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 BUILDING 
 A NEW WORLD 
 
 HARRISON S. ELLIOTT 
 
BUILDING A NEW WORLD 
 
 An Outline for the Discussion of 
 the Christian Issues Involved in the 
 Winning of the War and in the Es- 
 tablishment of World Democracy. 
 
 HARRISON S. ELLIOTT 
 
 ASSOCIATION PRESS 
 
 New York: 347 Madison Avenue 
 1918 
 
v.^^- A 
 
 \>' 
 
 Copyright, 1918, by 
 
 The International Committee of 
 
 Young Men's Christian Associations 
 
 CU506643 
 
 My 20 1918 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 "This will be a different world after the war." How 
 often have we heard this said ! Because the winning of the 
 war is essential, if a new world is to be built, nations are 
 giving themselves to it with the spirit of the Crusaders. 
 
 President Wilson, in his remarkable messages, has been 
 the spokesman not only for the United States but for the 
 people of all nations who are hoping and working for a 
 new world; but President Wilson in his world leadership 
 has been the champion of free government and the equal 
 opportunity of democracy, not alone for Europe, not alone 
 for the stronger nations, not alone for the favored races 
 — but for the world. It is essential that every true Ameri- 
 can, that every champion of democratic institutions, shall 
 think through carefully the meaning of President Wilson's 
 challenge that "the world shall be made safe for democ- 
 racy," and shall join heroically in the great mission of 
 America, not to dominate the world as the Prussian autoc- 
 racy attempted to do, but to help in making freedom pos- 
 sible everywhere. 
 
 This outline is planned as a guide to thinking and dis- 
 cussion on the issues and aims of the war, and to lead to 
 clear conviction in regard to the relation of winning the 
 war to the building of a new world ; and then to furnish the 
 basis for facing what is involved if America's war aims as 
 stated by President Wilson are to be made operative in the 
 great continents of Asia, Africa, and South America, which 
 in land area, in available man power, in undeveloped 
 resources of coal, iron, lumber, and agriculture, and in 
 possibilities of dey^lopment, bulk the largest in the new 
 world, 
 
 iii 
 
In each chapter are first given in the Suggestions for 
 Thought and Discussion the topics or questions most im- 
 portant to be considered in personal thought and group 
 discussion; and then Reading References from a few 
 selected books and current literature, and Reference Quota- 
 tions containing material pertinent to the topic. This refer- 
 ence material is in no sense furnished as answers to the 
 questions. It simply makes available information which 
 may be necessary as a background to the discussions and 
 gives the viewpoint of certain present-day thinkers and 
 leaders. 
 
 The author wishes to thank Doctor Halford E. Luccock 
 of the Methodist Centenary Commission for making avail- 
 able the results of his own work ; also Miss A. Haslup of 
 the same Commission for certain research material, and 
 Miss Annabelle Miller for her help in collecting Reading 
 References and Reference Quotations. 
 
 For the Leader 
 
 This outline is intended as a guide for discussion, not 
 as the outline for a lecture. There are manifestly many 
 more questions in each chapter than can be covered in any 
 one group hour. Any attempt to follow slavishly the ques- 
 tions as printed will prove disastrous. Each leader must 
 first know his group, the needs, the problems, the interests, 
 the attainment of the group members. Then, in the light 
 of his knowledge of this group, he must decide just what, 
 under the topic to be considered, is the outstanding need 
 of the group, what must be accomplished in the group hour, 
 what most should be emphasized. With this knowledge of 
 his group and his purpose in the discussion, he will go over 
 the questions, selecting, revising, adding-^-in short making 
 out: his own briefer set of questions to be used in the group 
 hour. 
 
 Topics covering historical and geographical data or sig- 
 nificant utterances of present-day leaders should be assigned 
 
 iv 
 
in advance. This can best be done by giving to each of 
 several members of the group a topic for report. In such 
 assignments be definite. Give the group member both the 
 topic and references. Help on this will be found in the 
 Reading References and Reference Quotations. 
 
 References are given so far as possible to a standard 
 Encyclopedia, to the documents of the Committee on Pub- 
 lic Information, and to current magazines. It is strongly 
 urged that in addition the reference books enumerated on 
 pages 140 and 141 be made available for the groups in each 
 center. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 CHAPTER 
 
 Foreword ^^^ 
 
 I. Winning the War and a New World i 
 
 II. The Significance of America's Entrance 
 
 INTO THE War 1° 
 
 III. American War Aims AND Christian Ideals .. . 17 
 
 IV. Foundations for a New World 35 
 
 V. Strategic Places in the New World 46 
 
 VI. Democracy in the Making in the Far East 58 
 
 VII. The Mohammedan Advance 71 
 
 VIII. Land, Labor, AND Religion IN THE New Africa 79 
 
 IX. The Struggle for Freedom in Russia 91 
 
 X. Hindrances to the New World in the Far 
 
 Places 
 
 100 
 
 XI. Influences in the Far Places Making for 
 
 Democracy ^°^ 
 
 XII. Forces Helping Internationalism 124 
 
 XIII. America's Opportunity and Response 132 
 
 Reference Books ^39 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 Winning the War and a New World 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. Why Must We Win the War? 
 II. What Is the Real Issue of the War? 
 
 1. To what extent is it to punish German atro cities f To 
 stop Germany's use of the U Boat? To prevent German 
 expansion? To what degree are these the fundamental 
 issues, and to what degree simply symptoms of the general 
 situation? 
 
 2. For what does Germany stand in the modern world? 
 
 a. What are the basic ideas of her greatest teachers 
 of nationaHty: Treitschke, Nietzsche, and von Bern- 
 hardi? Just what is the place of force and might in 
 German thought? 
 
 b. In German thought what is the relation of the in- 
 dividual to the state, and the state to the individual? 
 What is the German doctrine of the super-state? 
 
 c. On what ground does Germany attempt to justify 
 her atrocities, U-boat raids, and breaking of treaties? 
 
 d. What place do Germans feel their country must 
 occupy in the world ? What is meant by ''D^w^^c/j/awc/ 
 ilber alles?" What light does Germany's action in the 
 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk throw on her world aims? 
 
 e. What is the form of Germany's government? 
 How much freedom has the individual? 
 
 f. What relation has German religion to German 
 
ambitions and practices? What is meant by the Ger- 
 man war god? Super-man? Super-state? 
 
 g. Fundamentally, what emphasis in religion, gov- 
 ernment, and international affairs has Germany repre- 
 sented in the modern world? 
 
 3. For what do the Allies stand in the modern world? 
 
 a. How far have the Allies in their practice before 
 . the war been guided by the German idea of the super- 
 state and the place of might and force ? How much in- 
 fluence has this philosophy had in America ? 
 
 b. What evidences are there in the modern history 
 of Great Britain that she stands for democracy? 
 France? United States? How far can the Allies be 
 said to be true representatives of democracy? 
 
 c. How strong in the Allied countries are the groups 
 who wish to see. the war settled on the basis of im- 
 perialism ? 
 
 d. How far can President Wilson's slogan, ''Make 
 the world safe for democracy," be considered really 
 the Allies' war aim? 
 
 4. To what extent can it he said that the Allies represent 
 democracy and the Central Powers autocracy and empire 
 in the modern world? 
 
 5. Just why is it essential to defeat Germany as the first 
 step toward a Christian world? 
 
 6. To what extent can the war he said to he the use of in- 
 ternational police power to stop the ravages of outlazvs in 
 the world life? 
 
 III. What Is the Hope for a New World? 
 
 1. Who are hoping and working for a new world? 
 
 2. Why is there so much talk about a new world after this 
 war? How does the hope of the nations today differ from 
 the hopes during other wars? 
 
 3. Some say we must commence the preparation for the 
 
next great war as soon as this one has been terminated, and 
 no hope is before us save repeated conflicts between nations. 
 Others express a conviction that if the common people of 
 the different nations felt there was no hope as the result 
 of all the sacrifice and bloodshed and no outlook save con- 
 tinuous armed conflict and perennial catastrophes, they 
 would lay down their arms tomorrow. What do you think 
 about it? Why do the common people support the wdr? 
 What hope is there for tomorrozvf 
 
 4. Some say this war is an evidence of the failure of 
 Christianity and of the Christian Church; others that the 
 quickened conscience in the world as indicated in the at- 
 tempts of every nation, through public documents and in 
 other ways, to justify its participation in the war is an evi- 
 dence of quickened conscience and of the success of Chris- 
 tianity. War heretofore has been taken for granted. Still 
 others claim that the war has come because Christianity has 
 never been tried. Just how and to what extent is the Chris- 
 tian religion a factor in the causes of the war? In the war 
 itself? How far will Christianity influence the peace set- 
 tlements? 
 
 5. Important questions facing Christians are these: 
 
 a. Why must every Christian help win the war ? 
 
 b. Can the war be settled on the basis of Jesus' 
 principles? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 For quotations from German writings showing the basis of 
 the teaching in Germany on the place of force, the supremacy 
 of the state, the justification for f rightfulness, and the relation 
 of religion to the state, see : 
 
 "Conquest and Kultur — the Aims of the Germans in Their 
 Own Words." Issued by the Committee pn Public Information, 
 jFree on request. 
 ; J. P. Bang, ''Hurrah and Hallelujah." 
 
 "VVilliam Archer,. "Gems of German Thought," 
 
Thayer, "Out of Their Own Mouths." 
 
 Three major modern prophets of Prussianism should be read, 
 if time for further study is available: 
 
 Treitschkej historian; born 1836, died 1896. For a generation 
 he preached in the German universities the doctrine of Ger- 
 many's mission, and that the state is essentially power. 
 
 Nietssche, philosopher; born 1848, went insane 1888, died 
 1900. For some twenty years following the seventies he 
 preached in German schools the doctrine of frightfulness. This 
 is the first war Germany has waged since Nietzsche's teaching. 
 
 Von Bernhardt, general; for many years was general of the 
 German Military Staff ; now one of the generals on the Western 
 front; consistent exponent of German military power and of 
 the fundamental principle that "Might Makes Right." — Sum- 
 mary quoted from lecture by Professor H. H. Home. 
 
 For the record of the Prussian philosophy in action see : 
 
 (i) "German War Practices," and (2) "German Treatment 
 of Conquered Territory," issued by the Committee on Public 
 Information. Free on request. 
 
 For an understanding of the German form of government, 
 
 Charles D. Hazen, "The Government of Germany." Issued 
 by the Committee on Public Information. Free on request. 
 
 For a historical understanding of the issues back of the war, 
 
 Charles Seymour, "The Diplomatic Background of the War," 
 especially Chapters IV-V, German World Policy; Chapter VI, 
 British Foreign Policy; Chapter VII, Diplomatic Revolution; 
 Chapter VIII, Conflict of Alliances. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 The Supreme Issue 
 
 ..." *We must fight it out.' In those five words the answer 
 lies. Whatever the original causes and circumstances of the 
 war, it seems apparent that the situation has now come to this 
 — we are in one of those periods of human development when 
 two great ideas have reached an issue which admits of the con- 
 tinuance of but one. Behind all questions of economic progress 
 and necessity, world dominion or balance of power, the rights 
 of small states, freedom of the seas, stands the stark antagonisni 
 of militarism and the security of non-military states. Between 
 thejji no compromise is possible; one must fail. Either the 
 
Germanic powers will be overthrown or the world must enter 
 upon that competition in armaments whose neglect cost the 
 Allies the first year of the war, and was like to cost them, if 
 not their existence, at least the terms on which that existence 
 might be maintained. . . . We face the necessity of determin- 
 ing, once for all, the standards of civilization which we are to 
 endeavor to maintain for the future. This is no so-called 
 academic question. It is an issue far surpassing in importance 
 all problems of international supremacy and forms of govern- 
 ment; and, in particular, it is the one fundamental question of 
 the conflict in whose solution the United States has a deciding 
 voice." — Wilber C. Abbot, "The War and American Democ- 
 racy," The Yale Review, Vol. 5, pp. 486, 487, 489. 
 
 "In every part of the world, the sentiments expressed in the 
 large, vague phrases of the Declaration of Independence — 'life, 
 liberty, and the pursuit of happiness' — have come suddenly to 
 have a personal and specific meaning to millions of men, which 
 they have long lacked. And the second thought is not unlike 
 the first. It is a hope that from this great conflict may come 
 some good, that, through an infinity of suffering, humanity may 
 somehow win to a higher and nobler existence than the material 
 prosperity which recent generations have so plentifully enjoyed, 
 and which we have come to reckon as the chief if not the sole 
 end of man. There is a growing determination to see that these 
 men shall not have died in vain. Whatever vast mirage of 
 world dominion and places in the sun may fill the minds of 
 the lords of war, there is preeminent in the minds of those be- 
 yond that narrow circle of great ones a vision of a higher and 
 a greater peace." — Wilber C. Abbot, "The War and American 
 Democracy," The Yale Review, Vol. 5, pp. 484-485. 
 
 The Place of Force in German Thought 
 
 "Might is the supreme right, and the dispute as to what is 
 right is decided by the arbitrament of war." — Bernhardi (I, 
 p. 23). 
 
 "But while for the individual the highest duty is self-sacrifice, 
 for the State the first duty is self-preservation; hence the neces- 
 sity of power and force for the State. Tts highest moral duty 
 is to increase its power. The individual must sacrifice him- 
 self for the higher community of which he is a member; but the 
 State is the highest conception in the wider community of men, 
 and therefore the duty of self-annihilation does not enter into 
 the case. The Christian duty of sacrifice for something higher 
 does not exist for the State, since there is nothing higher than 
 it in the world's history; consequently it cannot sacrifice itself 
 to something higher.' (Treitschke, "Politik.") 
 
Since the State is supreme and what is right for it is deter- 
 mined by its interests, any self-limitation that it may have placed 
 upon itself is purely voluntary, and may be repudiated when the 
 State considers it best. International treaties need not be kept 
 and international law loses its stability. In the last instance, 
 questions can only be settled by the sword; in the performance 
 of what it conceives to be right the State must be prepared to 
 carry out its duty with all possible force. 'When a State sees 
 its downfall staring it in the face, we applaud if it succumbs 
 sword in hand. A sacrifice made to an alien nation is not only 
 immoral, but contradicts the idea of self-preservation which is 
 the highest ideal of a State.' And again: 'Among all political 
 sins, the sin of feebleness is the most contemptible; it is the 
 political sin against the Holy Ghost.' (Treitschke, "Politik.") 
 
 We are less concerned with Treitschke's philosophy than 
 with the way in which it affected the German nation. His 
 audience was enormous and among certain classes, not the least 
 influential, his ideas were accepted without question. But the 
 nuances of his philosophy disappeared, as his doctrines were 
 absorbed by the masses, and there remained only the idea most 
 easily caught by the popular intelligence, namely, that the be- 
 all and end-all of a State is power, and that 'he who is not man 
 enough to look this truth in the face should not meddle in 
 politics.' " — Charles Seymour, "The Diplomatic Background of 
 the War," pp. 102, 103. 
 
 Prussian Justification for Frightfulness 
 
 "Hatred, delight in mischief, rapacity, ambition, and whatever 
 else is called evil, belong to the marvelous economy of the 
 conservation of the race." — Nietzsche. 
 
 "Life is essentially appropriation, injury, conquest of the 
 strange and weak, suppression, severity, obtrusion of its own 
 forms, incorporation at the least, and in its mildest form ex- 
 ploitation." — Nietzsche, "Beyond Good and Evil," section 259. 
 (From "Conquest and Kultur," p. 29.) 
 
 "Whoever cannot prevail upon himself to approve from the 
 bottom of his heart the sinking of the Lusitania — whoever can- 
 not conquer his sense of the gigantic cruelty to unnumbered 
 perfectly innocent victims . . . and give himself up to honest 
 delight at this victorious exploit of German defensive power — 
 him we judge to be no true German." — Pastor Baumgarten. 
 
 "Use your weapons in such a way that for a thousand years 
 no Chinese shall dare to look upon a German askance. Be as 
 terrible as Attila's Huns." — The Kaiser to his troops going to 
 China, 1900. 
 
 6 
 
"I shall only add the interesting information which Deissmann 
 gives, that in answer to an inquiry at his bookseller's as to what 
 books were mostly bought by soldiers called to the front, he was 
 told: The New Testament, Goethe's 'Faust,' and Nietzsche's 
 'Zarathustra' ! This shows how the Nietzschean gospel of might 
 as the highest right, his 'revaluation of all values,' competes, 
 in modern 'Christian' Germany, not only with Goethe's 'Faust,' 
 but even with the New Testament."— J. P. Bang, "Hurrah and 
 Hallelujah," p. 167. 
 
 Germany's Mission 
 
 " 'Not merely Alsace and Lorraine/ wrote Heine, 'but all 
 France, Europe, and the whole world will be ours. Yes, the 
 whole world will be German. I have often thought of this mis- 
 sion, of this universal domination of Germany.' 
 
 A study of the Kaiser's speeches leaves no doubt that he 
 was penetrated with the idea of the German mission. Witness 
 his famous speech at the Saalburg Museum in 1900: 'I hope 
 that it will be granted to our German Fatherland to become 
 in the future as closely united, as powerful, and as authoritative 
 as once the Roman world empire was, and that just as in old 
 times they said, Civis romanus sum, one may in the future need 
 only to say, Ich bin ein deutscher Burger.' A few years later 
 at Bremen he said: 'God has called us to civilize the world: 
 we are the missionaries of human progress.' "—Charles Sey- 
 mour, "The Diplomatic Background of the War," pp. 95, 96. 
 
 "It is only by relying on our good German sword that we can 
 hope to conquer that place in the sun which rightly belongs to 
 us, and which no one will yield to us voluntarily. . . .Till the 
 world comes to an end, the ultimate decision must rest with the 
 sword." — German Crown Prince, in Introduction to "Germany 
 in Arms," 1913. 
 
 "The German race is called to bind the earth under its con- 
 trol, to exploit the natural resources and the physical powers 
 of man, to use the passive races in subordinate capacity for the 
 development of its Kultur." — Ludwig Woltmann, "Politische 
 Anthropologic," 1903. Quoted by Andler, "Le Pangermanisme 
 Philosophique," 1917^ p. 273. (From "Conquest and Kultur," 
 p. 17.) 
 
 "The Great Elector laid the foundations of Prussia's power 
 by successful and deliberately incurred wars. Frederick the 
 Great followed in the footsteps of his glorious ancestor. ... 
 None of the wars which he fought had been forced upon him;' 
 none of them did he postpone as long as possible.' . . . The 
 lessons of history thus confirm the view that wars which have 
 
been deliberately provoked by far-seeing statesmen have had 
 the happiest results." — Bernhardi, "Germany and the Next 
 War/' 191 1. 
 
 The German God 
 
 "The German soul is the world's soul, that God and Germany 
 belong to one another." 
 
 "World-history will write in letters of fire these words: The 
 Germans conquered with their God." 
 
 "What is at stake for us in this struggle is the preservation 
 of the highest blessings which God has bestowed upon mankind." 
 
 "My brethren ! the spectacle we are witnessing is God strid- 
 ing through the nations. Him they have challenged, against 
 His Majesty they have offended; therefore He fights for us!" 
 — J. P. Bang, "Hurrah and Hallelujah," p. 79. 
 
 German Attitude on International Affairs 
 
 "These various elements in the German, and especially the 
 Prussian, mentality, which we have briefly considered, help to 
 explain the German attitude towards international affairs at the 
 beginning of the twentieth century. The sense of their own 
 superiority over other nations and of their world-civilizing 
 mission impelled them to an ambition for world empire. The 
 longing for expansion was gradually transferred from the eco- 
 nomic to the broader political field. Germans were also acutely 
 conscious of the necessity of force if they were to win their 
 world empire, and they were largely convinced of the right- 
 eousness and beauty of the use of force. Inevitably the atti- 
 tude of the nation began to assume an aggressive and at the 
 same time a defiant character: aggressive, because with some, 
 confidence in German strength and in the weakness of her 
 enemies predominated; defiant, since with others, there existed 
 the anxiety that Germany might not be allowed by the other 
 nations to fulfil her dream." — Charles Seymour, "The Diplo- 
 matic Background of the War," pp. 105, 106, 
 
 "Nc candid person will deny that the modern German has 
 some justification for his docile acceptance of the doctrine of 
 Power (Macht). The Germany which he knows has been made 
 by force. The Prussia which has made Germany owes its 
 national existence to the steady application of the same prin- 
 ciple. Prussia is not a natural phenomenon, but an artificial, 
 a manufactured product. The methods so successfully employed 
 by her have been the methods of war. Spoliation is, according 
 to the late Lord Salisbury, the hereditary tradition of the 
 Hohenzollern race. The whole history of the Kingdom over 
 
 8 
 
which he (Frederick the Great) ruled was a history of lawless 
 annexation. It was formed of territories filched from other 
 races and other powers.' A tradition of this kind cannot be 
 ignored. It is more potent than the will of any individual 
 ruler or any single statesman. Prussia has been made, made 
 in defiance of nature, in the teeth of every imaginable difficulty 
 and discouragement, by the genius of her rulers and the valor 
 of her soldiers. The methods so successfully employed in the 
 making of Prussia were subsequently applied by the Prussians 
 to the making of Germany." — J. A. R. Marriott, "The Supreme 
 Issue," The Nineteenth Century, April, 1917, Vol. 81, pp. 714- 
 715. 
 
 Has Christianity Failed? 
 
 "Even a little observation of popular reactions to the great 
 war reveals many men inwardly looking at the catastrophe in 
 unrelieved dismay. . . . One natural consequence of such a 
 reaction to the war is a lavish accusation of failure against the 
 ideal agencies on which men had counted to improve the world. 
 . . . What most we had relied upon, seeing that it has not 
 saved us from the very evil its purpose was to cure, we now 
 in exasperated disillusionment throw upon the scrap-heap. 
 Christianity is a failure — how often has the charge been spoken 
 and how much oftener has the doubt been thought." 
 
 Dr. Fosdick then suggests that if we call Christianity a failure 
 because it has not forestalled this war; so also must we call 
 education, commerce, social idealism, and international law. 
 
 "Does any sane man think, however, that it is possible to be 
 content with such a sweeping charge of failure against our 
 ideal agencies? Are they hopelessly to be thrown into the dis- 
 card? A man who has fallen into a pit might as well saw off 
 his own legs in despite because they did not prevent him from 
 falling in. On second thought, he will do well to keep those 
 legs; they are his only hope of ever climbing out again. His 
 attitude toward them is sadly incomplete if he sits at the pit's 
 bottom, blaspheming the feet that he should have walked straight 
 with. And in the reconstructive age that shall succeed the war, 
 mankind must keep and confidently rely upon those ideal agen- 
 cies which, with two facile tongues, some folk call failures. 
 Education, fraternalized commerce, social idealism, interna- 
 tional law, and Christianity — these are not ready for the dis- 
 card. They are humanity's great hope. This war is not so 
 much an occasion for despair concerning them as it is a chal- 
 lenge to a better understanding and a finer use of them." — H. 
 E. Fosdick, "The Challenge of the Present Crisis," pp. 2, 3, 6, 7. 
 
(CHAPTER II 
 
 The Significance of America's Entrance 
 Into the War 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. Why Did America Enter the War? 
 
 1. How far was America really neutral before she entered 
 the warf 
 
 2. How far was the sinking of the Lusitania and Ger- 
 many's U-boat policy the cause of America's entering the 
 warf If this was the reason, why did she not declare war 
 when Germany crossed Belgium or as a protest against 
 jGermany's atrocities f 
 
 3. Why did America wait so long before entering the warf 
 
 a. In discussing this question think of the following 
 . possible factors: 
 
 America's historic policy of isolation. 
 Her nationalistic aims. 
 
 Her possible misunderstanding of the real issues. 
 The clearer revelation of Germany's true purpose 
 as the war progressed. 
 
 Possible changes in the attitude of the Allies. 
 The clarifying of the issues. 
 
 b. If America had entered at the beginning of the 
 war, how far could she have maintained that it was to 
 help make the world safe for democracy? To what 
 extent at that time could President Wilson have as- 
 signed the reasons he finally did assign for American 
 entrance ? 
 
 10 
 
4. What do you think of the reason assigned that America 
 could not see the Allies defeated and therefore she was 
 hound to place herself with themf 
 
 5. What place had self-protection and what place a new 
 sense of obligation for other nations in America's decision? 
 
 6. To what extent is America's entrance in the war really 
 an expansion of her principle of the Monroe Doctrine to 
 cover world affairs: namely, that democracy shall have a 
 chance, not only in the Americas, but in the world? 
 
 II. What is the Real Significance of America's 
 Part in the War? 
 
 1. How far would armed neutrality have met the demands 
 of national honor in defense against U-boat attacks? 
 
 2. Why did many Americans, when we first entered the 
 war, say we would furnish money and defend ourselves, but 
 would not send troops to Europe? 
 
 3. What interest has America in European rivalries? 
 How does this weaken and how does it strengthen her posi- 
 tion? 
 
 4. How strong is President Wilson's leadership among the 
 
 Allied nations? Why? 
 
 5. How can America help democracy in all the nations as 
 against autocracy and imperialism? 
 
 6. What chance has America to insist on righteous peace 
 terms? Should she have made her peace terms a prereq- 
 uisite of entering the war? 
 
 III. How Can We Be Sure That America Will 
 Remain True to Her Democratic Ideals? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 *'How the War Came to America," issued by Committee on 
 Public Information. A summary of the elements in America's 
 foreign policy previous to the great war, the neutrality of the 
 United States in the earlier months, and the factors which 
 
 n 
 
changed her attitude and led her into the war. Free on 
 request. 
 
 Andrew C. McLaughlin, Professor of History, University of 
 Chicago, 'The Great War: From Spectator to Participant," 
 War Information Series, August, 1917. Published by Com- 
 mittee on Public Information. A discussion of why America did 
 not enter the war at first and why she entered when she did. 
 Free on request. 
 
 Walter E. Weyl, "The End of the War." Chapter II, The 
 Conversion of America. 
 
 Henry M. Brailsford, "A League of Nations." Chapter II, 
 America and the League of Peace. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 Why America Entered the War 
 
 "It was the shrinking of the earth that flung us so violently 
 against the European continent. What actually ended our 
 neutrality long before we recognized that it had ended, was 
 the supreme fact that the growth of industry, interlacing the 
 nations of the world, had made a complete and real neutrality 
 impossible. The traditional concept of neutrality had been based 
 upon the idea of one independent and self-contained nation 
 fighting another independent and self-contained nation while 
 the neutrals held the ring, kept the scales even, and did 'noth- 
 ing either way.' But today there are no economically inde- 
 pendent and self-contained nations. The change in the nature 
 of war, with the ultimate dependence of each state upon its 
 neighbors, completely alters the character of neutrality. A 
 nation may be technically neutral and yet trade ad libitum with 
 either belligerent. It is, however, this peaceful trading which 
 today is of enormous and even decisive influence. . . . 
 
 Here geographical position plays the controlling role. Den- 
 mark, Sweden, Holland, and Switzerland may love Germany, 
 or hate her, but cannot in the circumstances be anything but 
 her partial economic allies, except by a policy which would 
 make them actual enemies. Sweden either sends Germany iron 
 or does not; if she does, she aids Germany; if she does not, 
 she injures her disastrously and invites reprisals. . . . 
 
 Of all neutrals America was incomparably the most impor- 
 tant. Indeed, when the war had settled down to a test of en- 
 durance, American influence became decisive. The Allies, con- 
 trolling the sea, could import munitions and food from America, 
 and as a corollary borrow money. In other words, the United 
 
 J2 
 
States automatically became the economic ally of the nations 
 opposed to Germany. The German-American farmer in Illinois 
 freed a British agricultural laborer for the trenches; the Hun- 
 garian laborer at Wilkesbarre or Bridgeport unintentionally 
 fought against his native country. To Germany, on the other 
 hand, no imports, and therefore no direct economic aid could 
 come from America. Even had our antagonism to Germany 
 been less strong, that country would have borne the brunt of 
 our economic alliance with her enemies. . . . 
 
 Only when it became obvious that we were already in the 
 war and that we were forced to choose sides did we issue our 
 declaration. We could either aid the Allies to defeat Germany 
 or, by accepting Germany's ultimatum, withhold the assistance 
 without which the Allies would have been defeated. . . . 
 
 We had learned much during the past two and a half years, 
 and our early impressions of German policy derived from Liege, 
 Louvain, and Rheims had been reenforced by the 'Lusitania' 
 and other incidents. We began to dread the power and ulterior 
 ambitions of a greater Germany. More or less vaguely we real- 
 ized that England stood as a bulwark between us and this great 
 continental military power, as France and Belgium stood be- 
 tween her and England. Our commercial expansion had more 
 to fear from a successful Germany than from a successful 
 Britain or France. While we discovered imperialistic ambitions 
 on both sides, we believed that the preponderance of responsi- 
 bility both for the war and for autocracy and militarism, lay 
 with Germany, and if imperialism were to triumph, we pre- 
 ferred a British to a German imperialism. We felt that in tak- 
 ing our stand with the Allies we were contributing upon the 
 whole to the hope of democracy and international peace, and 
 in these we had both a sentimental and a material interest. . . . 
 
 Thus we leave our policy of isolation for a new policy of in- 
 tervention in Europe. We leave behind our old Americanism 
 to find abroad a new and broader Americanism; an Interna- 
 tionalism. Our most sanguine optimists believe that we are 
 to reproduce our Supreme Court in a Supreme Court of the 
 Nations ; that we are to introduce our federal system to Europe, 
 establish disarmaments among nations as among our States, 
 empty European frontiers of troops as our Canadian frontier 
 is empty. We are to do this for Europe, in return for all that 
 Europe has done for us and in obedience to the same spirit that 
 sends out our missionaries to Asia. We are to do it also in 
 self-defense, for if we are to remain disarmed we must disarm 
 Europe. We are going abroad to protect our own American 
 democracy, as an emigrant may fare forth to new lands to earn 
 the wherewithal to protect his own home. 
 
 Such is the vision of idealists who have accepted the new 
 
 13 
 
doctrine. It is with this ideal that we join hands with our 
 AUies seeking to destroy the hostile spirit of Prussian militar- 
 ism, and to evoke the new spirit, by which the world is hence- 
 forth to be governed." — Walter E. Weyl, "The End of the 
 War," pp. 57-59; 61; 62; 71, y2. 
 
 Moral Significance of America's Part in the War * 
 
 "President Wilson's work has been to instill into an isolated 
 and pacific democracy the ideal of international duty. The new 
 fact in the world's history is that for the first time a Great 
 Power with a formidable navy, a population from which vast 
 armies might be raised, and an economic and financial strength 
 which might alone be decisive in any future conflict, is prepared 
 to stake its own peace, not merely to guarantee its own interest, 
 nor to further the partisan aims of its allies, but to make an 
 end in the world of the possibility of prosperous aggression. 
 Whatever may be its fate as a constructive proposal, this Amer- 
 ican offer makes an epoch in the world's moral evolution. . . . 
 
 Since Washington warned his countrymen against 'entangling 
 alliances,' and President Monroe formulated his 'Doctrine,' the 
 principle that the United States must hold aloof from the politics 
 of the Old World has reigned as an unquestioned dogma. . . . 
 Tt was the condition on which Americans hoped to purchase 
 the immunity of their own continent from the ambitions of 
 European dynasties and the invasions of European armies. . . . 
 It seemed to guarantee to North America for all time a peculiar 
 civilization of her own, based on a security unknown to the 
 peoples of Europe. ... 
 
 Into this system of close partnerships and unyielding enmities 
 the United States will enter disinterested and uncommitted. We 
 need not ascribe to her more than the European average of 
 political virtue, but in none of the racial, strategic, or colonial 
 questions which are likely to divide the European Powers has 
 she any interest or concern. Beyond the American continent 
 her only interests are the open door to trade, the freedom of 
 the seas, and the maintenance of peace. She has no ally, and 
 she will have none. If, on the one hand, kinship and common 
 ethical ideals link her closely to us, her reading of maritime 
 right separates her politically from us, as her detestation of 
 militarism separates her emotionally from Germany. . . . 
 
 When Germany announced her intention of resuming her 
 unrestricted submarine campaign, two courses were open to 
 the United States. Some measure of defense was inevitable; 
 but she might with honor have limited her defensive operations 
 tb certain minor measures at sea. She might have armed her 
 own ships, patrolled the sea routes, and seized the German 
 
 14 
 
vessels in her ports, without making common cause with the 
 Entente. That was the policy which some able Americans 
 recommended. Mr. Wilson would have no half measures. He 
 declared from the first his solidarity with the Entente, and 
 placed the whole resources of the United States — money, food, 
 ships, and men — at its service. This he did, not because Ger- 
 many had been guilty of an incidental provocation to the United 
 States, but because he believed that the common interests of 
 civilization demanded the defeat of an aggressive Power. . . . 
 America, however, has not become an interested belligerent. 
 It is significant that Mr. Wilson has not signed the Pact of 
 London, which binds the other allies to make war and conclude 
 peace in common. He is committed to assist the Powers of the 
 Entente only in so far as they aim at 'making democracy secure.' 
 An ally who seeks some material gain for itself is commonly 
 obliged to assent to the pursuit of similar ends by its associates. 
 If we want to keep Mesopotamia, we cannot object to an Italian 
 claim to Smyrna. The Entente is an old-world alliance, bound 
 by bargains and mutually balanced claims. To purchase the 
 military support of some of its members, we were obliged to 
 consent to some arrangements against our better judgment. 
 America is immune from these necessities. For herself she 
 seeks no material gain. She is a free and may be a critical 
 partner. She has entered the war, but she has kept the right 
 to act on a disinterested view for the world's good. She is 
 no longer a neutral, but she has not become a partisan. Here 
 lies the answer to our dilemma. A policy of trust, with America 
 to back it, ceases to be an idealistic folly." — ^Henry N. Brails- 
 ford, "A League of Nations," pp. 42, 43; 40; 48; 50-52. 
 
 Steps in the Outworking of Democracy in America 
 
 First step, the Declaration of Independence: 
 
 By the Declaration of Independence, the Thirteen Colonies 
 really placed a "no trespassing" sign for democracy on the North 
 American continent. 
 
 Second step, the Monroe Doctrine: 
 
 By this act President Monroe put a fence around the whole 
 North and South American hemisphere, and put up a "no 
 trespassing" sign for democracy in the Western world. 
 
 Third step. Entrance into the World War: 
 
 The slogan — "The world must be made safe for democracy." 
 No longer did we place a fence simply around the Thirteen 
 Colonies or around the Western Hemisphere, but insisted on 
 protection for democracy anywhere and everywhere. 
 
 Quoted by Rev. W. P. Merrill in lecture. Silver Bay, N. Y., 
 August, 19 1 8. 
 
 IS 
 
Effect of the War on Pan-American Friendship 
 
 North and South America have been growing closer together 
 in interests and sympathy as well as in commercial relationships 
 during the last two decades. "It required, however, the Euro- 
 pean War to do more possibly than any other international 
 influence, since the declaration of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, 
 to give a vast and immediate impetus to Pan-American solidarity 
 of interests and Pan-American cooperation for the good of 
 each and all of the American Republics." — John Barrett, 
 Director-General of the Pan-American Union. 
 
 "For the first time in the history of a South American nation 
 Brazil has openly declared that the prime reason for her taking 
 a serious political step was to follow the leadership of the 
 United States. In her note to the other South American 
 Powers, announcing the breaking of relationships with Ger- 
 many, she said : 'Brazil has never had, nor has it now, warlike 
 ambitions. If it has heretofore abstained from taking sides 
 in the European conflict, it has not been able to continue in- 
 different since the United States has been drawn into the War 
 without any further motives than simply those of action in the 
 name of international justice and order. . . . The present con- 
 ditions place Brazil at the side of the United States of America 
 at this critical moment in the history of the world.' 
 
 In the same way Panama in its recent declaration of war, 
 says that 'Neutrality is impossible in a conflict where the vital 
 interests of the United States are involved,' and Cuba, Bolivia, 
 Paraguay, and other countries have given voice to similar 
 sentiments. 
 
 The recent visit of the North American fleet under the com- 
 mand of Admiral Caperton to South American waters has 
 promoted these friendly relations in a remarkable way." — Rev. 
 S. G. Inman. Report of Visit to Latin America, 1917. 
 
 i(S 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 American War Aims and Christian 
 Ideals 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. What Are Americans War Aims as Stated by 
 President Wilson ? 
 
 I. Equal chance for small ^and great nations and the op- 
 portunity for the expression of nationality. 
 
 a. Give examples of the overriding of this principle 
 in the past in European and American affairs. On 
 what ground was it done? Think of Poland, the 
 Balkan States, the Mexican War, Morocco, Egypt, 
 Korea. On what basis did the Congress of Berlin make 
 its settlement? When have great nations in the past 
 respected the rights of smaller peoples? 
 
 b. What does Treitschke's teaching have to say 
 about this? How have other nations justified their 
 policy ? 
 
 c. Why should small nations have an equal oppor- 
 tunity with great ones? Why should racial groups be 
 recognized in the forming of national boundaries? 
 What are the difficulties in the way of such a poHcy? 
 
 d. What does the application of this racial and 
 national principle mean in the building of the new 
 world ? 
 
 (i) What effect will this have on the poHcy of 
 
 spheres of influence? 
 (2) What will it mean for oppressed states, such as 
 
 Belgium, Poland, and Armenia ? 
 
 17 
 
(3) What will this principle imply in the Balkan sit- 
 
 uation ? 
 
 What nationalities are represented in the Bal- 
 kans? 
 
 Why did the powers refuse to let the Russians 
 attempt to settle the Balkan question on the 
 basis of nationality at the close of Russia's 
 war with Turkey in 1876? Why did the 
 Congress of Berlin ignore the national and 
 racial hopes in the Balkans ? 
 
 How far were the terms of settlement in the 
 first Balkan war in 1912 on lines of just 
 national aspirations? Why did Germany, 
 Austria, and Italy refuse to abide by the set- 
 tlement? To what extent was Germany re- 
 sponsible for the origin of the second Bal- 
 kan war in 1912? 
 
 How much justice is there in the national hopes 
 and ambitions of the Balkan states? Just 
 what significance would a just settlement of 
 the Balkan question have in the basis of a new 
 world ? 
 
 (4) How about the hopes of the Jugo-Slav and the 
 
 Czecho- Slovaks ? 
 
 (5) How far is this principle applicable in Oriental 
 
 and African afifairs ? Would you have Japan 
 apply it to Korea? The Powers apply it in 
 Africa? 
 2. Nations held accountable for their deeds the same as 
 individuals. 
 
 2L. What is the German philosophy as to the account- 
 abihty of the state? What was the attitude. of the 
 Allies before the war? Why? 
 
 b. On what grounds has Germany justified her un- 
 lawful actions on the world's highways ? 
 
 c. What are the considerations for and against na- 
 
 18 
 
tions being held to the same standards of right and 
 justice as individuals ? 
 
 d. At what stage in the development of national life 
 have the individual or the clan refused to be bound by 
 the law of the group? What hope is there that nations 
 can pass from this stage into one of world order? 
 3. Cooperation and good will in a World-League of Na- 
 tions. 
 
 a. What have been the most serious causes of suspi- 
 cion and rivalry between nations ? 
 
 (i) What have been the chief ambitions of Great 
 Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Italy? 
 Where did these .conflict with one another? 
 How did Pan-Slavism conflict with Pan- 
 Germanism? Why did the AlHes object to 
 Germany's plan for a Bagdad Railway route 
 and Mittel-Europa ? What conflicts have 
 risen through an attempt to secure an outlet 
 to the, sea ? 
 
 (2) Why did all of the larger countries desire col- 
 
 onies? What are the advantages of invest- 
 ment in Africa or India as compared with the 
 home country? Just how far did the desire 
 for trade and the need of natural resources 
 cause international friction? Think of 
 Morocco. 
 
 (3) What is meant by the balance of power? How 
 
 far have the nations been willing to consent 
 to the establishment of an exact balance of 
 power? What has been the purpose of alli- 
 ances and secret treaties? Just how have all 
 of these helped and how disturbed the peace 
 of Europe? 
 - ; •■-- f4)-Why has war been found necessary in the past 
 -^ to right wrongs or to secure legitim^t$ na- 
 tional aims ? 
 
 19 
 
b. What are the possibihties of a League of Nations 
 in removing international friction ? 
 
 (i) What is meant by a League of Nations? 
 
 (2) How could such cooperation between the Pow- 
 
 ers be used to eliminate rivalries? What are 
 the difficulties of such a plan ? What are the 
 advantages ? 
 
 (3) In what respects is a League of Nations better 
 
 than treaties, alHances, or a balance of power 
 in securing good will and peace ? 
 
 (4) What nations should be included in such a 
 
 league? How about Germany? 
 
 (5) Why is the removal of the present German gov- 
 
 ernment a prerequisite to an establishment of 
 a League of Nations? 
 
 (6) How would trade reprisals after the war affect 
 
 the establishment of a League of Nations? 
 
 (7) What effect would such a league have upon the 
 
 following causes of international misunder- 
 standing ? 
 
 Trade rivalries. 
 
 Colonial expansion. 
 
 Access to natural resources. 
 
 Outlet to the sea. 
 
 Building of armaments. 
 
 (8) What would be the moral power of such a 
 
 league ? How far would it be effective) in pre- 
 venting a repetition of the present world 
 catastrophe? 
 
 II. How Far Are the American War Aims the 
 Aims of the War ? 
 
 I, How fully can these aims he said to he those of Amer- 
 ica? How strong in America is the sentiment for empire, 
 territory, and trade expansion^ ,r . . - ... 
 
 ao. 
 
2. How fully can these he said to he the aims of the 
 Allies? 
 
 3. What are some of the things we can do to bring added 
 convictions in America concerning these aims? 
 
 , READING REFERENCES 
 
 "The New International Encyclopedia" or "Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica" : Articles on Alliances, Balance of Power, Balkan 
 States, etc. 
 
 . "War Cyclopedia." Issued by the Committee on Public In- 
 formation. Price, 25 cents. Under their respective titles this 
 book' contains useful information on most of the topics related 
 to the war. Look up under Aim of United States, Balance of 
 Power, Equality of Nations, Permanent Peace, Pan-Germanism, 
 Pan-Slavism, Militarism, League of Nations, Balkans, etc. 
 
 Brailsford, "A League of Nations." Consult this book for a 
 detailed and illuminating discussion of the problems involved 
 in the formation of a new world, and especially the questions 
 of a League of Nations. See especially the following chapters, 
 the titles of which will give an idea of the range of the book: 
 
 Chapter III — On Peace and Change. Chapter IV — Problems 
 of Nationality. Chapter V — The Roads of the East. Chapter 
 VI — The Future of Alliances. Chapter VII — On Sea-Power. 
 Chapter VIII — Empire, Sea-Power, and Trade. Chapter IX — 
 The Economies of Peace. Chapter X — The Constitution of the 
 League. 
 
 Seymour, "The Diplomatic Background of the War." 
 
 Chapter IX — The Near Eastern Question. Chapter X — The 
 Balkan Wars. 
 
 For discussion of Jugoslavic and Czechoslovak problems see 
 Current History Magazine, N. Y. Times, September, 1918, 
 especially the following articles: 
 
 The Birth of a Nation: Raising the Jugoslav Flag, p. 486. 
 . The Czechoslovaks Recognized as a Nation, p. 489. 
 
 The Czechoslovaks of Bohemia and Moravia, p. 491. 
 
 Also- "Jugoslavia : A New European State," M. S. Stanoye- 
 vich. Century 95 : 687-92, March, 1918. 
 
 Look up other references in current magazines. 
 
 21 
 
For the texts of the following addresses by President Wilson 
 see pamphlets issued by the Committee on Public Information: 
 "How the War Came to America," "War, Labor, and Peace," 
 "The President's Flag Day Address." 
 
 Address of the President of the United States, delivered to 
 the Senate of the United States, January 22, 1917. 
 
 Address of the President of the United States, delivered at a 
 Joint Session of the Two Houses of Congress, April 2, 1917. 
 
 Address of the President of the United States, delivered at 
 Washington, Flag Day, June 14, 1917. 
 
 Reply to the Pope's Peace Proposals, August 27, 1917. 
 
 Labor and the War — an Address before the Convention of 
 the American Federation of Labor, held in Buffalo, N. Y., 
 November 12, 1917. 
 
 A Just and Generous Peace — Annual Message to Congress, 
 December 4, 1917. 
 
 Program of the World's Peace — Address to Congress, Janu- 
 ary 8, 1918. 
 
 Reply to Chancellor von Hertling and Count Czernin, Febru- 
 ary II, 1918. (Discussing the German and Austrian replies 
 to his proposals of January 8, and setting forth four funda- 
 mental principles of a general peace.) 
 
 The text of President Wilson's speeches can also be found 
 in current magazines. See "The Reader's Guide." 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 Extracts from President Wilson's Statements of War Aims 
 
 "I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one 
 accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine 
 of the world; that no nation should seek to extend its policy 
 over any other nation or people, but that every people should 
 be left free to determine its own policy, its own way of develop- 
 ment unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little with the 
 great and powerful. 
 
 I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entan- 
 gling alliances which would draw them into competition of 
 power. ... 
 
 I am proposing government by the consent of the governed; 
 that freedom of the seas which in international conference after 
 conference representatives of the United States have urged with 
 
 22 
 
the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples of liberty ; 
 and that moderation of armaments which makes of armies and 
 navies a power for order merely, not an instrument of aggression 
 or of selfish violence."— President Wilson's Message to the 
 Senate, January 22, 19 17. 
 
 "Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of 
 peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish 
 and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and 
 self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and 
 of action as will henceforth insure the observance of those 
 principles. . . . 
 
 We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of 
 false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace 
 of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German 
 people included; for the rights of nations great and small and 
 the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life 
 and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. 
 Its peace must be planted upon the trusted foundations of 
 political liberty. 
 
 We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no 
 dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material 
 compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are 
 but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall 
 be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the 
 faith and the freedom of the nation can make them. — Presi- 
 dent Wilson's Message to Congress, April 2, 1917. 
 
 "Responsible statesmen must now everywhere see, if they 
 never saw before, that no peace can rest securely upon political 
 or economic restrictions meant to benefit some nations and crip- 
 ple or embarrass others, upon vindictive action of any sort, or 
 any kind of revenge or deliberate injury. The American 
 people have suffered intolerable wrongs at the hands of the 
 Imperial German Government, but they desire no reprisal upon 
 the German people, who have themselves suffered all things 
 in this war, which they did not choose. They believe that peace 
 should rest upon the rights of peoples, not the rights of govern- 
 ments — the rights of peoples great or small, weak or powerful 
 — their equal right to freedom and security and self-government 
 and to a participation upon fair terms in the economic oppor- 
 tunities of the world, the German people of course included if 
 they will accept equality and not seek domination." — Reply to 
 the Pope's Peace Proposals, August 27, 1917. 
 
 "The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program ; 
 and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is 
 this : 
 
 I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at; after which 
 
 23 
 
there shall be no private international understandings of any 
 kind; but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the 
 public view. 
 
 II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside 
 territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas 
 may be closed in whole or in part by international action for 
 the enforcement of international covenants. 
 
 III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers 
 and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among 
 all the nations consenting to the peace and associating them- 
 selves for its maintenance. 
 
 IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national arma- 
 ments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with 
 domestic safety. 
 
 V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjust- 
 ment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of 
 the principle that in determining all such questions of sov- 
 ereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have 
 equal weight with the equitable claims of the Government whose 
 title is to be determined. 
 
 VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory, and such a 
 settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the 
 best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world 
 in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed oppor- 
 tunity for the independent determination of her own political 
 development and national policy, and assure her of a sincere 
 welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of 
 her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also 
 of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The 
 treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months 
 to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their com- 
 prehension of her needs as distinguished from their own in- 
 terests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy. 
 
 VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated 
 and restored without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which 
 she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other 
 single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence 
 among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set 
 and determined for the government of their relations with one 
 another. Without this healing act the whole structure and 
 validity of international law is forever impaired. 
 
 VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded 
 portions restored; and the wrong done to France by Prussia 
 in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled 
 the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, 
 in order that peace may once more be made secure in the 
 interest of all. 
 
 24 
 
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected 
 along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. 
 
 X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the 
 nations we wish to see saf-eguarded and assured, should be 
 accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development. 
 
 XL Roumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; 
 occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure 
 access to the sea ; and the relations of the several Balkan States 
 to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically 
 established lines of allegiance and nationality; and interna- 
 tional guaranties of the political and economic independence 
 and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be 
 entered into. 
 
 XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire 
 should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationali- 
 ties which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an 
 undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested oppor- 
 tunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should 
 be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and com- 
 merce of all nations under international guaranties. 
 
 XIII. An independent Polish State should be erected which 
 should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish 
 populations, which should be assured a free and secure access 
 to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and 
 territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international cove- 
 nant. 
 
 XIV. A general association of nations must be formed, under 
 specific covenants, for the purpose of affording mutual guaran- 
 ties of political independence and territorial integrity to great 
 and small States alike. 
 
 We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is noth- 
 ing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achieve- 
 ment or distinction of learning or of specific enterprise, such 
 as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We 
 do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate 
 influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with 
 arms or with hostile arrangements of trade, if she is willing 
 to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations 
 of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. 
 We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peo- 
 ples of the world — the new world in which we now live — instead 
 of a place of mastery." — Address to Congress dealing with the 
 Brest-Litovsk negotiations, setting forth a peace program in 
 fourteen articles, January 8th, 1918. 
 
 "The method the German Chancellor proposes is the method 
 of the Congress of Vienna. We cannot and will not return to 
 that. What is at stake now is the peace of the world. What 
 
 25 
 
we are striving- for is a new international order based upon 
 broad and universal principles of right and justice — no mere 
 peace of shreds and patches. Is it possible that Count von 
 Hertling does not see that, does not grasp it, is in fact living 
 in his thought in a world dead and gone? Has he utterly 
 forgotten the Reichstag resolutions of the 19th of July, or does 
 he deliberately ignore them? They spoke of the conditions 
 of a general peace, not of national aggrandizement or of ar- 
 rangements between State and State. . . . 
 
 The principles to be applied are these : 
 
 First, that each part of the final settlement must be based upon 
 the essential justice of that particular case and upon such 
 adjustments as are most likely to bring a peace that will be 
 permanent ; 
 
 Second, that peoples and provinces are not to be bartered 
 about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere 
 chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game, now forever 
 discredited, of the balance of power; but that — 
 
 Third, every territorial settlement involved in this war must 
 be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations 
 concerned, and not as a part of any mere adjustment or com- 
 promise of claims among rival States; and — 
 
 Fourth, that all well-defined national aspirations shall be ac- 
 corded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them with- 
 out introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord 
 and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace 
 of Europe and consequently of the world." — Extract from speech 
 discussing the German and Austrian replies to his proposals 
 of January 8th, and setting forth four fundamental principles 
 of a general peace, February 11, 1918. 
 
 "I am happy to draw apart with you to this quiet place of 
 old counsel in order to speak a little of the meaning of this 
 day of our nation's independence. ... 
 
 It is significant . . . that Washington and his associates, like 
 the Barons at Runnymede, spoke and acted, not for a class, 
 but for a people. It has been left for us to see to it that it 
 shall be understood that they spoke and acted, not for a single 
 people only, but for all mankind. . . . They entertained no 
 private purpose, desired no peculiar privilege. They were con- 
 sciously planning that men of every class should be free and 
 America a place to which men out of every nation might resort 
 who wished to share with them the rights and privileges of 
 free men. And we take our cue from them — do we not? We 
 intend what they intended. We here in America believe our 
 participation in this present war to be only the fruitage of 
 what they planted. Our case differs from theirs only in this, 
 that it is our inestimable privilege to concert with men out of 
 
 26 
 
every nation who shall make not only the liberties of America 
 secure but the liberties of every other people as well. We are 
 happy in the thought that we are permitted to do what they 
 would have done had they been in our place. There must 
 now be settled, once for all, what was settled for America in 
 the great age upon whose inspiration we draw today. . . . This, 
 then, is our conception of the great struggle in which we are 
 engaged. The plot is written plain upon every scene and every 
 act of the supreme tragedy. On the one hand stand the peo- 
 ples of the world — not only the peoples actually engaged, but 
 many others, also, who suffer under mastery but cannot act; 
 peoples of many races and in every part of the world — the 
 people of stricken Russia still, among the rest, though they 
 are for the moment unorganized and helpless. Opposed to 
 them, masters of many armies, stand an isolated, friendless 
 group of Governments, who speak no common purpose, but 
 only selfish ambitions of their own, by which none can profit 
 but themselves, and whose peoples are fuel in their hands. . . . 
 Governments clothed with the strange trappings and the primi- 
 tive authority of an age that is altogether alien and hostile to 
 our own. The Past and the Present are in deadly grapple, and 
 the peoples of the world are being done to death between 
 them. 
 
 There can be but one issue. The settlement must be final. 
 There can be no compromise. No halfway decision would be 
 tolerable. No halfway decision is conceivable. These are the 
 ends for which the associated peoples of the world are fighting 
 ■ — the ends which must be conceded to them before there can be 
 peace : 
 
 I. The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that 
 can separately, secretly, and of its single choice disturb the 
 peace of the world; or, if it cannot be presently destroyed, at 
 the least its reduction to virtual impotence. 
 
 II. The settlement of every question, whether of territory, 
 of sovereignty, of economic arrangement, or of political re- 
 lationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settle- 
 ment by the people immediately concerned, and not upon the 
 basis of the material interest or advantage of any other nation 
 or people which may desire a different settlement for the 
 sake of its own exterior influence or mastery. 
 
 III. The consent of all nations to be governed in their con- 
 duct toward each other by the same principles of honor and 
 of respect for the common law of civilized society that govern 
 the individual citizens of all modern States in their relations 
 with one another; to the end that all promises and covenants 
 may be sacredly observed, no private plots or conspiracies 
 hatched, no selfish injuries wrought with impunity, and a 
 
 27 
 
mutual trust established upon the handsome foundation of 
 a mutual respect for right. 
 
 IV. The establishment of an organization of peace which 
 shall make it certain that the combined power of free nations 
 will check every invasion of right and serve to make peace 
 and justice the more secure by affording a definite tribunal 
 of opinion to which all must submit and by which every 
 international readjustment that cannot be amicably agreed 
 upon by the peoples directly concerned shall be sanctioned. 
 
 These great objects can be put into a single sentence. What 
 we seek is the reign of law, based upon the consent of the 
 governed and sustained by the organized opinion of man- 
 kind. . . . 
 
 I can fancy that the air of this place carries the accents of 
 such principles with a peculiar kindness. Here were started 
 forces which the great nation against which they were pri- 
 marily directed at first regarded as a revolt against its rightful 
 authority, but which it has long since seen to have been a step 
 in the liberation of its own people as well as of the people of 
 the United States; and I stand here now to speak — speak 
 proudly and with confident hope — of the spread of this revolt, 
 this liberation, to the great stage of the world itself! The 
 blinded rulers of Prussia have roused forces they know little 
 of — forces which, once roused, can never be crushed to earth 
 again ; for they have at their heart an inspiration and a purpose 
 which are deathless and of the very stuff of triumph !" — The 
 Mount Vernon Address, delivered at the grave of Washington 
 by President Wilson, July 4, 1918. 
 
 "It is of capital importance that it should also be explicitly 
 agreed that no peace shall be obtained by any kind of com- 
 promise or abatement of the principles we have avowed as the 
 principles for which we are fighting. . . . 
 
 That price is impartial justice in every item of the settlement, 
 no matter whose interest is crossed; and not only impartial 
 justice, but also the satisfaction of the several peoples whose 
 fortunes are dealt with. That indispensable instrumentality is 
 a League of Nations formed under covenants that will be 
 efficacious. Without such an instrumentality, by which the peace 
 of the world can be guaranteed, peace will rest in part upon 
 the word of outlaws, and only upon that word. For Germany 
 will have to redeem her character, not by what happens at the 
 peace table but by what follows. 
 
 And, as I see it, the constitution of that League of Nations 
 and the clear definition of its objects must be a part, is in a sense 
 the most essential part, of the peace settlement itself. It can- 
 not be formed now. If formed now, it would be merely a new 
 
 28 
 
alliance confined to the nations associated against a common 
 enemy. It is not likely that it could be formed after the settle- 
 ment. It is necessary to guarantee the peace; and the peace 
 cannot be guaranteed as an afterthought. The reason, to speak 
 in plain terms again, why it must be guaranteed is that there 
 will be parties to the peace whose promises have proved un- 
 trustworthy, and means must be found in connection with the 
 peace settlement itself to remove that source of insecurity. It 
 would be folly to leave the guarantee to the subsequent volun- 
 tary action of the Governments we have seen destroy Russia 
 and deceive Roumania. . . . 
 
 These, then, are some of the particulars : 
 
 First, the impartial justice meted out must involve no dis- 
 crimination between those to whom we wish to be just and 
 those to whom we do not wish to be just. It must be a justice 
 that plays no favorites and knows no standard but the equal 
 rights of the several peoples concerned; 
 
 Second, no special or separate interest of any single nation 
 or group of nations can be made the basis of any part of the 
 settlement which is not consistent with the commOn interest of 
 all; 
 
 Third, there can be no leagues or alliances or special cove- 
 nants and understandings within the general and common family 
 of the League of Nations; 
 
 Fourth, and more specifically, there can be no special, selfish 
 economic combinations within the league and no employment 
 of any form of economic boycott or exclusion except as the 
 power of economic penalty by exclusion from the markets of 
 the world may be vested in the League of Nations itself as a 
 means of discipline and control; 
 
 Fifth, all international agreements and treaties of every kind 
 must be made known in their entirety to the rest of the world. 
 Special alliances and economic rivalries and hostilities have 
 been the prolific source in the modern world of the plans and 
 passions that produce war. It would be an insincere as well 
 as an insecure peace that did not exclude them in definite and 
 binding terms. . . . 
 
 In the same sentence in which I say the United States will 
 enter into no special arrangements or understandings with 
 particular nations let me say also that the United States is pre- 
 pared to assume its full share of responsibility for the main- 
 tenance of the common covenants and understandings upon 
 which peace must henceforth rest. We still read Washington's 
 immortal warning against 'entangling alliances' with full com- 
 prehension and an answering purpose. But only special and 
 limited alliances entangle ; and we recognize and accept the 
 <^nty of a new day in which we are permitted to hope for a 
 
 29 
 
general alliance which will avoid entanglements and clear the 
 air of the world for common understandings and the main- 
 tenance of common rights. . . . 
 
 And I believe that the leaders of the Governments with 
 which we are associated will speak, as they have occasion, as 
 plainly as I have tried to speak. I hope they will feel free to 
 say whether they think that I am in any degree mistaken in 
 my interpretation of the issues involved or in my purpose with 
 regard to the means by which a satisfactory settlement of those 
 issues may be obtained. Unity of purpose and_ of counsel are 
 as imperatively necessary in this war as was unity of command 
 in the battlefield ; and with perfect unity of purpose and counsel 
 will come assurance of complete victory. 'Peace drives' can 
 be effectively neutralized and silenced only by showing that 
 every victory of the nations associated against Germany brings 
 the nations nearer the sort of peace which brings security and 
 reassurance to all peoples and make the recurrence of another 
 such struggle of pitiless force and bloodshed forever impos- 
 sible, and that nothing else can. Germany is constantly inti- 
 mating the 'terms' she will accept; and always finds that the 
 world does not want terms. It wishes the final triumph of 
 justice and fair dealing." — President Wilson's Address, in the 
 Metropolitan Opera House, opening Fourth Liberty Loan, New 
 York City, September 28, 1918. 
 
 Economic Internationalism 
 
 'The war has shown how complete is the economic inter- 
 dependence of the nations and how shadowy and incomplete 
 is any political independence where economic independence is 
 lacking. Without such progress towards joint economic action 
 and equal economic opportunity among the nations, no inter- 
 nationalism is permanently possible. 
 
 More and more the economic needs of the nations will de- 
 mand the granting of rights which it is in the present power of 
 other nations to refuse. Arrangements rendered necessary 
 by such demands would of course conflict with our present 
 theories of absolute and uncontrolled national sovereignty. But 
 that conception must vanish in any case, if we are to secure 
 any effective international organization. 
 
 The time for this shrinking of sovereignty, for this creation 
 of a larger loyalty, for the laying of the foundation of a new 
 internationalism is now. Without such an end the war will have 
 been a failure. There will be no true victory, for none will 
 have gained anything except a return to the old insecurity, the 
 old injustice, the old fear and cruelty and bloodshed of the 
 past."— Walter E. Weyl, "The End of the War," pp. 269-271. 
 
 30 
 
Alliances and a Balance of Power 
 
 "Alliances give no security that the stable equilibrium will 
 be maintained, and the armed peace kept. 'Treaties,' as Lord 
 Salisbury once put it, 'are mortal.' Alliances may be renewed 
 from term to term, but seals and signatures are no guarantee 
 that their provisions will be faithfully observed. Calculations 
 of self-interest inspired them; the same order of motives may 
 make it inexpedient to fulfil the bargain. ... 
 
 We have followed for nearly a decade a policy defined as the 
 preservation in Europe of 'a balance of power.' . . . All meta- 
 phors mislead, and this metaphor is peculiarly fallacious. One 
 may doubt whether any statesman in his own inner mind ever 
 desired a balance, if the word means what it conveys — an exact 
 equipoise in force and influence among the Powers of Europe. 
 What every statesman desires is that the scales of power shall 
 be more heavily weighted on his own side," — Henry N. Brails- 
 ford, "The War of Steel and Gold," pp. 19, 20, 2y. 
 
 Eifect of Foreign Investments on International Relations 
 
 "It would be an instructive study to follow the migrations 
 of capital in order to see how far funds invested in foreign 
 parts are a cause of difficulty or friction in international re- 
 lationships. 
 
 It has been pointed out that trade does not as a rule create 
 political disturbance because the trader is interested simply in 
 selling goods. When the market fails, he 'folds his tent like 
 the Arabs' and silently steals away. This is broadly true. 
 
 But capital acquires a certain fixed stake when it leaves home 
 and settles in a foreign land. It becomes the possessor of 
 property which can be seized or destroyed. Therefore, the 
 political and social situation in the land where the operations 
 are carried on is of prime importance to the investor. 
 
 Of course, capital generally accumulates in the more pro- 
 gressive lands. Effective industrial organization produces a 
 surplus for further operations. Now, why does the investor 
 gaze abroad? His motives are, no doubt, a queer mixture. 
 Sometimes it is just the spirit of adventure. Sometimes it is 
 a genuinely altruistic urging. Sometimes it is because certain 
 of his home interests are dependent upon a steady flow of 
 supplies from another part of the world, and he sends capital 
 out to keep the flow steady. But we must admit that in the 
 majority of cases it is the hope of larger profits that is the main 
 cause. And we cannot say that this impulse moves the wealthy 
 alone; the small investor is often dazzled by the story of the 
 wonderful possibilities of some far-off land. 
 
 In passing it is proper to note that capital has generally made 
 
 31 
 
its deductions too hastily. It has surveyed the home field and 
 decided that, in the face of a falling rate of interest, it is time 
 to get out. An English economist has suggested that this is 
 like the primitive agriculturist. He keeps breaking open new 
 ground because he has not learned to conserve the values of 
 the ground that has already borne fruit. It is surely not un- 
 reasonable to suggest that if the industry that created the 
 capital had been willing to increase wages and thus raise the 
 home standard of living, the increased demands of the people 
 would open up a new field for investment right at home. This 
 would mean less profits at first, but would give a more stable 
 result — and less temptation to uncertain adventure. 
 
 Experienced promoters would be the first to grant that while 
 many foreign investments are productive only of good both at 
 home and abroad, a larger proportion of migratory capital has 
 started out like a roaring lion seeking whom it may devour. 
 The temptation has been to gain enormous profits in countries 
 where governments may be corrupted and cheap labor exploited 
 to the full. The colored races in backward countries as a rule 
 supply a low grade of labor, but it can be purchased at such a 
 very low price that, apart from the nervous strain on over- 
 seers, it is very much cheaper than at home. The deliberate 
 corruption of officials is a tale too familiar and too sad to bear 
 repeating. 
 
 The large profits accumulated by foreign investments in back- 
 ward countries, whether the enterprises are legitimate or not, 
 are usually justified on the ground of the great hazard. We are 
 reminded constantly that it is all uncertain, a difficult adventure 
 ■ — a gamble. Well and good ! But is it quite fair, when the 
 cards begin to fall against the adventurer, that he should demand 
 that the home government forthwith step in and guarantee him 
 against loss? Exploited labor may revolt, corrupt officials do 
 not always 'stay bought,' even legitimate adventures may be 
 wrecked by local circumstances ; but the investor knew it was 
 a gamble in the first place. Is it not an open question whether 
 or not the home government should pour out blood and money 
 to turn the enterprise into a 'sure thing' for the adventurers? 
 If the home government should demand in return for its protec- 
 tion the difference between the swollen profits and the normal 
 rate of interest at home, capital would not be so eager to wander 
 into uncertain fields. 
 
 Of course, this is only one aspect of the case; but it is an 
 important one just the same." — From a private letter. 
 
 The Possibilities for a League of Nations 
 "A League of Peace must answer two tests. First: Can it be 
 
 32 
 
so composed that in normal times it will assure to all its mem- 
 bers such a prospect of fair decisions in disputes, and such a 
 chance of effecting reasonable changes in the world when they 
 are due, that war will be unnecessary? Secondly: Can it be 
 so composed that there will be in every probable contingency 
 an available superiority of military and naval strength at the 
 command of the League, if any member of it should resort to 
 aggression? . . . 
 
 Absurd as it may seem to us British, the risk to the German 
 mind will be that Britain might not be loyal, that she might 
 not in every issue consent to a process of conciliation, and 
 might not always accept the award of a Court or the recom- 
 mendation of a Council. We must consent to smother our 
 natural indignation and examine this hypothesis. Unless the 
 League can reassure Germany, there can be no League of 
 Peace; there could only be an anti-German alliance of the 
 old-world type. . . . 
 
 If the worst should happen, if some Power or Powers should 
 break away from the League and threaten aggression, could 
 the United States redress the balance, and make good to the 
 loyal Powers by its aid what they might have lost by their 
 own previous moderation? Unless this question is answered 
 in the affirmative, the League will not be formed, or if it is 
 formed, it will be a meaningless decoration, a plaster orna- 
 ment which will fail to disguise the sinister old structure of the 
 armed peace. In plain words, would the United States have 
 the will and the power, once the League was formed, to oppose 
 aggression so firmly as to make it unprofitable? To this ques- 
 tion Mr. Wilson has given a dramatic answer by his entry into 
 the world war. . . . 
 
 President Wilson's speeches are, in effect an offer to guaran- 
 tee a League of Peace and to back international treaties by the 
 promise that America will in the last resort intervene against 
 the aggressor and the treaty-breaker. In other words, she 
 stands security for such treaties in the future. Her interven- 
 tion is a new fact, a guarantee of a kind with which the past 
 was unacquainted. We need place no implicit trust in Ger- 
 many's good faith, but with the certainty that America's power 
 would be added to the forces that opposed her, if she should 
 refuse to adopt the procedure of conciliation, it would no longer 
 be necessary to question the value of Germany's signature to 
 the constitution of a League of Peace. No Power will resort 
 to aggression if it must by so doing raise invincible odds against 
 itself. . . . 
 
 The historic conception of a League of Peace took no account 
 whatever of the world's need of change, growth, and readjust- 
 ment. It seemed, indeed, to be a provision against the very 
 
 33 
 
possibility of change. The Christian sovereigns, who were to 
 form the Confederation sketched by the Abbe de Saint-Pierre, 
 based their League upon a mutual guarantee, for all time, of 
 all the States which they actually possessed. The map of 
 Europe would have been fixed for ever by such an arrangement, 
 and neither by revolution nor by conquest could any change 
 have occurred in the distribution of territory. That could have 
 come about only by marriage or inheritance. Poland would 
 have been saved, but there could have been no united Germany, 
 no Italy, no Belgium, and no Norway. Unless we can make 
 our League a possible instrument of fundamental change, it 
 will rally the satisfied Powers and repel the peoples which 
 cherish an ambition or suffer from a wrong." — Henry N. Brails- 
 ford, "A League of Nations," pp. 47 ; 52-53 ; 50 ; 58 ; 81 ; 84. 
 
 I 
 
 34 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 Foundations for a New World 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. What Are the Principles Most Important as 
 THE Foundations for a New World ? 
 
 1. A comparison of the principles for settling the zvar with 
 those necessary for building a new world. 
 
 a. How do the principles which must be used in set- 
 thng the war differ from those which are necessary in 
 building the new world ? 
 
 b. To what extent can President Wilson's proposals 
 for international relations in the new world be applied 
 to social problems within the nation? 
 
 2. The application of President Wilson's proposals to the 
 building of a new world. 
 
 SL. President Wilson has proposed a full opportunity 
 for all nations and peoples in the new world. 
 
 (i) To what extent must President Wilson's pro- 
 posal for equal opportunity be considered to 
 include an equal chance for all individuals as 
 well as nations ? What does democracy mean 
 for the opportunity of the individual? 
 
 (2) Just how much equahty of opportunity is there 
 
 for the individual in America? To what ex- 
 tent is our country a democracy? 
 
 (3) On what basis is the individual valued in 
 
 modern industry? On what basis did Jesus 
 evaluate the individual? What does Jesus' 
 estimate demand in industrial life? In na- 
 tional affairs? 
 
 (4) What place will democracy, and what place will 
 
 35 
 
autocracy have in national and international 
 life, if it is Christian? 
 
 (5) What is the essential meaning of democracy? 
 
 (6) How practicable, as one of the foundations for 
 
 a new world, is the principle, ''An equal op- 
 portunity for all" ? 
 
 b. President Wilson has proposed that social group- 
 ings, such as nations, shall be held accountable for their 
 actions the same as individuals. 
 
 ( 1 ) Why has President Wilson insisted that a nation 
 
 shall be held accountable for its acts on the 
 same principle as the individual? 
 
 (2) To what extent should other social groupings, 
 
 such as industrial concerns, business houses, 
 and municipalities, be held thus responsible ? 
 
 (3) How does the responsibiHty for one's acts com- 
 
 pare in the case of the individual, with that 
 of the social group ? 
 
 (4) How practicable, as a second foundation for the 
 
 new world, is the principle, "Social groupings 
 responsible equally with individuals in the 
 new world"? 
 
 c. President Wilson has proposed that the goal of 
 national and international life shall be the common 
 good rather than national profit or aggrandizement. 
 
 (i) What is the goal of national life at present? 
 How can a nation be expected to consider 
 other nations in its plans? 
 
 (2) What is the goal of a business or industrial con- 
 
 cern? How far can this goal of the common 
 good be made the purpose of business? 
 
 (3) Why did Jesus insist that the Kingdom of God 
 
 should be the goal of all effort? How would 
 you modernize that phrase ? In what ways do 
 the following terms differ? 
 Kingdom of God. 
 
 36 
 
Common good. 
 The Christian social order. 
 A new world democracy. 
 (4) How practicable as the third foundation for a 
 new world is the principle, "The goal of all 
 life, the common good ratlier than personal 
 profit" ? 
 d. President Wilson has proposed in international 
 affairs that the cooperation of free people through 
 some such organization as a league of nations shall 
 take the place of the present competitive alliances and 
 balance of power. 
 
 (i) How far must competition continue in the new 
 world? How far can it be replaced by co- 
 operation ? 
 
 (2) How far is cooperation in place of competi- 
 
 tion possible in business and industrial life? 
 
 (3) Must the strong stand up for the weak? What 
 
 does this mean in international affairs ? 
 
 (4) How will good will and hate between people 
 
 compare in emphasis in the new world ? 
 
 (5) After further reflection, what do you now think 
 
 of the practicabiUty of a league of nations as 
 the expression, politically, of this ideal? 
 
 (6) How practicable as the fourth foundation for a 
 
 new world is the principle, ''Cooperation and 
 good will rather than competition and 
 rivalry" ? 
 3. The British Labour Party's program for social recon- 
 struction. 
 
 a. What are the four pillars which this party pro- 
 poses as the foundation for the new house? What is 
 the practicability of these proposals? Test them with 
 President Wilson's principles. 
 
 b. Who make up the British Labour Party? Is there 
 any corresponding party in America ? 
 
 37 
 
4- TJie hopes of Christians for a new world. 
 
 a. It has been said that Christians are greatly inter- 
 ested in getting ready for the next world, but cafinot be 
 counted upon very much in helping make this world 
 better. How much do Christians really believe in a 
 new earth as well as a future heaven ? 
 
 b. How much attention does the Bible give to the 
 possibilities of a new age? What is the Kingdom of 
 God, as set forth in the Bible? 
 
 c. Where is the Kingdom of God to be set up — in 
 the hearts of men, or in social, industrial, and poHtical 
 life? When are business, industrial, and poHtical life, 
 a part of the Kingdom of God? What is the difference 
 between the Kingdom of God and the RepubHc of the 
 United States ? The Kingdom of God and a new world 
 democracy ? 
 
 d. What was Jesus' attitude toward the Kingdom of 
 God? What are the main points of emphasis in Jesus' 
 proposals for a new world ? How revolutionary, really, 
 are Jesus' ideals ? 
 
 e. How much are Christians really working to bring 
 in the Kingdom of God on earth? What help can 
 Christians give those who are working and hoping for 
 a new world in all nations ? 
 
 5. The foundations for a Christian world. 
 
 a. In the light of these and other constructive pro- 
 posals, what do you consider the most essential prin- 
 ciples to be followed in building a new world? 
 
 b. Can the world be rebuilt on Jesus' plan ? 
 
 III. After Winning the War What Are the 
 Next Most Important Steps in Building 
 A New World? 
 
 I. What about business and industrial life? 
 
 a. What is the goal of business and industry? Why 
 
 38 
 
do men engage in these pursuits? How does service 
 to the common good compare with profit as the goal of 
 
 industry ? 
 
 b. On what basis is the individual workman valued 
 in industrial concerns? How would Jesus' principle of 
 the evaluation of the individual change this? 
 
 c. What is the cause of strife and antagonism in the 
 industrial order ? 
 
 If the workmen are well paid and well fed, will they 
 be satisfied? Why or why not? How far is industry 
 an autocracy? To what extent can it be made a democ- 
 racy without losing its efficiency? How can the own- 
 ers and the workers share in the conduct and the re- 
 wards of industry? 
 
 d. How about competition? In what ways is it 
 wasteful? In what ways is it efficient? How far is it 
 true that competition is the life of trade? In what 
 ways is it unchristian ? 
 
 2. What about international relations f 
 
 a. In what regards are the relations between nations 
 most Christian? Unchristian? 
 
 b. Upon further reflection, what principles can be 
 made the basis of world relations? What are the 
 most outstanding changes which will be required? 
 
 IV, Why Should Christians be Especially Inter- 
 ested IN THE Slogan "Building a new 
 World" ? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 The proposals of the British Labour Party may be found in: 
 Supplement, The New Republic, "Labor and the New Social 
 
 Order," March 23, 1918, and in "British Labor and After-War 
 
 Issues'/' Arthur Gleason, The Survey, August 3, 1918. 
 
 Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Social Principles of Jesus." 
 
 For a discussion of Jesus' principles which may be made the 
 
 basis of the new world, see particularly 
 
 39 
 
Chapter I, The Value of Life — Human Life and Personality- 
 Are Sacred. Chapter II, The Solidarity of the Human Family 
 — Men Belong Together. Chapter III, Standing with the Peo- 
 ple — The Strong Must Stand Up for the Weak. Chapter 
 IV, The Kingdom of God: Its Values — The Right Social 
 Order Is the Highest Good for All. Chapter V, The King- 
 dom of God: Its Tasks — The Right Social Order Is the 
 Supreme Task for Each. Chapter VI, A New Age and New 
 Standards — As the Kingdom Comes Ethical Standards Must 
 Advance. 
 
 Walter Rauschenbusch, ''Christianizing the Social Order." 
 For a discussion of the Christianized sections of the social order, 
 and the changes necessary in business and industrial life if it 
 is to be Christian. 
 
 President Wilson's Messages. See Reading References and 
 Reference Quotations, pp. 22-30. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 The British Labour Party's Proposals 
 
 "The British Labour Party is composed of 2,415,383 trade 
 unionists (latest pubHshed figures), 146 trades councils, 93 local 
 labor parties, 10,000 of the British Socialist Party, 35,000 of 
 the Independent Labour Party, 2,140 Fabians. In other words, 
 there are 50,000 'party Socialists' among 2,500,000 trade union- 
 ists. That is, 98 per cent of the British Labour Party is trade 
 union, and 2 per cent is 'party Socialist' (even of that 2 per 
 cent, a large fraction is trade union)." — ^Arthur Gleason, "Brit- 
 ish Labor and After- War Issues," The Survey, August 3, 1918. 
 
 This document proposes four pillars for the new world as 
 follows : 
 
 I. The Universal Enforcement of a National Minimum. This 
 means : "The securing to every member of the community, in 
 good times and bad alike, of all the requisites of healthy life 
 and worthy citizenship." It involves not only a minimum wage 
 which will provide for subsistence, but also the careful organi- 
 zation of demobilization to prevent unemployment; attention 
 by the state to the regulation of labor, so that there will be 
 employment for all ; and social insurance against unemployment. 
 "Only on the basis of a universal application of- the Policy of 
 the National Minimum affording complete security against desti- 
 tution, in sickness and health, in good times and bad alike, to 
 
 40 
 
every member of the community, can any worthy social order 
 be built up." 
 
 2. The Democratic Control of Industry. In this is included 
 the national ownership and administration of the railways and 
 canals, harbors and roads, posts and telegraphs, electric power, 
 and coal and iron mines. It insists on the application of the 
 principle of democracy not only to government, but to the 
 control of industry. 
 
 5. A Revolution in National Finance. This proposal asks 
 that taxation be planned so as to secure the necessary revenue 
 without encroaching upon the minimum standard of life, with- 
 out hampering production, and with as near as possible equal 
 sacrifice by all. This means that the poor would only pay their 
 proportionate share of taxes, that commodities that" are con- 
 sumed by the people should not be subject to tax, and that the 
 heavier burden would be borne by income taxes on fortunes 
 above a certain amount and super-taxes on excess profits. It 
 is proposed that at the earliest possible moment the nation shall 
 be freed from the national debt by a special capital levy, gradu- 
 ated according to ability to pay. 
 
 4. The Surplus for the Common Good. Instead of the sur- 
 plus going into private fortunes, the proposal is to use the sur- 
 plus for education, scientific research, playgrounds, and for 
 various enterprises which will eliminate poverty and disease, 
 and help forward the common good. — Condensed from "Labor 
 and the New Social Order," Supplement, The New Republic, 
 March 23, 1918. 
 
 The Hope of a Christian World 
 
 Professor Rauschenbusch closes his survey of the Chris- 
 tianized Sections of the Social Order with this prophecy of 
 hope: 
 
 'Tf this analysis is even approximately correct, it ought to 
 create an immense hopefulness in all Christian minds. Social 
 Christianity is not, then, an untried venture. The larger part 
 of the work of Christianizing our social order is already ac- 
 complished, and the success which has attended it ought to create 
 a victorious self-assertion in all who stake their faith on its 
 effectiveness. These redeemed portions of our social life are 
 the portions to which our hearts go out in loving pride and 
 loyalty. Christianity works." — Walter Rauschenbusch, "Chris- 
 tianizing the Social Order," p. 155. 
 
 Our Unchristian Economic System 
 
 "It is in commerce and industry that we encounter the great 
 collective inhumanities that shame our Christian feeling, such 
 
 41 
 
as child labor and the bloody total of industrial accidents. Here 
 we find the friction between great classes of men which makes 
 whole communities hot with smoldering hate or sets them 
 ablaze with lawlessness. To commerce and industry we are 
 learning to trace the foul stream of sex prostitution, poverty, 
 and political corruption. . . . Our first need is to analyze our 
 economic system so that we may understand wherein and why 
 it is fundamentally unchristian. . . , 
 
 In the old handicraft system ownership and power were 
 widely distributed. Every little shop was an industrial unit, 
 and every master mechanic was an independent power. Every 
 apprentice could hope in time to become the owner of so simple 
 a plant. This is the condition still prevailing generally in our 
 farm life in America. Our farmers are workmen who own 
 their instruments of production. They are workmen and capi- 
 talists combined in one. That makes them strong. . . . 
 
 On the other hand, our factory operatives have no right nor 
 claim in the place, the tools, or the output of their work. They 
 are propertyless men who own only their body and its working 
 force. . . . 
 
 In the modern industrial order ownership and control are 
 vested in an entirely different social group which stands apart 
 from them by its interests, social status, habits of life, and 
 modes of thought — the group of investors or capitalists. . . . 
 
 It is the extent and thoroughness of this two-class adjustment 
 which differentiates the modern industrial order from the old. 
 It is this also which creates its chief moral dangers. . . . 
 
 In addition, the class in control has no direct financial inter- 
 est in the safety of the workers. If a machine breaks down, the 
 owners must buy another ; therefore the machines are kept oiled 
 and burnished. If a man sickens through carbon-monoxide 
 fumes or the heat of the blast furnaces, a new man steps in 
 and it costs the owners nothing. A slave was cared for in 
 sickness, because it would cost $600 to $1,200 to replace him; 
 free laborers are replaced gratis. . . . Worse yet : in many ways 
 the safety of the one class can be increased only by decreas- 
 ing the income of the other class, and therewith Profit is 
 pitted against Life. It costs money to install hoods and blowers 
 to suck up the dust while grinding metals. It would cut down 
 profit to substitute adult workers for the child workers. . . . 
 
 The corporation, which is fast becoming the agency through 
 which we manage all our large affairs, interposes between the 
 individuals of the owning class and the individuals of the work- 
 ing class in such a way that human kindness and good will get 
 in a minimum of influence. The stockholders are scattered 
 absentee owners. A corporation might be composed of retired 
 missionaries, peace advocates, and dear old ladies, but their 
 
 42 
 
philanthropy would cause no vibrations in the business end 
 . of the concern. On the other hand, the directors would never 
 be in doubt that 4 per cent is a more acceptable rate of semi- 
 annual dividend than 3 per cent, and by the time that desire 
 for substantial profit reached t^e manager and superintendents, 
 it might be transformed into a cut in wages, a speeding up of 
 the machinery, a cruel system of fines, or any other form of 
 heartlessness. . . . 
 
 Business is under the one great law of Profit. It is not 
 carried on primarily to supply men with wholesome goods but 
 to make a profit for the dealer. Almost all business men would 
 prefer to sell good and wholesome things, but if they had the 
 alternative between selling solid goods at slight profit, or flashy 
 goods at a heavy profit, they would probably console them- 
 selves that the public demands the latter, and sell them. . . . 
 
 Our moral diagnosis of Business has given us fairly clear 
 results. The economic wants of society are supplied by a sys- 
 tem in which the middleman is the controlling factor. The 
 dominant motive is not to supply human needs, but to make a 
 profit for those who operate the system. The higher motives 
 of human nature are not evoked and educated. The selfish 
 motives are stimulated by fear and covetousness. Whatever 
 moral goodness there is in business — and there is a great deal 
 of it — comes through the fundamental soundness of human 
 nature that insists on being kindly and fraternal; also through 
 the fact that the main economic needs are clean and wholesome, 
 and give moral worth to the work that supplies them. But the 
 one law that pervades business, as completely as the law of 
 gravitation pervades physics, is the law of profit. Profit means 
 success, ease, safety, and opportunity for more profit. No profit 
 means death. . . . 
 
 Jesus' Principles and the Economic Order 
 
 Whenever Jesus looked at any man singly, he saw and felt 
 his divine worth; not on account of anything the man owned 
 and knew, but on account of his humanity. 
 
 Whenever Jesus looked at men collectively, he saw and felt 
 their unity and brotherhood. To him sin consists in that which 
 divides, in war and hate, in pride and lies, in injustice and 
 greed. Salvation consists in drawing together in love, as chil- 
 dren of one Father. If any member of the human family is 
 weak or perishing, it concerns all. The solidarity of mankind 
 was the great conviction underneath all his teachings. 
 
 These fundamental utterances of the mind of Christ are the 
 supreme law of Christendom. Anything that contradicts them 
 is anarchic. The chief business of Christian men today is to 
 
 43 
 
translate them into terms large enough to make them fully 
 applicable to modern social life. Our economic organization 
 will have to be transformed in these directions. It is unchris- 
 tian as long as Men are^made inferior to Things, and are drained 
 and used up to make profit. It will be Christian when all in- 
 dustry is consciously organized to give to all the maximum 
 opportunity of a strong and normal life. It is unchristian when 
 it systematizes antagonism, inequality, tyranny, and exploitation. 
 It will be Christian when it is organized to furnish the material 
 foundation for love and solidarity by knitting men together 
 through common aims and united work, by making their rela- 
 tions just and free, and by making the material welfare of each 
 dependent on the efficiency, moral vigor, and good will of all. 
 
 A Christian order must be just. Unjust privilege and un- 
 earned incomes debase the upper classes by parasitism, deprive 
 the lower classes of their opportunity to develop their God- 
 given life, and make genuine fraternity impossible between the 
 classes. ... 
 
 A Christian economic order must offer to all members of the 
 community the blessed influence of property rights. If modern 
 industrial conditions no longer permit the workers a chance to 
 own their productive plant and to accumulate enough for 
 security, property must take the new form of a share in social 
 wealth which will guarantee security in sickness and age and 
 give a man an assured position in the workshop of the 
 nation. . . . 
 
 Our economic order must work away from one-man power 
 toward the democratizing of industry. It must take the taxing 
 powers of monopoly from an irresponsible aristocracy and put 
 the people in full control of their own livelihood. It must do 
 away with the present unethical inequalities of wealth and 
 approximate a human equality. . . . 
 
 A Christian economic order must organize all workers in 
 systematic and friendly cooperation, and so create the material 
 basis for Christian fraternity. . . . 
 
 These fundamental demands of the Christian spirit are all 
 simple and almost axiomatic, but they cut deep and are revo- 
 lutionary enough to prove that they are really the laws of the 
 Kingdom of God on earth." — Walter Rauschenbusch, "Chris- 
 tianizing the Social Order," pp. 156, 157; 163, 164; 164;. 244; 
 185; 205; 213; 214; 327; 327; 328; 372; 373. 
 
 "You cannot have a social Christianity in China and an in- 
 dividualistic Christianity at home — not permanently, that is. 
 You cannot say Japan ought to treat China unselfishly, care 
 for the welfare of the young girls in its cotton factories and 
 make place for the teaching of religion in its schools, and yet 
 
 44 
 
allow America to make national selfishness the controlling prin- 
 ciple of its foreign policy, treat disputes between capital and 
 labor as private quarrels between individual groups, and divorce 
 the teaching of the churches on Sunday from the practice of 
 their members on the other six days of the week. If we are 
 to have the missionary consciousness at all we must have it 
 through and through, for in a very real sense missions, like 
 charity, begin at home. 
 
 This missionary consciousness, then, that we wish to develop 
 is something much bigger than a belief in foreign missions. 
 It is the belief that Christian principles ought to be consistently 
 applied in all human relations, beginning with those which lie 
 nearest ourselves." — Wm. Adams Brown, D.D., "Developing the 
 Missionary Consciousness in the Modern Man," International 
 Review of Missions^ Vol. 6, pp. 501-502. 
 
 45 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 Strategic Places in the New World 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. What Does It Mean to "Make the World 
 Safe for Democracy" ? 
 
 II. What Nations Are Included in the World? 
 
 1. What nations do you think of usually zvhen talking 
 about the war? What nations are most directly concerned 
 in the war? 
 
 2. What nations do you commonly think of when talking 
 about the world after the war? 
 
 3. How far must President Wilson's guarantees be ex- 
 tended? 
 
 a. To what extent must President Wilson's guaran- 
 tee of equal opportunity for all nations be extended to 
 those in the far East? Near East? South America? 
 
 b. What place will these countries have in a League 
 of Nations? 
 
 c. What effect will these principles have upon the 
 handling of African tribes? 
 
 d. How about India ? Morocco ? Egypt ? 
 
 III. Why Must We Think of Asia, Africa, and 
 South America if We Are to Have a 
 World Safe for Democracy? 
 
 I. What proportion of the world's territory is included in 
 these three continents? What is the population of these 
 continents? What proportion does this make of the world's 
 population? 
 
 46 
 
2. Where are the greatest deposits of coal and iron? The 
 greatest lumber supply? Greatest possibility in the develop- 
 ment of water powerf In the development of agricultural 
 land? What proportion of these natural resources are in the 
 continents of Asia, Africa, and South America? 
 
 3. How does the available man-power for industrial de- 
 velopment in these continents compare with that in Europe 
 and North America? How do they compare in possibilities 
 of efficient labor? 
 
 4. Summarise the importance of Asia, Africa, and South 
 America in. the new world. 
 
 IV. What Are the Governmental Issues in These 
 Continents ? 
 
 1. Japan 
 
 a. What form of government Has Japan? 
 
 b. From what nation has she derived her military 
 system and training ? 
 
 c. What is Japan's relation to Korea? If Korea's 
 national hopes are denied by Japan, how will it affect 
 Asia? 
 
 d. If Japan remains an autocracy and decides upon 
 a world empire policy, what effect will it have upon 
 Asia? Upon the possibility of a world democracy? 
 
 2. China 
 
 a. What was the old government in China? Who 
 were the Manchus ? Describe briefly the form of gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 b. What caused the revolution in China? Why did 
 the party desiring a constitutional monarchy lose? 
 Why was Yuan Shih Kai unable to make himself 
 Emperor? Why did China desire to be a republic? 
 
 c. What hope is there that China can really main- 
 tain a democratic form of government? 
 
 d. What significance is there for Asia and the growth 
 of democratic government in the fact that a nation 
 
 47 
 
representing one-fourth of the people of the world and 
 the oldest conservative autocracy should be seeking to 
 establish itself as a repubhc? 
 
 3. India 
 
 a. How much part have the people in the govern- 
 ment of' India? 
 
 b. Why did the Kaiser count on an uprising in India ? 
 
 c. Why was India loyal ? 
 
 d. W^hat was the pohtical condition of India before 
 the British possession ? What has British rule brought 
 India politically? 
 
 e. What are the national hopes in India? Does 
 India want independence or autonomy? What chance 
 is there that Great Britain will give India an auton- 
 omous government, such as Canada? If she does not, 
 or cannot, what effect will it have upon democracy in 
 Asia ? 
 
 f. What significance is there for democracy in the 
 new world in the fact that the native leaders of 300,- 
 000,000 people, formerly divided in warring groups, 
 are asking for self-government? 
 
 4. The Philippines 
 
 a. In what ways have the United States been pre- 
 paring the Philippines for self-government? 
 
 b. What hope is there that this can be granted to the 
 Filipino people? 
 
 c. Do you believe that the Philippines should be 
 granted their independence? Why or why not? 
 
 d. How much has America's policy in the Philippines 
 affected the growth of free government? 
 
 e. How much self-government have the Filipinos? 
 What hope is there that the Islands can be granted 
 complete self-government ? 
 
 5. Russia 
 
 a. What proportion of Russia. is in Asia? To what 
 extent is Russia an Asiatic nation ? 
 
 48 
 
b. What was the real issue between the Czar and the 
 revolutionists? Why did they not wait until the war 
 was won before overthrowing the Czar? 
 
 c. If Asiatic Russia can become a part of the new 
 free Russian republic or constitutional monarchy, what 
 effect will it have upon Asia? Upon the hope for 
 world democracy? 
 
 6. The Near East . 
 
 a. How about the government of Turkey? Why 
 did the Turkish revolution fail ? 
 
 b. What religion is represented in Turkish patriot- 
 ism and the massacre of the Armenians? 
 
 c. What hope is there of popular government in 
 Turkey and Persia? 
 
 7. Africa 
 
 a. What races make up the people of North Africa? 
 What is the hope of autonomous government in Egypt, 
 Morocco, Algeria, Tripoh ? 
 
 A missionary recently returned from North Africa 
 states that the French governor is planning an auton- 
 omy among the Berbers because of the success of the 
 Philippine experiment. 
 
 b. What chance is there that democratic principles 
 can be applied in handling the backward native tribes in 
 Africa ? What lesson does Uganda give us ? 
 
 c. How much free government is there in South 
 Africa? Why? 
 
 8. Suppose Asia and Africa cannot be included in the 
 growth of free government, what effect will this have upon 
 the possibility of world democracy? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 "The New International • Encyclopedia" or "Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica" : Articles on Asia, Africa, South America and vari- 
 ous countries, particularly size, population, natural resources, 
 etc. 
 
 49 
 
Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democ- 
 racy." Gives a general survey of the size and possibilities of 
 Asia, Africa, and South America, and the issues at stake with 
 reference to a democratic form of government. 
 
 Sherwood Eddy, "The New Era in Asia." Deals with a 
 survey of the situation in Asia up to 1913, including an account 
 of the Chinese and Turkish Revolutions, and the Nationalistic 
 Movement in India. 
 
 The best current articles will be found in The Missionary 
 Review of the Worlds Asia, the journal of the American Asiatic 
 Association, and The World Outlook. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 The Great Roll Call of Democracy 
 
 "It has long been a commonplace that steam and electricity 
 have made the world a neighborhood, but the war has seized 
 the old commonplace and made it bewilderingly vivid. The 
 figure of a neighborhood is too spacious. The war is not so 
 much a neighborhood quarrel as a fire in a tenement house 
 where men are crowded together for life or death. A family 
 in a tenement house has a highly substantial interest in the 
 question whether the children across the hall play with matches. 
 You cannot very well quarantine a fire in a tenement house. 
 Nor can a war in this compacted and crowded home of the 
 human family be quarantined. The flames of war which started 
 in northern Europe soon spread down the corridors till two 
 thirds of the race were involved in it. 
 
 Terrible as has been the occasion which has brought the 
 world together, there is a profound spiritual significance in such 
 vast portions of the world uniting in effort and thought. It 
 raises the curtain on a new era. On that frontier of freedom 
 which stretches from the English Channel clear down into 
 Africa and Mesopotamia over twenty-five nations on the Allied 
 side have answered 'Here' to the great roll call of democracy. 
 If 'politics makes strange bed-fellows,' the war has made still 
 stranger trench-fellows. The Gurkha from India, the Arab, the 
 Algerian, and the Hottentot from Central Africa have spilled 
 their blood along with the New Zealander, the Canadian, and 
 the Belgian in the cause of freedom. The American airman 
 fights with a British gun from a French machine. The Fiji 
 Islander has gone over, the top with his French and American 
 brothers. The Sikh from India rightly wears the Victoria Cross 
 for high valor along with his English comrade in arms. Each 
 
 50 
 
in his own tongue repeats that glorious watchword of France 
 — 'They shall not pass.' " — Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian 
 Crusade for World Democracy," pp. 16-18. 
 
 ''The entrance of the United States into the War was hailed 
 with jubilation in the Orient. The leaders in India and China 
 feel that the Americans will be their steadfast friends in the 
 coming peace conference, holding out for the application to 
 Asia as well as to Europe of the doctrine of the rights of 
 weak nations. China seeks protection from aggression; she 
 wishes to be permitted to manage her own affairs. India is 
 insistently demanding that she be granted great extensions in 
 the privileges of autonomy, and these demands are already being 
 met in a spirit of great generosity by the British Govern- 
 ment. Before the war the Mohammedans of Java were stirring 
 ominously. They agreed to postpone the presentation of their 
 demands until after the war, but there is little doubt that the 
 Netherlands East Indies will share also in the vindication of 
 the rights of weak races. 
 
 The entire Orient is beginning to stir with self-consciousness. 
 The Pan-Asia Movement is small, perhaps too small to be 
 worthy of serious attention at present; but it is indicative of 
 a new life and vitality that hitherto have been quite unknown in 
 Asia outside of Japan. It may yet appear that the most perma- 
 nent contribution which the United States has to make to the 
 settlement of the present world disorder will be made, not on 
 the battlefields of Europe, but on the plains of Asia. The war 
 must be won; yes, but after victory is obtained, we shall have 
 to face the other problem of conserving the results of the vic- 
 tory to those neglected and restless areas of the East." — Tyler 
 Dennett, "Foreign Missions and World-Wide Democracy." 
 
 The Great Bulk of the World ' 
 
 "Africa comprises nearly one-fourth of the earth's land sur- 
 face. 
 
 Africa is four times the size of the United States, and ten 
 thousand times as large as the state of Rhode Island. It is as 
 great a distance around the coast of Africa as it is around the 
 world. 
 
 Every eighth person of the world's population lives on the 
 Dark Continent. The blacks double their numbers every forty 
 years and the whites every eighty years. 
 
 There are 843 languages and dialects in use among the blacks 
 of Africa. Comparatively few of these languages have been 
 reduced to writing. 
 
 The coal fields of Africa aggregate 800,000 square miles; 
 its copper fields equal those of North America and Europe com- 
 
 51 
 
bined, and its undeveloped iron ore amounts to five times that 
 of North America. 
 
 Africa has forty thousand miles of river and lake navigation, 
 and water power aggregating ninety times that of Niagara 
 Falls." — Rev. J. E. Crowther, "Striking Facts about Africa." 
 
 "While India embraces only one fifteenth of the world's area, 
 it contains one fifth of the population of the globe, about 315,- 
 000,000. With an area a little less than one half that of the 
 United States, including Alaska, it has three times the popula- 
 tion. It has more races than in all Europe and 147 lan- 
 guages. . . . 
 
 Out of a population of 315,000,000, 280,000,000 live in villages. 
 It is estimated that there are over 730,000 villages in India. 
 In the vivid picturing of Bishop Warne, 'If Christ had started 
 on the day of his baptism to preach in the villages of India, 
 visiting one village each day, he would still have 30,000 villages 
 to visit' In other words, he would not complete the trip until 
 the year 2000." — Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for 
 World Democracy," pp. 91, 92. 
 
 "In India are the highest mountains in the world. Engineers 
 have not yet trained all her mighty rivers to fertilize the land 
 nor have they transformed into transmissible electric energy one- 
 millionth part of the power which these waters generate by the 
 fall from their high Himalayan sources. The mineral resources 
 of India have so far only been scratched at, and mining experts 
 and bold financiers have the richest field for their enterprise. One 
 fifth of the area of India is covered with forest. In Burma alone 
 the area under tree-growth is equal to the area of the whole 
 of Italy. The trees have grown and decayed and grown again 
 in unutilized succession for countless ages: they only await the 
 forest engineer with his light railways, his wire rope-ways, his 
 many mechanical contrivances to make the valuable material 
 available for the purposes of man. The Indian climate is trying 
 for human beings but it is good for plants. The rainfall, though 
 variable and very unevenly distributed, is in most parts plenti- 
 ful. The soil is generally fertile. Labor is abundant. Yet 
 with these combined advantages the agricultural out-turn is far 
 below what it ought to be. One hundred and fifteen million 
 acres of culturable land still await the planters who will clear 
 the forest and heavy grass lands and with modern mechanical 
 contrivances do what the poor native cultivator with his in- 
 adequate equipment is wholly unable to accomplish." — Francis 
 Younghusband, "Our Aim in India," The Nineteenth Century, 
 Feb., 1918. No. 492. Pages 272, 273. 
 
 "A hungry world will listen with intef est to at least one claim 
 made for Malaysia : it could feed the globe. Perhaps there may 
 
 52 
 
be a slight touch of exaggeration to that claim, as there has 
 been to some other statements about real estate. Nevertheless, 
 it is within easy hailing distance of the truth. It is not a guess 
 or fervent hope, but the scientific appraisal of experts. Malaysia, 
 contains a million square miles of exceedingly fertile soil, 
 tropical abundance, and frequent harvests. It can produce three 
 yearly harvests of rice or any other tropical grain. Its re- 
 sources have barely been touched. So there is some solid 
 foundation for the belief that Malaysia, if her resources were 
 properly developed, could invite the world into her dining room 
 and say with calm assurance, 'Ladies and gentlemen, be 
 seated !' . . . Malaysia consists of the Malay Peninsula in the 
 southeast of Asia, pointing like a forefinger down at the south 
 pole, and the most wonderful group of islands in the world, 
 including four large ones, Sumatra, Borneo, New Guinea, and 
 Java, and thousands of smaller ones. . . . 
 
 With the exception of Java there is plenty of room for more 
 in Malaysia. It would seem that Java must soon be forced to 
 hang out the sign 'Standing Room Only' at all of her ports. 
 Under the wise rule of the Dutch the population has increased 
 in two centuries from 2,000,000 to 30,000,000. There are 720 
 people to the square mile, more than in any country in Europe. 
 If the other islands attain a density equal to Java, they will 
 hold 720,000,000 instead of 50,000,000 or 60,000,000. There is 
 room for many millions, and large streams of immigration are 
 already flowing from China and India. . . . Immigration is 
 fast making not only a vast, developing civilization in Malaysia, 
 but is making a new race. Over 250,000 Chinese and 60,000 
 from India are coming to Malaysia every year and are rapidly 
 interfusing with the Malays. It is the true melting pot of 
 Asia." — Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World 
 Democracy," pp. 151, 152, 154. 
 
 "China's location is in what Gladstone called 'the zone of 
 power' where all masterful races have dwelt. She has every 
 variety of climate, with rich soil and vast mountain ranges, 
 from which dash great cascades, transformable, like Niagara, 
 into future electric and industrial power. S. E. Little, geo- 
 graphical expert on China, says that no land can compare with 
 China in the extent of its waterways, a network of canals as 
 vast as cheap, uniting many sections of the land. . . . 
 
 The eighteen provinces of China constitute one tenth of the 
 inhabitable globe. They cover as much area as Europe, one 
 and one half times the size of the United States plus Alaska; 
 and these eighteen provinces are less in size than the four 
 fringed dependencies: Manchuria, Mongolia, East Turkestan, 
 and Tibet. . . . 
 
 China's natural resources can scarcely be exaggerated. Every 
 
 53 
 
one of these great provinces of China Is rich In the most neces- 
 sary oils and ores and minerals. One of the keys to understand 
 the reason why the great nations of Christendom have re- 
 peatedly taken China by the throat and shaken her for every 
 sort of concession — mining, railroading, oil fields, territory, 
 harbors — is this — the natural resources of China." — Rev. Charles 
 E. Scott, "China, the Coming Power," Missionary Review of the 
 World, February, 191 6. 
 
 "South America is three times as large as China and four 
 times as large as India. Brazil itself, the fourth largest coun- 
 try in the world, is larger than the whole of Europe. . . . The 
 whole United States could be put into Brazil and leave room 
 for four states the size of New York. The Argentine Repub- 
 lic .. . could hold all of the United States east of the Mis- 
 sissippi plus the first tier of states west of it. Try a 'little coun- 
 try' like Venezuela. Texas, which we think of as an empire 
 in itself, would go into Venezuela twice, leaving room for 
 Kentucky and Tennessee. We call Chile 'the Shoestring Repub- 
 lic,' but we forget what a large shoe it would make a string for. 
 Narrow, it is true, but long enough to reach from New York' 
 to San Francisco and have enough to tie a knot with. . . . 
 South America has larger areas unknown than any continent, 
 not excepting Africa. . . . 
 
 Half the rubber of the world comes from tropical America. 
 From Brazil comes four-fifths of the world's coffee supply, and 
 from its diamond fields more gems than any part of the world 
 except South Africa. Argentina alone, in 19 14, possessed over 
 123,000,000 head of live stock — sheep, cattle horses, pigs, etc. 
 . . . The supposedly barren wastes of Peru the same year yielded 
 1,700,000 tons of sugar cane, and from its mines was shipped 
 $10,000,000 worth of copper. . . . 
 
 South America will claim and receive the largest streams of 
 immigration that are going to pour into the Western world in 
 the next 200 years. . . . One of the most conservative estimates 
 is that of Lord Bryce, who predicts that in two hundred years 
 the population will be 375,000,000; while a common estimate is 
 over a billion." — ^Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for 
 World Democracy," pp. 39-42. 
 
 A World in Transformation 
 
 "Not only are the continents of Asia, Africa, and South 
 America the largest in the new world in territory, natural re- 
 sources, and possibilities for the future, but in each of these 
 continents the issues of democracy and autocracy — the issues 
 of the war — are at stake. 
 
 All Asia is in the process of transformation. In each one 
 
 54 
 
of the countries the issues between democracy and autocracy 
 are being decided. Japan is at present an unlimited monarchy. 
 She has copied her miUtary system from Germany. She is in 
 a place of leadership in Asia. Unless Japan introduces a 
 representative government, she may become a menace rather 
 than a help to democracy in Asia. Will she, in her relations 
 with Korea, follow the policy of Germany or the policy of Great 
 Britain and the United States in relation to this new part of 
 her empire? Many friends of Korea think that while she has 
 brought material advantages to Korea, she has robbed her of 
 the priceless privilege of nationality and self-expression. 
 
 China represents one-fourth of the human fatnily. It was the 
 oldest autocracy in the world, a race with many of the charac- 
 teristics of the Anglo-Saxons, with a country of unlimited 
 natural resources. China may well become the deciding factor 
 in the life of Asia. She overthrew the Manchu Dynasty. She 
 refused to establish a constitutional monarchy. She insisted 
 on a republic. 
 
 The Revolution in China in 191 1 was the most remarkable 
 in history. There had been growing unrest among the Chinese 
 students returned from Japan and among the men who had been 
 educated in America and the West. In South China, around 
 Canton, and through the Yangtze Valley, there were numerous 
 secret revolutionary societies. Dr. Sun Yat Sen and others had 
 been working for a revolution among the Chinese in Japan, 
 America, and other lands. Finally the revolution came in 191 1. 
 In less than three months fifteen of the eighteen provinces had 
 joined the Revolution. On February 12, 1912, the edict pro- 
 claiming the abdication of the Manchu Dynasty was made. Dr. 
 Sun Yat Sen was made first Provisional President, and later 
 Yuan Shih Kai became first President of the Republic. In the 
 actual Revolution itself there were fewer lives lost, according 
 to Sherwood Eddy, than in the single Battle of Gettysburg in 
 America during the Civil War. In many regards China cannot 
 be called even yet a republic, but it is interesting to note that 
 Yuan Shih Kai was not able to make himself emperor, nor 
 Chang Hsun to restore the Manchu Dynasty. But while China 
 has adopted nominally a republican form of government, in 
 reality it is a democracy in promise, .rather than in fulfillment. 
 The question still remains undecided as to whether one-fourth 
 of the human family shall be able to maintain their independ- 
 ence, and take their place among the great democracies of the 
 world. 
 
 Before the British government took control of India it was 
 divided into warring kingdoms, divided both on the lines of 
 religion and of race. The British government has brought order 
 out of chaos, has introduced railways, telegraph, roads, and 
 
 55 
 
other forms of communication; has built irrigation works 
 which have largely eliminated famine; and has brought in- 
 creased material prosperity to India. Through subsidizing mis- 
 sion schools, and establishing government colleges, many In- 
 dians have had the opportunity to learn the English language. 
 Until recently a native Indian could hold only minor positions 
 in the government of India. All the more important posts were 
 filled from Great Britain and given to Britishers. The more 
 able Indians insist that India should have an autonomous gov- 
 ernment under the British flag, the same as in Canada. 
 
 The India National Congress, which met in 1916, was more 
 fully representative of all India than any previous gathering. 
 Both Hindus and Mohammedans participated. A joint program 
 of reform was drafted and presented to the Viceroy. A pro- 
 posed new home-rule plan of government has been prepared by 
 the Secretary of State and the Viceroy of India for presenta- 
 tion to the British Parliament. It looks forward to responsible 
 self-government in India. If Great Britain can and will grant 
 an autonomous government in India, for three hundred million 
 people, it will represent an epoch in the growth of free gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 In the Philippines, America has planned from the first on 
 the basis of making the Filipinos self-governing. This was 
 the reason for her widespread system of public school education. 
 The Philippines occupy a strategic position, as one writer has 
 well said. Nine hundred million people in the Far East are 
 watching the experiment toward democracy among the Filipinos. 
 Even in far away North Africa, a French Governor told a mis- 
 sionary recently that he hoped to see an autonomous govern- 
 ment under the French flag in that section. 'Why not?' he 
 said, 'Look at the American success of the experiment in the 
 Philippines.' 
 
 In the near East the same problems are facing us. The 
 young Turks, trained at Robert College and the Syrian Protest- 
 ant College, organized a movement for progress, and at one 
 time it looked as though they might be successful, but autocracy 
 prevailed. One of the questions which will need to be settled 
 after the war is, 'What shall be the future of Turkey?' 
 
 Africa has been divided up among the European nations. 
 More than any other continent, its fate is directly associated 
 with the results of the war. If European governments can fol- 
 low the principles enunciated by President Wilson, and allow 
 the native people to have a voice as to their future relation- 
 ships, it will mark another mile-stone in the progress toward 
 real democracy. If the success of the experiment in Uganda, 
 where in twenty years under the influence of Mackay and his 
 successors the ordinary progress of two hundred years has been 
 
 S6 
 
accomplished in that native kingdom, can be repeated in other 
 parts of Africa, perhaps even the so-called dark contment may 
 become a part of the new world democracy. 
 
 And so, not only in Europe, and in America, are the issues 
 of democracy versus autocracy being decided. In very truth, 
 the whole world is moving toward free government, a govern- 
 ment of the people, for the people, and by the people." 
 
 The Discovery of the World 
 
 "The very name. The World War,' is more than a geo- 
 graphical measurement. It is history. For it records one of 
 the greatest results of the war so far, the discovery of the world 
 as a whole. It is prophecy as well. For the conflict is not 
 only an appalling war of the world, but a war for a world,^ a 
 new world. The hope of mankind for that new order of life 
 is gathered up in the words in which President Wilson has 
 voiced the mind and heart of the allied nations — 'The world 
 must be made safe for democracy.' " — Taylor-Luccock, "The 
 Christian Crusade for World Democracy," page 12. 
 
 5; 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Democracy in the Making in the 
 Far East 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. From the Viewpoint of Its Relation to the 
 Modern World and the Progress of 
 Liberal Institutions, Characterize in a 
 Few Words the Situation in Each of the 
 Countries in Asia. 
 
 II. What Are the Present Issues in the Far 
 East Which Are of Most Importance in 
 THE Forming of a World Democracy? 
 
 I. Industrial revolution 
 
 a. How does the industrial situation in the Orient 
 today compare with that in England at the time of the 
 industrial revolution? How does the situation differ 
 in Japan, China, and India ? 
 
 b. What problems are brought by the substitution 
 of modern machinery and a factory system for in- 
 dividualistic hand power labor? What evidences are 
 there of these problems in the Orient? In what re- 
 gards will the industrial transformation in the Orient 
 be similar, in what regard more serious than in Great 
 Britain and the United States ? 
 
 c. Can we prevent in the Orient the industrial ex- 
 ploitation of the long fight between labor and capital ? 
 
 ^ If not, why not? If so, how? 
 
 58 
 
d. What significance has the securing of social jus- 
 tice in the Far East in relation to social justice in the 
 West? In the building of a world democracy? 
 
 2. Health and sanitation 
 
 a. How does the health of the Orient compare with 
 the health of the United States? What makes the 
 difference? What is the death rate in the Orient? 
 Prevalence of disease ? To what extent are these pre- 
 ventable ? 
 
 b. What effect has undermined efficiency, through 
 unsanitary conditions and death loss, upon the building 
 of the new world democracy ? 
 
 c. Just what influence has the missionary move- 
 ment had on the health of the Orient? 
 
 3. Status of women 
 
 a. What influence has woman in the Orient? 
 
 b. Compare her status with that in the West. 
 
 c. What effect has her position had upon the ideas 
 and ideals of the Orient? 
 
 d. How does the status of women differ in Japan, 
 China, and India? 
 
 e. What evidence is there of the emancipation of 
 women? What significance will this have in the new 
 world? 
 
 4. Governmental changes in the Orient 
 
 a. In what country in the Orient is the government 
 most stable ? After what nation is the government in 
 this country modelled? 
 
 How much danger is there that Prussian autocratic 
 ideals will dominate the Orient? 
 
 b. In what countries have governmental changes 
 been in progress or are being agitated? What is the 
 issue in each? What hope is there of a republic in 
 China? of a nationalistic movement being recognized 
 in India? 
 
 c. If the Orient fails in democratic government, how 
 
 59 
 
largely and in what ways will this affect democratic 
 institutions in the Occident? 
 
 d. What is your prediction of what will happen in 
 the Orient? What is your prayer? 
 
 e. How important in the progress of democratic in- 
 stitutions in the world is a governmental issue in the 
 Orient? 
 
 5. The modernisation of the Far East 
 
 a. What are the most striking changes in the Far 
 East in the last quarter century? 
 
 b. How can the Orient conserve the best of her old 
 civilization in the midst of these changes? How 
 nearly has Asia adopted Western inventions and civili- 
 zation ? 
 
 c. What are the problems accompanying the intro- 
 duction of Western civilization into the Oriental coun- 
 tries ? 
 
 6. Moral and religious foundations 
 
 a. What are the religions of Japan? What are their 
 most outstanding ideals? What effect have they had 
 upon the life of Japan? How does Shintoism differ 
 from patriotism? Just what is the religious issue in 
 Japan today ? How may Japan be saved from material- 
 ism and agnosticism and gain a moral dynamic which 
 
 ' will hold her steady in the new world ? 
 
 b. Just what are the strong and helpful and what the 
 harmful influences of Confucianism in China? How 
 is Buddhism there different from Buddhism in Japan 
 and India? How do these religions differ in practice 
 from their ideals? Why have spirit worship and 
 superstition resulted from Confucianism? Why are 
 the Chinese abandoning their idols? What dangers 
 are involved? What shall be the new dynamic for 
 China ? 
 
 c. How do the Indian people compare with the 
 Chinese in their religious inclinations? Why has 
 
 60 
 
Hinduism become so low in its moral ideals? What 
 effect has Hinduism had upon caste and upon the sub- 
 merged classes? Upon social reform? What is the 
 religious need of the Hindus? How about Moham- 
 medanism ? 
 7. Christianity and the Orient 
 
 Would you, or would you not, say that Christianity 
 is the only hope of Asia ? Why ? 
 
 III. What Is the Relation of These Issues to a 
 World Democracy? 
 
 1. Why is it more difficult to isolate the Orient today than 
 twenty- five years ago? Than five years ago? 
 
 2. What interest have the Occidental nations in the 
 Oriental nations? 
 
 3. Suppose democracy fails in the Orient — what differ- 
 ence will it make anyway? 
 
 4. What hope is there of the success of democracy in the 
 Orient? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 "The New International Encyclopedia" or "Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica": Articles on Japan, China, Korea, India. Look 
 especially for sections on recent history. 
 
 Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democ- 
 racy." A survey of the principal issues in the countries of Asia. 
 See Chapter III, China the Open Door to Four Million Minds ; 
 Chapter IV, The Leaven of Freedom at Work in India; Chap- 
 ter VI, The Christian Mastery of the Pacific. 
 
 Eddy, "The New Era in Asia." Chapters II to VI. Deals 
 with problems in Japan, Korea, China, and India. Covers situa- 
 tion up to 19 1 3. 
 
 Soper, "The Faiths of Mankind." This covers a brief survey 
 of the religions of the Far East, and will give data for answer- 
 ing the question, "Why cannot the native religions form the 
 basis for a democratic government?" See Chapter II, Who 
 is My Brother? Chapter III, Like God, Like People; Chapter 
 
 61 
 
IV, Vanity, Vanity, All Is Vanity; Chapter V, The Wheel of 
 the Excellent Law; Chapter VI, Honor Thy Father and Thy 
 Mother; Chapter VII, Religion and Patriotism. 
 
 Tyler Dennett, "The Democratic Movement in Asia." 
 Current Magazines: Missionary Reviezv of the World; Asia, 
 the journal of the American Asiatic Association; World Out- 
 look. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 The Island Empire 
 
 "The World War has brought to Japan a greatly increased 
 material prosperity. Japan has gained within the last few years 
 a new position as a World Power. She is now running the 
 race with other Powers in the arena of world civilization. 
 She is experiencing within her own life the throb of the world 
 unrest. Many Christian leaders in Japan fear that because she 
 has not suffered from the War as other nations have, but has 
 experienced increased prosperity, she may miss the deeper 
 lessons of the War; that her tendency to materialism may in- 
 crease. Japan must be saved from this moral and spiritual 
 peril. In her recently developing industrial problems, in her 
 social evil, in her widespread agnosticism and atheism, it may 
 be seen that Japan's need of Christianity is greater than it has 
 ever been." — (Adapted from statements in The International 
 Review of Missions.) 
 
 "The growth in Japan of industrial problems, painfully 
 familiar in western lands, is engaging the earnest attention of 
 Japanese Christians and of missionaries. A survey of indus- 
 trial conditions in the Christian Movement portrays the effects 
 of the change from feudalism to industrialism. Among these 
 are the shifting of population, the physical deterioration due to 
 unhealthy conditions, the rapid increase in women's labor, the 
 weakening of the old restraints associated with the local an- 
 cestral shrines, and a new craving for excitement and vicious 
 pleasures. The working classes have few means of access to 
 the public ear and conscience; only eight per cent of the 
 adult male population have electoral rights. Labor is, however, 
 gradually awakening as. a result of the system of universal 
 education and through the reading of newspapers. Strikes 
 have increased during the year owing to the rise in the price 
 of living without a corresponding increase in wages. The new 
 factory law which came into operation in 191 6, though moderate 
 in its scope and admitting of many exceptions, v/ill, it is hoped, 
 prove to be the beginning of legislation for the welfare of the 
 
 62 
 
workers/' — The International Review of Missions. Jan., 1918, 
 P- 5. 
 
 "We may very fittingly take off our hats when our steamer 
 docks in Japan, for we have reached the Land of Achievement. 
 It is just fifty years since the Reformation of 1868, when 
 Japan began to adopt Western civilization. In that time she has 
 become almost more modern than her teachers. . . . 
 
 Japan leads Asia — but whither ? That is the question which 
 confronts the wOrld today. . . . 
 
 In the words of Count Okuma, the former prime minister, 
 'Japan at present may be likened to a sea into which a hun- 
 dred currents of Oriental and Occidental thoughts have poured, 
 and, not having effected a fusion, are raging, wildly tossing, 
 warring, roaring. The old religion and old morals are steadily 
 losing their hold and nothing has yet arisen to take their place.' 
 The new environment, commercial and industrial, and the new 
 wealth in many quarters, are increasing luxury, license, and 
 lust. It is no exaggeration to say the life blood of the nation 
 is being drained off by immorality. The educational system of 
 Japan, so admirable in many ways, has been powerless to pre- 
 vent the moral peril. The teaching of religion and ethics 
 founded on religion is prohibited in the schools and the moral 
 teaching given is shallow, urging patriotism and loyalty without 
 giving a reasonable and fundamental basis. Among the in- 
 fluential student class, agnosticism, selfishness, contempt for the 
 family tie, and materialism are destructive influences. . . . 
 
 The industrial revolution brings a new demand for a strong 
 moral sense and quickened conscience. The increase of fac- 
 tories, from 125 to 20,000 in thirty-four years, brings grave 
 dangers to the nation. A vigorous moral and social conscience 
 is needed to protest against the waste and cruelty of child labor 
 if the nation is not to suffer frightful loss. Government statis- 
 tics declare that out of every hundred girls to enter factory 
 work, twenty-three die within one year of their return home, 
 and of these fifty per cent die of tuberculosis. Nothing but the 
 realization of the Christian conception of the intrinsic worth 
 of the individual will save Japan from the wide destructiveness 
 of modern machinery driven by commercial greed." — Taylor- 
 Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democracy," pp. 
 137, 139, 140, 141. 
 
 Awakening the Giant of the Orient 
 
 "To try to picture the transformation which China is under- 
 going puts a hard strain on the dictionary. Writers on China 
 in the past fifteen years have ransacked the dictionary for all 
 the words that look like the Whirlpool Rapids below Niagara 
 
 63 
 
Falls and have pressed them into service. We have had in 
 rapid succession China in Convulsion, The Conflict of Color, 
 The Changing Chinese, The New Day in China, The Uplift, 
 The Awakening, The Emergency, The Revolution, China In- 
 side Out, and China Upside Down. It takes a whole con- 
 spiracy of picturesque words to express what is going on. It is 
 a political revolution, a moral advance, an intellectual renais- 
 sance, a religious reformation, and a nineteenth century of 
 scientific and industrial development all combined." — -Taylor- 
 Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democracy," pp. 
 63-64. 
 
 "But nowadays world processes are telescoped and history is 
 made at aviation speed. The exciting part of the transformation 
 of China will take place in our time. In forty years there will 
 be telephones and moving picture shows and appendicitis and 
 sanitation and baseball nines and bachelor maids in every one 
 of the thirteen hundred districts of the empire. The renaissance 
 of a quarter of the human family is occurring before our eyes, 
 and we have only to sit in the parquet and watch the stage." 
 — Edward A. Ross, "The Changing Chinese." 
 
 "A population of nearly four hundred millions of people, set 
 in one of the most productive areas in the world, one half as 
 large as the United States, including Alaska; with coal and iron 
 resources as rich as those of any land on earth ; a laboring class 
 by far the largest and toughest, the most industrious and eco- 
 nomical to be found on the globe — surely here is the stage and 
 here are the. actors for one of the greatest dramas of history. 
 
 This background of the mass of China has far more meaning, 
 however, when we add to it the fact that since the outbreak 
 against foreigners in the Boxer Revolution in 1901, there has 
 developed in seventeen years a reversal of national feeling, 
 an openness to Western influence, such as can hardly be 
 matched in all history. The land where once all life had 
 crystallized into unchangeable molds has suddenly become fluid, 
 plastic, seeking new molds from the Western world. . . . 
 
 Perhaps the most astounding feature of China's awaking is 
 the moral advance, strikingly illustrated by the war on opium 
 begun in the edict of the Empress Dowager in 1906. Thirty 
 years ago the majority of the people in Europe and America 
 would have as soon thought of gravitation being abolished as 
 of opium-smoking being abolished by China. E. A. Ross calls 
 the warfare on opium which China conducted for ten years 'the 
 most extensive warfare on a vicious private habit that the 
 world has ever known.' . . . 
 
 China has embarked on the most stupendous educational 
 task ever attempted. It involves the provision of a million 
 
 64 
 
schools to furnish instruction for the children of school age. 
 Only two per cent of the children are now being educated. 
 Temples are being confiscated in many cities to accommodate 
 schools and colleges. The number of modern government 
 students in Peking in the decade from 1905 to 191 5 rose from 
 300 to 17,000, and the pupils in the province surrounding from 
 2,000 to 200,000. The new system when completed will call for 
 nearly a million teachers. ... 
 
 Since the edict of 1905 abolishing the old system of education 
 and substituting modern methods of instruction the old examina- 
 tion halls are crumbling into dust. And 'with them has 
 crumbled, not only a kind of examination but an attitude toward 
 life, a system of values, a standard of character. The passing 
 of China's old education is the transformation of her life. Now 
 the student who would win governmental positions must an- 
 swer questions in European history, in economics, in social 
 science; and the old Chinese officials, with their huge goggles, 
 their embroidered coats, their clinging to the far past, have 
 gone into hiding, never to emerge."" — Taylor-Luccock, 'The 
 Christian Crusade for World Democracy," pp. 65, 66; dy, 68; 
 73. 74; 69, 70. 
 
 "If I were asked: How long do you expect that China can 
 have an ideal government which is of the people, by the people, 
 for the people? my answer would be, I don't know. If I com- 
 pare conditions in China with what is necessary to make a 
 strong, real republican government, I see that we have not yet 
 an ideal government. The mass of the people in China are 
 ignorant and it is very hard to make a government of the 
 people, by the people. Through their long history the Chinese 
 have been indifferent to political affairs; that is another diffi- 
 culty. Last of all, the Chinese people are poor; as Dr. Eliot 
 said, they are too poor to be good. Oh, poor China, poor China ! 
 Could it stand without a government? I think not. May she 
 be unfortunately governed by the Powers, or by one foreign 
 Power? I hope not. . . . 
 
 But to carry out these things we need leaders — unselfish, 
 true leaders. We have to thank the Americans who have been 
 helping us to train our young men. About a thousand Chinese 
 students have returned from this country and are working in 
 China, and there are fourteen hundred now studying in this 
 country. I hope that you people will give them the inspiration 
 to make them true, unselfish leaders, in order to solve these 
 great problems for China, for their country, for this world." — 
 "The Struggle for Democracy in China," an address by Prof. 
 Chang Po-ling, January 14, 1918. 
 
 W. H. P. Faunce, " Social Aspects of Foreign Missions," p. 73. 
 
 65 
 
A New India 
 
 "Four very significant effects of the War are felt in India, 
 all of them presenting an opportunity to the Christian Church. 
 
 1. A smashing blow is being delivered to the caste system. 
 Probably 300,000 troops have crossed the sea from India and 
 by so doing have broken caste; and in order to be reinstated 
 into caste these men must go through a very contemptible 
 ceremony, which no self-respecting Hindu will submit to. It 
 will be impossible for India to insist on that when these soldiers 
 come back as victors from the great World War. 
 
 2. This conflict has had a mighty unifying power. We some- 
 times speak of India as a single country. As a matter of fact 
 it is a continent, with many peoples, many languages, and three 
 great organized systems of religion. The War is uniting India. 
 
 3. The new sense of loyalty has never before been so openly 
 expressed. The natives of India have sworn their allegiance in 
 blood in Flanders. They have floated a War Loan in India of 
 $500,000,000, twice their annual revenue. 
 
 4. An increasing degree of self-government is to be given to 
 India. The ofiicial representation of India at the Jmperial War 
 Conference in March, 1917, and the expression of opinion by 
 the conference that India should be fully represented at all 
 future imperial conferences form a landmark in the history of 
 the relations between India and the rest of the British Empire." 
 — Adapted from discussion by Rev. H. F. Laflamme, of India. 
 
 "The busy whirl of factory wheels is mingling today with 
 the sound of the temple bells. In a land which from time im- 
 memorial has been almost entirely agricultural, over 35,000,000 
 people are dependent on industrial occupations for a living." 
 — Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democ- 
 racy," p. 94. 
 
 "The development of self-governing institutions in India will 
 necessitate the complete reversal of the attitude of 315,000,000 
 people. The Indians have been accustomed throughout their 
 history to autocratic forms of government: their social institu- 
 tions, their teaching, their philosophy of life are all based upon 
 the principle of authority and tradition. They have been bred 
 to expect commands and authoritative decisions, and to lean 
 upon precedent. They have been unaccustomed to think or act 
 for themselves. If they are to be fitted for self-government, 
 all this has to be changed — to be exactly reversed. Self-govern- 
 ment in the political sphere will be of no avail unless social 
 institutions also are permeated with the idea of freedom and 
 responsibility, and social institutions will not be thus imbued 
 unless the native disposition of the people has been changed 
 in that direction. The great political change from the principle 
 
 66 
 
of autocracy to the principle of democracy cannot be made unless 
 the people make social changes also. Institutions, social and reli- 
 gious, which are based on Authority will have to be remodelled 
 on a basis of Justice and Liberty. People instead of expecting 
 their activities to be directed and imposed on them from above 
 will have to depend upon the well-spring of activity which 
 cometh from within." — Francis Younghusband, "Our Aim in 
 India," in The Nineteenth Century, Feb., 1918. 
 
 The Inadequacy of the Oriental Religions 
 
 "The ancient scriptures of the Hindus, the Vedas, though 
 containing considerable immoral material, upon the whole 
 represent a philosophical idealism; but in practice Hinduism 
 has become gross and sensuous idolatry. There are millions of 
 gods in the Hindu Pantheon, and it makes little difference what 
 god is worshiped so it is done correctly, Hinduism is the 
 only religion in the world in which impurity has become funda- 
 mentally a part of its religious ceremonies. Krishna, an in- 
 carnation of Vishnu, and the god probably worshiped more than 
 any other in India, is represented as falling in love with an 
 endless succession of shepherd maidens and as having thou- 
 sands of children; and pilgrimages are made by worshipers to 
 the scenes of his lust. 
 
 In its outlook Hinduism is hopeless. What the Hindu has 
 to look forward to is an almost endless series of transmigra- 
 tions, during the weary course of which he shall be born into 
 other forms, some higher, some lower, depending upon good 
 deeds and bad deeds. The final goal is to drop into nothingness 
 from which he came. 
 
 Hinduism has clamped on India the terrible system of caste 
 which dooms a man to a certain station and a certain trade. 
 A man of a caste is despised by those of higher caste, while 
 he in turn holds all those below him in like contempt ; and when 
 it comes to the fifty million outcastes, the poor, miserable dregs 
 of the population, even their touch is polluting." 
 
 "Buddhism originated in India in the life of Gautama Buddha, 
 who for sixteen years as a mendicant beggar sought to find 
 the philosophy of life. He reached the conviction that rest and 
 peace could be secured only by self-mastery, by the suppression 
 of our desires; and that salvation is literally self-conquest, com- 
 ing solely by one's own efforts. For forty-five years he jour- 
 neyed back and forth in Northern India, proclaiming his mes- 
 sage and winning converts. 
 
 In practice, a religion so subtle and idealistic, with no place 
 for worship, was doomed either to change or extinction. Change 
 came. Buddha was made a god, and today Buddhism is one 
 of the most idolatrous religions in the world. 
 
 67 
 
Buddhism is practically extinct in India. It has, however, 
 spread over the Orient, entering Ceylon, Burma, Siam, China, 
 Korea, Mongolia, Tibet, and Japan. In China, Korea, and 
 Japan it has been greatly changed because of the ancestor wor- 
 ship, but has supplied in those countries a certain spirituality 
 in which the ethics of Confucius and the patriotism of Shin- 
 toism were lacking. Buddhism promised to deliver men from 
 ill and from the pains of hell, and furnished the basis for the 
 propitiation of evil influences. The sad fact about Buddhism 
 is that, despite the life and character of its founder, it has 
 become gross, superstitious idolatry and in no country has 
 rooted out the spirit worship of the animism which preceded 
 it." 
 
 "The practical turn of the Chinese mind leads that people to 
 look upon religion as 'a means of securing material blessings 
 and of averting physical disasters and inconveniences. At the 
 basis of all Chinese religion is a fundamental spirit worship. 
 The Chinese man lives in dread of smallpox, famine, fires, and 
 floods.' When he starts on a journey, when he builds a house, 
 when he marries a wife, when he buries the dead, in every 
 aspect of life he takes care to propitiate the spirits. Ancestor 
 worship has become fundamentally the propitiation of the spirits 
 of the departed, so they will not bring disaster or disease. 
 
 Confucianism is really not a religion. Confucius gave China 
 its ethical code, its emphasis upon relationships, particularly 
 upon loyalty to allies and to ancestors. It had much to do with 
 both the stability and the conservatism of China. In practice 
 Confucianism has become a state religion and is closely associa- 
 ted with the worship of the ancestral tablets. Laocius, the 
 founder of the other great religion of China, was a dreamer who 
 set forth the doctrine of Tao, or the way. In practice Taoism 
 has become sheer idolatry. 
 
 As already indicated, Buddhism was introduced from India 
 and became one of the three great religions of China. These 
 three religions supplement one another. 'They answer to vary- 
 ing moods of the Chinese soul. Taoism deals with the fear and 
 superstitions of the present life ; Buddhism with death and what 
 is beyond death; while Confucianism as enunciated by the 
 sages furnishes the rule of everyday life. All Chinese are 
 Taoists, Buddhists, and Confucianists as occasion demands — 
 they are not mutually exclusive.' 
 
 While China must embody in her new democracy the true 
 parts of the Confucian ethics, there is no hope of spirit wor- 
 ship and the gross idolatry of Buddhism and Taoism forming 
 the moral dynamic for the new day. Yuan Shih-kai, in a con- 
 versation with Dr. John R. Mott, said he saw this great dif- 
 ference between Christianity and Confucianism; that while in 
 
 68 
 
China they had splendid ideals, Christianity was unique in that 
 it possessed the power which made it possible for men to ac- 
 complish what the religion laid down as a duty." 
 
 "Shintoism, the original religion of Japan, is the embodiment 
 of the spirit of patriotism and of loyalty to the reigning house. 
 Tear the gods and obey the emperor' is its essence. 'Shinto 
 expresses the confidence of the Japanese people that there is 
 something more than their present strength and wisdom which 
 directs and aids, and on which they may rely.' In the sixth 
 century a new religion and a new morality were introduced from 
 China. Buddhism became the prevailing religion of Japan and 
 Confucianism the ethical code. Many divinities were intro- 
 duced and a paradise promised. Through Buddhism, Confuc- 
 ianism was transformed by the substitution of the state for the 
 family as the badge of devotion. 
 
 With the coming of Western education, the old morality based 
 on old beliefs began to lose its hold. The result is confusion, 
 uncertainty, and anxiety. 'Japan is a nation like a ship at sea, 
 not knowing its bearing, without a rudder. Desperate attempts 
 are being made to inculcate moral principles but with little 
 effect. No nation in the world is in a more dangerous situa- 
 tion concerning the deeper things of life than Japan.' . . . 
 President Harada, of Doshisha University, declares that in a 
 sense not true of the old faiths, Christianity has power to 
 satisfy the deepest needs of the heart. It does this by presenting 
 God as a Father, by exhibiting the personality of Jesus, by 
 presenting a positive view of life, by giving a comparatively 
 satisfactory world view and by producing examples of a trans- 
 formed life. In all these respects the religions of Japan have 
 failed." — Adapted with some additional material from Soper, 
 "The Faiths of Mankind." 
 
 Conditions for a Safe Democracy 
 
 "We are bound to consider what are the cowditions that will 
 make democratic principles safe in Asia. One has not to look 
 farther than to our neighbor, Mexico, to see how the weakness 
 of a weak nation may threaten the well-being and practically 
 the peace of even her strongest neighbor. China affords an- 
 other illustration. Japan claims, and with justice, that the dis- 
 organization of China is a menace to the security of her Em- 
 pire. She does not, perhaps, realize so clearly that the in- 
 stability of the Chinese Republic is a very disturbing factor 
 in the American experiment in the Philippines. The United 
 States has dared to lift a small, weak, and neglected race of 
 people almost to the point of self-government. The experiment 
 gives promise of success, but that success is dependent, not 
 
 69 
 
only on the peace of the Orient, but also on the safety of the 
 Orient for democracy. 
 
 If the world is to become safe for democracy, we must look 
 forward to the time not only when every nation is safeguarded 
 from invasion and defeat, but also to the time when each nation, 
 however weak it may be now, shall be strong enough to order 
 its own affairs, maintaining for itself justice and liberty. Until 
 that day shall come in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, and 
 many parts of Europe, the world cannot be safe for democracy." 
 — Tyler Dennett, "The Democratic Movement in Asia." 
 
 The Melting Pot of the War 
 
 ''Three fourths of the non-Christian populations of the world 
 are thrown together into the melting pot of the War, and most 
 of the Christian peoples of the world are there with them. 
 China, India, Japan, Egypt — each of the great non-Christian 
 nations is conscious of the touch of the other nations in the 
 War. It is a new sort of international contact, this grouping 
 of all nationalities into those who fight with you and those who 
 fight against you, but it is having its effects. 
 
 Here is a man who went out from India to fight in Europe. 
 Never before did he have any interest outside of his own 
 little section of India, and he carries with him a full set of 
 prejudices and traditional customs. In the very crossing of the 
 'dark water' he broke caste rules. At Gallipoli he found him- 
 self a brother-in-arms of Australians and French, and in France 
 he has fought side by side with British, Senegalese, Canadians, 
 and Belgians. He is no longer a denizen of a hamlet in South 
 India, he is a citizen of the world. It is a hard body blow 
 that the War is dealing to the caste system of India and to other 
 institutions and ideas that belong to the order that is now 
 passing. 
 
 As custom loses its hold on the life of the non-Christian 
 nations and as their prejudices and self-sufiiciencies fall away, 
 we can see the door of opportunity swing more widely open to 
 the entrance of the Christian message." — J. Lovell Murray, 
 "The Call of a World Task." 
 
 JO 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 The Mohammedan Advance 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. On What Grounds Did Germany Count on 
 A Union of Mohammedans in a Holy V^ar 
 Against the Allies ? 
 
 1. // such had happened, how serious would it have been 
 for the Allied cause f 
 
 2. How numerous and how strong are the Mohammedans 
 under the Allied Hag? 
 
 II. What Effect Would the Domination of the 
 Mohammedan Religion Have upon a 
 World Safe for Democracy ? 
 
 1. How far are the Armenian atrocities an expression of 
 Mohammedanism f How? How does Mohammedan teach- 
 ing differ from the German philosophy of the super-state 
 in its justification of atrocities? 
 
 2. What is the Mohammedan idea of God? Of heaven? 
 How does the Mohammedan theology justify immorality? 
 
 3. What is the status of women in Mohammedan coun- 
 tries? What chance zvould there he for an American stiff ra- 
 gist in a Mohammedan land? 
 
 4. Why has M ohammedanism been a check on progress? 
 What relation has the Mohammedan religion to the social 
 ojnd political conditions in the Near East? 
 
 5. Why cannot Mohammedanism form the basis for a 
 democracy? For safe international relations? 
 
 71 
 
III. How Large Is the Danger That Mohammedan- 
 
 ism Will Dominate Africa and Asia? 
 
 1. Northern Africa is solidly Mohammedan. This was 
 once the stronghold of Christianity. When and how did 
 M ohammedanism conquer Christianity f 
 
 2. When and how did the Mohammedans attempt to con- 
 quer Europe f How was it stopped and where? 
 
 3. How strong is M ohammedanism in the land of Jesus' 
 birth? In the countries covered by Bible history? 
 
 4. What progress has M ohammedanism made in Central 
 and Southern Africa among native tribes? By what means? 
 
 5. How do the gains of Christianity among these native 
 peoples in the past half century compare with the gains of 
 Mohammedanism? 
 
 6. What progress has Mohammedanism made in India 
 and China? 
 
 7. How does Moslem use of the sword and political power 
 help and how does it hinder the progress of the Moham- 
 medan religion? 
 
 IV. What Effect Has the Great War Had upon 
 
 Mohammedan Advance ? 
 
 1. Why did Moslems fail to unite in a holy war? 
 
 2. When Turkey loses in this zvar, what effect upon the 
 political unity of Mohammedanism will it have? 
 
 3. How much influence has the loyalty of the Armenians 
 in the face of martyrdom had upon Turkish Mohammedans? 
 
 4. What chance is there that M ohammedanism will be- 
 come dominant in the Near East? In Africa? In China 
 and India? 
 
 V. Where Christianity Has Been Effectively 
 Proclaimed, What Effect Has It Had in 
 Moslem Lands ? 
 I. What had Christian education to do with the Turkish 
 revolution? Why was this revolution not successful? 
 
 72 
 
2. How does the success of Christian missions among 
 high-caste Hindus compare with its success among Mo- 
 hammedans f 
 
 3. How difficult really is it to win a Mohammedan to 
 loyalty to Jesus and His cause f 
 
 4. Compare the effects upon native people in Africa of 
 Mohammedanism and Christianity. Some say Moham- 
 medanism represents a less decided break with the old 
 pagan customs and therefore forms a good half-way point 
 between Christianity. Why has it been true in actual ex- 
 perience that M ohammedanism has hurt the native peoples 
 and made them more difficult to win for Christianity? 
 
 VI. Compare Mohammedanism and Christianity in 
 Their Possibilities as the Religious Basis 
 FOR A World Democracy. 
 
 I. What difference does it make anyway whether we 
 stop the Mohammedan advance? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 "The New International Encyclopedia," or "Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica": Articles on Mohammedanism, Africa, particularly 
 North Africa, Turkey. 
 
 Soper, "The Faiths of Mankind," Chapters on Mohammedan- 
 ism; Chapter IX, A Prophet Who Missed the Way; Chapter 
 X, There Is No God but Allah. 
 
 Patton, "The Lure of Africa." For discussion of the Moham-. 
 medan advance in Africa, see Chapter II, Strongholds of Mo- 
 hammedanism; Chapter III, Islam on the March. 
 
 Current Articles in The Missionary Review of the World 
 and The World Outlook. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 The Mohammedan Menace and Opportunity 
 
 "The unity of the Mohammedan world has not disappeared 
 in spite of this war. Pan-Islamism is dead, but Islam is not 
 yet dead. For Europe Islam has become a national problem 
 
 73 
 
and responsibility. There are 5,000,000 more Mohammedans 
 under the British Union Jack than there are Christian subjects, 
 95,000,000 Mohammedans in all. Little Holland has 35,000,000 
 Moslem subjects; France has 20,000,000; Russia, 20,000,000; 
 Italy, 1,500,000 in Tripoli; Germany, 1,500,000 in Africa. Even 
 those Europeans who do not believe in Christ or in the bless- 
 ings of Christianity would find it difficult to prove that the 
 national governments are not responsible for the economic 
 development, the social well-being, the intellectual uplift and 
 enlightenment of the millions of Mohammedans who have never 
 had a chance. In Egypt, for example, only three out of a thou- 
 sand Mohammedan women can read and write. Is not Great 
 Britain responsible to God for the education of Egypt's woman- 
 hood? 
 
 This question concerns Americans also most deeply. . . . 
 The Moslem population of the Philippine Islands in Mindanao 
 and the Sulu group is 276,000 in one small area. Is there that 
 number of unevangelized American negroes, or Indians, or 
 mountaineers, or immigrants in any one of our cities, massed 
 together as these Moslems are massed in the Philippine Islands ? 
 Ex-President Taft said recently in Carnegie Hall that there 
 was no chance whatever to teach these American Moham- 
 medans the principles of democracy until they had learned the 
 principles of Christianity. . . . 
 
 But the question concerns us . . . also on the simple basis 
 of our common humanity ... on the basis of the social prob- 
 lem, the condition of Mohammedan childhood, the condition of 
 Mohammedan womanhood, the unutterable degradation of Mo- 
 hammedan manhood. . . . 
 
 There is no place under the American flag where polygamy 
 and slavery dare lift their heads in open daylight save in the 
 Philippine Islands. The Mohammedans of China are on a lower 
 scale socially than the Confucianists who have never known 
 the living God. Women under the religion of Buddha enjoy a 
 life far superior to those Moslem sisters who are the followers 
 of Mohammed. Khadija, in the days of ignorance, when Mo- 
 hammed himself did not acknowledge the true God, but wor- 
 shiped all the idols of the Kaaba, Khadija had a happier life 
 than Mohammed's harem of twelve women had when he pro- 
 claimed himself the prophet of the Everlasting God. On the 
 social basis alone this problem should grip us until wrong is 
 made right, and womanhood is delivered, and childhood has its 
 opportunity. ... 
 
 The present war presents a new world situation . . . Pan- 
 Islamism is dead. Ten years ago, the German traveler, Karl 
 Peters, utterly unconscious that he was a prophet and not a 
 so-called diplomat, wrote in the Fortnightly Reviezv concern- 
 
 74 
 
ing the hostility between France and Germany and England: 
 'If German policy is bold enough, she will be able, at any 
 rate through Pan-Islamism, to fashion the dynamite which will 
 blow up British rule and French rule from Morocco to Cal- 
 cutta.' . . . 
 
 But Mohammedans considered their economic interests, their 
 social interests, their commercial interests, as well as their 
 religious fanaticism; and the dynamite, except in Persia and 
 in Turkey, did not explode. . . . 
 
 Never again will statesmen or politicians or demagogues 
 frighten us by the cry of Pan-Islamism, of two hundred million 
 Mohammedans throwing themselves upon Christendom and 
 proclaiming a Holy War. This means that our fellow mission- 
 aries in India and in Egypt and in Southern Persia and in the 
 whole coast of the Barbary States can preach the Gospel just 
 as freely, or even more freely, than they proclaimed the Gospel 
 before the war; that our hospitals are just as crowded as they 
 were before the proclamation of the Jihad; that, in spite of all 
 that was done in Egypt, the American Girls' School is crowded 
 with Mohammedan pupils, and Assiut College has as many 
 Mohammedans as it ever had. Pan-Islamism is dead. . . . 
 
 In this crisis, we face the future of the Turkish Empire and 
 of Arabia. It is easy to show hatred instead of love, to show 
 vengeance instead of forgiveness. But that is not the way the 
 Master went. Can we still love Turkey? Can we still love 
 the Ottoman Turks? ... 
 
 The crisi&_is upon us. The doors are wide open, and after 
 the war, not only will Arabia be freed, but the whole Turkish 
 Empire will be an open door for opportunity for the proclama- 
 tion of the living Gospel to those who have never seen or felt 
 its power." — S. M. Zwemer, "The Future of the Moslem," in 
 The Missionary Review of the World, Vol. 39, pp. 24-30. 
 
 'Tslam is in a serious plight. She is tied fast to an obsolete 
 theory of the universe, to religious customs and teachings which 
 refuse to fit into the modern view of the world, to a book whose 
 claims to originality cannot be substantiated, and to a character, 
 the great prophet himself, who was only a man and whose 
 deeds and ideals cannot be defended in a world of growing moral 
 convictions. Add to this the presence of slavery and the sanc- 
 tion of polygamy and almost unlimited divorce, which still 
 obtain in all Moslem communities, and the burden must prove 
 unbearable. Think of the indictment against Mohammed, who, 
 because of his ungovernable jealousy, caused his own and all 
 wives in Islam to be secluded in their own homes and behind 
 a veil when they appeared on the streets. Women in Islam 
 must live in another world from the men. All. advantages are 
 denied them; they live for their husbands and have little or no 
 
 75 
 
value as human beings fit for noble lives and companionships." 
 — Soper, "The Faiths of Mankind," pp. 137, 138. 
 
 Conflict of Islam with Christianity 
 
 "For thirteen centuries Christendom and Islam have been in 
 conflict. Not only has the Christian faith during all that period 
 won no considerable success among Moslems, but it has suf- 
 fered serious defeat. . . . All the western part of Asia owns 
 allegiance to Islam. The land where Christianity had its birth, 
 and the fields in which the missionary labors of St. Paul and 
 the early Church first planted the Gospel are now under the 
 sway of the one great religion of the world which, appearing 
 six centuries after Christianity, definitely claims to supersede 
 it. . . . Syria, Asia Minor, and North Africa, which were the 
 scene of the earliest Christian triumphs, and the home of many 
 flourishing churches, have passed under the sway of Islam. 
 
 From its home in Western Asia Islam has firmly established 
 itself in the countries of North Africa which border on the 
 Mediterranean. Helped by the opening up of the African con- 
 tinent, it is rapidly spreading through a large part of that vast 
 area. It has extended eastwards and claims in India 66,000,000 
 adherents, and in China about 8,000,000, while of the 38,000,000 
 inhabitants of the Dutch East Indies, 35,000,000 are Moham- 
 medans. . . . 
 
 According to a careful estimate made in 1912, the total 
 number of Moslems was a little over 200,000,000, and of these 
 eighty-three per cent were under the rule or protection of Chris- 
 tian Powers. . . . 
 
 The number of Christians who have gone over to Islam far 
 exceeds that of the converts from Islam to Christianity. Chris- 
 tendom as a whole has come to doubt the possibility of evangel- 
 izing the Moslem world. The opposition of Moslems is known 
 to be so fierce and obstinate that it seems a hopeless task to 
 overcome it. At the present day among primitive peoples, and 
 especially in the continent of Africa, Islam is advancing with 
 rapid strides, and it seems not improbable that the subjection 
 of the peoples of Africa to the rule of Christian Powers may 
 have the remarkable consequence of accelerating their con- 
 version to Islam. 
 
 The impression that missionary work among Moslems is 
 fruitless is contradicted by the facts of experience. If regard 
 is had to the peculiar difficulties to be overcome, and to the 
 smallness of the effort that has been made, the results are far 
 from discouraging. More than 35,000 converts have been won 
 from Mohammedanism in the Dutch East Indies. In British 
 India the number of converts has been considerable, and not a 
 few of them have been men of education and influence. Before 
 
 76 
 
the war broke out missionary reports from most of the Moslem 
 countries in the Near East told of a new openness of mind and 
 readiness to consider the claims of the Gospel. The solvent of 
 western education, and of political and economic changes, has 
 created new conditions, and the day of real opportunity has 
 only now dawned. ... 
 
 But while we thankfully recognize that in proportion to the 
 effort put forth the results have not been disappointing, it would 
 be folly to shut our eyes to the magnitude and difficulty of the 
 task that has yet to be undertaken. Centuries of conflict, 
 political and theological, have raised a seemingly insurmountable 
 barrier between Moslem and Christian. Deep-rooted prejudices 
 bar the way to any understanding. The missionary comes to 
 Moslems as the representative of a religious system and a 
 civilization which all their traditions lead them to despise and 
 hate. The political and economic pressure of Europe during 
 the past century has aroused in Moslems every instinct of self- 
 defence. Before the Gospel can gain a hearing this wall of 
 prejudice must somehow be broken down. Of missions to 
 Moslems it is preeminently true that if the Gospel is to be 
 effectively preached, it must be proclaimed in deed as well as 
 in word. There must be some conspicuous demonstration of 
 the true spirit of Christianity. To Moslems Christians are the 
 enemy. They must somehow be convinced that Christians are 
 their friends. For this reason medical missions have a special 
 importance among Moslem peoples; they are a striking mani- 
 festation of Christian love. Schools and colleges are another 
 valuable means of removing prejudice and gaining access to the 
 hearts of the people. The circulation of Christian literature 
 and of general literature of an enlightening nature is a form 
 of work which needs to be strongly developed. Few things 
 would do more to persuade Moslems that Christians sincerely 
 desire their good than well-directed efforts to promote their 
 material well-being and to help them to solve the economic prob- 
 lems with which they are confronted. These things are not a 
 substitute for the simple preaching of the Gospel, but in the 
 existing social and historical context the real content and mean- 
 ing of the Gospel can only be made known by being manifested 
 in some form of disinterested practical service, which eyen 
 the prejudiced will recognize to be an expression of love." — 
 J. H. Oldham, "The World and the Gospel," pp. no; io8; no; 
 io8; 109; no, in; 116, 117. 
 
 The Mohammedan Advance in Africa 
 
 "I want to repeat the saying with which you are all familiar, 
 'Every Mohammedan trader is a Mohammedan propagandist.' 
 ... It has been said (and it is true) that for every Christian 
 
 77 
 
convert our missionaries make in Central Africa, the Moham- 
 medans make ten. ... 
 
 In connection with the survey of Africa, it was said, at the 
 Edinburgh Conference, 'If we would prevent the extension of 
 the reign of Islam in the south, we must undermine its founda- 
 tions in the north.' And again, 'We have not only to stay the 
 advance of Islam in Africa; we have to win the Moslem world 
 in Africa for Christ. Its gates are opening for the Gospel, 
 though the entrances are narrow, and to be used with wisdom 
 and care, lest they be forcibly closed again. But every foothold 
 won by Christian missions means a growing opportunity. ^ And 
 until,' mark these words, 'until the foundations of Islam in the 
 north are shaken and removed the Christianity which may be 
 established in Central Africa will be perpetually exposed to its 
 assaults.' 
 
 And there is no adequate realization of the seriousness of the 
 peril. The Church at home has not yet realized how much 
 greater is the problem of evangelization when Islam has once 
 entered in, how much easier it is to stem the tide than to win 
 back the territory that has been lost, how for every single year 
 required to evangelize a pagan tribe we must invest ten to 
 reconquer from Islam the territory that so easily might have 
 been ours, if we had only been on time." — Karl Kumm, Ph.D., 
 "Stemming the Mohammedan Tide" in "The Christian Occupa- 
 tion of Africa," pp. 117, 1 19-120. 
 
 The Influence of the War on Mohammedanism 
 
 "The general war has broken up the solidarity of Islam, shat- 
 tered its boasted unity, and destroyed its hope of final physical 
 triumph over Christianity and the other great religions. The 
 Mohammedans, wherever found, have lost much of their power 
 and moral resistance, while their hearts have been made sad 
 and tender by the sense of a disappointed hope and faith in a 
 religion that has failed them. The door of approach to the 
 Mohammedans is beginning to open. Will the Church of Christ 
 be ready to enter?" — James L. Barton. 
 
 "One of the greatest results of the war will undoubtedly be 
 the influence on the Mohammedan world. Mohammedan sol- 
 dieVs from India and North Africa who return home from 
 Europe must be very different in their ideas and habits from 
 their comrades who have never been away from home. 
 
 The students of the history of Islam are generally agreed that 
 the war will produce the disintegration of Moslem power and 
 prestige. Many new doors will be opened to Christian mission- 
 aries in Moslem lands. The Christian Church must be ready 
 to advance." ^ 
 
 78 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Land, Labor, and Religion in the 
 New Africa 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. How Does Africa Compare with the Other 
 Continents ? 
 
 1. Note quickly the size and population, natural resources, 
 agricultural possibilities, water power, etc., of the continent 
 of Africa. Compare it with the United States, with Japan, 
 in these particulars. 
 
 2. Into what three sections does Africa naturally divide? 
 What are the races, religions, and the comparative resources 
 and possibilities of each? 
 
 II. What Is the History of the Development 
 of Africa ? 
 
 1. Why has it been called the dark continent? 
 
 2. Note the extent and significance of Livingstone's work. 
 
 3. When was the exploration of Africa completed? 
 
 4. The division of Africa. 
 
 a. When and why was Africa divided among the 
 powers ? 
 
 b. What have been the good effects of this division 
 of Africa? 
 
 c. What new problems and difficulties has it 
 brought ? 
 
 79 
 
III. What Are the Chief Problems in Making 
 THE New Africa ? 
 
 1. The land problem. 
 
 a. Compare the problem in the distribution of land 
 in Africa with that faced in America with the Indians. 
 
 b. Note the two attitudes taken, one that the African 
 has no right to the land because he will not develop 
 it; the other that his rights must be thoroughly 
 guarded, even at the expense of agricultural develop- 
 ment. What is to be said for each? If the native 
 of Africa is made economically dependent by the seiz- 
 ure of his land, how will the problems before us in 
 Africa differ from those in Ireland? Russia? Feudal 
 days in Europe? What hope is there that the native 
 African can be given his right to the land and still 
 insure the development of the natural resources of the 
 continent ? 
 
 2. Labor exploitation. 
 
 a. Why is the labor supply so short in Africa? 
 
 b. Compare the incentives to work in a temperate 
 zone with higher developed standards of living, with 
 those in a tropical country with lower standards of 
 living. 
 
 c. What methods have been used to induce the native 
 peoples in Africa to work? Compare the effectiveness 
 and possibilities of compulsory work with the crea- 
 tion of new wants through higher standards of living. 
 
 d. Why has slavery been so earnestly opposed in 
 Africa by liberals and humanitarians? How is com- 
 pulsory work on government or state enterprises justi- 
 fied? How is compulsory work on private enter- 
 prises for private property different from slavery? 
 How much of this is there in Africa? What effect 
 does it have upon the native people? 
 
 e. How can we prevent the labor exploitation of the 
 native African people ? 
 
 80 
 
3- Demoralizing influences of civilization. 
 
 a. What effect does the introduction of civilization 
 among the native people tend to have upon the death 
 rate and the spread of disease? The amount of im- 
 morality ? Why ? 
 
 b. How much of a check are the native religions 
 and "taboos" on immorality? When these super- 
 stitious checks are removed by the introduction of 
 western ideas, what can be done to supply an equally 
 strong motive for morality ? 
 
 c. How can the evil effects of the contact of west- 
 ern civilization with the native people of Africa be 
 mitigated ? What difference does it make whether they 
 are prevented? 
 
 4. The native religions. 
 
 a. How does the spirit worship in Africa differ from 
 that in China? Just what power have the witch 
 doctors? What is the essence of the native religion? 
 
 b. What effect does the introduction of western 
 ideas have upon the native superstitions? 
 
 5. The Mohammedan advance in native Africa. 
 
 a. Review quickly the Mohammedan advance as 
 affecting the life of the native peoples in Africa. 
 (See Chapter VH.) 
 
 b. Should those interested in Africa seek to prevent 
 the Mohammedan advance among the native people ? 
 Why or why not? 
 
 IV. What Constructive Influences Are at Work 
 IN Africa? 
 
 I. What has been accomplished by the representatives 
 of foreign governments in 
 
 a. Ending tribal warfare and slave raids ? 
 
 b. Stopping the ravages of smallpox and sleeping 
 sickness ? 
 
 81 
 
c. Stopping the superstitious practices and the con- 
 trol of the witch doctors? 
 
 d. Increasing material resources? 
 
 e. Establishing justice and stable government? 
 
 f. Spreading education? 
 
 2. What has been accomplished by the missionary move- 
 ment in developing Africa? 
 
 a. What effect has the injustice of foreign govern- 
 ments and foreign representatives in land robbery and 
 labor exploitation had upon the attitude of native peo- 
 ple to the white man's religions? Why was Living- 
 stone's work so effective? 
 
 b. Just how much effect have industrial and general 
 missionary work had upon preparing the native 
 Africans to make the most of the land and resources 
 of the country? Just what possibilities are there of the 
 Africans themselves developing the country? 
 
 c. How much effect have industrial and general mis- 
 sionary work had in giving the native people the in- 
 centive for industry ? 
 
 d. How does missionary work help to offset the 
 demoralizing effects of the introduction of western 
 civilization ? 
 
 e. What effect does Christianity have in abolishing 
 superstitions and the control of the witch doctor? 
 
 f. How far can Christianity be said to supply the 
 moral check which the native ''taboos" have furnished 
 against immorality? 
 
 g. What hope is there of repeating in other parts 
 of Africa Mackay's achievements in Uganda? 
 
 V. How Is Africa Involved in the Aims of the 
 
 War? 
 
 1. What ejfect have the war and the training of the native 
 soldiery had upon the possibilities of Africa? 
 
 2. How far can Wilson's principle for colonies he applied 
 
 82 
 
to native tribes in Africa? What do missionary results 
 such as, those achieved in Uganda show as to the possibilities 
 of its adoption? 
 
 3. How should the interest of Christian nations in hack- 
 ward peoples, such as in native Africa, compare with their 
 interest in more advanced civilizations, such as are found 
 in China and Japan? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 "The New International Encyclopedia," or "Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica" : Articles on Africa. 
 
 Patton, "The Lure of Africa," Chapter I, The Lure of 
 Africa; Chapter IV, Strongholds of Christianity; Chapter V, 
 Africa's Debit and Credit Account with Salvation; Chapter VI, 
 The Heart of Paganism. 
 
 Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democ- 
 racy," Chapter V, Flood Tide in the Destiny of Africa. 
 
 Soper, "The Faiths of Mankind," Chapter I, Where Fear 
 Holds Sway. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 The Size and Significance of Africa 
 
 " 'The Next Tinder-box of the World' — such is the startling 
 description which H. G. Wells gives of what Africa may become. 
 The seeds of many of the international rivalries which bore fruit 
 in the present conflict were in Africa. And if the nations of 
 Europe in the years to come regard Africa as so much loot to 
 be grabbed in a selfish and jealous spirit and exploited with no 
 regard for the benefit of the people of Africa, they will lay up 
 for themselves the certainty of future conflict. Because Africa 
 is under the control of one or another of the European nations, 
 it will be more vitally affected by the ultimate decision of the 
 present war than any of the main geographical divisions of the 
 earth save only Europe." — Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian 
 Crusade for Democracy," pp. 113, 114. 
 
 "Very few have any conception of the vast area of the con- 
 tinent. It is easy to say that it begins in the middle of the 
 North Temperate Zone and extends southward 6,000 miles across 
 the tropics to the middle of the South Temperate Zone; or to 
 state that it is 5,000 miles from Cape Verde on the West to 
 
 83 
 
Cape Guardafui on the East; or that there is plenty of room 
 and to spare in its vast area for India and China, the United 
 States/ and all of Europe and that it could feed a thousand mil- 
 lion people. How many realize that every degree of social order 
 is found among its races and peoples, from the least favored 
 pagan in his kraal, to the leaders in building colonial empires, 
 including great cities and vast commercial enterprises ?" — Bishop 
 Hartzell. 
 
 "France has a colony in Africa twenty times the size of 
 France itself. The British flag flies over a territory as large 
 as the United States, and extends almost without interruption 
 from the Cape to Cairo, a distance of 6,000 miles." — The Mis- 
 sionary Review of the World, Vol. 39, p. 449. 
 
 The Blessings of Foreign Rule ' 
 
 "Thanks to Fowell Buxton, Wilberforce, and other champions 
 of African freedom, the commerce in slaves and ivory that so 
 long dominated Africa has given place to an ever-increasing 
 trade in diamonds, gold, copper, wool, cotton, feathers, hides, 
 grains, rare woods, oils, domestic animals, etc. All this is hav- 
 ing its effect on spreading the light, because the African, 
 through incentives growing out of legitimate trade, is being 
 delivered from the bondage of the corruption of idleness. Long 
 ago Foxwell Buxton pointed out 'that the deliverance of Africa 
 is to be effected by calling out her own resources. It is the 
 Bible of the plow that must regenerate Africa.' . . . 
 
 When all is said against the foreign domination of Africa 
 there are but few well-informed people who would deny that 
 for the most part foreign governments have increased the light 
 in Africa. They have established stable rule; they restrain 
 savagery ; prevent inter-tribal wars ; suppress witchcraft, in- 
 fanticide, burial alive ; promote education, industry, and hygienic 
 conditions. Exploitation has given way to the development 
 of the country, and of the native, both industrially and in- 
 tellectually. For instance, 'starvation month,' a period of about 
 two months annually preceding the new crop, is gradually being 
 eliminated through the foresight and frugality of adequate 
 provision for the entire year. . . . After all is said of all that 
 science has done, through exploration, commerce, and govern- 
 ment, in giving light to Africa, it yet remains true that real 
 civilization cannot be developed in a people without vital 
 Christianity." — Wilson S. Naylor, "Lightening the Dark Con- 
 tinent." 
 
 "Europe may well be proud of the intrepid and faithful gov- 
 ernment servants, who, in an exacting and often deadly climate, 
 
 84 
 
under conditions that make the severest demands alike on a 
 man's physical powers and on his moral fibre, with slender re- 
 sources and little companionship, have quietly done their duty 
 and brought about a marvelous transformation in the districts 
 under their rule; of the students and scientists who have mas- 
 tered the bewildering variety of African languages, patiently 
 studied the habits and customs of the people, and overcome 
 the physical obstacles which menaced life and prevented pro- 
 gress in many parts of the continent, laying down their lives 
 in scores that the causes and remedies of fatal diseases might 
 be discovered; and of the missionaries who have unselfishly 
 devoted themselves to the education and moral and spiritual 
 advancement of the peoples of Africa. 
 
 But all that has been done^ falls far short of what is required 
 to discharge the responsibilities which Europe has assumed. 
 . . . The relations of Europe with Africa are stained by the 
 hideous wrong of the slave-trade; and, while the awakened 
 conscience of mankind has practically put an end to this iniqui- 
 tous traffic, the peoples of the continent are still exposed to the 
 danger of pitiless exploitation by the white race." — J. H. Old- 
 ham, "The World and the Gospel," pp. 121, 122. 
 
 The Inhumanities of the Foreigners' Occupation 
 
 ". . . It is useless to close our eyes to the fact that an evil 
 of fearful potentiality is being introduced and fostered all down 
 the West Coast of Africa. . . . Over six and a half million 
 gallons of spirituous liquor of European manufacture were im- 
 ported last year into the British colonies of Sierra Leone, 
 Nigeria, and the Gold Coast. 
 
 'Civilization,' too, has contributed to a decrease in the working 
 population, but in a varying degree. All the Powers have 
 sinned in this respect. I never read of punitive expeditions 
 with 'many natives killed' without inwardly fuming at the folly 
 of the administration which should know how precious, from 
 an economic standpoint alone, is the life of a single native. 
 Yet in some places the tribes are hustled, tormented, and even 
 butchered in a manner little realized as yet by the European 
 public. Think of the loss of life by violent death in both 
 Belgian and French Congo, and in German West Africa ! 
 Think of the countless thousands of bleaching bones scattered 
 over the highways through Portuguese Angola ! 
 
 It is a haunting thought that since the '85' scramble for 
 Africa, the civilized Powers who rearranged the map of the 
 African continent, ostensibly in the interests and for the well- 
 being of the natives, have passively allowed the premature de- 
 struction of not less than ten millions of people. Now these 
 Powers complain bitterly that they are short of labor and 
 
 85 
 
jump at any expedient which presents itself to obtain labor 
 for their hustling developments." — John H. Harris, "Dawn in 
 Darkest Africa," pp. loi, 102, 133-135. 
 
 The New Day in Africa 
 
 "The British Government has had no difficulty in compiling, 
 through a Minister of the South African Union, a long report 
 on German brutality in the administration of German Africa. 
 The Herero war is the greatest blot on the recent colonial 
 record of any nation, and the Germans know it. A great 
 amount of material upon colonial atrocities in German South- 
 west Africa, German East Africa, and Kamerun can be com- 
 piled from German sources; for they have not failed to evoke 
 protests at home. . . . 
 
 But we must not forget that as regards their African record 
 too many nations live in glass houses. . . . 
 
 The French have been highly successful in North Africa, 
 though De Brazza concluded his official investigation of the 
 Congo with the remark that the native sufferings made him 
 wish the French had never entered it. But the general dark- 
 ness of the African story cannot be disguised. Gibbons spoke 
 of the English as showing the truest humanitarianism. Their 
 latest indictment was preceded by an even fiercer one of Leo- 
 pold's administration of the Congo; and for years Sir Edward 
 Grey refused to recognize Belgium's annexation of the region 
 till reforms were effected. We should remember the revelation 
 by Englishmen of the inhuman treatment of the blacks of 
 Angola, San Thome, and Principe by Portugal, and Sir Edward 
 Grey's firm insistence on stopping it. The British Anti-Slavery 
 Society, now agitating for the release of slaves in German 
 East Africa, has had much to condemn under almost every flag 
 in Africa. Even England herself has had African blots upon 
 her 'scutcheon. 
 
 We all hope that new ideals of humanity, a new respect for 
 the rights of weak peoples, will be one of the war's fruits. We 
 cannot afford to fight for justice, tolerance, and democratic 
 idealism in Europe, but not in the great Continent hitherto given 
 over largely to grab-bag exploitation. The nations must see 
 to it that Africa is not a field for the shady administrator or 
 adventurer, as the German colonies and Leopold's Congo in 
 part were; and that respect for black life and limb must be 
 as great as for white. What territorial changes in Africa peace 
 will bring we cannot foresee. Whatever they are, Africa will 
 be one of the touchstones to test whether the world is actually 
 regenerated." — ^Editorial N. Y. Evening Post, September 17, 
 1918. 
 
 86 
 
Who Shall Own the Land? 
 
 "The two fundamental questions in the administration of 
 tropical Africa are the ownership of the land and the em- 
 ployment of labor. The great issue at stake is whether the 
 country is to be administered in the interests of the governed 
 or of the ruling race. The sole hope of a happy issue of the 
 vast experiment on which Europe has embarked in Africa is 
 that an enlightened public opinion should take a firm hold of 
 the principle that the determining consideration in policy must 
 be the welfare of the governed and not the selfish advantage 
 of those who bear rule, and should insist on this principle being 
 carried out in practice. . . . 
 
 The pressure of an expanding white population where climatic 
 conditions are favorable, and in the rest of the continent the 
 desire of commercial gain, constantly threa.ten to dispossess 
 the natives of their rights in the land. At the present time 
 a case of far-reaching importance is being tried before the 
 Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, in which the British 
 South Africa Company claims the whole of the unalienated 
 lands of Southern Rhodesia, amounting to 75,000,000 acres, 
 as the property of its shareholders. The disregard of native 
 rights is often boldly justified on the ground that human progress 
 demands that the weaker should give place to those who can 
 more successfully develop the material resources of the country. 
 
 The Congo Free State, by various acts, appropriated all 
 vacant land, that is to say, all land except the small plots on 
 which towns and villages were built; and at a later date an act 
 was passed appropriating all the products of the soil. It was 
 possible in the year 1903 for the Belgian Prime Minister to 
 declare in Parliament, 'the natives are not entitled to any- 
 thing; what is given them is a pure gratuity,' . . , 
 
 The modern development of large companies and syndicates 
 which has done so much to dehumanize trade relationships in 
 the West, and to substitute for personal transactions between 
 individuals the working of a relentless machine concerned 
 solely with the production of dividends, is exerting its baleful 
 influence in Africa. Mr, J. H. Harris has called attention to 
 the menace of 'the highly organized syndicate, which possesses 
 neither heart nor conscience, and is generally strong enough 
 in influence at home and power abroad to menace any ad- 
 ministration, and, if necessary, to threaten the various govern- 
 ments in two, three, and even more countries at one time.' " 
 —J. H. Oldham, "The World and the Gospel," pp. 123, 124, 
 125. 
 
 "Throughout the colonial world, there is no more striking con- 
 trast between a landed and a landless native community than 
 
 87 
 
the British Gold Coast colony and the neighboring Portuguese 
 colony of San Thome. In both territories cocoa flourishes, 
 both produce excellent cocoa, in both nature is very kind, but 
 while the one will march on conquering the cocoa markets of 
 the world, the other is doomed to ultimate disaster. 
 
 The San Thome cocoa producer is only a laborer — in fact 
 a slave — and he is perishing at such a rate that the depleted 
 ranks must be filled from outside sources to the number of 
 3,000 to 4,000 laborers every year. This constant inflow of 
 labor cannot continue indefinitely, even if European sentiment 
 permitted — which it will not — the revolting concomitants by 
 which this labor has been maintained. The economic future of 
 these colonies from which the supplies are drawn will soon 
 forbid the migration which at present is necessary to the island 
 of San Thome. The population of the Gold Coast^ on the other 
 hand, happy in the enjoyment, in the main, of its own lands, 
 reproduces and to some extent even increases itself every 
 year. The native occupies his rightful place as producer, while 
 the white man finds his true sphere, first as the inspirer of 
 native efforts to place on the market cocoa of increasingly good 
 quality, secondly as the medium by which the cocoa producer 
 is conveyed to the manufacturer, and thirdly that by which 
 surplus European manufactures are brought to the door of the 
 native in exchange for his products." — John H. Harris, "Dawn 
 in Darkest Africa." 
 
 The Exploitation of Labor 
 
 "Next to the question of the land comes that of the supply 
 of labor. There are few of the European colonies in Africa 
 in which the insufficiency of labor does not constitute a diffi- 
 culty. The problem has been created in no small degree by the 
 folly and wickedness of the white man. Mr. Harris estimates 
 that since the partition which began in 1884 the civilized Powers 
 'have passively allowed the premature destruction of not less 
 than ten millions of people.' The causes of this depopula- 
 tion are various. The inhuman treatment of the natives in the 
 Congo with the consequent devastating wars is responsible for 
 the destruction of millions. The system of slavery in the Portu- 
 guese colonies has taken, and is still taking, a heavy toll of vic- 
 tims, and has spread desolation far and wide. The increased 
 facilities of communication resulting from European occupation 
 have permitted a scourge like sleeping-sickness to spread 
 throughout a large part of the continent. Deadly diseases have 
 been introduced by the white man and have wrought terrible 
 havoc. The vices of western civilization have been quickly 
 learned by the natives, and have borne immediate fruit in a 
 decrease in the birth-rate and serious physical degeneration. 
 
 88 
 
I 
 
 In some parts of the continent tribes are rapidly dying out, and 
 the decrease of population is such as to cause very grave 
 concern. 
 
 As soon, however, as forced labor is employed for any other 
 purpose than to meet urgent public needs, and is made avail- 
 able for private undertakings, the practice becomes indistin- 
 guishable from slavery. . . . 
 
 The cocoa industry in the Portuguese islands of San Thome 
 and Principe, as is well-known, has been carried on by what is 
 practically slave labor. In other European colonies forced labor 
 has been used to assist private undertakings, and everywhere 
 the pressure of circumstances is such that the danger can be 
 guarded against only by continual vigilance on the part of the 
 administration supported by an alert and well-informed public 
 opinion. It is not long since the planters in British East 
 Africa petitioned the Government to adopt measures to com- 
 pel the natives in the reserves to work for the white man." 
 —J. H. Oldham, 'The World and the Gospel," pp. 126, 127, 
 128, 129. 
 
 The Old Taboos and a New Morality 
 
 "A new spiritual basis has to be provided for the life of the 
 people. A moral responsibility rests upon Europe patiently to 
 rebuild the social fabric which its violent intrusion has de- 
 stroyed. The task must be begun from within. Only a new 
 spiritual experience, a new conception of the meaning of life, 
 can create new social forms and institutions within which the 
 human spirit can healthily grow. This is the great work which 
 Christian missions have to undertake. They alone can accom- 
 plish it.' Nowhere has this been shown more conclusively than 
 in some parts of West Africa, where the law failed to abolish 
 twin murder and other evils, and Christian missions came in 
 and changed the spirit of the people. Religion is the one 
 force capable of achieving the necessary transformation. This 
 truth is recognized by those who have taken the trouble to in- 
 vestigate the facts, even though they may have approached 
 the question without any initial prejudice in favor of Christian 
 missions. Almost every government blue-book dealing with 
 native affairs in South Africa published in recent years has 
 borne emphatic testimony to the necessity of religious education 
 for the African and the value of missionary effort. 
 
 Shall the African races be enabled to develop their latent 
 powers, to cultivate their peculiar gifts, to create a character- 
 istic life of their own, and so enrich the life of humanity by 
 their distinctive contributions? Or shall they be depressed and 
 degraded, and made the tool of others, the instrument of their 
 gain, the victim of their greed and lust? The greatness of 
 
 89 
 
the issue is well calculated to stir our noblest feelings and call 
 forth what is best in us." — J. H. Oldham, "The World and the 
 Gospel," pp. 132, 133, 137, 138. 
 
 The Opportunity in Africa 
 
 "i. This Conference would impress upon the Christian world 
 and especially upon the Protestant churches of America the 
 remarkable significance of the present moment in the history 
 of African Missions, and the responsibility resting upon the 
 Christian Church to provide noiv the resources of men and 
 money, the strategy in the disposal of the Christian forces, 
 and the outpouring of prayer that shall make it possible to use 
 to the full the God-given opportunity to take Africa now for 
 Christ; and the Conference points to the following facts as 
 indicating the critical importance of immediate action: 
 
 a. The far-reaching psychological and spiritual effects of 
 the war which is changing profoundly the mental horizon of 
 every race and tribe in the African continent. 
 
 b. The political readjustments that must follow the war 
 which will affect the destinies of Africa's peoples more pro- 
 foundly than any political event since the Berlin Conference 
 of 1883. 
 
 c. The Mohammedan menace, which threatens to become 
 more serious as a religious propaganda as Mohammedan political 
 power wanes. 
 
 d. The sudden impinging upon the native in many parts of 
 the continent of a European civilization before whose moral 
 temptations and economic pressure he must go down to racial 
 ruin unless that civilization be interpreted to him in terms of 
 its highest sanctions which are found only in the religion of 
 Jesus Christ." — "The Christian Occupation of Africa," p. 179. 
 
 "The day has gone by when the world could dismiss Christian 
 missions in West Africa with a contemptuous sneer, for Chris- 
 tian missionary effort with its eloquent facts, definitely estab- 
 lished, can no longer be ignored. Of all the forces which have 
 made for real progress in West Africa, Christianity stands 
 some say first, others second, but none can place it last. To 
 it belongs primarily in point of time at leas^, the economic 
 prosperity of the Gold Coast. To it belongs, almost entirely, 
 the credit for the native clerks and educated men on the coast. 
 To it the natives owe their knowledge of useful crafts. To one 
 section of the Christian Church at least belongs the honor 
 of having on the spot saved the Congo natives from extirpa- 
 tion." — John H. Harris, "Dawn in Darkest Africa," p. 265. 
 
 90 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 The Struggle for Freedom in Russia 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. How Much Is Really at Stake in Russia ? 
 
 1. How does Russia rank in its possibilities of influence 
 in the new world F 
 
 a. Compare the population and possibilities of 
 Russia with those of China; of other European 
 nations. 
 
 b. How about its natural resources? 
 
 c. What are the possibilities for expansion within 
 Russian territory? 
 
 d. How strong really are the races which make up 
 Russia ? 
 
 2. What significance has Russia for the new world f 
 
 a. How did Russia before the revolution rank 
 among the autocratic governments in strength and in- 
 fluence ? 
 
 b. Just how significant for the new world will it be 
 if a stable democratic form of government can be 
 established ? 
 
 II. What Have Been the Issues in the Fight 
 
 Between Democracy and Autocracy in 
 
 Russia? 
 
 1. Describe the condition of the serfs before their emanci- 
 pation; also the character of the Russian autocracy. 
 
 2. How much effect had the reforms granted by Alex- 
 
 91 
 
ander Ilf Why were they granted? Appraise the real 
 effect on the present situation in Russia of the emancipation 
 of the serfs, the establishment of the provincial elective 
 assemblies, the modernizing of the legal system, and the 
 organization of at least some elementary and technical 
 schools under the reforms of Alexander II. Why did he 
 not give a constitutional government f 
 
 3. How did Alexander III increase the power of autoc- 
 racy in Russia? To what extent did he do this as an ex- 
 pression of religion? How did his Prime Minister justify 
 this increase of autocracy? What attempts were made at 
 the ^'Russification' of the various nationalities? Appraise 
 Alexander IIFs increase of autocracy in its effect upon the 
 present situation in Russia. 
 
 4. What effect did the industrial revolution and the rise 
 of the business and proletariat classes have upon the Rus- 
 sian situation? 
 
 5. Why did Nicholas II grant the Duma in igo6? How 
 was he able to rob the Duma of its pozver? 
 
 6. What do you think of the suggestion that, if the Russo- 
 Japanese War had co7itinued, the revolution would have 
 succeeded and a constitutional government been established 
 at that time? What difference would such a result have 
 made in the present situation? 
 
 7. What were the sources of strength of the autocracy 
 in Russia? 
 
 a. In what way were the interests of the Bureau- 
 cracy the same as those of the Czar? 
 
 b. What relation did the Czar sustain to the Ortho- 
 dox 'Church? Why would not a religious Russian 
 peasant revolt against the "Little Father" ? 
 
 c. How much effect did the ignorance and isolation 
 of the peasants have? 
 
 d. What relation had the Cossacks and the police 
 to the people? What was the source of the strength 
 of this secret system? 
 
 92 
 
e. How much were the people interested in other 
 reforms except those in regard to the land? 
 
 f. What relation had the Russian autocracy to the 
 Pan-Slav movement? 
 
 8. What was the relation of the land problem in Russia 
 to the rTSvolutionf 
 
 a. Why did not the emancipation of the serfs secure 
 more freedom and progress for the peasantry? 
 
 b. Just what is the actual condition of the average 
 Russian peasant? In what regard was his condition 
 better and in what regard worse than during the time 
 of serfdom? 
 
 9. What effect did the war have on the possibilities of 
 revolution? 
 
 a. What difference in the spirit of revolutionary 
 ideas and the possibilities of a revolution had the with- 
 drawal of the peasants from their isolated villages and 
 their association with the proletariat in Russia's Army ? 
 
 b. The Cossack troops, who had been at the com- 
 mand of the Czar, were largely killed in the war, and 
 in their place were citizen soldiers, peasants, and work- 
 ingmen. What difference did this make in the pos- 
 sibility of the revolution? 
 
 10. Review briefly the recent revolutionary activities in 
 Russia. 
 
 a. What are the three revolutionary parties (the 
 Right Wing, the Left Wing, and the Middle), and 
 for what do they stand? 
 
 b. Why did the Milukoff party fail to succeed ? 
 
 c. Just how did the moderate revolutionists under 
 Kerensky differ from the Milukoff party? Why did 
 Kerensky fall? 
 
 d. Why were the Bolsheviki able to gain the power 
 in Russia ? Why did they make peace with Germany ? 
 
 e. Why are the social revolutionists in Russia not 
 interested in Pan-Slavism and expansion, and 
 
 93 
 
supremely desirous for land distribution and internal 
 reforms? Why did the land problem bulk so much 
 larger in greater Russia than in the Ukraine? 
 
 f. Just what is the goal of the social revolutionists 
 in Russia? What have the parties of the Right and 
 Left Wing in common ? 
 
 III. What Are the Issues for the Future? 
 
 1. What is the hope for a stable social democracy in 
 Russia f 
 
 2. What influence and place should the Greek Church 
 have in the new Russia? What hope of democratic control 
 is there in the Greek Church? 
 
 3. What attitude toward Russia should those take who 
 are hoping for a new world? 
 
 4. Just how much should the United States be willing to 
 put in money into Russia for its rehabilitation and to make 
 possible the solution of the land and other problems? 
 
 5. Specifically, what do you think should be the attitude 
 of the Protestant Church toward Russia? 
 
 6. What is the opportunity of the Y. M. C. A. and Y. 
 W. C. A. in helping Russia? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 "The New International Encyclopedia" and "Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica" : Articles on Russia, particularly sections on size, 
 people, natural resources, and modern history. 
 
 "War Encyclopedia." Articles on Russian Revolution, includ- 
 ing overthrow of Czar, government of the Constitutional 
 Democracy, rule of Kerensky, Bolsheviki in control ; also article 
 on Russia for size, population, etc. 
 
 E. A. Ross, "Russia in Upheaval." This is a vivid account of 
 Professor Ross's experiences in Russia during 1917. It gives 
 interesting insight into the Russian serfdom and autocracy, and 
 the factors which have entered into the revolution. 
 
 Current Magasines: It is difficult to make selections in cur- 
 
 94 
 
rent articles because the Russian situation is so uncertain. In 
 general, the writers are divided between those who believe in 
 the sincerity of the Bolsheviki, but that they have been be- 
 trayed by Germany ; and those who believe the Bolsheviki them- 
 selves are traitors, who have betrayed their country for Ger- 
 many's gold. 
 
 For article expressing belief in the sincerity of the Bolsheviki, 
 see: "On Behalf of Russia — An Open Letter to America," by 
 Arthur Ransome, correspondent in Russia for London Daily 
 News, New Republic, July 27, 1918 (reprinted in pamphlet form, 
 price, 3 cents). 
 
 For article condemning the Bolsheviki as paid German agents, 
 see "The Red Freedom," by Herman Bernstein, Special Cor- 
 respondent New York Herald, Metropolitan Magazine, Septem- 
 ber, 1918. Article also in New York Herald, Monday, June 24, 
 1918. 
 
 See also: "The Russian Revolution — An Interpretation," by 
 Rose Strunsky, Century Magazine, June, 1918; "Soil and Soil 
 Hunger," E. A. Ross, Century, 1918; "Russian Socialists and 
 Their Leaders," The Living Age, June 2, 1917; "Russia, An 
 Ever-Smouldering Vesuvius," Literary Digest, March 9th, 1918; 
 The World's Work, October, 1918, given entirely to articles on 
 Russia. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 The Russia of Yesterday and Tomorrow 
 
 "Russia is not, as generally conceived, a homogeneous Slav 
 state. The race mixture within her borders is almost as re- 
 markable as that to be found in Austria-Hungary. Of the 
 129,000,000 population of the Empire in 1897, but 92,000,000 
 were Slavs; 12,000,000 were Asiatic Tartars; 5,500,000 were 
 Finns (akin to the Magyars of Hungary) ; 5,000,000 were Jews; 
 3,000,000 were of Latin and Germanic stock; and 3,000,000 
 Lithuanians. The race struggle differs from that of Austria- 
 Hungary because the country is so thinly populated and there 
 is little education or means of communication. Until recently 
 there has been no representative government to express dis- 
 satisfaction. But in the crucial test of the Japanese war the 
 people seized their chance to get concessions. . . . 
 
 Russia has now a population of about 170,000,000. At the 
 present rate of increase there will be about 200,000,000 within 
 
 95 
 
ten years. These 170,000,000 people live in a land nearly 9,000- 
 000 square miles in extent, or almost three times as large as 
 the United States. Of the population, about 15,000,000 are 
 Mohammedans, Buddhists, or other non-Christians, about 5,000,- 
 000 are of the Jewish faith, and over 110,000,000 are of the 
 various sects of the Christian religion. The great land in 
 which these people live has nearly 2,000,000 square miles of 
 forest, an area greater than half of Canada. The greatest 
 system of waterways on the earth's surface furnishes at present 
 the main trade channels of the empire. Six of these wonderful 
 rivers alone have a total length of sixteen thousand miles. 
 There are forty-five thousand miles of railway, or more than 
 in any other country except the United States. . . . 
 
 There is one thing upon which there can be no difference of 
 opinion, and that is as to the part Russia is to play in economic 
 history in the near future. As a food-producing area the 
 country will, as it develops, keep prices down to a reasonable 
 level the world over. The wood of her forests will take the 
 place of the lessening output elsewhere. As a market for pro- 
 ducts of the labor of all the Western nations, Russia stands 
 supreme as the greatest potential buyer. The Russian peasant 
 is a simple, honest, and industrious man, tremendous in his 
 physique, virile in his stock, and peaceful in his life and in- 
 tentions. The country itself is largely agricultural and will 
 always remain so. Over ninety per cent of the population at 
 the present time owes its living to the land. 
 
 Such a country as this has its destiny written clear in these 
 days, when the struggle for bread in urban communities of the 
 West dominates national policies through the vital shortages." 
 — Stanley S. Sheip, "Handbook ot The European War," pp. 
 157; 160, 161. 
 
 The German Propaganda in Russia 
 
 "For scores of miles behind the whole Russian front there 
 were hundreds of German agents, speaking the Russian lan- 
 guage, living the Russian life, talking with the families of the 
 soldiers and saying to them, 'Why should we longer fight? Let 
 us call our men back from the front. They are fighting not 
 for Russia any longer but for "bourgeois" Allies.' 
 
 They said: 'We will not sacrifice to send any more food and 
 soon the men will be starved from the trenches.' 
 
 Classes in Russian were conducted among the German sol- 
 diers just north of where we were. One day the German 
 Ordnance Department shipped 8,000 Russian uniforms to be 
 put on by these German soldiers who had now learned to 
 speak the Russian tongue. The next night there were no Ger- 
 
 96 
 
man shells to light up the desolate places on No Man's Land 
 and these thousands of soldiers came over in the darkness to 
 mingle with the Russian tovarishi when the morning dawned. 
 These 'new recruits' fostered their spirit of dissension, talked 
 of 'brotherhood' and 'peace making with the Germans,' 
 
 Then the Germans began dropping Russian news bulletins 
 over our heads. These bulletins were printed in Vilna just 
 back of the German lines. The dominant notes in these were 
 always 'brotherhood' and 'peace.' These were the messages 
 in their newspapers, on posters of many kinds, on post cards 
 which they distributed, in stories which they rumored. 
 
 'Let peace and brotherhood come between the Russian and 
 the Germans; let our capitalistic allies fight their own battles.' 
 Thus did the Germans work. 
 
 It was good propaganda, all right, but all fundamentally 
 based upon the ideal of 'peace' and 'brotherhood' among men. 
 Any message, therefore, that America or the Allies carry to 
 Russia must be on this same high plane of ideals." — Condensed 
 from article by James Lewis, a former Y. M, C. A. Secretary 
 in Russia. 
 
 What of the Future f 
 
 "Who can tell the truth about Russia at the present time, 
 and who dares to prophesy the future? Two radically different 
 interpretations are given of the present situation. One group 
 has the conviction that the Bolsheviki are real patriots, who 
 have been betrayed by the Prussian power, and that Lenine 
 and Trotsky instead of being wild visionaries, if not paid Ger- 
 man agents, had some chance of winning in their idealistic 
 hopes, had not the Ukraine deserted Russia and made a separate 
 peace. The other group are sure that the leaders of the 
 Bolsheviki are under the direct pay of the German Government 
 and have betrayed Russia for gain. 
 
 Whatever may be our interpretation of the situation, we 
 cannot but look with dismay at the reign of terror in Russia 
 at the present time. What might have been in 1906 the 
 gradual introduction of a constitutional government and re- 
 forms, and what gave some hope even in 19 17 of being an 
 orderly though radical social transformation, has become, as 
 the extreme revolutionary party has gained control, a wild 
 reign of terror. ... 
 
 The Dark Ages in Russia have existed up until the present 
 time. The autocracy of Russia was blind, untouched by any 
 reason whatever at times and securing few of the results 
 desired. The old spirit of the Russian government is well 
 exhibited by the system of exile to Siberia for even minor 
 
 97 
 
political offenses, and the treatment of the Jews. In the words 
 of Professor E. A. Ross, 'The government lit no lamps for the 
 people, nor would it allow others to do so freely.' The work- 
 men were held down with a hard cruelty long since abandoned 
 in western Europe. One third of the agricultural land of 
 Russia was in the hands of 110,000 nobles, out of a population 
 of over 160,000,000. The whole social system was designed 
 to concentrate the good things of life in the hands of the few 
 at the top of the social pyramid and distribute all the burdens 
 possible to the shoulders of the common people at the bottom. 
 This oppressive result was secured by the cooperation of the 
 absolute power of the autocracy, the subservient spirit of office 
 holders, a captive church, 'safe' teaching in what schools there 
 were, class distinctions in the law code, the tax system weighing 
 heaviest on the poor, the police, and spies. 
 
 The result of these centuries of oppression has been that 
 when the despotic yoke of the Tsar was overthrown, the peo- 
 ple of Russia were entirely unprepared to maintain a secure 
 democracy. The government kept the people in darkness, and 
 now that the despotism is overthrown, the people do not un- 
 derstand the nature of liberty or the necessity of making ad- 
 justments by law. 'They are too ignorant to perceive the 
 fallacies of agitators who urge them to take what they want 
 now.' Eighty-three per cent of the population above nine 
 years were reported illiterate in 1908, and this figure is still 
 given even by Russian professors. It is not surprising that 
 in its new found liberty Russia has been rearing and plunging 
 like her own wild horses on the steppes. 'To look for a 
 national consciousness,' says Prof. Ross, 'among people who 
 have no mental image of Russia, never saw a map of the world, 
 and could not locate their country on such a map, would be 
 folly.''' This unpreparedness for democracy has been a tragedy 
 of the gravest sort in the present world struggle. It demon- 
 strates the serious obstacles to world democracy which exist 
 in the ignorance and moral weakness upon the part of multi- 
 tudes who desire to participate in it. There can be no doubt 
 of the truth of the forcible words of Bishop Bashford, 'Had 
 Protestantism spent forty millions of dollars in missionary work 
 in Russia during the last forty years, Russian democracy would 
 stand the crisis firmly and would be worth forty billions of 
 dollars in terminating the war.' 
 
 The eyes of the world are eagerly focused on Russia today. 
 Vital questions press for an answer : How long will the present 
 Bolsheviki government stand? What success will the allied 
 nations have in saving Russia from complete domination by 
 Germany? Can famine and disease, involving the lives of 
 millions, be averted? But amid all the complex maze of pos- 
 
 98 
 
sib.hties, one thing stands out clearly. If Russia is ever to 
 emerge out of her present upheaval as a safe, solvent, and 
 just democracy, there must develop within it the forces which 
 have made democracy free and safe anywhere-universaledu- 
 cation enhghtenment and vigorous moral and spiritual ideals " 
 
 99 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 Hindrances to the New World in the 
 Far Places 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. How Serious Are the Losses and Destruction 
 
 OF THE War in Their Effect upon the 
 Building of a New World? 
 
 Think in terms of the loss to the zvorld of man-power — 
 great leaders in fact and in potentiality; the heavy financial 
 burdens, leaving smaller surplus for constructive enter- 
 prises for world betterment, and the common good; and 
 the destruction of food and other material resources, turn- 
 ing a world surplus into a world deficit. 
 
 II. How Does the Seriousness of the World 
 
 Deficit in Europe as the Result of the 
 War Compare with the Perennial Deficit 
 IN THE non-Christian World ? 
 
 1. Where is the greatest physical suffering and basic 
 human need in the world today? 
 
 2. The deficit through death and disease. 
 
 a. Compare the incapacity through wounds and 
 death, and the death rate in the war in Europe, with 
 the incapacity through disease and bad sanitary con- 
 ditions and the death rate in peace times in Asia and 
 Africa. 
 
 b. What are the chief causes of disease and death 
 in non-Christian countries? How much of it is pre- 
 ventable? Consider preventable disease due to igno- 
 
 100 
 
ranee, superstition, lack of medical knowledge, bad 
 sanitation, and neglect of children. 
 
 c. How serious in the world is this lowered effi- 
 ciency and loss of population when there is a world 
 deficit? Are there not plenty of people in the Orient 
 and Africa anyway? 
 
 d. What attitude would the Christian evaluation of 
 the individual lead one to take on this situation ? 
 
 3. The financial deficit. 
 
 a. How does the poverty and financial need of 
 Poland when despoiled by war compare with that of 
 India, China, and Africa in its time of peace? Just 
 how serious, really, is the poverty of these non-Chris- 
 tian lands? 
 
 b. Compare the loss by famine in India with the 
 loss by massacre in Armenia. 
 
 c. In what ways does abject poverty hinder the 
 growth of a new world? 
 
 4. The social deficit. 
 
 a. Just what are the most serious social drawbacks 
 in the non-Christian world? Consider caste, status 
 of women, labor exploitation, etc. 
 
 b. What effect have these upon the possibilities of 
 democracy ? 
 
 5. The educational deficit. 
 
 a. How does the importance of education compare 
 in a democracy and an autocracy ? In what ways does 
 ignorance strengthen autocracy and undermine a 
 democracy ? 
 
 b. What effect did ignorance and superstition have 
 in lengthening the life of the Russian autocracy? In 
 keeping the Manchus on the throne? How large a 
 factor has education been in the growth of democ- 
 racy? 
 
 c. What is the situation in regard to education in 
 Asia and Africa and South America? 
 
 lOI 
 
6. The moral and religious deficit. 
 
 a. What forms of superstition are hindering the 
 stability of democratic institutions? 
 
 b. Compare the graft and dishonesty in poHtical 
 life in Christian and non-Christian countries. What 
 efifects has it upon the possibilities of their govern- 
 ment ? 
 
 c. Why have the non-Christian advantages failed 
 to furnish the moral basis for a new world ? 
 
 d. In what ways has Hinduism been ineffective to 
 meet this need in India; Confucianism to meet it in 
 China and Shintoism to meet it in Japan? 
 
 e. Why has Christianity failed to be more potent? 
 
 f. What hope is there that Christianity can furnish 
 the moral and religious foundation for a free world? 
 
 III. How Much Hope Is There Really or Sav- 
 ing THE Waste and Wreckage of the 
 World ? 
 
 How far is the missionary movement planned to alleviate 
 basic human need? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 J. Lovell Murray, "The Call of a World Task," Chapter IV, 
 The Call of the World's Present Need. 
 
 W. H. P. Faunce, 'The Social Aspects of Foreign Missions," 
 Chapter II, Types of Social Order in the East and in the West; 
 Chapter III, Projection of West into East. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 The Educational Deficit 
 
 "The non-Christian world is ignorant and illiterate. It makes 
 up the great btflk of the eighty per cent of humanity that can 
 neither read nor write. Japan is now a literate nation, but 
 of the other mission lands India would be a fair illustration 
 to compare with Christian nations such as the United States.. 
 
 102 
 
According to the latest census reports, 94.1 per cent in India 
 are illiterate, as against 6.5 per cent in the United States. In 
 China an even larger percentage are illiterate. In Latin 
 America the illiteracy ranges from forty per cent to over eighty 
 per cent in the various republics. In Moslem lands, Dr. Zwemer 
 estimates that with the exception of Turkey, from seventy- 
 five to ninety per cent are not literate, while in pagan Africa, 
 apart from the influence of the mission schools, the people do 
 not even know that writing has ever been invented. Woman- 
 hood has been left in almost total ignorance." 
 
 The Financial Deficit 
 
 "Every non-Christian land is poor. A day laborer in India 
 when work is to be had receives less than ten cents a day and 
 the average yearly income per capita in the whole of India is 
 under ten dollars. In China the unskilled laborer earns from 
 ten to twenty cents per day. The average daily earnings of 
 the Latin American peon amount to eighteen cents. The causes 
 of widespread poverty in non-Christian lands vary somewhat in 
 different countries. They include poor agricultural methods 
 (while the populations depend mainly on agriculture), priest- 
 craft, improvidence, and the prevalence of debt, caste, over- 
 crowding, lack of industries, exploitation, land tenure, and 
 hoarding. Famines, unknown in Christian lands, are common 
 in non-Christian lands. It is safe to say that there is famine 
 in some part of Asia all the time. Five millions perished in 
 India during the famine of 1900." — J. Lovell Murray, "The 
 Call of a World Task," pp. 117, 105, 106. 
 
 The Physical Deficit 
 
 "The non-Christian world is helpless in the face of disease. 
 It is a sick world. In India, where the British Government 
 has attempted to relieve the situation by providing hospitals 
 and medical aid and medical men, as many people as are in the 
 United States are beyond the reach of even the simplest medical 
 aid. A general estimate by careful students suggests that 
 ninety out of every hundred of the inhabitants of non-Chris- 
 tian lands, especially outside the largest cities, have absolutely 
 no access to medical treatment. The Rockefeller Foundation 
 on Medical Work in China reports that 'the need for medical 
 work is found to be greater than anticipated. Not only do the 
 Chinese people lack almost all opportunity for medical treat- 
 ment outside the relatively few centers where missionaries and 
 hospitals haveebeen established, but the development of modern 
 conditions, the introduction of machinery, railways, etc., have 
 resulted in an increase of suffering due to accidents and occu- 
 
 103 
 
pational diseases.' In America there are i,6oo physicians to 
 every 1,000,000 of population, while in China there is one 
 physician to, roughly speaking, every million people. 
 
 And will not those whose true sympathy has led them to 
 appreciate the wrongs and limitations suffered by women in 
 civilized countries think too of the situation in non-Christian 
 lands? Forty millions of women in India pass their lives in 
 the enforced seclusion of the zenanas. Out of some 144,000,000 
 of Indian girls and women, less than 1,000,000 receive the 
 barest rudiments of an education. When we consider that 
 these secluded women can receive medical attention only from 
 women, it is easy to understand the urgent call of the India 
 National Missionary Conference for women physicians. Women 
 are regarded in practice and theory, both in Japan and China, 
 as constitutionally the inferior of men." — Harris-Robbins, "A 
 Challenge to Life Service," p. 50-51. 
 
 The Moral Deficit 
 
 "The non-Christian world is in moral need. Here especially 
 we must caution ourselves against any complacent attitude on 
 the ground that we have recognized the lofty ethics of Jesus 
 as our moral ideal. Let us humbly realize how far short we 
 have fallen of attaining to it. We must bear in mind, too, the 
 fact that the ethical standards of different mission lands vary 
 greatly. But speaking generally, the non-Christian world is 
 in need of a great elevation of moral ideals. Much of the 
 need ... is due to deficient moral standards. Truer conceptions 
 of right and wrong for the individual and of the broader social 
 requirements of morality would have obviated many of these 
 evils. The pioneer missionaries, as they have entered each new 
 field, have been depressed by the moral atmosphere into which 
 they have come. They have met with many excellences and 
 virtues, such as courtesy, hospitality, loyalty, filial devotion, and 
 certain codes of honor to which the people adhered. But they 
 have found dishonesty, graft, governmental corruption, thievery, 
 polygamy, impurity, injustice, cruelty, tyranny, slavery, in- 
 fanticide, murder, and cannibalism flourishing in their various 
 communities with apparently little conscience against them. 
 They have sometimes written home that they could bear lone- 
 liness and deprivation and hardship with glad hearts, but that 
 to breathe the stifling foul air of sin day and night was almost 
 beyond endurance." — J. Lovell Murray, "The Call of a World 
 Task," pp. 120, 121. 
 
 "Nearly a billion people have never heard of Christ — almost 
 two thirds of the population of the globe. That means they 
 stand entirely apart from the whole range of influences associ- 
 
 104 
 
ated with Christianity, the sense of the value of personality 
 and human rights which work so mightily as incentives to 
 progress." — Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World 
 Democracy," p. 28. 
 
 Making Democracy Safe for the World 
 
 "But thoughtful men have come in increasing numbers to 
 see that we have set our faces as a nation to a task which no 
 military victory, however complete, can accomplish. The vic- 
 tory of arms which we pray and believe that God will bring 
 to the allied nations will remove the hindrance to a world 
 free for democracy which lies in an aggressive autocracy bent 
 on conquest. But with that hindrance removed, no mass of 
 armies can bring into being the inner mental and moral and 
 spiritual forces which must be created if safe democracies are 
 to exist and flourish on the earth. No merely military victory 
 can protect the two-thirds of the world which lies distant from 
 the battlefields from its internal weakness and disorder. No 
 military victory can foster the intelligence and moral character 
 which are the foundations of democracy. Only the emancipat- 
 ing, educating, and stabilizing forces of the Christian religion 
 can do that. The task of the hour is one task. In it the two 
 great passions of the human heart join and fuse — patriotism 
 and religion. i 
 
 On the patriotic side it is to rid the world of the menace 
 of the rampant despotism of Germany and her allies; to free 
 democracy from the material obstacle of aggressive autocracy. 
 
 On the religious side it may best be stated by the reversal 
 of President Wilson's words, to make democracy safe for the 
 world; to set at work those forces of education, moral control, 
 and religion among the backward peoples of the world without 
 which democracy is a destruction walking at noonday. 
 
 The thundering call to the Christian Church is plain — if the 
 world is one whole and a scourge in it cannot he quarantined, 
 the cure for that scourge must not he. No part of the world 
 is safe till all is safe. Democracy cannot be safe anywhere until 
 it is safe everywhere. Ignorance and darkness and vice and 
 degradation can no more be quarantined than war. We cannot 
 save the world by homeopathic portions of the Gospel, here 
 a little and there a little. A united world demands of a world 
 Church a world-program." — Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian 
 Crusade for World Democracy," pp. 21, 22; 18. 
 
 105 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 Influences in the Far Places Making 
 for Democracy 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. Why Do the Demoralizing and Destructive 
 
 Influences of European and American 
 Countries upon Backward Nations Receive 
 So Much More Attention than the Con- 
 structive AND Helpful Influences? 
 
 II. What Are the Influences Making for Democ- 
 
 racy IN Far Places ? 
 
 I. The democratising influence of trade and manufactur- 
 ing. 
 
 a. What has been the effect of American trade? 
 
 ( 1 ) What American products have received most 
 
 use in remote regions? 
 
 (2) Just what and how much influence on the 
 
 growth of a country, and the possibiHty of 
 free government, have the sale of the fol- 
 lowing : kerosene oil, sewing machines, 
 agricultural machinery, clocks, flour, talk- 
 ing machines? What effect has the sub- 
 stitution of a good kerosene lamp for a 
 flickering peanut oil wick upon village life 
 in China? 
 
 (3) How far have altruistic and how far selfish 
 
 motives entered into the resourceful efforts 
 106 
 
to secure introduction of these goods into 
 backward nations ? Why does not a com- 
 mercial man think of the relation of his 
 service to the making of a new world? 
 
 b. How much have representatives of foreign coun- 
 tries in trade and engineering helped? 
 
 . (i) How about the influence of foreigners who 
 have cooperated in the building of fac- 
 tories, opening of mines, building of rail- 
 roads, etc? 
 (2) How much opportunity for influence upon 
 movements for democracy have the con- 
 sulting engineers in industrial and mining 
 concerns ? 
 
 c. What effect have native commercial leaders had 
 upon democracy? 
 
 (i) Describe any modern factory welfare work 
 you know. Where did these men get their 
 idea? 
 
 (2) How about the democratizing^ effect of a 
 modern factory in Asia or Africa? 
 
 2. The democratising influence of consular and other 
 representatives. 
 
 a. Look up the record of Chinese Gordon. How did 
 he help forward the cause of liberty in China ? 
 
 b. Review quickly the record of Sir Robert Hart in 
 the custom service of China. How did he help free 
 governnient? 
 
 c. What influence has a consular representative in 
 helping forward democratic institutions? 
 
 d. Just how can business men in foreign ports hinder 
 and how help the making of democracy? 
 
 3. The influence of teachers in government schools. 
 
 a. Review the American record of education in the 
 Philippines. Just how much and what influence toward 
 107 
 
the possibility of the freedom of the Philippines has 
 this government education had? Why has it been so 
 much more successful than the government education 
 in India ? 
 
 b. To what extent have men and women teachers of 
 America been employed in government schools and col- 
 leges in China and Japan ? How have they helped and 
 how hindered the growth of democracy? 
 
 4. The influence of returned students and travelers. 
 
 a. How many Chinese students were in Japan pre- 
 vious to the Chinese Revolution? From how many 
 provinces? Just how large a factor were these re- 
 turned students in the Chinese Revolution? 
 
 b. How large a factor in the Russian Revolution 
 were returned Socialists from America? Why have 
 they misrepresented American democracy? 
 
 c. How many foreign students are in America ? Just 
 how powerful will their influence be upon their return ? 
 
 5. Democratizing influence of missionary work. 
 
 a. How far does the interest of missionary work 
 extend beyond the saving of the souls of heathen peo- 
 ple ? Just how far has the missionary movement given 
 itself to the building of a new social order? 
 
 b. Review briefly the work of translation and crea- 
 tion of literature by missionaries. 
 
 (i) To how many races have the missionaries 
 given their first written language? What 
 effect has a written language on a heathen 
 tribe? 
 
 (2) How do the number of translations of the 
 Bible compare with those of other books? 
 What part have the missionaries had in 
 these translations ? How much other liter- 
 ature has been translated and what has 
 108 
 
been its significance in building a democ- 
 racy? 
 (3) Just what influence has this work of transla- 
 tion brought to bear toward democracy ? 
 
 c. Why primarily have missionaries included educa- 
 tion in their program ? 
 
 (i) How effective is missionary education in 
 Turkey, India, China, and Japan ? 
 
 (2) What relation have Robert and the Syrian 
 
 Protestant Colleges to the Balkan and 
 Turkish situation? St. John's and other 
 colleges in China to the new government? 
 The missionary colleges in India to its na- 
 tionalistic movements, and the possibihty 
 of an autonomous India? Education in 
 Africa to the progress of native tribes ? 
 
 (3) Just what proportionate place have graduates 
 
 of missionary schools taken in the estab- 
 lishment of free governments in these 
 countries ? 
 
 d. Why have missionaries included medical work in 
 their programs ? 
 
 (i) What non-Christian countries have secured 
 modern medical science without the help of 
 the missionaries? 
 
 (2) Review quickly the extent and the results of 
 
 medical work. 
 
 (3) In what ways does medical work help for- 
 
 ward democratic institutions? 
 
 e. What place have industrial missions held in mak- 
 ing free government possible ? 
 
 ( 1 ) What is the Indian idea about work ? 
 
 (2) What effect have industrial missionaries had 
 
 in dignifying labor? In raising the sub- 
 merged classes ? 
 109 
 
(3) What effect has missionary agricultural 
 
 training had upon preventing famine? 
 Raising the standards of living? 
 
 (4) Just what is the extent of the influence of 
 
 the industrial missionary? What help are 
 industrial missions in the building of free, 
 self-sustaining governments? 
 
 f. How much attention have missionaries given to 
 work for social reform in far places? 
 
 (i) Why should missionaries turn their atten- 
 tion from their primary purpose and give 
 it to social reform? 
 
 (2) Appraise frankly and without prejudice the 
 
 influence of the missionaries in the follow- 
 ing reforms : 
 
 ,In India — The abolition of suttee; the freeing 
 of the widows; the fight against obscenity. 
 
 In China — The fight against infanticide, foot- 
 binding, gambling, and opium. 
 
 In Africa — The aboHtion of slavery and the 
 attack on the witch doctor. 
 
 (3) What is the status of women under the Mo- 
 
 hammedan, Buddhist, and Hindu teach- 
 ings? What is their actual standing in 
 India, China, and Japan ? In what ways has 
 missionary work affected the status of 
 women ? What influence has this upon the 
 possibilities of democracy? 
 
 g. What relation has the mass movement in India 
 to the possibilities of self-government ? 
 
 h. How do the teachings of Jesus help the making 
 of democracy? 
 
 (i) How revolutionary in the thought of India 
 or China is Jesus' teaching in regard to the 
 value of the individual, the fatherhood of 
 no 
 
God, and the brotherhood of man? How 
 does this affect caste in India? Labor ex- 
 ploitation in Africa? The hope for a new 
 world? 
 (2) Just how much real power have the new 
 ideals and the Christian religion? How 
 does it differ from the non-Christian reli- 
 gions in its moral dynamic ? 
 
 III. What Are the Results of These Constructive 
 
 Influences ? 
 
 1. What movements were there toward democracy in non- 
 Christian countries before iSy^f Up to i^oof Since igoo? 
 
 2. In what countries are there distinctive movements for 
 democratic government today? How powerful are they and 
 what hope is there of their success? What proportion of the 
 Asiatic and African continents does this represent? 
 
 3. Just how much hope is there that democratic institu- 
 tions will prevail in far places? 
 
 4. In helping forward the establishment of democracy in 
 the world, how does the opportunity of the trader, the en- 
 gineer, the teacher, the agriculturist, the doctor, the minister 
 in Europe or America, compare with his opportunity in Asia 
 or Africa? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 W. H. P. Faunce, "The Social Aspects of Foreign Missions," 
 Chapters IV and V, Social Achievements of Missionaries; 
 Chapter VI, The Enlarging Function of the Missionary. 
 
 Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democ- 
 racy." The entire book is written from the viewpoint of the 
 factors making for democracy in Asia, Africa, and South 
 America, and contains valuable reference material. 
 
 J. Lovell Murray, ^The Call of a World Task," Chapter III, 
 The Call of New Opportunities in the Mission Field. 
 
 Tyler Dennett, "The Democratic Movement in Asia." 
 
 Ill 
 
REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 A Christian Chinese Business House 
 
 "An illustration of Christian business progress is the Com- 
 mercial Press, Ltd., of Shanghai, which was established in 
 1897 by three young Christian Chinese, two of them employes 
 of the Presbyterian Mission Press. The demand for school 
 books which came with the introduction of Western learning 
 gave them their opportunity, and the Commercial Press forged 
 to the front as producers of just what the new China was re- 
 quiring. In 1906 the printers were incorporated as one of the 
 earliest companies under the modern commercial law of China. 
 The Christianity of the company is everywhere apparent. 
 Spacious, well-ventilated workrooms present a marked contrast 
 to the stuffy apartments in which the other printers of China 
 must spend long hours. Clean and comfortable blocks of 
 dwellings for rent at moderate prices have been erected espe- 
 cially for the employes. School privileges from kindergarten 
 to high school are maintained for the children of the work 
 people. A small hospital has been opened by the company for 
 the employes, sick or injured. A work-day limited to nine 
 hours, with a Sunday holiday, is a feature of this shop. The 
 employes are well paid; a bonus in proportion to the record of 
 their work is given, and a certain sum is set aside as a pension 
 fund for retired workmen or their families." — The Missionary 
 Review of the World, February, 191 5, p. 145. 
 
 Government at Work 
 
 "It was a high ideal with which the United States started 
 in the Philippines. In the words of President McKinley: The 
 Philippines are ours, not to exploit but to develop, civilize, 
 educate, and train in the science of self-government. This 
 is the path of duty which we must follow or be recreant to 
 a mighty trust committed to us.' We may well be proud that 
 our nation has been true to that trust. We have given the 
 Filipinos the best we have — ^science, education of the masses, 
 intellectual and religious liberty, a just and liberal government 
 in which they themselves have part. It is a record of progress 
 'unexampled in the contact of any Western people with any 
 part of Asia.' In eighteen years have been brought about the 
 changes of a century. Over 600,000 children are in American 
 public schools, in which the English language is used. More 
 Filipinos are speaking English today than ever spoke Spanish 
 at any one time, notwithstanding the fact that Spain was there 
 three hundred and forty years, while the United States has 
 been there only twenty years. 
 
 112 
 
After eleven years of American control the trade of the 
 islands was three times as large as the highest figures under 
 Spain. Improved agricultural methods, good roads, and rail- 
 roads, are vastly increasing material prosperity. Smallpox, 
 formerly an annual scourge, has been completely w^iped out. 
 Cholera has virtually disappeared. The death rate in Manila 
 has been cut down fifty per cent since American occupation." 
 — Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democ- 
 racy," pp. 148, 149. 
 
 Missions as Constructive Statesmanship 
 
 *Tn a day, and against the background, of disorder and de- 
 struction, we see Christian missions as a great, peaceable, and 
 constructive agency of equalization, transformation, and free- 
 dom. The American people believe that the war in which 
 they have become involved is a righteous and necessary war. 
 . . . But its influence can only be structural and not organic. 
 It is surgery cutting away diseased and vicious tissues. ... 
 
 New ideals, new motives, a new spirit, and a new and living 
 power are needed to change the world ; not a reconstitution 
 of political relationships, but a regeneration of the soul of 
 humanity. Mr. Morgenthau discerned this and spoke of it in 
 his tribute to the missionaries in Turkey on his return from this 
 two years' service as American Ambassador in Constantinople. 
 *A residence of over two years in Turkey has given me the 
 best possible opportunity to see . the work of the American 
 missionaries and to know the workers intimately. Without 
 hesitation I declare my high opinion of their keen insight intt> 
 the real needs of the people of Turkey. The missionaries 
 have the right idea. They go straight to the foundations and 
 provide those intellectual, physical, moral, and religious benefits 
 upon which alone any true civilization can be built.' How 
 deeply this influence has penetrated into the world's life no 
 one can adequately tell. In the years gone by, those most 
 competent to judge have declared it to be the most powerful 
 and penetrating of all influences. ... 
 
 T confess,' said Sir James Meston, the Lieutenant Governor 
 of the United Provinces, at the opening of some new buildings 
 of the Department of Agriculture in the Ewing Christian Col- 
 lege at Allahabad, India, 'that after I have been here and spent 
 an hour on the farm, I always go away seeing visions; • I see 
 a vision of a very different India from what we have now— 
 of an India in which the whole countryside has been metar 
 morphosed by agricultural skill and science; in which, its rustic 
 people are comfortable, in which the land is immune from the 
 ravages of famine, in which the ground is producing three, four, 
 
 113 
 
five, six times what it produces now; and as a correlative to 
 that I see a vision of the great towns, busy with the hum of 
 looms and a purr of electric machinery, which I hope means 
 smokeless chimneys, turning out the comforts and luxuries which 
 a prosperous countryside will require. It is a vision of the 
 future of a great and prosperous country, striding forward to 
 higher things,' ... 
 
 The following is the statement made by Sir W. Mackworth 
 Young, K.C.S.I., Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, upon his 
 return to England: 
 
 *As a business man speaking to business men, I am prepared 
 to say that the work which has been done by missionary agency 
 in India exceeds in importance all that has been done (and much 
 has been done) by the British Government in India since its 
 commencement. Let me take the Province which I know best. 
 I ask myself what has been the most potent influence which 
 has been working among the people since annexation fifty-four 
 years ago, and to that question I feel there is but one answer 
 — Christianity, as set forth in the lives and teaching of Chris- 
 tian missionaries. I do not underestimate the forces which 
 have been brought to bear on the races in the Punjab by our 
 beneficent rule, by British justice and enlightenment; but I am 
 convinced that the effect on native character produced by the 
 self-denying labors of missionaries is far greater.' 
 
 The influence that has wrought thus in India is changing the 
 moral ideals of one-half of humanity. In a recent article in 
 a Japanese magazine the writer pointed out the transformation 
 that had taken place in the meaning of Japanese words in 
 the last twenty-five years, beginning with the Japanese word 
 for God, into which the influence of Christianity had poured 
 an absolutely new meaning. What subtler influence can work 
 upon a nation than this? And it is working not only through 
 the resistless evangelization of a changed national speech, but 
 it is striking home ever more and more to the individual 
 heart. ... 
 
 The one great lesson of the year which is to be carried up 
 into the coming day is the lesson that now, not less but more, 
 must all those forces be intensified and flung forth which can 
 build creatively the new order which must come upon the earth. 
 If, as we believe, we have entered the great conflict to check 
 wrong, to make the world a safe place for freedom, to forward 
 the cause of brotherhood and equality, to secure justice for 
 the weak and to establish the law that strength is given for 
 service, then, the forces which were best fitted to produce these 
 results before the war, and on which alone we can rely to 
 produce them afterwards, must not be abated or diminished 
 now. Every worthy end that the nation believes that it has in 
 
 114 
 
view now in the war is an end for which the Christian spirit 
 has wrought and must still work. No matter what sacrifice 
 must be made, the missionary enterprise must not be sacrificed. 
 Even though its maintenance during the coming year will cut 
 into the capital of the Christian Church that price must be 
 paid. The men who are giving their lives on the battlefield 
 are not serving the nation out of their income, they are pouring 
 out the last and utmost measure. Christ has a right to ask, 
 in the service which alone can establish righteousness upon 
 the earth, that his people shall give him not a fraction of their 
 income only, nor all of their income alone, but that they shall 
 lay down at his feet their very last and all. This is the word 
 of the old year to the new, of the new year to the old." — 
 Robert E. Speer, "Looking Through the War Clouds," The 
 Missionary Review of the World, January, 1918, pp. 11, 12; 14; 
 12, 13; 14, 15- 
 
 The Testimony of Oriental Statesmen 
 
 "Far from being destructive, Christianity is constructive. It 
 elevates individual character, it purifies the family, it strengthens 
 the state, it rightens society. Christianity is charged with 
 undermining the family and blighting the state. On the con- 
 trary I assert that it upbuilds the family, removes the cancer 
 from society, and lifts the people and state to a pitch of great- 
 ness otherwise unattainable. As a patriot I not only believe 
 in Christianity for myself, but I pray above all things that 
 my fellow-countrymen may follow Christ." — Statement of Count 
 Okuma quoted in The International Review of Missions, Vol. 
 6, p. 317. 
 
 "It would be amiss if I failed to mention the enormous bene- 
 fit Christianity is contributing to Japan in the line of women's 
 education and philanthropic works, which would never have 
 attained their present magnitude and development but for the 
 guiding hand of foreign missionaries." — Hon. T. Tanaka, Japa- 
 nese Charge d' Affaires, Washington. 
 
 "Although Christianity has enrolled less than 200,000 be- 
 lievers, yet the indirect influence of Christianity has poured 
 into every realm of Japanese life. It has been borne to us on 
 all the currents of European civilization; most of all, the Eng- 
 lish language and literature, so surcharged with Christian 
 ideas, have exerted a wide and deep influence over Japanese 
 thought. 
 
 Concerning the future it is my own conviction that no prac- 
 tical solution of many pressing problems is in sight apart from 
 Christianity." — Testimony of Count Okuma, Missionary Review 
 of the World, Vol. 39. p. 825. 
 
 115 
 
. "In the first place, China owes a great deal to the foreign 
 missionaries for the introduction of modern education. Not 
 only through their translation of books of modern science, but 
 also through their personal efforts in teaching modern science 
 and arts and in establishing modern schools and colleges, mis- 
 sionaries, particularly those from this country, have awakened 
 an interest on the part of the Chinese masses in the importance 
 and value of modern education. The present widespread edu- 
 cational movement in China is traceable in its origin to a very 
 targe extent to the humble efforts begun half a century ago by 
 pioneer missionaries of the Christian Church in China. The 
 efficiency of missionary institutions in training men of disci- 
 pline and character is a fact generally admitted. Indeed, many 
 of the missionary schools and colleges are recognized as among 
 the best of our educational institutions. 
 
 In the second place, the missionary, as a doctor, has rendered 
 no less service to China than as an educator. The missionary 
 hospitals and dispensaries numbering, I am informed, nearly 
 four hundred, are not only places of comfort to the sick and 
 suffering, but also serve as centers from which the light of 
 modern medical science radiates to the length and breadth o£ 
 China. 
 
 - Then the missionary as a moral and religious teacher and as 
 a social reformer has been a distinct force in China. Perhaps 
 no one can tell how many miserable lives have been made happy 
 and how many living in darkness have been brought to see the 
 light by missionary teaching. Many of the epoch-making 
 reforms, such as the suppression of opium and abolition of foot- 
 binding, have been brought about with no little support from 
 the workers of the Christian Church in China. 
 
 I hold missionary work in high regard, as do so many of my 
 fellow countrymen. The Christian Church has not only rendered 
 valuable service in propagating Christian doctrines, but has by 
 her various activities contributed to the modernization of China, 
 and under the new regime of republicanism, Christianity is 
 bound to make even more rapid progress and accomplish much 
 more in China than she has in the past." — His Excellency, Dr. 
 V. K. Wellington Koo, Chinese Minister to the United States^, 
 Missionary Review of the World, Vol. 39, p. 763. 
 
 fmimng the Far Places for Democracy \ 
 
 *-Everywhere Christianity has brought education to the 
 iliasses. A leading Hindu nationalist in India says ^''After all, 
 when it comes to practice, Christianity alone is effecting what 
 we nationalists are crying for, namely, the elevation of the 
 niasses.' In the social records of mankind the greatest attempt 
 
^f privileged people to carry to deficient races the means and 
 methods of training for life efficiency is the educational work 
 of Christian missions. They have carried to illiterate tribes and 
 nations a complete educational system from public school to 
 university. They have given the emancipation of modern 
 sciences to races held in the bond of an artificial pedantic sys- 
 tem. They have released woman from her ancient bondage 
 and ignorance. They have provided undeveloped groups with 
 the best training for the needs and pursuits of life that the 
 world knows. They have taught domestic science and medicine, 
 industry and agriculture. From India, a Princeton graduate 
 reports that his Indian neighbors grow six or eight bushels 
 of wheat per acre, while with the proper methods of cultivation 
 and seed introduced by the missionaries, twenty-five to thirty 
 bushels are raised under the same conditions. 
 
 The results are social transformations on such a scale as the 
 world has never seen in so short a period. The sons of coolies 
 who did the work of the animals, and those of pariahs, who 
 lived in cowering subjection, have become scholars and edu- 
 cators. The daughters of women who were drudges or play- 
 things have become competent physicians. Age-long social 
 fetters have been broken; time-worn prisons for the mind have 
 been opened; and great masses of the earth's population are 
 now coming with vision and power to take their part in the 
 future development of mankind. 
 
 Unbiased recognition of this result is the fact that the 
 English government has subsidized mission schools in India, 
 and education in China and Japan has now been extended under 
 government direction far beyond the mission schools. These 
 schools have furnished native governments with many of their 
 most enlightened and effective leaders in commerce, education, 
 and statesmanship. More than twenty of the well-known 
 journals of Japan are edited by men who graduated from 
 Christian schools. The contribution of Christian education to 
 the growing democracy of the Near East and the Far East is 
 immeasurable. What forces made the new China? Who are 
 the leaders in movements for democracy in other of the non- 
 Christian nations? 
 
 Here is proof of the help Christianity is giving the world 
 in its search for democracy. When this world movement of 
 Christian education is carried to its inevitable conclusion, when 
 the fullest equipment for life that the science of education 
 provides is given to all the handicapped groups of this country 
 jahd Europe and to all the undeveloped peoples of the earth, 
 what kind of a world will there be? The educational achieve- 
 ment of Christian missions is a world fact and force, only be- 
 ^§use,.§9me:pioneeF spirits of the last generation went from the 
 
colleges to endure loneliness and encounter danger. Have the 
 college men and women of this generation the spirit to com- 
 plete their work?" — Ward-Edwards, "Christianizing Community- 
 Life," pp. 58, 59. 
 
 "The splendid educational institutions of the Near East, the 
 beneficent hospitals and dispensaries, the active printing presses, 
 have been conspicuously successful; and through them and the 
 more ordinary evangelistic agencies, individuals by the thou- 
 sand, Armenians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Syrians, Copts and even 
 some Turks, have been brought to Christ as their personal 
 Saviour. But the leavening of the Levant has been much 
 more general and beneficial than can be expressed in tangible 
 results or statistical returns. The hope of the East in the 
 present crisis lies in the enlightenment and elevation of the 
 Christian populations/' — Joseph K. Greene, D.D., "Leavening 
 the Levant," International Review of Missions, Vol. 6, p. 471. 
 
 "The remarkable work done at Robert College whose superb 
 site on the Bosphorus near Constantinople is even more com- 
 manding than that of Cornell or the University of Wisconsin, 
 caught the attention of the whole world when, in the recent 
 Balkan War, it was found that the ideals of freedom possessing 
 the Balkan States were largely acquired through the education 
 of the leaders in this Christian college of Turkey. On a site 
 not far from Robert College are now rising the fine new build- 
 ings of the American College for Girls." — iW. H. P. Faunce, 
 "The Social Aspects of Foreign Missions," p. 119. 
 
 The New Era for Women in Asia 
 
 The emancipation of women in the Orient is progressing 
 rapidly. From being the slave or the plaything of man, kept 
 in seclusion and in ignorance in many lands, woman is throwing 
 aside the veil, is coming out of the zenana, is entering school 
 and college, and is taking her part in civic life. The Christian 
 missionaries are directly responsible for this awakening. They 
 first inspired and directed it. Today there are colleges, as well 
 as schools, for women in India, in China, and now in Japan. 
 These are being mothered by the Christian women in America 
 and are destined to play a large part in the development of 
 Asia." — The Missionary Review of the World, Sept., 1918. 
 
 Fighting Disease 
 
 "In one hospital in China, founded and maintained by Ameri- 
 can university men, twenty-five thousand out-patients were 
 treated in a single year. This is but one of seven hundred 
 mission hospitals in various lands, The misiionaries have car- 
 
 118 
 
ried modern medicine and surgery to Japan, Korea, China, Siam, 
 India, Persia, Turkey, and Africa. Christianity thus inspires 
 the care of the sick through countless institutions and per- 
 sonal services. ... 
 
 In many lands medical missionaries have pioneered in stamp- 
 ing out plagues and epidemics. Smallpox went unchecked until 
 they introduced vaccination into Siam. Christian doctors were 
 leaders in the fight against the terrible pneumonic plague in 
 North Cnina." — Ward-Edwards, "Christianizing Community 
 Life," pp. 70-72. 
 
 Giving a Written Language and the Printed Page 
 
 "The Bible, or a large part of it, has been translated into 
 about five hundred distinct languages and dialects, and nearly 
 one-half these languages had first to be reduced to writing. It 
 is easy to record such a fact, but who can measure the appalling 
 toil involved or the enormous human uplift resulting? These 
 five hundred languages vary all of the way from ancient San- 
 skrit to the modern Zulu. 
 
 Today one hundred and sixty presses are conducted by the 
 Protestant mission boards in various parts of the world, and 
 they issue annually about four hundred million pages of Chris- 
 tian literature and the Word of God."— W. H. P. Faunce, "The 
 Social Aspects of Foreign Missions," pp. 104, 105; 114, 115. 
 
 Native Kingdoms Transformed 
 
 "From the very outset the young chief (Khama, the Chris- 
 tian Chief of the Bechuana) declared his intention of ruling 
 his people according to Christian principles, and it may be 
 doubted whether any native potentate in South Africa has 
 endeavored as faithfully to carry out his original intention, or 
 has succeeded so signally. In spite of the opposition of the old 
 heathen element, he was successful in gradually putting down 
 objectionable customs, such as witchcraft, circumcision, wife 
 purchase (bogado), and slavery; in stopping the introduction 
 of brandy into his territories; and in building up a stable king- 
 dom upon the ruins of the old lawless and disordered state. He 
 was likewise successful in preventing, through strong repre- 
 sentation and a personal visit to England, the absorption of his 
 territory by the chartered company. Khama remains today the 
 most eminent example in South Africa of a Christianized native 
 chief." — J. du Plessis, quoted by Jean Mackenzie, in "An 
 African Trail," p. 203. 
 
 Skilled Workmen in the New World 
 
 "One of the first tasks of Mackay of Uganda, who went out 
 
 119 
 
to Africa in 1876, was the building of two hundred and thirty- 
 miles of road to open up a new territory. Fortunate indeed 
 was it for him that at the University of Edinburgh he had 
 studied mathematics, surveying, mechanics, drafting, and the 
 principles of fortification. He could build a house, or a boat, 
 or a bridge, or a canal with equal facility, and all who felt the 
 touch of his remarkable life, from the cruel and infamous 
 King Mtesa to the humblest slave, felt a new motive and joy 
 in working with hand and brain at once. ... 
 
 So this ingenious and daring spirit carried into Africa as 
 part of his missionary outfit, steam-pipes, cylinders, piston-rods, 
 crank-shafts, pumps and forges, screws and rivets. With his 
 own hands he calked the seams of his boat, worked at his lathe, 
 made candles of ox-fat, built a steam-engine, fitted up a pit- 
 saw to make planks, and created the essentials of a decent life 
 in Uganda. He made his own apparatus for determining alti- 
 tudes by the temperature of boiling water. He set up a grind- 
 stone and operated a forge while teaching King Mtesa to 
 observe the Sabbath and expounding to him the Nicene creed. 
 In fourteen wonderful years he saw Uganda made a Christian 
 province. The Uganda Railroad, nearly six hundred miles long, 
 was Mackay's suggestion, as it is one of his monuments." 
 
 Faunce says that Mackay's work in Uganda compressed into 
 twenty years what in most countries requires two hundred. — 
 W. H. P. Faunce, "The Social Aspects of Foreign Missions," 
 pp. 159, 160. 
 
 "This . . . cannot be ignored as a method to be used by 
 Christian missions among the peasants in Turkey, the fellaheen 
 in Egypt, the panchamas (outcastes) of India, the savages of 
 Africa, or the islanders of the South Pacific. . . . The moment 
 we grapple with the needs of the tropics we are facing a uni- 
 versal indisposition to labor. Why should the swarthy child 
 of the tropics stoop to toil, when nature has provided for all 
 his material necessities? . . . Hence the missionary has before 
 him the problem of building up character among people who 
 love idleness, and building a self-supporting church among a 
 people who have never learned to save or to give. . . . We 
 absolutely must get away from agricultural methods dating back 
 to the days of Abraham. The times demand it. Few things 
 will better stimulate the dormant faculties, the intellectual life 
 ■of the masses. . . . Some American Christians would open 
 their eyes in amazement — and perhaps in doubt — if they could 
 read 'Bulletin No. I,' issued by this missionary college (at 
 Allahabad) in 1913, entitled: 'The Silo and Silage: A Method 
 of Protecting India's Cattle from Starvation.' Our theological 
 seminaries hardly equip a missionary for building and managing 
 a silo. ... 
 
 120 
 
Already has famine been banished, from among the Kaffirs 
 by the missionaries' teaching as to irrigation and the control 
 of water-supply. The Basel Mission on the Gold Coast now 
 numbers 35,000 communicants. Wagons and carts made in its 
 workshops are now seen in all parts of Sierra Leone and the 
 Kameruns. In its last annual report we find that its export 
 of rubber amounted to thirty-five tons; of palm-oil, 2,700,000 
 quarts; of cocoa, 17,000,000 pounds; while in its savings-bank 
 were deposited by native Christians 757,000 francs. 
 
 Such results followed that Henry M. Stanley spoke of the 
 story as 'an epic poem,' and called Uganda the 'Japan of Africa.' 
 'It is the practical Christian tutor,' said Stanley, 'who can 
 teach people to become Christians, can cure their diseases, con- 
 struct dwellings, understand and exemplify agriculture, turn 
 his hand to anything, like a sailor, that is wanted. Such a one, 
 if he can be found, would be a savior of Africa.' How Africa 
 found such a man in Stewart of Lovedale we shall see in an- 
 other chapter." — W. H. P. Faunce, "The Social Aspects of 
 Foreign Missions," pp. 142, 144, 155, 158, 159, 160. 
 
 "The missionary sees on every side the moral effects of naked- 
 ness, the misery resulting from poor food poorly cooked, and 
 the impossibility of living a clean, victorious. Christian life in 
 a dark mud hut on the ground. Whether consciously or not, 
 he reacts against the heathen environment and begins to develop 
 higher standards of living and create new wants. From the 
 native side the race trait of emulation begins to operate, and 
 everything the missionary has and does stimulates new desires 
 within the black man. The natives soon feel an ambition for 
 better homes, better clothing, and better food, all leading to the 
 desire for a productive occupation. The missionary is therefore 
 under obligation to put within the reach of his people the 
 ambitions and wants whichgphe himself has developed within 
 them, and the only logical way is to teach them how to earn 
 or to make these things for themselves. 
 
 No more effective ally to the spirit of Christ can be found 
 to break down the self-centered, suspicious social system of 
 heathenism than industrial education. Not only does it raise 
 the standard of living and lessen the strain of poverty and 
 unjust taxation, but it leads at once to a Christian cooperation. 
 Heathenism is essentially selfish. The native raises his own 
 food in his own little garden, builds his own hut, and is largely 
 dependent upon his own resources. He sees no reason for help- 
 ing anybody else. Specialized industry changes all this. The 
 carpenter works for the mason and they both buy their grain 
 from the farmer. There is a hitherto-unheard-of pride in work 
 and a healthy competition in the things which make for thrift. 
 The natural resources are utilized for the common good, and 
 
 121 
 
a spirit of neighborliness and mutual interdependence springs 
 up which is a necessary prerequisite for social reform." — 
 The Christian Occupation of Africa," pp. 90-91. 
 
 A Mass Movement Upward among India's Outcastes 
 
 "It is no exaggeration to say that the present mass move- 
 ment toward Christianity now going on among the lowest classes 
 in India, a movement as a body in groups, villages, and castes, 
 is the greatest since the Christian Church was founded. It is 
 the dominating fact in the missionary situation in India. It 
 is a movement of great waves. The Methodist Episcopal 
 Church alone baptized 40,000 in 1915, and is at present baptizing 
 2,000 a week. Last year 150,000 were refused baptism for 
 lack of Christian teachers. Back of them are 6,000,000 calling 
 for instruction and baptism and back of them 50,000,000 avail- 
 able to Christianity. . . . 
 
 These outcastes are so low in the scale of life that they have 
 to 'reach up to touch bottom.' They are depressed classes out- 
 side the pale of Hinduism, sunk in abject ignorance and squalor. 
 It is common for them to live on one meal of grain a day, 
 and a frugal meal at that. The daily wage of the members 
 of the Methodist Church who have come in through the mass 
 movement averages three cents. ... In addition to this poverty 
 the outcastes labor under a pitiless social oppression. Hindu 
 society regards them as so unclean that even their shadow 
 pollutes. . . . 
 
 Throughout all missionary endeavor in India caste has been 
 an almost insuperable obstacle. But the astonishing thing dis- 
 closed by the mass movement is that while the great social 
 network of caste has been powerful to hold men down together, 
 it is also powerful to lift them up together. . . . 
 
 To win individuals out of a ca|fe, in the face of the terri- 
 ble economic and social persecution which awaits them, has 
 been exceedingly hard and slow work. But when a whole 
 village or a large part of a caste gets a vision of the religious 
 and social advantages which Christianity offers and becomes 
 Christian in a solid group, it can change the social customs under 
 which it lives to a large extent. This, in brief, is what is 
 happening among the outcastes of India and is the underlying 
 explanation of the mass movement, in distinction from the 
 older form of missionary success in winning individuals by twos 
 and threes or by families. . . . 
 
 The mass movement is a social as well as a religious move- 
 ment. It is not to be denied that millions are turning to Chris- 
 tianity for freedom from social and economic bondage as well 
 as for spiritual light. It is one of the greatest democratic 
 movements in history. Does that social character of the move- 
 
 122 
 
ment discount it as a Christian evangelistic success? If any- 
 one thinks so, let him read his New Testament over again. It 
 is the response of the oppressed and downtrodden to Christ, the 
 great Democrat, who came 'to preach good tidings to the poor, 
 to proclaim release to the captives and recovering of sight to 
 the blind, to set at liberty them that are bruised.' In the work 
 of Christian missions among the depressed classes of India there 
 is a striking demonstration of the social value of the teaching 
 of Christ. The Christian community which has come from 
 the outcastes has shown great material, intellectual, and moral 
 progress. The whole standard of life has been raised; degrad- 
 ing habits and practices have been abandoned; a new idea of 
 the worth of human life has followed the Christian teaching 
 of the value of every human soul." — Taylor-Luccock, "The 
 Christian Crusade for World Democracy," pp. 99, loi, 102, 103, 
 
 The Dynamic for Progress 
 
 The Christian program is the same as it has ever been since 
 Christ sent out that first group of disciples into Galilee, preach- 
 ing, teaching, and healing. It is lifting the world's life by those 
 three levers. It preaches the gospel of the love of God, the 
 redemptive power of God, and the kingdom of God as an order 
 of righteousness, brotherhood, and service. In every environ- 
 ment that message has proved a germinating force of right- 
 eousness and social progress. In its schools of every kind which 
 belt the earth — primary, secondary, and colleges, industrial and 
 medical schools — it has plowed up the earth for the growth of 
 self-realization and self-government. In its hospitals and social 
 healing of every kind it has set moving forces of vast social 
 transformation. 
 
 The mainspring of human progress has been for nineteen 
 hundred years, and is today, the Christian faith. The moral 
 dynamic that transformed our wild forefathers, the Saxons, 
 Celts, and Scandinavian, into civilized nations was not science, 
 then unborn; not politics, literature or art; it was Christianity.' 
 And the power that has in the last one hundred years aroused 
 Asia and Africa and the islands of the Pacific from the sleep 
 of centuries is not commercial or governmental but Christian. 
 The credentials of the gospel of Christ for a world-task are 
 well urged in the words of President Wilson: 'The Gospel of 
 Christ is the only force in the world that I have ever heard 
 of that does actively transform the life; and the proof of the 
 transformation is to be found all over the world, and is multi- 
 plied and repeated as Christianity gains fresh territory in the 
 heathen world.' " — Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for 
 World Democracy," pp. 29-30. 
 
 123 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 Forces Helping Internationalism 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. What Are the Chief Hindrances to Inter- 
 nationalism ? 
 
 1. What place have national, territorial, political, and 
 trade ambitions played in causing international friction and 
 rivalry? . 
 
 2. What is the purpose of secret treaties and alliances, 
 and of a spy system? Hozv have they increased suspicion? 
 
 3. Why do the East and the West tend to misunderstand 
 each other? 
 
 4. How does lack of contact between nations cause sus- 
 picion and misunderstanding? What are the chief causes of 
 such a lack of contact? . 
 
 5. In what ways have traders and other representatives 
 misrepresented the attitude of Europe and America toward 
 the Orient and Africa? With what effect? 
 
 6. Why has America enacted the Chinese exclusion law? 
 Why did California make discriminating legislation against 
 the Japanese? Just how does this make difficult a basis of 
 frank relationship between nations? 
 
 7. How much have those who returned to Russia and 
 China brought strained relations by their representation of 
 conditions in America, and of their treatment here? 
 
 8. What relation has the development of national churches 
 and a national consciousness in religion, to national political 
 ambitions and international rivalries? How much can a 
 
 124 
 
state church such as exists in Germany and Great Britain 
 and as is being formed in Japan, be depended upon to protest 
 against unrighteous government and politics? Why, or why 
 not? 
 
 II. What Are the Helpful Contacts of the East 
 ^ AND THE West? 
 
 1. Why have government missions come from China and 
 Japan to the West? What are the principal missions that 
 have comef How have these missions been received in the 
 West? How have they helped the relation of the East and 
 the West? 
 
 2. What are the Y, M.C.A. and the Y. W.C.A. doing to 
 help foreign students who come to America? Just what is 
 the significance of the entertainment of hundreds of foreign 
 students in American Christian homes at holiday periods? 
 Their attendance at summer conferences with American 
 students? 
 
 3. What were the chief international societies before the 
 war? How do these compare in number with the interna- 
 tional societies ten years ago? How many nations were in- 
 cluded in the World's Student Christian Federation before 
 the war? What is the significance of this world federation 
 of students? What is the significance of a gathering such as 
 the Lake Mohonk conference of this Federation, with 
 representatives from forty nations? How was this organisa- 
 tion able to stand the strain of war for three years without 
 breaking? What hope does it bring for the formation of a 
 new world after the war? 
 
 4. What is the influence of missionary work on interna- 
 tionalism? 
 
 a. What proportion of the knowledge of Western 
 nations in the remote places is secured through the mis- 
 sionary ? What impression would the native receive 
 of the Western nation, from the missionary and his 
 work? 
 
 m 
 
b. How significant is the responsibility being taken 
 by native peoples in the leadership of Western churches 
 as they are founded in Eastern lands? In the leader- 
 ship of the Y. M. C. A. and the Y. W. C. A. in foreign 
 countries ? 
 
 c. How much will it affect internationalism, that 
 Chinese, Japanese, and Indians have worked with 
 Americans and British on common Christian enter- 
 prises? 
 
 d. What significance does it have for the growth of 
 internationahsm when great churches and organizations 
 Hke the Y. M. C. A. cover work in many nations both 
 East and West, and have world conferences and con- 
 ventions bringing these representatives together? 
 What are the arguments for such international reli- 
 gious consciousness, and what are the arguments for 
 strong national churches and religious consciousness ? 
 
 III. How Far Does Internationalism Make Na- 
 tionalism Impracticable ? 
 
 1. Why are nationalism and internationalism coming into 
 contest? 
 
 2. What evidence is there of a plea for America to re- 
 turn to isolation, and the development of a strong national- 
 ism which can compete in the modern world? 
 
 3. What effect has internationalism on nationalism? 
 
 4. Just how much national consciousness is possible in the 
 worldj organised on the international basis? When is na- 
 tionalism not inconsistent with internationalism? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 J. Lovell Murray, "The Call of a World Task," Chapter II, 
 The Call for Christian Internationalism. 
 
 This discusses eommerce, industry, the press, tourists, and 
 Christian missions in their relation to internationalism,- 
 
 126 
 
W. H. P. Faunce, "The New Horizon of State and Church." 
 H. E. Fosdick, "The Challenge of the Present Crisis." 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 "The lanes of communication have steadily been growing 
 wider and more numerous between the Christian and the non- 
 Christian peoples of the earth. These paths of communication 
 include political conquest and colonization, commerce and trade, 
 diplomacy and treaties, international laws and agreements, ex- 
 ploration and-* adventure, world travel, industry, science and 
 education, telegraph, cable and mail service, the periodical press 
 and other literature, deputations and commissions, student 
 migrations and a host of others. . . . 
 
 We should give thoughtful, concentrated attention to the 
 Christianizing of all our relationships with other peoples, so 
 that the great international arteries of tomorrow will be not 
 so much a network of cables or a complexity of treaties or a 
 developed system of commercial interchange, but pulsating lines 
 of human interest and sympathy and service, in the spirit of 
 Jesus Christ."— J. Lovell Murray, "The Call of a World Task," 
 pp. 40, 41. 
 
 Foreign Students in America 
 
 "Approximately two hundred girls from Oriental countries 
 are students in schools and colleges in the United States today. 
 About half of them are from China, more than a quarter from 
 Japan, and the others are mainly from India, Korea, and the 
 countries of the Near East. 
 
 These young women from Oriental lands are preparing for 
 almost every line of work which women in any country have 
 ever entered. Not a few of them are looking forward to using 
 their education in and through the homes which they are 
 planning to make some day soon. 
 
 But whatever may be the background from which these girls 
 have come and to whatever kind of work they may be returning, 
 certain it is that every one of them will be a leader of unusual 
 influence among the women of her country because of the very 
 exceptional opportunities which have been given her. The 
 Young Women's Christian Association has, therefore, felt that 
 everything that could be done to help these girls to see and 
 know the best rather than the worst of Occidental civilization 
 during their stay in this country would touch not only their 
 own lives but the great host of their countrywomen, whom 
 they will so strongly influence for good or ill in years to come." 
 
 127 
 
— Margaret E. Burton, International Review of Missions^ Vol. 
 6, p. 424. 
 
 International Good Will 
 
 "In the colleges and at summer conferences students repre- 
 senting different races and nationalities are brought together 
 on terms of social equality and cordiality; on the athletic field 
 and in study groups foreign students are mingling freely with 
 one another and with North American students. Such con- 
 tacts are doing much to promote international good will and to 
 give a vision of true brotherhood. ... -^ . . 
 
 True friendship among nations, as between mdividuals, is 
 the result of sympathy, frankness, and patience; misunder- 
 standings are corrected and prejudices are frequently overcome 
 by face-to-face contact on the part of those concerned. There 
 has certainly never been a time in the history of the United 
 States when the people of North America had such a unique 
 opportunity for making friends of the future leaders of all 
 nations as is now afforded by the presence among us of thou- 
 sands of the future educated leaders from abroad, representing 
 forty different nations. ... 
 
 This number of foreign students is rapidly increasing, be- 
 cause war conditions prevent them from enrolling in European 
 universities; moreover, a considerable number of students from 
 Europe will come to us after the war. Probably not less than 
 ten thousand students from abroad will be enrolled in our 
 institutions within three or four years. 
 
 What impression shall these students receive of our 'Chris- 
 tian' civilization?" — The Missionary Review of the World, Vol. 
 39, PP- 356, 359- 
 
 "The missionary movement is the one great work that clearly 
 rests upon the conception of the brotherhood of all men of 
 whatever land or clime. It is, in fact, the most far-reaching 
 international agency in the world today — the most potent way 
 of manifesting good will and of giving of our best to all. It 
 is the best expression of world-brotherhood that has yet been 
 seen. To curtail it in any way would be actually to retard 
 that very internationalism for which we are now fighting — 
 would be to give the lie in Asia and Africa to what we^ are 
 giving our lives for in Europe." — 'Samuel McCrea Covert, "The 
 Missionary Enterprise as the Moral Equivalent of War," Bib- 
 lical World, Dec, 1917, p. 352. 
 
 International Cooperation 
 
 "There are now over thirty international agreements among 
 modern nations, all of recent growth. These all have estab- 
 
 128 
 
lished international unions, to care for postage, telegraphs, 
 navigation, prisons, insurance, opium, submarine cables, the 
 white slave traffic, and other international interests. One of 
 the latest and more valuable is the Pan-American Scientific 
 Union. In all of these cases we have attained united govern- 
 mental action of a positive character, in the promotion of world- 
 welfare, and the limitation of sovereignty has been self-imposed 
 on each cooperating nation. These are a few of the exigent 
 tasks of civilization, which no nation could perform alone. They 
 are constructive efforts at the creation of a fairer, finer world. 
 These things have been accomplished, not through intricate 
 discussions of the relation of states, but through the perception 
 that a definite piece of work needs to be done and that no single 
 sovereign isolated state can do it. These cooperative agreements 
 were born, not out of fear of some future collision, but out of 
 the clear discernment of a present need. . . . But the really 
 inspiring work of civilization — the moral equivalent of war — 
 is largely a work yet to be attempted. There are Suez canals 
 and Panama canals yet to be built. If tuberculosis is to be 
 wiped out by applied science, the scourge must be attacked in 
 New England, in France, in China, in India — ^only as an inter- 
 national enterprise can it succeed. If the Desert of Sahara 
 and the desolated valleys of the Euphrates and the Tigris are 
 to be recovered for human homes, the work should be done by 
 international agreement and cooperation. If a railroad is to 
 be built from New York through to Valparaiso it must be per- 
 force under international control. Such control may be the 
 only solution of the future of Constantinople. Such control of 
 the most important straits and narrow channels of the ocean 
 will be" undertaken as soon as we realize how some small states 
 are today 'bottled up' and fairly suffocated." — W. H. P. Faunce, 
 "The New Horizon of State and Church," pp. 91, 92. 
 
 The International Mind 
 
 "Behind and around all forms of organization which our 
 statesmen may devise for international cooperation, there must 
 be developed in all the people the international mind. Once 
 men of clannish tradition found it hard to think in tribal terms ; 
 then men of tribal mold strained their minds to national 
 dimensions; and now we with our national sectarianisms find it 
 difficult to think ourselves citizens of the world. No scheme of 
 universal policy that statecraft can devise will work until the 
 people are internationalists in their thoughts. And Christianity 
 is challenged by its Master to give to men that horizon to their 
 loyalties, that Fatherland for their sacrifice. If this seems a 
 platitude, it is one of those platitudes whose most obvious 
 
 129 
 
applications have not yet been even dimly seen by multitudes 
 of Christians. In i860 a man in Maryland said, 'I am firstly 
 a citizen of Harford County; secondly a citizen of Maryland; 
 thirdly a citizen of the United States.' How amazingly pro- 
 vincial such words sound a generation after ! One wonders if 
 this man was a member of a Christian church, a believer in the 
 Christian creed, a prayer to the Christian God. And then he 
 sees how many churchmen still are like him — no disciples of 
 Jesus in any deep, intelligent sense. For the Christian's citizen- 
 ship must always begin at the other end from Harford County; 
 he is firstly a citizen of the Kingdom of God on earth, a patriot 
 for mankind. A Christianity that is not international has never 
 known its Master." — Harry Emerson Fosdick, "The Challenge 
 of the Present Crisis," pp. 75, j(i. 
 
 Constructive Internationalism 
 
 "What now is our surest reliance in America against any 
 unresolvable misunderstanding with China? It lies in the 
 $10,000,000 which out of sheer good will our government re- 
 turned to China when the Boxer indemnity was paid. Hundreds 
 of Chinese students supported by the interest of that fund are 
 studying in America now, and in every intelligent Chinese mind 
 there is a settled predisposition to trust America. ... 
 
 So few times in history has any nation done what America 
 did for China, and so overwhelming is the response to such 
 simple friendliness that the nations cannot permanently be blind 
 to the good sense, as well as the ethical nobility of such a 
 course. The extreme pacifists insist that there is no situation 
 which kindness cannot handle. They are wrong if they mean 
 that kindness can begin at any time, appealing to the Prussians, 
 for example, after the assault on Belgium has been started. 
 But they are right if they mean that kindness begun soon 
 enough and practiced long enough in the end will prove omnip- 
 otent. We yet shall learn that the best armament of any 
 people is the friendship of the world, won by constructive 
 good will. 
 
 The application of this truth to the churches' missionary 
 program is manifest. The cause of missions has too often 
 been presented in its significance for individuals alone; it has 
 been pictured only as the snatching of souls one by one from 
 ruin. But this crisis in the world's life challenges us to balance 
 our view to missions with a more social concept of their mean- 
 ing. The missionary enterprise is the Christian campaign for 
 international good will. We must see that it is so and must 
 handle it as though it were so. What the nations, through 
 their governments, will slowly learn to do, loath to leave old 
 
 130 
 
precedents, bound by the sectarian narrowness of national 
 loyalties, Christians must do now, and do with a lavish gene- 
 rosity that they have not practiced hitherto. 
 
 We are told that some day we shall have war with Mexico. 
 How much our own fault it will be if such a lamentable con- 
 flict comes ! What Mexico needs is an invasion of school 
 teachers and social workers and Christian preachers, who have 
 caught the idea of missions in their international relationships; 
 and if such an invasion is not forthcoming, a military invasion 
 may indeed be necessary. One suspects in many a case like 
 this that we have our choice. We are continually reminded of 
 clashing interests that some day will embroil us with Japan. 
 Even the present war could hardly be a more grievous catas- 
 trophe than that. And short of some league of nations which 
 may offer means of mediation and settlement not today existent 
 the surest hope of avoiding conflict, of forestalling war by 
 friendship, is an energetic campaign of good will now. If the 
 Christians of America do not want war with Japan, they need 
 not have it. Japan is not mad enough to want war with 
 America. Only we must begin now, under the leadership of 
 Christian missionaries and statesmen like Dr. John R. Mott 
 and Dr. Sidney Gulick, a determined movement within our coun- 
 try against our needlessly insulting legislation, when Orientals 
 are concerned, and we must organize such expressions of good 
 will through our missionary agencies that, if possible, we may 
 create a predisposition in the Japanese people to believe the 
 best of us and not the worst. The missionary enterprise at 
 its very heart is the impulse to share our finest, and if the 
 finest in America and the finest in Japan were thoroughly 
 known to each other, the chances of collision would be mini- 
 mized to vanishing. Such a ministry of mutual interpretation 
 and reconciliation is committed to the churches. The present 
 war is an appalling commentary upon our failure to fulfill or 
 even to acknowledge our obligations. We have seen our duty 
 in too little terms; we have but dimly understood what the 
 Master wanted of us. We are challenged to understand it 
 now; the call is written in lines of fire on the map of the 
 world; and we shall be renegade, indeed, if we do not now 
 accept before it is too late the opportunity for international serv- 
 ice which this war reveals." — Harry Emerson Fosdick, "The 
 Challenge of the Present Crisis," pp. 92-97. 
 
 131 
 
CHAPTER XIIl 
 
 America's Opportunity and Response 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 
 
 I. How Has the United States Responded to Her 
 Responsibility in the War of the Nations? 
 
 1. Compare the willingness of Americans to subordinate 
 personal interest to the common good, now and in pre-war 
 times. Hozv do the gifts for war enterprises compare with 
 gifts for philanthropic causes in peace times f 
 
 2. Why has an individualistic, isolated nation been willing 
 to throw itself so unreservedly back of the present cause? 
 
 3. Just how fully does the past record of the United 
 States enable her with consistency to champion smaller na- 
 tions and the cause of democracy? In answering this ques- 
 tion, appraise the following from this viewpoint: the Vene- 
 zuelan question; the Hay diplomacy standing for Chinese 
 integrity and the "Open Door" ; the return of the Chinese 
 indemnity; the American record in Cuba, the Philippines, 
 Nicaragua, and Panama; America's attitude toward Mexico. 
 
 4. What is the significance of America's insistence upon a 
 clean army? 
 
 a. Why has immorality been taken for granted in 
 connection with former wars? 
 
 b. What relation to the morality of the troops has 
 the work of the Y. M. C. A. and such organizations? 
 What is the relation of this to the morale of the troops? 
 
 c. What is the significance in relation to the build- 
 
 132 
 
r 
 
 ing of a democracy of this attempt to keep every sol- 
 dier at his best? 
 5. Just how much opportunity has the United States Gov- 
 ernment already had to forward the cause of democracy in 
 the world? Will she he true to her opportunity? 
 
 II. What Is the Present Opportunity of the 
 Church in Building a New World? 
 
 1. How can the Church best help in winning the war? In 
 the elimination of unchristian conditions and the building 
 of a' Christian world? 
 
 2. What relation has the world-wide work of the Church 
 to the winning of the war? Concretely, in what regards are 
 the aims of the war and the aims of the world missionary 
 movement the same? 
 
 3. Compare the mobilization for war, and for the world 
 expansion of Christianity. Note the mobilization of, intelli- 
 gence, leadership, material resources, and man-power. 
 
 4. What should be the attitude of American Christians to 
 the missionary movement in wctr time? 
 
 a. What are the considerations which would lead to 
 a retrenchment? 
 
 b. What are the comparative opportunities for the 
 world-wide expansion of Christianity now and before 
 the war ? 
 
 (i) How deeply have the countries in Asia, 
 Africa, and South America been affected 
 by the war? Why have remote nations 
 been so much more deeply affected by this 
 than by previous wars? 
 
 (2) What effect is the presence of Indian troops 
 on the fields of Flanders having upon cus- 
 toms in India? Of Chinese laborers from 
 China upon China? How is the training 
 of African natives in the alHed armies af- 
 
fecting African life? In what ways do 
 these international contacts help, and in 
 what ways hinder missionary work ? 
 
 (3) Why have the Armenian Christians refused 
 
 to deny Christianity temporarily to save 
 their lives? What effect is this likely to 
 have in Turkey? 
 
 (4) In what ways has the war brought a larger 
 
 opportunity for Christian work in these 
 continents ? 
 
 (5) Remembering all the difficulties in the mis- 
 
 sionary work caused by the war, how does 
 the opportunity now compare with that of 
 the period before the war ? How far shall 
 we have lost our chance to meet the present 
 opportunity if we wait until the war is 
 over? 
 c. What are the conditions which will lead to an ex- 
 pansion of missionary work in war time? 
 
 (i) How far have war times in the past been 
 characterized by missionary expansion? 
 How do you account for this ? 
 
 (2) What churches have chosen this time for a 
 great missionary forward movement? 
 What relation has the success of these 
 plans for missionary expansion to the 
 achievement of America's war aims? 
 
 III. Just How Much of an Appeal to Heroic 
 Action Does the Building of a New World 
 Bring ? 
 
 I. Why has not the building of a Christian world called 
 for greater heroism in the past? Suppose Christians set 
 themselves in earnest at the task of changing conditions that 
 are wrong in the world, how much sacrifice and heroism 
 would be required f 
 
 m 
 
2. Just where are the chances for the most sacrificial 
 service today in building a new world? 
 
 a. Why is service in the war given primacy by those 
 who wish to build a Christian world? 
 
 b. Why does it cost so little to be a Christian in busi- 
 ness and industrial life? Suppose a man dared to fol- 
 low Jesus' principles as set forth in Chapter IV, just 
 what would it cost him? 
 
 c. How strongly intrenched are the forces of selfish- 
 ness desiring child labor, exploitation of the workers, 
 etc., for the sake of profit? How much fighting will 
 it take to overcome these wrongs ? 
 
 d. Just how are the churches best to help men and 
 women in all lines of work to do their part in building 
 a new world? 
 
 e. What is the comparative opportunity to help in 
 the building of a new world in America, Europe, Asia, 
 Africa, and South America ? In what respect does the 
 world-wide work of Christianity furnish the moral 
 equipment for war? 
 
 f. How would you change this slogan: "Whatever 
 the profession, wherever the place, whatever the cost, 
 every Christian giving his whole life to the building 
 of a new world ; and competition not for the easy tasks 
 and for present profit, but for the hard places and 
 service for the common good" ? 
 
 IV. What Is the Goal of Christianity? What Is 
 
 THE Goal of Democracy? How Do They 
 Differ ? 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 
 J. Lovell Murray, "The Call of a World Task," Chapter 
 
 V, The Call for a World Program in the Church; Chapter VI, 
 The Call for a Full Mobilization of Christian Forces. Gives 
 data on the comparative mobilization for war and missions, and 
 
 135 
 
sets forth the present challenge for great expansion in the 
 world program for the Church. 
 
 W. H. P. Faunce, "The New Horizon of State and Church." 
 Taylor-Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democ- 
 racy," Chapter I, Making Democracy Safe for the World. The 
 call for a world-wide movement to make democracy safe for 
 the world, and the world safe for democracy. 
 
 REFERENCE QUOTATIONS 
 
 A Day of Large Things 
 
 *Tt is a day of large things. The leadership of the world 
 is thinking and acting in larger terms than ever before. The 
 scale on which resources are being mobilized in the countries 
 at war, the new standards of thinking in military circles, in 
 scientific realms, in the financial world, all present a tremendous 
 challenge to forsake the old standards forever and to lift the 
 program of the Kingdom into new terms greater and more 
 expansive than those of all other organizations. In our first 
 year of war the United States gave to humanitarian and Chris- 
 tian objects for which great campaigns were conducted, $330,- 
 000,000. In no previous year had there ever been given to 
 corresponding objects more than $30,000,000. The Red Cross 
 in its first campaign asked for $100,000,000. It received $120, 
 000,000. The Y. M. C. A. asked for $35,000,000 in November, 
 1917; it received over $50,000,000. People are accustomed to 
 thinking in large dimensions; old standards of measuring and 
 thinking have beeen abandoned. In addition to that, while 
 Christian people in the United States are in the war whole- 
 heartedly to see it through to final victory, there is an increas- 
 ing longing for something constructive rather than merely 
 destructive, that builds rather than batters down." — Taylor- 
 Luccock, "The Christian Crusade for World Democracy," pp. 
 94-95. 
 
 A Moral Equivalent of War 
 
 "With life in normal time safe for the mass of men, with 
 the closing of so many outlets for the adventurous classes, with 
 the world explored and travel made safe, with arms which render 
 wild beasts comparatively harmless, the danger that war will 
 be an attractive excitement, especially to those who will not 
 share its full and worst perils, is not insignificant. There 
 is need of some great, widespread spiritual movement after 
 the war to prevent its return. What would Europe have been 
 
 136 
 
without the Crusades, without the movement initiated by St. 
 Francis, without the general missionary efforts of the eighteenth 
 and nineteenth centuries, without the propaganda for the aboli- 
 tion of slavery — movements in which several generations seemed 
 to be spendthrifts, but in the end enriched the world by in- 
 spiring examples of self-sacrifice? Men respond, as this war 
 shows, to appeals to duty and self-sacrifice ; and it may be that, 
 with the memory of these three years still fresh in mind, will 
 be born a determination to put down war, such as that which 
 destroyed slavery, and, enthusiasm being evoked by the very 
 difficulties to be encountered, men will declare, 'This must end,' 
 and by a world-wide propaganda in every household, every fac- 
 tory, every trades union meeting, and every church this declara- 
 tion will be made good."^The Contemporary Review, Jan., 
 1918, pp. 15-16. 
 
 "It is no petty province we have to subdue, no parochial vic- 
 tory we see. It is nothing less than the Christianization of all 
 human lives and institutions — a task to challenge the scholar- 
 ship and statesmanship and deathless devotion of all Christen- 
 dom. . . . It is the call of humanity itself — East and West, 
 black and white, brown and yellow — all bearing the tarnished 
 image and superscription of God." — W. H. P. Faunce, "The 
 World Vision," The Missionary Review of the World, Vol. 
 39. P- 356. 
 
 Missionary Expansion in War Time 
 
 *Tt is an interesting fact that in America the foreign mis- 
 sionary enterprise was born in war-time, and has had some 
 obvious relation to the widening of men's horizon through 
 sacrifice and struggle. ... In days of bitter struggle for freedom 
 the Church has sent its messengers into the dark places of the 
 earth, to open the prison doors and proclaim spiritual release. 
 It was during the American war of 1812 that the American 
 Board was organized and Judson sailed for India. Thus, while 
 the nation was defending its own rights, the Church was assert- 
 ^ ing certain rights and privileges for those that sit in dark- 
 le ness. The Church did not wait for the success of our Navy, 
 H| but sent out its missionaries because moved in some measure 
 ^H by the same impulse that sent forth our ships — by a determina- 
 ^B tion to assert human freedom for America and for all the 
 ^H world. ... 
 
 ^H During the American Civil War, and for a decade after, 
 ^H it might be supposed that the foreign missionary societies would 
 ^B languish. On the contrary, that was the very period when new 
 ^H ones were founded. The admirable work of women for Ameri- 
 
 137 
 
in other heroic undertakings. The interdenominational 
 'Women's Union' for missionary endeavor was organized in 
 1861. The Women's Boards in the Congregational and the 
 Methodist churches were organized in 1867 and 1868. All the 
 women's missionary organizations were started soon after the 
 close of a war which might be supposed to quench all such 
 effort and force us to stay at home. 
 
 The Great War now involving the whole world has indeed 
 broken up some mission stations and rendered some kinds of 
 cooperation impossible for the present. But out of the tumult 
 and carnage, so needless and so awful, is coming already that 
 wider vision, that capacity for world-sympathy and world-sacri- 
 fice which is the core of the missionary enterprise. As the 
 missionaries followed our sailors and soldiers into the Philip- 
 pines, so when this Great War is over there will be such 
 cogency in the missionary appeal as the world has never 
 dreamed of before. Since the year 1914 we have been forced 
 to think in world terms. Strange lands have become familiar, 
 and the map of the world has been really studied for the first 
 time by a hundred million people." — 'W. H. P. Faunce, "The 
 New Horizon of State and Church," pp. 36-38. 
 
 "Obviously, we are not now on a war footing as a body of 
 Christians. We have maintained an ordained Protestant min- 
 ister at home for every 507 of the population, and have sent 
 abroad a sufficient number of workers, clerical and lay, includ- 
 ing the wives of missionaries, to supply one to every fifty or 
 sixty thousand of the non-Christian peoples. We are cared 
 for by doctors to the extent of one for every 647 of our popula- 
 tion, and as Protestant Christians have furnished non-Christian 
 lands with one for about every million. Not much evidence in 
 all this of a flaming Crusader spirit in the Church, even though 
 we sing lustily, 'Like a mighty army, moves the Church of 
 God' !"■— J. Lovell Murray, "The Call of a World Task," p. 166. 
 
 A New World 
 
 "If the war brings no international reconstruction, no abate- 
 ment of fear and the armament produced by fear, no release 
 from 'reeking tube and iron shard,' then the last state of the 
 world will be worse than the first, and economic war will 
 alternate with military conflicts through all the future. But 
 now the whole world is plastic, like clay awaiting the hand 
 of the master-potter. Now we must plan for the long future, 
 lest, as we were caught unprepared for war, so we may be 
 caught equally unprepared for peace. Behind the fighters must 
 work the thinkers, for fighting without thinking will never 
 accomplish anything. . . . 
 
 138 
 
I 
 
 And this high task of reconstruction is not for diplomats and 
 statesmen only. Every man who thinks at all must think 
 henceforth in terms of the world-order, and every man who 
 labors at any task must make his daily work a part of the 
 rebuilding of a shattered world." — W. H. P. Faunce, "The New 
 Horizon of State and Church," pp. 21, 22. 
 
 REFERENCE BOOKS 
 
 Any Standard Encyclopedia. 
 
 Look up under the general topic. 
 
 Current Magazines. 
 
 In addition to the references listed use "The Reader's Guide," 
 in finding other articles in current magazines. 
 
 In discussing an outline dealing with current topics of such 
 vital interest concerning which the situation changes day by day, 
 it will be necessary to follow magazines of the week and the 
 month carefully. 
 
 Publications of the Committee on Public Information, 10 Jack- 
 son Place, Washington, D. C. 
 (Any two of the following publications are distributed free. 
 In case a group composed of ten to fifteen persons wanted a 
 single set for reference work of the group, such a set could 
 probably be secured by stating the facts in writing for the 
 same.) 
 
 The following pamphlets are the most useful for this work: 
 
 I. Red, White, and Blue Series 
 
 I. "How the War Came to America." 32 pages. 
 
 4. "The President's Flag Day Speech, with Evidence of 
 Germany's Plans." 32 pages. 
 
 5. "Conquest and Kultur." Quotations from German writers 
 revealing the plans and purposes of pan-Germany. 160 pages. 
 
 6. "German War Practices" : Part I — Treatment of Civilians. 
 91 pages. 
 
 8. "German Treatment of Conquered Territory": Part II of 
 "German War Practices." 61 pages. 
 
 9. "War, Labor, and Peace": Some Recent Addresses and 
 Writings of the President. American Reply to the Pope; Ad- 
 dress to the American Federation of Labor; Messages to Con- 
 gress of Dec. 4, 1917, Jan. 8, and Feb. 11, 1918. (In press.) 
 
 II. War Information Series 
 
 loi. "The War Message and the Facts Behind It." 32 pages. 
 
 139 
 
103- Charles D. Hazen, "The Government of Germany." i6 
 pages. 
 
 III. G. W. Scott and J. W. Garner, "The German War 
 Code." i6 pages. 
 
 In addition to the above, each group ought to have a small 
 reference library available. The following books, which can 
 be ordered from Association Press, are specially suggested. 
 
 "War Encyclopedia" published by the Committee on Public 
 Information, lo Jackson Place, Washington, D. G Price, .25. 
 
 A handbook for ready reference on the great war, 321 pages. 
 Contains information on every sort of topic in connection with 
 the war, topically arranged. 
 
 W. E. Weyl, "The End of the War." A discussion of the 
 aims of the war, following particularly what is involved in 
 the adoption of President Wilson's proposals. Price, $2.00. 
 
 Henry M. Brailsford, "A League of Nations." A discussion 
 by a Britisher, who is an authority particularly on the problems 
 in the Near East, on what is involved in carrying out Presi- 
 dent Wilson's proposals for a league of nations. He discusses 
 the significance of America's part in such a world organization, 
 and the problems of nationality, railroad routes, alliances, sea- 
 power, and trade which must be met in founding such a league. 
 Price, $1.75. 
 
 S. Earl Taylor and Halford E. Luccock, "The Christian 
 Crusade for World Democracy." This is a denominational 
 publication, prepared as a study book for young people and as 
 a part of the Centenary Campaign in the Methodist Episcopal 
 Church. It contains, therefore, considerable denominational 
 material. The major part of the book, however, is given to a 
 survey of the issues affecting democratic institutions and gov- 
 ernment in the continents of Asia, Africa, and South America. 
 It is recommended as a reference book because it contains the 
 latest and best world survey available written from this view- 
 point. Price, paper, .50; cloth, .75. 
 
 J. Lovell Murray, "The Call of a World Task." This book 
 contains a survey of the need of the non-Christian world and 
 the increased opportunities which the war has brought. It is 
 a challenge to the Church to take advantage of this opportunity 
 with an adequate mobilization for such constructive work in 
 Asia and Africa as will make sure the aims of the war in 
 those continents. Price, paper, .40; cloth, .60. 
 
 Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Social Principles of Jesus." An 
 examination of Jesus' life and teaching from the viewpoint of 
 his social message. It summarizes the social ideals for which 
 
 140 
 
Jesus stood and their application to industrial, political, and 
 other present-day problems. Price, .75. 
 
 Edmund Soper, "The Faiths of Mankind." A brief summary 
 of the religions of Asia and Africa, indicating the contribution 
 which each brings to the modern world. This book gives data 
 for facing this question: "Why cannot these religions form 
 the spiritual basis for a world democracy?" Price, .75. 
 
 W. H. P. Faunce, "The Social Aspects of Foreign Missions." 
 A survey of the social results of the world wide work of the 
 Church; how this work has affected social and governmental 
 conditions and the possibility of democracy in the far continents. 
 Price, paper, .40; cloth, .60. 
 
 W. H. P. Faunce, "The New Horizon of State and Church." 
 The significance both in government and religion of the pres- 
 ent world relations of America. Price, .60. 
 
 Charles Seymour, "The Diplomatic Background of the War." 
 A discussion of European diplomacy from the time of Bismarck 
 until the great war. This book makes intelligible from the his- 
 torical viewpoint the present issues. Price, $2.00. 
 
 Walter Rauschenbusch, "Christianizing the Social Order." A 
 discussion of the sections of life already largely Christian, of 
 what yet needs to be done if the social order is Christianized. 
 A large part of the book is given to the unchristian aspects 
 of business and industrial life. Price, $1.50. 
 
 Cornelius H. Patton, "The Lure of Africa." A survey of 
 the situation in Africa by a man who has made a first-hand study 
 of conditions. It covers the problems of Mohammedanism, and 
 the relations of the Western civilizations to the developing of 
 the tremendous resources of this great continent. Price, paper, 
 .40; cloth, .60. 
 
 George Sherwood Eddy, "The New Era in Asia." A survey 
 of the situation in Japan, Korea, India, China, and the Near 
 East up to 1913, written by a man who has traveled probably 
 more widely than anyone in Asia. Price, paper, .40; cloth, .60. 
 
 J. P. Bang, "Hurrah and Hallelujah." The teaching of Ger- 
 many's poets, prophets, professors, and preachers. Price, $1.00. 
 
 Tyler Dennett, "The Democratic Movement in Asia." A 
 vivid portrayal of the various forces which are now making for 
 democracy in the Far East, based on careful firsthand observa- 
 tions made during two extensive tours throughout the Philip- 
 pines, China, Japan, India, and Malaysia. Fully illustrated. 
 Price, $1.50. 
 
 141 
 
LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 
 
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