IIRRITORY OF CEHTRAL POWERS 
 | TERRITORY AT PEACE 
 
 All of the Gerr 
 
 THE WORLD AT THE END OF THE SECOND YEAR OF WAR 
 ies have been conquered except a narrowing strip in the middle of German East Africa. The black area is that 
 by the Central Powers : the shaded belongs to the Entente Allies. Neutral countries are left white 
 
 THE SECOND YEAR OF THE GREAT WAR 
 
 August, 1016 
 
 AFTER another year of warfare 
 in which the area of conflict 
 has widened, the number en- 
 gaged are more numerous, the losses 
 have increased and the expense has 
 multiplied enormously, the issue of the 
 conflict still remains in doubt and there 
 is no more evidence of a speedy peace 
 than there was on August 1, 1914, or 
 August 1, 1915. In men and money the 
 odds in favor of the Allies are greater 
 than ever and so their ultimate victory 
 seems inevitable if they keep up the 
 fight, but on the other hand, all the cam- 
 paigns of the past year in Europe have 
 gone to the advantage of Germany and 
 her allies and their powers of resistance 
 show no evidence yet of being ex- 
 hausted. 
 
 Since the Great War is being fought 
 on fields whose operations are quite dis- 
 tinct it will be most convenient to con- 
 sider the various campaigns separately, 
 giving in each case a few memorable 
 dates and a brief summary of the re- 
 sults. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE AND 
 BELGIUM 
 
 August 3, 1914 — Germans enter Belgium. 
 
 August 7. — Germans take Liege. 
 
 August 23-25 — French defeated at Charleroi and 
 
 British at Mons. 
 September 6-10 — Germans defeated on the Marne. 
 September 14-28 — Germans make a stand on the 
 
 October 9 — Germans take Antwerp. 
 
 March 10-14. 1915 — British attack at Neuve Cha- 
 
 pelle but gain little ground. 
 April 22-May 9 — Germans attack at Ypres but 
 
 gain little ground. 
 May 9-14 — French and British attack in Artois 
 
 but gain little ground. 
 September 25-27 — British attack at Loos and 
 
 French in Champagne, but gain little ground. 
 February 21. 1916 — Germans begin attack upon 
 
 Verdun that still continues. 
 July 1 — French and British begin attack on the 
 
 Somme that still continues. 
 
 BY EDWIN E. SLOSSON 
 
 COUNTRIES IN CONFLICT 
 Territory now in possession of 
 Allied Powers 
 
 31,332,000 square miles 
 Territory note in possession of Cen- 
 tral Powers 
 
 1.245,000 square miles 
 Superiority of Allies over Central 
 Powers in area more than 
 25 to 1 
 
 PEOPLE IN CONFLICT 
 Population of territory now in pos- 
 session of Allied Powers 
 S46.000,000 
 Population of territory now in pos- 
 session of Central Powers 
 177,000,000 
 Superiority of Allies over Central 
 Powers in population nearly 
 5 to 1 
 
 The battle line in France and Bel- 
 gium remains substantially where it 
 was drawn in the fall of 1914, altho 
 more than a million men have been sac- 
 rificed in the effort to shove it one way 
 or the other. Determined and long pre- 
 pared attacks have been made upon it 
 three times by the British, three times 
 by the French, and twice by the Ger- 
 mans, but nowhere yet has the line 
 budged more than five miles or so from 
 where it was first fixed. In the spring of 
 1915 the British took the village of 
 Neuve Chapelle at a cost of 12,000 men, 
 and in the fall they took the village of 
 Loos at a cost of 50,000 men. The Ger- 
 mans made a desperate attempt with 
 the aid of gas to smash their way thru 
 the low land of Flanders to Calais, but 
 ~e British, French and Belgians held 
 the line about Ypres. The French struck 
 
 at the same time as the British in Ar- 
 tois and Champagne, but with no 
 better success. That, in brief, was the 
 history of 1915. 
 
 In 1916 it was expected that an 
 Anglo-French offensive would open the 
 campaign in the spring, but the Ger- 
 mans forestalled it by a furious attack 
 upon Verdun, the corner fortress of 
 France. Since February 21 the fight- 
 ing has been incessant here, and half 
 a million men have been sacrificed but 
 the French still hold to the ruined town 
 and its inner circle of forts. 
 
 Finally at 7:30 in the morning of the 
 first day of July, 1916, the Anglo- 
 French offensive was launched. The 
 attack was directed at the German lines 
 on both sides of the Somme opposite 
 Peronne, a battlefield familiar to every 
 reader of Scott's "Quentin Durward." 
 At the end of a month the French and 
 British have each advanced three or 
 four miles — but here the cautious 
 chronicler must stay his hand and not 
 attempt to forecast the fate of the 
 virgin fortress, Peronne la Pucelle. 
 
 Whatever may be thought of future 
 prospects, the campaign in France at 
 the end of the second year must be 
 pronounced a deadlock if not a stale- 
 mate. 
 
 THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 
 
 August 26-31, 1914 — Russians defeated at Tannen- 
 berg, East Prussia : limit of Russian advance 
 westward into Germany. 
 
 May 1, 1915— Russians driven back from Dunaiec 
 River, Galicia; limit of Russian advance 
 westward into Austria. 
 
 August 5, 1915 — Germans take "Warsaw, capital 
 of Poland. 
 
 September 16-19, 1915 — Germans take Pinrk and 
 Vilna; limit of German advance eastward in- 
 to Russia. 
 
 June 1. 1916 — Russian drive begins. 
 
 June 17. 1916 — Russians take Czernovitz, capital 
 of Bukovina. 
 
The eastern front presents a great 
 contrast to the western. Instead of a 
 line practically stationary for a year 
 and a half, the contending armies have 
 swept back and forth over a strip near- 
 ly three hundred miles wide and eight 
 hundred miles long. Some cities have 
 changed hands two or three times, and 
 no country has been more thoroly dev- 
 astated. The Russians on their retreat 
 adopted the same tactics as they did 
 against Napoleon, and destroyed fac- 
 tories, stores and crops so far as they 
 were able to. Three million refugees fled 
 into the interior of Russia, causing 
 great distress and embarrassment, but 
 incidentally breaking down the Pale 
 which has hitherto restricted the Jews 
 to the western provinces. 
 
 The war began by a swift advance of 
 the Russians into East Prussia, but this 
 was checked by the victory of General 
 von Hindenburg on the historic field of 
 Tannenberg. Thus the Germans took 
 the offensive and penetrated Poland 
 almost to Warsaw, but here they were 
 stopped in midwinter. 
 
 Then the Russians turned their atten- 
 tion to the Austrian front, where they 
 were more successful. Lemberg, the 
 capital of Galicia, and Przemysl, its 
 chief fortress, were captured, and the 
 spring of 1915 found the Russian ar- 
 mies in possession of the mountain wall 
 of the Carpathians, looking down upon 
 the Hung-arian plains to the south. 
 
 But the German general, Mackensen, 
 with a large army of Austrian and Ger- 
 man troops, swept the Russians back 
 three hundred miles during May and 
 June, and so recovered all of Bukovina 
 and Galicia except one corner. 
 
 In the north the Germans were still 
 more successful. One year after the war 
 began Prince Leopold of Bavaria en- 
 tered Warsaw in triumph. A dozen fort- 
 resses fell in quick succession. All Po- 
 land was conquered and also Russian 
 territory for two hundred miles north 
 of it and a hundred miles east of it. 
 The Baltic province of Courland, large- 
 ly inhabited by Germans, fell into Ger- 
 man hands except the port of Riga, 
 which, protected by its swamps, resist- 
 ed capture. By the fall of 1915 the 
 Germans held a line running almost 
 straight south from the Dvina River to 
 the Rumanian border and at least a 
 third shorter than their old Russian 
 frontier. This line remained stationary 
 until the following June. 
 
 The Russian armies were badly de- 
 moralized. They had lost heavily in 
 casualties and prisoners. They were out 
 of ammunition and the transportation 
 system had broken down. The Grand 
 Duke Nicholas, who as commander-in- 
 chief was, rightly or wrongly, held re- 
 sponsible for the disaster, was removed 
 to the Caucasus and the Czar himself 
 assumed nominal command of the Rus- 
 sian forces. During the winter the ar- 
 mies were completely reorganized and 
 equipped for a new campaign. Muni- 
 tions were received in large quantities 
 from Japan and the United States by 
 way of the Siberian railroad. British, 
 French, Belgian and Japanese contin- 
 gents were sent to take charge of ar- 
 mored motor cars, aeroplanes and other 
 expert services. In exchange Russia 
 sent six detachments of her surplus 
 troops, unequipped, to France. 
 
 General Kuropatkin, of Manchurian 
 
 THE BATTLEFIELDS 
 
 are distinguished fr 
 
 'e given in black. Neutral countries are white, 
 the Entente Allies by different shading 
 
 fame, was placed in charge of the 
 northern army group and General 
 Brusiloff in charge of the southern. On 
 June 1 the Russian offensive started in 
 the south and in the two months since 
 has attained a considerable success. The 
 Russians have reconquered the crown- 
 land of Bukovina and reached the Car- 
 pathians beyond. The Austrians in 
 Galicia and the Germans just north of 
 it have both been driven back fifty 
 miles from their winter front. The Rus- 
 sians claim the capture of over 300,000 
 prisoners in the last two months. 
 
 As it stands at the end of the second 
 year of war the Germans hold over 
 100,000 square miles of Russian terri- 
 tory and the Russians hold about 10,000 
 square miles of Austrian territory. 
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN 
 May 23. 1916 — Italy declares -war on Austria. 
 May 15. 1916 — Austrians advance from Trentino. 
 June 20, 1916 — Italians drive Austrians back to- 
 ward Trentino. 
 
 The entrance of Italy into the war did 
 not make so much difference as the 
 Allies had hoped. The boundary line, 
 which was drawn in 1866 so as to give 
 Austria a strategic advantage, proved 
 to be all that was expected of it. The 
 Austrians were able to hold their fron- 
 tier, protected as it was on the one side 
 by the Tyrolese Alps and on the other 
 by the Isonzo River, with three or four 
 hundred thousand men against a million 
 or more troops at the command of Gen- 
 eral Cadorna. The Italians have not 
 taken any town of importance, and until 
 recently the fighting has mostly been 
 confined to a strip of four or five miles 
 inside the Austrian border. 
 
 But in the middle of last May the 
 Austrians undertook an offensive move- 
 ment from the Trentino and had ad- 
 vanced about ten miles into the Vene- 
 tian Valley when the Russian drive 
 began, and they were obliged to with- 
 draw their troops to their mountain 
 shelter. 
 
 So, after more than twenty-two 
 months of war, the Austrians and Ital- 
 ians stand about where they started, 
 except for the heavy losses both have 
 sustained. 
 
 THE BALKAN CAMPAIGN 
 
 July 28. 1914 — Austria declares war upon Serbia. 
 
 August 23. 1914 — First Austrian invasion repulsed. 
 
 December 10. 1914 — Second Austrian " 
 pulsed. 
 
 September 20. 1915— Bulgaria mobilij 
 
 September 23. 1915 — Greec 
 
 October 5. 1915— French i 
 at Salonica. 
 
 October 8, 1915 — Austrians take Belgrade. 
 
 November 5 1915 — Bulears take Nish. 
 
 November 30. 1915— Conquest of Serbia completed. 
 
 January 14 1916 — Austrians enter Cettinje. capi- 
 tal of Montenegro. 
 
 Serbia, about which the war began, 
 was the first country to be completely 
 conquered. The armies that Austria 
 sent into Serbia in the summer and 
 winter of 1914 met with such humiliat- 
 ing defeats tha\, no further attempts 
 were made until the fall of 1915. By 
 that time the spectacular success of the 
 Germans in Russia and the failure of 
 the Allies to make any impression upon 
 the German lines in France had in- 
 clined the Balkan states toward the 
 Central Powers. Both sides made gen- 
 erous offers of enemy territory to Bul- 
 garia, Greece and Rumania and both 
 had hopes up to the last moment of 
 
winning over one or all of them. But 
 when it came to the show-down it 
 turned out that Rumania was deter- 
 mined to remain neutral, that Bulgaria 
 would espouse the cause of the Central 
 Powers and that Greece was divided. 
 King Constantine, whose wife is sister 
 to the Kaiser, was pro-German in his 
 sympathies, but Venizelos, his prime 
 minister, was pro-Ally. The King won 
 the political battle and declared Greece 
 neutral, but that did not prevent the 
 British and French troops from using 
 Greek territory for their military and 
 naval operations. 
 
 The Bulgarian troops entered Serbia 
 from the eastern side at the same time 
 that the Austrian and German troops 
 entered from the northern side. While 
 the Teutons took Belgrade, the old cap- 
 ital of Serbia, the Bulgars took Nish, 
 the new capital. The Serbs, caught be- 
 tween the two armies and receiving no 
 aid from outside, were defeated on the 
 plain of Kossovo, where the Turks had 
 conquered them five hundred years be- 
 fore. The aged King Peter escaped in a 
 peasant's cart and such of his troops 
 as were not captured or killed took 
 refuge in Greece and Albania. 
 
 The tiny kingdom of Montenegro 
 shared the fate of the allied and kindred 
 Serbia. The supposedly impregnable 
 Mount Lovcen, which dominates the 
 Bay of Cattaro, was taken by the Aus- 
 trians with surprizing ease, and King 
 Nicholas went into exile in Prance. 
 
 Albania, which five months before the 
 war had been set up by the powers as 
 an independent nation under a Prus- 
 sian prince, is now divided among her 
 neighbors. The Austrians are in pos- 
 session of the northern part and the 
 Bulgars of the eastern; the Italians 
 hold Avlona on the western coast and 
 the Greeks have seized the Epirote 
 provinces on the south. 
 
 The British Government, surprized 
 and chagrined at Bulgaria's joining the 
 enemy, thought it too late to intervene 
 in the Balkans, but General Joffre ran 
 over to London, and by his eloquence 
 and earnestness persuaded the cabinet 
 to join with him in the rescue of Ser- 
 bia. But by the time the French and 
 British troops got there the country 
 was conquered, so they withdrew to 
 Salonica which they have ever since 
 occupied in spite of the protests of the 
 Greek Government at this violation of 
 neutrality. The Allied fleet blockaded 
 the Greek coast and so forced the Greek 
 Government to evacuate the Salonica 
 district and finally to demobilize the 
 Greek army. The Bulgars, claiming the 
 
 TERRITORIAL GAINS 
 The end of the second year of the 
 tear finds the "belligerent powers hold- 
 ing the following territories not pre- 
 viously included among their posses- 
 sions : 
 
 Area Normal 
 
 Square miles Population 
 Great Britain.. .2,510.000 22.000,000 
 
 Russia 412.000 5,350,000 
 
 Germany 127,000 29.000,000 
 
 France ' 112,600 1,800,000 
 
 Austria 31,500 3,400.000 
 
 Bulgaria 17,000 2,270,000 
 
 (B ft t T ! 3 H) ,,, 
 
 / 1 i v 
 
 THE PARTITION OF TURKEY 
 Asiatic Turkey has been attacked from all four sides. The attempt of the British and French to 
 force the Dardanelles and take Constantinople was frustrated, but on the east the Russians 
 have conquered the greater part of Armenia as well as overrun northern Persia. The British 
 have occupied southern Persia and the coast of the Persian Gulf, and declared a protectorate over 
 Egypt. The British expedition sent up the Tigris to take Bagdad was defeated and captured. 
 Most of the Arab tribes are said to be in revolt against Ottoman rule 
 
 The Dardanelles campaign accom- 
 plished nothing, except, perhaps, to 
 frustrate a Turkish attack upon 
 Egypt. 
 
 THE MESOPOTAMIAN CAMPAIGN 
 November, 1914 — British take Basra, near head of 
 
 Persian Gulf. 
 January, 1915 — Expedition starts up Tigris. 
 November 22, 1915 — British advance checked at 
 
 Ctesipbon, 18 miles below Bagdad. 
 December 3, 1915 — British expedition retires to 
 
 Kut-el-Amara and is there besieged. 
 April 29, 1916 — British expedition surrenders at 
 
 Kut-el-Amara. 
 
 Early in the war the British took 
 possession of the Persian and Turkish 
 territory about the Persian Gulf, and 
 in 1915 expeditions were sent up the 
 Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The Ti- 
 gris expedition had almost reached 
 Bagdad when it encountered a supe- 
 rior force of Turks and was forced to 
 withdraw a hundred miles down- 
 stream. Here it was caught in a bend 
 in the river at Kut-el-Amara and was 
 so closely invested that only aeroplanes 
 could reach it. After holding out for 
 nearly five months, the expedition, con- 
 sisting then of only 10,000 British and 
 Indian troops, surrendered to the Turks. 
 
 The failure of the Mesopotamian 
 campaign, tho it involved insignificant 
 numbers compared with the European 
 operations, had a serious effect upon 
 British prestige in the East. 
 
 THE CAUCASIAN CAMPAIGN 
 February 15, 1916 — Russians take Erzermn. 
 April 18, 1916 — Russians take Trebizond. 
 July 26, 1916 — Russians take Erzingan. 
 
 The only definite success outside of 
 Africa so far achieved by any of the 
 nine Allies is the Russian conquest of 
 Armenia. The Grand Duke Nicholas, 
 transferred to the Caucasus, began 
 from there the invasion of Turkey be- 
 fore the winter was over. The opposi- 
 tion was feeble and the fortresses of 
 Erzerum and Trebizond, renowned 
 from old for their ability to stand a 
 siege, surrendered as soon as they were 
 reached. But the Russian occupation of 
 this region was not soon enough to save 
 the Armenians. The Turks, knowing 
 
 same privilege, have occupied Greek 
 territory to the east of Salonica. 
 
 The Balkan campaign, then, has gone 
 altogether against the Allies. The Cen- 
 tral Powers have won Bulgaria as an 
 ally and have occupied Serbia, Monte- 
 negro and Albania. 
 
 THE DARDANELLES CAMPAIGN 
 
 February 19, 1915 — British warships shell Turkish 
 forts. 
 
 March 18, 1915 — Three warships lost in Darda- 
 nelles; fleet withdrawn. 
 
 April 25, 1915 — Australasian troops landed on 
 Gallipoli. 
 
 August 6, 1915 — Second landing made at Suvla. 
 Gallipoli. 
 
 December 19, 1915 — Troops withdrawn from Gal- 
 lipoli. 
 
 The attempt to force the Darda- 
 nelles and take Constantinople was ill- 
 advised and ill-managed. First a fleet 
 of British and French warships, includ- 
 ing the largest battleship ever con- 
 structed, was sent out to accomplish 
 the feat alone. After a month spent in 
 bombarding the Turkish forts guarding 
 the strait had failed to reduce them, 
 the fleet rashly entered the Dardanelles, 
 where two British and one French bat- 
 tleships were promptly sunk by float- 
 ing mines. 
 
 Then it was decided to try troops, 
 but a month was spent in making the 
 necessary preparations for landing, and 
 by that time the Turks, under German 
 engineers, had fortified the Gallipoli 
 peninsula. The Australian and New 
 Zealand Army Corps was landed on the 
 western shore of the peninsula, called 
 for that reason Anzac Cove, but they 
 were never able to fight their way in- 
 land far enough to reach the ridge 
 commanding the strait. Another con- 
 tingent landed at Suvla Bay, a little 
 farther up the coast, was also forced to 
 keep to the shelter of the beach. Late 
 in the year the enterprize was aban- 
 doned and the troops withdrawn. The 
 British losses were 117,549 killed, 
 wounded and missing. There were also 
 96,683 hospital cases of disease, an un- 
 usual feature in the present war. 
 
that the Armenians would welcome the 
 advance of the Russians, determined 
 upon their removal, and during the 
 winter a million or more Armenians, 
 Syrians and Greeks were massacred or 
 deported. Northern Persia, which, ac- 
 cording to the Anglo-Russian agree- 
 ment of 1907, was recognized as the 
 Russian "sphere of influence," has now 
 passed under Russian control in spite 
 of the resistance of the Persian Nation- 
 alists aided by the Germans and Turks. 
 Unless, then, the results of this cam- 
 paign are nullified in Europe, the Rus- 
 sian Empire will incorporate northern 
 Persia and northeastern Turkey. 
 
 THE AFRICAN CAMPAIGN 
 
 August 26, 1914 — British and French conquer To- 
 goland. 
 
 July 9. 1915— General Botha of Union of South 
 Africa conciuers German Southwest Africa, 
 
 February 18, 1916 — British and French conquer 
 Kamerun. 
 
 Mirch 9. 1916 — General Smuts of the Union of 
 South Africa enters upon the conquest of Ger- 
 man East Africa. 
 
 The German colonies in Africa have 
 an area more than four times that of 
 the Fatherland, but there probably were 
 not more than 25,000 Germans in them 
 when the war broke out. Cut off from 
 Germany, from one another, and from 
 the outside woild by the British com- 
 mand of the coast, it was inevitable that 
 they should succumb. The only wonder 
 is that these four isolated groups should 
 be able to hold out as long as they 
 have against enemies on every side. 
 Two of the colonies, Togo and Kam- 
 erun, were cleaned up by British and 
 French troops. The other two were left 
 to the Union of South Africa. The Boer 
 generals, Botha and Smuts, who six- 
 teen years ago were fighting against 
 the British, undertook to annex Ger- 
 man Southwest Africa to the British 
 Empire. The job was so well done that 
 General Smuts was set at the same task 
 in German East Africa. The region 
 about Mount Kilimanjaro is already in 
 his possession, and with Belgians in- 
 vading the colony from the west and 
 Portuguese from the south, the handful 
 of Germans in the interior cannot be 
 expected to resist much longer. 
 
 With their capitulation will vanish 
 the colonial empire that the German 
 Government has labored ever since 1884 
 to construct. 
 
 THE WAR ON THE SEA 
 
 August 5, 1914 — Beatty sinks three German cruis- 
 ers in the bight of Helgoland. 
 
 November 1, 1914 — Cradock's squadron defeated 
 off Coronel, Chili, by Von Spee's squadron. 
 
 December 8, 1914 — Sturdee destroys Von Spee's 
 squadron near Falkland Islands. 
 
 January 24, 1915 — German squadron defeated at 
 Dogger Bank. 
 
 February 7, 1915 — Germans declare a war-zone 
 about British Isles. 
 
 March 11, 1915 — British Order-in-Council estab- 
 lishes cordon control shutting off all goods 
 going to or from Germany, 
 
 May 7. 1915 — "Lusitania" sunk. 
 
 May 4. 1916 — Germany agrees not to sink liners 
 without warning. 
 
 Mav 31. 1916 — Greatest naval battle of history 
 ' fought off Jutland. 
 
 June 5, 1916 — "Hampshire" sunk with Kitchener 
 on board. 
 
 June 29. 1916 — England renounces the Declaration 
 of London. 
 
 The story of the war on the sea may 
 be summed up in few words: After 
 two years the British supremacy re- 
 mains unshaken. The German subma- 
 rines have inflicted heavy losses upon 
 the naval and mercantile shipping of 
 
 THE DAILY COST 
 The leading belligerents were at the 
 end of the second year spending money 
 nt the following rates per diem: 
 
 Great Britain $30,000,000 
 
 Germany 22,000,000 
 
 France ' 15,500,000 
 
 Russia 16,000,000 
 
 Austria 12,000,000 
 
 ltuti, 8,000,000 
 
 Turkey 1,500,000 
 
 Bulgaria 1.500,000 
 
 Belgium 1,500,000 
 
 Total $108,000,000 
 
 the Allies. A few sea-rovers like the 
 "Emden" and the "Mowe" have been 
 for a time at large. The submarine 
 "Deutschland," loaded with dyes, ap- 
 peared at Baltimore. But German ship- 
 ping has been virtually shut off from 
 the sea, and German commerce by any 
 channel has been cut down almost to 
 extinction. Without declaring a block- 
 ade, because, as Premier Asquith said, 
 "the government are not going to allow 
 their efforts to be strangled in a net- 
 work of judicial niceties," the British 
 Government inspects the cargo and 
 mails of all ships bound for European 
 ports, whatever their flag or des- 
 tination, and no goods are allowed to 
 pass if suspected of being intended for 
 Germany. The United States, in main- 
 tenance of its historic principle that 
 "free ships make free goods," has pro- 
 tested against the illegality and strin- 
 gency of the British procedure, but 
 without avail. 
 
 The sinking of passenger vessels like 
 the "Lusitania" aroused such indigna- 
 tion in neutral countries that the party 
 in Germany which was opposed to such 
 tactics secured the ascendency, and the 
 United States was assured that the 
 German submarines would not in the 
 future attack unarmed merchantmen 
 without fair warning. But this promise 
 was made upon the condition that Eng- 
 land's blockade practises be brought 
 within the scope of international law, 
 so it is possible that the submarine 
 raids may be resumed at any time that 
 Germany is willing to incur the dis- 
 pleasure of the United States. 
 
 The dreadnoughts and battle-cruisers 
 of the two fleets came into conflict for 
 the first time near the mouth of the 
 Skagerrak and off the coast of Jutland 
 on the afternoon of the last day of May. 
 The result is indecisive from the stand- 
 point of naval power. The British losses 
 were about twice those of the Germans, 
 but since the British navy is about twice 
 as strong, the ratio is not materially 
 changed. 
 
 THE NATIONS 
 
 AT WAR IN 1916 
 
 THE ENTENTE 
 
 THE CENTRAL 
 
 AI.I.IKS 
 
 
 POWERS 
 
 Great Bri 
 
 a in 
 
 Germany 
 
 France 
 
 
 Austria-Hungary 
 
 Russia 
 
 
 Bulgaria 
 
 Itahl 
 
 
 Turkey 
 
 Japan 
 
 
 
 Belgium 
 
 
 
 Serbia 
 
 
 
 Montenegi 
 
 
 
 
 Portugal 
 
 
 
 CHANGES IN THE MAP 
 
 Publishers of geographies are hold- 
 ing back on new editions because it is 
 anticipated that there will be many 
 alterations to be made in national 
 boundaries however the war may turn 
 out. A map of the world made now 
 would show that since August, 1914, an 
 area almost equal to the whole of Eu- 
 rope has changed hands at least tem- 
 porarily. On page 21 we summarize the 
 chief of these changes. The figures 
 given are, of course, only approximate 
 for the area actually held by the armies 
 is not definitely determinable and the 
 population is still more uncertain be- 
 cause millions of people who were in 
 the war zones have fled to other coun- 
 tries or else have perished by war, mas- 
 sacre, privation and plague. 
 
 From the table it will be seen that 
 the lion's share of the spoils has gone 
 to Great Britain. With the assistance 
 of the Japanese and Australians she 
 took possession of all of the German 
 islands in the Pacific and with the as- 
 sistance of the French and Boers she 
 has conquered all of the German colo- 
 nies in Africa except German East 
 Africa, of which the central portion is 
 still unsubdued. In the conquest of Togo 
 and Kamerun, French and British 
 troops cooperated, so I have calculated 
 these colonies as divided equally be- 
 tween the two powers, altho it is quite 
 likely that France will be given a much 
 larger share in the final settlement. 
 Egypt, Sudan and Cyprus, which be- 
 fore the war belonged nominally to 
 Turkey, altho under the administrative 
 control of England, are now listed as 
 part of the British Empire. The south- 
 ern half of Persia has now virtually 
 passed under British rule, as well as 
 a considerable part of Arabia. The 
 troops that were sent up the Tigris and 
 Euphrates have control of the vilayet 
 of Busra. 
 
 To the French I have tentatively as- 
 signed half of the German colonies of 
 Togo and Kamerun. In Alsace the 
 French still hold a strip a few miles 
 wide and about forty-five miles long on 
 the German side of the border. 
 
 Germany has Luxemburg, nearly all 
 of Belgium and a large slice of France. 
 On the Russian side the German troops 
 are in possession of all Poland, almost 
 all of Courland and a large part of the 
 governments of Vilna, Kovno, Grodno 
 and Volhynia. 
 
 Austrian, Bulgarian and German 
 troops joined in the Balkan campaign. 
 How the territory gained in it will be 
 divided no man knows. The figures given 
 in the table on the preceding page are 
 based upon the assumption that Austria 
 for the present has possession of the 
 northern half of Serbia and Albania 
 and the whole of Montenegro, and that 
 Bulgaria has the balance of Serbia. 
 
 PAYING FOR IT 
 According to David Lloyd George the 
 war will be won by "silver bullets." 
 Since England is the country with the 
 greatest store of this sort of ammuni- 
 tion her part in the burden of war be- 
 
THE DEATH OF AN AIRMAN 
 
 This remarkable photograph of the destruction of the aeroplane in which Flight Lieutenant R. G. Ferrick of the British Aviation 
 Corps u-as making observations over the enemy lines was taken by a photographer in the German trenches after the 
 aeroplane had been struck by a shell from a German anti-aircraft gun and had burst into flames as it was 
 
CowrtoM 1/ndofiwoeJ AN AVIATI0N BASE BEHIND THE FRENCH LINES AT VERDUN 
 
 This photograph was take, by an aviator 1600 ff.^^.^ 
 d Tn?^t e I S;S^i" d ,«i^.*^S£1;I for iderJncatior. dun„ 8 fltoht. Genoa,, maeh.nes show a 
 
© Underwood rf Underwood 
 
 comes increasingly important as the 
 months drag on. Parliament has just 
 been asked to provide $2,550,000,000 
 more, making a total of $14,160,000,000 
 appropriated during the past two years. 
 These credits have been granted with- 
 out opposition and almost without de- 
 bate and the government has not been 
 required even to specify the various 
 uses for which the money was to be ap- 
 plied. Never before in the history of the 
 world has any government had such 
 enormous sums placed at its disposal 
 without restriction. 
 
 It must not be hastily assumed that 
 these billions spent are altogether wast- 
 ed. In the first place a billion and a 
 quarter of England's expenditure con- 
 sists of money advanced to her allies 
 and her oversea dominions. These are 
 loans which presumably will be repaid 
 with interest unless the Allies are 
 ruined. 
 
 Then, too, the appropriations of Par- 
 liament include all of the running ex- 
 penses of the government, now higher 
 than usual because the government has 
 taken on more functions. The ordinary 
 expenditure of the British Government 
 before the war was about one billion 
 dollars. Of this some $380,000,000 a 
 year went for army and navy and of 
 course were "wasted" in the same sense 
 as the larger sums now spent for the 
 purpose. But altho soldiering in peace 
 or war must be classed among the un- 
 productive occupations and the money 
 expended for explosives is speedily con- 
 
 READY FOR THE AIR RAIDS 
 
 THE WAR 
 
 OF RACES 
 
 
 The chief races 
 
 taking part in the 
 
 
 Great War are: 
 
 
 
 Afridis 
 
 Kurds 
 
 
 Albanians 
 
 Lithuanians 
 
 
 Algerians 
 
 Magyars 
 
 
 Annamites 
 
 Malirattas 
 
 
 Armenians 
 
 Malagasy 
 
 
 Arabs 
 
 Maoris 
 
 
 Austrians 
 
 Montenegrins 
 
 
 Bantus 
 
 Mongols 
 
 
 Belgians 
 
 Pathans 
 
 
 Boers 
 
 Persians 
 
 
 British 
 
 Poles 
 
 
 Bulgars 
 
 Portuguese 
 
 
 Circassians 
 
 Rumanians 
 
 
 Croatians 
 
 Russians 
 
 
 Czechs 
 
 Ruthenians 
 
 
 Egyptians 
 
 Senegalese 
 
 
 Finns 
 
 Serbs 
 
 
 French 
 
 Sikhs 
 
 
 Garhwalis 
 
 Slovaks 
 
 
 Georgians 
 
 Slovenes 
 
 
 Germans 
 
 Syrians 
 
 
 Gurkhas 
 
 Tartars 
 
 
 Italians 
 
 Tonkinese 
 
 
 Japanese 
 
 Turks 
 
 
 Jews 
 
 West Indians 
 
 
 sumed either fruitlessly or in the de- 
 struction of lives and property, yet we 
 must avoid the common fallacy of re- 
 garding the expenditures of the bel- 
 ligerent governments as so much wealth 
 lost to the world, in excess of the nor- 
 mal consumption of peaceful times. In 
 large part it represents a transfer of 
 expenditure from individuals to the 
 government. It means, for instance, that 
 there are some two million young Eng- 
 lishmen in France supported by the 
 
 government who formerly had to "sup- 
 port themselves." Most of them are be- 
 ing supported more expensively than 
 ever before and in so far as this means 
 better food, clothing and sanitary care 
 it is not to be regretted. Altho they are 
 from an economic standpoint to be con- 
 sidered as idle, yet this also is not an 
 unprecedented strain upon the commu- 
 nity. In 1908, according to Kier Hardie, 
 labor member of Parliament, there 
 were 2,250,000 men out of work in Eng- 
 land and Scotland, three-fourths of 
 them skilled artizans. Now there are 
 more people working and they are work- 
 ing harder than ever before. Unemploy- 
 ment is wiped out and wages in some 
 industries more than doubled. The cost 
 of living has risen but not so much as 
 the wage rate. The poorer classes are 
 spending money more lavishly than for- 
 merly. Imitation jewelry is in great 
 demand and all sorts of cheap amuse- 
 ments are extensively patronized. The 
 consumption of alcoholic liquor in the 
 United Kingdom has risen to the un- 
 precedented hight of $900,000,000 a 
 year, a hundred million more than it 
 was before the war, notwithstanding 
 the fact that a large proportion of the 
 men are in the army where they get 
 only their ration of rum. So far it is 
 chiefly the wealthy and well-to-do who 
 have begun the practise of economy and 
 this under compulsion, since the burden 
 of increased taxation has in many cases 
 cut their income in two. 
 
© Brown rf* Dawson 
 
 THE NEWS FROM HOME 
 
TWENTY-FOUR TO FOUR 
 
 A TRIAL BALANCE OF THE GREAT WAR AFTER THREE YEARS 
 BY PRESTON SLOSSON 
 
 August, 1917 
 
 OF the three years of the Great 
 War, that of 1916-17 has been 
 most eventful. During 
 the first year the im- [ 
 portant campaigns included the 
 German conquest of the greater 
 part of Belgium and of a corner 
 of France, the Battle of the 
 Marne, the Russian advance in 
 Galicia and East Prussia and 
 the beginning of the Russian re- 
 treat thru Poland. The German 
 colonies were all annexed, with 
 the exception of German East 
 Africa, and futile attempts were 
 made at Gallipoli and in Meso- 
 potamia to break the military 
 strength of Turkey. During the 
 second year a deadlock in the 
 west, and disastrous for the 
 Allies elsewhere, Russia was 
 expelled from Poland, Courland 
 and the greater part of Ga- 
 licia, and Serbia and Monte- 
 negro fell before the advancing 
 armies of the Central Powers. 
 Italy, France and Great Brit- 
 ain could accomplish nothing 
 but resistance, and the only fa- 
 vorable omen for the Allied 
 cause was the German failure 
 before Verdun. The third year 
 was marked by four events of 
 outstanding importance : the 
 Russian revolution, the inter- 
 vention of America, the aban- 
 donment by Germany of a large 
 part of her conquests in France, 
 and the renewal of ruthless 
 submarine warfare on a most menacing 
 scale. Three of these events were fa- 
 vorable to the cause of the Entente 
 Allies, but the fourth was hailed by 
 Germany as a prelude to an early vic- 
 tory. The story of the third year of 
 the Great War has been divided into 
 individual campaigns, preceded by a 
 general summary of the war consid- 
 ered as a test of endurance and of the 
 "staying power" of the two belligerent 
 groups. 
 
 THE TEST OF ENDURANCE 
 
 DURING the third year of the Great 
 War it became clear to every bellig- 
 erent that victory would incline to that 
 side which could afford to suffer long- 
 est the strain which war imposed upon 
 the armies and the civilian population. 
 The possibility of a decisive victory in 
 the field was not excluded, but the meth- 
 ods of trench warfare and the facili- 
 ties afforded by the aeroplane for de- 
 tecting the maneuvers of the other side 
 made such victories impossible except 
 against an enemy whose numbers, sup- 
 plies or military spirit had been seri- 
 ously diminished before the battle. On 
 the other hand, it was no less evident 
 that economic exhaustion would not of 
 itself end the war unless supported by 
 vigorous military action. The Central 
 Powers, cut off from trade with the 
 
 Allied and neutral world by a three 
 years' blockade, have not 
 vet run short of any neces- 
 
 chant fleet now building. With 
 the other Allies the greatest 
 danger is not insufficiency of 
 food, but the difficulty of secur- 
 ing adequate railroad transpor- 
 tation. The loss of merchant 
 tonnage is unknown, as the Brit- 
 ish Government, which is the 
 greatest sufferer from the Ger- 
 man submarine activity, pub- 
 lishes only statistics of the num- 
 ber of vessels sunk and does not 
 mention particular ships. Vari- 
 ous estimates place the total de- 
 struction at from 500,000 to up- 
 ward of 1,000,000 tons a month. 
 Probably six or seven hundred 
 thousand is about correct. 
 
 THE belligerent nations are 
 enduring the financial drain 
 on their resources even more 
 successfully than the economic 
 effect of the naval blockades. 
 The great loans which are year- 
 ly floated are still as a rule 
 oversubscribed within a few 
 weeks of their issue, and the 
 crushing burden of war taxa- 
 tion is still willingly borne by 
 the taxpayers. The warring na- 
 tions have not even resorted to 
 the reckless printing of unre- 
 deemable paper money which in 
 previous great wars has been 
 the usual expedient of govern- 
 ments in financial distress. Of 
 course the economic strain is 
 not unfelt. Quite apart from 
 the heavy taxes; the steady in- 
 sity of war. The German counter- crease in prices, the growing scarcity 
 blockade of the Allies has so disap- of capital for industrial enterprizes and 
 pointed the hopes of the German peo- the rising rates of interest bring home 
 pie that its relative failure is consid- the huge cost of the war to the public. 
 ered chiefly responsible for the pres- Estimates differ as to the cost of the 
 ent political crisis within the Empire, war, but it seems likely that the direct 
 The sinking of merchant ships by sub- cost to the governments concerned for 
 marines continues far more rapidly the whole three years must be placed at 
 than the vessels can be replaced, but over $90,000,000,000, or an average of 
 not rapidly enough to create a food considerably more than $82,000,000 a 
 
 crisis in England this year, and by 1918 
 the British hope to have a much larger 
 area under cultivation and to have the 
 assistance of the new American mer- 
 
 THE COUNTRIES 
 
 THAT HAVE BROKEN 
 
 WITH 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Japan 
 
 British Empire 
 
 Liberia 
 
 Bolivia 
 
 Montenegro 
 
 Brazil 
 
 Nicaragua 
 
 China 
 
 Panama 
 
 Cuba 
 
 Portugal 
 
 France 
 
 Rumania 
 
 Greece 
 
 Russia 
 
 Guatemala 
 
 San Domingo 
 
 Hayti 
 
 Serbia 
 
 Honduras 
 
 Siam 
 
 Italy 
 
 U. S. of America 
 
 Names italicized are of countries 
 
 actually at war. 
 
 day. This estimate makes no allowance 
 for the United States, which has still 
 to spend the greater part of its first 
 year's war budget, or for the neutral 
 nations which have had to expand their 
 armaments to protect their neutrality. 
 As time goes on, the cost of war tends 
 to increase with the larger forces put 
 into the field, the growing interest on 
 national loans, and the enlargement of 
 munitions factories. A day's war today 
 costs the world two or three times what 
 it did in the autumn of 1914. The En- 
 tente Allies, as might be expected from 
 their greater numbers and vaster ag- 
 g-regate wealth, are spending two dol- 
 lars to every dollar spent by the Cen- 
 tral Powers. Great Britain alone is 
 spending some $35,000,000 a day, but 
 this figures includes loans to her allies. 
 Besides economic pressure and finan- 
 cial loss there is a third element in bel- 
 ligerent endurance, the loss in man 
 
territory held by the Allies ; 
 var. The white parts of tho 
 
 AUTOCRACY DEFIES THE WORLD 
 The black portion of this map shows the territory now dominated by the Central Powers. The line-shading indicates 
 and the dotted countries are those which have severed diplomatic relations with Germany, but are not actually at 
 
 map indicate all that is left of neutrality 
 
 power. This is not a mere question of ing among the Entente Allies is fully oning the French contingent at Salon 
 population, for it is doubtful if the two-thirds greater than the losses ica, seems to have reached her maxi- 
 popu'ation' of any of the larger bellig- of the Central Powers. Russia has mum military strength; but England 
 
 lost the most heavily, both in cas- 
 ualties on the field and in number 
 of prisoners taken; Germany and 
 France come next in respect to casual- 
 ties, the German losses probably some- 
 what the greater, but neither nas had 
 hardships of incessant trench warfare, so many prisoners captured by the 
 Moreover the battle lines are stretched enemy as Austria-Hungary, whose cas- 
 
 over so many hundreds of miles that ualties have been comparatively light, keeping largo reserves behind the bat- 
 either side can compel a general re- France, with about two and a half mil- tie line to reinforce each new German 
 treat if it can so reduce the number of lion men on the western front, not reck- offensive or ward off each new hostile 
 enemy effectives as to pre- 
 
 erent nations, with the possible excep- 
 tion of France, can show an absolute 
 decrease during the last three years. 
 But in this war the cost in lives falls 
 almost wholly upon the physically fit 
 young men, who alone can endure the 
 
 still has many hundreds of thousands 
 of men in training; Italy has employed 
 only a part of her military effectives, 
 and the United States and Russia are 
 practically inexhaustible sources of man 
 power, provided that these nations can 
 solve the difficulties of transport and 
 supply. Germany and her allies are still 
 
 vent the sending of re- 
 serves to strengthen any 
 part of the line which may 
 be selected for attack. The 
 number of killed can only 
 be guessed at, but it seems 
 to be somewhere near the 
 five million mark. A much 
 smaller number, perhaps 
 only one and a half mil- 
 lion, have been so serious- 
 ly wounded as to be use- 
 less thereafter at or be- 
 hind the front. The total 
 numbar of wounded is 
 about three times as great 
 as the number killed, but 
 the majority of those who 
 survive recover sufficiently 
 under the excellent care 
 afforded by modern mili- 
 tary hospitals to see serv- 
 ice again in the trenches, 
 and many others can be 
 used to replace uninjured 
 men in civil employment 
 and so release them for 
 the trenches. The death 
 list from disease is nota- 
 bly small in the present 
 war and can be considered 
 important only in the 
 Balkan and Turkish cam- 
 paigns. The number of 
 killed, wounded and miss- 
 
 FOR PURPOSES OF COMPARISON 
 In this chart showing the territory and population of the belligerents each 
 dot stands for five million people and the size of the circles indicates the 
 total territory now in possession of the countries named without consid- 
 ering the gains or losses in Europe during the war. The Central Powers 
 are shaded. The Allied Powers have about thirty times the territory and 
 more than six times the population as well as the advantage of being 
 able to draw supplies from the outside world 
 
 attack. It is apparent that 
 if the war is to be decided 
 by the number of casual- 
 ties alone, many months of 
 battle lie ahead of us and 
 the final blow may be 
 struck by the American 
 army when it is increased 
 to the proportions of the 
 gigantic military estab- 
 lishments of continental 
 Europe. 
 THE ALLIED OFFENSIVE IN 
 
 THE WEST 
 July 1, 1916 — Somme valley of- 
 fensive started. 
 July 26. 1916 — British occupy 
 
 Pozieres. 
 September 4. 1916 — French cap- 
 
 ture Soyecourt. 
 September 26. 1916 — Combles and 
 
 Thiepval taken by Allies. 
 October 24. 1916 — French regain 
 
 lost ground before Verdun. 
 November 13, 1916 — British open 
 
 offensive on the Ancre. 
 March 17, 1917— Baupaume cap- 
 tured: beginning of general 
 German retreat. 
 April 9. 1917 — Canadians storm 
 Vimy ridge near Arras. 
 
 The entrenched war 
 frontier which extends 
 from the Swiss boundary 
 to the ocean has for 
 nearly three years been 
 the scene of the greatest, 
 bloodiest and longest con- 
 tinuous military action in 
 human history. Until the 
 summer of 1916 neither 
 
side, in spite of many costly experi- 
 ments, was able to advance its position 
 sufficiently to gain any strategic ad- 
 vantage, but not a day passed without 
 either assault or cannonade on some 
 part of the long line. The "battle" 
 of the Aisne became a "campaign" 
 and finally a "siege"; the trenches 
 were elaborated from mere ditches 
 into fortifications and winter encamp- 
 ments; the superiority in numbers 
 and munitionment passed from the 
 hands of the Germans to the Allies, 
 but all these changes made no change 
 in the war map. The spring drive 
 planned by the French and British was 
 postponed till July because of the ear- 
 lier German assault on the fortified city 
 of Verdun, which required all the re- 
 sources of the western Allies to repel. 
 
 During the first two weeks of July 
 the British and French acting in con- 
 cert had forced back the German line 
 on both sides of the Somme for an 
 average distance of nearly four miles, 
 but their progress was much slower 
 after the Germans rallied their reserves 
 to halt the advance. The Allies strove 
 not only to push the German line far- 
 ther to the rear but to widen the zone 
 of battle as well. To effect this purpose, 
 the British hammered constantly at the 
 German entrenchments around Thiep- 
 val in the valley of the Ancre, while the 
 French bent the German line south and 
 east near Soyecourt. But in spite of 
 every effort winter found the British 
 and French still short of the two towns, 
 Bapaume and Peronne, which had been 
 the objectives of the advance along the 
 Somme. During the campaign in the 
 Ancre valley the British introduced for 
 the first time the use of "tanks," or 
 armored automobiles carried on cater- 
 pillar tractors. 
 
 In the spring of 1917 the German 
 military authorities decided that they 
 could no longer afford to maintain their 
 old positions in the face of another 
 Allied drive. With skill and secrecy the 
 German forces were withdrawn to a 
 shorter and better located line of en- 
 trenchments running just west of St. 
 Quentin, La Fere and Laon. While re- 
 treating the Germans so thoroly devas- 
 tated the country that the Allies could 
 not for many days occupy all the posi- 
 
 SOME OF THE PROMINENT MEN 
 DISPLACED DURING THE WAR 
 
 M0NARCHS 
 
 Pope Pius X (died) 
 
 Francis Joseph of Austria-Hungary 
 
 (died) 
 Carol I of Rumania (died) 
 President Yuan Shih-Kai of China 
 
 (died) 
 Nicholas II of Russia (deposed) 
 Constantine of Greece (deposed) 
 Emperor Hsuan-Tung of China (de- 
 posed) 
 Albert of Belgium (in exile) 
 Peter of Serbia (in exile) 
 Nicholas of Montenegro (in exile) 
 Wilhelm of Albania (in exile) 
 
 STATESMEN 
 
 Premier Asquith of Great Britain. 
 
 Chancellor von Bethmann-IIollweg of 
 Germany 
 
 Premier Briand of France 
 
 Premier Yiviani of France 
 
 Premier Stiirgkh of Austria (assas- 
 sinated) 
 
 Premier Tisza of Hungary 
 
 Premier Gorcmykin of Russia 
 
 Premier Stiirmer of Russia 
 
 Premier Trepoff of Russia 
 
 Premier Lvoff of Russia 
 
 Foreign Minister Grey of Great Bri- 
 tain 
 
 Foreign Minister von Jagoiv of Ger- 
 many 
 
 Foreign Minister Ziinmevmann of Ger- 
 many 
 
 Foreign Minister Sazonoff of Russia 
 
 Secretary of State Bryan of the United 
 States 
 I Minister of War Kitchener of Great 
 Britain (died) 
 
 GENERALS 
 
 Marshal Joffre of France 
 General Nivelle of France 
 General French of Great Britain 
 General von Moltke of Germany 
 General von Kluck of Germany 
 General Rennenkanipf of Russia 
 Grand Duke Nicholas of Russia 
 
 tions which had been abandoned and 
 bring up their artillery and supplies for 
 a renewal of the attack. After the Brit- 
 ish and French had dug their new en- 
 trenchments they repeated with some 
 success their former tactics of striking 
 at the points where the new German 
 position joined the old. At the extreme 
 south of the new German line the 
 French captured Craonne, and east of 
 Arras the British made a considerable 
 advance and within a few days took 
 more than thirty thousand prisoners. 
 
 RUMANIA INTERVENES 
 
 August 29 ; 1916 — Rumania declares war on Aus- 
 tria. Rumanians enter Hungary. 
 
 August 31, 1916 — Turkey and Bulgaria declare war 
 on Rumania. 
 
 October 6, 1916 — Kronstadt recaptured by Austro- 
 Hungarian forces. 
 
 October 23. 1916 — Mackensen takes Constanza. 
 
 November 21, 1916 — Rumanians lose Craiova. 
 
 December 6, 1916— Fall of Bucharest. 
 
 Of all the campaigns of the past 
 year the most encouraging to the Cen- 
 tral Powers and the most disappoint- 
 ing to the hopes of the Entente Allies 
 was the four months' contest which 
 ended in the elimination of the King- 
 dom of Rumania from the list of active 
 belligerents. Rumanian intervention had 
 ever since the beginning of the Great 
 War been one of the main objects of 
 diplomacy. The fact that the Rumanians 
 of Transylvania had many grievances 
 against their Hungarian rulers and the 
 encouraging example of the Russian 
 successes in Galicia induced Rumania 
 to join the Entente Allies and begin an 
 immediate invasion of Transylvania. 
 The armies of Austria-Hungary were 
 already hard pressed on the Galician, 
 Italian and Balkan fronts, and it was 
 expected that the intervention of Ru- 
 mania, which was said to have the 
 largest and best army in southeastern 
 Europe, would decide the fate of the 
 Hapsburg monarchy. By the end of Au- 
 gust the Rumanians had overrun a 
 large part of Transylvania and taken 
 the important city of Kronstadt. 
 
 But at the same time that the Ru- 
 manians were spreading their conquests 
 westward a combined force of Germans, 
 Bulgarians and Turks entered the 
 Dobrudja, a coast land lying between 
 the Danube and the Black Sea, and 
 prest northward until they had taken 
 the railroad line which reaches the sea 
 at Constanza. To meet this new peril, 
 the Rumanians had to withdraw their 
 army of invasion from Transylvania 
 and they were soon confronted by a 
 double attack; General von Mackensen 
 pushing swiftly thru the Dobrudja and 
 General von Falkenhayn leading a 
 counter-invasion from the west. Caught 
 between these two armies, the Ruman- 
 ians only saved their army by abandon- 
 ing their capital and the whole southern 
 half of their country. Russia sent aid, 
 but for some unexplained reason the 
 Russian forces arrived too tardily to 
 
 (c' llioiat it b:iws<»i 
 
 "IF YOU WANT TO WIN YOUR BATTLES, TAKE AN' WORK YOUR BLOOMIN' GUNS" 
 
save the situation. Rumania still holds 
 out against its foes in the northern 
 province of Moldavia, but the rich agri- 
 cultural region of Wallachia, "a land 
 of corn and oil," is now supplying the 
 Central Powers with the grain neces- 
 sary to forestall a famine and the pe- 
 troleum necessary for motor traction. 
 
 THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION 
 November 21, 1916 — Sturmer resigns Russian pre- 
 
 miership. 
 March 11, 1917 — Czar declares Duma adjourned. 
 March 12, 1917 — Duma declares Czar deposed. 
 March 15. 1317 — Czar abdicates throne. 
 
 It is a common saying that the Cri- 
 mean War freed the serfs, the Japan- 
 ese War created the Duma, and the 
 Great War overthrew the Romanoff dy- 
 nasty. In each instance the test of war 
 showed as nothing else could do how 
 autocratic rule had demoralized the 
 civil government and impaired the effi- 
 ciency of the army and so lent weight 
 to the demand for reforms. The first 
 great Russian offensive, which had 
 swept forward to Konigsberg and Cra- 
 cow, ended in the loss of all Russian 
 Poland and Courland. The second Rus- 
 sian offensive soon came to a standstill 
 while Rumania was overrun and the 
 promised aid from Russia did not ar- 
 rive. The transportation system of the 
 country became so badly entangled that 
 munitions could not reach the trenches 
 or foodstuffs reach the cities. Added to 
 all this notorious inefficiency was the 
 rumor of treason; the pacifistic Czar 
 and the pro-German court were gener- 
 ally believed, it is impossible to say how 
 justly, to have negotiated a separate 
 peace. Popular anger sometimes found 
 vent, as in the assassination of the re- 
 actionary court favorite Rasputin and 
 in the forced resignation of Premier 
 Sturmer, but the Czar and his advisers 
 refused to concede anything to popular 
 clamor and finally ordered the adjourn- 
 ment of the Duma. 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 50 
 
 40 
 30 
 20 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 L 
 
 
 
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 -N 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 
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 4 11 18 25 J 8 15 2229 6 13 2 27 3 H>17 2* 1 » 15 
 Mar-' '—Apr — "-May— ' ^June— "-July- 1 
 
 TWENTY WEEKS OF THE SUBMARINE 
 
 This line indicates the number of British ships 
 
 sunk during the weeks ending on the dates 
 
 mentioned 
 
 The attempt to dismiss the Duma 
 came at a crisis in the food situation. 
 Hunger riots broke out in Petrograd 
 which the troops refused to suppress. 
 The Duma declared itself the provi- 
 sional government, and the Czar 
 promptly resigned the throne to his 
 brother, the Grand Duke Michael. But 
 the Grand Duke Michael refused to be- 
 come Czar unless a popular plebiscite 
 declared him Russia's choice, and so 
 the provisional government remained 
 republican in form. The new govern- 
 ment imprisoned the Czar and his reac- 
 tionary advisers, restored the national 
 liberties of Finland, abolished the legal 
 discriminations against the Jews, re- 
 formed the harsh discipline in the 
 army, freed all the political prisoners 
 in Siberia, and called into consultation 
 a Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' 
 Delegates. The army not only support- 
 ed this sweeping program of reform, 
 but showed a disposition to carry the 
 
 revolution farther than the Duma de- 
 sired, and, until the Socialist deputy 
 Kerensky became Minister of War, 
 there was real danger that military 
 discipline would wholly disappear. Even 
 the inspiration of early victories did 
 not prevent some regiments from de- 
 serting ther duty when the Germans 
 began their counter-attack. The prog- 
 ress of the war was further hampered 
 by the tendency of some parts of Rus- 
 sia, notably Finland and the Ukraine 
 (Little Russia), to proclaim their vir- 
 tual independence from effective con- 
 trol by the Petrograd government. 
 
 THE THIRD RUSSIAN OFFENSIVE 
 
 September 8, 1916 — Brusiloff halts at Halicz; cul- 
 mination of second Russian offensive. 
 
 July 1, 1917 — Russians take Koniuchy; beginning 
 of third offensive. 
 
 July 10, 1917— Russians occupy Halicz. 
 
 July 19. 1917 — Germans begin counter-attack. 
 
 After General Brusiloff's advance in 
 Galicia had been checked by the com- 
 bined armies of Germany and Austria- 
 Hungary, the battle line of eastern 
 Europe from Riga to the Carpathians 
 remained unaltered and almost quies- 
 cent until the following July. The win- 
 ter weather would in any case have 
 checked military operations, but it is 
 certain that the Russians could not 
 have made a very vigorous drive even 
 if the weather had been favorable, 
 since they had largely exhausted the 
 store of ammunition with which they 
 began the campaign and were also 
 hampered by the disloyalty and incom- 
 petence of the civil administration. Af- 
 ter the deposition of the Czar the Rus- 
 sian revolutionists were divided into 
 two parties on the question of prose- 
 cuting the war; some favoring a war 
 to the end against German autocracy 
 and others a speedy peace "without an- 
 nexations or indemnities." While the 
 Duma and the Council of Workmen's 
 and Soldiers' Delegates debated the is- 
 
 THE TEETH OF THE BRITISH LION 
 
STAR BOMBS ON THE WESTERN FRONT 
 
 sues of peace and war, the soldiers 
 fraternized with their German foes in 
 the trenches, and Germany refrained 
 from breaking- the informal truce in the 
 hope of persuading the Russians to 
 make a separate peace. 
 
 On the first day of July the Russian 
 army under General Brusiloff and War 
 Minister Kerensky, the Russian "organ- 
 izer of victory," began its advance on 
 Lemberg. Koniuchy and Halicz soon 
 fell into their hands and thousands of 
 
 prisoners were captured. Several Czech 
 regiments deserted bodily to the Rus- 
 sians at the first opportunity. Pressing 
 their advantage, the Russian army 
 made an immense forward sweep south 
 of the Dniester as far as the Lomnica 
 River. But the time consumed in these 
 operations enabled the Germans to 
 shift their reserves to the eastern front 
 and block the Russian advance with 
 fresh troops. Directly east of Lemberg 
 they struck the Russian line and, aided 
 
 by the treason of one of the regiments 
 confronting them, they drove back the 
 Russians on a wide front. Fearing the 
 total collapse of the Russian defense 
 and the loss of all the fruits of the rev- 
 olution, the Council of Workmen's and 
 Soldiers' Delegates approved the choic- 
 of War Minister Kerensky as Premier, 
 and clothed him with all the powers of 
 a dictator. The German drive not only 
 wiped out the gains made by the third 
 Russian offensive but reconquered most 
 
 (3) 
 

 ■~<SC • -^ - - v— - , - 
 
 -^^S 
 
 Underwood & Underwood 
 
 of the territory won by General Brusi- 
 loff during the 1916 campaign. 
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN 
 August 9, 1916 — Italians take Gorizia. 
 August 27, 1916 — Italy declares war on Germany. 
 May 12. 1917 — Italians make new drive on the 
 Carso. 
 
 The campaign in the mountains of 
 the Austrian border may be summed 
 up by saying that the Austrians have 
 accomplished nothing and the Italians 
 very little. This does not mean that the 
 struggle has been less persistent in this 
 theater of war than in any other; 
 fighting has been almost incessant and 
 the losses on both sides heavy. But the 
 difficulties of highland warfare have 
 barred the Italians from their goal of 
 Trieste, and in the Trentino the oppos- 
 ing armies appear to be practically 
 deadlocked. The Italians have suc- 
 ceeded, however, in taking Gorizia, in 
 occupying the whole Isonzo valley to 
 the south of this city, and in advancing 
 their trenches on the Carso plateau. 
 
 It must be remembered in recording 
 the slow progress of the Italian army 
 against Austria that during the past 
 year Italy has diverted many soldiers 
 to join the Allies in Macedonia. The 
 Italians have taken an active part in 
 Grecian affairs, established a protector- 
 ate in Albania and undertaken to a 
 great extent the policing of the Med- 
 iterranean and the Adriatic. The Ital- 
 ian commission in the United States re- 
 ported a great development of muni- 
 tions manufacture. 
 
 THE WAR IN THE BALKANS 
 August 16. 1916 — French take positions on the 
 
 Serbian border. 
 August 27. 1916 — Bulgarians occupy Kavala. 
 September 27. 1916 — Venizelos begins revolutionary 
 
 movement in Crete. 
 October 11. 1916 — Allies take over Greek fleet. 
 November 19, 1916 — Monastir reoccupied. 
 June 12, 1917 — King Constantino deposed. 
 
 Altho Greece and Albania were neu- 
 tral countries, they were the theater of 
 the principal campaign in the Balkans 
 after the withdrawal of the British ex- 
 pedition against Gallipoli and the con- 
 quest of Serbia and Montenegro by the 
 Central Powers. The object of the En- 
 tente Allies was to regain Serbia and 
 Montenegro and thus sever Bulgaria 
 
 TOMMIES IN TRAINING 
 
 and Turkey from Germany and Aus- 
 tria-Hungary. To effect this purpose 
 they occupied the Greek city of Salon- 
 ica and gathered there one of the most 
 heterogeneous armies that the world 
 has ever seen. Nearly all of the Allies 
 had contingents on the Salonica front, 
 but the bulk of the army was English, 
 French, Italian and Serbian. During 
 the summer and autumn of 1916 the 
 Allies fought their way to the northern 
 boundary of Greece and the central 
 part of Albania and at last captured 
 the important city of Monastir on the 
 Serbian side of the frontier. In the 
 meantime the Bulgarians occupied the 
 city of Kavala in the extreme north- 
 eastern corner of Greece and expelled 
 the Greek garrison. On the whole, the 
 Salonica campaign was a disappoint- 
 ment, since the measure of success it 
 achieved was not proportionate to the 
 size of the army which was withdrawn 
 from other fronts in the expectation of 
 important victories in the Balkan the- 
 ater of war. Italy has declared a pro- 
 tectorate over Albania and effectively 
 occupied the southern and western 
 parts of the country. 
 
 While Greece was furnishing a bat- 
 tleground for the contending powers, it 
 was also torn by civil war. The parti- 
 zans of the Cretan statesman Venizelos 
 fought on the side of the Allies at 
 every opportunity in spite of the offi- 
 cial neutrality of King Constantine and 
 his secretly pro-German sympathies. In 
 order to revent the Greek King from 
 extending aid to the Central Powers, 
 the Allies acted in the most arbitrary 
 fashion, commandeering ships, blocking 
 ports, occupying garrison towns, sup- 
 porting the Venizelos revolution, and 
 finally deposing King Constantine in 
 favor of his son Alexander. When King 
 Alexander ascended the throne he made 
 Venizelos again premier and broke off 
 diplomatic relations with the Central 
 Powers. 
 
 THE TURKISH CAMPAIGN 
 February 26. 1917— British take Kut-el-Amara 
 March 6, 1917 — British reach southern boundary of 
 
 Palestine. 
 March 11, 1917— Bagdad falls. 
 
 The vast outlying territories of Asi- 
 atic Turkey are the weakest part of 
 the military system of the Central 
 Powers. They are the farthest from 
 Prussia, the heart and soul of the alli- 
 ance, of all the lands dominated by 
 German arms; they are miserably de- 
 fective in the means of rapid trans- 
 formation, and with few exceptions 
 their inhabitants are disloyal to their 
 Ottoman rulers. It is then small 
 cause for wonder that much of this re- 
 gion has fallen into the hands of the 
 Allied nations. Rather should we be 
 surprized that the Russians and the 
 British have not been able to penetrate 
 yet farther into the interior of the 
 Turkish domains. 
 
 The British have accomplished ra- 
 ther more. They retrieved their defeat 
 of the previous year at Kut-el-Amara 
 by recapturing the city and continuing 
 their advance thru Mesopotamia to 
 Bagdad. In the west they repulsed 
 a Turkish demonstration against the 
 Suez Canal and organized a counter- 
 offensive which followed the historic 
 route of Moses and the Children of Is- 
 rael from Egypt to the borders of Pal- 
 estine. Like Moses, however, they seem 
 to be fated to behold the Holy Land 
 without being able to occupy it. The 
 Arabs have fallen away from Turkish 
 rule altogether and have organized the 
 independent Kingdom of Hejaz under 
 the protection of the British. 
 
 On the first day of 1917 the Turkish 
 Government, with German sanction it 
 may be supposed, repudiated all treat- 
 ies and agreements with Christian pow- 
 ers by which the Ottoman Empire was 
 subject to the supervision of the "con- 
 cert of Europe." This action places 
 Turkey on an equal diplomatic footing 
 with other members of the society of 
 nations and is probably the only gain 
 that the Ottomans can expect from the 
 war even in the case of a German tri- 
 umph. If the Entente Allies win the 
 war they are pledged to the liberation 
 of the non-Turkish peoples of the Otto- 
 
man Empire, which would confine the 
 Turkish dominions to Asia Minor and 
 place under some new rule Arabia, 
 Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine, Arme- 
 nia and Turkey in Europe. Fear of this 
 possibility has tempted the Turkish rul- 
 ers to countenance horrible massacres 
 of Armenians, Syrians, Jews and 
 Greeks. 
 
 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 December 12, 1916 — German Chancellor makes 
 peace overture. 
 
 December 18, 1916 — Wilson requests statement of 
 peace terms from belligerents. 
 
 January 10, 1917 — Entente Allies state peace 
 terms in joint reply to President Wilson. 
 
 January 13. 1917 — Germans reply to declaration 
 of Allies but refuse to state terms. Balfour 
 makes separate statement on the Turkish 
 question. 
 
 January 22, 1917 — Wilson addresses Senate on 
 "peace without victory." 
 
 July 19, 1917 — Chancellor Michaelis defines Ger- 
 man position. 
 
 For more than two and a half years 
 the warring armies of Europe fought 
 without knowing what measure of 
 achievement would be considered a "vic- 
 tory" by the governments whose inter- 
 ests they served. Any number of infor- 
 mal and unofficial peace programs were 
 set forth in the public press of Eng- 
 land, Germany, France and other coun- 
 tries, but the statesmen who alone 
 could speak with authority confined 
 themselves to generalities which might 
 serve to arouse but never to satisfy 
 speculation. In December. 1916, the 
 German Government offered to discuss 
 peace with the Entente Allies, and 
 President Wilson suggested to both 
 groups of belligerents that the time 
 had come for an interchange of views 
 
 and that if terms of peace were formu- 
 lated the aims of the two hostile 
 groups of nations might not be found to 
 differ so greatly as had been supposed. 
 The Entente Allies refused to entertain 
 the German suggestion of a peace con- 
 ference, but they agreed upon a joint 
 reply to President Wilson in which they 
 stated the objects for which they were 
 continuing the war. 
 
 The Allies' demands comprized the 
 abandonment by the Central Powers of 
 all their conquests during the present 
 war with indemnities to the invaded na- 
 tions; the restoration of "provinces or 
 territories wrested in the past from the 
 Allies"; the liberation of Italians, of 
 Slavs, of Rumanians, and of Czecho- 
 slovaks"; the "enfranchisement of pop- 
 ulations subject to the bloody tyranny 
 of the Turks"; the reunion of Poland, 
 and the expulsion of the Ottoman Em- 
 pire from Europe. These terms appar- 
 ently still stand as the peace platform 
 of the Allied nations and to them must 
 be added the surrender of German 
 overseas colonies which, altho not men- 
 tioned in the note, seems to be demand- 
 ed by public opinion in Japan, South 
 Africa and Australia. 
 
 On January 22 President Wilson ad- 
 drest the American Senate and out- 
 lined his views of the basis of a just 
 peace. He believed that peace should 
 come by common consent, not by vic- 
 tory; that the rights of nationalities to 
 self-government should receive recog- 
 nition; that the freedom of the seas 
 
 should be guaranteed and every nation 
 given free commercial access to the sea, 
 and that all nations should unite into 
 a league for their common security. 
 These suggestions were at the time un- 
 favorably received by both sides, altho 
 they have found a reflection in the 
 formula of "peace without annexation 
 or indemnities" adopted by the Council 
 of Russian Workmen and Soldiers 
 Delegates after the revolution and by 
 the Social Democratic Party in Ger- 
 many. By a coalition with members of 
 the Center (Clerical) and the Radical 
 parties the Socialists secured from the 
 Reichstag a declaration which, in gen- 
 eral terms, affirmed the idea of an 
 early peace based on the map of 1914 
 and repudiated all suggestions of an 
 economic "war after the war." Because 
 the Reichstag delayed the vote on the 
 war credits, the Kaiser was forced to 
 remove from office Chancellor von 
 Bethmann-Hollweg, who had held office 
 thruout the war. The new Chancellor, 
 Georg Michaelis, refused to promise the 
 introduction of parliamentary govern- 
 ment or to make any definite offer of 
 peace. 
 
 THE AMERICAN INTERVENTION 
 
 January 31, 1917 — Germany declares new barred 
 zone in European waters and inaugurates ruth- 
 less submarine campaign. 
 
 February 3, 1917 — Ambassador Bernstorff dismissed 
 from Washington. 
 
 February 26, 1917 — President asks Congress for 
 authority to protect merchant ships. 
 
 March 4. 1917 — Congress adjourns without taking 
 action. 
 
 April 2, 1917 — President asks Congress for a 
 declaration of war against Germany. 
 
 April 4, 1917 — Senate declares war. 
 
 
 
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 Drawn by G. Bron for the London Sphere © New York Herald 
 
 HOW TO TAKE THE GERMAN TRENCHES 
 
 This diagrammatic view of British soldiers attacking under cover of barrage fire shows four stages of the advance, tho of course in actual attack 
 it is uninterrupted, the men following just after the "monstrous moving carapace of metal." As a British soldier describes it: "As soon as our 
 men left the trenches our gunners laid down a barrage in front of them and made a moving wall of sheik ahead of them, a frightful thing to 
 follow, but the safest. It was a wonderfully scientific barrage that dropt in front of the advancing English battalion ; it curtained the ground 
 we were sweeping over, and it countered the waiting German batteries beyond the ridge" 
 
April 6, 1917 — House of Representatives declares 
 
 April 8, 1917 — Austria-Hungary breaks off diplo- 
 matic relations with the United States. 
 
 April 22, 1917 — British and French war missions 
 arrive in America. 
 
 The German reply to the peace 
 overtures of the United States came as 
 a shock to the American public, which 
 had believed that peace in Europe was 
 near and that in any case the danger 
 that the war would spread to this side 
 of the Atlantic was safely past. More 
 than once had the German submarine 
 warfare against neutral and enemy 
 merchant ships strained diplomatic re- 
 lations to the breaking point, but when, 
 in May, 1916, Germany pledged not to 
 sink passenger ships without warning, 
 this promise, altho conditioned on the 
 eventual modification of the British 
 blockade and violated in certain indi- 
 vidual instances, was relied upon to 
 enable us to keep out of the war. The 
 Federal Government was better in- 
 formed than the nation at large and 
 the repeated and zealous efforts which 
 it made to end the war were partly 
 inspired by a well-justified belief that 
 if the war continued much longer Ger- 
 many would renew her submarine cam- 
 paign. On the last day of January the 
 German Government announced the es- 
 tablishment of a barred zone in the 
 North Sea, the Mediterranean and the 
 northeastern Atlantic thru which no 
 ships whatever would be permitted to 
 pass in safety. 
 
 President Wilson at once dismissed 
 the German Ambassador and refused 
 to renew diplomatic relations with the 
 German Government. His attempted 
 compromize between peace and war, 
 "armed neutrality," was frustrated by 
 the obstinacy of a little group of Sen- 
 ators who in the closing hours of the 
 session talked to death the bill author- 
 izing the arming of merchantmen. 
 When Germany followed the proclama- 
 tion of ruthless submarine warfare by 
 overt acts against American lives and 
 American ships, President Wilson re- 
 quested from the new Congress the 
 
 authority to make war. The Senate by 
 a vote of 82 to 6 and the House of 
 Representatives by a majority of 373 
 to 50 approved the declaration of war. 
 The action of the United States was 
 soon followed by Cuba's declaration of 
 war and by the severance of diplomatic 
 relations between Germany and Brazil, 
 Bolivia, Hayti, San Domingo, Panama, 
 Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras. 
 All the other nations of South and 
 Central America, in one way or an- 
 other, showed strong sympathy with 
 the American cause and only in Mexico 
 was there any possibility of action in 
 the interests of Germany. 
 
 The German Government knew, and 
 even overestimated, the strength of 
 Mexican resentment against "the Co- 
 lossus of the North," as Latin-American 
 writers sometimes call the United 
 States, and the German Foreign Sec- 
 retary, Alfred Zimmermann, counted on 
 the support of Mexico in a war with 
 the United States. He offered the Mex- 
 ican Government Texas, New Mexico 
 and Arizona as the spoils of victory 
 and further suggested that Mexico 
 detach Japan from the Entente Allies 
 by timely mediation. But the note con- 
 taining this suggestion was intercepted 
 and its publication had much to do with 
 converting the American public to a 
 belief in the necessity of war. 
 
 OUR PART IN THE GREAT WAR 
 June 5, 1917 — Ten million men registered for 
 
 military service. 
 June 15, 1917 — Liberty loan oversubscribed. 
 June 26, 1917 — American army contingent reaches 
 
 a French port. 
 
 When the German Government re- 
 sumed its policy of unrestricted sub- 
 marine warfare it reckoned with the 
 possibility of American intervention 
 but did not consider that it would 
 seriously diminish the chances of vic- 
 tory. Indeed it was freely predicted 
 that the United States would be more 
 of a help to the Entente Allies as a 
 neutral than as a belligerent, because 
 the war might be ended before this 
 country could raise and equip a large 
 
 army and in the meantime the effort to 
 do so would curtail our export of war 
 munitions upon which England, France 
 and Italy largely relied. This was, per- 
 haps, the most serious miscalculation 
 that Germany made during the course 
 of the entire war. 
 
 Congress promptly authorized the 
 Government to borrow $7,000,000,000 
 foi the prosecution of the war and to 
 loan a large part of this sum to the 
 Entente Allies. The first $2,000,000,000 
 "Liberty Loan" was oversubscribed by 
 about fifty per cent within a few weeks 
 of the opening of subscriptions. The 
 President appointed Mr. Hoover, the 
 man who saved Belgium from starva- 
 tion, as food administrator and laid 
 before Congress a far-reaching plan of 
 food conservation. To frustrate the sub- 
 marine blockade the Administration 
 undertook the building of a great mer- 
 chant fleet of steel and wooden ships 
 and placed the work under General 
 Goethals, the builder of the Panama 
 Canal. A war mission under Mr. Root 
 was sent to Russia to reorganize the 
 transportation system of that country 
 and to assure the people that we would 
 not desert the task we had set ourselves 
 until it was accomplished. 
 
 Not content with throwing the finan- 
 cial, industrial and agricultural re- 
 sources of the nation into the war, the 
 United States began, without delay, to 
 create an army for European service. 
 The men of the country, from twenty- 
 one to thirty years of age inclusive, 
 were enrolled as a body from which as 
 many soldiers as were necessary could 
 be drafted. While arrangements for the 
 draft were being completed, a part of 
 the regular army under General Per- 
 shing was conveyed to France and 
 volunteers were enlisted in the regular 
 army and the National Guard to bring 
 these organizations up to full war 
 strength. The National Guard was 
 transferred from state to Federal con- 
 trol and consolidated with the rest of 
 the army. 
 
 IN THE FOURTH YEAR OF THE WAR 
 
 August 14, 1917 — China declares war against 
 Germany and Austria-Hungary. 
 
 August 15 — Pope sends out appeal for peace. 
 
 August 20 — Italians make big advance along 
 Isonzo river. 
 
 August 26 — Kerensky opens Moscow conference. 
 
 August 27 — President Wilson answers Pope's 
 peace plea, 
 
 September 3— Germans take Riga. 
 
 September (J — House of Representatives passes 
 $11,500,000,000 war bond bill. 
 
 September 8 — Austrians halt Italian drive. 
 
 September 12 — Kerensky assumes command of 
 Russian army. Argentina dismisses German 
 Ambassador, Karl von Luxburg. 
 
 September 16 — Kerensky proclaims Russian re- 
 public. 
 
 September 20 — British gain near Ypres. 
 
 September 28 — Russian Democratic Congress 
 opens sessions. 
 
 September 30 — British defeat Turkish army in 
 Mesopotamia. 
 
 October 2 — Great Britain declares embargo on 
 exports to Holland and Scandinavia. 
 
 October 5 — Russian cabinet reorganized. Peru- 
 vian Congress votes to break with Germany. 
 
 October 6 — Uruguay breaks with Germany. 
 
 October 10 — President Wilson proclaims food 
 licensing system. 
 
 October 17 — American transport "Antilles" 
 sunk on home voyage. 
 
 October 21 — Austrians and Germans attack 
 north of Gorizia; Italians forced to with- 
 draw from practically all territory taken 
 during summer campaign. 
 
 October 26 — Brazil declares war on Germany. 
 
 October 27 — Second Liberty Loan oversubscribed. 
 American soldiers reported in trenches for 
 first time. 
 
 October 28 — Austro-German forces take Gorizia 
 and Cividale. Italians retreat to Udine. 
 
 October 30 — Hertling succeeds Michaelis as Ger- 
 man Chancellor. 
 
 November 1 — German advance egainst Italy 
 continues ; Italians retreat across Taglia- 
 mento river. British occupy Beersheba in 
 Palestina, 
 
 November 2 — Germans retreat north of the 
 Aisne. 
 
 November 4 — Temporary Polish cabinet takes 
 office. 
 
 November 7 — Bolsheviki riots in Petrograd. 
 
 November 8 — Kerensky flees from Petrograd. 
 Austro-German army strikes Italian line at 
 the Livenza river. 
 
 November 9 — Russian revolutionary movement 
 spreads to Moscow. General Diaz succeeds 
 General Cadorna as head of Italian army. 
 
 November 12 — Lowest week's record of sub- 
 marine destruction, six British ships sunk. 
 
 November 13 — French cabinet resigns. Germans 
 drive Italians across Piave river. 
 
 November 15 — Georges Clemenceau appointed 
 new French premier. 
 
 November 16 — Bolsheviki bombard Moscow. 
 
 November 17 — British and German cruisers en- 
 gage in gun duel near Heligoland. 
 
 November IS— Turks retreat from Jaffa. Cos- 
 sack army blockades Petrograd. 
 
 November 24 — Secret Russian treaties published. 
 
 November 27 — Italians repulse attacks in upper 
 Brenta valley. 
 
 November 28 — Armistice negotiations begun with 
 Germany by Bolsheviki. 
 
 November 29 — Lord Lansdowne urges peace ne- 
 gotiations. 
 
 December 1 — Germans repulsed at Cambrai. 
 
 December 2 — Bolsheviki make armistice agree- 
 ment with Germany, releasing German 
 troops on Russian front for service else- 
 where. 
 
 December 7 — United States declares war again ;t 
 Austria-Hungary. 
 
 December 8 — United States destroyer "Jacob 
 Jones" reported sunk. 
 
 December 10 — British capture Jerusalem. 
 
 December 16 — Bolsheviki make truce with Ger- 
 many. 
 
 December 17 — Gei-man destroyers raid British 
 convoy, sinking eleven vessels. United 
 States House of Representatives and Senate 
 vote for national prohibition. 
 
 December 20 — German "Christmas peace" offer 
 published. 
 
 December 22 — Peace conference at BresULitovsk 
 between Bolsheviki and Germans. 
 
 December 27 — President Wilson appoints Secre- 
 tary McAdoo director-general of all rail- 
 roads in the United States. 
 
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 THE WAR IN THE AIR 
 
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 THE DESTRUCTION OF A ZEPPELIN 
 
 SPECTACULAR BATTLE OVER NO MAN S LAND. THE ZEPPELIN HAS BEEN STRUCK BY A SHELL FROM THE ALLIED 
 AEROPLANE, WHICH IS MAKING ITS SAFE ESCAPE. TWO GERMAN OFFICERS WATCH 
 THE FIGHT FROM A CAVE BEHIND THEIR LINES 
 
The shell-scarred battlefield of Verdun — the photograph from an aeroplane shows n, r trench lines, the redoubts (where the trenches 
 are looped) and the old ivories of Douaumont, in the upper part of the photograph, where the shell-craters cover the surface 
 
THE RAIN OF DEATH 
 
 Looking over a battlefield on the western front while the artillery blasts the way ahead for another Allied chari 
 
 THE SKELETON OF A CITY 
 How Verdun looked after being shelled for five months by heavy German fire for "political" and "sentimental" reasons 
 
Fighting in the dark — star shells from the German lines at the left and from the Belgians at the right. To the eye they 
 appear as a shooting ball of fire that for a moment lights up the terrain. The camera records them as a streak of light 
 
 Underwood & Underwood Janet M. Cummins 
 
 Ghostly enough is this Zeppelin over darkened London A bursting star shell suddenly silhouettes a French lookout 
 
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 © Underwood & Underwood 
 
 ivXl 
 
 / 
 
 4 four-act thriller :, i/ie destruction of an observation balloon and the escape of its crew. In the first picture the French war- 
 ptane has fired incendmry shells into the German balloon from which the observers have already dropt in their parachutes 
 Ln the next the parachutes open; and the crew are probably safe on the ground as the balloon finally bursts into flames 
 
© American Press 
 
 Defying the prince of the powers of the air in France — an aeroplane flying thru bursting shrapnel on the western front 
 
Photograph from London illustrated Avica 
 
 The airship in the role of hawk. These scouts for submarines were first used to furnish eyes for the British patrol fleet 
 
© International Film ' 
 
 A dirigible of our own — the aviation post at Pensacola, Florida, has been trying out this new type of war balloon 
 
 © Underwood & L'ndcrtcood 
 
 'Death astem! Pursuing British aeroplanes photographed from a Zeppelin raider. The white puffs are exploding bombs 
 

 That this war must be won with wings 
 has been generally accepted as an ax- 
 iom, but the constmiction of the wings is 
 a cosily and complex business. Every part 
 must be carefully examined and tested. 
 The picture beloiv shoivs a machine being 
 rolled out to have its engine tried. The 
 men above are constructing a frame. The 
 boy on the left is stitching the linen which 
 is to be stretched over wings and frame. 
 On the right is the finishing touch, paint- 
 ing on the emblem of the United States 
 
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 International Film 
 
 Corporal Hinkle's original design and directions for the Escadrille Indian head, enclosed in one of his letters home 
 
Kadtl & Herbert 
 
 OUT FOR THE EARLY FLIGHT 
 
 The men who blazed the trail for United States participation in the war — American aviators of the "Lafayette Escadrille" 
 
 frytissssi 
 
 >*- ~ i ,v ^c 
 
 A HYDROPLANE COMING IN 
 From a French observation balloon the occupants photographed this Allied hydroplane returning to its hangar 
 
AN AIR SCOUT'S STRATEGIC VIEW OF BATTLESHIP MANEUVERS 
 
 Underwood X- Underwood 
 
 The British identification 
 photograph was taken fro 
 
 THE EYES OF THE ARMY 
 arks on the tilings of this scouting plane seem to he staring straight do 
 
 another fighting plane flying over it at a hight of several 
 
 at the enemy trenches. This 
 thousand feet ahove the ground 
 
"H. M. S.' SAUSAGE' -THE BRITISH NAVY IN THE AIR «-*«*-. 
 
 Kiie-balloon S — otherwise known as "sausages"— are used all along the battle line to spot the enemy positions and to direct artillery 
 tire. Ihe oustle-hhe arrangement at the end holds the balloon steady. The lower photograph shows a dirigible guarding the coast 
 
 <4> 
 
WHAT A MAN MUST DO TO FLY 
 
 "past pointing," an important test 
 Try whirling round in a chair ten times in ten seconds with your 
 eyes closed, and when you stop touch the director's hand. If your 
 ''balance" is normal you'll point past three times before you touch 
 
 TWO LIGHTS — OR ONE .' 
 
 7'he candle flame test for muscle balance — the apparatus duplicates 
 the flame and the candidate must see the two lights just above 
 each other when the bubble in the spirit level is exactly centered 
 
 Photograph* copyright bn Paul Thompson 
 
 DO YOU SEE THINGS AS THEY ARE? 
 
 This vision test for depth and distance is important. Suppose you 
 saw ahead a couple of enemy scouts and your own hangar — a 
 lot depends on gaging tjie distances with speed and accuracy 
 
 MUCH DEPENDS ON THE SEMI-CIRCULAR CANALS 
 
 More necessary than "nerve" or vision are the semi-circular canals 
 in your inner ear. The candidate in the chair was whirled to the 
 left and told to hold his head up. It fell to the left — as it should 
 
International Film 
 
 The exciting chase of an Italian tear 
 
 WAR IN THE THIRD DIMENSION 
 after an Austrian invader (on the right). The aeroplane is sentinel in the Italian 
 
International Film 
 
 The Gaproni triplane established a new record in aeroplane power. It can maintain a speed of eighty miles an hour and carry over four 
 thousand pounds — which may include fuel for a six hours' flight, a crew of three people, three guns and 2150 pounds of bombs 
 
 Kadel & Herbert 
 
 Above the battle. An airman's photograph of one of the big gas attacks in Flanders when the Allies swept forward on a six-mile front 
 
THE ONLY WAY 
 
 WE MUST WIN THE WAR WITH WINGS 
 
 BY DONALD WILHELM 
 
 IT may be, in solemn truth, that this 
 war will have to be won in the air. 
 No longer can infantry advances be 
 made on large scale without protec- 
 tion of curtains of fire. And curtains of 
 fire must be controlled from the air. It 
 may be following no more than the 
 irresistible and terrible logic of this 
 thought, then, if we accept the report 
 that the Allies have at times been 
 driven out of the air, that American 
 eagles — American aeroplanes — must win 
 the war ; that America will have to fur- 
 nish to her allies not three or four 
 thousand aeroplanes but perhaps tens 
 of thousands. 
 
 Let us ponder that fact well. 
 
 Let us note that the eyes of an army 
 are in its aeroplanes, and that the day 
 of speculation about the worth of the 
 bird to which America gave birth is 
 past. Aeroplanes have been demon- 
 strated to be more important in war 
 than almost any of the fifty factors 
 that have wrought the tremendous 
 change from three or four possible com- 
 binations in war — man with club versus 
 man without club, etc. — to the tremen- 
 dous number of over twenty-five hun- 
 dred. We Americans, quite unwittingly, 
 are guilty of ingenuity that has turned 
 warfare from a fight into a science and 
 kept burning all these years, steadily in 
 the ascendency, the damning- fever of 
 arms. We have done vastly more than 
 all the rest of the world put together 
 to complicate war and to throw the rel- 
 atively kind old man-to-man fight into 
 innocuous desuetude. An American de- 
 vised the ironclad, for instance. An 
 American devised the revolver, and an- 
 other the submarine, and another the 
 
 A SUBMARINE DONE FOR? 
 
 telegraph, and another the telephone, 
 another perfected the device for taking 
 up the recoil on the howitzer and an- 
 other invented the aeroplane. And the 
 result has been that, in the world of 
 armament, the study of possible com- 
 binations between military factors had, 
 before the Great War burst into flames, 
 grown apace in all the great nations 
 
 except America — a curious spectacle 
 surely: America, the younger brother, 
 giving the means of destruction to the 
 older nations while sitting back with 
 no thought of a Great Affliction on the 
 morrow. 
 
 And now we are in the midst of the 
 third year of the Great Affliction and 
 there are two offspring of ours that re- 
 quire attention : the submarine and the 
 aeroplane. 
 
 The submarine is our menace. 
 
 The aeroplane is our hope. 
 
 The aeroplane has grown, as it were, 
 very rapidly to maturity. Only seven 
 years ago, in the hangars at the first 
 great aero meet in America, the Wright 
 brothers — quiet men addicted forever 
 to tinkering and adjusting their en- 
 gines and planes — Glen Curtis, Claude 
 Grahame- White, Ralph Johnstone, and 
 others, used to sit back, smoke and 
 make assertions about the use of aero- 
 planes in war. These assertions, for the 
 most part, read like the stuff of dreams. 
 
 But these dreams have come to real- 
 ization. 
 
 "Give me one air scout in preference 
 to a battalion of cavalry," General 
 Pershing said in Mexico. And another 
 officer asserted: "Cavalry now belongs 
 to the auxiliaries — the infantry and the 
 artillery on land and the aeroplane 
 aloft constitute the fighting forces 
 now." 
 
 But perhaps some of us need proof 
 of the vital part played in modern war 
 by the aeroplane? 
 
 Let us look, then, at a description of 
 that part — description by a brilliant 
 English aviation officer. 
 
 Major Rees of the British Aviation 
 
 
 
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 A UNITED STATES ARMY PLANE DIRECTING THE ADVANCE OF TROOPS 
 
Corps, who won the Order of distin- 
 guished Merit, and also the Victoria 
 Cross in service at the front and came 
 wounded with the British Commission 
 to America, said: 
 
 "The first essential of aviation serv- 
 ice is reconnaissance work. Perhaps 
 the next essential in point of impor- 
 tance is artillery work. 
 
 "The machines used in checking artil- 
 lery ranges are relatively slow. They 
 have to be protected by speedy fighting 
 machines. 
 
 "A little further out we have our 
 photographer machines. It is very im- 
 portant indeed, from time to time, to 
 make complete series of photographs of 
 all enemy lines. Most of this work is 
 done by squads. The machines are sent 
 out in groups — photographer machines 
 with guards. 
 
 "Still further out we have reconnais- 
 sance machines — some of these are out 
 thirty miles or more; others are close 
 to our own lines. 
 
 "And then we have special duty ma- 
 chines to drop papers, for use when 
 advances are being made and com- 
 munications are cut off, etc. They work 
 with different parties of troops — infan- 
 try or cavalry — on the grounds. If in- 
 fantry run out of ammunition they 
 signal up, and the aviator signals back 
 to supplies. If a detachment meets a 
 nest of machine guns, the aviator sends 
 back word about it. This work is done 
 very close to the ground. Much of the 
 work, in fact, must be done close to the 
 ground. Bombing, for instance. We 
 know that every time we drop a bomb 
 on a railway track it means eight 
 hours' work for the Germans. We want 
 to do more of this. We can't now — we 
 can't spare the machines, for most of 
 them are engaged in reconnaissance 
 work, which is most necessary. Bomb- 
 ing is done by squadrons, and, since one 
 is hardly ever in the air at all without 
 anti-aircraft gunfire breaking near, the 
 casualties are high" — the casualties 
 among the aviators are fourth, it is 
 said officially, in point of percentage, 
 in the English army. 
 
 "Often," Major Rees went on, "you 
 see machines coming back with wires 
 streaming out behind them, or some 
 other part just hanging to the rest, or, 
 perhaps the engine has had a cylinder 
 crippled. Nearly every machine is hit 
 somewhere on every trip. If you look 
 at the airdrome behind the lines you 
 will find one-half the machines can fly, 
 the other half are being repaired. If 
 we can repair the machine in two days 
 we do so, otherwise we send it back to 
 the depot. 
 
 "All this goes on day by day, Sundays 
 and all. We start at work at 2:30 in 
 the morning and continue until after 
 sunset. The last patrol stays up to spot; 
 the enemy flashes. In the twilight, one 
 can see the flashes much easier. 
 
 "We send over our lines every day a 
 thousand machines. The average time 
 is two hours a day. A machine hardly 
 ever continues in service fifty hours. 
 Either it is shot up or has to have new 
 
 parts or perhaps a new engine, or per- 
 haps it had to come down because it 
 crippled one of its wings. Engines last 
 nominally one hundred hours, but an 
 engine seldom lasts that long. You can 
 consider, I think, about two months to 
 every machine. I don't think any aviator 
 lasts more than six months. That re- 
 quires a large personnel." 
 
 ONE may see from all this the tre- 
 mendous uses made of our good 
 American eagle — the aeroplane! 
 
 And the Germans are using it! 
 
 On the European battle fronts there 
 has been almost continuous fighting for 
 the supremacy cf the air because each 
 side knows that to win the domination 
 of the air is to ride the Allies down, on 
 one hand, and on the other to rule for 
 the nonce all Germania. France might 
 not exist today if her aviators had been 
 inferior. (The French honor the aviators 
 for that. Every French patriot loves 
 those aviators. In France those who 
 used to do homage used to bow and 
 whisper "My prince!" Now they bow 
 and whisper "My aviator!") Which is 
 only semi-official! But it was asserted 
 officially, by one of the members of the 
 French mission to America that if 
 Joffre had not employed the American 
 Eagle on the Marne "the Huns might 
 have marched into Paris." 
 
 Says a celebrated French officer: 
 
 "The French had only a hundred ma- 
 chines when the Germans stabbed at 
 Paris. The Germans had built railroads 
 near the Belgian frontier so as to en- 
 able them to bring a large number of 
 troops in a very short time. The French 
 headquarters knew this. We knew that 
 the Germans were planning to invade 
 Belgium, but we thought that the 
 main attack would come thru Alsace, 
 which — Heaven help us ! — we shall have 
 back again! So only three French army 
 corps were sent to Belgium, and Joffre 
 hurried the rest and all reserves east- 
 ward. 
 
 "It was the French aviators that 
 flew with the word that tremendous 
 masses of troops were pouring thru 
 Belgium. The aviators brought that 
 word in time. They saved France from 
 annihilation. 
 
 "And again at the battle of the 
 Somme. At Verdun the aviators had 
 been saved for the Somme. That was 
 right. And then, for three weeks, dur- 
 ing that great battle, the Allies, as a 
 result, held domination in the air. The 
 result was that our artillery fire was 
 conducted splendidly. 
 
 "The German beast was blinded. The 
 eyes of his artillery were out." 
 
 NOW let us Americans consider the 
 situation! Let us ascertain whether 
 in this article I have written mere 
 enthusiasm of a kind that in the days of 
 the first aero meets in America stirred 
 imagination more than anything else ! 
 Let us note that we can without doubt 
 send over thousands of troops, but will 
 they arrive too late? Will they be 
 poured down a bottomless sluice and 
 
 poured and poured and poured! We 
 can send troops, of course: but long 
 before we can send enough troops to 
 make perceptible changes in a battle 
 line where millions of troops are en- 
 gaged, we can send aeroplanes, squad- 
 rons of them! We can't send them to- 
 morrow, nor the next day — our long 
 callousness, our long and persisting 
 refusal intelligently to take a disagree- 
 able situation as it is and to ward off 
 the Great Offender, has its toll now. 
 But we can send them soon. 
 
 I went to a member of the Aircraft 
 Board — a man high in position — one 
 of those admirable American manufac- 
 turers who are saving the nation in 
 this emergency. I asked him flatly how 
 long — how long is the essence of every- 
 thing now! — it would take his organi- 
 zation to get under way. "We can get 
 under way at once," he said emphatic- 
 ally. "If there is one thing that we 
 Americans stand for it is quantity! 
 For Americans, when the designing 
 and the engineering work is done, out- 
 put is easy. And this output will be 
 swift and sure. We can get out forty 
 thousand engines, twenty thousand 
 planes before next spring. Give us the 
 money and we can get out that many 
 by next spring and increase the output 
 steadily, but we can't do that if we 
 don't start till months from now. We 
 must start now!" 
 
 "Then why don't you?" I demanded. 
 
 He threw out his hands. "We haven't 
 the money," he &aid. 
 
 THERE is evidence that the Aircraft 
 Board is ready for its stupendous 
 task in the manner in which it has 
 utilized and coordinated cooperation all 
 along the line and in the manner in 
 which it is providing for aviation train- 
 ing. Three of nine camps appropriated 
 for are rapidly being made in readiness. 
 And already, waiting for them to be 
 finished, in dozens of colleges the most 
 alert men of the land — college athletes 
 preferably — are learning the rudi- 
 ments, in special concentrated courses, 
 of military training, of machine gun 
 handling, astronomy (aviators must 
 know that, for they often have to steer 
 by the stars) , of navigation, waiting 
 for those camps to be got ready to 
 receive them, after which camp train- 
 ing they will see further training 
 abroad. 
 
 In land warfare aeroplanes are used 
 in a thousand ways. England is pro- 
 viding for fifteen thousand during the 
 coming year — evidence enough of their 
 usefulness. 
 
 In sea warfare they are almost as 
 important, altho used in numbers con- 
 siderably smaller. The "America" — the 
 giant seaplane that was scheduled to 
 cross the Atlantic just when the war 
 broke out — demonstrated some of the 
 uses of the seaplane soon after it was 
 set to scout work in British waters. 
 Once it swooped down and crippled the 
 periscope of a submarine. Twice, soon 
 afterward, it saw, from its perch on 
 high, submarines under water. It 
 
Watched, circling about, calling its 
 friends the water craft, till they came 
 up and "finished the job." 
 
 Enough has been written to make 
 clear — if any one longer doubts — the 
 military uses of the aeroplane. It is no 
 exaggeration to say that just as a man 
 without a club has little chance with 
 a man who has a club — about as little 
 chance as a man with bow and arrow 
 has against a man with a revolver — so 
 it has become convincingly clear to 
 those in close touch with the military 
 situation abroad that an army without 
 aeroplanes is, in no small degree, at the 
 mercy of an army equipt with them. 
 France has thousands of aeroplanes. 
 England has more. We in America 
 have hardly any. Yet, considering our 
 infinite coast and border line, we should 
 have most of all. 
 
 But the point isn't what we should 
 have — the point is what we must have 
 to keep the Germans from, winning the 
 war! 
 
 And three thousand machines are 
 not enoug'h! Not nearly enough. 
 
 Week by week, however, especially 
 since the foreign missions came to 
 America, there has been growing in 
 Washington a general conviction that 
 the war can be won with aeroplanes. 
 The Aero Club of America has been for 
 years arguing eloquently for the devel- 
 opment of our aerial resources. General 
 Squier and the Signal Corps in Wash- 
 ington have done wonders toward lay- 
 ing out the lines that Howard Coffin, of 
 the Council of National Defense, with 
 the members of the committee of which 
 he is chairman, is ready to utilize in 
 getting together an aerial fleet. The 
 council is given the task of mobilizing 
 the phases of industry necessary to the 
 building of 3000 planes the first year. 
 
 It has had the cooperation of the Na- 
 tional Advisory Committee for Aero- 
 nautics — which has been at work for 
 over two years — and the aid of not a 
 few technical institutions such as Mas- 
 sachusetts Institute of Technology fid 
 many of the facilities of Cornell. Al- 
 together, thus, important steps toward 
 standardization of army-navy aero- 
 planes have been taken. The thirty odd 
 aeroplane manufacturers in America, 
 who have been making machines of 
 nearly as many models, cooperated ad- 
 mirably with the National Advisory 
 Committee at the beginning and are co- 
 operating with the council now. More- 
 over, the whole aeroplane industry is 
 particularly mobile and plastic because 
 it is new and enthusiastic. It is hard to 
 believe, in fact, how many of the men 
 engaged in it and how many technical 
 men engaged primarily with other func- 
 tions have given their time and efforts 
 and funds toward working out army- 
 navy aeroplane problems — problems of 
 instruments such as those involved in 
 making altimeters, drift meters, tachom- 
 eters, other meters; problems of find- 
 ing a substitute for the surface cloth 
 heretofore imported from Ireland and 
 England; problems of providing a sub- 
 stitute for weather-dried spruce, the 
 ideal wood for aeroplanes — a substitute 
 of high specific density, even a metal, 
 that can be got ready for extensive man- 
 ufacture in much less time than the 
 year or two years required to season 
 spruce in the open air. All technical 
 problems, practically, have been met 
 and solved. Even engine difficulties have 
 been overcome nearly altogether, and 
 the engine problem is an important one. 
 "The needs of the army and navy," said 
 J. F. Victory, of the Advisory Commit- 
 tee, in May, "are now estimated to be 
 
 3000 machines in the first year and 
 4000 or 5000 in the two succeeding 
 years, on the basis of keeping 1000 ma 
 chines in the air, on which basis we shall 
 need two extra engines for every ma- 
 chine. Engines wear out and need over- 
 hauling constantly." 
 
 These problems all are complex, but 
 they are now in the background and the 
 question of supplying more than 3000 
 machines in the first year is coming 
 more and more pertinently into the fore- 
 ground. "Three thousand machines," 
 said a Government official, "are not 
 enough." 
 
 Such assertions have become more 
 and more prevalent and have, of course, 
 had their effect on Chairman Coffin. His 
 point of view is, very briefly, this: "If 
 the Government wants more machines 
 it simply needs to supply the money and 
 say so. We'll get them!" 
 
 And America, it is believed, is going 
 to need them ! America — so the convic- 
 tion is everywhere gaining strength — 
 must, and can, match her eagles against 
 any brood of flying machines that there 
 are. We don't yll realize that we have 
 got to provide ourselves with the effi- 
 cient means for all possible combina- 
 tions that may arise in this war; we 
 must remember that the aeroplane en- 
 ters as a common factor into more pos- 
 sible combinations against an enemy 
 than any other war factor. We can pro- 
 duce aeroplanes almost without num- 
 ber; and there is need of them almost 
 without number. It is certain that we 
 shall need many for defense; it is cer- 
 tain that we shall want more and more 
 for offense. They are — these Ameri- 
 can eagles — characteristically American 
 "birds," fit emissaries to prompt the 
 boche that we are on the job. 
 
 Washington 
 
 (c) Underwood & Underwood 
 
 FRENCH AVIATORS WHO WILL HELP THE AMERICAN EAGLE LEARN TO USE ITS WINGS 
 
 These aviators, sent from France to instruct American airmen, are inspecting a New York aviation training station in company with American 
 
 officers and aeronautic men. They are, from left to right: Lt. de Mandrot ; Henry Woodhouse, governor of the Aero Club of America; Lt. Marquisan : 
 
 Rear Admiral Bradley A. Fiske, U. S. N. : Lt. Montriol ; Allan R. Hawley, president of the Aero Club of America ; Capt. Fitzgerald ; Lt. Ducas ; 
 
 Lt. Rader, of the U. S. Air Service ; Lt. Mairesse ; Lt. Nasser ; and Lt. Lemaire 
 
THE AERIAL COAST PATROL 
 
 BY JOHN HAYS HAMMOND, JR. 
 
 TODAY the ocean does not sepa- 
 rate us from the other conti- 
 nents, but rather it joins us to 
 them, forming a high road for 
 invasion over which troops can move 
 thirty times faster than over land. 
 
 Our five thousand odd miles of coast 
 line present a great vulnerable stretch 
 of territory protected only by the ex- 
 istence of a fleet now third among 
 those of the powers. The distance of 
 our coast line from the enemy's ter- 
 ritory should not be measured as the 
 breadth of the Atlantic or Pacific, for 
 no nation would attempt operations 
 with such extended lines of communica- 
 tion. Hawaii in the Pacific or some of 
 the West Indies in the Atlantic would 
 form the stepping stone of the invasion. 
 From these points, once secured, the 
 enemy would approach our shores, 
 screening the purpose of his movements 
 with swift cruisers and scouts and by 
 sweeping before him our scouting planes 
 with battle planes accompanying the 
 fleet. 
 
 The purpose of the invader's forces 
 is not to bombard our coast towns, nor 
 to carry out any useless raiding ex- 
 peditions, but it is to meet our fleet 
 under such circumstances as are most 
 favorable to him. Thanks to the coast 
 defenses,' the important coastal cities 
 are self-protecting and the United 
 States fleet is allowed a complete mo- 
 bility. It would not be long therefore 
 before the opposing naval forces met to 
 dispute the mastery of the seas. At this 
 great moment, millions would be voted 
 in Washington for the construction of 
 new battleships ! 
 
 If we should win, the war would 
 probably be over; should we lose, the 
 war would have just begun. The frag- 
 ments of our beaten fleet would be 
 driven back upon their bases, where 
 they would be blockaded and muzzled 
 like the Russians at Port Arthur. Once 
 the seas were cleared, the enemy's 
 transports would put to sea, and it is 
 then that the great system of an aerial 
 coastal patrol would begin to function. 
 
 Mr. Hammond, whose father is a min- 
 ing engineer and publicist of world- 
 wide experience, is the inventor of a 
 coast defense torpedo controlled by 
 wireless energy from the shore, and 
 a member of the advisory board to the 
 U. S. Naval Board of Inventors. 
 
 The operation of the aerial coastal 
 patrol as planned by me in June, 1915, 
 was a system to warn our land forces 
 of the operations made by the enemy 
 for the purpose of landing troops. 
 
 TO meet suddenly an enemy's landing- 
 operations on our coasts, it is nec- 
 essary that we have forces of a specific 
 character and of defensive ability to 
 counter him. With the first signals from 
 an aeroplane warning of landing op- 
 erations at a given point, preparation 
 could be made to send by railroad to 
 that point special high angle fire artil- 
 lery mounted on railroad trucks. This 
 artillery, situated at a predetermined 
 distance from the point of landing', 
 would deliver great bursts of shrapnel 
 over the landing- parties of the enemy. 
 Supported by this fire and in direct 
 vision of the landing forces, there 
 should be companies of machine guns 
 that have been carried to the scene of 
 action, either by armored motor cars or 
 specially constructed motorcycles. Each 
 machine gun is supposed to be the 
 equivalent in firing value of fifty rifles. 
 The effect of landing operations against 
 shrapnel shot from 12-inch mortars, 
 and against the deadly fire of en- 
 trenched machine guns, would be prac- 
 tical annihilation for the landing forces. 
 At this time a general concentration 
 of the aeroplanes patrolling the coast 
 could be made at the point of landing. 
 This concentration would be for the 
 purpose of overpowering the enemy's 
 air craft and thereby prohibiting him 
 from knowing the extent of our rein- 
 forcements. The chief factor in pro- 
 hibiting the enemy from obtaining a 
 
 strong entrenched foothold upon any 
 part of our coast is the factor of the 
 length of time required for us to con- 
 centrate at that point sufficient men 
 and artillery to arrest the landing op- 
 erations. 
 
 While this matter would have great 
 importance to the heavy artillery on 
 railroad trucks, and on motor drawn 
 caterpillar wheels, tho situated away 
 from the fire of the ships, the matter 
 of the time of arrival would have a 
 special significance to those troops meet- 
 ing the enemy at close range with ma- 
 chine guns. It would be necessary for 
 these troops to choose such protected 
 positions as to be safeguarded from the 
 shells of the ships supporting- the land- 
 ing forces, and therefore they would de- 
 sire to entrench themselves as strongly 
 as possible. 
 
 To bring these necessary forces to 
 the scene of the enemy's landing there 
 should be a number of points of mo- 
 bilization for men and guns, and these 
 points should be situated at certain in- 
 tervals along the coast, so as to be as 
 nearly equidistant as possible from the 
 various feasible landing places in their 
 zone. Thus, each center of mobilization 
 could tell to the minute how rapidly it 
 could concentrate its force at any point. 
 Forewarned, as the land forces would 
 be by the broadly scattered coastal pa- 
 trol, it would be possible for them al- 
 most always to anticipate the landings 
 of the enemy, and prevent the landing 
 of any appreciable force. 
 
 Certain people have imagined that a 
 system of aerial coastal patrol was an 
 endeavor to supplant certain functions 
 of the navy. This is not the case, for 
 the navy, using hydroaeroplanes operat- 
 ing from ships, would form the first 
 line of patrols. These patrols would be 
 feeling for the enemy in the first stages 
 of the invasion. After a definite fleet 
 action had taken place, the system of 
 coastal patrol would unquestionably 
 prove a tremendous factor in the na- 
 tional defense. 
 New York City 
 
© Photograph by E. Matter, Jr., New York 
 
 A BLAST FROM THE "MICHIGAN" 
 
(§ E. iluller, Jr. 
 
 Somewhere off the coast of France — a characteristic sample of our mobilized war forces already in action on the other side 
 
Vndertcood & Underwood 
 
 JACK 
 
 At Harvard in Massachusetts, at Dunwoody in Michigan and at Newport Neics are the big training schools where naval reservists 
 are graduated in a few months with a general knowledge of seamanship and specialised training in some one department of the navy 
 
GOOD GUNNING 
 
 The United States 
 navy is proud of a 
 good many things, 
 hut it is proudest 
 of all, perhaps, of 
 its marksmanship. 
 These pictures 
 show the way they 
 do it with the four- 
 teen inch guns on 
 1 h e "Oklahoma." 
 The narrow black 
 thing at the ex- 
 treme right of the 
 picture at the top 
 of the page is a 
 target. The shell 
 went right thru it. 
 a n d richocheted. 
 because shells don't 
 sink at once, along 
 the water just the 
 way a stone does 
 if you skip it well. 
 It makes a very 
 pretty picture. 
 Part of its charm, 
 tho, is the pleasant 
 sense of security it 
 gives one to look at 
 ■it. That target 
 might have been the 
 periscope of a sub- 
 marine and when 
 you are shooting at 
 submarines it is 
 just as well to 
 shoot straight 
 
 International Film 
 
 T h e observation] 
 balloon isn't quite\ 
 as exciting to go 
 up in as an aero- 
 plane but don't 
 imagine that it's] 
 easy. When a bat-) 
 loon is attached to' 
 the fighting mast* 
 of a ship it pitches 
 and tosses a n d 
 sways so that it 
 takes an observer 
 a long time to get 
 accustomed to the 
 motion — even tho 
 he may be a good 
 sailor. The men be- 
 lotr arc operating 
 one of the big 
 range finders which 
 are very important 
 factors in good 
 in a r k s m a n s h i p . 
 That distances on 
 the water are very 
 deceptive and strong 
 sunlight often very 
 dazzling are facts 
 that should a d d 
 just a bit to our 
 admiration for the 
 nary — if it needs 
 to be added to. And 
 good gunnery isn't 
 the only good tiling 
 about the United 
 States Na oy ! 
 
Lieutenant John 
 W. Wilcox, U. S. 
 N., directing the 
 maneuvers of the 
 mobilized motor- 
 boat owners. To 
 the left is the big- 
 
 A "Mosquito Fleet" of motor boats tvas mobilized at New Yorkin September, 1916, to be drilled as an auxiliary naval defense 
 
@ American Press 
 
 A defense plan early in the war — the mosquito fleet of submarine chasers. These were built at Greenport, Long Island 
 
 A considerable part of the $115,000,000 naval emergency fund was used to construct small craft such as these 
 
© Underwood & Underwood 
 
 "Our deep-tongued guns give ansiver" — An extraordinary photograph of the gunner on one battleship firing at another 
 
*v 
 
 X 
 
 © international Film 
 
 The liner "La Touraine" coming into an American port. The gun mounted on the stern is the French answer to submarines 
 
[g International Film 
 
 The British "sea-wasps" — 
 submarine chasers, mosquito 
 fleet, "stabbers" are some of 
 their other names — have been 
 England's effective ansiver to 
 the German undersea attack. 
 They were built by the Sub- 
 marine Boat Corporation in 
 this country, 550 of them; 
 they mount 3-inch, rapid-fire 
 guns, their speed is twenty- 
 two miles an hour, and be- 
 cause they draw only four 
 and a half feet of water they 
 are immune from torpedo 
 attack. The "sea-wasps" work 
 in conjunction with an aero- 
 plane to locate the submarines 
 
 New York Harbor is thoroly 
 mined: "Most elaborate and 
 intricate mine field ever de- 
 vised will safeguard nation's 
 water gate," is one headline 
 description. It sounds extra- 
 hazardous for harbor tug- 
 boats till you stop to think 
 that there are mines, and 
 mines. These are not contact 
 mines, of course; their men- 
 ace is latent until, or unless, 
 necessity for defense arises, 
 and the coast artillery en- 
 gineers are given the word 
 to set them off. At the left the 
 commander of our submarine 
 fleet, Rear-Admiral Grant 
 
 © American Press 
 
 The work of mining the harbor. The mines were carried out on patrol boats, then lowered over the side and "placed" 
 
 (5) 
 
©,nter„aU ml aiFii,n o ^ ^^ ^^ ^^ ENGLAND SHIPYARDS WIN THIS WAR'.' 
 
 The four-masted schooner- invented in New England, named in New England dialect built into one ol E Nev 
 mourned in every New England seaport since steam superseded sails-has come back into i * °"";J°'" p ° n °' 
 largely depends the Allies victory over Germany s U-boat blocKaae 
 
 England's chief industries and 
 r production of wooden shipping 
 
© Underwood & Underwood 
 
 TURKISH TRANSPORTS ON THE TIGRIS 
 
 All supplies for the British expedition into Mesopotamia had to be brought up the Tigris from the Persian Gulf. The native rafts, as may he 
 seen, were quite inadequate, and steamers had hard work getting up the river on account of the floods 
 
© E. Midler, Jr. 
 
 LIGHTING A TORPEDO TUBE 
 
Turning back in the files to the time of our Great War, we find in Harper's Weekly a picture and a description of "a very 
 curious little vessel, designed by Mr. Anstilt, of Mobile, which seems capable of destroying any ship in the world" 
 
 The German submarine "Deutschland," under Captain Kbnig, brought across the Atlantic a load of aniline dyes 
 and other fine chemicals worth more than a million dollars. Its return cargo will be nickel and rubber 
 
I'cul Thompson 
 
 PLATTSBURG AT SEA 
 Roll-call on V. 8. S. "Maine," which with two other warships took a training cruise for civilians in the summer of 1910 
 
The battleship "New York," one of the half dozen newest and biggest ships in the U. S. "billion dollar" navy 
 
(cj Lnderwood 
 
 The amateur sea dogs — civilians who turned their vacations to good account learning the rudiments of naval defense 
 
(c) tiniMLue Mutter 
 
 Queenstoivn, May 16, 1917: "A squadron of American destroyers has crost the Atlantic and is patrolling the seas in 
 war service. One of the destroyers convoyed a liner thru the danger zone and another is said to have sunk a submarine" 
 
© International Film 
 
 When the blue devil finds its mark. A frequently reported, but seldom photographed occurrence of the Great War. The 
 vessel just torpedoed is sinking by the bow, its propeller already high out of the water. The last lifeboat is pulling away, 
 tho men are still sliding down the ropes. The splash at the left of the photograph shoivs where one has just hit the water 
 
 © International Film 
 
 The U. S. superdreadnought "Arizona" mounts twelve 14-inch guns, twenty 5-inch guns and anti-aircraft ordnance 
 
No wonder that it has ever been one 
 of young America's highest hopes to 
 run away and join the Navy! Even 
 the routine work on board a battle- 
 ship looks like fun — here's evidence to 
 prove it! — and it is always seasoned 
 by the zest of outdoor living and no 
 lack of new adventures. Wouldn't you 
 like to be one of the sailors, for in- 
 
 © Underwood it L'ndencood 
 
 stance, "hooking a ride" on Jack Tar's 
 favorite elevator, the net of ship's 
 supplies being swung on board by a 
 big derrick? Perhaps grown-up "boys" 
 aren't entirely past the pleasures of 
 kite-flying, either, tho in this case 
 they are putting up the kite for busi- 
 ness reasons; it will furnish a tar- 
 get for the ship's anti-aircraft guns 
 
 © International Film 
 
 THE NAVY UNDER 
 
 UNCLE SAM 
 The group of men on 
 the bridge are in a 
 strategic position to 
 "see the ivorld!" At the 
 end of the bridge are 
 ectrically manipu- 
 lated semaphore arms, 
 fitted with red and 
 tvhite bulbs and used 
 at night to send mes- 
 sages in the Morse 
 code. There are a 
 couple of man-power 
 semaphore arms at 
 that end of the bridge, 
 too. Most seamen are 
 taught both wig-wag 
 and semaphore (wig- 
 wag is signaling with 
 one flag and sema- 
 phore is with two) 
 
 SOMEWHERE IN 
 THE ATLANTIC 
 
 Don't try too hard to 
 make out what letter 
 the man in the photo- 
 graph above is sending 
 — it's probably just the 
 upstroke of an "At- 
 tention" call. The sail- 
 ors photographed on 
 deck seem to be pack- 
 ing up their troubles 
 — if they have any — 
 along with all their 
 other luggage, to pass 
 the rigid inspection of 
 kits that limited space 
 and m,uch moving 
 about make necessary 
 in the Navy. Don't 
 you envy their eman- 
 cipation from all the 
 tedious details of trav- 
 eling with a trunk? 
 
© Enrique tlluller 
 
 Repairing a battleship's propeller in ike ocean is not an every day occurrence. It has probably happened only once; certainly it has 
 been photographed only once. This is the way it was done. When tlie ''Louisiana" broke down somewhere in the Atlantic the 
 "Michigan" came alongside and with the aid of a crane, ropes and the whole crew lifted her stem out of water and made the repairs 
 
n 
 
 © Underwood tf Underwood 
 
 The sinking of a transport — this British ship, torpedoed in the Mediterranean, ivas run on the rocks in an effort to beach 
 her. The photograph, shows the crew and soldiers sliding down the life ropes and in the water. Nearly all were saved 
 
 © Underwood & Underwood 
 
 The largest submarines in the U. S. Navy, reminding Cuba of their existence by naval maneuvers in Havana Harbor 
 
SHORE LEAVE 
 
ALL HANDS AT WORK 
 
 A United States dreadnought at her task of planting wines— there arc two piles of them on deck near the rail on either side 
 
© Committee on Public Information Irons International Film 
 
 BUCKING THE SEA 
 
 The oreaUng waves dashed high— over the deck of this United States destroyer, making for port thru a heavy storm 
 
 @ /;. Mullar, Jr. 
 
 IT'S ALWAYS FAIR WEATHER- 
 
 The navy takes care lest all work and no play make Jack a dull boy: here's an amateur show, for instance, given on 
 
(ci l.'ndrricfni .t Vndmcnod 
 
 A U-BOAT CAMOUFLAGED 
 
 SAILING PAST SUBMARINES 
 
 BY HAROLD J. HOWLAND 
 
 Saturday, August 21. We are off. 
 Already the towered pile that is 
 lower New York looms diminish- 
 ing astern. Ahead thru the Nar- 
 rows opens a straight path upon dubi- 
 ous seas. It is only two days since the 
 "Arabic" was sunk in the very waters 
 we are to traverse. True, the "New 
 York" is an American ship. But — who 
 knows? 
 
 It has been a quiet sailing. We have 
 no crowded passenger list — 106 first 
 class instead of 375 as it would be if 
 the ship were full. There has been no 
 holiday mood on deck or dock. The few 
 brave attempts at jocularity — the straw 
 hat sent skimming over the rail from 
 an impulsive hand, the mighty cabbage, 
 fluttering with American flags, that 
 drops solidly into our embarrassed 
 arms — savor sadly flat. Too many 
 thoughts of the strange Cyclops fish 
 that may be lurking near the journey's 
 end throw shadows across the coming 
 days. It has been a sober sailing. 
 
 Down the harbor past the little an- 
 chored steamers waiting their appointed 
 tides. The usual tramps, some in un- 
 usual dress. One bears amidships on 
 her side in great capitals the word 
 DANMARK and fore and aft a painted 
 flag — the red St. Andrew's cross on a 
 white ground. Another proclaims her 
 neutral nationality by the word 
 NORGE with the vertically striped tri- 
 color of Norway at either end. Our 
 own freeboard, we know, shouts out our 
 identity with NEW YORK, AMERI- 
 CAN LINE, and the emblazoned stars 
 and stripes. No German eye at the un- 
 dersea end of a periscope shall mistake 
 our neutral registry if we can help it. 
 On thru the Narrows, where two low 
 lying destroyers, grim in battle gray, 
 guard our country's neutrality against 
 abuse. 
 
 Out upon a quiet sea under a smiling 
 sky. May it be an omen. 
 
 Sunday, August 22. A placid day. 
 As usual at this stage of a voyage, we 
 are chiefly interested in our shipmates. 
 We look them over, guess about them, 
 discreetly chat with them with a ques- 
 tion mark in our minds, gossip about 
 them. Soon a bit of news pops up. One 
 
 Mr. Howland fells here the story of 
 his voyage to England on the Ameri- 
 can liner "New York." In London he 
 stopped at Morley's on Trafalgar 
 Square, which teas probably under 
 Zeppelin fire in the raid of September 
 S, the Londoner' s first glimpse of war 
 at close quarters, about which so little 
 information has passed the censors 
 
 hundred and more cancelled their re- 
 servations since the "Arabic" was sunk. 
 In fact more stayed behind than came. 
 Were they the wise ones or we the fool- 
 hardy ones? Nous verrons. 
 
 A curious thing. Almost every pas- 
 senger's story one hears begins — or 
 ends — with the war. Most of us are 
 going over because of it; a very few in 
 spite of it, but only on urgent business. 
 Sailing in war time recalls the mar- 
 riage service, "not by any to be enter- 
 prized, nor taken in hand, unadvisedly, 
 lightly, or wantonly." 
 
 The little Canadian girl three steam- 
 er chairs away has a fiance down with 
 fever in a hospital in Havre. She is 
 going over with his father and sister to 
 cheer him up. That other pretty Ca- 
 nadian girl, barely out of school one 
 would say, is on her way to be married 
 to her boy officer in the Dominion 
 forces. He is still in England, but he 
 may go to France any day. He would 
 rather leave a wife behind in England 
 than a sweetheart in Canada. 
 
 These mothers with children — babies, 
 toddlers, scamperers — all have hus- 
 bands at the front. It will be easier to 
 fight — and to wait — with only the 
 Channel between than all the Atlantic. 
 Here is a young surgeon from remote 
 Alberta offering up his skill to the Em- 
 pire's need. 
 
 There are no Teutons among us. 
 There is no reason why they should 
 not sail on an American ship; there 
 is every reason why they should not 
 land at a British port. Not a quarter 
 of us are Americans — and all on busi- 
 ness bent. This is no holiday trip. 
 
 Monday, August 23. A discovery. 
 Our table steward is a soldier. The fact 
 comes out at breakfast, when the din- 
 
 ing saloon is empty save for a few of 
 us early birds. As thus: 
 
 Steward (respectfully in our left 
 ear) : "I've been at the front, sir. In 
 France, sir." 
 
 Passenger (interested) : "Then what 
 are you doing here?" 
 
 S. "Wounded, sir. Discharged 'unfit 
 for further service,' sir." 
 
 P. "Where were you wounded, 
 steward?" 
 
 S. "In the arm, sir." 
 P. "I mean in what engagment." 
 S. "St. Eloi, sir. Last April." 
 P. "How did it happen, steward?" 
 S. "I was goin' ahead not thinkin' 
 there was anybody abaht, sir, when up 
 jumps, no further awai than that table, 
 sir, a brute of a big German. 'E cime 
 for me with the b'y'net, sir. I 'ad me 
 own knife — b'y'net, sir — in me right 
 'and an' tried to catch 'is in me left 
 an' missed it. 'E got me a nawsty one 
 thru the thick o' me upper arm, sir. 
 An' then I got 'im, sir. An' then I 
 knew nothin' till I woke up at the 
 Casino. The 'ospital, sir." 
 P. "How did you get him?" 
 S. "I daon't loike to think of it, sir. 
 With the b'y'net. Thru the fice, sir." 
 P. "Are you going back, steward?" 
 S. "Not till some o' these other young 
 fellas 'as 'ad their turn, sir. It mikes 
 me fair sick. 'Ere I comes back after 
 all I've suffered and sees these young 
 fellas enjoying themselves. It ain't 
 right, sir. We ought to 'ave conscrip- 
 tion, that's what I say. An' mike some 
 o' these young fellas that's 'angin' 
 round 'do their bit.' " 
 
 Do all Englishmen who have done 
 their bit feel this way about those that 
 have not? That way lies compulsory 
 service, distasteful to the Anglo-Saxon 
 temper. 
 
 Tuesday. The bedroom steward sup- 
 plements the announcement that the 
 bath is ready with sensational news. 
 The German Ambassador has been sent 
 home. Congress has been called to- 
 gether. An appropriation for a hundred 
 million pounds — half a billion dollars — 
 has been asked for. Food for the im- 
 agination. The usual shock of the cold 
 sea water in the tub is hardly felt this 
 
morning. Shaving is a rather nervous 
 process. Shall we have to "do our 
 bit"? 
 
 But a glance at the wireless bulletin 
 steadies the pulse. That is only what 
 the Washington correspondent of the 
 London Times thinks that the Cabinet 
 has decided to do if Germany does not 
 finally render satisfaction for the tres- 
 pass of her submarines. No need to en- 
 list just yet. 
 
 Wednesday. Still a calm sea, but a 
 gray and drizzling sky. There is noth- 
 ing to report. 
 
 Thursday. The young folks are ar- 
 ranging a program of deck sports for 
 tomorrow. For the second day no news 
 from America. Is there a censorship 
 in the captain's cabin? 
 
 Friday. Still no news. One cannot 
 help wondering. During the morning 
 the steward takes down a life-belt 
 from the rack and lays it handy. 
 Well, one might as well try it on. It 
 fits. 
 
 In the afternoon the sports on 
 deck. A pleasant time for all. Strange 
 how the Englishman comes out of 
 his shell at the call of sports. As the 
 games are ending, the life-boats are 
 swung out on the davits and lowered 
 into position by the rail on the prom- 
 enade deck. 
 
 Tonight we enter the war zone. 
 Cheerful thought, isn't it? We look the 
 boats over with a curious and calculat- 
 ing eye. It is a novelty to have the 
 life-boats play some other role than 
 merely that of obstacles on the boat 
 deck. 
 
 As night comes on the watch is busied 
 rigging strange contrivances along the 
 sides. At intervals on either side a spar 
 is thrust out from the ship bearing at 
 the end a big bowl shaped reflector with 
 a cluster of electric light bulbs inside 
 it. They cast a blinding light inboard; 
 
 by leaning far over the rail one can see 
 the painted stars and stripes brilliantly 
 luminous in the glare. The white letters 
 of our name, too, stand out unmistak- 
 ably. 
 
 It is, like the ready life-boats, a com- 
 forting precaution. But the good ship 
 must look a very harlequin. It is galling 
 to think that an American ship must 
 adopt such sensational billboard meth- 
 ods to protect American men and women 
 and children from lawless attack. But 
 will it protect us after all? One cannot 
 help wishing we had some news. 
 
 Toward midnight a fantom cruiser 
 slips out of the dark, steams alongside 
 a while for a little chat with our bridge, 
 and fades away. In the war zone at 
 last. 
 
 Saturday. Awaken early from a re- 
 freshing sleep. But did not the aristo- 
 crats in the Conciergerie often sleep 
 well the night before the guillotine? 
 Anyway, not all of us have been so 
 fortunate. The deck chairs, one hears, 
 were very well patronized till nearly 
 dawn. 
 
 A day of days. Golden sunshine on a 
 sea that gives a new meaning to the 
 word ultramarine. The mind refuses to 
 grasp the thought of a menacing death 
 hiding beneath that brilliant blue. But 
 not all minds have been so stoical. The 
 woman in the next chair, sensible, rea- 
 sonable, self-possest, suffers a bad case 
 of nerves beneath an appearance of 
 quiet calm. 
 
 "Several times in the night," she con- 
 fides, "(I turned out my light at five) 
 I found myself standing in the middle 
 of my cabin floor. The slightest noise 
 brought me out of my berth." 
 
 In the offing lies a cruiser, a seaplane 
 sailing and drifting and circling above 
 her. A second cruiser steams by on the 
 other side. We are well within the war 
 
 zone and here the Mistress of the Seas 
 has vigilant watchers. But what watch- 
 er can be sure to detect the strange 
 death-dealing fish that swims beneath 
 the rippling waves? 
 
 The splendid day wears on. Now one 
 ship, now a dozen are in sight. We are 
 in traveled waters now. In the early 
 afternoon another cruiser steams across 
 our bows, drops back alongside and sig- 
 nals us with grotesque gesturing sema- 
 phore and parti-colored strings of sig- 
 nal flags. Her message given, she goes 
 away upon her further business. Was 
 it a warning she offered us? They're 
 close-mouthed there upon the bridge. 
 
 Between tea and dinner we sight a 
 fleet of fishing boats. More than a score 
 there are, a fleet of painted ships upon 
 a painted ocean. From afar they look 
 a helter skelter group; but as we draw 
 up to them they resolve into a drawn 
 up line, stretching to right and left as 
 we pass thru. They're all gray, too, like 
 cats that roam at night. Each has its 
 net straight out astern, the net floats 
 reaching half way to the next in line. 
 What are the fish they fish for? Are 
 they those men eat or do they eat men 
 themselves? 
 
 The night drops down, and on either 
 bow a light gleams out. We sail nar- 
 rower waters now. 
 
 Sunday. A rattling anchor chain 
 brings us on deck. We ride the waters 
 of a river that divides a city. It rains 
 and it is bitter cold. This must be Eng- 
 land. 
 
 Now comes the startling news. Last 
 evening we passed a submarine. They 
 saw it from the bridge. It came up close, 
 looked, dived and disappeared. 
 
 Was it the sight of the emblazoned 
 stars and stripes that held their hand? 
 Thank God the voyage is done. 
 
 On board U. S. M. S. "New York" 
 
 © Underwood 4 Underwood 
 
 SETTING FIRE TO A SUBMARINE 
 This U-boat, sent out to sow mines off the coast of France, ran into too shallow watei-s and was captured by the Fr 
 prisoners ,- the submarine itself was hauled ashore and burned by its own petrol 
 
 ch. The crew were taken 
 
THE MEN IN THE TRENCHES 
 
 
 four plxotounwlts from American Press 
 
 One round of a bomb fight in the trenches in France — the The defenders answer by firing one of their* little trench 
 Germans are bombing and the Highlanders are lying low mortars. The missile is just sailing out over No Man's Land 
 
 
 The bomb bursts over the German trench with a spreading Struck home! The observer at the periscope makes the other 
 cloud of gas and smoke. The kilties begin to look for results Tommies chuckle at his report of the Boches' discomfiture 
 
Americwn Press 
 
 WHILE THE GARGOYLE WATCHES 
 
Central News 
 
 READY ! 
 
 The Allies' munition works are piling up their promise of victory. Here's) just one storeroom in an English plant 
 
 I 
 
 Press Illustrating 
 
 A spectacular photograph of the shells in action. These are two of our coast defense guns fired simultaneously in 
 target practise. The camera man had luck as well as skill to snap the projectiles just clear of their smoke puff 
 
(c) Underwood & Undsrwood 
 
 "Tanks," "willies," "land bat- 
 tleships," "trench dread- 
 naughts," "hell machines," 
 call them what you like, the 
 armed and armored tractors 
 which the British used with 
 telling effect in their advance 
 on the Somme were the 
 most spectacular newcom- 
 ers in this war of scien- 
 tific sensations since the sub- 
 marine merchantman put into 
 port. "They look like prehis- 
 toric monsters," says a Brit- 
 ish officer quoted in the dis- 
 patches. "They cut up houses 
 and put the refuse under 
 their bellies and walk right 
 over 'em. They knock down 
 
 trees like matchsticks. They 
 go clean thru a wood. They 
 take ditches like kangaroos; 
 they simply love shell craters, 
 
 -#£&. 
 
 Holt Manufacturing Co. 
 
 «*-. -• "" laugh at 'em." It was said 
 
 that these monstrous engines 
 were made out of ordinary 
 farm tractors manufactured 
 in Peoria, Illinois, thousands 
 of which are now in use on American farms. Great 
 Britain bought a thousand of them, and at first 
 she used them only for hauling heavy guns and sup- 
 plies. Later she sheathed them in armor and mount- 
 ed guns inside their shell and sent them to de- 
 moralize the Germans. The upper picture shows a 
 'someivhat smaller model of the tractor walking over a 
 railroad track. The "tank" is probably built from a 25,000-pound model with 
 120-horse power and measuring nine by twenty-three feet. The lower picture 
 shows the wheels. The caterpillar belt which encircles the wheels has been 
 laid flat. On it can be seen the jointed track on whose segments, laid down 
 one by one by the advancing caterpillar treads, four or five small wheels run 
 
tndatcood & Underwood 
 
 Again the tank! This photograph of its invincible charge across No Man's Land was taken for the British war records 
 
 © N. Y. H., Courtesy of London Sphere 
 
 An artist in the trenches sketched this impression of the forward march of a tank across the enemy's intrenchments 
 
(q Meaem . _ . __ _ 
 
 Will they hammer out a victory? French soldier-blacksmiths at the forge in a wrecked smithy in the village of Verdun 
 
?"r* .. . . 
 
 Pull I'holu A'etis 
 
 Soldiers must learn just how to put up a sand-bag fortification ivithout exposing themselves to the enemy's guns 
 
 © Underwood £ Underwood 
 
 This picture of French soldiers at bay in an Alsatian village took first place at the Paris War Photographic Exposition 
 
Medem © International Film 
 
 "Papa Joffre" thinks of men as well as of military strategy. The British leader on the Somme, General Sir Douglas Haig, 
 He is giving these soldiers a decoration at Verdun and Sir Pertab Singh, Commander of the Indian troops 
 
 <ud <fc Underwood 
 
 The champion British aviator who accounted for twenty-nine The pneumatic bomb-thrower, a new iveapon in trench 
 German aeroplanes during the first two years of the war warfare. A French soldier is experimenting with it here 
 
I 
 
 \ j It 
 
 © Underwood & Underwood 
 
 GOOD-BYE BROADWAY ! 
 HELLO FRANCE! 
 
 Another contingent off to the troopships — 
 the city skyline almost out of sight. You 
 can learn a good bit about the soldier's 
 psychology from this photograph of wav- 
 ing hats and forward-lookina determination 
 
 Pictorial Press 
 
 PRANCE'S GREATEST AVIATOR 
 "The King of Aces," Captain Guynemer, 
 who alone brought down over fifty German 
 warplanes. He was killed in September, 1917 
 
 Central News 
 
 CHAPLAIN OF THE AMAZONS 
 
 When the Battalion of Death goes forward 
 their chaplain goes too; Mother Maria 
 Michailovna has been in heavy fighting 
 
 © International Film 
 
 THE FATHER OF BRITISH TANKS 
 Colonel Swinton, to whom the Allies owe 
 one of their most successful war inven- 
 tions. He recently visited Washington 
 
Here are the sappers, burrowing 
 underground to plant their mines 
 in front of the enemy's trenches. 
 The explosion of a mined region, 
 like that shown at the top of this 
 page, is accomplished by a look- 
 out, who presses an electric button 
 just as the enemy is making a 
 charge. Patrick MacGill tells the 
 story of it from his oicn experience 
 
 in the trenches: "The land stood 
 on end and the sky went afire. Ger- 
 man trenches and their occupants 
 went heavenward in the glare of 
 hell. The soldiers rocked to and fro 
 on a swaying battlefront, just as 
 shipwrecked sailors are rocked on 
 a raft in a stormy sea." Below: 
 Frenh infantrymen charging 
 thru uarbed wire entanglements 
 
International Film 
 
 PRISONERS AS STRETCHER-BEARERS 
 There is plenty of useful work that prisoners 
 of war can do ; this official British photograph 
 shows a squad of them sent to carry wounded 
 soldiers under the direction of an Allied officer 
 
 THE MEN 
 WHO TIRED 
 OF FIGHTING 
 German prison- 
 ers lately seem 
 to have been 
 more willing to 
 surrender than 
 to fight — per- 
 haps the prison- 
 er's face below 
 illustrates their 
 viewpoint. Con- 
 trast it, for ex- 
 ample, with 
 pho tographs 
 you've seen of 
 British Tommies 
 
 © Underwood & Underwood 
 
 ONE WAY TO BE SURE OF FOOD 
 
 Soup, at least, and war Dread, can always be 
 counted on in the prison camps — and perhaps 
 that is a- gain to he considered by the men who 
 hare been fighting in the German trenches 
 
 
 t9"S. 
 
 
 -, »A >JP ' f £ _ ,*W i ■ ? ■ , 111 
 
 >M 
 
 w 
 
 
 FOUR THOUSAND PRISONERS IN A DAY 
 The advance on Ypres in October, 1917, under General Haig captured German positions on a six-mile front and took J t ) t l t 6 prisoners 
 
Central JVews 
 
 Modern warfare isn't entirely machine-made yet. Here, for instance, are some "dogs of war" setting out to save the wounded 
 
 ©Bain (g ( ndti icii/d i Lntlenmod 
 
 In the trenches are "Liason" dogs, to carry important messages. And pigeons have proved more trustworthy than wireless 
 
 Central News 
 
 The camel, Kipling's "hairy, scairy oont," has his s/iare in this ivar, too — in this case pumping water for the Tommies 
 
International Film 
 
 TOMMIES IN TRAINING 
 
 'This is only practise but it looks 
 like the real tiling because Great 
 Britain makes a point of having 
 the conditions in her training camps 
 as nearly as possible like those 
 which the men are going to en- 
 counter at the front. These official 
 British photographs were taken in 
 an English training camp in Au- 
 gust, 1!)17. Our men in France are 
 going thru very much the same sort 
 of thing. The soldiers above are 
 having instruction in outpost duty 
 and are learning the proper way 
 to bring in a prisoner. One of 
 them is temporarily "being a Ger- 
 man" but he doesn't seem to mind. 
 The man on the right is practising 
 bomb throwing with a practise 
 bomb in a practise trench, which is 
 quite an amusing sport, unless 
 you have too lively an imagination 
 
 BAYONETS, BRUSHES AND 
 BOMBS 
 
 There are various and sundry 
 phases of bayonet practise. The one 
 below is a little less exciting, per- 
 haps, than jabbing straw Germans 
 but it develops accuracy and a 
 quick eye. The man who holds the 
 ring thru which the bayonet is 
 thrust has a not altogether enviable 
 job. If you ever went to boarding 
 school you loill be sorry for the 
 men on the right — they are getting 
 their kits ready for inspection. 
 The soldiers will tell you that it is 
 a much smaller misdemeanor to 
 lose a leg or an arm than it is to 
 lose even one small portion of 
 your kit. And it must not only be 
 all there but all in perfect condition. 
 The army has an incentive to neat- 
 ness, however. A bit of rust on a 
 gun or a mislaid gas mask may be 
 a matter of really vital importance 
 
maim m 
 
 
 ' -. 
 
 <>, 
 
 'iwOKH 
 
 =S» **C 
 
 ■<v 
 
 * 
 
 © Underwood & Underwood 
 
 The winter quarters of 
 the men who held the 
 Allies 7 lines in France 
 waiting for their great 
 spring "push." They 
 have burroived, animal- 
 like, into holes in the 
 hillside, called appropri- 
 ately "Monte de Froide 
 Terre." While they wait- 
 ed enemy guns were 
 shelling the position; 
 the growing company 
 of crosses in the valley 
 speaks for their work 
 
 i ntlaivnud iC- t'nilerwood 
 
 And here is warfare 
 with more action — in- 
 vented by a brigade of 
 British Tommies to 
 meet an emergency call 
 for quick transporta- 
 tion. "Stormed at by 
 shot and shell, bravely 
 they rode and well" in 
 a freight car command- 
 eered for the occa- 
 sion. So they came 
 from — to — (deleted 
 by the censor). All 
 honor to the freight car 
 
 Root Newspaper Association 
 
 The woods are full of soldiers in the Balkans, 
 
 this case fresh Austrian reinforcements on their way to the front 
 
The British Tommies have not waited for a composite helmet to be invented. Theirs was designed simply as a protection 
 from shrapnel, but in the shelter of trenches it has been made to do service as a soup-plate and as a finger-bowl, too 
 
Underwood & Underteood 
 
 England's next crop. There are no slacken 
 
 'The Devil's Own" the school-boys' name for their training corps 
 
© Underwood & Underwood 
 
 Three vieivs of the Al- 
 lies' great drive in 
 France — the photograph 
 above shows the lay of 
 land as an air scout 
 sees it, a spreading net- 
 work of zigzag trenches, 
 roads and fortifications 
 
 © American Press 
 
 A spectacular phase of 
 the fighting is the gas 
 attack, in this case used 
 the French with a 
 favoring wind to help 
 them take possession 
 of the first line of op- 
 posing German trenches 
 
 Underwood & Underwood 
 
 That the retreating Germans stood not upon the order of their going is evidenced by the bombs in this evacuated trench 
 
Vnderuiuod A Underwood _ 
 
 "Looking pleasant" is an easy job for Tommy, and the records of his bravery include camera as well as cannon attack 
 
 ■*.jk.' „"": v 
 
 
 
 
 w* &JIL 
 
 Official war photographs are rather different. A French aviator risked a flight just above the battle line to get this 
 
British Official Photograph from Paul Thompson 
 
 AS THE ALLIES GO FORWARD 
 
 Mud — heavy, sticky, interminable, almost 
 impassable mud, — is one of the chief difficul- 
 ties for the troops that are fighting in Flan- 
 ders. The group of British soldiers above are 
 plodding thru a stretch of territory par- 
 ticularly well churned up by shell fire 
 
 TWO FOR BLIGHTY 
 
 The soldier on the left has his good steel 
 helmet to thank for partial escape from Ger- 
 man bullets. And on the right a daring rescue 
 by a French ambulance attendant who is 
 carrying in a wounded soldier from the bat- 
 tlefield under fire from German machine guns 
 
 
 inJHfcw 
 
 • 
 
 W i 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 ■■v" ■ »tt» 
 
 r^">i : . 
 
 
 © Underwood i Underwood 
 
 A LION OF FLANDERS 
 Somewhere ahead in the blackness are the lines of German trenches, bombarded 
 
 day and night by the big guns such as this 
 
War "as is"; a field hospital in a deserted dugout just behind the first line. The soldiers are bringing up more wounded 
 
 Underwood rf Underwood 
 
 A poignant picture of war's devastation — "the curtain of fir«" adopted by both armies to dear the wuy for infantry attack 
 
Luiui^n sptiae, © AT. J-. H. 
 
 Far behind the lines at Verdun and in the Champagne these thousands of shells are being constantly shaped, filled, packed and 
 
 shipped. The long German siege of Verdun was continued chiefly in the hope of depleting the French supply of munitions 
 
 Central News 
 
 In the wake of the German army — a desolate photograph of what fighting really means along the Somme where the 
 Allied and German armies have struggled for over two years thru interminable stretches of mud broken by shell-holes 
 
Victory in the making — part of the output at one of England's large munition plants (name deleted by the censor) 
 
 American rrou 
 
 Waiting for a chance at action, a characteristic group of poilus keeping warm in a deserted chapel in northern France 
 
A BITTER PILL 
 FOR THE 
 KAISER 
 The keynote of Ger- 
 man trench defense 
 is this cylindrical 
 concrete structure, 
 nicknamed the "pill- 
 box." These strong- 
 holds, roughly made 
 all in one piece dot 
 the entire length of 
 the Hindenburg line. 
 Used singly they are 
 merely shelters or 
 substitutes for dug- 
 outs; with the proper 
 internal arrange- 
 
 ments and loop holes 
 they are machine 
 gun posts, or clus- 
 tered together they 
 make redoubts. The 
 "pill-box" is not eas- 
 ily shattered by shell 
 fire; this one still 
 stands in spite of 
 the terrific bombard- 
 ment during the 
 British advance 
 which captured it 
 Central Sews 
 
 KAMERAD ! 
 
 KAMERAD ! 
 
 The photograph be- 
 low was snapped at 
 4:30 o'clock in the 
 morning by a French 
 "cuirassier" who had 
 just taken part in a 
 surprize attack on 
 the German posi- 
 tion. It shows the 
 first of the Bodies to 
 leave their trenches. 
 They have thrown 
 down their guns and 
 are running toward 
 the French troops, 
 crying "Kamerad!" 
 and holding up their 
 hands as they offer 
 to surrender them- 
 selves as prisoners. 
 Reports from the 
 western front suggest 
 an increasing willing- 
 ness on the part of 
 German soldiers to 
 exchange the hard- 
 ships of fighting for 
 the comparative com- 
 fort of a prison camp 
 
 1'nJfnrt.i.d rf i'ndencarid 
 
We hear nearly every day how much the spirit of '17 is like the spirit of '76. It's like the spirit of '61, too, as the pictures on these 
 pages show. Tico of them were taken in 1917; the others are from iico numbers of Harper's Weekly published during the Civil War 
 
 © Vndei 
 
 Back in '61 the censorship wasn't quite so strict. The picture at the top of the page is labeled "Sixty-ninth (Irish) Regiment 
 
 Embarking in the 'James Adger' for the War." The one below ia just some American troops embarking on something for somewhere 
 
Presx Illustrating 
 
 This is what Harper's Weekly of 1SG2 calls "Woman's Influence," .which starts a rather fascinating train of thought. Can a sock 
 influence the course of battles? Could a dropt stitch have as far-reaching and fatal consequences as the missing horse-shoe nail? 
 
 Even a, generation ago Sister Susie sewed shirts for soldiers as the box in the lower right hand corner proves. Apparently she also 
 made comfort bags. She seems slightly more pensive than her 1917 counterpart, but perhaps that is because her skirts are so long 
 
(c) Underwood & Underwood 
 
 ?Klorwl frett 
 
 The battered walls of Rheims Cathedral still stand, tho another shot like that photographed above may bring them down. 
 But there's little left of the town itself. The City Council standing here in their ruined hall are forced to hold their meetings 
 in a nearby cellar. The soldiert at the right art trying to carry the few undamaged icorlcs of art to a place of greater safety 
 
t' tutorial Press 
 
 THE WAR OF HIDE 
 
 AND SEEK 
 To an aviator the road 
 above is just a smooth, 
 broicn field, to the enemy 
 gunners it looks like the 
 edge of a forest, only to 
 those permitted does it 
 disclose itself as a thoro- 
 fare, which can be safely 
 used to bring up supplies 
 for the French trenches 
 
 © Kaitl £ Her'uert 
 
 UNDER COVER 
 The simplest sort of camouflage, branches 
 stacked over the army tent to make it look 
 like a clump of bushes. The American soldiers 
 in France are being taught that the art of 
 successful camouflage is as important in war- 
 fare nowadays as bomb-throwing, for instance, 
 or digging in. The poilu on the right is in a 
 passage to the trenches which has been com- 
 pletely hidden by painted canvas and foliage 
 
 © Vnderwood & Underwood 
 
 French official photograph from Paul Thompson 
 
 HOW CAMOUFLAGE BEGAN 
 These tents in Macedonia, covered with 
 branches to keep off the heat, suggested the 
 original camouflage — according to one of the 
 numerous stories of its discovery. There's in- 
 teresting similarity, at any rate, between them 
 and the A"meriean tent opposite. The marine 
 gun below looks like nothing at all at a distance. 
 The camoufleurs have worked out an exact 
 science of these miscellaneous painted blotches 
 
 Internal ional Film 
 
© International Film Pictorial trege 
 
 MAKING FRIENDS ALONG THE WAT 
 
 A hospitable young Londoner whose favorite reminiscence in years Girls somewhat older find the Sammies' coming an event, too. 
 to come will be the tale of how she shook hands with a Sammy This incident in international courtesy was photographed in Paris 
 
 Kadel i Herbert 
 
 "LET ME TELL YOU HOW WE DID IT!" 
 A French veteran of 1870 moapping storiei with an American Sammy is much impressed by the quantity of Tommy's luggage 
 
 Britilk Opicitl PlKtoarapU 
 
 THAT'S A LOT TO CARRY" 
 
Pictorial Press 
 
 SAMMY IN THE 
 TRENCHES 
 The American army 
 in France had its first 
 chance at actual fight- 
 ing in October, 1917 ; 
 "a contingent of some 
 battalions of our first 
 contingents," reads 
 the official report, "in 
 association with vet- 
 eran French battal- 
 ions, is in the first line 
 trenches of a quiet 
 sector on the French 
 front. They are sup- 
 ported by some batter- 
 ies of our artillery, 
 with veteran French 
 batteries. Our men 
 have adapted them- 
 selves to actual trench 
 conditions in the most 
 satisfactory manner" 
 
 
 J** 
 
 \ * J* 4 
 
 
 
 
 ■'-mi 
 
 1 Jjfa 
 
 \m f !wi #| 
 
 slCm ,jjMm j^E 
 
 iiii 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 Hi Jm Jji 
 
 m 
 
 ».•* 
 
 GET TOUR GAS 
 MASKS ON! 
 
 Seconds are precious 
 when the warning 
 gong is sounded, for a 
 gas attack, and drills 
 to develop speed in 
 adjusting t h e gas 
 masks are one im- 
 portant phase of 
 Sammy's training for 
 the trenches. This pho- 
 tograph and the one 
 above come from one 
 of the training camps 
 in France, where 
 the American soldiers 
 are given- a short 
 period o f intensive 
 training before they 
 are sent forward to 
 the first line trenches 
 
 Kadel S. Herbert 
 
 AMERICAN TROOPS GO OVER THE TOP 
 
Pach Photo News 
 
 THE WAR IN THE SNOWS 
 
FOLLOW THE FLAG 
 
 By Theodore Marburg 
 
 Former United States Minister to Belgium 
 
 Follow the flag! 
 
 By every fireside where live the love of country 
 and the love of justice is heard a sigh of relief that 
 our flag is not, after all, to be trampled in the mire. 
 Now that it has been raised aloft, follow it. Follow 
 it even to the battle front. 
 
 Folloiv the flag! 
 
 It goes on a high mission. The land over which 
 it flies inherited its spirit of freedom from a race 
 which had practised liberty for a thousand years. 
 And the daughter paid back the debt to the mother. 
 Her successful practice of free institutions caused 
 the civic stature of the citizen in the motherland 
 to grow. It lit the torch of liberty in France. Then, 
 moving abreast, these three lands ( of democracy im- 
 parted to it impetus so resistless that freedom is 
 sweeping victorious round the globe. Today consti- 
 tutional government is the rule, not the exception, 
 in the world. Once more these three nations are 
 together leading a great cause and this time as 
 brothers in arms. 
 
 Follow the flag! 
 
 It goes on a world mission. If the high hope of 
 our President is fulfilled, that flag will have new 
 meaning. Just as the stars and stripes in it sym- 
 bolized the union of free states in America, so now 
 they may come to symbolize the beginnings of a 
 
 union of nations, self-governing, and because they 
 are self-governing, making for good will and for 
 justice. 
 
 Folloiv the flag! 
 
 It goes on a stern mission. Follow it, not for 
 revenge, yet in anger — righteous anger against the 
 bloody crew who, with criminal intent, have brought 
 upon the world the greatest sum of human misery 
 it has ever known in all its history. Follow it till that 
 ugly company is put down and the very people them- 
 selves whom they so grievously deceived and misled, 
 by coming into liberty, will come to bless that flag 
 and kiss its gleaming folds. 
 
 Follow the flag! 
 
 Too long it has been absent from that line in 
 France where once again an Attila has been stopped. 
 It has been needed there, God knows ! And yet, tho 
 not visible to the eye, it is and has been there from 
 the beginning. It is there in the hearts of those 
 fifty thousand American boys who saw their duty 
 clear and moved up to it. Now at last it may be 
 flung to the breeze in the front line, to be visible 
 by day, and to remain at nightfall, like the blessings 
 of a prayer fulfilled, in the consciousness of men. 
 Follow it and take your stand beside the fifty 
 thousand. 
 
 Follow the flag.' 
 
© Brown Brotheri THE DOCTORS AND NURSES OF BASE HOSPITAL NO. 4 
 
 FIRST AID TO THE ALLIES 
 
 THE ship that took them out 
 passed unnoticed. At an Atlan- 
 tic port, somewhere in America, 
 early in May, 1917, the liner left, 
 utterly without flourish, just one of 
 many slate colored, deep laden, un- 
 labeled merchantmen braving U-boats 
 these days. A long gun jabbed out over 
 her stern. 
 
 No American battleflag snapped 
 aloft, to set a thousand harbor tugs 
 whistling in salute as she sailed. Dun, 
 grim, silent — and she carried the "first 
 for France.*' 
 
 Aboard was the first unit of the 
 United States Army — uniformed, car- 
 rying the American flag, under War 
 Department orders — to go to the front, 
 Base Hospital No. 4, two hundred and 
 fifty-two strong. It was not merely the 
 first of the army's forces off in this 
 war. 
 
 It was the first army unit that ever 
 sailed in the history of the United 
 States for service on the continent of 
 Europe. 
 
 If John P. Holland had not care- 
 lessly invented the infernal submarine, 
 Base Hospital No. 4 wouldn't have 
 sailed so unostentatiously. There would 
 have been a parade to the pier, god- 
 speed speeches full of "firsts," hulla- 
 baloo down the bay, pictures in all the 
 papers, wireless reports all the way 
 over and kudos galore. The submarine 
 has taken the pomp out of war, even 
 in places three thousand miles away 
 from the front. 
 
 SOME there were at the pier, of 
 course, who knew what was toward. 
 They shouted gaily at the lieutenant- 
 doctors, in spick and span khaki, lin- 
 ing the rail. They laughed and chaffed 
 when the Red Cross sent to the ship 
 two dozen silver-tipped swagger sticks 
 for the officers. They cheered when a 
 philanthropist hurried over the gang- 
 plank to hand $25,000 to the unit to 
 broaden its work. Another hurrah went 
 up for some snare drums rushed 
 aboard. 
 
 Then the ship moved. The khaki- 
 clad men began singing. It was the 
 
 BY HEBER BLANKENHORN 
 
 "Star Spangled Banner." Next they 
 sang "Tipperary." Cheerers on the pier 
 fell silent, thinking how many thou- 
 sands of transports have sailed to 
 "Tipperary" and how many will yet 
 sail to the "Star Spangled Banner." 
 
 It was only a regiment of doctors 
 going to a post nowhere near the firing 
 line, with only submarines to face and 
 slight chance of being bombed. 
 
 But they were the first to answer 
 the Allies' call for help and some were 
 glad that America's first should be 
 healers, not killers. Others were proud 
 that the first call should find America 
 perfectly prepared. 
 
 THE first unit was mobilized and off 
 in seven days. Five more hospital 
 units followed hard at their heels. In 
 all so far Colonel Jefferson R. Kean, 
 Director General of Military Relief, 
 has organized thirty-six base hospitals 
 under the Red Cross to be mobilized 
 with the army under War Department 
 orders. 
 
 Ten thousand surgeons, nurses and 
 attendants, this means, are under way 
 for France. They will not all come 
 back, as any one knows who has stud- 
 ied the casualty lists of the medical 
 arm of the belligerents. 
 
 The percentages of casualties, ac- 
 cording to the reports from the Allies 
 as cited by Captain A. Lippincott, U. 
 S. Signal Corps, run as follows: med- 
 ical, infantry, artillery, air. The mor- 
 tality rate among the doctors in official 
 reports for a long time now has been 
 actually the highest of the war. The 
 normal ratio is 10 doctors to 1000 men. 
 At present there is only one doctor to 
 1000 men in France. 
 
 The British army lost six hundred 
 doctors in the battle of the Somme 
 alone. As long as a year and a half 
 ago the French army service became 
 demoralized, between losses and in- 
 efficient organization. In the Russian 
 army, with its peculiar system of "fly- 
 ing columns" of doctors who work right 
 in the trenches, the mortality has been 
 far higher in the medical service than 
 
 in any other branch. In all the armies 
 it is found that the doctors after three 
 years in war work have spent them- 
 selves and must be relieved. American 
 surgeons, conceded the best in the 
 world, are now going by the thousand. 
 It is estimated that the war will take 
 at least twenty-five thousand American 
 doctors and nurses. 
 
 THE war surgeon's task is not in- 
 spiring to the popular mind. No 
 "citations" in it, no headlines. It is 
 gloomy, discouraging, an endless wade 
 in the "backwash of war." Toilers in 
 the hospital get no acclaim in the 
 communiques, not even a notice unless 
 some attendant is killed, as was H. E. 
 M. Suckley of Rhinebeck, New York, 
 by a German avion dropping bombs 
 eighteen miles back of the trenches. 
 
 Without a thrill, without even the 
 intoxicated heat of "going over the 
 top" for a charge, without even a hate, 
 the doctors struggle on at the most dis- 
 heartening job in the whole business 
 of war. 
 
 Blasted men, gangrenous bodies, are 
 about them always. They work in 
 stench and moaning and horrib'e dy- 
 ing. Death is at their elbow day and 
 night. If they succeed they see half 
 their cures return wearily to the 
 trenches, the other half, maimed, go 
 home to drag out a useless existence. 
 
 IF the doctor's lot is cheerless, the 
 nurse's is almost unendurable. Pain 
 never lets up in the long wards and 
 the nurse is continually at the beck 
 of torture. She has been overtasked as 
 well in many of the hospitals of 
 France. One nurse, one nurse's aid and 
 a three-fingered orderly with an entire 
 hospital of forty beds to care for un- 
 assisted, is not an unusual case. 
 
 With this before them the American 
 doctors and nurses are going abroad 
 so eagerly that the commander of No. 
 4 said on arriving in Great Britain 
 that his people were "crazy to go into 
 action." 
 
 Their enthusiasm grows out of their 
 
© Brown Miockers 
 
 AN X-RAY UNDER CANVAS 
 
 splendid preparation. Colonel Kean be- 
 gan organizing over a year ago. Base 
 Hospital No. 4 was recruited at Lake- 
 side Hospital Cleveland, Ohio. Its doc- 
 tors were all officers of the United 
 States Medical Reserve Corps, and 
 some had had "war" experience with 
 the Guard on the Mexican border, while 
 others had served in relief emergencies, 
 such as the flood at Dayton and the 
 like. Its director, the noted surgeon, Dr. 
 George W. Crile, had gone to France 
 for a time early in the war. 
 
 This unit accomplished a tour de 
 force in mobilizing- in a week. A base 
 hospital is a complicated organization. 
 Its two hundred and fifty members in- 
 clude twenty-five surgeons, sixty-five 
 nurses, one hundred and fifty orderlies, 
 recorders, attendants, cooks, mechan- 
 icians, launderers, electricians, etc., and 
 its equipment for 500 beds when 
 housed under canvas takes twenty-five 
 or thirty tents. The first units for 
 France did not need this equipment, as 
 they were ordered to prepared hospi- 
 tals. Many sorts of experts went — pedi- 
 atrists, dentists, X-ray 
 men, ophthalmologists, 
 bacteriologists. 
 
 The Lakeside men 
 did heroic things to 
 tear themselves loose 
 and be first off. Fa- 
 mous surgeons instant- 
 ly sacrificed practises 
 worth $100,000 a year. 
 
 Here is exactly 
 what one young lieu- 
 tenant did on five suc- 
 cessive days: 1, he mo- 
 bilized; 2, he married; 
 3, he hurried off to 
 Philadelphia to read a 
 scientific paper, the 
 result of two years' 
 research, before the So- 
 ciety of American Phy- 
 sicians; 4, he rushed 
 back to Ohio to say 
 "good-bye" to home; 5, 
 he started east again 
 — for the front. Like 
 feats were accomplished 
 by the other units, 
 the Harvard, the Pres- 
 byterian-Columbia o f 
 New York, the Johns 
 Hopkins, the Chicago, 
 
 the Philadelphia, the St. Louis, all in 
 the first call to the colors. 
 
 Their work is cut out for them. After 
 the dressing stations in the trenches 
 have slapped on "first aid" and the 
 field hospitals back of the lines have 
 operated the vital cases, the wounded 
 pass thru the evacuation hospitals to 
 the base hospitals. 
 
 Since hospital ships are being ruth- 
 lessly torpedoed these days the base 
 hospitals must be in France and every 
 "drive" from now on will tax them to 
 the uttermost. 
 
 No. 4's men intend to do more than 
 the "cut out" work. Major Crile, Major 
 Lower and Major Hoover, the best 
 known among them, would like to see 
 what can be accomplished by quick op- 
 erative work in the very trenches, 
 dragging their anesthetics and knives 
 into the dark of dugouts and mud of 
 shell holes. Their reasoning is based on 
 the fact that abdominal cases if not 
 operated within four hours after the 
 wound are usually fatal. They want to 
 work out this grim arithmetic — wheth- 
 er by following up attacks right with 
 the fighters the percentage of men 
 saved will not be greater than the per- 
 centage of doctors killed. The problem, 
 tho unpleasant, must be scientifically 
 resolved. 
 
 They hope to do research work as 
 well, with that $25,000 which Samuel 
 Mather donated at the pier. One of 
 them, who has been working on the or- 
 igins of jaundice, had in his pockets 
 reports of how France is suffering 
 from a plague of jaundice due to 
 trench rats. Out of war they will try- 
 to distill some essence of good for hu- 
 manity. 
 
 No. 4, convoyed at the last by an 
 American destroyer, reached England 
 on May 17. Major Gilchrist, in com- 
 mand, found his force welcomed by a 
 
 © Broun Brothers 
 
 THE LINEN DEPARTMENT, AND A VIEW OF A HOSPITAL STREET 
 
 ONE OF THE OPERATING TENTS 
 
 British general and his staff at a port- 
 decorated with American flags in the 
 doctors' honor. 
 
 On to London, and humble No. 4 
 found itself lionized. Buckingham Pal- 
 ace invited its presence for the first 
 reception of the sort that ever took 
 place. Royalty democratically shook the 
 hand of every man and woman and 
 King George addrest them, saying: 
 "We greet you as the first detachment 
 of the American army to land on our 
 shores." 
 
 In England No, 4 was face to face 
 with the one thing it feared. The fear 
 had come upon it an hour before sail- 
 ing. They knew they were trained, they 
 were drilled, they were all prepared — ■ 
 but they had no band. By the scream- 
 ing eagle, what a fix! They hastily 
 canvassed their administrative per- 
 sonnel recruited a few days before and 
 discovered that of the one hundred and 
 fifty, seventy-six were college boys, en- 
 listed as privates, at fifteen dollars a 
 month, volunteers to do the hardest, 
 meanest work around a hospital. Some 
 of them were runa- 
 ways. 
 
 Of the seventy-six, a 
 dozen were found 
 who "could play any- 
 thing." An officer 
 rushed ashore and pur- 
 chased half a dozen 
 diums and as many 
 fifes. 
 
 On the voyage 
 over the sharked-up 
 drum corps learned to 
 play "Yankee Doodle" 
 — but not at Bucking- 
 ham Palace. Even for 
 the frills of war they 
 were competent and 
 ready. 
 
 In France in the 
 grim business of saving 
 shattered men these 
 10,000 American doc- 
 tors and nurses may in 
 the next year work in- 
 calculable good for the 
 race and make the 
 name "American" blest 
 among the nations of 
 the earth. 
 
 New York City 
 
(c) Underwood 
 
 SEEING DADDY OFF 
 
THEY WERE DETERMINED— AND NOT A LITTLE EAGER, 
 
 THE FIRST TROOPS OVERSEAS 
 
 SOMEWHERE" on the Atlantic 
 Coast the "first ten thousand" 
 were ready to start for "some- 
 where in Europe." 
 
 On board one of the transports, a 
 great ocean liner, I went over to a pri- 
 vate standing alone by the rail — a 
 thoughtful, dark-haired fellow staring 
 into the distance, past intervening- 
 miles, I imagined, clear away to a lit- 
 tle farmer mother standing in a door- 
 way, thinking of him. "Are you down- 
 hearted?" I asked him. 
 
 "I'm just looking," he smiled. 
 
 "Where?" I smiled back at him. 
 
 "Oh, somewhere," he laughed. 
 
 And then, suddenly: "Hell, I got a 
 girl." 
 
 Nearly every one of them had girls, 
 I judge. Nearly all had mothers. And 
 some had wives. And many were sol- 
 diers of fortune with neither girls nor 
 mothers nor wives. And here they were, 
 all together, bound on the Great Ad- 
 venture, and if there were any tears 
 shed, neither the ocean nor the officers 
 were any the wiser. 
 
 There may have been tears shed, yet 
 mothers who are in dread of embarka- 
 tions these days should be assured that 
 these thousands were full of fight and 
 of fun, and they went to sea with the 
 soldier "bands" playing. Certainly on 
 one ship the only sign of nervousness 
 I made out was that displayed by a 
 lieutenant, who came up from the 
 ranks by examination, clear up to the 
 point where now he was, with some 
 other officers, on what he called "the 
 roof" of the ship! 
 
 He was a little nervous, and a bash- 
 ful boy, too — one of those condemned 
 to suffer solitude tho thousands are all 
 about him. He fretted. He moved round 
 in circles — for him very small circles. 
 He was accustomed, like many a diffi- 
 
 BY DONALD WILHELM 
 
 dent young officer, to the western fields, 
 I know. He had never before smelled 
 the sea, I am sure. And he was, I 
 think, so intent on appearing self- 
 composed that he forgot, as the big 
 vessel turned her engines, and strolled 
 out upon the canvas covering of the 
 top deck — strolled out, and then strolled 
 right back again, very, very quickly! 
 
 He laughed at his own nervousness 
 — a queer little laugh. The others 
 laughed. And a moment later he stole 
 off, to be alone, no doubt — alone with 
 "the girl" thousands of miles away. I 
 thought then that he was the kind 
 of impulsive boy who would some day 
 steal off, quite unaided, over the para- 
 pet and across "No Man's Land," and 
 do perhaps as Sergeant Leary did — 
 kiil half a score of Germans, capture 
 a couple more, a machine gun and the 
 "V. C." all in one hour of a busy day. 
 
 "What's the difference," mused one 
 of the remaining officers — one young 
 enough to talk quite frankly. "If I get 
 shot my uncle will pay all my bills. 
 And if I don't get shot he says he will 
 pay 'em any way if I bring him a Ger- 
 man helmet. So I'll send him two Ger- 
 man helmets — C. O. D. Well, what if 
 you do get shot — if there isn't any 
 hereafter for a soldier fighting, who's 
 got one coming to him, then?" 
 
 The ship's whistle snorted. The Only 
 Civilian made for the head of the gang- 
 plank. 
 
 There, at the head of the gangplank, 
 was a little group of soldiers — a couple 
 of wistful boys, an older sergeant, 
 three others. They were near the hatch 
 that led down to their quarters — down 
 to the big space full of bunks, three 
 atop one another, all freshly painted 
 and scrupulously clean. 
 
 "Now," said the sergeant, winking, 
 "the funny thing about a torpedo go- 
 ing off under you is that you never 
 know what happened until you feel 
 yourself coming down!" 
 
 They laughed, I began to realize that 
 after all these men took the whole sit- 
 uation philosophically, even now, in 
 the first unrushed moment since they 
 had come marching out of the distances 
 that constitute America. Almost all 
 situations in life offer some satisfac- 
 tions, — and this one did likewise. 
 
 And then the boat moved a little — 
 the tension was off its hawsers. 
 
 I got ashore. 
 
 "I envy you — I wish I were in your 
 place," I called to one of the men at 
 the rail. 
 
 "Perhaps you won't three months 
 from now," he laughed. And then, 
 from the same man: "Give my regards 
 to all the girls " 
 
 " to Broadway, too," called an- 
 other. 
 
 And then another punned on some- 
 thing about Broadway with its sky- 
 line of stars, even when it's stormy! 
 
 The next moment the boat had 
 cleared, all except two hawsers. I 
 glanced at my watch. There was a 
 minute left till schedule. She waited 
 that minute out. There was that min- 
 ute's pause, a curt order from the 
 bridge and almost instantly the big 
 craft was moving slowly but surely 
 out toward the sea. 
 
 Then there was music. Some boy 
 with a cheerful heart started it with 
 "Tipperary," and the next moment a 
 soldier band had caught up the tune, 
 then turned it to the music that prom- 
 ises to be the marching song that will 
 heal forever the wounds between North 
 and South — "Dixie"! 
 
 On the decks, too, were not a few 
 
bluejackets — men assigned to man — or 
 shall we say "mother?" — the plentiful 
 guns fore and aft. 
 
 ■'What are those guns for?" I asked 
 a "jackie." 
 
 He laughed. "Just for sociability's 
 sake," he said. 
 
 "Regards to Fritz — boom!" suggest- 
 ed a private. 
 
 The jackie shook his head dolefully. 
 "You fellows are the ones that will see 
 something doing," he said. 
 
 "Well, Skinny," retorted the private, 
 "you'll see something doing when you 
 get this bunch of landlubbers out on 
 the briny!" 
 
 This, no doubt, proved to be truth. 
 But there is solace, nevertheless, for 
 the privates — so the jackies intimated 
 — in knowing that the jackies will be 
 enjoying themselves even if the land- 
 lubbers aren't! And, after all, seasick- 
 ness leaves hardly any sting! 
 
 All of which suggests something im- 
 portant — that this trip will constitute 
 an event in the annals of American 
 traditions because it has been very 
 seldom that soldiers and sailors have 
 ei-ost the ocean together, and of course 
 they have never crost on a mission like 
 this one. 
 
 There are men from Army and Navy 
 and from the Marine Corps, too, on 
 this first contingent — men from all 
 ranks of our various services. Amer- 
 ica was represented in those first ten 
 thousands, represented fore and aft 
 and in the lookouts atop decks, in 
 cabins and under hatches, all of Amer- 
 ica — typical soldiers from whom one 
 can extract nothing in the way of in- 
 formation about themselves; men from 
 the North and the South, from the 
 East and the West — from all the lev- 
 els high and low of America. There 
 were men with distinguished names, 
 
 just like the other privates — Lees, for 
 instance — a few men of wealth, and 
 not a few sons of men celebrated in 
 our down-to-the-date American life. 
 
 IT was startling in its psychological 
 effect — the sudden appearance, right 
 on scheduled minute, of these columns. 
 They came marching up out of all the 
 reaches of America — marching four 
 abreast, in line upon line, till their 
 faces made a passing sweep that 
 played on one's emotions like the flut- 
 ter of an American flag. They came 
 marching up, into the lighted space, 
 and then flashed on into the shadows, 
 to pause, take a look about and a 
 moment's rest, then file up the gang- 
 planks, down the hatches and up to 
 the upper decks, and pile themselves 
 into bunks — for they were tired, every 
 one of them. 
 
 They were tired; yet they came 
 marching up out of the depths symbol- 
 ically, with a vigor that was astound- 
 ing, marching with full equipment 
 ready to stay in Europe till the Ger- 
 mans burn out and freeze themselves 
 under. They came, thousand after thou- 
 sand of them, in order that the Im- 
 perial German Government would have 
 deemed impossible here, at an embarka- 
 tion. There was no confusion. They 
 came and there were no consequences 
 — just a few low and quiet commands, 
 a few wheelings and swift and direct 
 execution of movements desired. They 
 came in long columns and went aboard, 
 and the strange, quizzical idea that 
 persisted in me, past all the envy that 
 came to this poor civilian at these fel- 
 lows who are to have their chance, was 
 this, that it was somehow curious that 
 they were going to the other side of 
 the world and taking nothing but their 
 rifles ! 
 
 Of course on board there was much 
 more merely than rifles. Of course 
 there was aboard that great armada of 
 men and materials much more — very 
 much more — somewhere! 
 
 Yet here were all these men, gath- 
 ered from far and wide, from all the 
 levels high and low of a country as 
 wide and deep as America, bound to 
 the other side of the world, taking- 
 nothing but rifles! Of course this is a 
 crazy idea, and yet it persisted, and it 
 still persists. It seemed to this civilian 
 that it was as if a shoemaker were 
 going to Egypt and taking not an awl 
 but merely a hammer. So I said so to 
 one of the officers. He smiled indul- 
 gently. "They're going over to use their 
 rifles," he explained. "And you know," 
 he laughed more and more amused, 
 "they've got their bayonets, too!" 
 
 He did not even add — this vigorous, 
 much amused officer — that old adage 
 among the military to the effect that a 
 soldier's life is for his family, his 
 death for his country, and his discom- 
 forts for himself. 
 
 But they weren't thinking of things 
 like that — not these men. The older sol- 
 diers, with the love of a fight that is 
 part of their nature, looked forward to 
 action of a kind past all anticipation. 
 And the young ones with the old were 
 full of wonderment, perhaps, yet they 
 took their cues from the old ones. I had 
 spent hours with them. They were 
 cheerful, full of fight and of fun. They 
 were comfortable. And intelligent, too 
 — that is, they looked at the situation 
 as they found it, knew its dangers and 
 enjoyed them. They were not down- 
 hearted, taken altogether. They were 
 determined, and it may be guessed that 
 before their journey was over they 
 were not a little eager, too. 
 
 July, 1917 
 
 © International Film 
 
 "I WISH I WERE IN YOUR PLACE !" 
 
gm miiiiiiiiiii i mm i iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii iiiii i iiiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiii iiiiniiiii iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiii iiiiii | mmm iimiimmmmmiiimiiiimiiimiiiiiiiM 
 
 COME ACROSS ! 
 
 The United States Answers the Call 
 
(c) Underwood 
 
 THE BIGGEST PARADE SINCE '65 
 125,000 men and women, more Americans than have marched behind one leader since the grand review of the G. A. R., 
 marched up Broadway and Fifth Avenue, New York, on May 13, 1917, to advertise their belief in national preparedness 
 
© Press lllHsiratini) 
 
 THE UBIQUITOUS RED TRIANGLE 
 
 Wherever the soldier goes, there goes the Y. M. C. A. 
 This is a typical hut. There are others like it in, every 
 cantonment camp, in the big cities where troops embark, 
 in Paris, "back of the front," wherever our army goes 
 
 THE FRENCH FOR T. M. 0. A. 
 
 The location is Paris and the mural decorations are 
 decidedly French, but the games on the tables are those 
 the American soldier and sailor like to plug and the 
 magazines and newspapers come from home. There is 
 an infinite variety in the architecture of the "huts" but 
 the spirit of welcome is very much alike in them all 
 
 © underwood & Underwood 
 
 A GOOD SHOT 
 
 Maybe billiards improves a soldier's marksmanship, 
 anyway it improves his disposition. That is tohy this 
 Y. M. O. A. encourages it by furnishing its huts with 
 tables ir>hich are always at the disposal of the man who 
 wants a game. And there are concerts and "movies," too 
 
 PORTO RICO, TOO 
 'The Porto Ricans are the first of our colonials to take 
 up the fight. Their troops are training hard and effect- 
 ively, and spending their odd minutes in the Y. M. G. A. 
 tents. The red triangle and the blue triangle of the Y. W. 
 C. A. are becoming almost as well known as the Red Cross 
 
 © Vnderwuod & Underwood 
 
 Ik i M-kJ 
 
WHEN THE SOLDIERS AREN'T DRILLING 
 The community Y. M. G. A. at Chattanooga leads in providing recreation for the soldiers off duty — magazines, books, music and "eats'' 
 
 ? Illustrating 
 
 THE CHURCH HAS A SHARE IN ENTERTAINING 
 
 All kinds of fun at an old-fashioned Hallowe'en social given by the young people in one of the churches near a training camp 
 
From Connecticut tc 
 California our colleges 
 prepared to do their 
 part before war was 
 declared. The Univer- 
 sity of Illinois is first 
 in military importance 
 and in the order of 
 these pictures; 2200 
 students drill regularly 
 there under the direc- 
 tion of three United 
 States army officers 
 
 Below, the University 
 of Illinois Armory, a 
 new building excellent- 
 ly equipt; it has a drill 
 floor 200 by 400 feet. 
 Illinois goes in for 
 cavalry practise, too. 
 Engineering is empha- 
 sized in the military 
 training at Wisconsin 
 University. These boys 
 are trying out a bridge 
 they built themselves 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ^^^rJssSHI 
 
 
 
 Cornell had 2100 soldier s-in-the-making in spring term, 1917, when Cornell Company C put the camp in campus 
 
 Photoffraptit 6y Baoan 
 
 Everybody, in the East at least, knows the Yale Batteries, organized in 1915 as part of the Connecticut Tenth Regiment 
 
© Underwood <& Underwood 
 
 © International Film 
 
 © Inter nati-onal Film 
 
 These sidelights on Plattsburg busyness give color to the story there of a soldier who asked leave to go back to 
 the trenches to rest after his second day of training camp routine. Plattsburg men vouch for it with enthusiasm! 
 
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 © International Film 
 
 The college men come first in war recruiting. These undergraduates are training for work on submarine chasers 
 
 'We want a rifle for every American" was the slogan of the business msn who drilled for weeks ivith broomsticks 
 
 © International Film 
 
 West Point on dress parade forms a forceful contrast. We rely on these cadets of yesterday for the officers of tomorrow 
 
International Film Service 
 
 An Indian battalion drilled for national defense. The Carlisle Industrial School requires military training under an officer 
 
 © XJndencood i Underwood Princeton Pictorial Review 
 
 Princeton has no slackers, either. The marching songs of football fame are being used to put pep into _ the "awkward 
 iquad's" daily drill on campus; and some of the men are learning railroad service on- the "Junction locomotive" 
 
(£) International Film 
 
 In New York the Boy Scouts did recruiting. You can almost hear the 
 
 Kadel & Herbert 
 
 'Star Spangled Banner" in the tableau above 
 
 © Underwood & Underwood 
 
 They're ready to do their bit at war work, too, putting up hospital tents like these, moving the wounded, carrying messages 
 
THE SPIRIT OF '17 
 
 Independence Ball was again the focus of the country's patriotism when this meeting endorsed the declaration of war with Germany 
 
Kadel & Herbert 
 
 © Bro\cn i£ Dawson 
 
 Now Uncle Sam is seiving shirts for soldiers, and his shops surpass the speed of Sister Sue; 
 For, here are uniforms cut out by forties, stitched, pressed and shipped all day and all night, too 
 
Portrait by Paul Thompson 
 
 Photographs of factory copyright by Underwood & Underwood 
 
 "If anybody attacks the United States, believe me, I'm going to fight and fight hard." The same willingness to 
 finance his ideals that made Henry Ford send a peace ship to Europe backed his offer of a $100,000,000 loan 
 to the Government, without interest, and the use of his entire factory, with its A6,000 employees. 
 
A MAN-SIZE 
 FACTORY JOB 
 
 The woman below is 
 one of the thousands 
 ■who have stepped into 
 machine-shop to o r k 
 that used to he done 
 by men. They are get- 
 ting away with it, too ; 
 after all a drilling 
 machine and a sewing 
 machine do have a 
 good deal in common 
 
 © Underwood £ Underwood 
 
 A WOMAN AS 
 GATE-KEEPER 
 
 Mrs. Phillips, of Mont- 
 clair, New Jersey, has 
 found another new 
 field f o r woman's 
 work. She is in charge 
 of one of the Erie 
 Railroad's grade cross- 
 ings, thereby earning 
 enough to support her- 
 self while her husband 
 is fighting in France 
 
 ENLISTING THE WOMEN OP AMERICA 
 
 Government positions, chiefly at coast defense stations, 
 were filled by women as fast as they graduated 
 from this radio operators' class in Netv York City 
 
 THE CHAMPION GIRL CANNER 
 Helen Tew, of Washington, D. C, won the first prize 
 given by the National Emergency Food Garden Com- 
 mission in their contest in vegetable canning this fall 
 
 had' l A Herbert © Underwood & Underwood 
 
 BAGGAGE-SMASHERS AND ENGINEERS 
 
 The Bush Terminal Company is training women to fill the places of men called to the front. They're unloading elevators here 
 
© B. L. IToItJen 
 
 Of course the Red Cross enrolled the largest number; 350 of Vassar's 1100 students are working at first aid or nursing 
 
"We must build ships, not talk about them!" The 
 second chairman of the Shipping Board struck the 
 right note to satisfy the national impatience after 
 iveeks of futile controversy over the case of 
 wooden ships vs. steel. President Wilson gave 
 former Chairman William Denman and Major- 
 General Goethals, recently General Manager of 
 the Emergency Fleet Corporation, plenty of 
 time to settle their differences or to effect a 
 compromise; his acceptance at last of the 
 resignations of both men cleared 
 
 © Underwood iG Underwood 
 
 away the tangle for a fresh start on our 
 ship-building program, which finally worked 
 out to emphasize the importance of steel 
 ships, but included ivooden vessels, too. 
 The photograph beloiv shows a pictur- 
 esque point in the building of the for- 
 est fleet; there are approximately a 
 million feet of lumber in this particular 
 ship. Above is one of the most essential 
 units in steel ship-building, a riveter 
 fastening doivn the heavy deck plates 
 
 Bain © Harris & Ewiny _ 
 
© Underwood & I'ndcncn.t! 
 
 FEEDING A MILLION MEN 
 Up-to-date Government cook wagons furnish a good hot stew Every camp lias its "spud squad" — the cook has plenty of helper) 
 
 © .4„ 
 
 PART OF THE AUXILIARY 
 MOBILIZATION 
 
 These far-reaching piles of crates and ho.rcs 
 are just a sample of the shipments that 
 Uncle Sam makes to insure good and 
 sufficient food for the men in the training 
 camps thruout the country. More stores are 
 going over, too, to take care of the food 
 problem for the American troops in France 
 
 PIES THAT MOTHER COULDN'T 
 MAKE 
 
 The American soldier eats more than any 
 other in the world — pies such as these 
 would seem to prove that there's a reason 
 for it.' Even the cook here can't help beam- 
 ing with righteous pride; he gets the best 
 of modern equipment and material to work 
 with — "Uncle Sam supplies the dough" 
 
THE PRESIDENT AS SOLDIER 
 A snapshot that strikes the keynote of 
 democracy — President Wilson march- 
 ing in the Washington parade 
 
 © TJnderteood & Vndertcood Centra} AVios 
 
 io) underwood & Underwood 
 
 WHEN THE FIRST DRAFTED TROOPS LEFT NEW YORK 
 
THE SAMMIES IN LONDON 
 It was a great occasion— this first popular welcome of England to the American troops. 
 They are marching here past the House of Parliament and over Westminster Bridge. The 
 photograph below shows another section of the same parade, reviewed by the King and Queen 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 WHEN THE SEVENTH MARCHED AWAY IN - G1 
 One of the first Civil War numbers of ''Harper's Weekly" published this cut of New York's send-off celebration to the boys in blue 
 
 © Vndcncood & Underwood 
 
 THE "FIGHTING SEVENTH" ON THEIR WAY TO FRANCE 
 New York's favorite regiment leads the way in another u-ar for democracy and "the city of Don't-care" proves again how much it does 
 
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 © Vndarwood & Underwood 
 
 A FRENCH GENERAL REVIEWS OUR TROOPS CLOSE TO THE FIGHTING FRONT 
 
 LEARNING TRENCH TACTICS 
 
 French officers are giving the American soldiers the 
 benefit of their three years' experience in trench, fighting 
 
 Pictorial Press 
 OVER THERE 
 It might be any 
 old camp where a 
 couple of soldiers 
 had nothing more 
 rious to worry 
 about than a dish- 
 pan, but the care- 
 fully "camou- 
 flaged" tent-fly 
 belies that fir 
 impression. As 
 matter of fact it's 
 well Within sound © international Fa m 
 
 of the guns. The "TIME OFF" IS BUSY, TOO 
 
 censor does not The Sammies say that learning to talk Frenc 
 say exactly where --but perhaps it all depends on how you 
 
 h is easy 
 study it 
 
The keystone of fighting America West Point Academy has graduated in all nearly 6000 officers for the United 
 States Army. This is the entrance to Cadets' Barracks; on the hill in the distance is West Point's famous cliapel 
 
THE FIRST TEN THOUSAND 
 
 WHATEVER may be in the 
 minds of the five thousand 
 or so student officers under- 
 going, many for the first 
 time, some for the second, the intensi- 
 fied training under way at Plattsburg 
 Barracks that is designed at some no 
 distant date to produce "The First Ten 
 Thousand" who are to organize, in- 
 struct, and finally lead the shadowy 
 millions of Americans who thru the 
 selective draft will be called to serve 
 their country, there is in the minds 
 
 BY HERBERT REED 
 
 the little I have seen so far, and con- attitude of the gray-haired man of 
 
 vinced as I am that these molders of forty who had fought the workaday 
 
 men have always before them the vision world for the sort of life he meant to 
 
 of those shadowy drafted millions which live and had lived till now; who had 
 
 are in the last analysis the nation. They thrown away the fruits of that fight 
 
 are determined that these millions shall to fight for the world that he had found 
 
 not be thrown away — indeed, that they so good. These two stand side by side 
 
 shall have every chance for their lives 
 compatible with victory. 
 
 I want that fact to sink home in the 
 breasts of the mass of men of all orders 
 who will be called to the colors, for I 
 have been on the ground where the 
 
 of their experienced instructors one problem is being worked out, and I 
 
 basic idea, and that is that we are at have been among hundreds of men who 
 
 war. Not that we are preparing for will be called, and I know their fears 
 
 war, but that we are at war. It is based on the experiences of the old vol- 
 
 a sweeping change in attitude from unteer system with its rank favoritism, 
 the old training camp days when we 
 
 in the ranks, the older as proud as the 
 younger of the new equality. 
 
 On the surface these things do not 
 appear. One has to dig deeply. But 
 they are everlastingly there and they 
 are that "atmosphere" of which I 
 spoke. The process of stifling those 
 who were not and never could be of 
 that atmosphere began early, and, as I 
 write is still going on. You cannot 
 serve Caesar and the ideal which is 
 ours at the same time. And those who 
 
 were preparing for war perhaps. The T710RTUNATELY for the purpose of prefer Cassar are being sent back. 
 
 change is evident in little things, but 
 above all in the great fundamental 
 determination to wipe out at one 
 stroke in the personality and pre- 
 vious attainments of the candidate 
 everything but the man himself. The 
 military life of every man who re 
 
 J- this chronicle I reached Plattsburg 
 on the day when the first thousands of 
 student officers, after a week of shak- 
 ing together, had been set free for rest 
 and recreation. From little talks here 
 and there, with men I had known, with 
 men I was seeing for the first time, 
 
 One man wanted a few days off to 
 attend to his business. He had forgot- 
 ten that he was now about his coun- 
 try's business. He received an honor- 
 able discharge on the spot, and even 
 that was a concession. There were 
 here and there cases of overanxiety 
 
 ported at the bleak barracks on the with pairs, with groups; from a study which will wear off, of sheer exuber 
 
 shores of Lake Champlain after the of their faces and of their bearing I 
 
 preliminary weeding out process in his gained an indelible impression of seri- 
 home territory, which in this case 
 
 comprises New. York and New Eng- 
 land, began the moment he reported 
 for duty. His future lay thereafter 
 in his own hands. In the mass I be- 
 lieve that has been understood by the 
 candidates for commissions. And that 
 understanding in the mass cannot help 
 but grow until it so dominates the 
 place that the exception will be oblit- 
 erated. 
 
 That is the way "atmos- 
 phere" is made in any 
 great assemblage of men 
 afield whether in the great 
 games of peace or the 
 greatest of all games now 
 in its third year on the 
 raw fields of Europe. And 
 in such an atmosphere the 
 man who hugs his indi- 
 viduality cannot breathe. 
 And yet, from Lieutenant 
 Colonel Paul Wolf down 
 there is not a regular 
 army instructor at Platts- 
 burg who does not realize 
 that this is but half the 
 problem. How to crush out 
 of the candidate every- 
 thing but the priceless 
 kernel of his character, 
 and so nourish that char- 
 acter that it will develop 
 leadership of an order 
 never before demanded in 
 such a branch of human 
 activity in this country — 
 that is the problem in its 
 final form. Will it be 
 solved? I believe so, bas- 
 ing my judgment on even 
 
 ousness. There were exceptions, of 
 course, but in the main I found a real- 
 ization of the task in hand among men 
 of all classes, of all sort of previous 
 attainments and experience, from the 
 youngest to the oldest. There is as I 
 write vividly before me the face of the 
 young man just out of college, superb 
 in his youth, ardent in his aspirations, 
 who said: "I want my ticket for 
 
 ance which will also wear off to a large 
 extent without adversely affecting the 
 morale of the men. Despite discom- 
 forts due to the sudden, the tremend- 
 ous, and in some ways unexpected 
 growth of the post, it has so far been 
 a happy encampment. Much has been 
 said of the grinding work, but there is 
 nothing in the schedule that need 
 wear down men who are physically fit 
 for it, and the intensive mental train- 
 ing is well within the powers of the 
 
 ,.y. 
 
 France." Hardly less vivid is the tense type of man who has been sent on by 
 
 the examining boards. And 
 I have never seen any 
 course of study, even of 
 the non-military order, 
 better worked out to shift 
 swiftly from theory to 
 practise, and from prac- 
 tise to theory. The mind is 
 rested as the body swings 
 into action, and the body 
 relaxes as the mind takes 
 up the burden. Tact, quan- 
 tities of it, goes with the 
 instruction every minute 
 of every hour, and so far 
 as such a quality may be 
 passed on, it is being 
 passed on here. Men are 
 being taught not merely 
 how to act, but to teach 
 others how to act. 
 
 I know not what better 
 to call it than a famous 
 football man once called it. 
 "Coaching the coaches." 
 It is that with this addi- 
 tion, that the new coach 
 must be also a personal 
 leader. 
 
 Just a word more about 
 the real democracy of this 
 
 MR. REED REVIEWING A PLATTSBURG SQUAD 
 
Paul Thovipson 
 
 COACHING THE COACHES 
 
 quota of officers-to-be. There are in 
 the ranks day by day men who by 
 virtue of previous instruction, prepa- 
 ration and examination, much of it 
 undergone at considerable personal sac- 
 rifice, had already attained rank, some 
 as high as major, in the Officers' 
 Reserve Corps. They wear the in- 
 signia and draw the pay of their 
 rank, yet they ; re privates, and they 
 must fight in competition with the 
 veriest newcomer for the right to re- 
 tain that rank or even a lower one in 
 the New Army. The men at their side 
 do not even salute them. And yet I 
 have not heard one of them grumble. 
 There have been obstacles, and seri- 
 ous ones, to a quick getting under way, 
 to the processes of even development. 
 They included a shortage of food, a 
 shortage of blankets, this a serious 
 drawback in a country where nights 
 are often bitterly cold at this time of 
 year. No, there has not been enough 
 to eat for men doing the work of these 
 men. The fault is whose? I do not 
 know; but this I do know, that it does 
 not lie at this end of the line. Thus 
 
 for some days the men have been stok- 
 ing up on pie and cake and milk sup- 
 plementary to the mess. They have 
 been good-natured about it, for they 
 have realized the size of the task here 
 in taking- care of more than twice the 
 number of men who had been antici- 
 pated, and who have appeared suddenly 
 and in batches of varying and in some 
 cases not predetermined size. Here is 
 the ermment of one of the men, and it 
 is typical of the corps: 
 
 "It has been pretty tough at times, 
 but it will work out all right." 
 
 Now, as every one knows, there are 
 in the ranks men of great family names 
 and great family fortunes. Their pres- 
 ence is "news" to photographer and 
 reporter, and there is no doubt that the 
 appearance of their pictures and "spe- 
 cials" about them in the newspapers 
 has stimulated interest in this difficult 
 undertaking thruout the land. In their 
 own behalf, be it said, they have craved 
 none of this publicity. In another day 
 the continued following of their move- 
 ments as individuals might be of ab- 
 
 sorbing interest, but this is a serious 
 business, and I venture to predict that 
 in the future there will be less and 
 less of individual news from this post, 
 and more and more interesting "group" 
 news. And this group news is new in- 
 deed with the American people. So it 
 would be as well for the reader to say 
 good-by to the great names here in the 
 ranks until such time as they thrust up 
 out of those ranks thru their toil and 
 their brains and the great good thing 
 that is deep within them. Today they 
 are as drab and dull and all but indis- 
 tinguishable against the brownish back- 
 ground of the parade ground as the 
 shoemaker's son. 
 
 How far can this thing go in the 
 brief time allotted? No man can tell, 
 but this I know, that the beginning 
 has been good and that the promise is 
 great. There is the "atmosphere," there 
 is the democracy, and there is that 
 vision of the shadowy millions who 
 must not be cheated of their right, to 
 back the promise. 
 
 Piatt sburg, New York, June, 1917 
 
 © American Press 
 
 BUGLE CALL IN THE MORNING 
 
 International Fil 
 
 THE END OF A PLATTSBUEG DAY 
 
CARTOON COMMENT 
 
 
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 THE PHOENIX 
 
Prawn lor The Independent by W. 0. Morris 
 
 HOLD THE FORT! I AM COMING! 
 
Drawn for The Independent by W. O. Morris 
 
 THE CAM, 
 
: •-•—-—. 
 
 'READY, UNCLE SAM !" 
 
Drawn for The Independent hy W. C. Morris 
 
 "WE MUST PAY WITH OUR BODIES FOR OUR SOULS' DESIRE"— THEODORE ROOSEVELT 
 
Dratcn tor The Independent oy W. 0. Morrit 
 
 THE SHADOW 
 
Drawn for The Independent by W. 0. Morr 
 
 ANOTHER INNOCENT SLAUGHTERED 
 
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 Drawn for The Independent by W. 0. Morrti 
 
 UNCLE SAM: "WELL, WILLIAM?" 
 
Drawn for The Independent by TV. 0. Morris 
 
 'ONWARD WITH GOD" 
 

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 DIE NACHT 
 
 Der tag, "the day" to which German militarism for years looked eagerly forward as its goal, is rapidly darkening into night 
 
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 THE DELUGE 
 
HER NEIGHBORS DISCUSS REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA 
 
 UPSETTING THE HoNEl POT THERE'S A LION IN THE WAY 
 
 The Russian bear is being justly punished for trying to get Great Britain warns Russia, says the London •'People," that the 
 utoay irith unearned sweets.— ''Westminster Gazette," London Prussian eagle's blandishments must not obscure the warring lion 
 
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 A GERMAN VIEW AT A STANDSTILL FREEDOM? 
 
 "Kladderadatseh," Berlin, rejoices in the Russia (to the Allies), "Well, boys, I'm Another German cartoon from "Kladder- 
 Russian army's report of dissension — "and fixed! Wow it's up to you!" — a pessimistic adatsch." The branches on the tree of free- 
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 A CZAR'S SOLILOQUY 
 
 Nicholas is enjoying his vacation. "I see from the papers," he 
 remarks to his icife. "that we stand a good chance yet of getting 
 that old job of ours back again." — "Noii Hatirikon," Petrograd 
 
 THE CARETAKERS 
 What Armageddon has come to on the eastern front. A British 
 comment on the enforced inactivity of the opposing Austrian 
 and Russian armies. — "Sunday Evening Telegram," London 
 
PEACE PROPOSALS 
 
 
 THE MILLENNIUM? 
 Rogers of the New York "Herald" declares 
 that the millennium is certainly here when 
 the little Peace at any Price lamb lies down 
 beside the German lion. The expressions of 
 the Kaiser's cubs are well worth studying. 
 The dove as an emblem of peace is not quite 
 so fashionable as it used to be. Perhaps it 
 is because drawing doves becomes tiresome 
 after you have done, say, twenty or thirty. 
 Perhaps the bird has been depicted so often 
 of late in a battered condition that there 
 is very little left of it. However, Kirby in the 
 New York "World" remains true to the dove 
 depicts the poor thing doing its best but 
 heavily weighed down by a German helmet 
 
 Darling of the New York "Trib- 
 sees a delightful similarity 
 between the Pope's proposal and 
 the angel maid tcho attacks her 
 work with the best will in the 
 world and a highly commendable 
 energy, but will have to learn, her 
 anxious employers feel, to sweep 
 under the bed. There are so many 
 things there that must be cleared 
 away before we can really have 
 peace. Sweeping up the war is all 
 very well, but it isn't enough. 
 There are still a few scraps of 
 paper which the excellent papal 
 maid seems to have overlooked 
 
 AN ANGEL IN DIFFICULTIES 
 
 When the cartoonists get as good a chance 
 as the Pope's proposal offered to represent 
 peace as an angel they make the most of it. 
 Pease in the Newark "Evening News" sees 
 the angel of Enduring Peace entering the 
 Bluebeard's closet of Prussianism and start- 
 ing back aghast at the sight of the murdered 
 wives: Honor, Mercy, Justice, Decency, 
 Treaties, Pledges and International Laic. 
 Yanderhem in the "Nieuwe Amsterdammer" 
 depicts Peace as anxious to take the world up 
 again in her arms but saying pathetically: 
 "I can't see where I can get hold of it!" 
 The Dutch cartoonist has preserved his 
 neutrality with extreme care and skill 
 
STRAWS 
 
 DOWN, DOWN, DOWN 
 The inexorable command 
 of Defeat, forcing the. 
 Kaiser to relinquish hix 
 ambitions of world vic- 
 tory and descend into 
 dark despair is graphical- 
 ly presented (on the 
 right) by Kirby of the 
 New York '-World" The 
 other cartoons on thi% 
 page are from two repre- 
 sentative London papers: 
 they arc at the same time 
 grim and humorous illus- 
 trations of the growing 
 popular impression that 
 Germany's militant re- 
 sources cannot possibly 
 last much longer and that 
 the German people arc 
 at last becoming aroused 
 against their present rule 
 
 THE UNINVITED GUEST 
 "/ have come to stay with you. 
 dear Willielm, to the very end." 
 says Famine to the shrinking 
 Kaiser in the cartoon above. 
 It uuis drawn by Owen Ares 
 for the London "Passing Shoic" 
 
 GERMANY'S MAN 
 
 SHORTAGE 
 The report that boys from 
 thirteen to sixteen years old arc 
 coming in among the German 
 prisoners is the basis for this 
 cartoon of G. E. Studdy's, pub- 
 lished in the London "Passing 
 Show." "Himniel," says the 
 Prussian official, "How is it you 
 hare not been called up before?" 
 
 A WATCHED POT THAT 
 SEEMS TO BE BOILING 
 
 Popular disturbance is increasing 
 in the German melting pot as the 
 fire of internal troubles grows 
 hotter, and the world looks on 
 with increasing approval as the 
 people prove that they hare a 
 will of their own. Cartoon by 
 Paul Benly in "London Opinion" 
 
 GETTING WEAKER 
 It is a rather optimistic forecast, 
 this cartoon by G. E. Studdij, of 
 Germany's V-boat campaign fail- 
 ing fast. Hindenburg has dropt 
 the sword of Ruthlessness to girc 
 his attention to his pet patient, 
 but V-boat seems nearly done for 
 
 iT'? 
 
AS WE GO TO WAR 
 
THE ADVENTURES OF BROTHER BRUIN 
 
 England and Holland and Switzerland and Italy all contribute their viewpoints to this European council on Russia, opened by the 
 London "Evening News" with a picture of Germany presenting the peace dove to Russia. Frits explains that "the elephant is thrown 
 in with the dove!" At the right is "De Amsterdammer's" viae of the bear tempted by the wily fox to put his paw in the cleft oak 
 
 T 
 
 The Zurich "Nebelspalter" would, have Russia turn the tables on Germany. "This east wind will soon upset everything." And Italian 
 confidence in Russia is exprest in "II 420," Florence, in Ivan's dismissal of the Kaisers proposals — "By your works I know you!" 
 
 "The lovely tin of syrup" hides a bottle of poison in the Manchester "Sunday Chronicle's" cartoon of German peace proposals. The 
 London "Sunday Telegram" interprets John Bull as saying: "Ah, my dear Iran, it takes time to get free. But you'll keep your ivord!" 
 
AIR RAIDS AND REPRISALS 
 
 THE BOOMERANG 
 
 Germany's increasingly successful Zeppelin attacks 
 on London hare roused the British people to a vig- 
 orous demand for reprisals. General Smuts, South 
 African statesman and member of the British War 
 Cabinet, struck the note of popular feeling when 
 lie said: "We are dealing with an enemy whose 
 culture has not carried him beyond the rudiments of 
 the Mosaic laiv, to whom you can only apply the 
 maxim of 'an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.' " 
 Roy, of the London "Evening News," has sketched 
 below his interpretation of Germany's reactions 
 
 A NEUTRAL'S RIGHTS 
 
 "De Notenkraker," Amsterdam, pre- 
 sents this cartoon of a somewhat ig- 
 nored point of viexo on air raids. 
 ''Drop them here," says the aviators, 
 "these are only the neutrals" 
 
 IMMUNE? 
 "Well, it's been a wonderful protection 
 — so far!" comments the foxy Kaiser 
 under the umbrella of "British For- 
 bearance" in this cartoon by Wil- 
 liams, published in "London Opinion" 
 
 JOHN BULL: 'AFTER 'EM! THEY'VE ASKED FOR IT, AND WHAT THEY GET THEY'LL WELL DESERVE" 
 
IS THERE A FOOD CARD IN YOUR HOME? 
 
 WIN THE FOOD FIGHT 
 The food card campaign has 
 beled every patriotic home 
 thruout the country with the 
 badge of membership in the 
 Food Administration. "Fully 
 Prepared" is Satterfield's ap- 
 proving comment on the ladies' 
 aid to Uncle Sam, illustrated 
 by the cartoon above from the 
 "Harrisburg Patriot." Pease 
 in the "Newark Evening Neivs" 
 (below) advises Congress to 
 "Hurry Up With That Hoop." 
 
 '.#])%& 
 
 IT'S UP TO MOTHER! 
 The bad boys of the United 
 States family, "Food Waste" 
 and "Great American Appe- 
 tite" are being sternly taken 
 in hand by Uncle Sam. "It's 
 Up to Mother to Tend to 
 'Em," says Ding in the "New 
 York Tribune." Rehse in the 
 "New York World" (below) 
 points out "The Order of Serv- 
 ice" which toe must follow iv 
 the international bread line 
 
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THREE SQUARE MEALS A DAY? 
 
 The. two sides of our food problem: at the left, Unjust Prices scurrying down at the threat of Government Control — "Strange then 
 couldn't do it until now!" says Ding in the New York "Tribune" ; and at the right, the task of the producer — Winsor McCay of the 
 Neie York "American" shows Uncle Sam saying "Well Done!" to the farmer, bringing in tliis year's harvest. "The Open Door — 
 but one to be watched," is Cesare's comment in the New York "Evening Pqst" mi Uncle Sam's storehouse of national resources 
 
COME ACROSS! 
 
 
WINNING OUR FIRST GREAT DRIVE 
 
 There is an entertaining march of Liberty Loan recruits in Kirby's cartoon in the "Neiv York World." Ambrose in the 
 "Rochester Post-Express" preaches a powerful sermon — "The Challenge" of Common Good to selfish Individual Interest 
 
GERMANY AFTER THREE YEARS OF IT 
 
 China's declaration of war inspired Oesare's conception in the New York "Evening Post" of 1hc Wandering German expelled from 
 yet another land. Kiruy of the Xeir York "World." sees the. Kaiser ladling out spoonful after spoonful of the soup of promises 
 
CLOSING IN ON HOHENZOLLERN 
 
AN EMBARGO THAT BEATS THE DUTCH 
 
 HOLLAND TRYING HARD TO BE A "LITTLE FRIEND OP ALL THE WORLD" 
 This neutral finds herself in a dilemma, according to "De Amsterdammer." which illustrates with tliis cartoon, of the small craft 
 trying to steer between opposing perils a recent speech from the throne that "Our relations with all foreign powers remain friendly" 
 
HINTS TO HOUSEHOLDERS 
 
 PUZZLE PICTURE : 
 FIND THE COAL 
 
 "Never mind even if you 
 don't get the coal; the 
 exercize will keep you 
 warm," is the comforting 
 placard of the govern- 
 ment's coal hoard in 
 England. But it doesn't 
 seem to satisfy the house- 
 holder. "Oh, What a 
 Happy Land Is Eng- 
 land!" is Roy's caption 
 for it, published in the 
 London "Evening News" 
 
 RHONDDA'S RE- 
 PRICE-ALL 
 
 "The People," London, is 
 responsible for the pun 
 which titles the cartoon 
 at the right. The Food 
 Controller's offensive be- 
 gins — butcher and baler 
 succumb at the first shot 
 
 THE SQUEALERS NEW TOOLS FOR THE BAKER 
 
 This cartoon from the Cleveland "Plain Dealer" urges Uncle Sam An Italian comment on food regulations requiring an exact size 
 to use food control against greed, extravagance and waste and weight for loaves of bread. Drawn by Grog for "II J^20" 
 
 ANOTHER SAMSON 
 The profiteer brings down upon himself 
 his own destruction. Drawn by Stinson 
 in the Dayton {Ohio) "Daily News" 
 
 I'VE MET YOU BEFORE ! 
 
 Cesare in the New York "Evening Post" 
 represents Food Commissioner Hoover 
 standing firm against exorbitant war pleas 
 
 WHIP BEHIND, MISTER 
 What chance has the poor consumer with 
 profiteers, hoarders and speculators drag- 
 ging him back? Ding in New York Tribune 
 
COURAGE, MON VIEUX ! 
 
 HOW ADRIENNE, OF PROVENCE, REVEALED THE SPIRIT OF FRANCE 
 
 IT was there at the station in Mar- 
 seilles that we saw the thing 
 which shall surely live longest in 
 our memories, which — more than 
 all the battlefields and hospitals in 
 France — brought us face to face with 
 the realization of what war really 
 costs. 
 
 As wc drove up we found the square 
 packed with waiting ambulances and 
 automobiles driven by soldier chauf- 
 feurs. A number of the grands blesses, 
 or the badly wounded, had just arrived 
 from Geneva by way of Lyons, and 
 were being unloaded here for distribu- 
 tion thruout Provence. They were a 
 part of the great exchange of crippled 
 prisoners that is continually going on 
 between France and Germany, thru the 
 intermediary of neutral Switzerland. 
 Tho entirely recovered, no one of them 
 will ever fight again, for it is only the 
 hopelessly crippled who are exchanged. 
 We stood by the station entrance and 
 watched them cross the narrow plat- 
 form to the line of ambulances backed 
 up to the curb. They came out of the 
 door, a pitiful company, a hundred 
 strong, and each man had lost a leg 
 or an arm. Behind those who were 
 walking or hobbling on crutches or 
 canes came a line of wheel chairs with 
 those who had lost both legs; and 
 behind them — the blind. 
 
 I do not know if other wars have left 
 in their wake so much of that most 
 hopeless of afflictions — blindness, but it 
 is the most terrible and impressive re- 
 sult of this war. A dozen of these poor 
 sightless heroes, each supported by two 
 orderlies, came thru the door of the 
 station, out into the sunlit square. They 
 felt the warm glow of the Provencal 
 autumn, but they would never see its 
 brilliance again. Their Provence, the 
 "Empire of the Sun" as its children 
 love to call it, could now only give to 
 them its soft airs, its familiar sounds, 
 and the warmth of its summer days. 
 The brilliance of its mornings and the 
 beauties of its nights, its rugged Alps 
 and its lordly Rhone, and the sparkling- 
 blue of its Mediterranean, are to be no 
 more for them. 
 
 The waiting crowd, silent and with 
 uncovered heads, as if at mass, made 
 a lane thru which the blind soldiers 
 came. They stumbled over the flagging 
 rnd down the steps w'th groping feet, 
 and always, tho the orderlies guided 
 
 BY HENRY G. DODGE 
 
 them by the arms, their hands were 
 stretched before them, open wide; 
 hopeless, hesitating hands, distrustful 
 of the dark. 
 
 The last in line was a handsome boy 
 not over twenty-one, a sub-lieutenant 
 of the Chasseurs d'Afrique. His fair 
 hair was pushed back from his fore- 
 head by the black bandage over his 
 eyes, his red fez was tipped to one side 
 by another dressing on his head — and 
 his right sleeve was empty. And tho 
 there glittered on his breast the Mil- 
 itary Medal and the Cross of the 
 Legion of Honor, pinned there when 
 he had crost the Swiss border into 
 France, he was trembling from head to 
 foot, and kept repeating over and over 
 and over, "J'ai peur, j'ai peur, j'ai 
 peur" — "I'm afraid, I'm afraid, I'm 
 afraid." France had given him all she 
 could— -but he was afraid of the dark. 
 
 AND then that happened which 
 ■ changed the whole gruesome picture 
 of horror and misery into something 
 sublime. 
 
 A girl stepped out of the crowd to 
 the boy's side, put her arm about his 
 waist, and took his groping hand in 
 hers. She was no more than sixteen, 
 beautiful with the dark, splendid, 
 Greek beauty of the women of 
 Provence — a girl of the people, who 
 looked as tho she might have come into 
 Marseilles that day from the country 
 with her cartload of garden truck. 
 
 "Courage, mon vieux," we heard her 
 say, and the boy could feel, I am sure, 
 the smile in her voice, even tho he 
 could not see, as we could, her smiling 
 and compassionate eyes. "Do not have 
 fear. Let me walk with you." 
 
 The orderly saluted and unhesitat- 
 ingly stepped aside. The boy turned his 
 bandaged eyes toward the girl and, as 
 he felt the protecting arm about his 
 waist and the strong hand closing over 
 his, his trembling ceased, his shoulders 
 went back, and what had been a ter- 
 rified child became a soldier again. It 
 was the woman's touch that he had 
 been needing — the hand and the word 
 of encouragement of a woman of his 
 own France — during the agonizing 
 days in the hospital, and the long ter- 
 rifying train journey in the darkness. 
 
 "Courage, mon vieux!" It was the 
 spur to make him a soldier again. One 
 
 does not show fear before a woman. 
 He took the few steps across the pave- 
 ment to the waiting ambulance with 
 steady and confident feet, his head 
 turned always toward the sound of the 
 voice at his side, and as he walked he 
 smiled into the girl's face. How long it 
 had been since he had smiled! 
 
 They came to the curb; and as she 
 released an arm and an orderly stood 
 ready to guide his foot to the step of 
 the ambulance, he turned to the girl 
 and paused a moment, with trembling 
 lips. He raised his hand half way to 
 the salute, and stopped. 
 
 "What do you call yourself, my 
 friend?" he said. 
 
 "Adrienne, my lieutenant," she re- 
 plied softly, still smiling. 
 
 There was no trace of coquetry in 
 her voice or in her bearing. She stood, 
 slim and straight, before him, like a 
 soldier before his superior officer. 
 
 The boy whipped off the red fez from 
 his blond head and tucked it under the 
 empty sleeve pinned to his breast. His 
 hand went out and found her shoulder, 
 as she instinctively stepped nearer to 
 him, a look of incredulous wonder upon 
 her uplifted face. 
 
 "Merci, Adrienne" he said huskily, 
 and bent and kissed her upon both 
 cheeks. 
 
 THE little peasant drew herself up 
 like a queen, but her eyes were full 
 of tears and for a moment she could 
 not speak. Then, tremblingly but 
 proudly : 
 
 "Merci, mon lieutenant." 
 
 Her hands were clasped together 
 upon her breast and on her face was 
 the look of Jeanne d'Arc standing be- 
 fore the Vision. The boy took his seat 
 in the ambulance and as it swung away 
 from the curb his hand went to the 
 salute, and his bandaged eyes turned 
 toward the spot where she was stand- 
 ing. And until the car disappeared into 
 the traffic beyond the station gates we 
 could still see his erect figure and his 
 hand raised to his forehead. 
 
 The girl stood motionless, looking 
 after him, until he was out of sight, 
 her face transfigured and her dark eyes 
 still brilliant with tears. She had not 
 been kissed; she had been decorated, 
 and she wore the red badge of her 
 glory in her flaming cheeks as proudly 
 as the blind boy soldier wore the red 
 ribbon of the Legion of Honor upon his 
 breast. 
 
 BATTLE 
 
 POEMS 
 
 BY WILFRID 
 
 WILSON GIBSON 
 
 THE RETURN 
 
 
 THE QUIET 
 
 He went, and he was gay to go; 
 
 
 I could not understand the sudden quiet — 
 
 And I smiled on him as he went. 
 
 
 The sudden darkness — in the crash of fight, 
 
 My boy, 'twas well he couldn't know 
 
 
 The din and glare of day quenched in a twinkling 
 
 My darkest dread, nor what it mean — 
 
 
 In utter starless night. 
 
 Just what it meant to smile and smile 
 
 
 I lay an age and idly gazed at nothing, 
 
 And let my son go cheerily — 
 
 
 Half-puzzled that I could not lift my head; 
 
 My son . . . and wondering all the while 
 
 
 And then I knew somehow that I was lying 
 
 What stranger would come back to me. 
 
 
 Among the other dead. 
 
WAR— BY THE WAY 
 
 © Medem Photo Ser 
 
 THE ONLY SON LEFT 
 
 SOLDIER TELLING HIS OLD MOTHER HOW HIS THREE BROTHERS FOUGHT AND DIED FOR FRANCE 
 
Two 'French youngsters, whose father has been killed in the trenches, are telling one of father's comrades all about it 
 
PARIS WITH A DIFFERENCE 
 
 LEAVES FROM A WAR-TIME NOTE-BOOK 
 
 The First Leaf 
 
 THE BEAUTY 
 
 AND THE CHARM 
 
 OF PABIS 
 
 TO draw the portrait of a great 
 city is as nearly impossible as 
 to "indict a whole people." The 
 task demands too huge a canvas. 
 The drawing must be done at the same 
 time with too broadly sweeping strokes 
 and with too much meticulous detail. I 
 would paint a picture of Paris after 
 fourteen months of war. But the thing 
 cannot be done. I can only tear out of 
 my notebook leaves filled with rough 
 notes and random sketches. 
 
 One can im- 
 agine many 
 reasons for 
 coming to Paris 
 at any time — 
 some good, 
 some not so good, some far from good. 
 But there is one that ought to over- 
 shadow all the rest — that Paris is 
 beautiful. It is beautiful itself, and it 
 is full of beautiful things. Now the 
 beautiful things are hidden away in 
 these uncertain days, but for the 
 
 rest 
 
 To stand in the Place du Carrousel 
 and look up the splendid stretch of the 
 Champs Elysees to the culminating 
 majesty of the Arc de Triomphe is to 
 marvel at the creative genius of man 
 and to wonder that he has been willing 
 to make so many cities of the world 
 commonplace and consecreated to the 
 dreary god of utility. To drive about 
 the city in a fiacre — thanks be to the 
 war that has taken away so many 
 swooping , motor taxis and brought 
 back so many of their leisurely, cosy 
 predecessors — and catch glimpse after 
 glimpse of fine vistas framing stately 
 churches and dignified public build- 
 ings, of splendid parks, of worthy 
 monuments, of broad spaces and noble 
 avenues, is to record upon the tablets 
 of the mind an indelible impression — ■ 
 Paris the beautiful. 
 
 This impression the war has done 
 nothing to efface; nor can it — unless 
 and until the enemy shall succeed in 
 meting out to Paris the grievous fate of 
 Rheims. The beauty of Paris is un- 
 scathed; the charm of Paris — ah, that 
 is another thing. But here I hesitate. 
 To say that Paris has lost its charm 
 is to say too much. But it is only by 
 saying something like that that I can 
 express what I mean. But let us 
 change it a little. The beauty of Paris 
 persists ; the charm of Paris is veiled, 
 hidden, supprest. For beauty and 
 charm, I take it, are two things. A 
 statue in cold marble or a body in cold 
 flesh may have beauty; only a warm 
 and living woman can have the more 
 precious attribute. It was not until the 
 kiss of the Prince fell upon her lips 
 that the beauty of the Princess was in- 
 fused with charm. Paris is not dead — 
 but surely Paris sleeps. Where are the 
 gayety, the lightness of heart, the 
 sparkle, the verve — in a word, the 
 charm, of yesteryear? 
 
 BY HAROLD HOWLAND 
 
 It is inevitable 
 that a visit to 
 Paris after 
 London in 
 these dun days 
 should provoke 
 
 The Second Leaf 
 
 A NOT 
 ILL-NATURED 
 COMPARISON 
 
 comparison. The temptation is irre- 
 sistible, but in yielding to it I would be 
 absolved from the charge of invidious- 
 ness. The comparison is inevitable, but 
 so is the difference. For Paris has 
 heard the guns of the enemy clamoring 
 at the gates. London, save for the ir- 
 ritating but on the whole negligible 
 stings of the enemy's insect swarm, is 
 untouched. Paris is the capital of a 
 land whose richest acres lie in the 
 alien's grasp. London is the heart of 
 a country lying inviolate behind the 
 walls of oak now turned to steel. 
 England knows war at arm's length, 
 France feels it gnawing at her vitals. 
 
 Curiously enough, while London is 
 full of soldiers, Paris is empty of them. 
 London streets swarm with them, 
 London restaurants are yellow with 
 khaki, London music halls draw half 
 their income, at a snap guess, from 
 Tommy — and his officers. You sit be- 
 side them on the busses and in the tube 
 trains, you stumble over them on the 
 grass in the parks. Half the girls in 
 London hang on uniformed arms, half 
 the people in your hotel seem to have 
 come up from the country to consort 
 with soldier sons and brothers and 
 husbands and sweethearts on leave. 
 
 But in Paris the soldier is, compar- 
 atively speaking, infrequent on the 
 boulevards and avenues, in restaur- 
 ants, theaters, cafes and hotels. In the 
 French capital the misty blue of the 
 uniform puts accents into the picture; 
 in the British capital the greeny yel- 
 low of the khaki mellows the picture's 
 entire tone. 
 
 The soldiers of Paris are different, 
 too. The boys in khaki look just that — 
 boys who have put on khaki as a new 
 dress and are not yet quite accustomed 
 to it. The men in blue wear their blue 
 as tho they had spent years instead of 
 weeks in it, as tho they had worked 
 and lived and, perhaps, suffered in it. 
 Their uniforms are worn and faded — 
 and many of the faces match the 
 clothes. There is just the difference. 
 England has a great army in the mak- 
 ing; France has a great army in being, 
 which has toiled and fought, and still 
 goes back to toil and fight again. It is 
 the masses of the material being 
 molded into the new British army that 
 one sees in London; in Paris it is bits 
 of the splendid French war machine, 
 released for a moment from their ap- 
 pointed places in the mechanism. For 
 France has been forced by geographical 
 position and the grim shadow over its 
 frontier of a threatening militarism to 
 be a military nation. England, snug 
 
 The Third Leaf 
 
 ALONG 
 
 THE STREETS 
 
 OP PAEIS 
 
 behind the ramparts of the British 
 fleet, could wait to create its army 
 when the need should arise. 
 
 Another suggestion of the same dif- 
 ference. On every bare space in Lon- 
 don flaunts a gaudy poster, one of a 
 hundred different designs, exhorting 
 loyal Englishmen to enlist to fight for 
 king and country. In Paris here and 
 there hang the torn remnants of a 
 single uniform announcement tersely 
 declaring that general mobilization is 
 ordered for midnight on the second of 
 August, 1914. England called, and still 
 calls with ever greater earnestness, 
 for volunteers. France merely notified 
 men trained and ready that the hour 
 had struck. 
 
 An entirely 
 adequate reason 
 for coming to 
 Paris at any 
 time is to flaner 
 — the word is 
 untranslatable, but the act of con- 
 templative loitering, of philosophic 
 idling, has a universal human ap- 
 peal. The streets of Paris are the 
 flaneur's Promised Land. A Barmecide 
 shopping tour — but that is tautology, 
 for all shopping as distinguished from 
 buying has the exotic and insubstan- 
 tial quality of a Barmecide feast — 
 skirting the treasure houses of the 
 Rue de la Paix, or among the antique 
 shops of the Boulevard St. Germain 
 and the Quartier Latin, or thru the 
 haunts of tomorrow's fashions in the 
 Faubourg St. Honore, or by the print 
 shops of the Rue de Rivoli and on the 
 Rive Gauche, provides the stuff the 
 flaneur's dreams are made of. He loves 
 a sentimental journey among the em- 
 bodiments of feminine charm that 
 throng the Elysian Fields and the Wood 
 of Boulogne on an afternoon of early 
 fall sunshine, falling in love at first 
 sight a dozen times in an hour and out 
 again as promptly at the first sight of 
 the next comer. The hour of the appe- 
 tizer, that twilight interval between 
 the business of the day and the busi- 
 ness of the evening, is the flaneur's 
 hour. Then he takes his ease at his 
 sidewalk cafe over a long drawn out 
 glass of coffee, a strop au vin blanc, 
 the insidious essence of wormwood, or 
 the incomprehensible sugar and water. 
 Then he surveys the passing world 
 with a reflective eye and finds it good. 
 But nous avons change tout cela. 
 Or more accurately, the gods of war 
 have changed it all. Paris is too sober 
 to flaner, too sombre to flaner in. 
 Many of the shops are closed — "closed 
 on account of mobilization" runs the 
 legend on the shutters. Practically all 
 of them lock their doors for a couple 
 of hours in the middle of the day be- 
 cause of a depleted staff. It is not good 
 form to buy lavishly and to indulge in 
 luxuries. France needs the last sou in 
 the toe of the last stocking-bank; and 
 
when a nation is sternly practising 
 self-denial it is no time for the indi- 
 vidual to spend with a careless hand. 
 So one fldners among the shops, if one 
 does it at all, shamefacedly and a little 
 furtively; and one does it almost alone, 
 for Frenchmen have no heart for busi- 
 ness. 
 
 The restaurants and cafes are de- 
 serted. I use the word not carelessly 
 and figuratively, but with deliberate 
 literalness. It is not so in London; but 
 in Paris it is. Not only the smart ones — 
 that was to be expected, but the sim- 
 ple, every day ones — that is almost 
 pathetic. 
 
 Even the streets seem strange for 
 Paris, where the streets ought to be 
 gay. There are no men of military age 
 — ga va. sans dire — for Frenchmen all 
 are soldiers now. There are no motor 
 busses hurtling thru the streets — and 
 Paris without these Juggernauts is 
 safer surely, but hardly natural. Once 
 out near the front I found the reason 
 why. An old familiar shape came 
 trundling down the road, familiar and 
 yet odd in grim war gray with bulging 
 load of precious war supplies. Mobliza- 
 tion has taken the busses too. 
 
 The streets by night — a greater dif- 
 ference still. The picture that the 
 words "Paris by night" call up — ga 
 n'existe plus — there is no such a thing. 
 In place of brilliancy we find a grue- 
 some dusk; in place of pleasure hunt- 
 ing throngs, hurrying or loitering as 
 the purpose suits, a sprinkling of 
 passers-by, groping their way toward 
 home or other goal. The sidewalk 
 groups of chairs and tables outside 
 cafes that make in better times the 
 outdoor life of Paris a thing to conjure 
 with are empty now. None sit and sip 
 and chat and watch life flowing by. 
 Those that are left go early home to 
 bed. 
 
 After three 
 weeks of Lon- 
 don, punctuated 
 by four pleas- 
 ant little visits 
 from earth- 
 
 The Fourth Leaf 
 
 THE CHANGING 
 
 THE GUARD 
 
 other from the opposite compass point. 
 No weariness to this one's flight; it 
 shoots along like cloth-yard shaft from 
 good yew bow. They meet and pass 
 and vanish, each to its appointed goal. 
 
 It is the changing of the guard. 
 Each hour of the day — and night as 
 well, as you shall see — four faithful 
 birds like these mount guard above the 
 city, and sail and dart and skim about, 
 and watch and watch and watch. If 
 need arise they can do more than 
 watch, for to swift wings they add 
 sharp beaks and ruthless claws. 
 
 It is my last night in Paris, a "won- 
 derful clear night of stars." Loitering 
 across the Place de la Concorde to my 
 hotel, my head is in the air. It always 
 fascinates when in a distant land to 
 con the stars and find all there the old 
 familiar ones of home. Jupiter, an in- 
 candescent globe, commands the sky. 
 But what's that other star just there 
 that glows as bright as he? The 
 planets do not shine in pairs like that. 
 And look! This one has moved, is 
 gliding steadily across the sky. Right 
 overhead it goes from east to west. 
 Once past the zenith it begins to 
 shrink, and dwindles slowly to a point 
 of light that presently snuffs out. But 
 soon the point of light is there again, 
 growing' and growing till this second 
 planet rivals Jupiter again. Then once 
 more it shrinks and vanishes off in the 
 east. 
 
 Again it is the changing of the 
 guard. Our lawless planet waning and 
 waxing and waning again is but a 
 biplane watching with sleepless eye 
 above the sleeping city. No hostile air- 
 craft minded to drop its bombs on 
 helpless folk but shall run a gantlet 
 perilous. Come it by day or come by 
 night, the guard is there, waiting and 
 watching and ready armed to fight. 
 One reads of London raids, "our aero- 
 planes went up." In Paris, if the raid 
 should ever come, "our" aeroplanes are 
 up. 
 
 quake-dropping Zeppelins, and other 
 three weeks of Paris with tranquil 
 nights and no sign of hostile visitors, 
 one finds oneself wondering. Why the 
 difference? Paris is only half as far 
 from the enemy's lines as London. It 
 offers as fair a mark. Why no bombs 
 for months and months? Gradually one 
 gets a glimmering of a possible expla- 
 nation. 
 
 Each afternoon between four and 
 six a little spectacle is staged that 
 never fails to fascinate. If I am in my 
 hotel room a giant humming comes 
 dropping down the central court on 
 which my windows look. It sounds like 
 nothing but a monster vacuum cleaner 
 hard at work. It never fails to draw 
 me to the street. There overhead a 
 monster bird wings its way across the 
 sky. Slowly, perhaps a little wearily, 
 it flies, from east of north to west of 
 south. It comes from out that quarter 
 where the fighting is. Then comes an- 
 
 The Fifth Leaf 
 
 LE DERNIER CRI 
 
 Among those 
 many reasons 
 for coming to 
 Paris what 
 more compell- 
 ing one than to 
 see the fashions. It is only in Paris 
 that one finds le dernier cri, the style 
 not of yesterday nor even of today, 
 but of tomorrow and the day after. As 
 I write, I find in a morning journal a 
 complaint from manufacturers in 
 Switzerland that they are in perplex- 
 ity about modes, "because Paris, which 
 used to give the lead in regard to in- 
 novations, does not do so now." It is a 
 sad predicament for the rest of the 
 world. It cannot be fashionable, for 
 there is no one to set the fasion. Paris 
 has laid aside for a sterner task its 
 time-honored leadership in the gentle 
 art of dressing as everybody else does 
 now in order to dress as nobody else 
 did last year. 
 
 So it would seem. But Paris is in- 
 corrigible. The habit of le dernier cri 
 is ineradicable. 
 
 It shows itself in many little ways. 
 For instance, it is the new fashion — 
 an inflexible code — not to linger at din- 
 ner in a public place after half past 
 ten. (Besides the lights go out.) There 
 is no longer any evening dress; for 
 men the morning suit for dining out 
 and for the theater, for women the 
 tailor made in somber tones. 
 
 These be new fashions, but there is 
 one more striking than all — and more 
 popular. It is a simple style, not de- 
 pending for its effect upon exaggerated 
 lines or startling color schemes. One 
 sees it everywhere. One cannot pass a 
 dozen women on the street that one of 
 them does not affect this newest mode. 
 It is a versatile style, adaptable for 
 morning wear, the home, the street, 
 receptions, luncheons, dinner, for work, 
 for leisure, for every kind of life — 
 save one, I think. One does not play in 
 it, for if one wears it one is disinclined 
 to play at all. 
 
 It's chic, this style; what mode 
 Parisienne is not? It has that grace of 
 line, that artistry of cut, all that 
 I-know-not-what that proves the 
 French modiste an artist, not an 
 artizan. 
 
 All classes wear it, from the gra- 
 cious femme du monde, costumed by 
 Paquin, to the pert midinette, whose 
 dress is but the product of her nim- 
 ble fingers and the midnight oil. I' 
 is worn by young and old; but more 
 it seems, by young than old — a start- 
 ling, saddening thing. In fabric and 
 design it is a varied style, only in color 
 is it uniform. There persists a dread- 
 ful monotone. For it is black, all black, 
 unvaried, unrelieved. 
 
 It is the widow's costume. On every 
 street, in every shop, one almost thinks 
 in every home, the widows of the men 
 of France who give their lives that 
 France may live wear the glorious 
 dread regalia of their sacrifice. 
 
 Thus my rough 
 notes on Paris. 
 But what of 
 France? With 
 what spirit do 
 the people of 
 
 The Last Leaf 
 
 AND WHAT 
 
 FRANCE? 
 
 the pleasant land face the future and 
 the task that still is theirs? 
 
 For the answer to such a question 
 one cannot give chapter and verse. One 
 does not find the whole answer any- 
 where — one finds its elements every- 
 where. It is in the air like the tone of 
 a vibrant autumn day. It thrills the 
 nerves like a charged electric atmos- 
 phere. 
 
 It is sad to see France so changed. 
 But France is not sad. France suffers 
 but its spirit does not quail. France 
 bleeds but its courage mounts only the 
 higher. 
 
 France has but one mind, exprest in 
 the word of the Apostle, "This one 
 thing I do." France is stoical under its 
 affliction, united in its unflinching 
 purpose, aroused, unfaltering, deter- 
 mined. Whatever may be the outcome, 
 France will endure to the end. 
 
 Paris, November, 1915 
 
What the soldier in the trenches 
 sees in war — a group of pencil 
 sketches draiun by the men who 
 are defending France. "Patrol dur- 
 ing the night" (at the top of the 
 page) is an effective picture of a 
 sentry's grim loneliness. It was 
 drawn by George Victor Hugo, 
 grandson of the author of "Les 
 
 Miserables." In the center is the 
 French for "Gunga Din" — E. 
 Blanche's sketch of a soup and bread 
 carrier in the first line trenches. 
 The ruins of a church in France 
 (in the loiver left-hand corner) 
 typify to A. Franquet the pity and 
 the necessity of this war. The last 
 sketch, "The End," is by Sereagny 
 
 Mb 
 
(c) International Film Press illustrating American Press 
 
 "Tea-diggers" may be the official title of the men in these trenches who are blending £8,000 pounds of tea for the army 
 
THIS TIME THE ZEPPELINS PASSED ! 
 But English homes have each their underground shelter now to protect the women and children left at home from Prussian air raids 
 
Underwood & Underwood 
 
 The man ivho pushed Greece off the fence and King Constantine from his throne. Ex-Premier Venizelos reviewing his troops 
 
 Underwood & Underwood 
 
 This lift, swung from ship to shore, is one of numerous new devices to make it easier for 
 
 vounded soldiers sent home 
 
Where the Greek revolution came to a head-the harbor and city of Salonica photographed from an Allied aeroplane 
 
hoael <fc Herbert 
 
 Ventral News 
 
 SITUATIONS WANTED 
 
 Since the Russian revolution Grand Duke Michael, once com- Would you say that the Czar was up a stump? This photograph 
 mander of the Russian army, has been playing golf in France shows him in prison at TsarsJcoe-Selo. Later he ivas sent to Siberia 
 
 © International Film _ „_ 
 
 ANOTHER KING OUT OP A JOB 
 Constantine of Greece in exile in Switzerland with his two daughters and eldest son; the second son is nominal ruler of Greece 
 
© Underwood & Underwood 
 
 A REPUBLIC IN THE 
 MAKING 
 First photographs of the Rus- 
 sian revolution, the sidelights 
 that give body and color to the 
 salient facts. The ruined prison 
 above, for instance, expresses 
 graphically the first eager im- 
 pulse of the successful rebels 
 to destroy their bonds. At the 
 left is the soldiers' banner car- 
 ried in the funeral procession 
 for the martyrs to Russian 
 freedom. The Red Cross sister 
 and officer of the new govern- 
 ment, on the other side, are 
 standing in what was a dun- 
 geon for enemies of Czardom 
 
 © Underwood & Underwood 
 
 A new page in history — the first session of soldier-deputies in the Duma. The Czar's portrait is torn from, its frame 
 
Pml Thompson 
 
 Here's a stbnul 
 $12240 worth 
 
 r.srJt»,r^«^ 
 
In fact the farm horse's days are numbered, for the tractor is the man-o] '-all-work on American 
 plow, harrow, seed and cultivate, do all the heavy hauling, and even entertain the- summer 
 
 farms nowa 
 boarders by 
 
 days. It can 
 a hay ride 
 
H : 
 
 m 
 
 c> \ 
 
 X . ■ ^ 
 f-r) 
 
 r" 
 hi 
 
 c ,-, ;' 
 
 A war medal for war 
 relief; it is given by 
 the Belgian Govern- 
 ment, without distinc- 
 tion of nationality, to 
 those ivhose charity in 
 ivartime has helped 
 save the life of Bel- 
 gium. Elizabeth, Queen 
 of the Belgians, is spon- 
 sor for the medal. On 
 the reverse side is a 
 symbolic design, Char- 
 ity in the shadow of 
 misfortune, still keeping 
 her light burning and 
 caring untiringly for 
 the sick and wounded 
 
 ■h" ^v'c 
 
 od & Underwood 
 
 Vndertcood & Underwood 
 
 Central NewB 
 
 War has its picturesque and pleasant phases. "The Gleaners" by Millet repeated in the fields of northern France, where 
 a couple of Canadian Tommies are strengthening the "entente cordiale" and incidentally helping finish off the Jiarvesting 
 
FRANCE— THE HARVEST OF 1916 
 
© Inter?iational'Film 
 
 Signs of the times: several close-ups of the 
 New York protest parades against the high 
 cost of eating. Mrs. Ida Harris, holding the 
 verse below, has carried the hunger campaign 
 into Wall Street by noon mass meetings 
 
 KEEP RIOT 
 YDU5IM5 
 
 © American Press 
 
 The biggest anti-starvation mass meeting in 
 New York was held in Madison Square, its 
 placard propaganda in fall view of Fifth 
 Avenue. The Mothers' Anti-High Cost League 
 led a demonstration up the avenue later 
 
 American Press 
 
 One explanation of the high prices for food. TJiese railroad yards are a fair sample of freight congestion in the East 
 
awst-s^s? £,<izs?& ir a^UArsafiffir ass s\t ss 
 
"Camouflage" again. Seen thru field glasses this ammunition shelter looks like a chicken coop of no strategic importanct 
 
ft*;, *IM 
 
 ^^■L «L ^*» .1 
 
 iEI 
 
 i Vp^i 
 
 ^1 ^^a,^^ 
 
 THE BATTALION OF DEATH 
 
 The regiment of Russian women, which has seen 
 active service of the most terrible kind on the east- 
 ern front, was organized by lime. Batchkalev (on 
 the left). She fought first in the regular Russian 
 army, then conceived the idea of a regiment of 
 women, received permission to form it and became 
 its colonel. She has been wounded and is decorated 
 with many medals. The women fight with heroism 
 and with fury. The Germans are said to fear them 
 far more than the Russian men. Other women's 
 battalions were later formed with the approval 
 of the War Department. Any woman over sixteen 
 who can present certificates of character, education 
 and citizenship is eligible. If the recruits pass the 
 rigid physical examination they are initiated into 
 the regulations of the battalion and sworn in. They 
 wear the regulation uniform and accept the exist- 
 ing military rules, and, in addition, nine others 
 ichich show with what terrible earnestness they 
 have entered upon their undertaking. "All the mem- 
 bers of the battalions are bound to observe the fol- 
 lowing: 1. First of all, the honor, freedom and 
 welfare of the country. 2. Iron discipline. 3. Firm- 
 ness and stedfastness of spirit and purpose. .£. 
 Bravery and recklessness. 5. Precision, accuracy, 
 persistency and rapidity in the execution of orders, 
 (i. Absolute honesty and a serious attitude toward 
 the tvork. 7. Cheerfulness, politeness, kindness, 
 sympathy, cleanliness and punctuality. 8. Consid- 
 eration for the opinion of others, the fullest mutual 
 confidence and nobility of purpose. 9. Quarrels anC 
 personal feuds arc inadmissible as degrading. Those 
 guilty of breaking the above rules shall be subjected 
 to the most rigorous punishment for disgracing the 
 name of the Russian woman." Stern rules indeed! 
 © Underwood & Undcnvood 
 
IN GERMANY'S PRISON CAMPS 
 
 There is illustration for both sides of the discussion as to Germany's treatment of rear prisoners in these photographs, brought over 
 by an American woman recently living in Berlin. The Englishmen at Ruleben (on the left) prove by their faces, as well as by the 
 poster, that their condition is fairly enjoyable. But the quarters of French prisoners (on the right) present a rather different picture 
 
 THE TASK OF FEEDING FIFTEEN THOUSAND RUSSIANS 
 Can prisoners win the war? These breadlines of Russian soldiers in Germany suggest one way to complicate the enemy's troubles 
 
An American receiv- 
 ing the highest honor 
 that France can bestow. 
 A. Piatt Andrews, 
 chief of the American 
 Ambulance, decorated 
 with the cross of the 
 Legion of Honor and 
 receiving, with a truly 
 Anglo - Saxon expres- 
 sion, the accompanying 
 kiss on both cheeks 
 
 Mine siveeping is the 
 most dangerous of all 
 the dangerous jobs up- 
 on the sea. It calls not 
 only for physical en- 
 durance and courage, 
 but for strong nerves 
 to stand the terrible 
 strain of always watch- 
 ing, watching. These 
 are men of the "Crest," 
 hauling up a mine 
 
 © International Film 
 
 Underwood & Underwood Pictorial Press 
 
 A British wiring party going up to string a line. They use iron rods with corkscrew ends instead of poles 
 
WARTIME LEADERS 
 
 ENGLAND'S MAN OF THE HOUR— LLOYD-GEORGE 
 
© Underwood <£ Underwood 
 
 GENERAL JOHN J. PERSHING, COMMANDER OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY OVERSEAS 
 
© 1317 bv Lotave 
 
 THE HERO OF THE MAKNE— FIELD MARSHAL JOFFRE 
 
Underwood & Underwood 
 
 "The man ivho put the rush in Russia" — Premier Alexander Kerensky, ivho checked the rise of anarchy, led the troops to 
 a brilliant victory, and organized the republic — only to be driven out of power by German intrigue and the Bolsheviki 
 
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 General Cadorna, who led the successful Italian advance toward Triest in the summer of 1917. This photograph 
 shows the Italian commander with one of his aides reviewing some of his troops from an army aeroplane 
 
© International Film 
 
 THE FOOD ADMINISTRATOR. HERBERT HOOVER 
 
THE MEN WHO GUIDE AMERICA 
 This photograph of President Wilson and his Cabinet teas talcen in August. 1917, outside the executive offices of the White Souse. 
 In the front row, left to right, are William C. Red-field. Secretary of Commerce: Robert Lansing. Secretary of State; David F. 
 Houston. Secretary of Agriculture: President Wilson : William G. McAdoo. Secretary of the Treasury; Albert S. Burleson, Postmaster 
 General. In the top row. left to right, are Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Xavy: William B. Wilson. Secretary of Labor; 
 Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War; Thomas W. Gregory. Attorney General, and Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior 
 
AMERICA'S REPRESENTATIVE IN THE ALLIED WAR COUNCIL— COLONEL E. M. HOUSE 
 
© Pirie Macdonald 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT 
 
Underwood £ Underwood 
 
 HENRY P. DAVISON— DIRECTOR OF THE RED CROSS WAR COUNCIL 
 
Underwood & Underwood 
 
 THE MEN WHO MADE MILITARISM 
 
 Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg, Chief of the German General Staff, is a dreamer. He sees the world as a great battlefield: 
 nations as being organized to wage wars; men as being created to fight. Rivers, mountains, forests and roads mean nothing to him 
 unless they possess strategic possibilities. Nature must be adaptable to war to fulfil its highest functions. With maps a/nd soldiers 
 von Hindenburg plans his gigantic military campaigns. If it were not for General Ludendorff (at the right). First Quartermaster 
 of the Teutonic forces, von Hindenburg's dreatns would never come true. He makes rivers and mountains fortresses. Mines and 
 factories he converts into war engines. Ludendorff executes what his superior creates. In August, 1914, von Hindenburg was living 
 in Hanover as a retired general. He had been out of the army several years because he "defeated'' the Kaiser in war maneuvers. 
 Before this tear no one ever heard of Ludendorff. Today these ttco men are the uncrowned Napoleons of Germany, Austria-Hungary, 
 Bulgaria and 'Turkey. Nearly twenty million soldiers are pawns on their chessboards. These two men are the parents of Militarism 
 
THE AGGRESSOR 
 
THE KINGS MUST GO 
 
 Editorial Comment From The Independent 
 
 WHOM THE GODS WOULD DESTROY 
 
 ANCIENT history closed at midnight of July 31, 1914. 
 The monstrous war with which modern history 
 begins will end, as the big and little wars of the 
 ^ old days did. This is hard to realize now, but the 
 sooner those men upon whom will fall the duty of shaping 
 a new order of things begin to think about their problem, 
 the better it will be for all concerned. 
 
 There will be some accounts to be settled after peace is 
 declared, and the biggest one will be that which Enlighten- 
 ment has against Medievalism. 
 
 Whatever causes of strife may have been lurking in the 
 minds of the peoples of Europe, they would not have massed 
 and exploded in this demoniac war without the agency of 
 the Head Devils. Race differences there are. Conflicting na- 
 tional interests there are. The growth of populations already 
 dense, and looking for new opportunities for enterprise and 
 livelihood, has been disturbing economic equilibrium. Re- 
 ligious antagonisms have fostered hatred. But none of these 
 things by itself, nor all of them in combination, would have 
 made war if the consuming vanity, the monstrous egotism 
 and the medieval-mindedness of the absolute monarchs had 
 not been thrown into the scale. 
 
 When the work of devastation is done there will be left 
 the stricken, sobered peoples. Every family will have lost 
 father or son, husband or brother. Resources will have been 
 swept away. Industry will be paralyzed. Farms will have 
 been stripped, villages, towns and cities desolated. But for- 
 titude and courage will be left, and men will set themselves 
 about the task of building a new civilization. 
 
 They will not be tolerant then of pious hypocrites assert- 
 ing divine right, and claiming to be vicegerents of God. 
 They will not be tolerant of taxes for the wanton expendi- 
 tures of royal families. They will not deprive themselves of 
 the necessaries of life to enrich the manufacturers of artil- 
 lery and powder. They will cross these items from their 
 ledgers, and turn their attention to the creation of a social 
 order under which men and women who are content to dwell 
 peaceably on their own reservations can enjoy liberty and 
 pursue happiness. 
 
 Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad. Mad 
 with the lust of power, drunk with their own egotism, the 
 Head Devils have signed their own doom. Their days are 
 numbered. The monarchs must go — and they will. 
 
 August 10, 19H 
 
 DAIMONS 
 
 A YEAR ago we said, "The kings must go, the good ones 
 with the bad ones," and we added, "they will go." 
 
 They are not gone yet, not even the bad ones, not even 
 the unforgivable ones, who, from their swaggering dissolute 
 youth planned the murder of men by millions which now, 
 in fulfilment of public boasts made long ago, they are per- 
 petrating. But it took a long time to make kings, and it 
 may take a longish time to unmake them. We have seen no 
 reason to abandon our prophecy. Only now, after a year 
 of observation and reflection, we have to emphasize more 
 strongly the word of obligation. The kings must go. 
 
 Kings were begotten by superstition in the womb of war. 
 Primitive men feared their strong men not as dynamos, but 
 as "daimons"; the same thing, but different. They were full 
 of the awful "mana," the divine dynamic of the super- 
 natural frightfulness. In the most literal sense of the words, 
 they ruled by divine right. In war their value was supreme 
 because they were "devils of fellows." Their chief business 
 was to terrify their foes. 
 
 It has already been their chief business. It would be their 
 chief business now if there were as many superstitious 
 people in the world now as there used to be. The people 
 that still believe in kings are the people who, in their secret 
 hearts, still reverence kings. The kings that still believe in 
 themselves still think of themselves as "daimons." They do 
 
 not doubt that they are "possest and inspired." To those 
 of us who believe such stuff no longer they are the same 
 thing, but different. We change "ai" to "e" in our spelling. 
 They are "demons." 
 
 They are demons because their one birthright and normal 
 function is to be frightful in war. That is the one thing 
 they can do better than anybody else. If a nation is to give 
 itself over to militarism it should on all accounts have a 
 king. If its proper business and its ideals are the business 
 and the ideals of peace it should quietly, humanely and by 
 due process of law get rid of monarchy. The sovereignty 
 of a war-making empire dwells in the "mana." The sov- 
 ereignty of a peace-abiding nation resides in its people. 
 
 The kings must go. There can be no security for civiliza- 
 tion while men who believe that their thoughts and their 
 purposes are divine, and therefore of higher authority than 
 the consciences and the covenants of ordinary men, are per- 
 mitted to rule. Why should not king or emperor make war 
 to save his dynasty from overthrow, his house from profana- 
 tion? Would any other course be less than impious? 
 
 Between the sovereignty of the "mana," the "daimon," 
 the "demon," and the sovereignty of conscience, of reason, 
 of humanity, there can be no compromise. One or the other 
 must go. August %, 1915 
 
AND THERE SHALL BE NO MORE KINGS 
 
 EUROPEAN nations have been taking a surprizing in- 
 terest in the United States of late. They all cultivate 
 our friendship, they appeal to our sympathies, they seek to 
 justify their actions in our eyes. This is a gratifying change 
 from the open hostility or amused contempt with which 
 American ideals and opinion used to be regarded in Europe 
 and we welcome it as indicating a better understanding and 
 consequently a more cordial relation between the two hemi- 
 spheres than has prevailed in the past. But such an under- 
 standing cannot be attained by assuming as a basis a false 
 unanimity of sentiment. We would gladly aid in bridging 
 the gulf between Europe and America, but we would not 
 begin by denying that any gulf exists. Frankness is the 
 only true foundation of friendship and it seems to be nec- 
 essary to make plain that we Americans differ very de- 
 cidedly from many Europeans on the fundamental principle 
 of government. There is in much of what we read about 
 America, even in what is written expressly for the purpose 
 of winning American sympathy, an unconscious assumption 
 that we have practically abandoned our republicanism and 
 are willing to tolerate if not approve of the monarchical 
 system. 
 
 That assumption is false. American republicanism is not 
 so boisterous and blatant as it used to be. Travel and inter- 
 course with Europeans have taught us to treat their views 
 with more courtesy and often to keep silence rather than 
 wound their feelings. This courtesy and silence have been 
 sometimes interpreted as acquiescence and agreement, and 
 so it becomes desirable once in a while to make a plain 
 statement of what we Americans do most firmly hold and 
 believe. Such a statement cannot be better put than it was 
 by Emerson in the ode he wrote on the birthday of free 
 America, January 1, 1863: 
 
 God said, I am tired of kings, 
 
 I suffer them no more ; 
 Up to my ear the morning brings 
 
 The outrage of the poor. 
 
 Think ye I made this ball 
 
 A field of havoc and war, 
 Where tyrants great and tyrants small 
 
 Might harry the weak and poor? 
 
 I will have never a noble, 
 
 No lineage counted great ; 
 Fishers and choppers and plowmen 
 
 Shall constitute a state. 
 
 This is what we believe to be the divine will, and so be- 
 lieving we hold that any man who stands up and says that 
 he is by divine right or the Grace of God ruler of his fellow- 
 men is a liar and a blasphemer. We make no exceptions. 
 We have no more respect for the claim of the King of Eng- 
 land to a divine right to rule than for that of the Czar of 
 Russia, for the claim of the King of the Belgians than for 
 that of the Negus of Abyssinia. We regard every monarch 
 as ex officio either a tyrant or an absurdity. The word 
 "tyrant" is here used in the original sense given to it by 
 the first republicans, the Greeks, who applied it to any man 
 «laiming kingship. In the course of history the word nat- 
 urally and inevitably acquired the secondary meaning of an 
 oppressive ruler. We recognize of course the vast difference 
 that exists between a mild and constitutional king and an 
 unjust and autocratic king, but neither in our opinion has 
 any right to exist. It often happens that the better the man 
 the more dangerous he is as a king. There are from the 
 American standpoint only two kings on earth who have any 
 shadow of legal claim to their thrones; the rest are usurpers. 
 The two apparent exceptions are King Peter of Serbia and 
 King Haakon of Norway, both of whom were elected by the 
 
 representatives of the people. But the King of Serbia came 
 to the throne thru the assassination of his predecessor and 
 was himself an accomplice of the murder after the fact if 
 not before. The Norwegians are a democratic people and did 
 not desire a king, but when they separated from Sweden, 
 the monarchical powers of Europe, some say England, some 
 say Germany, it matters not, compelled them to take a king 
 as the condition of recognition. A Norwegian republic would 
 have made the thrones of Europe unsafe. France, Switzer- 
 land and Portugal are standing menaces to monarchy and 
 republican sentiment is growing in Italy and Spain. 
 
 In England, on the contrary, republicanism has declined 
 while democracy has grown. The two things are quite dis- 
 tinct and ought never to be confounded. Democracy is the 
 rule of the people regardless of the form of government. 
 The Russian mir and the Chinese village are in some re- 
 spects more democratic than England or the United States. 
 Republicanism means the abolition of any individual or 
 class claiming to rule by divine right, inheritance or similar 
 form of privilege. 
 
 Fifty years ago there were many outspoken republicans 
 in Great Britain. Now there is scarcely one. When Victoria 
 was crowned some found the ceremony especially interest- 
 ing because, as they said, it would probably be the last 
 coronation that England would ever see. One of the Chart- 
 ists of '48 used publicly words as bold as those of Patrick 
 Henry: "If Parliament will accept our petition, very good. 
 If not — well, France is a republic." A British labor leader 
 now would hardly dare to use such language. 
 
 Our British friends assure us privately that their king 
 has no real power, that he is merely "a sort of glorified rub- 
 ber stamp." Then a little while later, forgetting what they 
 have said, they tell us how the virtuous Victoria overruled 
 her ministers for the good of the realm and how the wise 
 King Edward thru his own personal influence brought about 
 the entente and the isolation of Germany. Now whether or 
 not it was good politics to encircle Germany with the ring 
 of steel we shall not know until we see the outcome of the 
 war, but whether it be credit or blame that is to be given 
 to Edward VII, we cannot regard him as a mere figure- 
 head. 
 
 We are being inundated just now with literature from 
 England filled with quotations from the speeches of the 
 Kaiser and his sycophants. Our British friends believe that 
 such exhibits of grotesque megolamania will arouse the dis- 
 gust and abhorrence of Americans for a man who will make 
 such claims and a people who will submit to them. That is 
 right; we do feel so. But do our British friends realize that 
 the phrases they themselves use so casually, so lovingly, 
 grate almost as harshly upon republican ears? The British 
 Prime Minister talks of "His Majesty's Government" and 
 "His Majesty's Army" and writes "By Order of the King" 
 at the bottom of a proclamation. You say that it is not true, 
 that the King did not really have anything to say about it, 
 it was all done by the ministers. Very good ; we think better 
 of the King — but what shall we think of Mr. Asquith? 
 
 We used to be told that kings were excellent things be- 
 cause by their intermarriages they kept peace in Europe. 
 Perhaps we used to believe it. But that was before the pub- 
 lication of the "Dear Nicky" letters exchanged between the 
 royal cousins while Russia and Germany and England and 
 Belgium were actively preparing for war. 
 
 As a man Albert of Belgium is a decided improvement 
 over the long-bearded satyr who preceded him. Even repub- 
 licans must join in the general chorus of praise. But as a 
 king he is a public menace. We have not forgotten that be- 
 fore the war his name was talked of as a possible candidate 
 for the French throne in case the royalists inside and out- 
 
side of France succeeded in overthrowing the republic. Per- 
 haps the plan is not yet abandoned. Certainly King Albert 
 has a .stronger hold upon the affection of the French people 
 than before for his courage and devotion in adversity, and 
 if the French should again be seized with a desire for a 
 king- as they have twice before, he would make a much 
 stronger candidate than the Bourbon or Napoleonic pre- 
 tenders. 
 
 If this had been a war between Germany and France 
 alone, in which one of the two was not notoriously the ag- 
 gressor, there would have been no question where American 
 sympathy inclined. America always tends to favor any re- 
 public against any monarchy regardless of the cause of the 
 quarrel. But when the great European republic, to whom 
 we owe undying gratitude for rescuing us from a king, 
 unites with five monarchies and among them the most au- 
 tocratic, our sympathies are divided and we can only hope 
 that the outcome will not be the crushing out of all repub- 
 licanism in Europe. 
 
 It has been said that the Monroe Doctrine is the only thing 
 that Americans would fight for. However that may be, it 
 certainly represents a principle dear to the hearts of the 
 
 American people, for we believe as firmly as in 1823 that 
 any attempt on the part of European powers "to extend 
 their system to any portion of this hemisphere is dangerous 
 to our peace and safety." The Monroe Doctrine has been 
 amplified and interpreted to mean many things, the hege- 
 mony of the United States, America for the Americans, the 
 cultivation of Pan-American trade, etc. But its primary and 
 fundamental purpose was simply the maintenance of repub- 
 licanism. "Their system" meant the monarchical system and 
 the United States opposes that now as it always has. The 
 Monroe Doctrine means that one continent out of the five 
 shall be kept forever free from the curse of kings. As for 
 the rest of the world, it is not so much our concern. We re- 
 joice whenever a people like the Portuguese or Chinese rises 
 and overthrows its tyrants. We will give them what en- 
 couragement we can and we hope so to conduct ourselves that 
 this republic of ours may become an example of the benefits 
 of republicanism instead of a reproach. For we know we are 
 right and we look forward with perfect confidence to the 
 day when it may be there shall be no more kings in all the 
 earth. March 22, 1915 
 
 Kings 
 
 By G. Bernard Shaw 
 
 We sent G. B. S. a copy of the editorial entitled, "And There Shall Be No More Kings," in 
 The Independent of March 22, 1915, and the following, penned on the margin of the clipping, 
 in his careful handwriting, is his cormnent on what he calls "a wise and timely article" 
 
 This war raises in an acute form the whole question of Republicanism 
 versus German dynasticism. After the mischief done by Franz Josef's 
 second childhood as displayed in his launching the forty-eight-hour ulti- 
 matum to Serbia before the Kaiser could return from Stockholm, the 
 world has the right — indeed the duty — to demand that monarchies shall 
 at least be subject to superannuation as well as to constitutional limita- 
 tion. 
 
 All recent historical research has shown that the position of a King, 
 even in a jealously limited monarchy like the British, makes him so strong 
 that George III, ivho was childish when he was not under restraint as an 
 admitted lunatic, tvas uncontrollable by the strongest body of statesmen 
 the eighteenth century produced. It is undoubtedly inconvenient that the 
 head of the State should be selected at short intervals; but it does not 
 follow that he {or she) shoidd be an unqualified person to hold office for 
 life or be a member of a dynasty. 
 
 I may add that if the policy of dismembering the Central Empires by 
 making separate national States of Bohemia, Poland and Hungary, and 
 making Serbia include Bosnia and Herzegovina, is seriously put forivard, 
 it would involve making them Republics; for if they were Kingdoms their 
 thrones would be occupied by cousins of the Hohenzollerns, Hapsburgs 
 and Romanoffs, strengthening the German hegemony instead of restrain- 
 ing it. London 
 
THE DOOM OF THE DYNASTIES 
 
 THE Romanoff autocracy has fallen. The doom of the 
 Hapsburgs and of the Hohenzollerns Is at hand. The 
 kings must go; and go they will. 
 On August 10, 1914, in its first editorial reaction 
 to the war, The Independent said: "Whom the gods would 
 destroy they first make mad. Mad with the lust of power, 
 drunk with their own egotism, the head devils have signed 
 their own doom. Their days are numbered. The monarchs 
 must go — and they will." Our prediction is verified sooner 
 than we dared then to expect. Complete fulfilment may take 
 a longer time than we now are willing to contemplate, or it 
 may be accomplished swiftly. Royalty may be abolished al- 
 together; or, stripped of all real power, it may be permitted 
 to survive, as in England, on condition that it shall function 
 democratically, useful chiefly, like the flag, as a symbol of 
 political unity. Whichever of these possibilities comes true, 
 monarchy as absolutism is a fact of ancient history, and 
 ancient history, as we said ten days after the event, closed 
 at midnight of July 31, 1914. 
 
 The Head Devils began this war. This also we said in 
 our first reaction to the Demon Dance. None of the other 
 alleged causes by itself, we contended, "nor all of them in 
 combination, would have made war if the consuming vanity, 
 the monstrous egotism and the medieval-mindedness of the 
 absolute monarchs had not been thrown into the scale." To- 
 day all the world knows that this assertion, like our pre- 
 diction, was true. The war was begun because the dynasties 
 saw their thrones endangered by the rising tide of democ- 
 racy. 
 
 The Czar goes first, because he tried to play the traitor's 
 game. He has been the Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde of the war. 
 Professedly organizing and leading the forces of his empire 
 against the Hohenzollern, he and his minions have been 
 paralyzing the arm of the fighting force, disorganizing com- 
 munication, scattering and confounding munitions and sup- 
 plies, starving the people, and preparing, if at any moment 
 the attempt should seem safe, to make a separate peace. 
 
 The house of Romanoff, partly Teuton in blood, largely Teu- 
 ton in sympathy, and wholly Teuton in interests, has met 
 the inevitable fate of the traitor, and it is one that satisfies 
 the world's profoundest sense of justice. 
 
 After Nicholas, the Kaiser and the Emperor of Austria: 
 it matters little which goes first, they both must go, and 
 go they will. What is more, they know that they must go. 
 Since Bismarck saw and told them, they have perfectly un- 
 derstood that the three czars would stand or fall together. 
 The impending doom was known in Berlin before the news 
 of the Russian revolution reached this continent. Chancellor 
 von Bethmann-Hollweg's speech to the Prussian Diet on 
 Wednesday afternoon proclaimed it to the Empire. "Wo to 
 the statesman who cannot read the signs of the times," he 
 said. Wo, indeed, for the Chancellor has spoken too late. 
 Whether the flame of revolution shall sweep over the Car- 
 pathians and the Vistula to the Vosges and the Rhine, or the 
 Chancellor shall be able to keep his promise to reward the 
 loyalty of the German people by giving them the reality of 
 popular government, will matter little in the end. Hapsburg 
 and Hohenzollern, as absolutist powers, have had their day. 
 
 And whether the war goes on for months or for another 
 year, the victory of democracy over absolutism is assured. 
 Peace without victory there never has been, there never can 
 be. The forces that clash in war are the forces of reaction 
 and of progress. In the titanic struggle for civilization and 
 liberty peace is but an armistice until civilization and lib- 
 erty are safe. By exertions and sufferings that have para- 
 lyzed imagination they have been saved. A necessary part 
 of the cost has been the temporary sacrifice of much indi- 
 vidual liberty and a temporary subordination of civil pro- 
 cedure to military authority in the freer nations, but the 
 back swing of the pendulum has begun. This war, when it 
 ends, will not have militarized the world, as the pacifist 
 has feared. The returning tide of democratic liberty will 
 run swift and deep, from this day on. The doom of the 
 dynasties has fallen. March 26, 1917 
 
 Perhaps 
 
 The Great War is over; the peace-pact signed. The 
 grimed and wearied veterans are coming home. 
 
 The flags fly. The bands play. The Monarch stands 
 bareheaded on the palace balcony. Below the crowds 
 cheer. They weep for joy. Glory to the Fatherland! God 
 save the king! 
 
 The tumult and the shouting dies. The armies dis- 
 band. The soldiers return to their loved ones. Every 
 home is a house of mourning. They try to pick up again 
 the broken threads of peaceful industry. All is ruin. 
 
 They contemplate. Five million men killed. Ten mil- 
 lion men crippled. Wives and daughters ravished. Chil- 
 dren mutilated. Babies starved. Hundreds of cities 
 burned. Thousands of farms laid waste. Thirty billion 
 dollars of accumulated ivealth consumed in smoke. 
 
 They council together. They cannot endure the deso- 
 lation. They will not suffer the privation. Men fight 
 harder to keep from sinking than to rise. 
 
 They go to the nobles and the rich. They ask for 
 bread. They are given a stone. When in the annals of 
 history has Privilege chosen to sacrifice itself for the 
 common weal? 
 
 They turn to the governments. The governments lis- 
 ten. But what can the governments do? They have 
 spent the substance of the living. They have spent the 
 substance of those to come even to the third and fourth 
 generation. 
 
 ****** 
 
 Then a thing epochal happens. First a murmur, then 
 a rumble, then a roar, then — the Revolution, peaceful 
 or bloody; and all the emperors and kings, all the au- 
 tocrats and aristocrats, go. 
 
Drawn for The Independent by TV. C. Mo 
 
 THE WORLD MUST BE MADE SAFE FOR DEMOCRACY" 
 
THE ISSUE 
 
 Two views of a 
 submarine. 
 When all that 
 can be seen 
 above water is 
 the periscope, 
 practically in- 
 visible at any 
 distance, t h e 
 men on the in- 
 side looking out 
 have a compre- 
 hensive view of 
 their surround- 
 ings. This pho- 
 tograph iv a s 
 actually taken 
 thru a peri- 
 scope; the scale 
 gives accurate 
 distances for 
 torpedo range 
 
 © Harris .£ Ewing 
 
 "The right is more precious than peace" — President Wilson's address to the Congress advising war with Germany 
 
AT WAR WITH GERMANY 
 
 PRESIDENT WILSON'S ADDRESS TO THE CONGRESS ON APRIL 2, 1917 
 
 I HAVE called the Congress into extraordinary session be- 
 cause there are serious — very serious — choices of policy to be 
 made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor 
 constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsi- 
 bility of making. 
 
 On the third of February last I officially laid before you the 
 extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government 
 that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to 
 put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its sub- 
 marines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the 
 ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of 
 Europe, or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany 
 within the Mediterranean. 
 
 That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine war- 
 fare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial 
 German Government had somewhat restrained the commanders 
 of its under sea craft in conformity with its promise then giveu 
 to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warn- 
 ing would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might 
 seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape at- 
 tempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a 
 fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. 
 
 The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as 
 was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress 
 of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of re- 
 straint was observed. 
 
 The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of 
 every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their 
 destination, their errand have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom 
 without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those 
 on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of 
 belligerents. 
 
 Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely be- 
 reaved and stricken people of Belgium, tho the latter were 
 provided with safe conduct thru the proscribed areas by the 
 German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistak- 
 able marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless 
 lack of compassion or of principle. 
 
 International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some 
 law, which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where 
 no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways 
 of the world. 
 
 By painful stage after stage has that law been built up. with 
 meagre enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that 
 could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of 
 what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded. 
 
 This minimum of right the German Government has swept 
 aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity, and because 
 it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these, which 
 it is impossible to employ, as it is employing them, without 
 throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for 
 the understandings that were supposed to underlie the inter- 
 course of the world. 
 
 I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense 
 and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and whole- 
 sale destruction of the lives of non-combatants — men, women and 
 children — engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the 
 darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and 
 legitimate. Property can be paid for ; the lives of peaceful and 
 innocent people cannot be. 
 
 The present German warfare against commerce is a warfare 
 against mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships 
 have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has 
 stirred us very deeply to learn of ; but the ships and people of 
 other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and over- 
 whelmed in the waters in the same way. 
 
 There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all man- 
 kind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The 
 choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of 
 counsel and a tcmperateness of judgment befitting our character 
 and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. 
 Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the 
 physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, 
 of human right, of which we are only a single champion. 
 
 When I addrest the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February 
 last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights 
 with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interfer- 
 ence, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. 
 
 But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Be- 
 cause submarines have been used against merchant shipping it is 
 impossible to defend ships against their attacks, as the law of 
 nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves 
 against privateers or cruisers, visible craft, giving chase upon the 
 open sea. 
 
 It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity 
 indeed, to destroy them before they have shown their own inten- 
 tion. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. 
 
 The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use 
 arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has prohibited 
 even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever 
 before questioned their right to defend. 
 
 The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we 
 have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the 
 pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. 
 Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best. In such circum- 
 stances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than 
 ineffectual. It is likely once to produce what it was meant to 
 prevent. It is practically certain to draw us into the war without 
 either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. 
 
 THERE is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of 
 making : We will not choose the path of submission and suffer 
 the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored 
 or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves 
 are not common wrongs ; they cut to the very roots of human life. 
 
 With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical charac- 
 ter of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which 
 it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my con- 
 stitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent 
 course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing 
 less than war against the Government and people of the United 
 States : that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has 
 thus been thrust upon it and that it take immediate steps not 
 only to put the country in a more thoro state of defense, but also 
 to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the 
 Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war. 
 
 What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost prac- 
 ticable cooperation in counsel and action with the governments 
 now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension 
 to those governments of the most liberal financial credits, in order 
 that our resources may, so far as possible, be added to theirs. It 
 will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material 
 resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve 
 the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant, and yet 
 the most economical and efficient, way possible. 
 
 It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all 
 respects, but particularly in supplying it with the best means of 
 dealing with the enemy's submarines. It will involve the immediate 
 addition to the armed forces of the United States, already pro- 
 vided for by law in case of war, of at least 500,000 men, who 
 should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal 
 liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent addi- 
 tional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed 
 and can be handled in training. 
 
 It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits 
 to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably 
 be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived 
 taxation. I say sustained so far as may be equitable by 
 taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to 
 base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money 
 borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our 
 people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and 
 evils which would be likely to arise out of the inflation which 
 would be produced by vast loans. 
 
 In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be 
 accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of 
 interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the 
 equipment of our own military forces with the duty — for it will 
 be a very practical duty — of supplying the nations already at 
 war with Germany with the, materials which they can obtain only 
 from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should 
 help them in every way to be effective there. 
 
 I shall take the liberty of suggesting, thru the several executive 
 departments of the Government for the consideration of your 
 committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several 
 objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to 
 deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought 
 by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility 
 of conducting the war and safeguarding the nation will most 
 directly fall. 
 
 While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let 
 us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our 
 motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven 
 from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of 
 the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the 
 nation has been altered or clouded by them. 
 
 I have exactly the same thing in mind now that I had in mind 
 when I addrest the Senate on the 22d of January last ; the same 
 that I had in mind when I addrest the Congress on the 3d of 
 
February and on the 26th of February. Our object now, as then, 
 is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of 
 the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up 
 amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such 
 a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth insure the 
 observance of those principles. 
 
 Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace 
 of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the 
 menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic 
 governments backed by organized force, which is controlled wholly 
 by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the 
 last of neutrality in such circumstances. 
 
 We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted 
 that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong 
 done shall be observed among nations and their governments that 
 are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states. 
 
 WE have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feel- 
 ing toward them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was 
 not upon their impulse that their Government acted in entering 
 this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. 
 It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined 
 upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere con- 
 sulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the 
 interest of dj'nasties or of little groups of ambitious men who 
 were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. 
 
 Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies 
 or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture 
 of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and 
 make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked only 
 under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. 
 
 Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, 
 it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and 
 kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind 
 the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. 
 They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and 
 insists upon full information concerning all the nation's affairs. 
 A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except 
 by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic govern- 
 ment could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its cove- 
 nants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. 
 Intrigue would eat its vitals away, the plottings of inner circles 
 would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples 
 who could plan what they would and render account to no one 
 can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end 
 and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of 
 their own. 
 
 Does not every American feel that assurance has been added 
 to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful 
 and heartening things that have been happening within the last 
 few weeks in Russia? 
 
 Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been 
 always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her 
 thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke 
 their natural instinct, their habitual attitude toward life. 
 
 Autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, 
 long as it has stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, 
 was not in fact Russian in origin, in character or purpose, and 
 now it has been shaken and the great, generous Russian people 
 have been added in all their native majesty and might to the 
 forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice and 
 for peace. 
 
 Here is a fit partner for a league of honor. 
 One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prus- 
 sian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from 
 the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting 
 communities and even our offices of government with spies and 
 set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity 
 of council, our peace within and without, our industries and our 
 commerce. 
 
 Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before 
 the war began, and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture 
 but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which 
 have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace 
 and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried 
 on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the per- 
 sonal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government 
 accredited to the Government of the United States. 
 
 Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we 
 have soiight to put the most generous interpretation possible upon 
 them because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile 
 feeling or purpose of the German people toward us (who were, no 
 doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were) but only in the 
 selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told 
 its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving 
 to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real 
 friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security 
 at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us 
 at our very doors the intercepted note to the German Minister 
 at Mexico City is eloquent evidence. 
 
 We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we 
 
 know that in such a Government, following such methods, we 
 can never have a friend ; and that in the presence of its organized 
 power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what pur- 
 pose, there can be no assured security for the democratic gov- 
 ernments of the world. 
 
 We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural 
 foe to liberty, and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the 
 nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are 
 glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense 
 about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and 
 for the liberation of its peoples — the German people included — for 
 the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men 
 everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. 
 
 THE world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must 
 be planted upon the trusted foundations of political liberty. 
 We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no 
 dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material com- 
 pensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one 
 of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied 
 when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the 
 freedom of the nation can make them. 
 
 Just because we fight without rancour and without selfish 
 objects, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to 
 share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our 
 operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe 
 with proud punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we 
 profess to be fighting for. 
 
 I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Im- 
 perial Government of Germany because they have not made war 
 upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor. 
 
 The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its 
 unequalified indorsement and acceptance of the reckless and law- 
 less submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the 
 Imperial Government, and it has therefore not been possible for 
 this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador 
 recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal 
 Government of Austria-Hungary ; but that Government has not 
 actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States 
 on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of 
 postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at 
 Vienna. 
 
 We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it 
 because there are no other means of defending our rights. 
 
 It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as bellig- 
 erents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act with- 
 out animus, not in enmity toward a people or with the desire to 
 bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed 
 opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside 
 all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck. 
 We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German 
 people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestab- 
 lishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us — 
 however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe 
 that this is spoken from our hearts. 
 
 We have borne with their present Government thru all these 
 bitter months because of that friendship — exercizing a patience 
 and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. 
 We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friend- 
 ship in our daily attitude and actions toward the millions of 
 men and women of German birth and native sympathy who live 
 amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove 
 it toward all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the 
 Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true 
 and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty 
 or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking 
 and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and 
 purpose. 
 
 If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm 
 hand of stern repression ; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift 
 it only here and there and without countenance except from a 
 lawless and malignant few. 
 
 It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Con- 
 gress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There 
 are, it may be. many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of 
 us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into 
 war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization 
 itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious 
 than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have 
 always carried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the right of 
 those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own gov- 
 ernments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a uni- 
 versal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall 
 bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itslef 
 at last free. 
 
 To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, 
 everything that we are and everything that we have, with the 
 pride of those who know that the day has come when America 
 is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles 
 that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has 
 treasured. God help her, she can do no other. 
 
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 AFTER WAR— WHAT? 
 
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 WAR AS AN INDUSTRY 
 
 THREE years of war have educated the American peo- 
 ple to its meaning. We know that war is no longer, 
 if indeed it ever was, an affair of young men with 
 uniforms and rifles going out to shoot the enemy 
 while the rest of the nation carried on "business as usual" 
 and applauded the soldiers on their return. It was Krupp's 
 factories and not the Kaiser's mailed fist or "shining armor" 
 that won the first Belgian campaign. It was the train dis- 
 patcher and the maker of railroad supplies that defeated the 
 Russians. It was the two million men and women in the 
 British munitions factories that compelled the German re- 
 treat in the west. Even the men actually in the war zone 
 follow the most varied and specialized occupations. He who 
 says "soldier" may mean by the term baker, lumberman, 
 dentist, blacksmith, engineer, electrician, musician, chemist 
 or mechanician. The man in the front trenches is the apex 
 of a great industrial pyramid which includes nearly every 
 trade and occupation known to mankind, with the exception 
 of a few that minister to the luxuries of peace times. 
 
 The moral of this for the people of the United States is 
 that we should never confront another war either in the 
 state of unpreparedness which is represented by a small 
 volunteer army or only half-prepared, with compulsory 
 service for the army and no organization of war industry. 
 We must make universal service a reality as well as a name. 
 When the time comes that the other nations of the world 
 will consent with us to a general disarmament this period 
 of training may be devoted to some peaceful service to the 
 community, such as was suggested by that far-sighted 
 American philosopher, the late William James, in his "Moral 
 Equivalent of War." We trust that the necessity for the 
 individual nation to organize its citizenry for the common 
 defense will become as obsolete under international federa- 
 tion as the sheriff's posse has become in cities whose peace 
 is safeguarded by a good police force. But so long as there 
 exists in the world a military menace to our national lib- 
 erties every one who shares the privileges of American citi- 
 zenship ought to be taught some useful part in the great 
 industry of war. 
 
 Of course the acquirement of a war technic will take a 
 certain amount of time and absorb a certain fraction of the 
 productive energy of the nation. But as some counterbalance 
 to this we must reckon the cost of economic disorganization 
 on the eve of battle. The transition from a peace basis to a 
 war basis at present is a frightful waste not of money only 
 but of time and human ability as well. Thousands of men 
 and women are thrown into the ranks of the unemployed by 
 the failure of their businesses and yet no place has been 
 made ready for them in the industries of war. Skilled arti- 
 zans and farmers, just the men to feel first the impulse of 
 patriotism, enlist in the army while the fields go unfilled and 
 the men at the front curse the lack of ammunition which 
 prolongs the agony of the campaign. New fleets of merchant 
 shipping are built and experienced sailors cannot be found 
 to man them. Coal miners go on strike for double wages, 
 confident that their places cannot be filled. The liquor trade 
 and other parasitic businesses flourish, and the worst class 
 of slackers, the wasters, keep servants and tradesmen busy 
 ministering to their pleasures while the army is short of 
 the most elementary necessities and the poor in the great 
 cities are face to face with famine. All this is true even in 
 Germany, the land which claims a monopoly of efficiency. 
 
 The needs of war time may be reduced to five: men to 
 fight at the front; men and women to supply their imme- 
 diate needs or to make the tools of war; men and women 
 
 to care for the needs of the civilian community; men and 
 women to care for transportation, and men and women to 
 "tide over" the enterprizes of peace until the end of the war. 
 All persons in any way capable of productive effort should 
 be enlisted in one of these five national services from the 
 instant war is declared and it should be the primary duty 
 of the national Government to preserve a due balance among 
 them. The first class consists of all the physically sound 
 young men whose civilian work can be taken over by others 
 during the war without economic loss. Ordinary military 
 training should be given to all persons in this group. 
 
 The teaching of war technic to the other groups is still 
 to be developed. So far as possible it should be in line with 
 the chosen occupation of the individual, but it might well 
 be given in summer camps or university extension classes 
 and, of course, in schools and colleges, so that the feeling 
 of comradeship and patriotic cooperation might be empha- 
 sized as strongly as in the regular military service. Large 
 factories, manufacturing and electrical establishments in 
 particular, would perform a great patriotic service by giv- 
 ing facilities for a few weeks' training each year at the 
 plant in the application of mechanical, chemical and elec- 
 trical processes to the special needs of war. All agricultural 
 schools should give a course on the proper balance of crops 
 with each other and with live stock when there is a large 
 standing army to be fed according to the standard diet pro- 
 vided by the Government. Railroad men should be instructed 
 in the handling and shipment of munitions of war and every 
 merchant ship should be available as an efficient transport. 
 
 Some of the trades farthest removed from military life in 
 the limited sense of the word can be made surprizingly 
 useful in war time with a little special training. The baker 
 ought to be taught the use of the army oven as a part of his 
 business. The veterinary surgeon can specialize a little on 
 the army mule and the cavalry charger. The photographer 
 should be given a little practise in military observation 
 work. The chauffeur ought not to be licensed until he has 
 proved his knowledge of how to repair a military transport 
 automobile or an army ambulance. The jeweler might well 
 study the officer's field glass and chronometer. Every tailor 
 should learn to make the standard national uniforms and 
 every cobbler to make army boots before necessity compels 
 him to learn in a hurry what he should have known all 
 along. Even the painter has a field opened to his talents in 
 the new science of camouflage. 
 
 An objection may be raised to this universal conscription 
 that it would tend to introduce militarism into the whole of 
 industrial life. It would be far more likely to introduce the 
 civilian spirit into the business of war. The nation would 
 simply turn from mere money making to the task of the 
 common defense without any accompaniment of red tape or 
 gold braid, of arrogant officers or "shot at sunrise" courts 
 martial. Every man and every woman, young or old, strong 
 or sickly, would slip into an appointed and duly prepared 
 post of duty; at the hospital bedside, in the camp kitchen, 
 at the telegraph key, at the engine throttle, at the plow, in 
 the coal mine, in the lumber camp, at a clerk's desk in 
 Washington or even the schoolhouse and the hearthside. 
 Wherever work had to be done there would be a man or 
 woman trained before the war to do it. This common basis 
 of service would in time become as much a matter of course 
 as going to school and since all would have the share that 
 they were able to perform in the work of the war it would 
 be the logical basis of a common citizenship and a universal 
 franchise. 
 
AS THE WORLD LIVES ON 
 
 BY H. G. WELLS 
 
 AUTHOR OF "MR. BRITLING SEES IT THROUGH" 
 
 k: 
 
 ■OTHING will be the same after 
 the war." This is one of the con- 
 soling platitudes with which peo- 
 ple cover over voids of thought. They utter 
 il with an air of round-eyed profundity. 
 But to ask in reply, "Then how will things 
 be different?" is in many cases to rouse 
 great resentment. It is almost as rude as 
 saying : "Was that thought of yours really 
 a thought?" 
 
 Let us in this paper confine ourselves 
 to the social-economic processes that are 
 going on. So far as I am able to distin- 
 guish among the things that are being said 
 in these matters, they may be classified 
 out into groups that center upon several 
 typical questions. There is the question of 
 "How to pay for the war?" There is the 
 question of the behavior of labor after the 
 war, "Will there be a labor truce or a vio- 
 lent labor struggle?" There is the question 
 of the reconstruction of European industry 
 after the war in the face of an America in 
 a state of monetary and economic reple- 
 tion thru non-intervention. My present 
 purpose in this paper is a critical one ; 
 it is not to solve problems, but to set out 
 various currents of thought that are flow- 
 ing thru the general mind. Which current 
 is likely to seize upon and carry human 
 affairs with it, is not for our present spec- 
 ulation. 
 
 There seem to be two distinct ways of 
 answering the first of the questions I have 
 noted. They do not necessarily contradict 
 each other. Of course the war is being 
 largely paid for immediately out of the 
 accumulated private wealth of the past. 
 We are buying off the "hold-up" of the 
 private owner upon the material and re- 
 sources we need, and paying in paper 
 money and war loans. This is not in itself 
 an impoverishment of the community. The 
 wealth of individuals is not the wealth of 
 nations ; the two things may easily be 
 contradictory when the rich man's wealth 
 consists of land or natural resources or 
 franchises or privileges the use of which 
 he reluctantly yields for high prices. The 
 conversion of held-up land and material 
 into workable and actively used material 
 in exchange for national debt may be in- 
 deed a positive increase in the wealth of 
 the community. And what is happening in 
 all the belligerent countries is the taking 
 over of more and more of the realities of 
 wealth from private hands and, in ex- 
 change, the contracting of great masses of 
 debt to private people. The net tendency 
 is toward the disappearance of a reality 
 holding class, the destruction of realities 
 in warfare, and the appearance of a vast 
 rentier class in its place. At the end of the 
 war, much material will be destroyed for 
 evermore, transit, food production and in- 
 dustry will be everywhere enormously so- 
 cialized, and the country will be liable to 
 pay every year in interest a sum of money 
 exceeding the entire national expenditure 
 before the war. From the point of view of 
 the state, and disregarding material and 
 moral damages, that annual interest is the 
 annual instalment of the price to be paid 
 for the war. 
 
 Now the interesting question arises 
 whether these great belligerent states may 
 go bankrupt, and if so to what extent. 
 States may go bankrupt to the private 
 creditor without repudiating their debts or 
 
 seeming to pay less to Mm. They can go 
 bankrupt either by a depreciation of their 
 currency or — without touching the gold 
 standard — thru a rise in prices. In the end 
 both these things work out to the same 
 end ; the creditor gets so many loaves or 
 pairs of boots or workman's hours of labor 
 for his pound Jess than he would have got 
 under the previous conditions. One may 
 imagine this process of price (and of 
 course wages) increase going on to a lim- 
 itless extent. Many people are inclined to 
 look to such an increase in prices as a 
 certain outcome of the war, and just so 
 far as it goes, just so far will the burden 
 of the rentier class, their call that is for 
 goods and services, be lightened. This ex- 
 pectation is very generally entertained, and 
 I can see little reason against it. The in- 
 tensely stupid or dishonest press, however, 
 in the interests of the common enemy, 
 which misrepresents socialism and seeks 
 to misguide labor in Great Britain, ig- 
 nores these considerations, and positively 
 holds out this prospect of rising prices 
 as an alarming one to the more credulous 
 and ignorant of its readers. But now comes 
 the second way of meeting the after-the- 
 war obligations. 
 
 This second way is by increasing the 
 wealth of the state and by increasing the 
 national production to such an extent that 
 the payment of the rentier class will not 
 be an overwhelming burden. Rising prices 
 bilk the creditor. Increased production will 
 check the rise in prices and get him a real 
 payment. The outlook for the national cred- 
 itor seems to be that he will be partly 
 bilked and partly paid ; how far he will be 
 bilked and how far paid depends almost 
 entirely upon this possible increase in pro- 
 duction ; and there is consequently a very 
 keen and quite unprecedented desire very 
 widely diffused among intelligent and ac- 
 tive people, holding war loan scrip and 
 the like, in all the belligerent countries, to 
 see bold and hopeful schemes for state en- 
 richment pushed forward. The movement 
 toward socialism is receiving an impulse 
 from a new and unexpected quarter, there 
 is now a rentier socialism, and it is inter- 
 esting to note that while the London Times 
 is full of schemes of great state enterprises, 
 for the exploitation of Colonial state lands, 
 for the state purchase and wholesaling 
 of food and many natural products, 
 and for the syndication of shipping and 
 the great staple industries into vast 
 trusts into which not only the British 
 but the French and Italian governments 
 may enter as partners, the so-called so- 
 cialist press of Great Britain is chiefly 
 busy about the draughts in the cell of Mr. 
 Fenner Brockway and the refusal of Prin- 
 ter Scott Duckers to put on his khaki 
 trousers. The New Statesman and the Fa- 
 bian Society, however, display a wider in- 
 telligence. 
 
 There is a great variety of suggestions 
 for this increase of public wealth and pro- 
 duction. Many of them have an extreme 
 reasonableness. The extent to which they 
 will be adopted depends, no doubt, very 
 largely upon the politician and permanent 
 official, and both those classes are apt to 
 panic in the presence of reality. In spite 
 of its own interest in restraining a rise in 
 prices, the old official "salariat" is likely 
 to be obstructive to any such innovations. 
 
 It is the resistance of spurs and red tabs 
 to military innovations over again. This 
 is the resistance of quills and red tape. On 
 the other hand the organization of Britain 
 for war has "officialized" a number of in- 
 dustrial leaders and created a large body 
 of temporary and adventurous officials. 
 They may want to carry on into peace 
 production the great new factories the 
 war has created. At the end of the war, 
 for example, every belligerent country will 
 be in urgent need of cheap automobiles for 
 farmers, tradesmen, and industrial pur- 
 poses generally. America is now producing 
 such automobiles at a price of four hun- 
 dred dollars. But Furope will be heavily in 
 debt to America, her industries will be dis- 
 organized, and there will, therefore, be no 
 sort of return payment possible for these 
 hundreds of thousands of automobiles. A 
 country that is neither creditor nor pro- 
 ducer cannot be an importer. Consequent- 
 ly, tho those cheap tin cars may be stacked 
 as high as the Washington Monument in 
 America, they will never come to Europe. 
 On the other hand the great shell factories 
 of Europe will be standing idle and ready, 
 their staffs disciplined and available, for 
 conversion to the new task. The imperative 
 commonsense of the position seems to be 
 that the European governments will set 
 themselves straight away to out-Ford Ford, 
 and provide their own people with cheap 
 road transport. 
 
 BUT here comes in the question 
 whether this commonsense course is 
 inevitable. Suppose the mental energy 
 left in Europe after the war is insufficient 
 for such a constructive feat as this. There 
 will certainly be the obstruction of official 
 pedantry, the hold-up of this vested in- 
 terest and that, the greedy desire of "pri- 
 vate enterprise" to exploit the occasion 
 upon rather more costly and less produc- 
 tive lines, the general distrust felt by ig- 
 norant and unimaginative people of a new 
 way of doing things. The process after all 
 may not get done in the obviously wise 
 way. This will not mean that Europe will 
 buy American cars. It will be quite unable 
 to buy American cars. It will be unable to 
 make anything that America will not be 
 able to make more cheaply for itself. But 
 it will mean that Europe will go on with- 
 out cheap cars, that is to say it will go on 
 more sluggishly and clumsily and waste- 
 fully at a lower economic level. Hampered 
 transport means hampered production of 
 other things, and increasing inability to 
 buy abroad. And so we go down and down. 
 It does not follow that because a course 
 is the manifestly right and advantageous 
 course for the community that it will be 
 taken. I am reminded of this by a special 
 basket in my study here, into which I pitch 
 letters, circulars, pamphlets and so forth 
 as they come to hand from a gentleman 
 named Gatti, and his friends Mr. Adrian 
 Ross, Mr. Roy Horniman, Mr. Henry 
 Murray and others. His particular proj- 
 ect is the construction of a Railway Clear- 
 ing House for London. It is an absolutely 
 admirable scheme. It would cut down the 
 heavy traffic in the streets of London to 
 about one third ; it would enable us to run 
 the goods traffic of England with less than 
 half the number of railway trucks we now 
 employ, it would turn over enormous areas 
 
of valuable land from their present use as 
 railway goods yards and sidings ; it would 
 save time in the transit of goods and labor 
 in their handling. It is a quite beautifully 
 worked out scheme. For the last eight or 
 ten years this group of devoted fanatics 
 has been pressing this undertaking upon 
 an indifferent country, with increasing ve- 
 hemence and astonishment at that indiffer- 
 ence. The point is that its adoption, tho 
 it would be of enormous general benefit, 
 would be of no particular benefit to any 
 leading man or highly placed official. On 
 the other hand it would upset all sorts of 
 individuals who are in a position to ob- 
 struct it quietly — and they do so. Meaning 
 no evil, I dip my hand in the accumulation 
 and extract a leaflet by the all too zealous 
 Mr. Murray. In it he denounces various 
 public officials by name as cheats and 
 scoundrels, and invites a prosecution for 
 libel. 
 
 In that fashion nothing will ever get 
 done. There is no prosecution, but for all 
 that I do nor agree with Mr. Murray about 
 the men he names. These gentlemen are 
 just comfortable gentlemen, own brothers 
 to these old generals of ours who will not 
 take off their spurs. They are probably 
 quite charming people except that they 
 know nothing of that Fear of God which 
 searches the heart. Why should they bother ? 
 
 So many of these after-the-war problems 
 bring one back to the question how far the 
 war has put the Fear of God into the hearts 
 of responsible men. There is really no other 
 reason in existence that I can imagine why 
 they should ask themselves the question. 
 'Have I done my best?" and that still 
 more important question, "Am I doing 
 they should ask themselves, "Am I doing 
 my best now?" And so while I hear plenty 
 of talk about the great reorganizations that 
 are to come after the war, while there is 
 (he stir of doubt among the rentiers wheth- 
 er, after all, they will get paid, while the 
 unavoidable stresses and sacrifices of the 
 war are making many people question the 
 rightfulness of much that they did as a 
 matter of course, and of much that they 
 took for granted, I perceive there is also 
 something dull and not very articulate in 
 this European world, something resistant 
 and inert, that is like the obstinate rolling 
 over of a heavy sleeper after he has been 
 called upon to get up. "Just a little longer. 
 Just for my time." 
 
 One thought alone seems to make these 
 more intractable people anxious. I thrust 
 it in as my last stimulant when everything 
 else has failed. "There will be frightful 
 trouble with labor after the war," I say. 
 
 They try to persuade themselves that 
 military discipline is breaking in labor. 
 
 WHAT does British labor think of the 
 outlook after the war? As a distinct- 
 ive thing British labor does not think. 
 "Class-conscious labor," as the Marxists 
 put it, scarcely exists in Britain. The only 
 convincing case I ever met was a bath- 
 chairman of literary habits at Eastbourne. 
 The only people who are, as a class, class 
 conscious in the British community are the 
 Anglican gentry and their fringe of the 
 genteel. Everybody else is "respectable." 
 The mass of British workers find their 
 thinking in the ordinary halfpenny papers 
 or in John Bull. The so-called labor papers 
 are perhaps less representative of British 
 labor than any other section of the press ; 
 The Labor Leader, for example, is the 
 organ of such people as Bertrand Russell, 
 Vernon Lee, Morel, academic rentiers who 
 know about as much of the labor side of 
 industrialism as they do of cock-fighting. 
 All the British peoples are racially willing 
 and good-tempered people quite ready to 
 be led by those they imagine to be abler 
 
 than themselves. They make the most 
 cheerful and generous soldiers in the whole 
 world, without insisting upon that demo- 
 cratic respect which the Frenchman exacts. 
 They do not criticize and they do not trou- 
 ble themselves much about the general plan 
 of operations, so long as they have confi- 
 dence in the quality and good-will of their 
 leading. But British soldiers will hiss a 
 general when they think he is selfish, un- 
 feeling, or a muff. And the socialist propa- 
 ganda has imported ideas of public service 
 into private employment. Labor in Britain 
 has been growing increasingly impatient of 
 bad or selfish industrial leadership. Labor 
 trouble in Great Britain turns wholly upon 
 the idea crystallized in the one word 
 "profiteer." Legislation and regulation of 
 hours of labor, high wages, nothing will 
 keep labor quiet in Great Britain, if labor 
 thinks it is being exploited for private gain. 
 
 Labor feels very suspicious of private 
 gain. For that suspicion a certain rather 
 common type of employer is mainly to 
 blame. Labor believes that employers as a 
 class cheat workmen as a class, plan to 
 cheat them, of their full share in the com- 
 mon output, and drive hard bargains. It be- 
 lieves that private employers are equally 
 ready to sacrifice the welfare of the nation 
 and the welfare of the workers for mere 
 personal advantage. It has a traditional ex- 
 perience to support these suspicions. 
 
 In no department of morals have ideas 
 changed so completely during the last 
 eighty years as in relation to "profits." 
 Eighty years ago every one believed in the 
 divine right of property to do what it 
 pleased with its advantages, a doctrine more 
 disastrous socially than the divine right of 
 kings. There was no such sense of the im- 
 morality of "holding up" as pervades the 
 public conscience today. The worker was 
 expected not only to work but to be grate- 
 ful for employment. The property owner 
 held his property and handed it out for use 
 and development or not, just as he thought 
 fit. These ideas are not altogether extinct 
 today. Only a few days ago I met a mag- 
 nificent old lady of seventy-nine or eighty, 
 who discoursed upon the wickedness of her 
 gardener in demanding another shilling a 
 week because of war prices. 
 
 She was a valiant and handsome person- 
 age. A face that had still a healthy natural 
 pinkness looked out from under blonde 
 curls, and an elegant and carefully tended 
 hand tossed back some fine old lace to ges- 
 ticulate more freely. She had previously 
 charmed her hearers by sweeping aside cer- 
 tain invasion rumors that were drifting 
 about. 
 
 "Germans invade Us!" she cried. "Who'd 
 let 'em, I'd like to know. Who'd let 'em?" 
 
 And then she reverted to her grievance 
 about the gardener. 
 
 "I told him that after the war he'd be 
 glad enough to get anything. Grateful ! 
 They'll all be coming back after the war, 
 all of 'em, glad enough to get anything. 
 Asking for another shilling indeed !" 
 
 Every one who heard her looked shocked. 
 But that was the tone of every one of im- 
 portance in the dark years that followed 
 the Napoleonic wars. That is just one sur- 
 vivor of the old tradition. Another is Blight 
 the solicitor, who goes about bewailing the 
 fact that we writers are "holding out false 
 hopes of higher agricultural wages after the 
 war." But these are both exceptions. They 
 are held to be remarkable people even by 
 their own class. The mass of property own- 
 ers and influential people in Europe today 
 no more believe in the sacred right of prop- 
 erty to hold up development and dictate 
 terms, than do the more intelligent work- 
 ers. The ideas of collective ends and of the 
 fiduciary nature of property had been 
 soaking thru the European community for 
 
 years before the war. The necessity for 
 sudden and even violent cooperations and 
 submersions of individuality in a common 
 purpose, which this war has produced, is 
 rapidly crystallizing out these ideas into 
 clear proposals. 
 
 WAR is an evil thing, but people who 
 will not learn from reason must have 
 an ugly teacher. This war has brought home 
 to every one the supremacy of the public 
 need over every sort of individual claim. 
 
 One of the most remarkable things in the 
 British war press is the amount of space 
 given to the discussion of labor develop- 
 ments after the war. This is in its com- 
 pleteness peculiar to the British situation. 
 Nothing on the same scale is perceptible in 
 the press of the Latin allies. A great move- 
 ment on the part of capitalists and business 
 organizers is manifest to assure the worker 
 of a change of heart and a will to change 
 method. Labor is suspicious, not foolishly 
 but wisely suspicious. But labor is consid- 
 ering it. 
 
 "National industrial syndication," say 
 the business organizers. 
 
 "Gild socialism," say the workers. 
 
 There is also a considerable amount of 
 talking and writing about "profit-sharing" 
 and about giving the workers a share in 
 the business direction. Neither of these 
 ideals appeals to the shrewder heads among 
 the workers. So far as direction goes their 
 disposition is to ask the captain to com- 
 mand the ship. So far as profits go, they 
 think the captain has no more right than 
 the cabin boy to speculative gains ; he 
 should do his work for his pay whether it 
 is profitable or unprofitable work. There is 
 little balm for labor discontent in these 
 schemes for making the worker also an in- 
 finitesimal profiteer. 
 
 During my journey in Italy and France 
 I met several men who were keenly inter- 
 ested in business organization. Just before 
 I started my friend N, who has been the 
 chief partner in the building up of a very 
 big and very extensively advertised Ameri- 
 can business, came to see me on his way 
 back to America. He is as interested in 
 his work as a scientific specialist, and as 
 ready to talk about it to any intelligent 
 r.nd interested hearer. He was particularly 
 keen upon the question of continuity in the 
 business, when it behooves the older gen- 
 eration to let in the younger to responsible 
 management and to efface themselves. He 
 was a man of five and forty. Incidentally 
 he mentioned that he had never taken any- 
 thing for his private life out of the great 
 business he had built up but a salary, "a 
 good salary," and that now he was going to 
 grant himself a pension. "I shan't interfere 
 any more. I shall come right away and live 
 in Europe for a year so as not to be tempt- 
 ed to interfere. The boys have got to run 
 it some day, and they had better get their 
 experience while they're young and capable 
 of learning by it. I did." 
 
 I like N's ideas. "Practically," I said, 
 "you've been a public official. You've treat- 
 ed your business like a public service." 
 
 That was his idea. 
 
 "Would you mind if it was a public 
 service?" 
 
 He reflected, and some disagreeable mem- 
 ory darkened his face. "Under the politi- 
 cians?" he said. 
 
 I took the train of thought N had set 
 going abroad with me next day. I had the 
 good luck to meet men who were interested 
 industrially. Captain Pirelli, my guide in 
 Italy, has a name familiar to every motor- 
 ist ; his name goes wherever cars go, spelt 
 with a big long capital P. Lieutenant de 
 Tessin's name will recall one of the most 
 interesting experiments in profit-sharing to 
 the student of social science. I tried over 
 
N's problem on both of them. I found in 
 both their minds just the same attitude as 
 he takes up toward his business. They think 
 any businesses that are worthy of respect, 
 the sorts of businesses that interest them, 
 are public functions. Money-lenders and 
 speculators, merchants and gambling gentle- 
 folk, may think in terms of profit ; capable 
 business directors certainly do nothing of 
 the sort. 
 
 I met a British officer in France who is 
 also a landowner. I got him to talk about 
 his administrative work upon his property. 
 He was very keen upon new methods. He 
 said he tried to do his duty by his land. 
 
 "How much land?" I asked. 
 
 "Just over nine thousand acres," he said. 
 
 "But you could manage forty or fifty 
 thousand with little more trouble." 
 
 "If I had it. In some ways it would be 
 easier." 
 
 "What a waste !" I said. "Of course you 
 ought not to own those acres, what you 
 ought to be is the agricultural controller 
 of .iust as big an estate of the public lands 
 as you could manage — with a suitable 
 
 He reflected upon that idea. He said he 
 did not get much of a salary out of his land 
 as it was, and made a regretable allusion 
 to Mr. Lloyd George. "When a man tries 
 to do his duty by the land," he said . . . 
 
 But here running thru the thoughts of 
 the Englishman and the Italian and the 
 Frenchman and the American alike one 
 finds just the same idea of a kind of offi- 
 cialism in ownership. It is an idea that 
 pervades our thought and public discussion 
 today everywhere, and it is an idea that is 
 scarcely traceable at all in the thought of 
 the early half of the nineteenth century. 
 The idea of service and responsibility in 
 property has increased and is increasing, 
 the conception of "hold-up," the usurer's 
 conception of his right to be bought out 
 of the way, fades. And the process has been 
 enormously enhanced by the various big 
 scale experiments in temporary socialism 
 that have been forced upon the belligerent 
 powers. Men of the most individualistic 
 quality are being educated up to the pos- 
 sibilities of concerted collective action. My 
 friend and fellow student X, inventor and 
 business organizer, who used to make the 
 best steam omnibuses in the world and who 
 is now making all sorts of things for the 
 army, would go pink with suspicious anger 
 at the mere words "inspector" or "social- 
 ism" three or four years ago. He does not 
 do so now. 
 
 A great proportion of this sort of man, 
 this energetic directive sort of man in Eng- 
 land, is thinking socialism today. They may 
 not be saying socialism but they are think- 
 ing it. When labor begins to realize what is 
 adrift it will be divided between two things, 
 between appreciative cooperation, for which 
 gild socialism in particular has prepared its 
 mind, and traditional suspicion. I will not 
 offer to guess here which will prevail. 
 
 THE impression I have of the present 
 mental process in the European com- 
 munities is that while the official class and 
 the rentier class is thinking very poorly 
 and inadequately, and with a merely ob- 
 structive disposition, while the churches are 
 merely wasting their energies in futile self 
 advertisement, while the labor mass is sus- 
 picious and disposed to make terms for 
 itself rather than come into any large 
 schemes of reconstruction that will abolish 
 I rofit as a primary aim in economic life, 
 there is still a very considerable movement 
 toward such a reconstruction. Nothing is 
 so misleading as a careless analogy. In the 
 dead years that followed the Napoleonic 
 wars, which are often quoted as a prece- 
 dent for expectation now, the spirit of col- 
 lective service was near its minimum ; it 
 
 was never so strong and never so manifest- 
 ly spreading and increasing as it is today. 
 
 But service to what? 
 
 I have my own very strong preconcep- 
 tion here, and since my temperament is 
 sanguine they necessarily color my view. 
 I believe that this impulse to collective serv- 
 ice can satisfy itself only under the formula 
 that mankind is one state of which God 
 is the undying king, and that the service of 
 men's collective needs is the true worship 
 of God. But eagerly as I would grasp at any 
 evidence that this idea is being developed 
 and taken up by the general consciousness, 
 I am quite unable to persuade myself that 
 cnything of the sort is going on. I do per- 
 ceive a search for large forms into which 
 the prevalent impulse to devotion can be 
 thrown. But the organized religious bodies, 
 with their creeds and badges and their in- 
 stinct for self preservation at any cost, 
 stand between men and their spiritual 
 growth in just the same way the fore- 
 stallers stand between men and food. Their 
 activities at present are an almost intoler- 
 able nuisance. One cannot say "God" but 
 some tout is instantly seeking to pluck one 
 into his particular cave of flummery and 
 orthodoxy. What a rational man means by 
 God is just God. The more you define and 
 argue about God the more He remains the 
 same simple thing. Judaism, Christianity, 
 Islam, modern Hindu religious thought, all 
 agree in declaring that there is one God, 
 master and leader of all mankind, in un- 
 ending conflict with cruelty, disorder, folly 
 and waste. To my mind, it follows imme- 
 diately that there can be no king, no gov- 
 ernment of any sort, which is not either 
 a subordinate or a rebel government, a local 
 usurpation, in the kingdom of God. But no 
 organized religious body has ever had the 
 courage and honesty to insist upon this. 
 They all pander to nationalism and to 
 powers and princes. They exist so to 
 pander. Every organized religion in the 
 world exists only to divert and waste the 
 religious impulse in man. 
 
 This conviction that the world kingdom 
 of God is the only true method of human 
 service, is so clear and final in my own 
 mind, it seems so inevitably the convic- 
 tion to which all right thinking men must 
 ultimately come, that I feel almost like a 
 looker-on at a game of blindman's buff as 
 1 watch the discussion of synthetic politi- 
 cal ideas. The blind man thrusts his seek- 
 ing hands into the oddest corners, he 
 clutches at chairs and curtains, but at last 
 he must surely find and hold and feel over 
 and guess the name of the plainly visible 
 quarry. 
 
 Some of the French and Italian people 
 I talked to said they were fighting for 
 "Civilization." That is one name for the 
 kingdom of God. and I have heard English 
 people use it, too. But much of the con- 
 temporary thought of England still wan- 
 ders with its back to the light. Most of it 
 is pawing over jerry-built, secondary 
 things. I have before me a little book, the 
 joint work of Dr. Grey and Mr. Turner. 
 an ex-public schoolmaster, and a manu- 
 facturer, called "Eclipse or Empire?" The 
 title "World Might or Downfall?" had 
 already been secured in another quarter. 
 It is a book that has been enormously ad- 
 vertised ; it has been almost impossible to 
 escape its column long advertisements, it 
 is billed upon the boardings, and it is on 
 the whole a very able and right spirited 
 book. It calls for more and better educa- 
 tion, for more scientific methods, for less 
 class suspicion and more social explicit- 
 ness and understanding, for a franker and 
 fairer treatment of labor. But why does it 
 call for these things? Does it call for them 
 because they are right? Because in accom- 
 plishing this, one serves God? 
 
 Not at all. But because otherwise this 
 
 strange sprawling empire of ours will drop 
 back into a secondary place in the world. 
 These two writers really seem to think 
 that the slack workman, the slacker 
 wealthy man, the negligent official, the con- 
 servative schoolmaster, the greedy usurer, 
 the comfortable obstructive, confronted 
 with this alternative, terrified at this idea 
 of something or other called the Empire 
 being "eclipsed," eager for the continu- 
 ance of this undefined glory over their fel- 
 low creatures called "Empire," will per- 
 ceive the error of their ways and become 
 energetic, devoted, capable. They think an 
 ideal of that sort is going to change the 
 daily lives of men. ... I sympathize 
 with their purpose, and I deplore their 
 conception of motives. If men will not 
 give themselves for righteousness, they will 
 not give themselves for a geographical 
 score. If they will not work well for the 
 hatred of bad work, they will not work 
 well for the hatred of Germans. This "Em- 
 pire" idea has been cadging about the 
 British Empire, trying to collect enthusi- 
 asm and devotion, since the days of Dis- 
 raeli. It is, I submit, too big for the mean 
 spirited, and too tawdry and limited for 
 the fine and generous. It leaves out the 
 French and the Italians and the Belgians 
 and all our blood brotherhood of allies. It 
 has no compelling force in it. We British 
 are not naturally Imperialist ; we are some- 
 thing greater — or something less. For two 
 years and a half now we have been fight- 
 ing against Imperialism in its most ex- 
 travagant form. It is a poor incentive to 
 right living to propose to parody it. 
 
 The blind man must lunge again. For 
 when the right answer is seized it an- 
 swers not only the question why men 
 should work for their fellow men, but also 
 why nations should cease to arm and plan 
 and contrive against nation. The social 
 problem is only the international problem 
 in retail, the international problem is only 
 the social one in gross. 
 
 My bias rules me altogether here. I see 
 men in social, in economic and in inter- 
 national affairs alike, eager to put an end 
 to conflict, inexpressibly weary of conflict 
 and the waste and pain and death it in- 
 volves. But to end conflict one must aban- 
 don aggressive or uncordial pretensions. 
 Labor is sick at the idea of more strikes 
 and struggles after the war, industrialism 
 is sick of competition and anxious for serv- 
 ice, everybody is sick of war. But how can 
 they end any of these clashes except by 
 the definition and recognition of a common 
 end which will establish a standard for 
 the trial of every conceivable issue, to 
 which, that is, every other issue can be 
 subordinated ; and what common end can 
 there be in all the world except this idea 
 of the world kingdom of God? What is the 
 good of orienting one's devotion to a firm, 
 or to class solidarity, or La Repuhlique 
 Francaise, or Poland, or Albania, or such 
 love and loyalty as people profess for 
 King George or King Albert or the Due 
 d'Orleans, or any such intermediate object 
 of self abandonment? We need a standard 
 so universal that the plate layer may say to 
 the barrister or the duchess, or the Red 
 Indian to the Limehouse sailor, or the 
 Anzac soldier to the Sinn Feiner or the 
 Chinaman, "What are we two doing for 
 it?" And to fill the place of that "it," no 
 other idea is great enough or commanding 
 enough, but only the world kingdom of 
 God. 
 
 However long he may have to hunt, 
 the blind man seeking service and an end 
 to bickerings will come to that at last, be- 
 cause of all the thousand other things he 
 may clutch at. nothing else can satisfy his 
 manifest need. 
 
 London, England 
 
THE LAST GREAT WAR 
 
 BY WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 
 
 AS I write, Germany is reported to have declared war 
 against Russia and France, and the participation of 
 England on the one side and of Italy on the other 
 seems imminent. Nothing like it has occurred since the 
 great Napoleonic wars, and with modern armaments and 
 larger populations nothing has occurred like it since the 
 world began. 
 
 It is a cataclysm. It is a retrograde step in Christian 
 civilization. It will be difficult to keep the various countries 
 of the Balkans out of the war, and Greece and Turkey 
 may take part in it. All Europe is to be a battleground. 
 It is reported that the neutrality of Holland has already 
 been ignored and Belgium offers such opportunities in the 
 campaigns certain to follow that her territory, too, will be 
 the scene of struggle. 
 
 Private property and commercial shipping under an 
 enemy's flag are subject to capture and appropriation by 
 prize proceedings and with the formidable navies of Eng- 
 land, France, Germany, Russia and Italy active the great 
 carrying trade of the world will be in large part suspended 
 or destroyed or will be burdened with such heavy insurance 
 as greatly to curtail it. 
 
 The commerce of the world makes much for the pros- 
 perity of the countries with whom it is conducted and its 
 interruption means great inconvenience and economic suf- 
 fering among all people whether at peace or war. The 
 capital which the European people have invested by the 
 billions in the United States, Canada, Australia, South 
 Africa and in the Orient must perforce be withdrawn to 
 fill the war chests of the nations engaged in a death grap- 
 ple, and the enterprises which that capital made possible 
 are likely to be greatly crippled while the hope of any 
 further expansion must be definitely given up. 
 
 This general European war will give a feverish activity 
 in a number of branches of our industry, but on the whole 
 we shall suffer with the rest of the world, except that we 
 shall not be destroying or blowing up our existing wealth 
 or sacrificing the lives of our best young men and youth. 
 
 It is hard to prophesy the scope of a war like this, be- 
 cause history offers no precedent. It is impossible to foresee 
 the limits of a war of any proportions when confined only 
 to two countries. In our own small Spanish war we began 
 it to free Cuba and when the war closed we found ourselves 
 ten thousand miles away with the Philippines on our hands. 
 
 The immense waste of life and treasure in a modern war 
 makes the loss to the conqueror only less, if indeed it be 
 less, than the loss to the conquered. 
 
 With a high patriotic spirit, people enter upon war with 
 confidence and with the thought of martial glory and suc- 
 cess. The sacrifices they have to make, the suffering they 
 have to undergo are generally such that if victory does not 
 rest upon their banners they seek a scapegoat for that 
 which they themselves have brought on in the head of the 
 state, and the king or emperor who begins a war or allows 
 one to begin puts at stake not only the prestige of his 
 nation, but also the stability and integrity of his dynasty. 
 
 In such a war as this, therefore, with the universal tend- 
 ency to popular control in every country, the strain and 
 defeat in war may lead to a state of political flux in those 
 countries which shall suffer defeat, with all the attendant 
 difficulties and disorder that a change of government 
 involves. 
 
 While we can be sure that such a war as this, taking 
 it by and large, will be a burden upon the United States 
 
 and is a great misfortune, looked at solely from the stand- 
 point of the United States, we have every reason to be 
 happy that we are able to preserve strict neutrality in 
 respect to it. Within our hospitable boundaries we have 
 living prosperous and contented emigrants in large numbers 
 from all the countries who are to take part in the war and 
 the sympathies of these people will of course be with their 
 respective native lands. Were there no other reason this 
 circumstance would tend to keep us free from any entan- 
 glement. 
 
 We may sincerely hope that Japan will not be involved. 
 She will not be unless the war is carried on to the far 
 Orient, to India or to China. Germany has but a small 
 settlement in the Orient, while France and Russia and 
 England would be allies in this war and it would seem 
 quite unlikely that there would arise any obligation under 
 the English-Japanese alliance for Japan to assist England. 
 Of the great powers of the world, therefore, the only 
 ones left out are likely to be the United States and Japan, 
 and perhaps only the United States, by reason of the 
 alliance between Japan and England. Japan, if she keeps 
 out of the war. will occupy the same advantageous position, 
 which will be ours, of complete neutrality, of an actually 
 judicial attitude, and therefore, of having an opportunity 
 at some time, we may hope, to mediate between the powers 
 and to help to mitigate this disaster to mankind. 
 
 At the time when so many friends of peace have 
 thought that we were making real progress toward the 
 abolition of war this sudden outbreak of the greatest war 
 in history is most discouraging. The future looks dark 
 indeed, but we should not despair. 
 
 "God moves in a mysterious way His wonders to per- 
 form." Now that the war is a settled fact, we must hope 
 that some good may come from this dreadful scourge. The 
 armaments of Europe had been growing heavier and heav- 
 ier, bankruptcy has stared many of the nations in the 
 face, conflict between races had begun to develop. 
 
 War seemed likely at some stage and the question which 
 each country had to answer for itself was at what time 
 the situation would be most favorable for its success. The 
 immediate participants have decided that the time has 
 come and thru their international alliances all Europe is 
 involved. 
 
 There has been no real test of the heavy armament on 
 land or water as developed by modern invention and this 
 contest is to show what has been well spent for war pur- 
 poses and what has been wasted. It is by no means certain 
 that waste will not exceed in cost that which was spent 
 to effective purpose. 
 
 One thing I think we can reasonably count on is that 
 with the prostration of industry, with the blows to pros- 
 perity, with the state of flux that is likely to follow this 
 titanic struggle, there will be every opportunity for com- 
 mon sense to resume its sway ; and after the horrible 
 expenditure of the blood of the best and the savings of 
 the rich and the poor, the opportunity and the motive for 
 a reduction of armament and the taking away of a temp- 
 tation to further war will be greatly enhanced. 
 
 It is an awful remedy, but in the end it may be worth 
 what it costs, if it makes this the last great war. The 
 influence of America can be thrown most effectively for 
 peace when peace is possible and for minimum armaments 
 when disaster and exhaustion shall make the contending 
 peoples and their rulers see things as they are. 
 
THE LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE 
 
 BY HAMILTON HOLT 
 
 IN his famous essay, Perpetual Peace, 
 published in 1795, Emmanuel Kant, 
 perhaps the greatest intellect the 
 world has ever produced, declared that we 
 never can have universal peace until the 
 world is politically organized and it will 
 never be possible to organize the world po- 
 litically until the people, not the kings, 
 rule. And he added that the peoples of the 
 earth must cultivate and attain the spirit 
 of hospitality and good will toward all 
 races and nations. 
 
 If this be the true philosophy of peace, 
 then when the Great War is over, and the 
 stricken sobered people set about to rear 
 a new civilization on the ashes of the old, 
 they cannot hope to abolish war unless 
 they are prepared to extend democracy 
 everywhere, to banish hatred from their 
 hearts, and to organize the international 
 realm on a basis of law rather than force. 
 
 The questions of the extension of democ- 
 racy and the cultivation of benevolence are 
 domestic ones. They can hardly be brought 
 about by joint action of the nations. 
 World organization and disarmament, how- 
 ever, can be provided for in the terms of 
 peace or by international agreement there- 
 after. As the United States seems destined 
 to play an important part in the great re- 
 construction at the end of the war, this is 
 perhaps the most important question now 
 before American statesmanship. 
 
 LAW OK WAR 
 
 The only two powers that ever have gov- 
 erned or ever can govern human beings 
 are reason and force — law and war. If we 
 do not have the one we must have the 
 other. 
 
 The peace movement is the process of 
 substituting law for war. Peace follows 
 justice, justice follows law, law follows 
 political organization. The world has al- 
 ready achieved peace, through justice, law 
 and political organization in hamlets, 
 towns, cities, states and even in the forty- 
 six sovereign civilized nations of the world. 
 But in that international realm over and 
 above each nation, in which each nation 
 is equally sovereign, the only final way 
 for a nation to secure its rights is by the 
 use of force. Force, therefore — or war as 
 it is called when exerted by a nation 
 against another nation — is at present the 
 only final method of settling international 
 differences. In other words, the nations are 
 in that state of civilization today where, 
 without a qualm, they claim the right to 
 settle their disputes in a manner which 
 they would actually put their own subjects 
 to death for imitating. The peace problem, 
 then, is nothing but the problem of find- 
 ing ways and means of doing between the 
 nations what has already been done within 
 the nations. International law follows pri- 
 vate law. The "United Nations" follow the 
 United States. 
 
 At present international law has reached 
 the same state of development that private 
 law reached in the tenth century. Profes- 
 sor T. J. Lawrence (in his essay The Evo- 
 lution of Peace) distinguishes four stages 
 in the evolution of private law : 
 
 1. Kinship is the sole bond ; revenge 
 
 and retaliation are unchecked, there being 
 no authority whatever. 
 
 2. Organization is found an advantage 
 and tribes under a chief subdue undisci- 
 plined hordes. The right of private ven- 
 geance within the tribe is regulated but not 
 forbidden. 
 
 ?>. Courts of justice exist side by side 
 with a limited right of vengeance. 
 
 4. Private war is abolished, all disputes 
 being settled by the courts. 
 
 It is evident that in international rela- 
 tions we are entering into the third stage, 
 because the nations have already created 
 an international tribunal which exists side 
 by side with the right of self-redress or 
 war. 
 
 I.IKE THE AMERICAN CONFEDERATION 
 
 Furthermore, a careful study of the 
 formation of the thirteen American 
 colonies from separate states into our 
 present compact Union discloses the 
 fact that the nations today are in 
 the same stage of development that the 
 American colonies were about the time of 
 their first confederation. As the United 
 States came into existence by the estab- 
 lishment of the Articles of Confederation 
 and the Continental Congress, so the 
 "United Nations" came into existence by 
 the establishment of The Hague Court and 
 the recurring Hague Conferences ; The 
 Hague Court being the promise of the Su- 
 preme Court of the world and The Hague 
 Conferences being the prophecy of the par- 
 liament of man. We may look with confi- 
 dence, therefore, to a future in which the 
 world will have an established court with 
 jurisdiction over all questions, self-govern- 
 ing conferences with power to legislate on 
 all affairs of common concern, and an ex- 
 ecutive power of some form to carry on 
 the decrees of both. To deny this is to ig- 
 nore all the analogies of private law and 
 the whole trend of the world's political 
 history since the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence. As Secretary of State Knox said not 
 long ago : 
 
 "We have reached a point when it is 
 evident that the future holds in store a 
 time when war shall cease, when the na- 
 tions of the world shall realize a federa- 
 tion as real and vital as that now subsist- 
 ing between the component parts of a 
 single state." 
 
 It would be difficult to recall a more 
 far-visioned statement than this emanat- 
 ing from the chancellery of a great state. 
 It means nothing less than that the age- 
 long dreams of the poets, the prophets and 
 the philosophers have at last entered the 
 realms of practical statesmanship. 
 
 But now the Great War has come upon 
 us. "When the storm is spent and the deso- 
 lation is complete ; when the flower of the 
 manhood of Europe has past into eternal 
 night ; when famine and pestilence have 
 taken their tithe of childhood and age." 
 will then the exhausted and beggared that 
 live on be able to undertake the task of 
 establishing that World Government which 
 the historian Freeman has called "the most 
 finished and the most artificial production 
 of political ingenuity"? 
 
 THE HAGUE OR THE LEAGUE OF PEACE 
 
 If it can be done at all it can only be 
 done in one of two ways. 
 
 First. By building on the foundations 
 already laid at The Hague, the Federation 
 of the World. 
 
 Second. By establishing a great Con- 
 federation or League of Peace, composed 
 of those few nations who thru political 
 evolution or the suffering of war have at 
 last seen the light and are ready here and 
 now to disarm. 
 
 It is obvious that the time is scarcely 
 lipe for voluntary and universal disarma- 
 ment by joint agreement. There are too 
 many medieval-minded nations still in ex- 
 istence. The Federation of the World must 
 still be a dream for many years to come. 
 
 The immediate establishment of a League 
 of Peace, however, would in fact consti- 
 tute a first step toward world federation 
 and does not offer insuperable difficulties. 
 The idea of a League of Peace is not novel. 
 All federal governments and confederations 
 of governments, both ancient and modern, 
 are essentially leagues of peace, even tho 
 they may have functions to perform which 
 often lead directly to war. 
 
 The ancient Achaian League of Greece, 
 the Confederation of Swiss Cantons, the 
 United Provinces of The Netherlands, the 
 United States of America, and the Com- 
 monwealth of Australia are the most near- 
 ly perfect systems of federated govern- 
 ments known to history. Less significant, 
 but none the less interesting to students 
 of government, are the Latin League of 
 thirty cities, the Hanseatie League, the 
 Holy Alliance, and in modern times, the 
 German Confederation. Even the recent 
 Concert of Europe was a more or less in- 
 choate League of Peace. The ancient 
 leagues, as well as the modern confedera- 
 tions, have generally been unions of 
 offense and defense. They stood ready, if 
 they did not actually propose, to use their 
 common forces to compel outside states to 
 obey their will. Thus they were as fre- 
 quently leagues of oppression as leagues 
 of peace. 
 
 THE PROBLEM OF FORCE 
 
 The problem of the League of Peace is 
 therefore the problem of the use of force. 
 Force internationally exprest is measured 
 in armaments. The chief discussion which 
 has been waged for the past decade be- 
 tween the pacifists and militarists has been 
 over the question of armaments. The mili- 
 tarists claim that armaments insure na- 
 tional safety. The pacifists declare they 
 inevitably lead to war. Both disputants in- 
 sist that the present war furnishes irre- 
 futable proof of their contentions. 
 
 As is usual in cases of this kind the 
 shield has two sides. The confusion has 
 arisen from a failure to recognize the three- 
 fold function of force : 
 
 1. Force used for the maintenance of 
 order — police force. 
 
 2. Force used for attack — aggression. 
 
 3. Force used to neutralize aggression — 
 defense. 
 
 Police force is almost wholly good. 
 
Offense is almost wholly bad. 
 
 Defense is a necessary evil, and exists 
 simply to neutralize force employed for 
 aggression. 
 
 The problem of the peace movement is 
 how to abolish the use of force for aggres- 
 sion, and yet to maintain it for police pur- 
 poses. Force for defense will of course 
 automatically cease when force for aggres- 
 sion is abolished. 
 
 The chief problem then of a League of 
 Peace is this : Shall the members of the 
 League "not only keep the peace them- 
 selves, but prevent by force if necessary 
 its being broken by others," as ex-Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt suggested in his Nobel 
 Peace Address delivered at Christiania, 
 May 5, 1910? Or shall its force be exer- 
 cized only within its membership and thus 
 be on the side of law and order and never 
 on the side of arbitrary will or tyranny? 
 Or shall it never be used at all? Which- 
 ever one of these conceptions finally pre- 
 vails the Great War has conclusively dem- 
 onstrated that as long as War Lords exist 
 defensive force must be maintained. Hence 
 the League must be prepared to use force 
 against any nations which will not for- 
 swear force. Nevertheless a formula must 
 be devised for disarmament. For unless 
 it is a law of nature that war is to con- 
 sume all the fruits of progress, disarma- 
 ment some how and some way must take 
 place. How then can the maintenance of 
 a force for defense and police power be 
 reconciled with the theory of disarmament? 
 
 THE CONSTITUTION OP THE LEAGUE 
 
 In this way : Let the League of Peace 
 be formed on the following five principles : 
 
 First. The nations of the League shall 
 mutually agree to respect and guarantee 
 the territory and sovereignty of each 
 other. 
 
 Second. All questions that cannot be 
 settled by diplomacy shall be arbitrated. 
 
 Third. The nations of the League shall 
 provide a periodical assembly to make all 
 rules to become law unless vetoed by a 
 nation within a stated period. 
 
 Fourth. The nations shall disarm to the 
 point where the combined forces of the 
 League shall be a certain per cent higher 
 than those of the most heavily armed na- 
 tion or alliance outside of the League. De- 
 tailed rules for this pro rata disarmament 
 shall be formulated by the Assembly. 
 
 Fifth. Any member of the League shall 
 have the right to withdraw on due notice, 
 or may be expelled by the unanimous vote 
 of the others. 
 
 The advantages that a nation would gain 
 in becoming a member of such a league 
 are manifest. The risk of war would be 
 eliminated within the League. Obviously 
 the only things that are vital to a nation 
 are its land and its independence. Since 
 each nation in the League will have 
 pledged itself to respect and guarantee the 
 territory and the sovereignty of every 
 other, a refusal to do so will logically lead 
 to compulsion by the other members of the 
 League or expulsion from the League. Thus 
 every vital question will be automatically 
 reserved from both war and arbitration 
 while good faith lasts. All other questions 
 are of secondary importance and can read- 
 ily be arbitrated. 
 
 By the establishment of a periodical as- 
 sembly a method would be devised where- 
 by the members of the League could de- 
 velop their common intercourse and in- 
 terests as far and as fast as they could 
 
 unanimously agree upon ways and means. 
 As any law could be vetoed by a single na- 
 tion, no nation could have any fear that 
 it would be coerced against its will by a 
 majority vote of the other nations. By such 
 an assembly the League might in time agree 
 to reduce tariffs and postal rates and in a 
 thousand other ways promote commerce 
 and comity among its members. 
 
 As a final safeguard against coercion by 
 the other members of the League, each 
 member will have the right of secession on 
 due notice. This would prevent civil war 
 within the League. The right of expulsion 
 by the majority will prevent one nation 
 by its veto power indefinitely blocking all 
 progress of the League. 
 
 THE SCRAP OF PAPER 
 
 But it will be said that all these agree- 
 ments will have no binding effect in a 
 crisis. A covenant is a mere "scrap of 
 paper" whose provisions will be violated 
 by the first nation which fancies it is its 
 interest to do so. In order to show that 
 their faith is backed up by deeds, however, 
 the nations on entering the League agree 
 to disarm to a little above the danger 
 point. This is the real proof of their con- 
 version to the peace idea. 
 
 It will be noticed that no attempt is 
 made to define how the force of the League 
 shall be exerted. This is left for the de- 
 cision of the Assembly of the League. The 
 suggestion that "the nation shall disarm 
 to the point where the combined forces of 
 the League shall be a certain per cent 
 higher than those of the most heavily 
 armed nation or alliance outside the 
 League," implies that the forces of the 
 League shall be used for the neutraliza- 
 tion of the aggressive force of nations 
 outside the League — that is, for defense. 
 But shall not the force of the League be 
 also used as police power, that is, aggres- 
 sively to maintain international law and 
 order? A League with power to exert its 
 will without any constitutional limitations 
 might easily become a League of Oppres- 
 sion. It would have the right to be judge 
 and sheriff in its own cause, a violation of 
 the first principles of justice. 
 
 It would not be over-sanguine to expect 
 that the Assembly of the League would 
 vote that the armaments of the League 
 should be brought into regular and con- 
 certed action for compelling obedience to 
 the judicial decisions of the Court of the 
 League both among members of the League 
 and those outside who have agreed to this 
 method of settling their disputes. It may 
 even be anticipated that the force of the 
 League will be used to assist one of the 
 members of the League in a controversy 
 with a nation outside the League that has 
 not previously agreed to resort to arbitra- 
 tion and that refuses so to agree upon re- 
 quest. Such an agreement would tend to en- 
 throne law and suppress arbitrary action. 
 Entering a League with such a policy would 
 not subject the United States to the neces- 
 sity of waging war thru the erroneous ac- 
 tion of its allies in an "entangling alliance," 
 but only to extend the reign of law. This is 
 the fundamental purpose of our Govern- 
 ment and perhaps the United States is now 
 ready to go thus far. 
 
 Thus the nations which join the League 
 will enjoy all the economic and political 
 advantages which come from mutual co- 
 operation and the extension of interna- 
 tional friendship and at the same time will 
 be protected by an adequate force against 
 
 the aggressive force of the greatest nation 
 or alliance outside the League. The League 
 therefore reconciles the demand of the 
 pacifists for the limitation of armaments 
 and eventual disarmament and the demand 
 of the militarists for the protection that 
 armament affords. Above all the establish- 
 ment of such a league will give the liberal 
 parties in the nations outside the League 
 an issue on which they can attack their 
 governments so as sooner or later to force 
 them to apply to the League for member- 
 ship. As each one enters there will be an- 
 other pro rata reduction of the military 
 forces of the League down to the arma- 
 ment of the next most powerful nation or 
 alliance outside it ; until finally the whole 
 world is federated in a brotherhood of uni- 
 versal peace and armies and navies are re- 
 duced to an international police force. 
 
 This is the plan for a League of Peace. 
 Is the hour about to strike when it can be 
 realized? If only the United States, France 
 and England would lead in its formation, 
 Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, Denmark, 
 Norway, Sweden, Argentina, Brazil, Chile 
 and others might perhaps join. Even if Rus- 
 sia and Germany and Japan and Italy 
 stayed out, the League would still be pow- 
 erful and large enough to begin with every 
 auspicious hope of success. 
 
 THE DESTINY OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 It would seem to be the manifest destiny 
 of the United States to lead in the estab- 
 lishment of such a league. The United 
 States is the world in miniature. The United 
 States is the greatest league of peace known 
 to history. The United States is a demon- 
 stration to the world that all the races 
 and peoples of the earth can live in peace 
 under one form of government, and its 
 chief value to civilization is a demonstra- 
 tion of what this form of government is. 
 
 Prior to the formation "of a more per- 
 fect union" our original thirteen states 
 were united in a confederacy strikingly 
 similar to that now proposed on an inter- 
 national scale. They were obliged by the 
 articles of this confederacy to respect each 
 other's territory and sovereignty, to arbi- 
 trate all questions among themselves, to as- 
 sist each other against any foreign foe, not 
 to engage in war unless called upon by the 
 confederation to do so or actually invaded 
 by a foreign foe, and not to maintain armed 
 forces in excess of the strength fixed for 
 each state by all the states in Congress 
 assembled. 
 
 It is notable that security against ag- 
 gression from states inside or outside the 
 American Union accompanied the agree- 
 ment to limit armaments. Thus danger of 
 war and size of armaments were decreased 
 contemporaneously. 
 
 It is also notable that from the birth of 
 the Republic to this hour every President 
 of the United States has advocated peace 
 thru justice. From the first great Virginian 
 to the last great Virginian, all have ab- 
 horred what Thomas Jefferson called "the 
 greatest scourge of mankind." 
 
 When the Great War is over and the 
 United States is called upon to lead the na- 
 tions in reconstructing a new order of civil- 
 ization, why might not Woodrow Wilson 
 do on a world scale something similar to 
 what George Washington did on a con- 
 tinental scale? 
 
 Stranger things than this have happened 
 in history. Let us add to the Declaration 
 of Independence a Declaration of Interde- 
 pendence. 
 

 
 
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