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CHHONICLES 
 
 OF 
 
 THE PILGRIM FATHERS 
 
 THE COLONY OF PLYMOUTH, 
 
 FROM 1602 TO 1625. 
 
 NOW FIRST COLLECTED FROM ORIGINAL RECORDS AND CONTEMPORANEOUS 
 PRINTED DOCUMENTS, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NOTES 
 
 By ALEXANDER YOUNG 
 
 'Gentis cunabula nostne. 
 ■ The mother of us all.' 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. 
 
 MDCCCXLI. 
 
 >^ 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1841, 
 
 Jir Alexander Voono, 
 
 in tl.e Clerk'. Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 
 
 boston: 
 
 PRINTED BY FREKMAN AND BOLLES, 
 WASHINGTON STREET. 
 
TO 
 THE HONORABLE 
 
 WILLIAM PRESCOTT, LL.D 
 
 IN TOKEN OF HIGH ESTEEM 
 
 AND SINCERE REGARD, 
 
 THIS VOLUME 
 
 IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED 
 
 BY HIS OBLIGED FRIEND 
 
 AND PASTOR. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 This volume will be found to contain an authentic 
 History of the Pilgrim Fathers who planted the Colony 
 of Plymouth, from their origin in John Robinson's con- 
 gregation in 1602, to his death in 1625, written by 
 themselves. Some account of the nature of these 
 Chronicles, and of the circumstances which led to their 
 compilation in this form, may not be unacceptable to 
 the reader. 
 
 It is well known to those who are familiar with the 
 early history of New England, that William Bradford, 
 the second governor of Plymouth, wrote a History of 
 that People and Colony from 1602 to 1647, in 270 
 folio pages ; which was used by Morton in compiling 
 his Memorial, by Hutchinson in writing his History of 
 Massachusetts, and by Prince in digesting his Annals 
 of New England. The manuscript of this valuable 
 work, being deposited with Prince's library in the 
 tower of the Old South Church in this city, disap- 
 peared in the War of the Revolution, when this church 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 was occupied by the British troops, and has long since 
 been given up by our historians as lost. The most 
 important part of this lost History I have had the good 
 fortune to recover. On a visit at Plymouth, a few 
 years since, I found in the records of the First Church 
 a narrative, in the hand-writing of Secretary Morton, 
 which, on comparing it with the large extracts in 
 Hutchinson ^ and Prince," 1 recognised as the identical 
 History of Governor Bradford ; a fact put beyond all 
 doubt by a marginal note of Morton at the beginning 
 of it, in whicli he says, " TJiis was originally penned 
 by Mr. William Bradford, governor of New Plymouth." 
 This fact of the real authorship of the document seems 
 to have escaped the observation of all who had pre- 
 ceded me in examining the records, such as Judge 
 Davis, Mr. Bancroft, and even of Hazard, who attri- 
 butes it expressly to Nathaniel Morton.^ Hazard 
 copied and printed the larger part of it, as a work of 
 Morton's, in his valuable collection of State Papers, 
 though in a very incomplete and inaccurate form, not 
 being able always to decipher the cramped and abbre- 
 viated characters in which it is written, and being 
 frequently obliged to leave blank spaces in his page. 
 
 ' By comparing the second chapter in this volume with the first article 
 in Hutchinson's Appendix, ii. 449 -451, which he quotes from Bradford, 
 it will be found that they agree nearly word for word. 
 
 ^ The extracts in Prince are too numerous to be referred to ; the prin- 
 cipal are on pages 114, 120, 128, 130, 140-145, 147, 155, 160. 
 
 ^ Hazard's State Papers, i. 349. 
 
PREFACE. VU 
 
 By the favor of the Plymouth Church I was permitted 
 to make a new transcript of this very important paper, 
 the entire accuracy of which has been secured by its 
 careful collation with another copy made by the Rev. 
 William P. Lunt, of Quincy, who kindly favored me 
 Avith the loan of it. The value of this document de- 
 pends upon its authorship, and cannot be over-esti- 
 mated. It takes precedence of every thing else relat- 
 ino- to the Pilirrims, in time, authority, and interest. 
 It will be found to contain a detailed history of their 
 rise in the north of England, their persecutions there, 
 their difficult and perilous escape into Holland, their 
 residence in that hospitable land for twelve years, the 
 causes which led to their emigration, and the means 
 which they adopted to transport themselves to Ame- 
 rica. 
 
 The next document is Bradford's and Winslow's 
 Journal of the first settlement of the Colony, containing 
 a minute diary of events from the arrival of the May- 
 flower at Cape Cod, November 9, 1620, to the return 
 of the Fortune, December 11, 1621. This document 
 joins on to the former, making a continuous narrative. 
 It was printed in London in 1622, with a Preface signed 
 by G. MouRT, and has since been usually cited as 
 Mourt's Relation. It will be seen from the notes on 
 pages 113 and 115 of this volume, that Mourt was 
 probably George Morton, the father of Nathaniel, the 
 Secretary, then resident in England, that he had no 
 
yjjj PREFACE. 
 
 hand in writing the Journal, but that it was actually 
 written by Bradford and Winslow, a circumstance 
 which gives to it new value and interest, and confers 
 on it the highest authority. In 1625 this Relation 
 was abridged by Purchas, and printed in the fourth 
 volume of his Pilgrims. This abridgment, comprising 
 only about half of the original, and abounding with 
 errors, was reprinted in 1802 in the eighth volume of 
 the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Soci- 
 ety. In 1822, after an interval of twenty years, the 
 portions omitted by Purchas were reprinted in the 
 nineteenth volume of the same Collections, from a 
 manuscript copy of the original edition, made at Phil- 
 adelphia. The transcriber, however, omitted some 
 important passages, and committed many errors in 
 copying. The parts of the work being thus disjointed, 
 and printed in separate volumes, rendered the reading 
 of it extremely difficult and repulsive. The present 
 is the only correct and legible reprint that has been 
 made since the appearance of the original in 1622. 
 
 The third paper is Robert Cushman's Discourse, 
 delivered at Plymouth in November, 1621, reprinted 
 from an old copy in the library of the American Anti- 
 quarian Society. 
 
 The fourth document is Edward Winslow's Relation, 
 entitled "Good News from New England," which takes 
 up the narrative where it was left off by the former 
 Journal, and brings it down to September 10, 1623. 
 
PREFACE. JX 
 
 This book was printed in London in 1624, was 
 abridged by Purchas in the same way as the former 
 Relation, was reprinted in the same fragmentary man- 
 ner by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1802, 
 and the omissions in a separate volume in 1822. It is 
 now reprinted for the first time entire, and in a legible 
 form, from the original London edition, for which, as 
 well as for the original of Bradford's and Winslow's 
 Journal, I am indebted to the rich library of Harvard 
 College. ' 
 
 Next in order is Edward Winslow's " Brief Narra- 
 tion of the true grounds or cause of the first planting 
 of New England," which was printed at London in 
 1646, at the end of his Answer to Gorton. No copy 
 of this rare book is known to exist in this country. 
 The manuscript from which I print was kindly copied 
 for me by the Rev. George E. Ellis, of Charlestown, 
 from the printed volume in the British Museum. In 
 this paper we have the original of Robinson's cele- 
 brated farewell address to the Pilgrims at Ley den, and 
 several facts relating to them not recorded elsewhere. 
 
 The sixth paper is a Dialogue, written by Governor 
 Bradford, which has never before appeared in print. 
 A fragment of it, written with his own hand, I found 
 among the manuscripts in the cabinet of the Massa- 
 chusetts Historical Society ; but the entire work I ob- 
 tained from the records of the First Church in Ply- 
 mouth, into which it was copied by Secretary Morton. 
 b 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 The next document is a Memoir of Elder Brewster, 
 written by Governor Bradford as part of his History, 
 and also copied by Morton into the Church records. 
 
 The volume closes with some letters of John Robin- 
 son, and of the Pilgrims at Leyden and Plymouth, 
 procured from the records of the Plymouth Church and 
 from Governor Bradford's Letter Book. 
 
 The value of these contemporaneous documents 
 cannot be overstated. They are the earliest chronicles 
 of New England. We have here the first_ book of our 
 history, written by the actors themselves. We should 
 esteem it a fortunate circumstance, a peculiar privi- 
 lege, that we thus have the whole story of the origin 
 of this earliest of our northern colonies in the very 
 words of the first planters.* In authority and import- 
 ance nothing can exceed them ; and 1 feel that I have 
 been engaged in a useful as well as interesting labor 
 in collecting together and illustrating these scattered 
 memorials of the Fathers. The notes will be found to 
 be copious and various, touching upon all points, and 
 in all cases referring to authorities from which the 
 statements may be verified, and fuller information be 
 obtained. Considering myself as engaged in erecting 
 another monument to the memory of the Pilgrims, I 
 have spared neither labor nor expense in endeavouring 
 to render the work accurate and complete. If the 
 
 ' " Quis est autem, quem non moveat clarissimis monumentis testata 
 consiguataque antiquitas ? " Cicero de Divinatione, lib. i. 40. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XI 
 
 reader shall derive from its perusal the same satisfac- 
 tion which I have found in its compilation, I shall feel 
 myself abundantly remunerated for this labor of love. 
 
 Regarding these documents as the only authentic 
 chronicles of those times, I have considered all devia- 
 tions from them in subsequent writers as errors, and 
 when they have fallen under my notice, I have not 
 scrupled to point them out. In this I have no other 
 object in view than historical accuracy ; and accord- 
 ingly for whatever errors I may have fallen into, I shall 
 hold myself equally obnoxious to criticism. 
 
 The portrait of Governor Winslow at the beginning 
 of the volume, so beautifully engraved by House, is an 
 accurate copy of the original picture painted in Lon- 
 don in 1651, in his 57th year. This picture, the only 
 '/^portrait that we have of any of the Pilgrims, has been 
 handed down in the family ever since it was painted, 
 one hundred and ninety years ago, and was kept till 
 within a few years at the seat of the Winslows, in 
 Marshfield. It is now the property of Mr. Isaac Wins- 
 low, of Boston, the only surviving male descendant of 
 the Governor, by whose kindness I have been permit- 
 ted to have it engraved, and W'ho has deposited it, with 
 other portraits of his ancestors, in the hall of the Mas- 
 sachusetts Historical Society. The coat of arms was 
 probably painted at the same time with the picture, 
 and has always been an heirloom in the family. The 
 fac-simile of Winslow's signature was copied from a 
 
Xll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 letter written by him to Governor Winthrop, from his 
 seat at " Careswell, this 17th of the last month, 1639." 
 The original is in the archives of the Massachusetts 
 Historical Society, and it was printed by Hutchinson 
 in his Collection of Original Papers, page 110. 
 "V The map of Plymouth, on page 160, is copied by 
 permission, on an enlarged scale, from the accurate 
 map of the State, now in preparation under the direc- 
 tion of Simeon Borden, Esq., and the map of Cape 
 Cod, on page 116, is ^^artly reduced from Major Gra- 
 ham's beautiful chart, and partly composed from recent 
 surveys made for the State map. The engraving of 
 the Mayflower on page 108 is copied from one of Sir 
 Walter Raleigh's ships in De Bure, and is a correct 
 representation of the vessels of that day. The chairs 
 of Winslow, Carver, and Brewster, are faithfully drawn 
 from the originals, the first of which is preserved in 
 the Hall of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and 
 the last two in the Pilgrim Hall, at Plymouth. The 
 seal of the Colony is taken from the title-page of the 
 Book of the General Laws of New Plymouth, printed 
 in 1685. Judge Davis says, " it originated probably 
 in Mr. Cushman's advice to Governor Bradford in a 
 letter from England, Dec. 18, 1624: 'Make your 
 corporation as formal as you can, under the name of the 
 Society in Plymouth in New England.' Of this seal 
 the Colony was deprived in the rapacious days of 
 Andros. On a return to the old paths, the Governor 
 
PREFACE. xiii 
 
 was requested to procure its restoration. If this appli- 
 cation were successful, the seal has since been lost." 
 
 In regard to the minuteness of some of the particu- 
 lars recorded in the ensuing pages, no better apology 
 can be offered than that of the Roman annalist : 
 " Pleraque eorum quae referam parva forsitan et levia 
 memoratu videri, non nescius sum. Non tamen sine 
 usu fuerit introspicere ilia, primo adspectu levia, ex quis 
 magnarum saspe rerum motus oriuntur."^ — " If any 
 tax me for wasting paper with recording these small 
 matters, such may consider that small commonwealths 
 bring forth matters of small moment ; the reading 
 whereof yet is not to be despised by the judicious, 
 because small things in the beginning of natural or 
 pohtic bodies are as remarkable as greater in bodies 
 full grown." ^ 
 
 Boston, June 1, 1841. 
 
 * Tacitus, Ann. lib. iv. 32. 
 
 ^ Gov. Dudley's Letter to the Countess of Lincoln. 
 
LIST OF THE ENGRAVINGS. 
 
 Page. 
 
 1. Portrait of Governor Winslow i 
 
 2. The Mayflower 108 
 
 3. Map of Cape Cod 116 
 
 4. Map of Plymouth Bay ..... 160 
 
 5. Governor Winslow's Chair ..... 238 
 
 6. Governor Carver's Chair ..... 458 
 
 7. Elder Brewster's Chair ..... 470 
 
 8. Seal of Plymouth Colony .... Back Title. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Chap Page. 
 
 Gov. Bradford's History OF Plymouth Colony . 1 
 
 I. The first beginnings of this church and people . . 19 
 
 11. Their departure into Holland, and their troubles there- 
 about, with some of the many difficulties they found 
 and met withal ..... 25 
 
 HI. Their settling in Holland, and their manner of living and 
 
 entertainment there . . . . .33 
 
 IV. The reasons and causes of their removal from Holland 44 
 V. The means they used for preparation to this weighty 
 
 voyage . . . . . . . 52 
 
 VI. The conditions of their agreement with several merchant 
 
 adventurers towards the voyage ... 80 
 
 VII. Their departure from Leydcn, and embarkation from 
 
 Delft-Haven . . . . . .86 
 
 VIII. The troubles that befell them on the coast of England, 
 and in their voyage in coming over into New England, 
 and their arrival at Cape Cod ... 97 
 
 Bradford's and Winslow's Journal . . . 109 
 
 IX. The first planters' combination by entering into a body 
 politic together; with their proceedings in discovery of' 
 a place for their settlement and habitation . . 117 
 
 X. Their landing and settling at New Plymouth . . 163 
 
 XI. A Journey to Pokanoket, the habitation of the great king 
 Massasoit ; the message, and the answer and entertain- 
 ment they received from him .... 202 
 XH. A Voyage to the kingdom of Nauset, to seek a boy that 
 had lost himself in the woods ; and the accidents that 
 befell them in that voyage .... 214 
 
 XIII. A Journey to the kingdom of Namaschet, in defence of 
 the great king Massasoit against the Narragansetts, and to 
 revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum . . 219 
 
-.,• CONTENTS. 
 
 Chap. P^«=- 
 
 XIV. A Relation of their voyage to the Massachusetts, and 
 
 what happened there ..... 224 
 XV, A Letter from Edward Winslow to a friend in England, 
 setting forth a brief and true declaration of the worth 
 of the Plantation at Plymouth; as also certain useful 
 directions for such as intend a voyage into New Eng- 
 land 230 
 
 XVI. Robert Cushman's reasons and considerations touching 
 the lawfulness of removing out of England into the 
 parts of America ..... 239 
 
 Cushman's Discourse ..... 253 
 XVII. The state of the Colony, and the need of public spirit in 
 
 the Colonists ..... 255 
 
 I WiNSLOw's Relation ..... 269 
 
 / XVIII. The first planters menaced by the Narragansetts, and 
 
 their second voyage to the Massachusetts . . 2S0 
 
 XIX. The planting of Weston's Colony at Weymouth, and 
 
 sundry excursions after corn . . . 296 
 
 XX. Winslow's second journey to Pokanoket, to visit Massa- 
 
 soit in his sickness ..... 313 
 XXI. Standish's expedition against the Indians of Weymouth, 
 
 and the breaking up of Weston's Colony at that place 327 
 XXII. The first allotment of lands, and the distressed state of the 
 
 Colony ...... 346 
 
 XXIII. The manners, customs, religious opinions and ceremonies 
 
 of the Indians ...... 354 
 
 XXIV. The situation, climate, soil, and productions of New Eng- 
 
 land ...... 368 
 
 Winslow's Brief Narration .... 377 
 XXV. The true grounds or cause of the first planting of New 
 
 England 379 
 
 Gov. Bradford's Dialogue .... 409 
 
 XXVI. A Dialogue, or the Sura of a Conference between some 
 Young Men born in New England, and sundry Ancient 
 Men that came out of Holland and Old England. . 414 
 
 Gov. Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster . 459 
 
 XXVII. Memoir of Elder William Brewster . . .461 
 
 XXVIII. Letters ...... 471 
 
GOV. BRADFOKD'S HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 PLYMOUTH COLONY. 
 
MORTON'S PREFACE 
 
 Christian Reader, 
 
 I HAVE looked at it as a duty incumbent on me to 
 commit to writing the first beginnings and after pro- 
 gress of the Church of Christ at Plymouth in New 
 England ; forasmuch as I cannot understand that there 
 is any thing particularly extant concerning it, and al- 
 most all the members of the said church, both elders 
 and others, being deceased, by whom intelligence of 
 matters in that behalf might be procured.^ I dare 
 not charge the reverend elders of that church who are 
 gone to their rest, with any neglect on that behalf; for 
 when they were in Holland, they were necessitated to 
 defend the cause of Christ by writing against opposites 
 of several sorts ; so as such like employs, together 
 with the constant and faithful discharge of the duties 
 of their offices, probably took up the greatest part of 
 their time ; and since the church parted, and a consid- 
 erable part thereof came unto this going down of the 
 sun, it might be neglected partly on the account that 
 divers writings, some whereof being put forth in print, 
 
 ' In 1679, the year previous to who came over in the Mayflower, 
 the date of this Preface, twelve only See Hutchinson's History of Mas- 
 were living of the hundred and one sachusetts, ii. 456. 
 
4 MORTON'S PREFACE. 
 
 did point at and in a great measure discriminate the af- 
 fairs of the church ; forasmuch as then the small com- 
 monwealth, in our first beginning at New Plymouth, 
 consisted mostly of such as were members of the 
 church which was first begun and afterwards carried 
 on in Leyden, in Holland, for about the space of 
 twelve years, and continued and carried on at Ply- 
 mouth, in New England, a small part whereof remain- 
 eth until this day. If any thing was done on this kind 
 by those worthy leaders, I suppose the blame is rather 
 to be laid on those which had the first view of their 
 studies, and had their books and writings in custody 
 after their decease ; for I am persuaded that such was 
 their faithfulness and prudence, as that they did not 
 wholly neglect this matter.^ 
 
 Some years since it pleased God to put an impulse 
 upon my spirit to do something in a historical way con- 
 cerning New England, more especially with respect to 
 the Colony of New Plymouth ; w hich was entitled 
 NeiD EnglancPs Memorial ; ~ in which I occasionally 
 
 ' The records of John Robinson's cords of Plymouth Ch. and Mass. 
 church at Leyden contained, no Hist. Coll. iv. 107. 
 doubt, some account of its origin ■•* This work was printed at Cam- 
 and its memorable vicissitudes in bridge in 1669, in a small quarto 
 England and Holland. These re- volume, of 198 pages, and the ex- 
 cords, however, Avere probably lost pense was defrayed by a contribu- 
 when the remnants of that church tion in the several towns in the Co- 
 were scattered after his death in lony. The greatest part of Mor- 
 1625. The church at Plymouth had ton's information was "borrowed," 
 no settled pastor till 1629, and af- as he informs us, "from his much 
 terwards, for long intervals, was honored uncle, Mr. William Brad- 
 destitute of a regular ministry until ford, and such manuscripts as he 
 1669. when John Cotton, son of the left in his study." Prince, the New 
 famous John Cotton, of Boston, England annalist, whose copy of 
 was ordained. No records were the first edition of the Memorial is 
 kept by either of his three prede- now before me, enriched with his 
 cessors, Ralph Smith, Roger Wil- marginal notes and emendations, 
 liams, and John Reyner. The re- says that " Morton's History, from 
 cords of the church, previous to his the beginning of the Plymouth peo- 
 settlement, are in the handwriting pie to the end of 1646, is chiefly 
 of Secretary Morion. MS. Re- Gov. Bradford's manuscript, abbre- 
 
MORTON'S PREFACE. 
 
 took notice of God's great and gracious work in erect- 
 ing so many churclies of Christ in this wilderness. 
 But it was judged by some that were judicious that I 
 was too sparing and short in that behalf ; the consider- 
 ation whereof put me on thought of recollecting some- 
 thing more particularly relating to the church of Ply- 
 mouth. But it pleased the Lord so to dispose, that 
 having accomplished my desires, some time after the 
 finishing of this work I was solicited to lend it to a re- 
 verend friend at Boston, where it was burned in the 
 first fire that was so destructive at Boston, in the year 
 1667.^ Yet, notwithstanding, I have, through the 
 goodness of God, crowded through many difficulties 
 to achieve it the second time ; and, for that end, did 
 once again repair to the study of my much honored 
 uncle, William Bradford, Esquire, deceased,^ for whose 
 care and faithfulness in such like respects we stand 
 bound ; as firstly and mostly to the Lord, so seconda- 
 rily to him and his, whose labors in such respect might 
 
 viated." In fact, Morton's chief Memorial in 1669 ; and the date of 
 merit is that of a diligent, but not " the first fire that was so destruc- 
 always accurate copyist of his un- tive at Boston" was Nov. 27, 1676. 
 cle's documents. He would have The reverend friend to whom the 
 done a much greater service by manuscript had been lent, Avas In- 
 causing Gov. Bradford's History to crease Mather, whose church was 
 be printed entire. It is the loss of destroyed by this fire, as well as his 
 that work that now gives so much dwelling-house, and a part of his 
 value to his extracts and conipila- library. Increase Mather had 
 tions. The fifth edition of the Me- married a daughter of John Cot- 
 morial, greatly enlarged by the ton, of Boston ; and her brother be- 
 valuable notes of the learned ed- ing at this time the minister of 
 itor, Judge Davis, was printed at Plymouth, this circumstance pro- 
 Boston in 1S26, in an octavo vol- bably led to an acquaintance be- 
 ume of 480 pages. See Plymouth tween Mather and Secretary Mor- 
 Colony Laws, p. 153, Morion's Me- ton. See Hutchinson's Massachu- 
 morial, p. 10, and Prince's Annals, setts, i. 349, Snow's History of Bos- 
 p. XX. ton, p. 164, and Cotton Mather's 
 
 ' This is unquestionably an er- Memoirs of his Father, p. 79. 
 
 ror; it should be 1676. For the ^ Gov. Bradford died May 9» 
 
 writer says he began this compila- 1657, in his 69th year, 
 tion after the publication of the 
 
MORTON'S PREFACE. 
 
 fitly have been published to the world, had they not 
 
 been involved in and amongst particulars of other 
 nature. 
 
 Gentle reader, I humbly crave thy patience, and ac- 
 ceptance of this small treatise, so as to read it over 
 considerately ; wherein so doing thou wilt discern 
 much of the goodness, mercy, and power of God ; who 
 as at the first brought this fabric of the world out of 
 the womb of nothing, hath brought so many famous 
 churches of Christ out of so small beginnings ; with 
 many other useful considerations that thou mayest 
 meet with in the serious perusal thereof. So leav- 
 ing thee and this small work to the blessing of the 
 only wise God, 
 
 I remain thine in Christ Jesus, 
 
 Nathaniel Morton.' 
 Plymouth., in New England., January 13<A, 1680. 
 
 ' Nathaniel Morton was the son Court, and continued in this office 
 
 of George Morton, who had mar- till his death, June 28, 1685, in 
 
 ried in England a sister of Gov. his 73d year. His residence in 
 
 Bradford, and came over to Plym- Plymouth washy ihe side of Wel- 
 
 outh with his family in July, 1623, lingsly Brook, half a mile south of 
 
 in the ship Ann. His father died the village. See Judge Davis's 
 
 in June, 1624, when Nathaniel was Preface to Morton's Memorial, pp. 
 
 twelve years old. In 1615 he was iv. and 101, and Mass. Hist. Coll. 
 
 chosen Secretary of the Colony xiii. 178. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 AN INTRODUCTION TO THK ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF 
 
 THE CHURCH OF CHRIST AT PLYMOUTH, IN 
 
 NEW ENGLAND, AS FOLLOWETH.' 
 
 It is well known to the godly and judicious, how tntr. 
 that ever since the fii'st breaking out of the light of the 
 Gospel in our honorable nation of England, — which 
 was the first of nations whom the Lord adorned there- 
 with, after that gross darkness of Popery, which had 
 covered and overspread the Christian world, — what 
 wars and oppositions ever since Satan hath raised, 
 maintained, and continued against the saints from time 
 to time, in one sort or other ; sometimes by bloody 
 death and cruel torments, otherwhiles imprisonments, 
 banishments, and other hard usages ; as being loth his 
 kingdom should go down, the truth prevail, and the 
 churches of God revert to their ancient purity, and 
 recover their primitive order, liberty, and beauty. But 
 when he could not prevail by these means against the 
 main truths of the Gospel, but that they began to take? 
 footing in many places, being watered with the blood 
 of the martyrs and blessed from heaven with a gracious 
 
 ' This was originally penned by Mr. William Bradford, Governor of 
 New Plymouth. — Morton's Note. 
 
8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 iNTR. increase ; he then began to take him to his ancient 
 stratagems, used of old against the first Christians ; 
 that when by the bloody and barbarousness ^ of the 
 heathen emperor he could not stop and subvert the 
 course of the Gospel, but that it speedily overspread 
 with a wonderful celerity to the then best known parts 
 of the world, he then began to sow errors, heresies, 
 and wonderful desertions amongst the professors them- 
 selves, working upon their pride and ambition, with 
 other corrupt passions incident to all mortal men, yea 
 to the saints themselves in some measure ; by which 
 woful effects followed, as not only bitter contentions 
 and heart-burnings, schisms, with other horrible con- 
 fusions, but Satan took occasion and advantage thereby 
 to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many 
 unprofitable canons and decrees, which have since been 
 as snares to many peaceable poor souls even to this 
 day ; so, as in the ancient times the persecution by 
 the heathen and their emperors was not greater than 
 of the Christians, one against another, the Arians' and 
 other their accomplices' against the orthodox and true 
 Christians (as witnesseth Socrates in his second book, 
 saith he) " was no less than that of old practised to- 
 wards the Christians when they were compelled and 
 drawn to sacrifice to idols ; for many endured sundry 
 kinds of torments, others racking, and dismembering 
 of their joints, confiscating of their goods, some be- 
 reaved of their native soil, others departed this life 
 under the hands of the tormentor, and some died in 
 banishment, and never saw their country again." - 
 The like method Satan hath seemed to hold in these 
 
 ' So in the MS. ' Eccles. Hist. lib. ii. cap, 27. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 9 
 
 latter times, since the truth began to spring and spread intr. 
 after the great defection made by Antichrist, the Man 
 of Sin. For to let pass the many exam})les in sundry 
 nations, in several })laces of the world, and instances 
 of our own, whenas the old serpent could not prevail by 
 those fiery flames, and other his cruel tragedies, which 
 he by his instruments put in ure every where in the 
 days of Queen Mary and before, he then began another 15 5 3 
 kind of war, and went more closely to work, not only 1558. 
 to oppugn, but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom 
 of Christ by more secret and subtile means, by kind- 
 ling the flames of contention and sowing the seeds of 
 discord and bitter enmity amongst the professors and 
 seeming reformed themselves. For when he could not 
 prevail by the former means against the principal doc- 
 trines of faith, he bent his force against the holy disci- 
 pline and outward regiment of the kingdom of Christ, 
 by which those holy doctrines should be confirmed, and 
 true piety maintained amongst the saints and people 
 of God. 
 
 Mr. Fox recordeth how that, besides those worthy 
 martyrs and confessors which were burned in Queen 
 Mary's days and otherwise tormented, many, both stu- 
 dents and others, fled out of the land, to the number 1554. 
 of eight hundred, and became several congregations at 
 Wesel, Frankfort, Basle, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, 
 and Geneva, &c.' Amongst whom, especially those 
 at Frankfort, began a bitter war of contention and per- 155 5. 
 secution about the ceremonies and service book, and 
 other popish and antichristian stufl', the plague of Eng- 
 land to this day, which are like the high places in 
 
 * Fox, Acts and Monuments, iii. iii. 146, and Fuller's Ch. Hist, of 
 40. See also Strype's Memorials, Britain, ii. 405. 
 
 2 
 
10 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 iJNTR. Israel which the prophets cried out against, and were 
 their ruin ; which the better part sought, according to 
 the purity of the Gospel, to root out and utterly de- 
 stroy, and the other part, under veiled pretences, for 
 their own ends and advancement, sought as stiffly to 
 continue, maintain, and defend ; as appeareth hy the 
 Discourse thereof published in print anno 1575, a book 
 that deserves better to be known and considered than 
 it is.^ The one side labored to have the right worship 
 of God and discipline of Christ established in the 
 church according to the simplicity of the Gospel, with- 
 out the mixture of men's inventions, and to have and 
 to be ruled by the laws of God's word, dispensed in 
 those offices and by those officers of pastors and teach- 
 ers and elders, according to the Scriptures. The other 
 party, though under many colors and pretences, en- 
 deavoured to have the episcopal dignity, after the popish 
 manner, with their large power and Jurisdiction, still 
 retained, with all those court canons and ceremonies, 
 together with all such hvings, revenues, and subordinate 
 officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their 
 antichristian greatness, and enabled them with lordly 
 and tyrannous power to persecute the poor servants of 
 God. 
 
 ' This work is entitled, "A Brief the view and consideration of the 
 
 .Discourse of the Troubles hegun at most Honorable and High Court of 
 
 Franlvfort, in Germany, anno Domi- Parliament, and the reverend di- 
 
 ni 1554, about the Book of Common vines of the intended ensuing As- 
 
 Prayer and Ceremonies, and contin- sembly." Hallam says, in his Con- 
 
 ued by the Englishmen there to the stitutional History of England, 
 
 end of Queen Mary's reign ; in the chap, iv., that "this tract is fairly 
 
 which Discourse the gentle reader and temperately written, though 
 
 shall see the very original and be- with an avowed bias towards the 
 
 ginning of all the contention that Puritan party. Whatever we read 
 
 hath been, and what was the cause in any historian on the subject, is 
 
 of the same. 1575." The place derived from this authority." Both 
 
 where it was printed is not men- editions of this rare book are in the 
 
 tioned. It was reprinted at London Library of the Massachusetts His- 
 
 in 1642, and "humbly presented to torical Society. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 11 
 
 This contention was so g:reat, as neither the honor intr. 
 of God, the common persecution, nor the mediation of 
 Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord in those 
 places, could prevail with those thus episcopallj mind- 
 ed ; but thej proceeded by all means to disturb the 
 peace of this poor persecuted church, so far as to charge 
 very unjustly and ungodlily (yet prelate like) some of 
 their chief opposers with rebellion and high treason 
 against the Emperor, and other such crimes.^ And 
 this contention died not with Queen Mary, nor was 1558. 
 left beyond the seas. But at her death, these people 
 returning into England, under gracious Queen Eliza- 
 beth, many of them preserved aspired to bishoprics and 
 other promotions,^ according to their aims and desires ; 
 
 Nov. 
 
 7. 
 
 ^ Calvin, in his letter of Jan. 20, 
 1555, addressed to John Knox and 
 William Whittinghaai, at Frank- 
 fort, says, " In the liturgy of Eng- 
 land I see that there were many 
 tolerable foolish things ; by these 
 words I mean that there was not 
 the purity which was to be desired. 
 These vices, though they could not 
 at the first day be amended, yet, 
 seeing there was no manifest im- 
 piety, they were for a season to be 
 tolerated. Therefore it was lawful 
 to begin of such rudiments or abece- 
 daries ; but so that it behooved the 
 learned, grave, and godly ministers 
 of Christ to enterprise farther, and 
 to set forth something more filed 
 from rust, and purer. If godly reli- 
 gion had flourished till this day in 
 England, there ought to have been 
 a thing better corrected, and many 
 things clean taken away. I cannot 
 tell what they mean which so great- 
 ly delight in the leavings of popish 
 dregs." Knox was soon after ac- 
 cused of treason before the magis- 
 trates of Frankfort by some of the 
 opposite party, on the ground of 
 certain passages in a book of his, 
 entitled An Admonition to Chris- 
 
 tians, in which he called the em- 
 peror of Germany "no less an 
 enemy to Christ than was Nero;" 
 in consequence of which he was 
 obliged to leave the city. See Dis- 
 course of the Troubles of Frank- 
 fort, pp. 35 and 44, ed. of 1575, and 
 Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 411. 
 
 ^ See in Prince's Annals, p. 288, 
 a list of those who were thus pro- 
 moted. It is a just remark of Hal- 
 lam, i. 188. that the objections to 
 the church ceremonies and the cleri- 
 cal vestments "were by no means 
 confined, as is perpetually insinu- 
 ated, to a few discontented persons. 
 The most eminent churchmen, such 
 as Jewel, Grindal, Sandys, Nowell, 
 were in favor of leaving off the sur- 
 plice and what were called the 
 popish ceremonies. The current 
 opinion that these scruples were 
 imbibed during the banishment of 
 the reformers, must be received 
 with great allowance. The dislike 
 to some parts of the Anglican ritual 
 had begun at home, it had broken 
 out at Frankfort, it is displayed in 
 all the early documents of Eliza- 
 beth's reign by the English divines, 
 far more warmly than by their Swiss 
 
12 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 iNTR. SO that inveterate hatred against the holy discipline of 
 Christ in his church hath continued to this day ; inso- 
 much that, for fear it should prevail, all plots and devices 
 have been used to keep it out, incensing the Queen 
 and State against it as dangerous to her commonvi^ealth ; 
 and that it w^as most needful for the fundamental points 
 of religion should be preached in those ignorant and 
 superstitious times, and to win the weak and ignorant, 
 they might retain divers harmless ceremonies ; and 
 though it were to be wished that divers things were 
 reformed, yet this was not a season for it ; and many 
 the like, to stop the mouths of the more godly, to bring 
 them on to yield to one ceremony after another and 
 one corruption after another ; by these ways beguiling 
 some and corrupting others, until at length they began 
 to persecute all the zealous professors in the land, (al- 
 though they knew little what this discipline meant), 
 both by word and deed, if they would not submit to 
 their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their 
 popish trash, which have no ground in the word of 
 God, but are relics of the Man of Sin. And the more 
 the light of the Gospel grew, the more they urged their 
 subscriptions to these corruptions, so as notwithstanding 
 all their former pretences and fair colors, they whose 
 eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see 
 whereto these things tended. And to cast contempt 
 the more upon the sincere servants of God, they oppro- 
 briously and most injuriously gave unto and imposed 
 
 15 64. upon them that name of Puritans,' which is said the 
 
 correspondents. The queen alone origin and growth of Puritanism in 
 
 was the cause of retaining those ob- England, will be found in Prince's 
 
 servances, to which the great sepa- Annals, p. 2S2-o07, and Bancroft's 
 
 ration from the Anglican establish- Hist, of the United States, i. 278. 
 
 nient is ascribed." The most con- ' The era of the English Puri- 
 
 cise and accurate account of the tans properly begins in 1550, when 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 13 
 
 Novatians, out of pride, did assume and take unto intr. 
 themselves.^ And lamentable it is to see the effects ^"""^^ 
 which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the 
 godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled ; 
 sundry have lost their lives in prisons and other ways. 
 On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, igno- 
 rance, profaneness and atheism increased, the Papists 
 encouraged to hope again for a day. 
 
 This made that holy man Mr. Perkins cry out in his 
 Exhortation unto Repentance, on Zephaniah ii, " Re- 
 ligion," saith he, " hath been amongst us this thirty- 
 
 Hooper refused, for a time, to be 
 consecraled in the ecclesiastical 
 habits. But in the year 1564, " the 
 English bishops,'' says Fuller, "con- 
 ceiving themselves empowered by 
 their canons, began to show their 
 authority in urging the clergy of 
 their respective dioceses to subscribe 
 to the liturgy, ceremonies, and dis- 
 cipline of the Church; and such as 
 refused the same were branded with 
 the odious name of Puritans. We 
 need not speak of the ancient Ca- 
 than, or primitive Puritans, suffi- 
 ciently known by their heretical 
 opinions. ' Puritan ' here was taken 
 for the opposers of the hierarchy 
 and church-service, as resenting of 
 superstition. But profane mouths 
 quickly improved this nickname, 
 therewith on every occasion to 
 abuse pious people ; some of them 
 so far from opposing the liturgy, 
 that they endeavoured (according 
 to the instructions thereof m the 
 preparative to the Confession) ' to 
 accompany the minister with a pure 
 heart,' and labored (as it is in the 
 Absolution) ' for a life pure and 
 holy.' " An old writer of the 
 Church of England, quoted by 
 Prince, says, " they are called Pu- 
 ritans who would have the Church 
 thoroughly reformed ; that is, purged 
 from all those inventions which 
 have been brought into it since the 
 
 age of the Apostles, and reduced 
 entirely to the Scripture purity.'''' 
 See Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 331, 474; 
 Strype's Annals, i. 459-463; Cam- 
 den's Elizabeth, p. 107; Prince, pp. 
 100, 283; Neal's Puritans, i.46, 72, 
 91. (4toed.) 
 
 ' " Novatus, a presbyter of the 
 church of Rome, being puffed up 
 with pride against those who in the 
 times of persecution had lapsed 
 through infirmity of mind, as if 
 there were no further hope of salva- 
 tion for them, although they per- 
 formed all things appertaining to an 
 unfeigned conversion and a sincere 
 confession, constituted himself the 
 ringleaderof a peculiar sect, of those 
 who by reason of their haughty 
 minds styled themselves Cathari, 
 that is, the Pm-e.'" Eusebius, Ec- 
 cles. Hist. lib. vi. cap. 43. His 
 excessive rigor towards the lapsed 
 appears to have been the only heresy 
 of Novatus; and it isquite as likely 
 that the name of Puritan was fas- 
 tened upon his followers in derision 
 and reproach as that they assumed 
 it of themselves; as we know was 
 the case with the modern Quakers 
 and Methodists. For an account 
 of Novatus and his opinions, see 
 Lardner's Credibility, part ii. ch. 
 47 ; Mosheim, de Rebus Christiano- 
 rura ante Const. Magn. Comment. 
 512-527; Jackson's Novatian,Praef. 
 
14 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 iNTR. five years. But the more it is published, the more it 
 is contemned and reproached of many, &c. Thus not 
 profaneness nor wickedness, but religion itself is a by- 
 word, a mocking-stock, and matter of reproach ; so that 
 in England at this day, the man or woman that begins 
 to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve with 
 himself to sustain mocks and injuries, even as though 
 he lived amongst the enemies of religion ; and this 
 common experience hath been too apparent." ^ 
 
 But before I pass on, I cannot omit an observation 
 worthy to be noted, which was observed by the author, 
 viz. Mr. William Bradford, as followeth. 
 
 Saith he : Full little did I think that the downfall 
 of the bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremo- 
 nies, had been so near when I first began this writing, 
 which was about the year 1630, and so pieced at leisure 
 times afterwards, or that I should have lived to have 
 seen or heard of the same.^ But it is the Lord's doing, 
 and ought to be marvellous in our eyes. " Every plant 
 which mine heavenly father hath not planted," saith 
 our Saviour, " shall be rooted up." ^ "I have snared 
 
 ' Works, vol. iii. p. 421, ed. 1613. his older a?e he altered his voice, 
 William Perkins lived in the reign and remitted much of his former 
 of Elizabeth, was a fellow of Christ's rigidness, often professing that to 
 College, Cambridge, and a Puritan preach mercy was the proper office 
 Nonconformist. He was a strict of the ministers of the gospel." 
 Calvinist, and had a controversy '^ Charles I. was beheaded and 
 with Arminius. His writings were the church establishment over- 
 held in high esteem by the fathers thrown in 1649. 
 of New England. Fuller says, in ^ The version of the Bible here 
 his Life of him in the Holy State, quoted, and subsequently, is the 
 that "he would pronounce the word one which was made by the Eng- 
 damn with such an emphasis as left lish exiles at Geneva, in the reign 
 a doleful echo in his auditors' ears of Queen Mary. It was first printed 
 a good while after. And when in 1560, and was so highly esteemed, 
 catechist of Christ's College, in ex- particularly on account of its notes, 
 pounding the commandments, ap- that it passed through thirty edi- 
 plied them so home, able almost to tions. King James appears to have 
 make his hearers' hearts fall down, had a special dislike of it ; for in 
 and hairs to stand upright But in the Conference at Hampton Court 
 
 Matt. 
 XV. 1.3. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 15 
 
 thee, and thou art taken, O Babel, (bishops) and thou intr. 
 wast not aware : thou art found and also cauirht, 
 
 O ' Jer. 1. 
 
 because thou hast striven against the Lord." But will ~^' 
 they needs strive against the truth, against the servants 
 of the Lord, what ! and against the Lord himself ? 
 Do they provoke the Lord to anger ? Are they stronger "'gg^''- 
 than he ? No, no, they have met with their match. 
 Behold, I come against thee, O proud men, saith the -"^^'i- '• 
 Lord God of hosts ; for thy day is coming, even the 
 time that I will visit thee. May not the people of God 
 now say, and these poor people among the rest. The 
 Lord hath brought forth our righteousness : come, let "'Yo."' 
 us declare in Zion the work of the Lord our God. 
 Let all flesh be still before the Lord, for he is raised ^^13;"- 
 up out of his holy place.* 
 
 This poor people may say among the thousands of 
 Israel, When the Lord brought again the captivity of crxv'i"i. 
 Zion, we were like them that dream. The Lord hath vs. 3. 
 done great things for us, whereof we rejoice. They 
 that sow in tears shall reap in joy. They went weep- vss.5,6. 
 ing and carried precious seed ; but they shall return 
 with joy, and bring their sheaves. 
 
 Do ye not now see the fruits of your labors, O all 
 ye servants of the Lord that have suifered for his truth. 
 
 "he professed that he could never Annals, i. 229; Troubles at Frank- 
 yet see a Bible well translated in fort, p. 192; Barlow's Sum and 
 English ; but the worst of all his Substance of the Conference at 
 Majesty thought the Geneva to be." Hampton Court, p. 46; Strype's 
 This opinion of the royal pedant Life of Abp. Parker, 205 ; Fuller's 
 would not lower it in the estimation Ch. Hist. iii. 182, 247. 
 of our fathers, who used it in Eng- ' This elevation of spirit was a 
 land and Holland, and brought it considerable time after the first pen- 
 with them to this country. King ning of these writings, but here en- 
 James's version, which was first tered because of the suitableness of 
 printed in 1611, had hardly got into the matter going before it. — Mor- 
 common use in England when they ton's Note. 
 came over in 1620. See Strype's 
 
16 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 iNTR. and have been faithful witnesses of the same ? And 
 je little handful amongst the rest, the least amongst 
 the thousands of Israel ? You have not had a seed- 
 time, but many of you have seen a joyful harvest. 
 Should ye not then rejoice, yea, again rejoice, and 
 
 xixT.a. say, Hallelujah ! salvation, and glory, and honor, and 
 power, be to the Lord our God ; for true and righteous 
 are his judgments. 
 
 But thou wilt ask. What is the matter ? What is 
 done ? — Why, art thou a stranger in Israel, that thou 
 shouldest not know what is done ? Are not those 
 v.T" Jebusites overcome, that have vexed the people of Israel 
 so long, even holding Jerusalem even until David's 
 days, and been as thorns in their sides for many ages, 
 and now began to scorn that not any David should 
 meddle with them ; they began to fortify their tower, 
 as that of the old Babylonians. But these proud Ana- 
 kims are now thrown down, and their glory laid in the 
 dust. The tyrannous bishops are ejected, their courts 
 dissolved, their canons forceless, their service-books 
 cashiered, their ceremonies useless and despised, their 
 plots for Popery prevented, and all their superstitions 
 discarded, and returned to Rome, from whence they 
 came ; and the monuments of idolatry rooted out of 
 the land, and the proud and profane supporters and 
 cruel defenders of these, as bloody papists, wicked 
 atheists, and their malignant consorts, marvellously 
 overthrown. And are not these great things? Who 
 can deny it ? 
 
 But who hath done it ? Even he that sitteth on the 
 
 xu^n. white horse, who is called Faithful and True, and 
 judgeth and fighteth righteously, whose garments are 
 
 vs. 13. dipped in blood, and his name was called The Word 
 
INTRODUCTION. 17 
 
 of God ; for he shall rule them with a rod of iron ; for intr. 
 it is he that treadeth the wine-press of the fierceness ^^ j^ 
 and wrath of Almighty God ; and he hath upon his gar- 
 ment and upon his thigh a name written, The King of 
 Kings and Lord of Lords. Hallelujah ! 
 
 See how this holy man's spirit was elevated and his 
 heart raised up in praising of the Lord in consideration 
 of the downfall of the proud prelacy ; as he and many 
 more of the saints had good reason, who felt the smart 
 of their bitter and cruel tyranny ; who are, indeed, a 
 limb of Antichrist. And if the generality of the saints 
 had been thus sensible of this great and marvellous 
 work of God, possibly that proud hierarchy had not 
 got up so soon again as they have done, soon after this 
 good man's departure out of this world.' Nevertheless, 
 we doubt not but that God will bring them down in 
 his good time. For undoubtedly all those that will 
 not that the Lord Jesus should reign over them, but 
 instead thereof exercise an usurped lordly power over 
 the poor saints of God, shall be brought and slain 
 before him, and (without repentance) shall, together 
 with the beast and false prophet, be thrown into the jf^tao. 
 lake burning with fire and brimstone. When Babylon 
 cometh into remembrance before God, then shall the 
 saints with the angel say, Thou art just and holy, ^^W 
 because thou hast jude;ed these things ; for they, (viz. 
 the whore of Rome and the prelates, their adherents,) 
 have shed the blood of the saints. Give them blood vs. e. 
 to drink ; for they are worthy. 
 
 ' Gov. Bradford died May 9, 1657. Charles II. was restored and 
 Episcopacy reestablished in 1660. 
 
]8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 iNTR. The exordium being concluded, I shall come more 
 
 ^"^^ nearer my intended purpose, viz. in reference unto the 
 
 Church of Christ at Plymouth in New England, first 
 
 begun in Old England, and carried on in Holland and 
 
 at Plymouth aforesaid. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 OF THE FIRST BEGINNINGS OF THIS CHURCH AND PEOPLE, 
 
 When, bj the travail and diligence of some godly chap. 
 and zealous preachers, and God's blessing on their --^.— 
 labors, as in other places of the land, so in the north ''3;" 
 parts, many became enlightened by the word of God, 
 and had their ignorance and sins discovered by the 
 word of God's grace, and began, by his grace, to re- 
 form their lives and make conscience of their ways, 
 the work of God was no sooner manifest in them, but 
 presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the 
 profane multitude, and the ministers urged with the 
 yoke of subscription,^ or else must be silenced ; and 
 the poor people were so urged with apparitors and pur- 
 suivants and the Commission Courts,^ as truly their 
 
 ' Subscription to the book of com- persons, twelve of whom were 
 
 mon prayer, the rites and ceremo- bishops, many more privy counsel- 
 
 nies, and all the thirty-nine articles, lors, and the rest clergymen or civi- 
 
 See Fuller, iii. 68; Prince, p. 99. Hans. Its spirit and mode of pro- 
 
 * This was the celebrated Court ceeding seem to have been derived 
 of High Commission, so called be- from the Spanish Inquisition. The 
 cause it claimed a larger jurisdic- commissioners were empowered 
 tion and higher powers than the and directed to inquire of all heret- 
 ordinary courts of the bishops ; its ical opinions, to punish all persons 
 jurisdiction extended over the whole absent from church, to visit and re- 
 kingdom. It was provided for by reform all errors, heresies, and 
 the Act of Supremacy, passed in schisms, to deprive all persons of 
 1559, but did not go into full opera- ecclesiastical livings who main- 
 tion till 1584. It was an ecclesias- tained anv doctrine contrary to the 
 tical court, consisting of forty-four ihirty-nine articles, to examine all 
 
20 ORIGIN OF THE PILGRIMS. 
 
 CHAP, affliction was not small. Which, notwithstanding, they 
 ^-^v-w. bare sundry years with much patience, until they 
 were occasioned, by the continuance and increase of 
 these troubles, and other means which the Lord raised 
 up in those days, to see further into these ^ things by 
 the light of the word of God ; how that ^ not only 
 those base beggarly ceremonies were unlawful, but also 
 that the lordly, tyrannous power of the prelates ought 
 not to be submitted to, which those contrary to the 
 freedom of the Gospel would load and burthen men's 
 consciences with, and by their compulsive power make 
 a profane mixture of persons and things in the worship 
 of God ; and that their offices and callings, courts and 
 canons, &c. were unlawful and antichristian, being 
 such as have no warrant in the word of God, but the 
 same that were used in Popery, and still retained ; of 
 which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch com- 
 mentaries : — 
 1603. ii \i ^hg coming; of King James out of Scotland into 
 
 April. *= . ° . 
 
 England,^ the new king," saith he, " found there estab- 
 
 suspected persons on their oaths, Puritans, i. 84, 274, 285; Hallam, 
 
 and to punish the refractory by ex- i. 215. (4to ed.) 
 communication, fine, or imprison- ' I hav^ inserted the words these 
 
 ment, according to their discretion, and that from Prince, who quotes 
 
 They had full authority to com- this passage from Bradford's MS. 
 
 mand all sheriffs, justices, and other See his Annals, p. 100. 
 officers to apprehend and bring be- * At the famous Conference at 
 
 fore them all persons that they Hampton Court, held Jan. 14, 1604, 
 
 should see fit. Pursuivants or mes- James declared, "I will none of 
 
 sengers were sent to the houses of that liberty as to ceremonies; I will 
 
 suspected persons with a citation have one doctrine and one disci- 
 
 for them to appear before the com- pline, one religion in substance and 
 
 missioners, when they were re- ceremony. — I shall make them 
 
 quired to answer upon oath to a [the Puritans] conform themselves, 
 
 series of interrogatories, which as or I will harry them out of the land, 
 
 Lord Burleigh said, were " so curi- or else do worse. — If any would 
 
 ously penned, so full of branches notbequiet.andshowhisobedience, 
 
 and circumstances, as he thought he were worthy to be hanged." — 
 
 the inquisitors of Spain used not so In his speech at the opening of his 
 
 many questions to trap their preys." first parliament, March 19, 1604, 
 
 See Strype's Annals, iii. 180 ; Neal's he " professed that the sect of Puri- 
 
THEY FORM A SEPARATE CHURCH. 21 
 
 lished the reformed religion, according to the reformed chap. 
 reUgion of King Edward tlie Sixth, retaining or keep- -— v-^ 
 ing still the spiritual state of the bishops, &c. after the 
 old manner, much varying and differing from the Re- 
 formed Churches of Scotland, France, and the Nether- 
 lands, Emden, Geneva, &c., whose Reformation is 
 cut or shapen much nearer the first churches, as it was 
 used in the Apostles' times." ^ 
 
 So many therefore of these professors as saw the 
 evil of these things, in these parts, and whose hearts 
 the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, 
 they shook off this yoke of antichristian bondage, and, 
 as the Lord's free people, joined themselves, (by ai602. 
 covenant of the Lord,) into a church estate, in the fel- 
 lowship of the Gospel, to walk in all his ways, made 
 known, or to be made known unto them, according to 
 their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them.^ 
 
 tans or Novelists was not to be suf- all respects, as in the reign of Queen 
 
 fered in any well governed common- Elizabeth, without hope of tolera- 
 
 wealth." In a private letter writ- tion of any other; and on the 6th of 
 
 ten about the same time, he said, July he issued another proclamation 
 
 " I had rather live like a hermit in in which he ordered the Puritan 
 
 the forest, than be king over such a ministers either to conform before 
 
 people as the pack of Puritans that the last of November, or dispose of 
 
 overrules the lower house," He themselves and families some other 
 
 had previously written to his son in way ; as being men unfit, for their 
 
 the Basilicon Doron, " Take heed, obstinacy and contempt, to occupy 
 
 my son, to such Puritans, very pests such places. The consequence of 
 
 in the church and commonwealth, this was, that before November of 
 
 I protest before the great God, that the next year more than three 
 
 ye shall never find with any High- hundred ministers were ejected, 
 
 land or Border thieves greater in- silenced, or suspended, some of 
 
 gratitude and more lies and vile whom were imprisoned, and others 
 
 perjuries than with these fanatic driven into exile. Prince, pp. 107, 
 
 spirits." Barlow's Sum and Sub- 108,110; Neal's Puritans, i. 4o2, 
 stance, pp. 71, 83, 92 ; Calderwood, ' The Reformed Churches shapen 
 
 Hist. Cli. Scotland, p. 478; Hallam, much nearer the primitive pattern 
 
 i. 332. than England ; for they cashiered 
 
 In conformity with these views, the bishops, with their court canons 
 
 on the 5th of March, 1604, he issued and ceremonies at the first, and left 
 
 a proclamation, that the same reli- them amoncst the Popish trash, to 
 
 gion, with common prayer, and which they appertain. — Mortoii's 
 
 episcopal jurisdiction, shall fully I^ote. 
 and only be publicly exercised, m ''Prince says, "Governor Brad- 
 
22 
 
 JOHN ROBINSONS CHURCH. 
 
 CHAP. And that it cost them niiioh pains, trouble, sorrow, 
 — — affliction, and persecution, and expense of their estates, 
 
 &:c. this ensuing history will declare.' 
 16 6. These people became two distinct bodies or churches, 
 in regard of distance of place, and did congregate sever- 
 ally, for they were of several towns and villages, some 
 in Nottinghamshire, some in Lincolnshire,^ and some 
 of Yorkshire, where they bordered nearest together. 
 In the one of these churches, besides others of note, 
 was Mr. John Smith,^ a man of able gifts, and a good 
 preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. 
 But these afterwards falling into some errors in the 
 Low Countries, there for the most part buried them- 
 selves and their names. 
 
 But in this other church, which must be the subject 
 of our discourse, besides other worthy men, was Mr. 
 Richard Clifton, a grave and reverend preacher, who 
 by his pains and diligence had done much good, and 
 
 ford's History takes no notice of 
 the year of this federal incorpora- 
 tion : but Mr- Secretary Morton, in 
 his ^Memorial, places it in 1602. 
 And I suppose he had the account 
 either frojn some other Avritings of 
 Gov. Bradford, the Journals of Gov. 
 Winslow, or from oral conference 
 with them, or other of the first 
 planters ; with some of whom 
 he was contemporary, and from 
 whence, he tells us, he received 
 his intelligence." Annals, p. 100. 
 
 ' " These seem to be some of tne 
 first in England that were brave 
 enough to improve the liberty 
 whereu'iih the divine author of our 
 religion has made us free, and 
 observe hij institutions as their only 
 rule in church order, discipline, anil 
 worship." Prince, p. lOO. 
 
 * I have substituted Lincolnshire 
 for Lancashire, on the authority of 
 Prince. This is most likely to be 
 
 the correct reading, as Lincolnshire 
 borders both on Nottinghamshire 
 and Yorkshire, whilst Lancashire 
 does not. Besides, Prince was re- 
 markable for his accuracy, and is 
 less likely to have made a mistake 
 in deciphering and copying a word 
 than Morton. He tells us, "In the 
 passages relating to the Plymouth 
 planters, I chiefly use Gov. Brad- 
 ford's manuscript History of that 
 Church and Colony, in folio; Avho 
 was with them from their beginning 
 to the end of his Narrative, which 
 is now before me, and was never 
 published." Annals, p. 99. 
 
 ^ Some account of Smith, Clifton, 
 and Robinson, is contained in Gov. 
 Bradford's Dialogue, in a subsequenl 
 part of this volume ; where will 
 also be found a more extended 
 memoir of Elder Brewster, also 
 written bv Gov. Bradford. 
 
THE PILGRIMS PERSECUTED. 23 
 
 under God had been a means of the conversion of chap. 
 many ; and also that famous and worthy man, Mr. — v^' 
 John Robinson, who afterwards wat their pastor for L60 6. 
 many years, until the Lord took him away by death; 
 and also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who 
 afterwards was chosen an elder of the church, and lived 
 with them until old age and death. 
 
 But, after thes(; things, they could not long continue 
 in any peaceable manner, but were hunted and perse- 
 cuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were 
 but as molehills to mountains in comparison to these 
 which now came upon them. For some were taken 
 and clapped up in prisons, others had their houses beset 
 and watched night and day, and hardly escaped their 
 hands ; and the most were fain to fly and leave their 
 houses and habitations, and the means of their liveli- 
 hood. Yet these, and many other sharper things which 
 afterward befell them, were no other than they looked 
 for, and therefore were the better prepared to bear them 
 by the assistance of God's grace and spirit. Yet seeing 
 themselves thus molested, and that there was no hope 
 of their continuance there, by a joint consent they 
 resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they 
 heard was freedom of religion for all men,* as also how 
 
 ' After the introduction of the Amsterdam as "a common harbour 
 
 Reformed relii^ion into the Low of all opinions, of all heresies." 
 
 Countries in 1573, the utmost reli- Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 8, calls 
 
 gious freedom was allowed, all sects Holland " a cage for unclean birds." 
 
 were tolerated, and an asylum was Owen Felltham, in his amusing 
 
 opened for fugitives from persecu- description of the Low Countries, 
 
 tion from every land. See Grotius, says that "all strange religions 
 
 Annals, p. 41 ; Brandt, i. 303; Stra- flock thither." Johnson, in his 
 
 da, i. 457. This honorable pecu- Wonderworking Providence, ch. 
 
 liarity has often been made an 15, exclaims, " Ve Dutch, come out 
 
 occasion of reproach against the of your hodge-podge : the great 
 
 country. Thus Bishop Hall, in his mingle mangle of religion among 
 
 letter to Smith and Robinson, you hath caused the churches of 
 
 Decade iii. Epist. 1, speaks of Christ to increase so little with you, 
 
24 
 
 THEY RESOLVE TO FLY INTO HOLLAND. 
 
 CHAP, sundrj from London and other parts of the land, that 
 — v-^ had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, 
 were gone thitlijt, and lived at Amsterdam,^ and in 
 other places of the land. 
 1607. So after they had continued together about a year, 
 and kept their meetings every Sabbath in one place or 
 another, exercising the worship of God amongst thgfn- 
 selves,- notwithstanding all the diligence and malice 
 of their adversaries, they seeing they could no longer 
 continue in that condition, they resolved to get over 
 into Holland, as they could, which was in the year 
 1607 and 1608 ; of which more in that which fol- 
 loweth. 
 
 standing at a stay like corn among 
 weeds." Beaumont and Fletcher, 
 in their play, The Fair Maid of the 
 Inn, introduce one of their charac- 
 ters as saying, 
 
 " I am a schoolmaster, Sir, and would fain 
 Confer with ycni about erecting four 
 New sects of religion at Amsterdam." 
 
 And Andrew Marvell, in his " Char- 
 acter of Holland,", writes, 
 
 " !?ure when religion did itself embark, 
 
 And from the east would westward steer 
 its ark, 
 
 It struck ; and splilting on this unknown 
 ground, 
 
 Each one thence pillaged the first piece he 
 found. 
 
 Hence Amsterdam, Turk, Christian, Pa- 
 gan, Jf.W, 
 
 Staple of s(a!(^, and mint of schism, grew ; 
 
 That bank ttr' conscience, where not one so 
 strange 
 
 Opinion, l>ut finds credit and exchange. 
 
 In vain for catliulics ourselves we bear , 
 
 The universal church is (>nly there." 
 
 ' The English church at Am- 
 sterdam was that of which Francis 
 Johnson was pastor and Henry 
 Ainsworth teacher, and which had 
 been originally set up at London, 
 in 1592, and soon afterwards re- 
 moved to Holland. It came very 
 near being torn in pieces at first by 
 intestine divisions, but afterwards 
 flourished under a succession of 
 pastori for more ilvan a century. 
 
 In 1596 they published a " Confes- 
 sion of Faith of certain English 
 people living in exile in the Low 
 Countries," which was reprinted ia 
 1604, in " An Apology or Defence 
 of such true Christians as are com- 
 monly, but unjustly, called Brown- 
 ists." This work has sometimes 
 been confounded with John Robin- 
 son's "Just and Necessary Apology 
 of certain Christians not less con- 
 tumeliously than commonly called 
 Brownists or Barrowists," which 
 was first published in 1619. Some 
 account of Johnson and Ainsworth 
 is contained in Bradford's Dialogue, 
 in a subsequent part of this volume. 
 See Brandt's History of the Refor- 
 mation in the Low Countries, i. 
 479; Neal's Puritans, i. 363, 386; 
 Prince, p. 303- 
 
 * In a memoirof Elder Brewster, 
 written by Gov. Bradford, and 
 copied by Morton into the records 
 of the Plymouth Church, it is stated 
 that "they ordinarily met at his 
 (Brewster's) house on the Lord's 
 Day, which was within a manor of 
 the bishop's ; and with great love he 
 entertained them when they came, 
 making provision for them to his 
 great chnrge, and continued to do 
 so while they could stay in Eng- 
 land." 
 
i 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 OF THEIR DEPARTURE INTO HOLLAND, AND THEIR 
 
 TROUBLES THEREABOUT, WITH SOME OF THE MANY 
 
 DIFFICULTIES THEY FOUND AND MET WITHAL. 
 
 Being thus constrained to leave their native country, chap. 
 
 . . 11. 
 their lands and livings, and all their friends and familiar -^-^--^ 
 
 acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvellous by 
 
 many. But to go into a country they knew not, but 
 
 by hearsay, where they must learn a new language, 
 
 and get their livings they knew not how, it being a 
 
 dear place, and subject to the miseries of war,' it was 
 
 by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case 
 
 intolerable, and a misery worse than death ; especially 
 
 seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor traffic, 
 
 (by which the country doth subsist) but had only been 
 
 ' The Netherlands have, in every 
 age, from the earliest times down 
 to the last great conflict at Water- 
 loo, been the battle-ground of Eu- 
 rope. Bishop Hall says in one of 
 his epistles, " It were pity that your 
 Holland should be still the amphi- 
 theatre of the world, on whose 
 scaffolds all other nations should 
 sit, and see variety of bloody shows, 
 not without pity and horror." At 
 this time Spain was waging that 
 dreadful war with her revolted 
 subjects of the United Provinces, 
 which terminated in their inde- 
 
 4 
 
 pendence. The best ^'•count of this 
 war will be found in the contem- 
 porary historians, Bentivoglio, Re- 
 latione delle Provincie Unite di 
 Fiandra, Strada, de Bello Belgico, 
 and Grotius, Annales et Historise 
 de Rebus Belgicis. See also 
 Brandt's History of the Reforma- 
 tion in the Low Countries, Sir 
 William Temple's Observations 
 upon the United Provinces of the 
 Netherlands, Watson's History of 
 the Reign of Philip H. and HI. and 
 Grattan's History of the Nether- 
 lands, in Lardner's Cyclopedia. 
 
 t^-vV 
 
26 THE FIRST ATTEMPT PREVENTED. 
 
 CHAP, used to a plain coimtrj life and the innocent trade of 
 — ^^ husbandry. But these things did not dismay them, 
 (although they did sometimes trouble them,) for their 
 desires were set on the ways of God, and to enjoy his 
 ordinances. But they rested on his providence, and 
 knew whom they had believed. Yet this was not all. 
 For although they could not stay, yet were they not 
 suffered to go ; but the ports and havens were shut 
 against them, so as they were fain to seek secret means 
 of conveyance, and to fee the mariners, and give extra- 
 ordinary rates for their passages. And yet were they 
 oftentimes betrayed, many of them, and both they and 
 their goods intercepted and surprised, and thereby put 
 to great trouble and charge ; of which I will give an 
 instance or two, and omit the rest. 
 1607. There was a great company of them purposed to get 
 passage at Boston, in Lincolnshire ; and for that end 
 had hired a ship wholly to themselves, and made agree- 
 ment with the master to be ready at a certain day, and 
 take them and their goods in at a convenient place, 
 where they accordingly would all attend in readiness. 
 So after long waiting and large expenses, though he 
 kept not the day with them, yet he came at length, 
 and took them in, in the night. And when he had 
 them and their goods aboard, he betrayed them, having 
 beforehand complotted with the searchers and other 
 offjcers so to do ; who took them and put them into 
 open boats, and there rifled and ransacked them, search- 
 ing them to their shirts for money, yea, even the women, 
 further than became modesty ; and then carried them 
 back into the town, and made them a spectacle and 
 wonderment to the multitude, which came flocking on 
 all sides to behold them. Being thus by the catchpole 
 
THE PILGRIMS IMPRISONED. 
 
 27 
 
 officers rifled and stripped of their money, books, and chap. 
 much other goods, they were presented to the magis- — ^-^ 
 trates, and messengers sent to inform the Lords of 
 the Council of them ; and so they were committed to 
 ward. Indeed, the magistrates used them courteously, 
 and showed them what favor they could ; but could 
 not deliver them until order came from the Council 
 table. But the issue was, that after a month's im- 
 prisonment the greatest part were dismissed, and sent 
 to the places from whence they came ; but seven ' of 
 the principal men ^ were still kept in prison, and bound 
 over to the assizes.^ 
 
 The next spring after, there was another attempt i608. 
 made, by some of these and others, to get over at 
 another place ; and it so fell out that they lighted of a 
 Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging 
 
 ' The word in the MS. is some ; 
 but I have no doubt that seven was 
 the original reading. Hutchinson, 
 who quotes this passage at length 
 from Bradford's History, reads it 
 seven; and it will be seen by the 
 next note that Morton himself, 
 copying another manuscript of Gov. 
 Bradford alluding to this same af- 
 fair, mentions " the seven." The 
 word men I have also restored from 
 Hutchinson. See his History, ii. 
 450. 
 
 * Gov. Bradford says, in the me- 
 moir already referred to on page 24, 
 that Elder Brewster " was the chief 
 of those that were taken at Boston, 
 in Lincolnshire, and suffered the 
 greatest loss, and one of the seven 
 that were kept lonsesl in prison, 
 and after bound over to the assizes." 
 The books that were in the boats 
 probably belonged to him, as we 
 know that he had a considerable 
 library, which he brought over with 
 him to Plymouth. A catalogue of 
 them is contained in bis inventory, 
 in the Records of the Old Colony. 
 
 The whole number of volumes was 
 275, of which 64 were in the learned 
 languages. They were valued at 
 £43. See Morton's Memorial, p. 
 221, and Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 117. 
 Cotton Mather, in his Life of 
 Gov. Bradford in the Magnalia, i. 
 102, stales that he was one of those 
 that were taken and imprisoned at 
 Boston. He adds that " Mr. Brad- 
 ford being a young man of about 
 eighteen, was dismissed sooner 
 than the rest, so that within a 
 while he had opportunity with 
 some others to get over to Zealand, 
 through perils both by land and sea 
 not inconsiderable; where he was 
 not long ashore ere a viper seized 
 on his hand, that is, an officer, who 
 carried him unto the magistrates, 
 unto whom an envious passenger 
 had accused him as having fled out 
 of England. When the magistrates 
 understood the true cause of his 
 coming thither, they were well 
 satisfied with him ; and so he re- 
 paired joyfully unto his brethren at 
 Amsterdam." 
 
 <, 
 
28 THE SECOND EMBARKATION. 
 
 CHAP, to Zealand. They made agreement with him, and 
 ^^^^ acijuainted him with their condition, hoping to find 
 160 8. more faithfuhiess in him than in the former, of their 
 own nation. He bade them not fear ; for he w ould do 
 well enough. He was by appointment to take them in 
 between Grimsby^ and Hull, where was a large com- 
 mon, a good way distant from any town. Now against 
 the prefixed time, the women and children, with the 
 goods, were sent to the place in a small bark, which 
 they had hired for that end, and the men were to meet 
 them by land. But it so fell out that they were there a 
 day before the ship came ; and the sea being rough,^ and 
 the women very sick, prevailed with the seamen to put 
 into a creek hard by, where they lay on ground at low 
 water. The next morning the ship came ; but they 
 were fast, and could not stir until about noon. In the 
 mean time, the shipmaster, perceiving how the matter 
 was, sent his boat to be getting the men aboard, whom 
 he saw walking about the shore. But after the first 
 boat-full was got aboard, and she was ready to go for 
 more, the master espied a great company, both horse 
 and foot, with bills and guns and other weapons ; for 
 the country was raised to take them. The Dutchman 
 seeing that, swore his country's oath, ("sacrament") 
 and having the wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoisted 
 sails, and away. 
 
 But the poor men which were got on board were in 
 great distress for their wives and children, which they 
 
 ' Grimsby is a sea-port town in ' Mr. Bancroft, who is generally 
 
 Lincolnshire, near the mouth of the very accurate in his facts, errs in 
 
 Humber. It was once rich and pop- saying that " the embarkation was 
 
 ulous, and carried on a considerable to be made under the shelter of 
 
 foreign trade. See Camden's Bri- darbiess;" and also draws upon 
 
 lannia, p. 471, and Britton's Topo- his imagination for " a riiglit 
 
 graphical Description of the County storm." Hist. U. S. i. 302. 
 of Lincoln, p. 689. 
 
A STORM AT SEA. 29 
 
 saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their chap. 
 helps, and themselves also not having a cloth to shift -^v-L. 
 them with, more than they had on their backs, and 1 608. 
 some scarce a penny about them, all they had being 
 on board the bark. It drew tears from their eyes, and 
 any thing they had they would have given to have 
 been on shore again. But all in vain ; there was no 
 remedy ; they must thus sadly part ; and afterwards 
 endured a fearful storm at sea, being fourteen days or 
 more before they arrived at their port ; in seven whereof 
 they neither saw sun, moon, nor stars, and were driven 
 to the coast of Norway ; the mariners themselves often 
 despairing of life, and once with shrieks and cries gave 
 over all, as if the ship had been foundered in the sea, 
 and they sinking without recovery. But when man's 
 hope and help wholly failed, the Lord's power and 
 mercy appeared for their recovery ; for the ship rose 
 again, and gave the mariners courage again to manage 
 her ; and if modesty ^ would suffer me, I might declare 
 with what fervent prayers they cried unto the Lord in 
 this great distress, especially some of them, even with- 
 out any great distraction. When the water ran into 
 their very ears and mouths, and the mariners cried out, 
 " We sink, we sink," they cried, if not with miracu- 
 lous, yet with a great height of divine faith, " Yet, 
 Lord, thou canst save ; yet. Lord, thou canst save : " 
 with such other expressions as I will forbear. Upon 
 which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after 
 the violence of the storm began to abate, and the Lord 
 filled their afflicted minds with such comforts as every 
 
 * From this expression, as well ford himself was in the vessel. 
 as from the whole passage, there The description is that of an eye- 
 can hardly be a doubt that Brad- witness. 
 
30 
 
 ARRIVAL IN HOLLAND. 
 
 CHAP, one cannot understand, and in the end brought them 
 -^v^ to their desired haven ; where the people came flocking, 
 16 08. aduiii-ing their deliverance, the storm having been so 
 long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, as 
 the master's friends had related unto him in their con- 
 gratulations.' 
 
 But to return to the others where we left. The rest 
 of the men that were in the greatest danger made shift 
 to escape away before the troop could surprise them, 
 those only staying that best might, to be assistant to 
 the women. But pitiful it was to see the heavy case 
 
 ' Cotton Mather, in the Magna- 
 lia, i. 101, 102, records this and the 
 previous attempt to escape from 
 England; but he perversely trans- 
 poses their chronological order ; the 
 effect of which is to make it appear 
 that Bradford was imprisoned in 
 Boston after he had escaped to 
 Holland. He did not derive his in- 
 formation from Bradford's original 
 manuscript, but from this copy of 
 it in the records of Plymouth 
 church, which he cursorily exam- 
 ined when on his visits to his uncle, 
 John Cotton, the minister of that 
 church. 
 
 Mather did not know how to use 
 his valuable materials, and took no 
 pains to ascertain his facts or verify 
 his statements. One instance of 
 his utter disregard of accuracy, even 
 when it could be easily attained, 
 will suffice. In his Life of his 
 father. Increase Mather, he states, 
 p. 24, that he married the only 
 daughter of John Cotton ; whilst in 
 the Magnalia, i. 260, he asserts that 
 Cotton had three daughters, two of 
 ■whom were married. One would 
 have thought that he might have 
 taken the trouble to find the exact 
 truth about such a simple fact as 
 this, relating to his own mother. 
 And yet Cotton Mather is univer- 
 sally cited by Europeans, as well 
 as by our own countrymen, who 
 
 undertake to write our history, not 
 only as an authority, but as the 
 highest authority. This has been 
 the case from Neal and Robertson 
 downwards. De Tocqueville, whose 
 selection of authorities is in all 
 other respects singularly judicious, 
 puts the Magnalia at the head, 
 calling it "the most valuable and 
 important document on the history 
 of New England ; " and Grahame, 
 whose excellent History of the 
 United States evinces great dis- 
 crimination, calls it " the most con- 
 siderable of the early historical 
 works, and the most interesting 
 performance that the literature of 
 New England has ever produced. 
 The biographical portions, in par- 
 ticular," he adds, " possess the 
 highest excellence, and are supe- 
 rior in dignity and interest to the 
 compositions of Plutarch." It is 
 quite time that it was generally 
 understood that Cotton Mather is 
 not to be relied upon as an authority 
 for any fact, unsupported by other 
 evidence. Mr. Savage, the learned 
 editor of Winthrop's Journal, slates 
 the simple truth when he says, that 
 " Cotton Mather has published more 
 errors of carelessness than any other 
 writer on the history of New Eng- 
 land." De Tocqueville, p. 424 ; 
 Grahame, i. 415; Savage's Win- 
 throp, ii. 24. 
 
THE WOMEN LEFT BEHIND. 31 
 
 of these poor women in this distress ; what weeping chap. 
 and crying on everj side ; some for their husbands that — v— 
 were carried away in the ship, as it was before related ; 1 6 08. 
 others not knowing what should become of them and 
 their little ones ; others melted in tears, seeing their 
 poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and 
 quaking witli cold. Being thus apprehended, they 
 were hurried from one place to another, and from one 
 justice to another, until, in the end, they knew not 
 what to do with them. For to imprison so many 
 women and innocent children for no other cause, many 
 of them, but that they would ^ go with their husbands, 
 seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out of 
 them ; and to send them home again was as difficult, 
 for they alleged (as the truth was) they had no homes 
 to go to, for they had sold or otherwise disposed of 
 their houses aud livings. To be short, after they had 
 been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from 
 one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of 
 them in the end upon any terms, for all were wearied 
 and tired with them ; though, in the mean time, the 
 poor souls endured misery enough ; and thus in the 
 end necessity forced a way for them. 
 
 But that 1 be not tedious in these things, I will omit 
 the rest, although I might relate other notable passages 
 and troubles which they endured and underwent in 
 these their wanderings and travels, both at land and 
 sea.' But I haste to other things. Yet I may not 
 
 ' I have here substituted would, the worthy Governor did not see 
 
 which Hutchinson gives as the fit to preserve the particulars of 
 
 reading of Bradford's MS for OTMs^, these perils and sufferings of his 
 
 which is in Morton's copy- There brethren. Could he have foreseen 
 
 can be no doubt as to which is the the deep interest which, two hun- 
 
 true reading. dred years afterwards, would be 
 
 It is much to be regretted that felt in every thing relating to these 
 
32 RESULT OF THE PERSECUTION. 
 
 CHAP, omit the fruit that came hereby. For by these so 
 • — ^^ public troubles in so many eminent places ^ their cause 
 160 8. became famous, and occasioned many to look into the 
 same ; and their godly carriage and christian behaviour 
 was such as left a deep impression in the minds of 
 many. And though some few shrunk at those first 
 conflicts and sharp beginnings, (as it was no marvel,) 
 yet many more came on with fresh courage, and greatly 
 animated others ; and in the end, notwithstanding all 
 these storms of opposition, they all got over at length, 
 some at one time and some at another, and met to- 
 gether again, according to their desires, with no small 
 rejoicing. 
 
 poorexile's, he would not have failed know about their trials and perse- 
 
 lo record the minutest occurrences cutions. They were not aware that 
 
 in their history. But these humble they were to be the germs of a great 
 
 and modest men did not suppose empire, 
 
 that posterity would be solicitous to ' Boston, Hull, and Grimsby. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 OF THEIR SETTLING IN HOLLAND, AND THEIR MANNER 
 OF LIVING AND ENTERTAINMENT THERE. 
 
 Being now come into the Low Countries, they saw chap. 
 
 Ill- 
 many goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled, and ~^-— - 
 
 guarded with troops of armed men. Also they heard 1608- 
 a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the differ- 
 ent manners and customs of the people, with their 
 strange fashions and attires ; all so far differing from 
 that of their plain country villages, wherein they were 
 bred and born and had so long lived, as it seemed 
 they were come into a new world. But those were 
 not the things they much looked on, or long took up 
 their thoughts ; for they had other work in hand, and 
 another kind of war to wage and maintain. For though 
 they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abun- 
 dance of all sorts of wealth and riches, yet it was not 
 long before they saw the grim and griseled ' face of 
 poverty coming on them like an armed man, with 
 whom they must buckle and encounter, and from 
 whom they could not fly. But they were armed with 
 faith and patience against him and all his encounters ; 
 
 ' Griseled, for grisly — frightful, hideous. 
 
34 THE PILGRIMS IN AMSTERDAM. 
 
 CHAP, and though they were sometimes foiled, jet by God's 
 — v-^ assistance they prevailed and got the victory. 
 1608. Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other 
 principal members were come over, (for they were of 
 the last, and stayed to help the weakest over before 
 them,) such things were thought on as were necessary 
 for their settling and best ordering of the church affairs. 
 And when they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, 
 Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best 
 discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith and his com- 
 pany was already fallen into contention with the church 
 that was there before them, and no means they could 
 use would do any good to cure the same ; and also 
 that the flames of contention were like to break out in 
 that ancient church itself, (as afterwards lamentably 
 came to pass) ; which things they prudently foreseeing, 
 thought it was best to remove before they were any 
 way engaged with the same ; ' though they well knew 
 it would be much to the prejudice of their outward 
 
 ' Neal, Hist, of N. England, i. pears from page 22, only a short 
 76, falls into an error when he time before Robinson. The con- 
 speaks of " the flames of conten- tention was not among the mem- 
 tion havine broken out in Mr. hers of Smith's congregation, but 
 Smith's church." Belknap, Amer. between his church and " tlie church 
 Biog. ii. 157, follows it when he that was there before them," " that 
 says, " these people (Smith and his ancient church," namely Johnson's, 
 congregation) fell into controversy, mentioned in the note on page 24. 
 and were soon scattered ; " and Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 16, 
 Francis Baylies, Memoir of Ply- Hornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 232, and 
 mouth, i. 11, repeals it when he Neal, Hist. Puritans, i. 437, err in 
 says, " some dissensions happening saying that Smith set up his church 
 amongst them, (Smith's people) the at Leyden ; whereas it was to avoid 
 church was dissolved." This error him and his company thit Robinson 
 arises from their not being aware removed to that ciiy. Cotton, in 
 of, or not attending to, the fact of liis Way of Cong. Churches, p. 7, 
 tlie existence of another congrega- says, " 1 understand by such as 
 tion of Separatists at Amsterdam, lived in those parts at that time, 
 which had been established many Smith lived at Amsterdam, and 
 years before Smith settled there ; there died, and at Leyden in Hol- 
 \vho went over to Holland, as ap- land he never came." 
 
REMOVAL TO LEYDEN. 35 
 
 estate, both at present and, in likelihood, in the future ; chap. 
 as indeed it proved to be. -^-^ 
 
 For these and some other reasons they removed to 16 09. 
 Lejden,^ a fair and beautiful city, and of a sweet situ- 
 ation, but made more famous by the university where- 
 with it is adorned, in which of late it had been by so 
 many learned men ; ^ but wanting that traffic by sea 
 which Amsterdam enjoyed, it was not so beneficial for 
 their outward means of living and estates. But being 
 now here pitched, they fell to such trades and employ- 
 ments^ as they best could, valuing peace and their 
 spiritual comfort above any other riches whatsoever ; 
 and at length they came to raise a competent and com- 
 fortable living, and with hard and continual labor. 
 Being thus settled, after many difficulties, they con- 
 tinued many years in a comfortable condition, enjoying 
 much sweet and delightful society and spiritual comfort 
 together, in the ways of God, under the able ministry 
 
 ' " By several passages in Gov. sius, and Booerhave. See Grotius, 
 
 Bradford's manuscript it seems as Annals, p. 266; Brandt, i. 312. 
 if they began to remove to Leyden ^ Cotton Mather, in his Life of 
 
 at the end of 1608." Prince, p. Gov. Bradford, in the Magnalia, i. 
 
 120. The distance from Amster- 102, speaks of " the difficulties to 
 
 dam to Leyden is about 38 miles. which Bradford, when in Holland, 
 
 ^ The university of Leyden was stooped in learning and serving of 
 established in 1575, the year after a Frenchman at the working of 
 the memorable siege of that place, silks;" and Belknap, in his Amer. 
 The Prince of Orange, wishing to Biog. ii. 218, says that Bradford, 
 reward the citizens for their con- " being under age, put himself as 
 stancy and valor, gave them the an apprentice to a French Protest- 
 choice of two privileges — either ant, who taught him the art of silk- 
 an exemption from taxes, or a uni- dying." Neither of them, how- 
 versity ; they chose the latter. It ever, refers to any authority for 
 has been at times one of the most their statements. Brewster bc- 
 celebrated in Europe ; and from its came a printer, as will be seen 
 reputation the city itself was called hereafter in Bradford's memoir of 
 the Athens of the West, and the him. Many of the first colonists 
 North Star of Holland. Among at Plymouth were weavers, from 
 its distinguished professors and Yorks-hire and Nottinghamshire, 
 scholars were Arminius, Episco- and brought over their looms with 
 pius, Grotius, Lipsius, Junius, Vos- them. See Mass, Hist. Coll. xiii. 
 sius, Descartes, Scaliger, Salma- 171. 
 
36 INCREASE OF THE CHURCH. 
 
 CHAP, and prudent government of Mr. John Robinson and 
 
 HI. . . 
 
 — ^ Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistant unto him 
 1609 \yi the place of an elder, unto which he was now called 
 
 to ^ • 1 1 
 
 1617. and chosen by the church ; so as they grew in knowl- 
 edge and other gifts and graces of the spirit of God ; 
 and lived together in peace, and love, and holiness. 
 And many came unto them from divers parts of Eng- 
 land, so as they grew a great congregation.^ And if 
 at any time any differences did arise or offences broke 
 out, (as it cannot be but that sometimes there will, 
 even amongst the best of men), they were ever so met 
 with and nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise so 
 well composed, as still love, peace, and communion 
 was continued, or else the church purged of those that 
 were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much pa- 
 tience used, no other means would serve ; which seldom 
 comes to pass. 
 
 Yea, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect 
 that this worthy man had to his flock, and his flock to 
 him, that it might be said of them, as it was once said ^ 
 of that famous emperor, Marcus Aurelius, and the people 
 of Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he delight- 
 ed more in having such a people, or they in having 
 
 * It is impossible to ascertain 120 set sail from England in the 
 the exact number of Robinson's Mayflower and Speedwell. Of these 
 congregation ; yet we may approxi- 101 arrived at Plymouth in the May- 
 mate to it. Gov. Bradford tells us, flower in 1620 ; 36 came in the For- 
 in his Dialogue, that in Johnson's tune, in 1631 ; 60 in the Ann, in 
 church, " at Amsterdam, there were 1623 ; 35, with their families, in the 
 about three hundred communicants; Mayflower, in 1629 ; and 60 in 
 and for the church of Leyden, they 1630; — making in all more than 
 were sometimes not much fewer in 300, including the " families." We 
 number." Edward Winslow says, in have the names of those who came 
 his Brief Narrative, that " the dif- in the first three ships ; and also a 
 ference of number was not great " list of the persons in the Colony in 
 between those who remained at May, 1627. 
 
 Leyden and those who embarked ^ Golden Book, &c. — Morton's 
 
 for America. Now we know that Note. 
 
JOHN ROBINSON'S CHARACTER. 37 
 
 such a pastor. His love was great towards them, and chap. 
 
 . HI. 
 
 his care was always bent for their best good, both for — — 
 soul and body. For, besides his singular abilities in 16 09 
 divine things, wherein he excelled, he was able also to 1 6 1 7, 
 give direction in civil affairs,' and to foresee dangers 
 and inconveniences ; by which means he was very 
 helpful to their outward estates ; and so was every 
 way as a common father unto them. And none did 
 more offend him than those that were close and cleav- 
 ing to themselves, and retired from the common good ; 
 as also such as would be stiff and rigid in matters of 
 outward order, and inveigh against the evils of others, 
 and yet be remiss in themselves, and not so careful to 
 express a virtuous conversation. They, in like manner, 
 had ever a reverent regard unto him, and had him in 
 precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did de- 
 serve ; and although they esteemed him highly whilst 
 he lived and labored amongst them, yet much more 
 after his death,^ when they came to feel the want of 
 his help, and saw, by woful experience, what a treasure 
 they had lost, to the grief of their hearts and wounding 
 of their souls ; yea, such a loss as they saw could not 
 
 ' It has been the practice of of Mayhew, Chauncy, and Cooper, 
 the Independent or Congregational before and during the Revolution, 
 clergy, both in Old and New Eng- will never be forgotten. The Con- 
 land, from the earliest times, to gregational clergy were found, at 
 take an interest and part in public that time, almost to a man, on the 
 affairs. The prominent and efficient side of their country's independ- 
 agency which they exercised in the ence ; and they have ever been the 
 infancy of our colonial settlements earnest and consistent advocates of 
 is well known ; Cotton, Hooker, and " liberty with order." See Hutch- 
 Davenport shared at least an equal inson's Mass. i. 34, 419 ; Trum- 
 power witli Winttirop, Haynes, and bull's Connecticut, i. 91 , 99 ; Bacon's 
 Eaton in moulding the civil polity and Kingsley's Hist. Discourses at 
 of Massachusetts and Connecticut. New Haven ; Tudor's Life of Otis, 
 The services of Increase Mather in pp. 140-155. 
 
 obtaining the second charter of ^ Mr. Robinson died at Leyden, 
 
 Blassachusetts are recorded in her March 1st, 1625. He was about 
 
 history ; and the patriotic exertions 50 years old. Prince, p. 237. 
 
38 THE PILGRIMS LIVE IN PEACE. 
 
 CHAP, be repaired : for it was hard for them to find such 
 
 III. 
 — "v— another leader and feeder in all respects, as the Tabo- 
 
 160 9 rites to find another Ziska.^ And although they did 
 1617. not call themselves orphans, as the other did, after his 
 death, yet they had cause as much to lament, in another 
 regard, their present condition and after usage. 
 
 But to return. I know not but it may be spoken to 
 the honor of God, and without prejudice to any, that 
 such was the humble zeal and fervent love of this 
 people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God 
 and his ways, and the single-heartedness and sincere 
 affection one towards another, that they came as near 
 the primitive pattern of the first churches as any other 
 church of these latter times have done, according to 
 their rank and quality. But seeing it is not my pur- 
 pose to treat of the several passages that befell this 
 people whilst they thus lived in the Low Countries, 
 (which might worthily require a large treatise of itself,) 
 but to manifest something of their beginning and after 
 progress in New England, which I principally scope 
 and aim at ; yet, because some of their adversaries did, 
 upon the rumor of their removal, cast out slanders 
 against them, as if that State had been weary of them, 
 and had rather driven them out, (as the heathen histo- 
 
 ^ The burning of John Huss and sioa to the Mount of Transfis^ura- 
 
 Jerome of Prague by order of the tion, on which the Apostle Peter 
 
 Council of Constance, in 1415 and wished to build tabernacles. Here 
 
 1416, caused great indignation and they founded a city, to which also 
 
 excitement in Bohemia, their native they gave the name of Tabor, and 
 
 country, which led to an open in- from it were themselves called 
 
 surrection. The insurgents took Taborites. After the death of Ziska 
 
 up arms, and under the command in 1424, his followers were incon- 
 
 of John Ziska, retired to a moun- solable, and considering themselves 
 
 tain ten miles from Prague, to deprived of a parent and protector, 
 
 which they gave the name of called themselves Orphan!^. See 
 
 Mount Tabor, from the tent Avhich Gieseler's Eccles. Hist. iii. 359, and 
 
 they erected there for the celebra- Encyc. Amer. articles Ziska and 
 
 tion of the communion, and in allu- Huss. 
 
THEIR CREDIT WITH THE DUTCH. 39 
 
 ries did feipii of Moses and the Israelites when they chap. 
 went out of Egypt,) ' than it was their own free choice — ^-^ 
 and motion, I will therefore mention a particular or 
 two to show the contrary, and that good acceptation 
 they had in the place. 
 
 And first, although it was low with many of them, 
 yet their word would be taken amongst the Dutch 
 when they wanted money, because they had found by 
 experience how careful they were to keep their word,^ 
 and saw them so painful and diligent in their callings, 
 that they strove to get their custom, and to employ 
 them above others in their work, for their honesty and 
 diligence. 
 
 Again ; the magistrates of the city, about the time 
 of their coming away, or a little before, in the public 1619. 
 place of justice, gave this commendable testimony of "^ 
 them, in reproof of the Walloons,^ who were of the 
 French church in the city. " These English," said 
 they, " have lived amongst us now this twelve years, 
 and yet we never had any suit or accusation come 
 
 1 It was a vulgar slander against deep despair, Moses, one of their 
 
 the Jews, that they were expelled number," &c. Josephus vindicates 
 
 from Egypt on account of their his countrymen from the same 
 
 having the leprosy. Tacitus says charge, as alleged by Manetho, 
 
 "A pestilential disease, disfiguring Chaeremon, and Lysiniachus. See 
 
 the race of men, and making the Tacitus, Hist. lib. v. 3, with the 
 
 body an object of loathsome de- comments of Brotier and Oberlin, 
 
 formity, spread all over Egypt, and Josephus against Apion, lib. i. 
 
 Bocchoris, at that time the reigning 26-35. 
 
 monarch, consulted the oracle of ^ A great honor to the Gospel. — 
 
 Jupiter Hammon, and received for Morion's Note. 
 
 answer, that the kingdom must be ^ The Walloons are the inhabi- 
 
 purified, by exterminating the in- tants of the southern part of Bel- 
 
 fected multitude, as a race of men gium, bordering on France. Their 
 
 detested by the gods. After dili- language is a dialect differing from 
 
 gent search, the wretched sufferers the French and German, as well 
 
 were collected together, and in a as the Flemish, and is said to re- 
 
 wild and barren desert abandoned semble the old French of the thir- 
 
 to their misery. In that distress, teenth century. See Grattan's 
 
 while the vulgar herd was sunk in Hist, of the Netherlands, p. 1. 
 
40 
 
 THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY. 
 
 CHAP, against any of ^ them. But your strifes and quarrels 
 
 -^N-^ are continual," &c. 
 
 1612. In these times, also, were the great troubles raised 
 by the Arminians ; ^ who, as they greatly molested the 
 whole State, so this city in particular, in which was the 
 chief university ; so as there were daily and hot disputes 
 in the schools thereabouts. And as the students and 
 other learned were divided in their opinions herein, 
 so were the two professors or divinity readers them- 
 selves, the one daily teaching for it, and the other 
 against it ; which grew to that pass, that few of the 
 disciples of the one would hear the other teach. But 
 Mr. Robinson, although he taught thrice a week him- 
 self, and wrote sundry books,^ besides, his manifold 
 pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to hear their 
 
 ' The words any of are inserted 
 from Hutchinson, ii. 454. Morton 
 himself has it so in the Memorial, 
 p. 21. 
 
 ^ The fullest and best account of 
 Arminianism, " that grand choke- 
 weed of true Christianity," as Cot- 
 ton Mather spitefully calls it, 
 (Magnalia, i. 46), is contained in 
 Brandt's History of the Reforma- 
 tion in the Low Countries. — James 
 Arminius, (Hermann), born at 
 Oudewater, in South Holland, in 
 1560, after having been fifteen years 
 a minister at Amsterdam, was 
 chosen professor of divinity at Ley- 
 den in 1603, and died Oct. 9, 1609, 
 in his 49th year. The best Life of 
 him is by Brandt. See also his 
 Life by Nichols; Brandt's Hist. 
 Ref ii. 25-63 ; and Bayle, Diet. 
 Hist, et Crit. 
 
 ^ The following are the titles of 
 the books which Robinson pub- 
 lished after his arrival in Holland, 
 and before the embarkation of the 
 Pilgrims for America. 1. A Justi- 
 fication of Separation from the 
 Church of England ; against Mr. 
 
 Richard Bernard his invective, inti- 
 tuled The Separatists' Scheme. 
 By John Robinson. 1610. 2. Of 
 Religious Communion, private and 
 public. With the silencing of the 
 clamors raised by Mr. Thomas 
 Helwisse against our retaining the 
 baptism received in England, and 
 admistering of baptism unto in- 
 fants. As also a survey of the 
 confession of faith published in 
 certain Conclusions by the remain- 
 ders of Mr. Smith's company. By 
 John Robinson. 1614. 3. Apolo- 
 gia Justa et Necessaria quorundam 
 Christianorum, seque contumeliose 
 ac communiter dictorum Brownis- 
 tarum, sive Barrowistarum. Per 
 Johannem Robinsonum, Anslo- 
 Leidensem, suo et ecclesiaj nomine, 
 cui prgefigitur. 1619. This work 
 Avas translated into English, and 
 printed in 1644. The place where 
 these books were printed is not 
 mentionedonthe title-page of either 
 of them. It probably was Leyden, 
 and Elder Brewster may have been 
 the printer. 
 
ROBINSON DISPUTES WITH EPISCOPIUS. 41 
 
 readings, and heard as well one as the other. By chap. 
 which means he w^as so well grounded in the contro- ---v— 
 versy, and saw the force of all their arguments, and 
 knew the shifts of the adversary ; and being himself 
 very able, none was fitter to buckle with them than 
 himself, as appeared by sundry disputes ; so as he 
 began to be terrible to the Arminians ; which made 
 Episcopius,* the Arminian professor, to put forth his 
 best strength, and set out sundry theses, which by 1 6 1 3. 
 public dispute he would defend against all men. Now 
 Polyander,^ the other professor, and the chief preach- 
 ers of the city, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against 
 him. But he was loth, being a stranger. Yet the 
 other did importune him, and told him that such was 
 the ability and nimbleness of wit of the adversary, that 
 the truth would suffer if he did not help them ; so as he 
 condescended, and prepared himself against the time. 
 And when the time came, the Lord did so help him to 
 defend the truth and foil his adversary, as he put 
 him to an apparent nonplus in this great and public 
 audience. And the like he did two or three times 
 upon such like occasions ; the which, as it caused 
 many to praise God that the truth had so famous a 
 victory, so it procured him much honor and respect 
 from those learned men and others which loved the 
 truth.^ 
 
 ^ Simon Episcopius (Bisschop) tlve, says, "our pastor, Mr. Robin- 
 
 and John Polyander were chosen son, in the time when Arminianism 
 
 professors of divinity in the univer- prevailed so much, at the request of 
 
 sity at Leyden in 1612. See Brandt, the most orthodox divines, as Poly- 
 
 ii. ill ; Limborch's Historia Vitce ander, Festus Hommius, &:c. dis- 
 
 Simonis Episcopii, p. 41; Calder's puted daily against Episcopius (in 
 
 Memoirs of Episcopius, p. 128, and the Academy at Leyden) and others, 
 
 Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Crit. the grand champions of that error, 
 
 * Winslow, in his Brief Narra- and had as good respect amongst 
 
42 
 
 THE DUTCH ESTEEM THE PILGRIMS. 
 
 Yea, so far were they from being weary of him and 
 his people, or desiring their absence, as that it was said 
 1608 by some, of no mean note, that were it not for giving 
 1620. offence to the State of England,^ they would have 
 preferred him otherwise, if he would, and allowed 
 them some public favor. Yea, when there was 
 speech of their removal into these parts, sundry of 
 note and eminency of that nation would have had 
 them come under them ; and for that end made them 
 large offers.^ 
 
 Now although I might allege many particulars and 
 examples of the like kind to show the untruth and 
 unlikelihood of this slander, yet these shall suffice. 
 
 them as any of their own divines." 
 I find, however, no account of this 
 disputation in Brandt or in any of 
 the biographers of Episcopius. Yet 
 John Hoornbeek, a professor at 
 Leyden, says in his Summa Contro- 
 versiarum ReHgionis, p. 741, (pulj- 
 lished in 1658,) " Vir ille (Johannes 
 Robinsonus) gratus nostris, dum 
 vixit, fuit, et theologis Leidensibus 
 familiaris ac honoratus. Scripsit 
 prseterea varia contra Arminianos : 
 frequens quippe et acer erat Epis- 
 copii in Academia adversarius et 
 opponens." Belknap judiciously 
 remarks concerning this disputa- 
 tion, " It is usual, on such occa- 
 sions, for the partisans on both 
 sides to claim the victory for their 
 respective champions. Whether it 
 were so at this time cannot be de- 
 termined, as we have no account 
 of the controversy from the Ar- 
 minian party." Amer. Biog. ii. 
 160. 
 
 * King James at this time exer- 
 cised an unwarrantable influence in 
 the Low Countries, both in civil 
 and ecclesiastical affairs. He drove 
 Vorstius from his professorship at 
 
 I^eyden for his heresies, and labored 
 to procure his banishment ; and pre- 
 vented Ames from being elected to 
 the same office. He seems to have 
 kept an ambassador at the Hague 
 chiefly to inform him of the pro- 
 gress of the theological disputes in 
 that country. See Winwood's Me- 
 morials, iii. 293-6, 304, 310, 357. 
 Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, pp. 
 352, 373, 388, 435 ; Brandt, ii. 85, 
 97. 
 
 " Henry Hudson, in the employ- 
 ment of the Dutch East India Com- 
 pany, discovered the river called by 
 his name, in 1609. On this ground 
 the Dutch claimed the adjoining 
 territory ; a few huts were erected 
 at New York and Albany in 1613 
 and 1615 ; but no colony was settled 
 in the New Netherlands till 1623. 
 The Dutch West India Company 
 was incorporated in 1621 for this 
 object ; but individuals had for 
 some years before been meditating 
 colonization on the Hudson ; and 
 the offers to the Pilgrims probably 
 came from them. See Bancroft's 
 United States, ii. 265, 272, 273, 
 275, 277. 
 
THE PILGRIMS IN HOLLAND. 
 
 43 
 
 seeing it was believed of few, being only raised by the 
 malice of some who labored their disgrace.^ 
 
 ' The English separatists in Hol- 
 land attracted the notice of Cardinal 
 Bentivoglio, who was the papal 
 nuncio in that country from 1607 to 
 1616, though he misunderstood the 
 cause of their leaving England, 
 supposing it to be commerce, and 
 not religion. He says, "I Puritani 
 ancora vi son tolerati, che sono i 
 piu puri e piii rigidi Calvinisti, i 
 quali non vogliono riconoscere au- 
 torita alcuna ne' magistrati politici 
 sopra il governo de' loro ministri 
 heretici ; e sono quasi tutti de' 
 Puritani d' Inghilterra, che per 
 occasion di commercio frequentan 
 
 I'Ollanda, e le altre Provincie Unite. 
 — I Puritani Inglesi sono in Am- 
 sterdam quasi tutti per Pistesso 
 rispetto ; e se ne trattengono alcuni 
 raedesimamente per occasione di 
 mercantia nella citta di Midelburgo 
 in Zelanda. Per ogni parte dunque, 
 e da tutti gli angoli, si puo dire, 
 delle Provincie Unite, s'odono i 
 latrati, e gli urlidi tanti infetti loro 
 settarii." Relazione di Fiandra, 
 parte ii. cap. ii. This hardly affords 
 ground for Bancroft's statement, 
 that "Robinson's congregation in- 
 spired the nuncio of Rome with 
 respect." See his History, i. 302. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 SHOWING THE REASONS AND CAUSES OF THEIR REMOVAL. 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
 After they had lived in this city about eleven or 
 '"^'^ twelve years, (which is the more observable, being the 
 ^Q whole time of that famous truce between that State 
 162 0. aji(j the Spaniards,)^ and sundry of them were taken 
 away by death, and many others began to be well 
 stricken in years, the grave mistress experience having 
 taught them many things, these prudent governors, 
 with sundry of the sagest members, began both deeply 
 1617. to apprehend their present dangers and wisely to fore- 
 see the future, and think of timely remedy. In the 
 agitation of their thoughts and much discourse of par- 
 ticulars hereabout, they began to incline to this conclu- 
 sion of removal to some other place ; not out of any 
 newfangledness, or other such like giddy humor, by 
 which men are many times transported, to their great 
 hurt and danger, but for sundry weighty and solid 
 
 ' After the war had been raging Fiandra, parte iii. lib. viii., Opere 
 for more than thirty years between Storiche, iv. 564 ; Grotius, p. 542, 
 Spain and the United Provinces, 569 ; Brandt, ii. 54 ; Watson's 
 by the mediation of Henry IV. of PhilipIII. p. 275; Grattan's Nether- 
 France and James I. of England, lands, p. 226. This work of Benti- 
 a truce of twelve years was con- voglio should have been mentioned 
 eluded on the 9th of April, 1609. in the note on page 25. 
 See Bentivoglio, Delia Guerra di 
 
THE PILGRIMS PROPOSE TO LEAVE HOLLAND. 
 
 45 
 
 14. 
 
 reasons, the chief of which I will here recite and 
 briefly touch. 
 
 1 . And first, they found and saw by experience the 1 6 1 7. 
 hardness of the place and country to be such, as few 
 in comparison would come to them, and fewer that 
 would bide it out and continue with them. For many 
 that came to them, and many more that desired to be 
 with them, could not endure the great labor and hard 
 fare, with other inconveniences, which they underwent 
 and were contented with. But though they loved 
 their persons, and approved their cause, and honored 
 their sufferings, yet they left them as it were weeping, 
 as Orpah did her mother-in-law Naomi, or as those ruiu 
 Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused 
 and borne with though they could not all be Catos.^ 
 For many, though they desired to enjoy the ordinances 
 of God in their purity, and the liberty of the Gospel 
 with them, yet, alas, they admitted of bondage, with 
 danger of conscience, rather than to endure these hard- 
 ships ; yea, some preferred and chose prisons in Eng- 
 land rather than this liberty in Holland, with these 
 afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and 
 easier place of living could be had, it would draw 
 many and take away these discouragements ; yea, 
 their pastor would often say that many of those that 
 both writ and preached now against them, if they 
 were in a place where they might have liberty, and 
 live comfortably, they would then practise as they 
 did. 
 
 ' Plutarch says, in his Life of him to trust them and make use of 
 
 Cato the Younger, that the three their services ; but as they were no 
 
 hundred Roman citizens who were Catos, and had not Cato's dignity 
 
 with him in Utica, intending to of mind, they hoped he would pity 
 
 send messengers to Csesar to inter- their weakness." 
 cede in their behalf, " implored 
 
46 THE REASONS FOR REMOVAL. 
 
 CHAP, 2. They saw that although the people generally 
 ^— v-L. bore all their difficulties very cheerfully and with a 
 1617. resolute courage, being in the best of their strength, 
 yet old age began to come on some of them ; ^ and 
 their great and continual labors, with other crosses and 
 sorrows, hastened it before the time ; so as it was not 
 only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within 
 a few years more they were in danger to scatter by 
 necessity pressing them, or sink under their burdens, 
 or both ; and therefore, according to the divine pro- 
 xxir-j verb, that " a wise man seeth the plague when it 
 cometh, and hideth himself," so they, like skilful and 
 beaten soldiers, were fearful either to be entrapped or 
 surrounded by their enemies, so as they should neither 
 be able to fight nor fly ; and therefore thought it better 
 to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage 
 and less danger, if any could be found. 
 
 3. As necessity was a taskmaster over them, so they 
 were forced to be such not only to their servants, but 
 in a sort to their dearest children ; the which, as it did 
 a little wound the tender hearts of many a loving father 
 and mother, so it produced also many sad and sorrow- 
 ful effects. For many of their children, that were of 
 best dispositions and gracious inclinations, having 
 learned to bear the yoke in their youth, and willing to 
 bear part of their parents' burden, were oftentimes 
 so oppressed with their heavy labors, that although 
 their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies 
 bowed under the weight of the same, and became 
 decrepit in their early youth ; the vigor of nature being 
 
 ' We know the age of but few Elder Brewster was 56 years old, 
 of the Pilgrims. Carver was pro- Robinson 45, Bradford 32, and Ed- 
 bably one of the oldest. In 1620, ward Winslow 26. 
 
THE REASONS FOR REMOVAL. 47 
 
 consumed in the very bud, as it were. But that chap* 
 which was more lamentable, and of all sorrows most ^^^ — 
 heavy to be borne, was that many of their children, by 1 6 1 7. 
 these occasions, and the great licentiousness of youth 
 in the country, and the manifold temptations of the 
 place, were drawn away by evil examples unto extra- 
 vagant and dangerous courses, getting the reins on 
 their necks, and departing from their parents. Some 
 became soldiers, others took them upon far voyages 
 by sea, and other some worse courses tending to disso- 
 luteness and the danger of their souls, to the great 
 grief of their parents and dishonor of God ; so that they 
 saw their posterity would be in danger to degenerate 
 and be corrupted. 
 
 4. Lastly, (and which was not the least,) a great 
 hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good 
 foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, 
 for the propagating and advancing the Gospel of the 
 kingdom of Christ in these remote parts of the world ; 
 yea, though they should be but as stepping-stones 
 unto others for performing of so great a work. 
 
 These, and some other like reasons,^ moved them to 
 
 ' Edward Winslow, in his Brief days from their sports or their or- 
 Narrative, mentions three other dinary work; and the English di- 
 reasons ; first, their desire to live vines took notice of the great scan- 
 under the protection of England dal which the neglect of the Lord's 
 and to retain the language and the Day at Dort gave them, exhorting 
 name of Englishmen ; second, the Synod to interfere with the 
 their inability to give their child- magistrates for preventing the 
 ren such an education as they had, opening of shops and the exercise 
 themselves received ; and third, of trade on Sundays. Sir Dudley 
 their grief at the profanation of Carleton, too, writing from the 
 the sabbath in Holland. This vi- Hague July 22, 1619, says, " It 
 olation of the sabbath attracted the falls out in these towns of Holland, 
 attention of the Synod of Dort, that Sunday, which is elsewhere 
 which assembled in 1618. The the day of rest, proves the day of 
 Dutch ministers acknowledged the labor, for they never knew yet how 
 great difficulty they met Avith in to observe the sabbath." See 
 withdrawing the people on Sun- Brandt, iii. 28, 290 ; Hales's Letters 
 
48 
 
 THEY TURN THEIR EYES TO AMERICA. 
 
 CHAP, undertake this resolution of their removal, the which 
 
 IV. 
 
 — ^ they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties ; 
 
 1 6 1 7. as by the sequel will appear. 
 
 The place they had thoughts on were some of those 
 unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and 
 fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, 
 where there are only salvage and brutish people, which 
 range up and down little otherwise than the wild 
 beasts. This proposition being made public, and com- 
 ing to the scanning of all, it raised many variable 
 opinions amongst men, and caused many fears and 
 doubts amongst themselves. Some, from their reasons 
 and hopes conceived, labored to stir up and encourage 
 the rest to undertake and prosecute the same ; others, 
 again, out of their fears, objected against it, and 
 
 from the Synod of Dort, p. 8, 
 (Glasgow, 1765) ; Carleton's Let- 
 ters, p. 380. 
 
 These reasons for their removal, 
 as stated by Bradford and Wins- 
 low, are sufficient, and are to be 
 received as the true and sole rea- 
 sons. Yet Douglass, in his Sum- 
 mary, i. 369, says, " Being of un- 
 steady temper, they resolved to re- 
 move to some remote country in 
 some wilderness, — as recluses." 
 Chalmers, in his Political Annals, 
 p. 85, says, " After twelve years' 
 unmolested residence they became 
 unhappy in their situation, because 
 they foresaw the destruction of 
 their society in the toleration they 
 enjoyed ; and determined to seek 
 new adventures in America. — Con- 
 tinuing unhappy in a country where 
 they were obscure and unpersecut- 
 ed," &;c. Robertson, in his History 
 of America, book x. says, " They re- 
 sided at Leyden for several years un- 
 molested and obscure. But as their 
 church received no increase, either 
 hy recruits from England or by 
 proselytes gained in the country, 
 they began to be afraid that all 
 
 their high attainments in spiritual 
 knowledge would be lost, if tliey 
 remained longer in a strange land." 
 And Burke, in his account of the 
 European Settlements in America, 
 says that " though in a country of 
 the greatest religious freedom in 
 the world, they did not find them- 
 selves better satisfied than they 
 had been in England. They were 
 tolerated indeed, but watched ; 
 their zeal began to have dangerous 
 languors for want of opposition ; 
 and being without power or conse- 
 quence, they grew tired of the in- 
 dolent security of their sanctuary." 
 These sneers are as contemptible 
 as they are unjust. It is to be re- 
 gretted that any respectable writer 
 in this country should have incau- 
 tiously given currency to such mis- 
 representations. Chief Justice 
 Marshall perceived and corrected 
 the error into which he had been 
 led by following such unworthy 
 authorities. Compare his Life of 
 Washington, i. 90, (first ed.) with 
 his History of the American Colo- 
 nies, p. 78. 
 
REASONS AGAINST REMOVAL. 49 
 
 sought to divert from it, alleging many things, and chap. 
 those neither unreasonable nor unprobable ; as that it — ^' 
 was a great design, and subject to many inconceivable 1617. 
 perils and dangers ; as, besides the casualties of the 
 seas, (which none can be freed from,) the length of the 
 voyage was such as the weak bodies of men and wo- 
 men and such other persons, worn out with age and 
 travail, (as many of them were,) could never be able 
 to endure ; and yet if they should, the miseries of the 
 land which they should be exposed unto would be too 
 hard to be borne, and likely, some or all of them, to 
 consume and utterly to ruinate them.^ For there they 
 should be liable to famine, and nakedness, and the 
 want, in a manner, of all things. The changing of 
 the air, diet, and drinking of water would infect their 
 bodies with sore sicknesses ; and all those which 
 should escape or overcome these difficulties should yet 
 be in continual danger of the salvage people, who are 
 cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, being most furious 
 in their rage and merciless where they overcome, not 
 being content only to kill and take away life, but de- 
 light to torment men in most bloody manner that may 
 be, flaying men alive with the shells of fishes, cutting 
 off the joints and members of others by piecemeals, 
 and broiling them on the coals, and causing men to 
 eat the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they 
 live ; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And 
 surely it could not be thought but the hearing of these 
 things could not but move the bowels of men to grate 
 
 ' "Iramensus ultra, utque sic Italia relicta, Germaniam peteret, 
 
 dixerim, adversus oceaaus raris ab informem terris, asperam cceIo, tris- 
 
 orbe nostro navibus adilur ? Quis tem cultu aspectuque, uisi si patria 
 
 porro, praeter periculum horridi et sit?" Taciius, Germania, ii. 
 igaoti maris, Asia, aut Africa, aut 
 
50 
 
 THE OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 
 
 CHAP, within them, and make the weak to quake and trem-- 
 
 IV , . . 
 
 - — v-^ ble. It was further objected, that it would require 
 
 16 17. greater sums of money to furnish such a voyage and 
 to fit them with necessaries, than their estates would 
 amount to. And yet they must all as well look to be 
 seconded with supplies, as presently to be transported. 
 Also, the like precedents of ill success and lamentable 
 miseries befallen others in the like designs,^ were easy 
 to be found and not forgotten to be alleged ; besides 
 their own experience in their former troubles and hard- 
 ships in their removal into Holland, and how hard a 
 thing it was for them to live in that strange place, 
 although it was a neighbour country, and a civil and 
 rich commonwealth. 
 
 It was answered, that all great and honorable ac- 
 tions were accompanied with great difficulties, and 
 must be both enterprised and overcome with answera- 
 ble courages. It was granted the dangers were great, 
 but not desperate, and the difficulties were many, 
 but not invincible ; for although there were many of 
 them likely, yet they were not certain. It might be 
 that some of the things feared might never befall them ; 
 others, by providence, care, and the use of good means, 
 might in a great measure be prevented ; and all of 
 them, through the help of God, by fortitude and pa- 
 tience, might either be borne or overcome. True it 
 was that such attempts were not to be made and 
 undertaken but upon good ground and reason, not 
 rashly or lightly, as many have done for curiosity or 
 
 ' The entire failure of the plan- serve to discourage them from emi- 
 
 tation at Sagadahoc, near the grating to America. See Gorges's 
 
 mouth of the Kennebec, in 1607, Brief Narrative, in Mass. Hist, 
 
 which was abandoned in less than Coll. xxvi. 54 — 56; Williamson's 
 
 a year, and the slow progress of the Maine, i. 197 — 203 ; Bancroft, i. 
 
 Virginia settlements, might well 124 — 152. 
 
THE PILGRIMS RESOLVE TO EMIGRATE. 51 
 
 hope of gain, &c. But their condition was not ordi- chap. 
 narj. Their ends Avere good and honorable, their — ^^ 
 calling lawful and urgent, and therefore they might 1617. 
 expect a blessing of God in their proceeding ; yea, 
 although they should lose their lives in this action, yet 
 they might have comfort in the same ; and their en- 
 deavours would be honorable. They lived here but as 
 men in exile and in a poor condition ; and as great 
 miseries might possibly befall them in this place ; for 
 the twelve years of truce were now out,^ and there 
 was nothing but beating of drums and preparing for 
 war, the events whereof are always uncertain. The 
 Spaniard might prove as cruel as the salvages of 
 America, and the famine and pestilence as sore here 
 as there, and liberty less to look out for remedy. 
 
 After many other particular things answered and 
 alleged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the 
 major part to put this design in execution, and to pro- 
 secute it by the best means they could. 
 
 ' The twelve years' truce, con- 1621, when the war was renewed, 
 eluded April 9, 1609, expired in See Note on page 44. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 SHOWING WHAT MEANS THEY USED FOR PREPARATION 
 TO THIS WEIGHTY VOYAGE. 
 
 And first, after their humble prayers unto God for 
 his direction and assistance, and a general conference 
 16 17. held thereabouts, they consulted what particular place 
 to pitch upon and prepare for. Some, and none of 
 the meanest, had thoughts and were earnest for Guia- 
 na,' or some of those fertile places in those hot cli- 
 
 ' Sir Walter Raleigh published 
 in 1596 his " Discovery of Guiana," 
 which he calls a mighty, rich and 
 beautiful empire, directly east from 
 Peru, towards the sea, lying under 
 the equinoctial line. Its capital 
 was " that great and golden city, 
 which the Spaniards call^l Dora- 
 do, and the natives Manoa, and for 
 greatness, riches, and excellent seat 
 it far exceedeth any of the world" 
 Having, in 1595, sailed up the Orin- 
 oco 400 miles in quest of it, he says, 
 " On both sides of this river we 
 passed the most beautiful country 
 that ever mine eyes beheld ; plains 
 of twenty miles in length, the grass 
 short and green, and in divers parts 
 groves of trees by themselves, as 
 if they had been by all the art and 
 labor of the world so made of pur- 
 pose; and still as we rowed, the 
 deer came down feeding by the 
 
 water's side, as if they had been 
 used to a keeper's call. — I never 
 saw a more beautiful country, nor 
 more lively prospects, hills so rais- 
 ed here and there over the valleys, 
 the river winding into divers 
 branches, the plains adjoining 
 without bush or stubble, all fair 
 green grass, the deer crossing in 
 every path, the birds towards the 
 evening singing on every tree with 
 a thousand several tunes, the air 
 fresh, with a genlle easterly wind; 
 and every stone that we stopped to 
 take up promised either gold or 
 silver by his complexion. — For 
 health, good air, pleasure, and 
 riches, I am resolved it cannot be 
 equalled by any region either in the 
 east or west." See Raleigh's 
 Works, viii. 381, 398, 427, 442, 
 462. (Oxford ed.) 
 
 Chapman, too, the translator of 
 
THEY TURN THEIR THOUGHTS TO GUIANA. 53 
 
 mates. Others were for some parts of Virginia,^ where chap. 
 the English had already made entrance and beginning. — -^ 
 
 Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, 16 17. 
 fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring and a 
 flourishing greenness ; where vigorous nature brought 
 forth all things in abundance and plenty, without any 
 great labor or art of man ; so as it must needs make the 
 inhabitants rich, seeing less provision of clothing and 
 other things would secure them than in more colder and 
 less fruitful countries must be had. As also that the 
 Spaniards, having much more than they could possess, 
 had not yet planted there, nor any where very near the 
 same.^ 
 
 But to this it was answered, that out of question 
 the country was both fruitful and pleasant, and might 
 yield riches and maintenance to the possessors more 
 easily than to others ; yet, other things considered, it 
 would not be so fit. And first, that such hot countries 
 are subject to grievous diseases, and many noisome 
 impediments, which other more temperate places are 
 free from, and would not so well agree with our Eng- 
 
 Homer, in a poem on Guiana, Grahame's History of the United 
 written in 1595, thus celebrates States, i. 39. 
 
 the country : ^ Although England and Spain 
 
 were now at peace, and had been 
 
 " Guiann,ul,ose rich feet are mines of iiold, sj^^^^ l^O"^' ^^^d SO continued till 
 Whose forehead knocks against the roof of the ruptUre in 1624, yet the Pil- 
 
 „, ^f'"'^' , ... , r • r. , ^ , , • grims, from their long residence in 
 
 stands on her tiptoe .^t fair Encland looKin?, tt n i u j ■ i l i i ■ i 
 
 Kissing her hand, imvvii.g her mighty breast, Holland, had imbibed the national 
 
 And every sign of all suhiiiissioniiiaking, repugnance of the Dutch tO their 
 
 o? ou/n^r^c;:;:;^,'^?;!" '='"" """' Spanish oppressors, a fueling which 
 
 was Jong retained. In a letter 
 written by the Plymouth colonists 
 
 See Tytler's Life of Raleigh, p. to the Dutch on Hudson's river in 
 164; and Oldys's Life in Raleigh's 1627, they speak of resisting "the 
 Works, i. 215. pride of that common enemy, the 
 
 ' The successful colonization of Spaniards, from Avhose cruelty the 
 Virginia commenced in 1G07, at Lord keep us both, and our native 
 Jamestown. See Stith's History countries." See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
 of Virginia, p. 46 ; Bancroft, i. 125 ; iii. 51, 52. 
 
54 THEY CONCLUDE FOR VIRGINIA. 
 
 CHAP, lish bodies. Again, if they should there live and do 
 — v-w. well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them 
 1617. long, but would displant and overthrow them, as he 
 15 65. did the French in Florida,' who were settled further 
 21, from his richest countries; and the sooner, because 
 they should have none to protect them, and their own 
 strength would be too small to resist so potent an ene- 
 my and so near a neighbour. 
 
 On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that 
 if they lived amongst the English which were there 
 planted, or so near them as to be under their govern- 
 ment, they should be in as great danger to be troubled 
 and persecuted for their cause of religion^ as if they 
 lived in England, and it might be worse ; and if they 
 lived too far off, they should neither have succour or 
 defence from them. 
 
 And at length the conclusion was, to live in a dis- 
 tinct body by themselves, under the general govern- 
 ment of Virginia ; ^ and by their friends to sue to His 
 
 ' See the account of the massacre land, of 100 miles wide, along the 
 
 of the Huguenots in Florida by the Atlantic coast of North America, 
 
 Spaniards, in Bancroft, i. 67 — 70. extending from the 34th to the 45th 
 
 * Virginia had been colonized by degree of north latitude — a terri- 
 persons belonging to the Church of tory which then Avent under the 
 England, and attached to its cere- common name of Virginia — be- 
 monies and institutions. In the tween two Companies, who were 
 orders and instructions for the to colonize it. The First or South- 
 government of the colony, issued em Colony was granted to certain 
 by King James under his sign knights, gentlemen, merchants, and 
 manual and the privy seal of Eng- adventurers of London, who were 
 land, it was specially enjoined that to colonize between the 34th and 
 " the word and service of God the 41st degrees. The Second, or 
 should be preached and used accord- Northern colony, was granted to 
 ing to the rites and doctrines of the persons of like description in Bris- 
 Church of England." See Stith's tol, Exeter, and Plymouth, who 
 Virginia, p. 37, and Chalmers's An- were to plant between the 38th and 
 nals, p. 15. the 45th degrees. Each Company 
 
 'The Virginia Company was was to be under the government of 
 
 established in 1606. On the 10th a council of thirteen, and neither of 
 
 of April of that year. King James, them was to plant a colony within 
 
 by letters patent, divided a strip of a hundred miles of a previous settle- 
 
AGENTS ARE SENT TO ENGLAND. 
 
 55 
 
 Majesty that he would be pleased to grant them free chap. 
 liberty, and freedom of religion. And that this may be -^v-^ 
 obtained they were put in good hope by some great 1617, 
 persons of good rank and quality that were made their 
 friends.^ 
 
 Whereupon two- were chosen and sent into England, 
 at the charge of the rest, to solicit this matter ; who 
 found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them 
 go thither,^ and' willing to grant them a patent, with 
 as ample privileges as they had or could grant to any, 
 and to give them the best furtherance they could ; and 
 some of the chief of the Company doubted not to ob- 
 tain their suit of the king for liberty in religion, and to 
 have it confirmed under the king's broad seal, according 
 to their desires. But it proved a harder piece of work 
 than they took it for. For although many means were 
 used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected ; for 
 
 ment made by the other. The 
 Second or Plymouth Company 
 made the unsuccessful attempt in 
 1607 to establish a colony near the 
 mouth of the Kennebec. The First 
 or London Company was the one 
 to which the agents of the Pilgrims 
 applied, and which seems at this 
 time to have appropriated to itself 
 exclusively the title of the Virginia 
 Company. Douglass, i. 370, 395, 
 Moulton, History of New York, 
 p. 356, and Graharae, i. 1S8, err in 
 saying that they obtained a grant 
 of land or a promise of a patent, 
 from the P/v?noi///! Company. See 
 the Charier in Stith, App. p. 1, and 
 in Hazard's State Papers, i. 50. 
 
 * Among others, no doubt. Sir 
 Edwin Sandys, Sir Piobert Naun- 
 ton, and Sir John Wolstenholme, 
 as will hereafter be seen. 
 
 * Robert Cushman and John 
 Carver, as appears by the letter of 
 Sir Edwin Sandys on page 63. The 
 little that is known of Cushman and 
 
 Carver will be found in Belknap, ii. 
 179, 267. 
 
 ^ Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of 
 the leaders of the Second or Ply- 
 mouth Company, says "Before the 
 unhappy controversy happened be- 
 tween those of Virginia and myself, 
 they were forced, througli the great 
 charge they had been at, to hearkea 
 to any propositions that might give 
 ease and furtherance to so hopeful 
 a business. To that purpose, it 
 was referred to their considerations 
 how necessary it was that means 
 might be used to draw into those 
 enterprises some of those families 
 that had retired themselves into 
 Holland for scruple of conscience, 
 giving them such freedom and 
 liberty as might stand with their 
 likings. This advice being heark- 
 ened unto, there were that under- 
 took the putting it in practice, 
 and accordingly brought it to effect 
 'o f;ir forth," &c. See Gorges, 
 in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 73. 
 
66 
 
 THE AGENTS RETURN UNSUCCESSFUL. 
 
 CHAP, there were divers of good worth labored with the king 
 -^•^■^ to obtain it, amongst whom was one ' of his chief 
 1 6 1 8. Secretaries ; and some other wrought with the Arch- 
 bishop- to give way thereunto. But it proved all in vain. 
 Yet thus far thej prevailed in sounding His Majesty's 
 mind, that he would connive at them, and not molest 
 them, provided they carried themselves peaceably. But 
 to allow or tolerate them by his public authority under 
 his seal, they found it would not be granted.^ And 
 this was all that the chief of the Virginia Company, 
 or any other of their best friends, could do in the case. 
 Yet they persuaded them to go on, for they presumed 
 they should not be troubled.^ And with this answer 
 the messengers returned, and signified what diligence 
 had been used, and to what issue things were come. 
 
 But this made a damp in the business, and caused 
 some distraction. For many were afraid that if they 
 should unsettle themselves, put off their estates, and 
 go upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but 
 
 ' Winslow, in his Brief Narra- 
 tive, says that the agents "got Sir 
 Edwin Sandys, a religious gentle- 
 man then living, to stir in it, who 
 procured Sir Robert Naunton, then 
 principal Secretary of State to King 
 James to move his Majesty." Sir 
 Robert Naunton was sworn the 
 king's secretary Jan. 8, 1618. He 
 was the author of " Fragmenfa 
 Regalia ; Observations on the late 
 Queen Elizabeth, her Times and 
 Favorites," " the fruit," as Fuller 
 says, " of his younger years." 
 Belknap, Am. Biog. ii. 170, and 
 Baylies, Memoir of Plymouth 
 Colony, i. 16, err in calling him 
 Norton. See Fuller's Worthies 
 of England, ii. 336 (4to ed.) ; 
 Birch's Memoirs of Queen Eliza- 
 beth, i. 369. 
 
 " The See of Canterbury was at 
 this lime filled by Dr. George Abbot. 
 
 He had been promoted to it from 
 the bishopric of London, April 9, 
 1611, and on the 24th of June was 
 sworn a member of ihe Privy Coun- 
 cil. See an account of him, not a 
 very favorable one, in Clarendon's 
 History of the Rebellion, book i. 
 under the year 1633, in which he 
 died. He was too mild and tolerant 
 for Clarendon. See also Wood's 
 Athenaj Oxon. i. 583, and Neal's 
 Puritans, i. 564. 
 
 ^ The word granted I have re- 
 stored from Prince, p. 148. 
 
 * At the very time this nego- 
 tiation was pending, King James 
 issued a declaration, (May 24, 
 1618) in which he required the 
 bishop of Lancashire to constrain 
 all the Puritans within his diocess 
 to conform, or to leave the country- 
 Prince, p. 147. 
 
OTHER AGENTS ARE SENT. 57 
 
 a sandy foundation. Yea, it was thought they might chap. 
 better have presumed hereupon, without making any suit — v^ 
 at all, than, having made it, to be thus rejected. But 16 is. 
 some of the chiefest thought otherwise, and that they 
 might well proceed hereupon, and that the King's Ma- 
 jesty was willing enough to suffer them without moles- 
 tation, though for other reasons he would not confirm 
 it by any public act ; and furthermore, if there was no 
 security in this promise intimated, there would be no 
 greater certainty in a further confirmation of the same. 
 For if afterward there should be a purpose or desire to 
 wrong them, though they had a seal as broad as the 
 house-floor, it would not serve the turn, for there would 
 be means enough found to recall or reverse it. And 
 seeing, therefore, the course is probable, they must rest 
 herein on God's providence, as they had done in other 
 things. 
 
 Upon this resolution other messengers ^ were de- 
 spatched to end with the Virginia Company as well as ^^ ^^• 
 they could, and to procure a patent with as good and 
 ample conditions as they might by any good means 
 attain ; as also to treat and conclude with such mer- 
 chants and other friends as had manifested their for- 
 wardness to provoke to and adventure in this voyage. 
 For which end they had instructions given them upon 
 what conditions they should proceed with them ; or 
 else to conclude nothing without further advice. And 
 here it will be requisite to insert a letter or two that 
 may give light to these proceedings. 
 
 • By Mr. Cushman's letter from page 151. .Tudge Davis follows 
 
 London of May 8, 1619, inserted on Prince in this error, in his valua- 
 
 a following page, it appears that bit; edition of Morton's ^Memorial, 
 
 these messengers were Mr. Cush- p. 22. They were not despatched, 
 
 man himself and Mr. Brewster; it will be seen, till more than a year 
 
 not Mr. Bradford, as Prince says, after the first agents were sent. 
 
 8 
 
58 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 
 
 CHAP. A Copy of a Letter from Sir Edivin Sandys,^ directed to 
 Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster.^ 
 
 After my hearty salutations, — The agents of your 
 congregation, Robert Cushman and John Carver,^ have 
 been in communication with divers select gentlemen 
 of His Majesty's Council for Virginia ; and by the 
 writing of seven articles, subscribed ^ with your names, 
 have given them that good degree of satisfaction which 
 hath carried them on with a resolution to set forward 
 your desire in the best sort that may be for your own 
 and the public good ; divers particulars whereof we 
 leave to their faithful report, having carried themselves 
 here with that good discretion as is both to their own 
 and their credit from whom ^ they came. And whereas, 
 being to treat for a multitude of people, they have 
 requested further time to confer with them that are to 
 be interested in this action about the several particulars 
 which in the prosecution thereof will fall out consider- 
 able, it hath been very willingly assented unto ; and 
 so they do now return unto you.^ If therefore it may 
 
 ^ This name is spelt Sands in length which agree almost word 
 
 the MS., which Stith says is " cer- for word with Bradford's History, 
 
 tainly wrong." See the Appendix Compare Hubbard, pp. 44 — 50. 
 to his History, p. 10, Note. ^ These were the agents that 
 
 ^ This letter is contained in Hub- were first sent. See page 55. 
 bard's History of New England, in ^ The word subscribed is inserted 
 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 46, but very from Prince, p. 142, and Hubbard, 
 
 incorrectly transcribed. Prince says, p. 46. 
 
 inhisAnnals, pp. xxi.232,thatHub- * I substitute ivhom for whence, 
 bard " had never seen Gov. Brad- on the authority of Prince, p. 142. 
 ford's History." But this I think a * From the expression " they do 
 mistake, since Hubbard relates the 7iow return unto you," it is evident 
 whole history of this negotiation that the agents must have returned 
 with the Virginia Company, which to Leyden soon after this letter was 
 is not contained in Morton's Memo- written, of which they were un- 
 rial, and which he could have got doubtedly the bearers, that is be- 
 only from Bradford's original MS. tween Nov. 12, the date of the let- 
 or from Morton's copy of it in the ter, and Dec. 15, the date of Rob- 
 records of the Plymouth Church, inson and Brewster's answer to it. 
 He gives passages of considerable Of course Prince, p. 148, and Davis 
 
WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 59 
 
 please God so to direct your desires as that on jour chap. 
 parts there fall out no just impediments, 1 trust by the — — 
 same direction it shall likewise appear that on our parts ^^^^• 
 all forwardness to set you forward shall be found in the 12. 
 best sort which with reason may be expected. And 
 so I betake you with this design, (which I hope verily 
 is the work of God,) to the gracious protection and 
 blessing of the Highest. 
 
 Your very loving friend, 
 
 Edwin Sandys.^ 
 London^ Novemler 12, 1617. 
 
 Their Answer ivas as followeth. 
 
 Right Worshipful, 
 
 Our humble duties remembered, in our own, our Dec. 
 
 15 
 
 messengers' and our church's name, with all thankful 
 acknowledgment of your singular love, expressing it- 
 self, as otherwise, so more especially in your great care 
 and earnest endeavour of our good in this weighty 
 business about Virginia, which the less able we are to 
 
 on Morton, p. 22, cannot be correct was in 1614 committed by James 
 
 in stating that they returned in to the Tower for his free speech. 
 
 May, 1618. It appears from Rob- Anthony Wood says he was "a per- 
 
 inson and Brewster's letter that son of great judgment and of a 
 
 Carver was sent a second time to commanding pen, a solid states- 
 
 the Council of Virginia, in Dec. man, ingenio et gravitate morum 
 
 1617, attended by " a gentleman of insignis." He was the author of 
 the company." These agents may " EiiropcB Speculum ; or a View or 
 have returned to Leyden in May, Survey of the state of Religion in 
 
 1618. Cushman and Brewster the western part of the World," 
 were afterwards sent in Feb. 1619, and of a metrical version of the 
 and returned late in the same year. Book of Job, the Psalms of David, 
 
 ' Sir Edwin Sandys was one of and other poetical parts of Holy 
 
 the principal members of the Vir- Writ. He died in 1629. See 
 
 ginia Company. He was the son Wood's Athena? Oxonienses, i. 541 ; 
 
 of Archbishop Sandys, and a favo- Walton's Lives, pp. 174, 178, 180, 
 
 rite pupil of the judicious Hooker. (Major's ed.) ; Hume's England, vi. 
 
 In Parliament, he was " a member 39, 97, (Pickering's ed.); Hallara's 
 
 of great authority," according to England, i. 391 — 393. 
 Hume, and taking the popular side 
 
60 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 
 
 CHAP, requite, we shall think ourselves the more bound to 
 -^v-— commend in our prayers unto God for recompense ; 
 16 17. whom as for the present you rightly behold in our 
 15. endeavours, so shall we not be wanting on our parts, 
 (the same God assisting us) to return all answer- 
 able fruit and respect unto the labor of your love 
 bestowed upon us. We have, with the best speed 
 and consideration withal that we could, set down our 
 requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the 
 hands of ^ the greatest part of our congregation, and 
 have sent the same unto the Council" by our agent, a 
 deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we have 
 also requested a gentleman of our company to adjoin 
 himself; to the care and discretion of which two we 
 do refer the prosecuting of the business. Now we 
 persuade ourselves, right worshipful, that we need not 
 to provoke your godly and loving mind to any further 
 or more tender care of us, since you have pleased so 
 far to interest us in yourself, that, under God, above 
 all persons and things in the world we rely upon you, 
 expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your 
 wisdom, and the help and countenance of your author- 
 ity. Notwithstanding, for your encouragement in the 
 work so far as probabilities may lead, we will not for- 
 bear to mention these instances of inducement. 
 
 1. We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us, 
 unto whom and whose service we have given ourselves 
 in many trials, and that he will graciously prosper our 
 endeavours according to the simplicity of our hearts 
 therein. 
 
 2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of 
 
 ^ The words the hands of 1 restore ' The Council of the Virginia 
 from Prince, p. 142. Company. 
 
WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 61 
 
 our mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a chap. 
 
 strange and hard land, which yet, in great part, we — ^ 
 
 have by patience overcome. 1617. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 3. The people are, for the body of them, industrious 15. 
 and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any com- 
 pany of people in the world. 
 
 4. We are knit together as a body in a more strict 
 and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the vio- 
 lation whereof we make great ^ conscience ; and by 
 virtue whereof we do hold ourselves straitly tied to all 
 care of each other's good, and of the whole by every, 
 and so mutual. 
 
 5. And lastly, it is not with us as with other men, 
 whom small things can discourage, or small discon- 
 tentments cause to wish themselves at home again. 
 We know our entertainment in England and Holland. 
 We shall much prejudice both our arts and means by 
 removal ; where, if we should be driven to return, we 
 should not hope to recover our present helps and com- 
 forts, neither indeed look ever to attain the like in any 
 other place during our lives, which are now drawing 
 towards their periods. 
 
 These motives we have been bold to tender unto 
 you, which you in your wisdom may also impart to any 
 other our worshipful friends of the Council with you, 
 of all whose godly dispositions and loving towards our 
 despised persons we are most glad, and shall not fail 
 by all good means to continue and increase the same. 
 We shall not be further troublesome, but do, with the 
 renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your 
 worship, and (so far as in modesty w^e may be bold) 
 to any other of our well-willers of the Council with 
 
 ' The word great is restored from Prince, p. 143. 
 
(32 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 
 
 CHAP, you, we take our leaves, committing your persons and 
 — v-^ counsels to the guidance and protection of the Al- 
 1617. mighty. 
 
 Dec. o -^ 
 
 15. Yours, much bounden in all duty, 
 
 John Robinson, 
 William Brewster. 
 
 Leyden, the Ibih of December^ 1617. 
 
 I found annexed unto the foregoing letters these 
 following lines, written by Mr. Bradford with special 
 reference unto the fourth particular on the other side 
 written.* 
 
 O sacred bond ! Whilst inviolably preserved, 
 how sweet and precious were the fruits that flowed 
 from the same. But when this fidelity decayed, 
 then their ruin approached. Oh that these ancient 
 members had not died or been dissipated, (if it had 
 been the will of God,) or else that this holy care and 
 constant faithfulness had still lived and remained with 
 those that survived, that were in times afterwards added 
 unto them. But, alas ! that subtile serpent hath slily 
 wound in himself, under fair pretences of necessity and 
 the like, to untwist these sacred bonds and ties, and as 
 it were insensibly, by degrees, to dissolve or in a great 
 measure to weaken the same. I have been happy, in 
 my first times, to see and with much comfort to enjoy 
 the blessed fruits of this sweet communion. But it is 
 now a part of my misery in old age to find and feel 
 the decay and want thereof, in a great measure, and 
 with grief and sorrow of heart to lament and bewail 
 the same ; and for others' warning and admonition, 
 and my own humiliation, do I here note the same. 
 
 ^ On page 61. 
 
27. 
 
 WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 63 
 
 Thus much by way of digression. For further light chap. 
 ill these proceedings forenamed, see some other letters — v-^ 
 and notes, as followeth. 1618. 
 
 The Copy of a Letter sent to Sir John Wolstenholme.^ 
 
 Right Worshipful, 
 
 With due acknowledgment of our thankfulness for jan. 
 your singular care and pains in the business of Vir- 
 ginia, for our and (we hope) the common good, we do 
 remember our humble duties unto you, and have sent, 
 as is desired, a further explanation of our judgments 
 in the three points specified by some of His Majesty's 
 honorable Privy Council. And although it be grievous 
 unto us that such unjust insinuations are made against 
 us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of making 
 our just purgation unto the so honorable personages. 
 The Declarations we have sent enclosed ; the one 
 more brief and general, which we think the fitter to 
 be presented ; the other something more large, and in 
 which we express some small accidental differences, 
 which, if it seem good unto you and other of your 
 worship's friends, you may send instead of the former. 
 Our prayer unto God is, that your worship may see 
 the fruit of your worthy endeavours, which on our 
 part we shall not fail to further by all good means. 
 
 ' It is Worsingham in the MS. ; Rawson, Secretary to the New 
 
 but this is an error. Prince, p. 144, England Plantations, by Sir John 
 
 and Hubbard, p. 47, write it Wors- Wolstenholme, son of the indi- 
 
 tenholme. Sir John Wolstenholme vidual in question, dated London, 
 
 was a wealthy merchant and a Feb. 1, 1663, in which he says, 
 
 farmer of the customs, one of the " I am a great well-wisher and 
 
 principal members of the Virginia good friend to your plantation, and 
 
 Company, and one of the Council so was my father before me, who 
 
 established by the second charter, died 24 years since." See Stith's 
 
 He died in 1639. In Hutchinson's Virginia, pp. 163, 167, 186, and 
 
 Collection of Papers, p. 383, there App. p. 16. 
 is a letter Avritteu to Mr. Edward 
 
64 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 
 
 CHAP. And SO praying that you would, with all conveniency 
 • — ^^ that may be, give us knowledge of the success of the 
 1618. business with His Majesty's Privy Council, and accord- 
 27.' ingly what your further pleasure is, either for our di- 
 rection or furtherance in the same, so we rest 
 Your worship's, in all duty, 
 
 John Robinson, 
 William Brewster. 
 Leydeji, Jamiary 27, 1617, old style} 
 
 The first brief Note was this. 
 
 Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of 
 pastors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for 
 distributing the church's contribution, as also for the 
 two sacraments, baptism and the Lord's supper, we 
 do wholly and in all points agree with the French 
 Reformed Churches, according to their public Confes- 
 sion of Faith; though some small differences. 
 
 The oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it 
 be required of us, if that convenient satisfaction be not 
 given by our taking the oath of Allegiance.^ 
 
 John Robinson, 
 William Brewster. 
 
 ' That is, Jan. 1618, new style. Allegiance was drawn up and ap- 
 
 By the old style the year began pointed to be taken by all the king's 
 
 March 25. subjects. This was an oath of - 
 
 * In 1531, in the reign of Henry "submission and obedience to the 
 VIII. the king was declared " the king as a temporal sovereign, inde- 
 supreme head of the Church of pendent of any other power upon 
 England," and all his majesty's earth." By the third charter of the 
 subjects were required on oath to Virginia Company, their Treasu- 
 acknowiedge his supremacy. In rer, or any two of the Council, 
 -^ 1558, at the accession of Elizabeth, were empowered to administer the 
 the Act of Supremacy, which had oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance 
 been repealed under Queen Mary, to all persons going to their Colo- 
 was restored, and all persons in ny. See Burnet's History of the 
 office, civil or ecclesiastical, were Reformation, ii. 387 (folio) ; Neal's 
 required to take the oath. In 1605, Puritans, i. 8, 11, 84, 117, 440 ; 
 in the reign of James, the oath of Stith's App. p. 28 ; Hazard, i. 78. 
 
WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 65 
 
 The second ivas this. chap. 
 
 V. 
 
 Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, [as in the ^'^"^^ 
 former, &c.] we agree, in all things, with the French Jan. 
 Reformed Churches, according to their public Confes- 
 sion of Faith ; though some small differences be to be 
 found in our practices, not at all in the substance of 
 the things, but only in some accidental circumstances ; 
 as 
 
 1. Their ministers do pray with their heads covered ; 
 we uncovered. 
 
 2. We choose none for governing elders but such as 
 are able to teach ; which ability they do not require. 
 
 3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the 
 most for two or three years ; ours perpetual. 
 
 4. Our elders do administer their office in admoni- 
 tions and excommunications, for public scandals, pub- 
 licly and before the congregation ; theirs more privately 
 and in their consistories. 
 
 5. We do administer baptism only to such infants 
 as whereof the one parent, at the least, is of some 
 church, which some of their churches do not observe ; 
 although in it our practice accords with their public 
 Confession and the judgment of the most learned 
 amongst them. 
 
 Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know 
 none. 
 
 (Subscribed,) 
 
 John Robinson, 
 William Brewster. 
 
QQ CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 
 
 CHAP. Pdft of another Letter from him that delivered these. 
 
 jg.g London, Feb. 14, 1617. » 
 
 ^^^' Your letter to Sir John Wolstenholme I delivered, 
 almost as soon as I had it, to his own hands, and 
 stayed with him the opening and reading thereof. 
 There were two papers enclosed. He read them to 
 himself, as also the letter ; and in the reading he spake 
 to me and said, " Who shall make them ? " viz. the 
 ministers. I answered his worship that the power of 
 making was in the Church,^ to be ordained by the im- 
 position of hands by the fittest instruments they have. 
 It must either be in the Church, or from the Pope ; 
 and the Pope is Antichrist. " Ho ! " said Sir John, 
 " what the Pope holds good, (as in the Trinity,) that 
 we do well to assent to. But," said he, " we will not 
 enter into dispute now ; " and as for your letters, he 
 would not show them at any hand, lest he should spoil 
 all. He expected you should have been of the Arch- 
 bishop's mind for the calling of ministers ; but it seems 
 you differed. I could have wished to have known the 
 contents of your two enclosed, at which he stuck so 
 much, especially the larger. I asked his worship, what 
 good news he had for me to write to-morrow. He 
 
 * That is, 1618, new style. imposition of hands may be per- 
 ^ That is, the congregation, each formed by some of the brethren, 
 separate body of believers. This orderly chosen by the church there- 
 was Brownisra ; and it is Indepen- unto. For if the people may elect 
 dency, or Congregationalism. The officers, which is the greater, and 
 Cambridge Platform says, chaps, wherein the substance of the office 
 8 and 9, " Calling unto office is by doth consist, they may much more 
 the church. — Officers are to be (occasion and need so requiring) 
 called by such churches whereunto impose hands in ordination, which 
 they are to minister. — The choice is less, and but the accomplish- 
 of church officers belongeth not to ment of the other." It was prac- 
 the civil magistrates, as such, or tised upon at the first ordination in 
 diocesan bishops, or patrons. — In America, at Salem, in 1629. See 
 churches where there are no elders, Morton's Memorial, p. 146. 
 
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 67 
 
 told me, " Very ^ good news ; for both the King's chap. 
 Majesty and the bishops have consented." He said ^--v^ 
 he would go to Mr. Chancellor, Sir Fulke Greville,^ 1 6 1 8. 
 as this day, and next week I should know more. I u.' 
 met with Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night. He 
 wished me to be at the Virginia Court^ the next Wed- 
 nesday, where I purpose to be. Thus loth to be 
 troublesome at present, I hope to have somethin"; 
 next week of certainty concerning you. I commit you 
 to the Lord. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 S. B. 
 
 These things being long in agitation, and messen- 
 gers passing to and again about them, after all their 
 hopes they were long delayed by many obstacles that 
 fell in the way. For at the return of these messen- 
 gers into England, they found things far otherwise 
 than they expected. For the Virginia Council was 
 now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst 
 
 * The word t'cry is restored from Fuller's Worthies, ii. 415; Birch's 
 
 Prince, p. 145. Queen Elizabeth, i, 17S; Naun- 
 
 ' Sir Fulke Greville was ap- ton's Fragmenta Regalia, p. 112. 
 
 pointed chancellor of the exche- (ed. 1824.) 
 
 quer, and sworn of the Privy Coun- ^ By the third charter of Virginia 
 oil Oct. 1, 1614. On the 9th of it was provided that "the Company 
 Jan. 1621, he was raised to the shall and may once every week, or 
 peerage by the title of Lord Brooke, oftener, at their pleasure, hold and 
 of Beauchamp's Court. He wrote keep a court and assembly for des- 
 a Life of Sir Philip Sidney, and patching all casual matters of less 
 " The First Five Years of King consequence and weight concern- 
 James," which is contained in the ing the plantation ; and for all af- 
 Harleian Miscellany, v. 349 (8vo. fairs of government trade, and dis- 
 ed.) On his tomb-stone in War- posal of lands, there shall be held 
 wick Church, he had inscribed this every year four great and general 
 brief but noble epitaph : " Fulke courts," at which all officers were 
 Greville, servant to Queen Eliza- to be chosen, and all laws and or- 
 beth, counsellor to King James, dinances enacted. See Stith, App. 
 and friend to Sir Philip Sidney." 26, and Hazard, i. 76. 
 See Wood's Athena; Oxon. i. 521 ; 
 
68 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 
 
 CHAP, themselves, as no business could well go forward ; the 
 — — which may the better appear in one of the messengers' 
 1619. letters, as followeth. 
 
 To his Loving Friends. 
 
 ^ay I had thought long since to have writ unto you ; but 
 could not effect that which I aimed at, neither can yet 
 set things as I wished. Yet, notwithstanding, I doubt 
 not but Mr. Brewster hath written to Mr. Robinson ; 
 but I think myself bound also to do something, lest I 
 be thought to neglect you. 
 
 The main hindrance of our proceedings in the Vir- 
 ginia business is the dissensions and factions, as they 
 term it, amongst the Council and Company of Virginia, 
 which are such as that ever since we came up no busi- 
 ness could by them be despatched. The occasion of 
 this trouble amongst them is, that a while since Sir 
 Thomas Smith, ^ repining at his many offices and 
 troubles, wished the Company of Virginia to ease him 
 of his office in being treasurer and governor of the 
 ^Py*^ Virginia Company. Whereupon the Company took 
 occasion to dismiss him, and chose Sir Edwin Sandys^ 
 
 ' Sir Thomas Smith was the one of the assignees of Sir Walter 
 
 first treasurer and governor of the Raleigh's patent, and thus became 
 
 Virginia Company, and continued interested in the colony of Virginia, 
 
 in office till superseded by Sir Ed- See Belknap, ii. 9— 19 ; Stith, pp. 
 
 win Sandys. He had the chief 42, 15S. 
 
 management of their affairs, and ^ Sir Edwin Sandys was elected 
 
 presided in all the meetings of the April 28, 1619. Stith says that 
 
 Council and Company. He was a " he was a person of excellent un- 
 
 London merchant, of great wealth derstanding and judgment, of great 
 
 and influence, governor of the East industry, vigor and resolution, and 
 
 India and Muscovy Companies, indefatigable in his application to 
 
 and of the Company associated for the business of the company and 
 
 the discovery of the north-west colony." His election was brought 
 
 passage. In 1G04 he was sent am- about by the Earl of Warwick's 
 
 .bassador from King James to the (Lord Rich) hostility to Sir Tho- 
 
 Emperor of Russia. He was also mas Smith. Sandys was very ob- 
 
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 69 
 
 treasurer and governor of the Company, he having chap. 
 
 sixty voices, Sir John Wolstenhohne sixteen voices, — -v^--- 
 
 and alderman Johnson^ twenty-four. But Sir Thomas 1619. 
 
 . May- 
 
 Smith, when he saw some part of his honor lost, was 8. 
 
 very angry, and raised a faction to cavil and contend 
 about the election, and sought to tax Sir Edwin with 
 many things that might both disgrace him and also put 
 him by his office of governor. In which contentions 
 they yet stick, and are not fit nor ready to intermeddle 
 in any business; and what issue things will come to, I 
 know not, nor are we yet certain. It is most like Sir 
 Edwin will carry it away ; and if he do, things will go 
 well in Virginia ; if otherwise, they will go ill enough 
 always. We hope in two or three Court days things 
 will settle. Mean space I think to go down into Kent, 
 and come up again about fourteen days or three weeks 
 hence ; except either by these aforesaid contentions,^ 
 or by the ill tidings from Virginia, we be wholly dis- 
 couraged ; of which tidings as followeth. 
 
 Capt. ArgalP is come home this week. He, upon 
 
 noxious to King James on account Stith had in his possession copies 
 
 of his political principles. The of the records of the Company, from 
 
 king said "he knew him to be a April 28, 1619 to June 7, 1624. 
 
 man of exorbitant ambition." Ac- See also a declaration made by the 
 
 cordingly, when the year for which Council of Virginia, in 1623, enti- 
 
 he was cliosen, had expired, James tied " The Company's Chief Root of 
 
 objected to his reelection, and in a the Differences and Discontents," 
 
 furious passion exclaimed, " Choose in the Appendix to Burk's His- 
 
 the devil, if you will, but not Sir tory of Virginia, i. 316; and "A 
 
 Edwin Sandys." To get out of Short Collection of the most re- 
 
 the difficulty, the Company chose markable passages from the origi- 
 
 the Earl of Southampton treasurer, nal to the dissolution of the Vir- 
 
 and Sandys deputy. See Stith, ginia Company. London, 1651." 
 
 159, 178, 181 ; Burk, i. 322 ; Short (4to. pp. 20.) 
 Collection, pp. 6, 8, 19. ^ Sir Samuel Argall was a kins- 
 
 * Alderman Johnson was at this man of Sir Thomas Smith, and a 
 
 time the deputy-treasurer of the favorite of the Earl of Warwick, 
 
 Company. See Stith, p. 150. who procured his election as deputy 
 
 " For an account of the conten- governor of the Virginia Colony in 
 
 tions in the Virginia Company, see the beginning of 1617. He arrived 
 
 Stith's Virginia, pp. v. 158, 180. in Virginia in May ; but his admin- 
 
70 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 
 
 CHAP, notice of the intent of the Council, came away before 
 
 V. 
 
 — v^^ Sir George Yeardley ^ came there, and so there is no 
 1619. small dissension. But his tidings is ill, although his 
 8. person be welcome. He saith Mr. Blackwell's ship 
 came not there until March ; but going towards winter 
 they had still northwest winds, which carried them to 
 the southward beyond their course ; and the master of 
 the ship and some six of the mariners dying, it seemed 
 they could not find the Bay, till after long seeking 
 and beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. 
 Maggner, the captain. Yea, there are dead, he saith, 
 a hundred and thirty persons, one and other, in the 
 ship. It is said there was in all a hundred and 
 eighty persons in the ship, so as they were packed 
 together like herrings. They had amongst them a 
 flux, and also want of fresh water ; so as it is here 
 rather wondered that so many are alive, than that so 
 many are dead. The merchants here say it was Mr. 
 Blackwell's fault to pack so many in the ship ; yea, and 
 there was great murmuring and repining amongst them, 
 and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell for his dealing and dis- 
 posing of them, when they saw how he had disposed 
 of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the 
 streets at Gravesend rang of their extreme quarrelling, 
 crying out one of another, " Thou hast brought me to 
 this. I may thank thee for this." Heavy news it is, 
 
 istration was so tyrannical and in 1619, and was empowered to in- 
 oppressive, that he was displaced vestigate the charges against Argall 
 the next year, and sailed for Eng- on the spot. But the earl of War- 
 land in April, 1619. See his Life wick having sent over a small bark 
 in Belknap, ii. 51 — 63; Stith, to inform him of what was prepar- 
 pp. 145, 149 ; Burk, i, 317 — 322 ; ing against him, and to bring him 
 Smith's General History of Vir- away, Yeardley did not arrive in 
 ginia, ii. 33. (8vo. ed. Richmond, Virginia till ten or twelve days 
 1819.) after Argall's escape. See Bel- 
 ' Sir George Yeardley was knap, ii. 61 — 72; Stith, p. 157; 
 chosen governor of the colony early Burk, p. 322; Smith, ii. 37. 
 
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 71 
 
 and I would be glad to hear how far it will discourage, chap. 
 I see none here discouraged much, but rather desire to ^- — 
 learn to beware by other men's harms, and to amend 1 6 1 9. 
 
 . May 
 
 that wherein they have failed ; as we desire to serve 8. 
 one another in love, so take heed of being enthralled 
 by other imperious persons, especially if they be dis- 
 cerned to have an eye to themselves. It doth often 
 trouble me to think that in this business we are to 
 learn, and none to teach. But better so than to depend 
 upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Such a 
 stratagem he made for Mr. Johnson and his people at 
 Emden ; much was their subversion. But though he 
 then cleanlily yet unhonestly plucked his neck out of 
 the collar, yet at last his foot is caught. 
 
 Here are no letters come. The ship Captain Argall 
 came in is yet in the west parts. All that we hear is 
 but his report. It seemeth he came away secretly. 
 The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be here 
 shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said ; he thought 
 we should hear no good of them. 
 
 Mr. Brewster is not well at this time. Whether he 
 will go back to you or go into the north, I yet know 
 not. For myself, I hope to see an end of this business 
 ere I come, though I am soi'ry to be thus from you. If 
 things had gone roundly forward, I should have been 
 with you within this fourteen days. I pray God direct 
 us, and give us that spirit which is fitting for such a 
 business. 
 
 Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. 
 Brewster, I think, hath more largely writ of to Mr. 
 Robinson, I leave you to the Lord's protection. 
 Yours, in all readiness, &c. 
 
 Robert Cushman. 
 
 London^ May the 8th, 1619. 
 
72 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 
 
 CHAP. A word or two, by way of digression, toucliing this 
 — v^ Mr. Blackwell. He was an elder of the church of 
 1619. Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them. He 
 declined from the truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, 
 and went with him when they departed asunder in that 
 woful manner which brought so great dishonor to God, 
 scandal to the truth, and outward ruin to themselves, 
 in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through 
 the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest 
 with God, in the heavens, and that they are arrived in 
 the haven of happiness, though some of their bodies 
 were thus buried in the terrible seas, and others sunk 
 under the burden of bitter afflictions. He, with some 
 others, had prepared for to go to Virginia ; and he with 
 sundry godly citizens being at a private meeting (I take 
 it, at a Fast,) in London, being discovered, many of 
 them were apprehended, whereof Mr. Blackwell was 
 one. But he so glossed with the bishops, and either 
 dissembled or flatly denied the truth which formerly he 
 had maintained ; and not only so, but unworthily be- 
 trayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, 
 that so he might slip his own neck out of the collar, 
 and to obtain his own freedom brought others into 
 bonds. Whereupon he so won the bishops' favor, (but 
 lost the Lord's,) as he was not only dismissed, but in 
 open court the Archbishop gave him great applause 
 and his solemn blessing to proceed in his voyage. But 
 if such events follow the bishops' blessing, happy are 
 they that miss the same. It is much better to keep a 
 good conscience and have the Lord's blessing, whether 
 in life or death. But see how that man, apprehended 
 by Mr. Blackwell's means, writes to a friend of his. 
 
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 73 
 
 Right dear friend and christian brother, Mr. Carver, chap. 
 
 o V. 
 
 I sakite joii and yours in the Lord. .--.— 
 
 Sir, as for my own present condition, I doubt not 1618. 
 but you well understand it by our brother Masterson,^ 4. 
 who should have tasted of the same cup, had his place 
 of residence and his person been as well known as 
 myself. Somewhat I have written to Mr. Cushman 
 how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twice 
 to Mr. sheriff, and once to my Lord Cook,^ and have 
 used such reasons to move them to pity, that if they 
 were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should 
 have soon gained my liberty ; — as that I was a man 
 living by my credit, in debt to divers in our city, living 
 in more than ordinary charges in a close and tedious 
 prison ; besides great rents abroad, all my business 
 lying still, my own servant lying lame in the country, 
 my wife being also great with child : and yet no 
 answer until the Lords of His Majesty's Council gave 
 consent. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as deep in 
 this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate with a 
 great deal less ado, yea, with an addition of the Arch- 
 bishop's blessing. I am sorry for Mr. BlackwelPs 
 weakness. 1 wish it may prove no worse ; but yet he 
 and some others of them were not sorry, but thought 
 it was for the best that I was nominated ; not because 
 the Lord sanctifies evil to good, but that the action 
 
 * Richard Masterson was one of officious with part of his estate for 
 
 Robinson's church, and his name public good, and a man of abihty, 
 
 is subscribed, with others, to a letter as a second Stephen, to defend the 
 
 written from Leyden to Bradford truth by sound argument, grounded 
 
 and Brewster, Nov. 30, 1625, nine on the Scriptures of truth." See 
 
 months after their pastor's death. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 44. 
 
 On his coming over to Plymouth, ^ This was the eminent lawyer, 
 
 he was chosen a deacon of the whose name is commonly spelt 
 
 church. In the church records he Coke. See an account of him in 
 
 is described as "a holy man and Fuller's Worthies, ii. 128, and in 
 
 an experienced saint, having been Lardner's Cab. Cyc. vi. 1 — 43. 
 
 10 
 
74 THE PILGRIMS OBTAIN A PATENT 
 
 CHAP, was good, yea, for the best. One reason I well 
 •--^ remember he used was, because this trouble would 
 
 1618. increase the Virginia plantation; that now people 
 4. began more generally to incline to go ; and if he had 
 
 not nominated some such as I, he had not been free, 
 being it was known that many citizens, besides them- 
 selves, were there. I expect an answer shortly what 
 they intend concerning me. I purpose to write to some 
 other of you, by whom you shall know the certainty. 
 
 Thus not having further at present to acquaint you 
 withal, commending myself to your prayers I cease, 
 and commit you and us all to the Lord. 
 
 Your friend and brother, in bonds, 
 
 Sabin Starsmore.' 
 
 From my Chamber in Wood-street Counter,'^ Sept. 4th, 1618. 
 
 But thus much by the way, which may be of good 
 use. I have been the larger in these things, that the 
 rising generation may seriously take notice of the many 
 difficulties their poor leaders underwent in the first 
 enterprises towards coming into New England. 
 
 1619. But at last, after all these things, and their long 
 attendance, they had a patent granted them, and con- 
 firmed under the Company's seal.^ But these divisions 
 
 ' There was a Mr. Staismore prison-houses pertaining to the 
 among the associates of Henry sheriffs of London. Stow's Survey 
 Jacob, who, after having conferred of London, p. 394, (folio.) 
 with Mr. Robinson, in Leyden, ' Morton says, in his Memorial, 
 laid the foundation of an Inde- p. 22, that they "obtained letters 
 pendent or Congregational Church patent for the northern parts of 
 in England in the year 1616. See Virginia, of King James, of famous 
 Neal's Puritans, i. 476. Some fur- memory." He confounds the king 
 ther account of Jacob will be given with the Virginia Company. Dud- 
 hereafter in a Note to Bradford's ley makes the same mistake in his 
 Dialogue. Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 
 
 ^ The Compter in Wood Street, in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 37. Old- 
 erected in 1555, was one of the mixon, i. 29, errs in saying that 
 
FROM THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 
 
 75 
 
 and distractions had shaken off many of their pretended chap. 
 friends, and disappointed them of many of their hoped -^v-^ 
 for and proffered means. By the advice of some friends 1619. 
 this patent was not taken in the name of any of tlieir 
 own company,^ but in the name of Mr. John Wincob,^ 
 a rehgious gentleman, then belonging to the Countess 
 of Lincoln,^ who intended to go with them. But God 
 so disposed as he never went, nor they never made use 
 
 " Mr. Brewster made an agreement 
 with the Company for a large tract 
 of land in the southwest parts of 
 New England," an error into which 
 he was led by Cotton Mather, i. 47. 
 The Virginia Company could grant 
 no patent for lands north of the 40th 
 degree. The authors of the Modern 
 Universal History, xxxix. 272, err 
 in stating that " their intention 
 was to have made a settlement 
 under the sanction of Gosnold's 
 patent." Gosnold had no patent. 
 Dunlap, Hist, of N. York, i. 43, 
 and Hugh Murray, Hist, of Dis- 
 coveries in North America, i. 245, 
 err in asserting that the agents of 
 the Pilgrims negotiated with the 
 Ply^nouth Company. See p. 55, 
 Note. 
 
 ' The word company I restore 
 from Hubbard, p. 47. 
 
 ^ Nothing is known of John 
 Wincob. Baylies, in his Memoir 
 of Plymouth, i. 17, errs in calling 
 his Christian name Jacob. It was 
 probably to avoid notoriety and 
 escape suspicion, that the patent 
 was taken out in the name of an 
 obscure individual, rather than in 
 the name of the Earl of Lincoln, 
 whose grandfather, Henry, had been 
 one of the Council of the Virginia 
 Company, established by its second 
 charter in 1609. I suppose that in 
 consequence of the Leyden people 
 being out of the realm, the patent 
 would not be granted in any of their 
 names. See Stith, App. p. 16 ; 
 Collins's Peerage, ii. 162. 
 
 ^ The Countess of Lincoln here 
 mentioned was Elizabeth, the 
 
 daughter of Sir Henry Knevet, and 
 the dowager of Thomas, the third 
 earl of that noble house, who died 
 Jan. 15, 1619. Arthur Collins calls 
 her "a lady of great piety and vir- 
 tue," and Cotton Mather speaks 
 of the family as " religious," and 
 " the best family of any nobleman 
 then in England." She was the 
 mother of eighteen children, and 
 wrote a book, printed at Oxford in 
 1621, entitled, "The Countess of 
 Lincoln's Nursery," on the duty of 
 mothers nursing their own children. 
 This family had a more intimate 
 connexion with the New England 
 settlements, and must have felt a 
 deeper interest in their success, than 
 any other noble house in England. 
 Two of the first magistrates, or 
 assistants, of the Massachusetts 
 Colony had lived many years in 
 the family as stewards, a capacity 
 which Wincob also may have sus- 
 tained. Frances, a daughter of the 
 Countess, married John, son and 
 heir to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who 
 took so active a part in the attempts 
 to colonize New England. Two 
 other daughters, Susan and Arbella, 
 married two other of the principal 
 colonists of Massachusetts, John 
 Humfrey and Isaac Johnson, and 
 came over with their husbands to 
 America. The lady Arbella died 
 at the end of August, 1630, about 
 six weeks after her arrival. " Sbe 
 came from a paradise of plenty and 
 pleasure, in the family of a noble 
 earldom, into a wilderness of Avants, 
 and took New England in her way 
 to heaven." Jvike the Spanish lady 
 
76 
 
 THE PATENT IS SENT OVER TO LEYDEN. 
 
 CHAP, of this patent, which had cost them so much labor and 
 
 -^v^- charge ; as by the sequel will appear.^ 
 
 1619. This patent being sent over for them to view and 
 consider,^ as also the passages about the propositions 
 between them and such merchants and friends as 
 should either go or adventure with them, and espe- 
 cially with them on whom they did chiefly depend for 
 shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, 
 they were requested to fit and prepare themselves with 
 all speed. 
 
 A right emblem it may be of the uncertain things of 
 this world, that when men have toiled themselves, 
 they vanish into smoke. 
 
 mentioned by Peter Martyr, " per- 
 ceiving her husband now furnish- 
 ing himself to depart to the un- 
 known coasts of the new world, 
 and those large tracts of land and 
 sea, she spake these words unto 
 him : Whithersoever your fatal des- 
 tiny shall drive you, either by the 
 furious waves of the great ocean, 
 jor by the manifold and horrible 
 dangers of the land, I will surely 
 bear you company. There can no 
 peril chance to me so terrible, nor 
 any kind of death so cruel, that 
 shall not be much easier for me to 
 abide, than to live so far separate 
 from you." Her husband survived 
 lier only a month : 
 
 " He tried 
 To live witlinut her, liiieil it not, and died." 
 
 The " right honorable and ap- 
 proved virtuous lady, Bridget, Coun- 
 tess of Lincoln," to whom Dudley 
 addressed his letter of March 12, 
 1631, was the wife of Theophilus, 
 the son of the Countess mentioned 
 in the text, and the daughter of 
 Viscount Saye and Sele. See 
 CoUins's Peerage, ii. 163 ; Burke's 
 Peerage, Clinton and Newcastle ; 
 Walpole's Royal and Noble Au- 
 thors, ii. 272 ; Savage's Winthrop, 
 
 i. 34 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 15 
 17 ; Mather's Magnalia, i. 71, 126 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 36, 40 
 Eden's translation of Peter Mar- 
 tyr's Decades, p. 84, (ed. 1577.) 
 
 ' The whole of this paragraph is 
 contained, almost word for word, 
 in Hubbard's History, p. 47, which 
 is conclusive proof that he had seen 
 Bradford's History. See Note ^ on 
 page 58. — Hubbard says, p. 50, 
 " that a patent, as is afore said, was 
 obtained, is published in print, and 
 affirmed by such as yet survive of 
 the first planters ; but where it is, 
 or how it came to be lost, is not 
 known to any that belong to the 
 said colony." Hubbard wrote his 
 History before 1682, See Mass. 
 Hist. Coll. XV. p. iii. — Grahame, i. 
 410, errs in asserting that Hub- 
 bard's History has never been pub- 
 lished ; and also in stating that 
 Gov. Bradford's History of Ply- 
 mouth Colony has been published. 
 
 ^ Prince, p. 155, quoting from 
 Gov. Bradford's MS. history, in- 
 serts after consider, "with several 
 proposals for their transmigration, 
 made by Mr. Thomas Weston, 
 of London, merchant, and other 
 friends and merchants as should 
 either," &c. 
 
THE PILGRIMS KEEP A FAST. 
 
 77 
 
 Upon a receipt of these things by one of their mes- chap. 
 sengers, they had a solemn meeting and a day of hu- —.^^ 
 miliation, to seek the Lord for his direction. And 1 6 20. 
 their pastor took this text. " And David's men said \.^fi^- 
 unto him, See, we be afraid here in Judah. How ' 
 much more, if we come to Keilah, against the host of 
 the PhiHstines. Then David asked counsel of the 
 Lord again." From which text he taught many 
 things very aptly, and befitting their present occasion 
 and condition, to strengthen them against their fears 
 and perplexities, and encouraging them in their reso- 
 lutions : [and then conclude how many and who 
 should prepare to go first ; ^ for all that were willing 
 could not get ready quickly. The greater number 
 being to stay, require their pastor to tarry with them ; 
 their elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with the other ; those 
 who go first to be an absolute church ^ of themselves, 
 as well as those that stay ; with this proviso, that as 
 any go over or return, they shall be reputed as mem- 
 bers, without further dismission or testimonial ; and 
 those who tarry, to follow the rest as soon as they can. 
 
 ^ Winslow, in his Brief Narra- 
 tive, says," the youngest and strong- 
 est part to go ; and they that went 
 should freely offer themselves." 
 
 ^ The Church at Plymouth thus 
 became the First Independent or 
 Congregational Church in Ameri- 
 ca. Of course the statement of 
 Holmes in his accurate Annals of 
 America, i. 160, that " the adven- 
 turers and their brethren remaining 
 in Holland were to continue to be 
 one church," is incorrect ; and the 
 position of Upham, in his eloquent 
 Century Lecture, at Salem in 1829, 
 that the first church in Salem is 
 "the First American Congrega- 
 tional Church," cannot be main- 
 tained. Even if the first colonists 
 
 had not been " an absolute church 
 of themselves," yet before the for- 
 mation of Higginson's church at 
 Salem, a majority of the Leyden 
 congregation had actually arrived 
 at Plymouth, as appears from the 
 note on page 36. Nor is there any 
 ground for Palfrey's intimation, in 
 his Centennial Discourse at Barn- 
 stable, p. 9, that " the first church 
 in Barnstable is the representative 
 of the first Congregational Church 
 established in England," since it 
 appears from p. 21-24, of this vol- 
 ume, that the exception, on the pre- 
 sumed absence of which he builds 
 this opinion, was an actual fact, 
 namely, that " Robinson's church, 
 now surviving in that of Plymouth, 
 
78 THE PILGRIMS PREPARE TO LEAVE HOLLAND. 
 
 CHAP. Mr. Weston ^ coming to Leyden, the people agree 
 ^— v-^ with him on articles both for shipping and money to 
 16 20. assist in their transportation; then send Mr. Carver 
 and Cushman to England to receive the money and 
 provide for the voyage ; Mr. Cushman at London, Mr. 
 Carver at Southampton. Those who are to go first 
 prepare with speed, sell their estates, put their money 
 into the common stock to be disposed by their mana- 
 gers for making general provisions. There was also 
 one Mr. Martin^ chosen in England to join with Mr. 
 Carver and Cushman. He came from Billerica, in 
 Essex ; from which county came several others, as 
 also from London and other places, to go with them.]^ 
 
 In the foregoing five Chapters the reader may take 
 a view of some of the many difficulties our blessed pre- 
 decessors went through in their first achievement of 
 this weighty enterprise of removal of our Church into 
 these American parts. The immediate following re- 
 lations in Mr. Bradford's book, out of which divers of 
 these matters are recollected, do more especially con- 
 was organized on Congregational unsuccessful attempt to establish a 
 principles before he left the mother rival colony at Wessagussett, now 
 country for Holland." With the Weymouth, will be related here- 
 History of Gov. Bradford to support after. He visited Plymouth twice 
 her claims, the First Church at in 1623, and again in 1624, and 
 Plymouth cannot recognise the then sailed for Virginia. He died 
 pretensions of any other American at Bristol, (Eng.) in the time of the 
 church to priority of existence. civil war. See Prince, pp. 216, 
 
 * Thomas Weston was one of 222, 224. 
 the most active of the merchant ' This was undoubtedly Mr. 
 adventurers, and Hubbard says, p. Christopher Martin, who, with his 
 72, that he had disbursed £500 to wife and two children, came over 
 advance the interest of Plymouth in the Mayflower. His name 
 colony. Edward Winslow says, stands the ninth in the subscrip- 
 in 1622, " he formerly deserved tion to the Compact signed at Cape 
 well of us," and Bradford, in 1623, Cod, Nov. 11, 1620, and he died 
 that he "becomes our enemy on Jan. 8, 1621. 
 
 all occasions." He employed se- ^ The passage included in brack- 
 veral vessels in trade and fishing ets is taken from Prince, p. 156, 
 on the coast of New England. His who copied it from Bradford's MS. 
 
CONDITIONS AND LETTERS. 
 
 79 
 
 cein the conditions of their agreement with several chap. 
 
 y 
 
 merchant adventurers towards the voyage, &c. as also •— .— 
 several letters sent to and fro from friend to friend 16 20. 
 relating to the premises, which arc not so pertinent to 
 the nature of this small History. Wherefore I shall 
 here omit to insert them,^ judging them not so suitable 
 to my present purpose ; and here also cease to follow 
 the foregoing method by way of Chapters.^ 
 
 ' It is much to be regretted that 
 Morton did not see fit to copy these 
 letters. It will be seen, a few 
 pages further on, that he again 
 testifies that " their transactings 
 with the merchant adventurers 
 were penned at large in Mr. Brad- 
 ford's book." Though omitted in 
 this copy, " the Conditions " were 
 fortunately preserved from oblivion 
 by Hubbard, and we are thus ena- 
 bled to present them in the next 
 Chapter. They are undoubtedly 
 the most valuable portion of Hub- 
 
 bard's History, and their existence 
 in it puts it beyond a doubt that he 
 had both seen and used Bradford's 
 MS. notwithstanding Prince's as- 
 sertion to the contrary. See Note " 
 on page 58. 
 
 * For the sake of uniformity I 
 have taken the liberty still " to fol- 
 low the foregoing method by way 
 of chapters," and the rather as I 
 find that Morton has preserved in 
 his Memorial, pp. 30, 37, and 67, 
 the original titles of three of Gov. 
 Bradford's chapters. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE CONDITIONS OF THEIR AGREEMENT WITH SEVERAL 
 MERCHANT ADVENTURERS TOWARDS THE VOYAGE. 
 
 CHAP. [About this time they were informed by Mr. Wes- 
 '■''^'^' ton and others, that sundry honorable lords and worthy 
 ■^®^^' gentlemen had obtained a large patent from the King 
 for the more northerly part of America, distinct from 
 the Virginia patent, and wholly excluded from their 
 government, and to be called by another name, viz. 
 New England.' Unto which Mr. Weston and the 
 chiefest of them began to incline, thinking it was best 
 for them to go thither ; as for other reasons, so chiefly 
 
 1 On the 23d of July, 1620, King 
 James gave a warrant to his soli- 
 citor. Sir Thomas Coventry, to 
 prepare a new patent for the incor- 
 poration of the adventurers to the 
 northern colony of Virginia, be- 
 tween 40 and 48 degrees, north, 
 which patent the king signed on 
 Nov. 3, styling them "The Council 
 established at Plymouth, in the 
 county of Devon, for the planting, 
 ruling, ordering, and governing 
 of New England, in America," 
 which is the great civil basis of all 
 the future patents and plantations, 
 that divide this country. Prince, 
 p. 160. See the patent in Hazard, 
 i. 104; and the warrant in Mass. 
 Hist. Coll. xxvi. 64. 
 
 The name of New England was 
 first given, in 1614, by the famous 
 Capt. John Smith, to North Vir- 
 ginia, lying between the degrees of 
 41 and 45. In that year he ranged 
 along the coast, from the Penobscot 
 to Cape Cod, in a small boat, with 
 eight men. " I took the descrip- 
 tion " he says " of the coast as well 
 by map as writing, and called it 
 New England. At ray humble 
 suit, Charles, Prince of Wales, was 
 pleased to confirm it by that title." 
 Smith, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 
 20. This map was published with 
 his " Description of New England," 
 in 1616. They are both reprinted 
 in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 1, and 
 xxvi. 95— 140. 
 
THE PILGRIMS MEET WITH DISCOURAGEMENTS. 81 
 
 for the hoj:>e of present profit, to be made bj fishing ' chap. 
 on that coast. But in all business the active part is -^^ — 
 most difficult, especially when there are many agents 16 20. 
 that may be concerned. So it was found in them ; 
 for some of them who should have gone in England, 
 fell off, and would not go. Other merchants and 
 friends, that proffered to adventure their money, with- 
 drew and pretended many excuses ; some disliking 
 they went not to Guiana ; others would do nothing 
 unless they went to Virginia ; and many who were 
 most relied on refused to adventure if they went thither. 
 In the midst of these difficulties, they of Leyden were 
 driven to great straits ; but at the length, the generality 
 was swayed to the better opinion. Howbeit, the pa- 
 tent for the northern part of the country not being 
 fully settled at that time, they resolved to adventure 
 with that patent they had, intending for some place 
 more southward than that they fell upon in their voy- 
 age, at Cape Cod, as may appear afterwards. 
 
 The CONDITIONS, on which those of Leyden engaged 
 with the merchants, the adventurers,^ were hard enough 
 
 ' Edward Winslow says, in his of their bringing their wives and 
 
 Brief Narrative, that on King children with them is conckisive 
 
 James asking the agents of the evidence that they came to estab- 
 
 Pilgrims " what profits might arise lish a permanent colony, in which 
 
 in the part they intended, it was the several occupations of farming, 
 
 answered, Fishing." fishing, and trading, would each 
 
 I know not what authority have its proper place. 
 Hutchinson had for asserting, ii. ^ Little is known of these mer- 
 472, that "their views when they chant adventurers, Capt. John 
 left England were rather to establish Smith, a good authority in such 
 a/ac<orj/ than a colony. They had matters, writing in 1624, says that 
 no notion of cultivating any more "the adventurers which raised the 
 ground than would afford their own stock to begin and supply this plan- 
 necessary provisions, but proposed tation, were about seventy, some 
 that their chief secular employment eentlemeri, some merchants, some 
 should be commerce with the na- handicraftsmen, some adventuring 
 lives." This seems inconsistent great sums, some small, as their 
 with the views with which they estates and affection served. These 
 'eft Holland; and the simple fact dwell most about London. They 
 
 11 
 
82 THE CONDITIONS OF THE PARTNERSHIP 
 
 CHAP, at the first for the poor people, that were to adventure 
 -^v-^ their persons as well as their estates. Yet were their 
 1620. agents forced to change one or two of them, to satisfy 
 the merchants, who were not willing to be concerned 
 with them ; although the altering them without their 
 knowledge or consent was very distasteful to them, 
 and became the occasion of some contention amongst 
 them afterwards. They are these that follow. 
 
 1. The adventurers and planters do agree, that 
 every person that goeth, being sixteen years old and 
 upward, be rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds 
 be accounted a single share. 
 
 2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him- 
 self out with ten pounds, either in money or other 
 provisions, be accounted as having twenty pounds in 
 stock, and in the division shall receive a double 
 share. 
 
 3. The persons transported and the adventurers 
 shall continue their joint stock and partnership the 
 space of seven years, except some unexpected impedi- 
 ments do cause the whole Company to agree other- 
 wise ; during which time all profits and benefits that 
 are gotten by trade, traffic, trucking, working, fishing, 
 or any other means, of any other person or persons, 
 shall remain still in the common stock until the 
 division. 
 
 4. That at their coming there they shall choose out 
 such a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships 
 
 are not a corporation, but knit to- served by Gov. Bradford, were very 
 
 gether by a voluntary combination friendly to the Colony, and a few 
 
 in a society without constraint or came over and settled in it. Others 
 
 penalty, aiming to do good and to were unreasonable, clamorous, and 
 
 plant religion." Smith's Gen. Hist, hostile. Their names in 1626 are 
 
 of Virginia, ii. 251. Some of these preserved. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
 
 merchants, as appears from the iii. 27 — 34,48. 
 Correspondence with them pre- 
 
WITH THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS. 83 
 
 and boats for fishing upon the sea ; employing the rest chap. 
 in their several faculties upon the land, as building — v-^ 
 houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making 1 620. 
 such commodities as shall be most useful for the 
 Colony. 
 
 5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital 
 and the profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods, and chat- 
 tels, be equally divided among the adventurers. If any 
 debt or detriment concerning this adventure * 
 
 6. Whosoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or 
 putteth any thing into the stock, shall at the end of 
 the seven years be allowed proportionally to the time 
 of his so doing. 
 
 7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or ser- 
 vants, shall be allowed for every person, now aged 
 sixteen years and upward, a single share in the divi- 
 sion ; or if he provide them necessaries, a double share ; 
 or if they be between ten years old and sixteen, then 
 two of them to be reckoned for a person, both in 
 transportation and division. 
 
 8. That such children that now go and are under 
 the age of ten years, have no other share in the divi- 
 sion than fifty acres of unmanured land. 
 
 9. That such persons as die before the seven years 
 be expired, their executors to have their parts or share 
 at the division, proportionably to the time of their life 
 in the Colony. 
 
 10. That all such persons as are of the Colony are 
 to have meat, drink, and apparel, and all provisions, 
 out of the common stock and goods of the said Colony. 
 
 ' Here something seems to be might, possibly, be filled up from 
 
 wanting, of the nature of a new the MS. copy of Hubbard in Eng- 
 
 article or condition, which cannot land. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 
 
 now be supplied. This hiatus 286 — 290. 
 
84 
 
 THE PILGRIMS ACCEPT THE HARD CONDITIONS. 
 
 The difference between the conditions thus expressed 
 and the former, before their alteration, stood in these 
 i620. two points ; first, that the houses and lands improved, 
 especially gardens and home-fields, should remain un- 
 divided, wholly to the planters, at the seven years' 
 end ; secondly, that the planters should have two days 
 in the week for their own private employment, for 
 the comfort of themselves and their families, especially 
 such as had them to take care for.' 
 
 The altering of those two conditions was very afflic- 
 tive to the minds of such as were concerned in the 
 voyage. But Mr. Cushman, their principal agent, 
 answered the complaints peremptorily, that unless they 
 had so ordered the conditions, the whole design would 
 have fallen to the ground ; and necessity, they said, 
 
 ' Robertson says, ia his History 
 of America, book x., " Under the 
 influence of this wild notion — that 
 the Scriptures contain a complete 
 system not only of spiritual instruc- 
 tion, but of civil wisdom and polity 
 — the colonists of New-Plymouth, 
 in imitation of the primitive Chris- 
 tians, threw all their property into 
 a common stock." This misrepre- 
 sentation, which he professes to 
 derive from Chalmers, p. 90, and 
 Douglass, p. 370, (though there is 
 nothing in either of them to sanc- 
 tion the statement,) is repeated sub- 
 stantially by Grahame, i 194, and 
 verbally by Murray, Hist, of North 
 America, i. 246. It is to be regret- 
 led that credit and countenance 
 should have been given to such an 
 imputation on the good sense of 
 the Pilgrims, by so respectable an 
 American writer as Chief Justice 
 Marshall, in his Life of Washing- 
 ton, i. 93, (first ed.) and in his His- 
 tory of the American Colonies, p. 
 SL 
 
 There is no foundation for tliis 
 charge. The Plymouth people were 
 not " misguided by their religious 
 theories," nor influenced by an 
 
 " imitation of the primitive Chris- 
 tians," in forming their joint stock 
 company. They entered into this 
 hard and disadvantageous engage- 
 ment with the merchant adven- 
 turers not voluntarily, but of neces- 
 sity, in order to obtain shipping for 
 transporting themselves to Amer- 
 ica ; and they put their own little 
 property into a common fund in 
 order to purchase provisions for the 
 voyage. It was a partnership tiiat 
 was instituted, not a community of 
 goods, as that phrase is commonly 
 understood. They dissolved this 
 partnership, and set up for them- 
 selves, as soon as they were able ; 
 as will be seen hereafter. 
 
 The charge is destitute of foun- 
 dation even in regard to the primi- 
 tive Christians. " Nothing like a 
 community of goods," says Mil- 
 man, " ever appears to have pre- 
 vailed in the Christian community. 
 Mosheim appears to me to have 
 proved this point conclusively." 
 See Milman's History of Christian- 
 ity, i. 389, and Mosheim's Disser- 
 tation " De vera natura commu- 
 nionis bonorum in ecclesia Hiero- 
 solymitana." Diss. ii. 1 — 53. 
 
A VESSEL AND PILOT ARE PROVIDED. 85 
 
 having no law, thej were constrained to be silent. The chap. 
 poor planters met with much difficulty both before and --'^' 
 after the expiring of the seven years, and found much 1620. 
 trouble in making up accounts with the adventurers 
 about the division ; at which time, though those that 
 adventured their money were no great gainers, yet 
 those that adventured their lives in carrying on the 
 business of the Plantation were by much the greatest 
 sufferers.] ^ 
 
 [Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver, and complains ^"°® 
 of Mr. Weston's neglect in getting shipping in Eng- 
 land ; for want of which they are in a piteous case at 
 Leyden. And S. F., E. W., W. B., and J. A.^ write lo. 
 from Leyden to Mr. Carver and Cushman, that the 
 coming of Mr. Nash^ and their pilot is a great en- 
 couragement to them. 
 
 Mr. Cushman, in a letter from London to Mr. Carver lo. 
 at Southampton, says that Mr. Crabe, a minister, had 
 promised to go, but is much opposed, and like to fail ; 
 and in a letter to the people at Leyden, that he had 
 hired another pilot, one Mr. Clark,'* who went last 
 year to Virginia ; that he is getting a ship, hopes he 
 shall make all ready at London in fourteen days, and 
 would have Mr, Reynolds tarry in Holland, and bring 
 the ship'^ there to Southampton.]^ 
 
 ' The passage witliin brackets is ^ The name of Thomas Nash is 
 
 taken from Hubbard's History. It subscribed, with others, to a letter 
 
 is impossible to say where he ob- written at Leyden Nov. 30, 1625, 
 
 tained it, except from Bradford's addressed to Bradford and Brewster. 
 
 MS. It is to be found nowhere See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 44. 
 
 else, and is essential to the com- " Clark, as will be seen hereafter, 
 
 pleteness of the History. I have was master's mate on board the 
 
 taken care to collate Hubbard's MS. Mayflower. 
 
 Avhich is in the archives of the Mas- * The small ship, called the 
 
 sachusetts Historical Society. Speedwell, of which Reynolds was 
 
 ^ These doubtless are the initials captain, 
 
 of Samuel Fuller, Edward Wins- ^ These last two paragraphs are 
 
 low, William Bradford, and Isaac taken from Prince, p. 158, who ■ 
 
 Allerton. copied them from Bradford's MS. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 OF THEIR DEPARTURE FROM LEYDEN, AND EMBARKATION 
 FROM DELFT-HAVEN. 
 
 After such travail and turmoils ^ and debates which 
 they went through, things were gotten ready for their 
 1620. departure from Leyden. A small ship was provided in 
 Holland, of about sixty tons, which was intended, as 
 to serve to transport some of them over the seas, so to 
 stay in the country and to tend upon fishing and such 
 other affairs as might be for the good and benefit of the 
 whole, when they should come to the place intended.^ 
 
 ' " Much of their troubles re- 
 specting this matter is not express- 
 ed in this book." — Morton^s Note. 
 
 * This vessel was less than the 
 average size of the fishing-smacks 
 that go to the Grand Bank. This 
 seems a frail bark in which to cross 
 a stormy ocean of three thousand 
 miles in extent. Yet it should be 
 remembered, that two of the ships 
 of Columbus on his first daring and 
 perilous voyage of discovery were 
 light vessels, without decks, little 
 superior to the small craft that ply 
 on our rivers and along our coasts. 
 Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, the con- 
 temporary of Columbus, and the 
 first writer who mentions the dis- 
 covery of America, says " Ex regio 
 fisco destinata sunt tria navigia ; 
 unum onerarium cavatum,alia duo 
 
 levia mercatoria, sine caveis, qua? 
 ab Hispanis caravelse vocantur." 
 De Orbe Novo, dec. i. cap. i. (p. 2, 
 ed. 1587.) "At the length three 
 ships were appointed him at the 
 king's charges; of the which one 
 was a great carrack with decks, 
 and the other two light merchant 
 ships without decks, which the 
 Spaniards call caravels." (Eden's 
 trans, p. 8, ed. 1577.) Froljisher's 
 fleet consisted of two barks of 
 twenty-five tons each, and a pin- 
 nace of ten tons, when he sailed in 
 
 1576, to discover a north-west pas- 
 sage to the Indies. Sir Francis 
 Drake, too, embarked on his voyage 
 for circumnavigating the globe, in 
 
 1577, with five vessels, of which 
 the largest was of one hundred, 
 and the smallest of fifteen tons. 
 
THE PILGRIMS LEAVE LEYDEN. 87 
 
 Another was hired at London, of burden about nine- 
 score, and all other things got in a readiness. 
 
 So being ready to depart, they had a day of solemn i62 0. ^^^^ 
 humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra the 
 viiith. 21. "And there, at the river, by Ahava, I pro- 
 claimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before 
 our God, and seek of him a right way for us, and for 
 our children, and for all our substance." Upon which 
 he spent a good part of the day very profitably, and 
 suitably to their present occasion.* The rest of the 
 time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with 
 great fervency, mixed with abundance of tears. And 
 the time being come that they must depart, they were 
 accompanied with the most of their brethren out of the July 
 city unto a town sundry miles off, called Delft-Haven,^ 
 where the ship lay ready to receive them. So they 
 left that goodly and pleasant city^ which had been their i?e|.. 
 resting-place near twelve yearsj' But they knew they 
 were Pilgrims,^ and looked not much on those things, 
 
 The bark in which Sir Humphrey ' Edward Winslow, who was 
 
 Gilbert perished was of ten tons present, has preserved a portion of 
 
 only. The Little James, which Robinson's farewell discourse. It 
 
 the Company sent over to Ply- will be found in his Brief Narra- 
 
 mouth in July 1623, was a pinnace tive, in a subsequent part of this 
 
 of only forty-four tons. See Na- volume ; but it ought to be read in 
 
 varrete, Coleccion de Viages, ii. p. this connexion. 
 
 11, Doc.Diplom.7; Irving's Life of ^ Delft-Haven is a commodious 
 
 Columbus, i. 113, iii. 303 — 306 
 Kippis's Biog. Britann. v. 345 
 Aikin's Gen. Biog. iii. 449, iv. 249 
 
 port on the north side of the Maas, 
 two miles south-west from Rotter- 
 dam, eight miles from Delft, and 
 
 Bancroft, i. 91 ; Prince, p. 220. — about 24 miles south of Leyden. 
 
 Bancroft, i. 306, is inaccurate in ^ "I think I may with singular 
 
 saying that "the Speedwell was propriety call their lives a ;)«7o-ra?i- 
 
 purchased ill Z.o«f?o« ;" and Mather, age. Most of them left England 
 
 i. 47, in stating that she was hired, about the year 1609, after the truce 
 
 in which error he is followed by with the Spaniards, young men be- 
 
 the authors of the Mod. Univ% Hist, twecn twenty and thirty years of 
 
 xxxix. 272. — In a vessel of the age. They spent near twelve years, 
 
 same name, of fifty tons, Martin strangers among the Dutch, first at 
 
 Pring had in 1603 coasted along Amsterdam, afterwards at Leyden. 
 
 the shores of New England. See After having arrived to the meridian 
 
 Prince, p. 102; Belknap, ii. 124. of life, the declining part was to 
 
88 THE SAD PARTING AT DELFT-HAVEN. 
 
 CHAP, but lifted up their eyes to heaven, their dearest country, 
 v--v-^ and quieted their spirits. 
 
 162 0. When they came to the place, they found the ship 
 and all things ready ; and such of their friends as could 
 not come with them, followed after them ; and sundry 
 also came from Amsterdam * to see them shipped, and 
 to take their leave of them. That night was spent 
 with little sleep by the most, but with friendly enter- 
 tainment^ and Christian discourse, and other real ex- 
 July pressions of true Christian love. The next day, the 
 "" wind being fair, they went on board, and their friends 
 with them ; when truly doleful was the sight of that 
 sad and mournful parting ; to see what sighs and sobs 
 and prayers did sound amongst them ; what tears did 
 gush from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each 
 other's heart ; that sundry of the Dutch strangers, that 
 stood on the quay as spectators, could not refrain from 
 tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it was to see such 
 lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned love. 
 But the tide, which stays for no man, calling them 
 away, that were thus loth to depart, their reverend pas- 
 tor, falling down on his knees, and they all with him, 
 with watery cheeks commended them, with most fer- 
 vent prayers, to the Lord and his blessing ; and then, 
 with mutual embraces and many tears, they took their 
 leaves of one another, which proved to be their last 
 leave to many of them. 
 ; Thus hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind ,^ they 
 
 be spent in another world, among ' The distance from Amsterdam 
 
 savages, of whom every European to Delft-Haven is about 50 miles, 
 
 must have received a most unfavor- ^ Prince, p. 159, reads enie>lain- 
 
 able, if not formidable idea. ' Tan- ing. 
 
 turn religio potuit suadere.'" — ^Edward Winslow says, in his 
 
 Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. ii. 452. Brief Narrative, " We gave them a 
 
 The term Pilgrims belongs ex- volley of small shot and three 
 
 clusively to the Plytnouth colonists, pieces of ordnance." 
 
THE PILGRIxMS ARRIVE AT SOUTHAMPTON. 89 
 
 came in a short time to Southampton,^ where they chap. 
 
 . VII. 
 
 found the bigger ship come from London,^ lj>n£!^ ready — v-L 
 with all the rest of their company. After a joyful 16 20. 
 welcome and mutual congratulation, with other friendly 
 entertainments, they fell to parley about their proceed- 
 ings. [Seven hundred pounds sterling are laid out at 
 Southampton, and they carry about seventeen hundred 
 pounds venture with them ; and Mr. Weston comes 
 thither from London to see them despatched.] ^ 
 
 A brief Letter written by Mr. John Robinson to Mr. 
 John Carver, at their parting aforesaid, in which the 
 tender love and godly care of a true pastor appears. 
 
 My Dear Brother, 
 
 I received enclosed your last letter and note of in- 
 formation, which I shall carefully keep and make use 
 of, as there shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of 
 your perplexity of mind and toil of body ; but I hope 
 that you, having always been able so plentifully to 
 administer comfort unto others in their trials, are so 
 well furnished for yourself, as that far greater difficul- 
 ties than you have yet undergone (though I conceive 
 them to be great enough) cannot oppress you, though 
 they press you, as the Apostle speaketh. " The J[.i\ 
 spirit of a man (sustained by the Spirit of God) will 
 
 xviii. 14. 
 
 ' Southampton is a seaport in * After London, Prince, p. 160, 
 
 Hampshire, situated at the head of inserts from Gov. Bradford's MS., 
 
 an estuary, running up from the " Mr. Jones master, Avith the rest 
 
 isle of Wight, called the Southamp- of the company, who had been 
 
 ton Water. It was the rendezvous waiting there with Mr. Cushman 
 
 of seven of Winthrop's fieet in seven days." 
 
 March, 1630, when he was prepar- ^ The sentence in brackets is 
 
 ing to transport his colony to Massa- from Prince, p. 160, who quotes 
 
 chusetts Bay. See Savage's Win- Bradford's MS. 
 throp, i. 2, 366. 
 
 12 
 
90 ROBINSONS LETTER TO CARVER. 
 
 CHAP, sustain his infirmity." I doubt not so will jours ; 
 ~^— and the better much, when you shall enjoy the pre- 
 16 20. sence and help of so many godly and wise brethren, 
 for the bearing of part of your burden ; who also will 
 not admit into their hearts the least thought of suspi- 
 cion of any the least negligence, at least presumption, 
 to have been in you, whatsoever they think in others.^ 
 Now what shall I say or write unto you and your good 
 wife, my loving sister ? Even only this ; I desire, and 
 always shall, mercy and blessing unto you from the 
 Lord, as unto my own soul ; and assure yourself that 
 my heart is with you, and that I will not foreslow " my 
 bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written 
 a large letter to the whole, and am sorry I shall not 
 rather speak than write to them ; and the more, con- 
 sidering the want of a preacher,^ which I shall also 
 make some spur to my hastening towards you. I do 
 ever commend my best affection unto you ; which if I 
 thought you made any doubt of, I would express in 
 more, and the same more ample and full words. And 
 the Lord, in whom you trust, and whom you serve 
 ever in this business and journey, guide you with his 
 hand, protect you with his wing, and show you and us 
 his salvation in the end, and bring us, in the mean 
 
 ' This sentence indicates the it seem to betoken that the burden 
 
 great confidence reposed in Carver of government was expected to rest 
 
 by the Church. His being sent as on him, as it afterwards turned out. 
 
 their tirst and principal agent to See Hutchinson, ii. 456. 
 
 England, shows that he was a lead- ^ Foreslow, — delay, 
 
 ing and trusted man among the ' It appears from page 85, that 
 
 Pilgrims, a fact which is confirmed " Mr. Crabe, a minister, had prom- 
 
 by the circumstance of his being ised to go." They suffered much 
 
 selected by Robinson as the indi- afterward for want of a regular 
 
 vidual to whom to address this pastor, 
 parting letter. Some passages in 
 
ROBINSON'S LETTER TO HIS FLOCK. 91 
 
 while, together in the place desired (if such be his chap. 
 e;ood will) for his Christ's sake. Amen. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Yours, 1620. 
 
 John Kobinson. 
 
 July 21th, 1620. 
 
 This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see 
 from him." 
 
 At their parting, Mr. Robinson ^ writ a letter to the 
 whole company, which, although it hath already been 
 printed, yet I thought good here likewise to insert it.^ 
 
 Loving Christian Friends, 
 
 I do heartily and in the Lord salute you, as being 
 those with whom I am present in my best affections, 
 and most earnest longings after you, though I be con- 
 strained for a while to be bodily absent from you. I 
 say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and 
 much rather than otherwise, I would have borne my 
 part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong 
 necessity held back for the present. Make account of 
 me, in the mean while, as of a man divided in myself 
 with great pain, and as (natural bonds set aside) hav- 
 ing my better ])art with you. And though I doubt not 
 but in your godly wisdom you both foresee and resolve 
 upon that which concerneth your present state and 
 condition, both severally and jointly, yet have I thought 
 it but my duty to add some further spur of provocation 
 
 ' Carver died in April, 1621. the Plymouth colonists in Dec. 
 
 ' Oldmixon, i. 29, errs in saying 1621, and in 1669, in the New 
 
 that " Mr. Robinson did not /it;e to England's Memorial. There are 
 
 go in person " with the first colo- some variations in the text of these 
 
 nists. He lived till 1625. several copies. It is not in Neal's 
 
 ^ It was printed in 1622, in the New England, as stated by Prince, 
 
 Relation, or Journal, sent over by p. IGO. 
 
92 ROBINSON'S LETTER OF ADVICE 
 
 CHAP, to them, that run well already ; if not because you 
 
 need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty. 
 
 1620. And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance 
 with our God, especially for our sins known, and gen- 
 erally for our unknown sins and trespasses, so doth the 
 Lord call us in a singular manner, upon occasions of such 
 difficulty and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more 
 narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in 
 his sight ; lest he calling to remembrance our sins for- 
 gotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against 
 us, and in judgment leave us for the same to be swal- 
 lowed up in one danger or other. Whereas, on the 
 contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, 
 and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up unto 
 a man's conscience by his Spirit, great shall be his 
 security and peace in all dangers, sweet his comforts 
 in all distresses, with happy deliverance from all evil, 
 whether in life or in death. 
 
 Now next after this heavenly peace with God and 
 our own consciences, we are carefully to provide for 
 peace with all men, what in us lieth, especially with 
 our associates ; and for that end, watchfulness must be 
 had, that we neither at all in ourselves do give, no, nor 
 easily take offence, being given by others. Wo be unto 
 the world for offences ; for although it be necessary 
 (considering the malice of Satan and man's corruption) 
 xviii!'?. that offences come, yet wo unto that man, or woman 
 either, by whom the offence cometh, saith Christ. 
 ^\^°l- And if offences in the unseasonable use of things in 
 themselves indifferent be more to be feared than death 
 itself, as the Apostle teacheth, how much more in 
 things simply evil, in which neither honor of God nor 
 love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. 
 
Matt, 
 vii. 1-5. 
 
 TO THE WHOLE COMPANY. 93 
 
 Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves, chap. 
 by the grace of God, from giving offence, except withal — v^-- 
 we be armed against the taking of them, when they 162 0. 
 be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is 
 the work of grace in that person who wants charity to 
 cover a multitude of offences,^ as the Scripture speaks. 
 Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon 
 the common grounds of Christianity, which are, that 
 persons ready to take offence, either want charity to 
 cover offences,^ or wisdom duly to weigh human frail- 
 ties, or, lastly, are gross though close hypocrites, as 
 Christ our Lord teacheth ; as indeed, in my own ex- 
 perience, few or none have been found which sooner 
 give offence, than such as easily take it ; neither have 
 they ever proved sound and profitable members in 
 societies, which have nourished this touchy humor. 
 But, besides these, there are divers motives provoking 
 you, above others, to great care and conscience this 
 way. As first, you are many of you strangers, as to 
 the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and 
 so stand in need of more watchfulness this way ; lest, 
 when such things fall out in men and women as you 
 suspected not, you be inordinately affected with them ; 
 which doth require at your hands much wisdom and 
 charity, for the covering and preventing of incident 
 offences that way. And lastly, your intended course 
 of civil conmiunity will minister continual occasion of 
 
 ^ The passage between ' and ' — the recurrence of the word of- 
 
 is omitted in Morton's copy, in fences — the eye of the transcriber 
 
 the Church Records, but is restored glancing over the intervening 
 
 from his Memorial, p. 26. It is words. This is what the critics 
 
 also contained in the Relation or calls an o/noiOTtlevroy. See Le 
 
 Journal mentioned in the Note on Clerc's Ars Critica, ii. 49; Michae- 
 
 page 91. The cause of this acci- lis, Introd. N. T. i. 271, (Marsh's 
 
 denial omission is evident enough ed.) ; Wetstein, N. T. ii. 863. 
 
94 ROBINSON'S LETTER OF ADVICE 
 
 CHAP, offence, and will be as fuel for that fire, except you 
 ^^— ' diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And 
 162 0. if taking of offence causelessly or easily at men's 
 doings be so carefully to be avoided, how much more 
 heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God 
 himself; which yet we certainly do, so oft as we do 
 murmur at his providence in our crosses, or bear impa- 
 tiently such afflictions as wherewith he pleaseth to 
 visit us. Store we up therefore patience against the 
 evil day ; without which we take offence at the Lord 
 himself in his holy and just works. 
 
 A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, 
 to wit, that with your common employments you join 
 common affections, truly bent upon the general good ; 
 avoiding, as a deadly plague of your both common 
 and special comfort, all retiredness of mind for proper 
 advantage, and all singularly affected any manner of 
 way. Let every man repress in himself, and the 
 whole body in each person, as so many rebels against 
 the common good, all private respects of men's selves, 
 not sorting with the general conveniency. And as 
 men are careful not to have a new house shaken with 
 any violence before it be well settled, and the parts 
 firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much 
 more careful that the house of God, which you are, 
 and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessary novel- 
 ties, or other oppositions, at the first settling thereof.^ 
 
 ^ " Plutarch," says Jeremy Tay- and put out of shape by many 
 
 lor, "compares a new marriage to shght accidents; but when the 
 
 a vessel before the hoops are on." materials come once to be settled 
 
 " Therefore " Plutarch adds, " it and hardened by time, nor fire nor 
 
 behooves those people who are sword will hardly prejudice the 
 
 newly married to avoid the first solid substance." See Plutarch's 
 
 occasions of discord and dissension ; Morals, iii. 17, (ed. 1694) ; Taylor's 
 
 considering that vessels newly Works, v. 260, (Heber's ed.) 
 formed are subject to be bruised 
 
TO THE WHOLE COMPANY. 95 
 
 Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, chap. 
 
 VII. 
 
 using amongst yourselves civil government, and are 
 not furnished with any persons of special eminency 1620. 
 above the rest to be chosen by you into office of gov- 
 ernment, let your wisdom and godliness appear not only 
 in choosing such persons as do entirely love and will 
 diligently promote the common good, but also in yielding 
 unto them all due honor and obedience in their lawful 
 administrations, not beholding in them the ordinariness 
 of their persons, but God's ordinance for your good ; 
 nor being like the foolish multitude, who more honor the 
 gay coat than either the virtuous mind of the man, or 
 glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better 
 things, and that the image of the Lord's power and 
 authority, which the magistrate beareth, is honorable, 
 in how mean persons soever. And this duty you both 
 may the more willingly and ought the more conscion- 
 ably to perform, because you are, at least for the pre- 
 sent, to have only them for your ordinary governors 
 which yourselves shall make choice of for that work. 
 
 Sundry other things of importance I could put you 
 in mind of, and of those before mentioned in more 
 words. But I will not so far wrong your godly minds 
 as to think you heedless of these things ; there being 
 also divers among you so well able to admonish both 
 themselves and others of what concerneth them. These 
 few things, therefore, and the same in few words, I do 
 earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, 
 joining therewith my daily, incessant prayers unto the 
 Lord, that He who hath made the heavens and the earth, 
 the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose providence 
 is over all his works, especially over all his dear child- 
 ren, for good, would so guide and guard you in your 
 
96 ROBINSON'S LETTER OF ADVICE. 
 
 CHAP, ways, as inwardly by his Spirit, so outwardly by the 
 
 VII. 
 
 hand of his power, as that both you, and we also, for 
 16 20. and with you, may have after matter of praising his 
 name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you 
 well in Him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest 
 An unfeigned well-wisher of your 
 
 Happy success in this hopeful voyage, 
 
 John Robinson. 
 
 This letter, though large, being so fruitful in itself 
 and suitable to their occasions, I thought meet to insert 
 in this place.* 
 
 ' There is no date to this letter ; that letter Robinson says, " I have 
 but it was written about the same written a large letter to the whole." 
 time as the one to Carver, since in 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 « 
 
 OF THE TROUBLES THAT BEFELL THE FIRST PLANTERS 
 UPON THE COAST OF ENGLAND, AND IN THEIR VOYAGE 
 IN COMING OVER INTO NEW ENGLAND, AND THEIR ARRI- 
 VAL AT CAPE COD, ALIAS CAPE JAMES. 
 
 All things being got ready, and every business chap. 
 despatched, the company was called together, and — -^^ 
 this letter read amongst them; which had good^^^*^- 
 acceptation with all, and after fruit with many. 
 Then they ordered and distributed their company for 
 either ship, as they conceived for the best, and chose 
 a governor and two or three assistants for each ship, 
 to order the people by the way, and to see to the dis- 
 posing of their provisions, and such like affairs; all 
 which was not only with the liking of the masters of 
 the ships, but according to their desires. 
 
 Which being done, they set sail ' from thence about 
 the fifth of August.^ [But, alas, the best enterf)rises 5^' 
 
 ■ ' Smith, in his New England's appear in the book entitled New 
 
 Trials, printed in 1622, and Pur- England's Memorial, page 31 ; and 
 
 chas, in his Pilgrims, iv. 1810, likewise of the voyage, and how 
 
 printed in 1625, say they sailed they passed the sea, and of their 
 
 "with about 120 persons." safe arrival at Cape Cod, see New 
 
 ' "But what befell ihem further England's Memorial, page 33." 
 
 upon the coast of England, will Morloii's Note. 
 
 13 
 
98 THEY ARE COMPELLED TO PUT BACK TWICE. 
 
 CHAP, meet oftentimes with many discouragements. For 
 
 VHL 
 
 -^' — they had not sailed far, before Mr. Reynolds, the mas- 
 
 1620. terof the lesser ship, complained that he found his 
 ship so leaky, as he durst not put further to sea. On 
 
 Aug. which they were forced to put in at Dartmouth, Mr. 
 Jones, the master of the biggest ship, likewise putting 
 in there with him ; and the said lesser ship was 
 searched, and mended, and judged sufficient for the 
 
 Aug. voyage by the workmen that mended her. On which 
 * both the said ships put to sea the second time. But 
 they had not sailed above a hundred leagues, ere the 
 said Reynolds again complained of his ship being so 
 leaky as that he feared he should founder in the sea if 
 he held on ; and then both ships bore up again, and 
 went in at Plymouth.^ But being there searched again, 
 no great matter appeared, but it was judged to be the 
 general weakness of the ship.)'^^/^ 
 
 But the true reason of the retarding and delaying 
 of matters was not as yet discerned. The one of 
 them respecting the ship, (as afterwards was found,) 
 was that she was overmasted ; which when she came 
 to her trim in that respect, she did well, and made 
 divers profitable and successful voyages. But second- 
 ly, and more especially, by the deceit of the master 
 and his company, who were hired to stay a whole 
 
 As this account of the voyage it from what is contained in the 
 
 is substantially Bradford's, as ap- Church records, 
 pears from comparing it with the ' Grahame, i. 190, errs in saying 
 
 extracts from his MS. in Prince, that " the emigrants were at first 
 
 and as Morton refers to his Memo- driven back by a storm, which <^e- 
 
 rial merely to save the labor of strayed one of their vessels ; " and 
 
 copying, and would undoubtedly Gorges is wrong in stating that 
 
 have inserted it had he caused his they sailed in ^/t?-ee ships, "whereof 
 
 uncle's History to be printed, I two proved unserviceable, and so 
 
 have deemed it proper to make it a were left behind." See Mass. 
 
 part of the narrative ; enclosing it. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 73. 
 however, in brackets to distinguish 
 
THEV DISMISS ONE OF THEIR VESSELS. 
 
 99 
 
 Aug. 
 
 year in the country ; hut now fancying; dislike, and chap 
 fearing want of victuals, they plotted this stratagem to — v-^ 
 free themselves, as afterwards was known, and by 162 0. 
 some of them confessed. For they apprehended that 
 the greater ship being of force, and in whom most of 
 the provisions were bestowed, that she should retain 
 enough for herself, whatsoever became of them and 
 the passengers. But so strong was self-love and de- 
 ceit in this man, as he forgot all duty and former kind- 
 ness, and dealt thus falsely with them. 
 
 These things thus falling out, it was resolved by the 
 whole to dismiss the lesser ship and part of the com- 
 pany with her, and that the other part of the company 
 should proceed in the bigger ship.^ Which when they 
 had ordered matters in reference thereunto, they made 
 another sad parting, the one ship, viz. the lesser, going 
 
 ' Neal, in his History of New 
 England, i. 86, says, " Mr. Cush- 
 man and his family, with some 
 others that were more fearful, went 
 ashore, and did not proceed on the 
 voyage." Baylies, too, in his Me- 
 moir of Plymouth, i. 25, says, 
 "about twenty of the passengers 
 were discouraged, and would not 
 reimbark." There is no ground 
 for such an imputation on the 
 courage or perseverance of any of 
 the emigrants ; and it is a matter 
 of regret that Mr. Bancroft should 
 have lent to it the sanction of his 
 authority. He says, i. 307, " the tim- 
 id and the hesitating were all freely 
 allowed to abandon the expedition. 
 Having thus winnowed their num- 
 bers o( the coivardly and the disaffect- 
 ed," &cc. Yet Robert Cushman, one 
 of the most energetic and resolute of 
 the Pilgrims, "who was as their 
 right hand," and who came over in 
 the next ship, the Fortune, in Nov. 
 1621, was among those thus " win- 
 nowed." The dismissal of a part 
 
 was a matter of necessity, as the 
 Mayflower could not carry the 
 whole. Bradford, as quoted by 
 Prince, p. 161, says, " they agree 
 to dismiss her, (the Speedwell,) and 
 those who are willing, to return to 
 London, though this was very 
 grievous and discouraging ; Mr. 
 Cushman and family returning 
 with them." In the text, too, 
 which is virtually Bradford's, we 
 are told, " it was resolved by the 
 ic/iole to dismiss the lesser ship and 
 part of the company with her." 
 It was the captain and crew of the 
 Speedwell that were unwilling to 
 go, not his passengers ; and the 
 error seems to have arisen from 
 considering the word company, in 
 the passage "by the deceit of the 
 master and his company," as mean- 
 ing the emigrants instead of the 
 sailors ; in which latter sense it is 
 constantly used at the present day 
 by merchants and seamen. — Smith 
 and Purchas say they discharge 20 
 of their passengers. 
 
IQO THEIR LONG AND BOISTEROUS VOYAGE. 
 
 CHAP, back for London, and the otJier, viz. the Mayflower,' 
 
 ^v^ Mr. Jones being master, proceeding on in the intended 
 
 1620. voyage. 
 
 These troubles being blovi^n over, and now all being 
 
 Sept. compact together in one ship, they put to sea again 
 with a prosperous wind.^ But after they had enjoyed 
 fair winds for a season, they met with many contrary 
 winds and fierce storms, with which their ship was 
 shrewdly shaken, and her upper works made very 
 leaky ; and one of the main beams of the mid-ships 
 was bowed and cracked,^ which put them to some fear 
 that she would not be able to perform the voyage ; on 
 which the principal of the seamen and passengers had 
 serious consultation what to do, whether to return or 
 hold on. But the ship proving strong under water, by 
 a screw ^ the said beam was brought into his place 
 again ; which being done, and well secured by the 
 carpenter, they resolved to hold their voyage.^ 
 And so, after many boisterous storms, in which they 
 
 ' The Mayflower is a ship of re- x., and Marshall, Life of Washing- 
 nown in the history of the coloui- ton, i. 91, and again Hist. Amer. 
 zation of New England. She was Col. p. 80, err in crowding the 
 one of the five vessels which in whole 120 into the ship. Oldmixon, 
 1629 conveyed Higginson's com- i. 30, who generally outdoes all 
 pany to Saletn, and also one of the others in his blunders, magnifies 
 fleet which in 1630 brought over the number to 150. 
 Winthrop and his Colony to Mas- ^ Prince, p. 161, reads this word 
 sachusetts Bay. See Savage's loracked in Bradford's MS. 
 Winthrop, i. 2; Hutchinson's Col- * Prince, p. 161, quotes Brad- 
 lection of Papers, p. 33; Hazard, i. ford's MS. as saying, " a passenger 
 278. having brought a great iron screw 
 
 " With 100 persons, besides the from Holland." 
 crew of the vessel, according to * *' Nov. 6, dies at sea William 
 Smith and Purchas — which cor- Butten, a youth, and servant to 
 responds exactly to the num- Samuel Fuller, being the only pas- 
 ber that arrived at Cape Cod, ac- senger who dies on the voyage." 
 cording to Gov. Bradford's list, pre- Bradford, in Prince, p. 161. One 
 served by Prince, p. 172. — ISTeal, child was born, and called Oceanus, 
 Hist. N. E. i. 87, Douglass, i. 370, the son of Stephen Hopkins. Brad- 
 Robertson, History of America, book ford, in Prince, p. 172. 
 
THEY FALL IN WITH CAPE COD. 
 
 101 
 
 could bear no sail, but were forced to lie at hull many chap. 
 
 vni. 
 days together/ after long beating at sea, they fell in — v-^ 
 
 with the land called Cape Cod ; ^ the which being 1*5 2 0. 
 
 made, and certainly known to be it, they were not a 9. 
 
 little joyful. 
 
 ' Oa Nov. 3, about a week before 
 their arrival at Cape Cod, King 
 James had signed the patent for 
 the incorporation of the adventu- 
 rers to the Northern Colony of 
 Virginia, or New England. The 
 Pilgrims, however, did not hear of 
 this till the arrival of the next ship, 
 the Fortune, in Nov. 1621. See 
 Note on page 80, and Pr'.nce, p. 
 180. 
 
 * Cape Cod, the most remarka- 
 ble feature in the configuration of 
 the New England coast, and the 
 first spot in it ever pressed by the 
 footsteps of Englishmen, was dis- 
 covered May 15, 1602, by Bartholo- 
 mew Gosnold, who gave it the 
 name on account of the abundance 
 of cod which he caught in its neigh- 
 bourhood. John Brereton, who was 
 one of the companions of Gosnold, 
 and wrote a Journal of the voyage, 
 says, they first made land May 14, 
 in lat. 43°, and " about three of the 
 clock the same day in the after- 
 noon we weighed, and standing 
 southerly off into the sea the rest 
 of that day and the night following, 
 with a fresh gale of wind, in the 
 morning we found ourselves em- 
 bayed with a mighty headland. — 
 At length we perceived this head- 
 land to be parcel of the main. — 
 In five or six hours we pestered 
 our ship so with codfish, that we 
 threw numbers of them overboard 
 again. — We sailed round about 
 this headland almost all the points 
 of the compass, the shore very bold, 
 the land somewhat low, full of 
 goodly woods, but in some places 
 plain." Henry Hudson, Aug. 3, 
 1609, saw land in 41° 43', and sail- 
 ing nortli, anchored at the north 
 end of this headland. Five of his 
 men went on shore and "found 
 
 goodly grapes and rose trees, and 
 brought them aboard with them." 
 Supposing it to be an island, and 
 that he was its first discoverer, he 
 called it New Holland. In a Dutch 
 map, printed at Amsterdam in 
 1659, by Nicholas John Vischer, 
 the whole Cape is called Nieuw 
 Hollant, and the northern extremi- 
 ty is called Staaten Hoeck, State 
 Point, or Witte Hoeck, Wiiite 
 Point, probably from the white 
 sand hills. The French called it, 
 for the same reason, Cap Blanc. 
 Capt. John Smith, who surveyed 
 the coast in 1614, says, " Cape 
 Cod is a headland of high hills of 
 sand, overgrown with shrubby 
 pines, hurts, and such trash, but an 
 excellent harbour for all weathers. 
 This Cape is made by the main sea, 
 on the one side, and a great bay on 
 the other, in form of a sickle. On it 
 doth inhabit the people of Pawmet." 
 Charles, Prince of Wales, altered 
 its name to Cape James, in honor 
 of his father. But the original 
 name could not be so easily sup- 
 planted; "a name," says Cotton 
 Mather, "which I suppose it will 
 never lose till shoals of codfish be 
 seen swimming on its highest 
 hills." See Purchas's Pilgrims, iv. 
 1647; iii. 587; De Laet, Indiae 
 Occidentalis Descriptio, p. 70 ; 
 Moulton's N. Y. p. 206; N. Y. 
 Hist. Coll. i. 121 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. 
 xxvi. 119; Mather's Magnalia, i. 
 43. For the use of Brerelon's 
 Journal I am indebted to the kind- 
 ness of Mr. Aspinwall, U. S. Con- 
 sul at London, who, at my request, 
 sent over a copy of this very rare 
 work to the Mass. Hist. Society. 
 It will appear in the next volume 
 of their Collections. 
 
102 
 
 THEY STAND SOUTH FOR HUDSON'S RIVER. 
 
 After some little deliberation had amongst them- 
 selves with the master of the ship, they tacked about 
 
 162 0. to stand to the southward to find some place about 
 Nov. . . . , . 
 
 9. Hudson's river (according to their first intentions) for 
 their habitations.^ But they had not sailed that course 
 above half a day, before they fell amongst perilous 
 
 ^ There can be no doubt that the 
 Pilgrims intended to settle in the 
 neighbourhood of Hudson's river. 
 This is evident from the early nar- 
 ratives written by Bradford and 
 Winslow. As their patent from 
 the Virginia Company did not au- 
 thorize them to plant themselves 
 north of the 40th degree, they 
 probably designed to settle south of 
 the Hudson, somewhere in New 
 Jersey. But head winds, the shoals 
 and breakers of Cape Cod, and the 
 lateness of the season, conspired to 
 prevent their original purpose. As 
 Belknap says, ii. 188, " having been 
 so long at sea, the sight of any land 
 was welcome to women and chil- 
 dren ; the new danger was formi- 
 dable ; and the eagerness of the 
 passengers to be set on shore was 
 irresistible." 
 
 Morton, in his Memorial, gives 
 another account of the matter. He 
 says, p. 34, " Their putting into 
 this place, (Cape Cod harbour,) was 
 partly by reason of a storm, by 
 which they were forced in, but 
 more especially by the fraudulency 
 and contrivance of Mr. Jones, the 
 master of the ship; for their inten- 
 tion, as is before noted, and his 
 engagement, was to Hudson's river. 
 But some of the Dutch having notice 
 of their intentions, and having 
 thoughts about the same time of 
 erecting a plantation there likewise, 
 they fraudulently hired the said 
 Jones, by delays while they were in 
 England, and now under pretence of 
 the danger of the shoals, &c. to dis- 
 appoint them in their going thither." 
 He adds, in a note, " Of this plot 
 betwixt the Dutch and Mr. Jones I 
 have had late and certain intelli- 
 gence." But the contemporary 
 
 narratives, written by Bradford and 
 Winslow, say not a word about this 
 treachery of the captain ; nor does 
 Bradford's History, as quoted by 
 Prince, p. 162, who is therefore 
 obliged to derive this statement 
 from Morton. Morton is the first 
 to mention it, and he does it in a 
 book printed in 1669, half a century 
 after the event is said to have oc- 
 curred. He says, it is true, that he 
 " had late and certain intelligence 
 of this plot." If it had been early 
 intelligence, it would have been 
 more certain. But Morton was 
 only eleven years old when he 
 came over with his father to Ply- 
 mouth in 1623 ; and in 1669, when 
 he published his book, all the first 
 comers were dead, who could have 
 furnished crerlible information on 
 this point. They had died, and 
 "given no sign" — not even lisped 
 a syllable of complaint against the 
 master of the Mayflower. It was 
 too late then to get certain intelli- 
 gence of a fact that had slumbered 
 for fifty years, and which, if well 
 founded, would from the first land- 
 ing have been notorious, and had a 
 place in every account that was 
 written of the Colony. The silence 
 of Bradford and Winslow seems 
 conclusive on the point. — Yet this 
 story has been repeated from Morton 
 in an endless series by Hubbard, 
 Mather, Prince, Neal, Hutchinson, 
 Belknap, Holmes, Baylies, and 
 Grahame, down to the present 
 time. Moulton, in his unfinished 
 but valuable History of New York, 
 p. 355, was the first to question it. 
 Bancroft, i. 309, relieves the captain 
 from the charge of " treachery," but 
 subjects him to another charge 
 of " ignorance and self-will," for 
 
THEY PUT BACK TO CAPE COD HARBOUR. 
 
 103 
 
 shoals and breakers,' and they were so far entangled chap. 
 therewith as thej conceived themselves in great dan- — v-^ 
 ger; and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they 1 62 0. 
 resolved to bear up again for the Cape aforesaid. The 
 next day, by God's providence, they got into the Cape Nov. 
 harbour.]^ ^^' 
 
 Being now passed the vast ocean and a sea of trou- 
 bles,' before their preparation unto further proceedings, ^^♦*^'* 
 as to seek out a place for habitation, &c. they fell down 
 upon their knees and blessed the Lord, the God of 
 
 which there seems as little ground 
 as for the other. — I know not why 
 Oldmixon, i. 29, and Grahame, i. 
 190, call Jones a Dutchman. 
 
 ' The Mayflower probably made 
 the Cape towards its northern ex- 
 tremity. The perilous shoals and 
 breakers, among which she became 
 entangled after sailing above half a 
 day south, (or south-south-west, as 
 the contemporary account states, in 
 Bradford's Journal,) were undoubt- 
 edly those which lie off the south- 
 eastern extremity of the Cape, near 
 Monamoy Point. The Pollock Rip, 
 the most considerable of these, 
 corresponds to the " roaring " 
 shoals mentioned by Bradford, in 
 Prince, p. 162. She may also have 
 encountered the Great and Little 
 Round Shoals. It is not likely that 
 she sailed far enough south to fall 
 in with the Bass Rip or the Great 
 Rip. Before she could reach these, 
 the current and the flood tide pro- 
 bably drove her in between Mona- 
 moy Point and Nantucket. Had 
 the wind permitted her to pursue a 
 southern course, she might, in a few 
 hours, have found an opening, and 
 passed safely to the westward. 
 
 Gabriel Archer, in his Relation 
 of Gosnold's voyage, in Purchas, 
 iv. 164S, says, "We trended the 
 coast southerly; twelve leagues 
 from Cape Cod (Provincetown) we 
 descried a point, with some breach 
 (breaker) a good distance off, and 
 
 keeping our luff to double it, we 
 came on the sudden into shoal 
 water ; yet well quitted ourselves 
 thereof. This breach we called 
 Tucker's Terror, upon his express- 
 ed fear. The point we named 
 Point Care." Tucker's Terror is 
 no doubt the Pollock Rip, and 
 Point Care is Monamoy Point. 
 Robert Juet, Hudson's mate, in his 
 account of their voyage, after 
 stating that they first made the 
 land at the south-eastern point of 
 the Cape, says, " We found a flood 
 come from the south-east, and an 
 ebb from the north-west, with a 
 very strong stream, and a great 
 hurling and noises." This too was 
 the Pollock Rip. Smith says, 
 " Towards the south and south- 
 west of tliis Cape is found a long 
 and dangerous shoal of sands and 
 rocks; but so far as I encircled it, 
 I found thirty fathom water aboard 
 the shore, which makes me think 
 there is a channel about this shoal." 
 This also must have been the Pol- 
 lock Rip. See Purchas, iii. 587; 
 N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 121 ; Mass. 
 Hist. Coll. xxvi. 119. 
 
 ^ "Let us go up in imagination 
 to yonder hill, and look out upon 
 the November scene. That single 
 dark speck, just discernible through 
 the perspective glass, on the waste 
 of waters, is the fated vessel. The 
 storm moans through her tattered 
 canvass, as she creeps, almost sink- 
 
104 
 
 THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 
 
 Nov 
 
 CHAP, heaven, who had brought them over the vast and furi- 
 
 VIJI. . 
 
 -^-~ ous ocean, and dehvered them from all perils and mis- 
 16 20. eries thereof, again to set their feet on the firm and 
 Stable earth, their proper element. And no marvel if 
 thej were thus joyful, seeing wise Seneca was so af- 
 fected with sailing a few miles on tlie coast of his own 
 Italy, as he affirms he had rather remain twenty years 
 in his way by land, than pass by sea to any place in a 
 short time ; so tedious and dreadful was the same to 
 him.' 
 
 But here I cannot but stay and make a pause, and 
 stand half amazed at these poor people's condition ; 
 and so I think will the reader too, when he well con- 
 siders the same. For having passed through many 
 
 ing, to her anchorage in Province- 
 town harbour ; and there she lies 
 with all her treasures, not of silver 
 and gold, (for of these she has 
 none,) but of courage, of patience, 
 of zeal, of high spiritual daring. 
 So often as I dwell in imagination 
 on this scene ; when I consider the 
 condition of the Mayflower, utterly- 
 incapable as she was of living 
 through another gale ; when I sur- 
 vey the terrible front presented by 
 our coast to the navigator, who, 
 unacquainted with its channels and 
 roadsteads, should approach it in 
 the stormy season, I dare not call 
 it a mere piece of good fortune, 
 that the general north and south 
 wall of ihe shore of New England 
 should be broken by this extraordi- 
 nary projection of the Cape, run- 
 ning out into the ocean a hundred 
 miles, as if on purpose to receive 
 and encircle the precious vessel. 
 As I now see her, freighted with 
 the destinies of a continent, barely 
 escaped from the perils of the deep, 
 approaching the shore precisely 
 where the broad sweep of this most 
 remarkable headland presents al- 
 most the only point at which for 
 hundreds of miles she could with 
 
 any ease have made a harbour, and 
 this perhaps the very best on the 
 seaboard, I feel ray spirit raised 
 above the sphere of mere natural 
 agencies. I see the mountains of 
 New England rising from their 
 rocky thrones. They rush forward 
 into the ocean, settling down as 
 they advance ; and there they range 
 themselves a mighty bulwark 
 around the heaven directed vessel. 
 Yes, the everlasting God himself 
 stretches out the arm of his mercy 
 and his power in substantial mani- 
 festation, and gathers the meek 
 company of his worshippers as in 
 the hollow of his hand." Edward 
 Everett's Address at the Cape Cod 
 Centennial Celebration at Barnsta- 
 ble, Sept. 3, 1839, p. 45. 
 
 ' Seneca says, in his 53d Epistle, 
 that he set out to sail only from 
 Parthenope (Naples) to Puteoli, 
 (Pozzuoli,) and to get thither the 
 sooner, launched out into the deep 
 in a direct course to Nesis, (Nisida,) 
 without coasting along the shore. 
 This beautiful letter, which is well 
 worth reading, may be found in 
 Thomas Morrell's translation of the 
 Epistles, i. 184, (London, 1786, 2 
 vols. 4to.) 
 
THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 
 
 105 
 
 troubles, both before and upon the voyage, as aforesaid, chap. 
 they had now no friends to welcome them, nor inns to — '— 
 
 entertain and refresh them, no houses, much less towns, 1 6 20. 
 
 1 r IT- 11- ^^0^- 
 
 to repair unto to seek tor succour. It is recorded m 
 
 Scripture as a mercy to the Apostle and his shipwrecked 
 
 company, that " the barbarians showed them no small ^.^^^o. 
 
 kindness " in refreshing them. 
 
 But these salvage bar- 
 
 barians, when they met with them, (as after will 
 appear,) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows, 
 than otherwise. And for the season, it was winter ; ^ 
 and they that know the winters of that country, know 
 them to be sharp and violent, and subject to violent 
 storms, dangerous to travel to known places, much 
 more to search out unknown coasts. Besides, what 
 could they see but a hideous and desolate wilderness, 
 full of wild beasts and wild men ? and what multitudes 
 there might be of them they knew not. Neither could 
 they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, to view 
 
 ' " The nearest plantation to 
 them is a French one at Port Royal, 
 ■who have another at Canada ; and 
 the only English ones are at Vir- 
 ginia, Bermudas, and ISewfound- 
 land ; the nearest of these about 
 five hundred miles off, and every 
 one incapable of helping them." 
 Prince, p. 180. 
 
 " Grahame says, i. 191, that " the 
 intense severity of their first winter 
 in America painfully convinced the 
 settlers that a more unfavorable 
 season of the year could not have 
 been selected for the plantation of 
 their colony." But it was not the 
 season which they selected. They 
 sailed from England at a very 
 proper and favorable time, in the 
 beginning of August, and might 
 reasonably expect to arrive on the 
 American coast by the middle of 
 September, in ample season to build 
 
 14 
 
 their houses and provide for the 
 winter. But being obliged to put 
 back twice, and then meeting with 
 head winds, and having a boisterous 
 passage of sixty-four days, they 
 lost two months, and arrived just 
 as the winter set in. The winter 
 was more severe than they had been 
 accustomed to, but it was unusually 
 mild for this country and climate. 
 Dudley says, in his Letter to the 
 Countess of Lincoln, Avritten in 
 1631, that the Plymouth colonists 
 " were favored with a calm winter, 
 such as was never seen here since." 
 See JMass. Hist. Coll. viii. 37. 
 Wood, too, Avho was here in 1633, 
 and published his New England's 
 Prospect in 1639, says, p. 5, (ed. 
 1764,) that " the year of New Ply- 
 mouth men's arrival was no winter 
 in comparison." 
 
106 THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 
 
 CHAP, from this wilderness a more goodly country ^ to feed 
 
 vni. 
 
 their hopes. For which way soever they turned their 
 16 20. eyes (save upward to the heavens) they could have 
 little solace or content in respect of any outward 
 objects. For summer being done, all things stand for 
 them to look upon with a weather-beaten face ; and 
 the whole country being full of woods and thickets, 
 reprjBsented a wild and salvage hue. If they looked 
 behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they 
 had passed, and was now as a main bar and gulf to 
 separate them from all the civil parts of the world. If 
 it be said they had a ship to succour them, it is true ; 
 but what heard they daily from the master and 
 company but that with speed they should look out a 
 place with their shallop, where they would be at some 
 near distance ; for the season was such as he would 
 not stir from thence until a safe harbour was discovered 
 by them, where they would be and he might go without 
 danger ; and that victuals consimied apace, but he must 
 and would keep sufficient for himself and company for 
 their return. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if 
 they got not a place in time, they would turn them 
 and their goods on shore, and leave them. Let it be 
 also considered what weak hopes of supply and succour 
 they left behind them, that might bear up their minds 
 in this sad condition and trials they were under, and 
 they could not but be very small. It is true, indeed, 
 the affections and love of their brethren at Leyden 
 were cordial and entire ; but they had little power to 
 help them, or themselves ; and how the case stood 
 
 ' In the MS. the word is com- passage info his Memorial, p. 35, 
 pany, manifestly an error of the reads it country, as in the text, 
 pen. Morton, copying the same 
 
THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 107 
 
 between them and the merchants at their coming; chap. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 away, hath ah'eady been declared. A^'hat could now ~^v^- 
 sustain them but the spirit of God and his grace ?^ 162 0. 
 
 ^ . ^ Nov. 
 
 May not and ought not the children of these fathers 
 rightly say, " Our fathers were Englishmen, which 
 came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish 
 in this wilderness. But they cried unto the Lord, and ^;^^|- 
 he heard their voice, and looked on their adversity." ^' '' 
 And let them therefore praise the Lord because he is c^f'/^o, 
 good, and his mercies endure forever. Yea, let them '""' 
 which have been thus redeemed of the Lord show 
 how he hath delivered them from the hand of the 
 oppressor. When they wandered in the desert wilder- 
 ness, out of the way, and found no city to dwell in, 
 both hungry and thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed 
 in them. Let them confess before the Lord his lovins: 
 kindness and his wonderful works before the children 
 of men.^ 
 
 * " Divers attempts had been from the discovery of the northern 
 
 made to settle this rough and north- continent by the Cabots, without 
 
 em country ; first by the French, any successful attempt. After re- 
 
 Avho would fain account it a part of peated attempts had failed, it seems 
 
 Canada ; and then by the English ; less probable that any siiould under- 
 
 and both from mere secular views, take in such an affliir, than it would 
 
 But such a train of crosses accom- have been if no attempt had been 
 
 panied the designs of both these made." Hutchinson's Mass. i. 3. 
 nations, that they seem to give it ^ Milton, in his treatise on Refor- 
 
 over as not worth the planting: mation in England, written in 1641, 
 
 till a pious people of England, not thus alludes to the persecution and 
 
 allowed to worship their Maker exile of our New England fathers.' 
 
 according to his institutions only, " What num.bers of faithful and 
 
 without the mi.^ture of human cere- freeborn Englishmen and good 
 
 monies, are spirited to attempt the Christians, have been constrained 
 
 settlement, that they might enjoy to forsake their dearest home, their 
 
 a worship purely scriptural, and friends and kindred, whom nothing 
 
 leave the same to their posterity." but the wide ocean, and the savage 
 
 Prince, p. 98. deserts of America, could hide and 
 
 "Whether Britain would have shelter from the fury of the bishops. 
 
 had any colonies in America, if O if we could but see the shape of 
 
 religion had not been the grand in- our dear mother England, as poets 
 
 ducement, is doubtful. One hun- are wont to give a personal ibrm to 
 
 dred and twenty years had passed, what they please, how would she 
 
108 
 
 THE MAYFLOWER AT CAPE COD. 
 
 Of the troubles that befell them after their arrival, 
 with sundry other particulars concerning their transact- 
 162 0. ings with the merchant adventurers, and many other 
 °^' passages not so pertinent to this present discourse, I 
 shall refer the reader to New England^s Memorial, 
 and unto Mr. Bradford's book, where they are at large 
 penned to his plentiful satisfaction.^ 
 
 appear, think ye, but in a mourning 
 ■weed, with ashes upon her head, 
 and tears abundantly flowing from 
 her eyes, to behold so many of her 
 children exposed at once, and thrust 
 from things of dearest necessity, 
 because their conscience could not 
 assent to tliinsrs which the bishops 
 thought inditferent ? Let the astrol- 
 oger be dismayed at the portentous 
 blaze of comets, and impressions 
 in the air, as foretelling troubles 
 and changes to states ; I shall be- 
 lieve there cannot be a more ill- 
 boding sign to a nation, (God turn 
 the omen from us !) than when the 
 inhabitants, to avoid insufferable 
 
 grievances at home, are enforced 
 by heaps to forsake their native 
 country." Works, i. 37, (Sym- 
 mons's ed.) 
 
 ' Here we take leave of Morion's 
 copy of Gov. Bradford's History. 
 As the rest of it is lost, except the 
 few scattered passages preserved 
 by Prince and Hutchinson, and as 
 we have a Journal of " the troubles 
 that befell them after their arrival," 
 Avritten at the time, and chiefly, as 
 I conceive, by Gov. Bradford, and 
 much more copious and minute 
 than the account in Morton's Me- 
 morial, the narrative will proceed 
 in the words of that Journal. 
 
BRADFORD'S AND WINSLOWS 
 
 JOURNAL. 
 
" Relation or lournall of the beginning and proceedings of the 
 English Plantation settled at Plimofh in New-England, by 
 certaine English Adventurers both Merchants and others. 
 
 With their difficult passage, their safe arrivall, their ioyfull building 
 of, and comfortable planting themselves in the now well defended 
 Towne of New Plimoth. 
 
 As also a Relation of Foure severall discoveries since made by 
 some of the same English Planters there resident. 
 
 I. In a iourney to Packcmokick, the habitation of the Indians greatest 
 King Massasoyt ; as also their message, the answer and enter- 
 tainment they had of him. 
 
 II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome of Nmvset, 
 to seeke a boy that had lost himselfe in the woods : with such 
 accidents as befell them in that voyage. 
 
 III. In their iourney to the Kingdome of Namaschet, in defence of 
 their greatest King Massasoyt, against the Narrohiggansets^ and 
 to revenge the supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquanfum. 
 
 IIII. Their voyage to the Massachusetts, and their entertainment 
 
 there. 
 With an answer to all such objections as are any way made against 
 
 the lawfulnesse of English plantations in those parts. 
 London. Printed for lohn BeUamie, and are to be sold at his shop 
 
 at the two Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Royall Exchange. 
 
 1622." 
 
TO THE READER 
 
 Courteous Reader, 
 
 Be entreated to make a favorable construction of my 
 forwardness in publishing; these ensuing discourses. 
 The desire of carrying the Gospel of Christ into those 
 foreign parts, amongst those people that as yet have 
 had no knowledge nor taste of God, as also to procure y* 
 
 unto themselves and others a quiet and comfortable - 
 
 habitation, were, amongst other things, the induce- 
 ments unto these undertakers of the then hopeful, and 
 now^ experimentally known good enterprise for planta- 
 tion in New^ England, to set afoot and prosecute the 
 same. And though it fared with them, as it is common 
 to the most actions of this nature, that the first attempts 
 prove difficult, as the sequel more at large expresseth, 
 yet it hath pleased God, even beyond our expectation 
 in so short a time, to give hope of letting some of them 
 see (though some he hath taken out of this vale of 
 tears) ^ some grounds of hope of the accomplishment 
 of both those ends by them at first propounded. 
 
 ' The writer studiously suppres- than lialf of the first Colonists had 
 ses the discouraging fact that more already perished. 
 
112^' GEORGE MORTON'S PREFACE. 
 
 And as mjself then much desired, and shortly hope 
 to effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoul- 
 der in this hopeful business, and in the mean time these 
 Relations coming to my hand from my both known and 
 faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I 
 thought it not amiss to make them more general, hoping 
 of a cheerful proceeding both of adventurers and plant- 
 ers ; entreating that the example of the honorable 
 Virginia and Bermudas ' Companies, encountering with 
 so many disasters, and that for divers years together, 
 with an unwearied resolution, the good effects whereof 
 are now eminent, may prevail as a spur of preparation 
 also touching this no less hopeful ^ country, though yet 
 an infant, the extent and commodities whereof are as 
 yet not fully known : after time will unfold more. 
 Such as desire to take knowledge of things, may inform 
 themselves by this ensuing treatise, and, if they please, 
 also by such as have been there a first and second 
 time.^ My hearty prayer to God is that the event of 
 this and all other honorable and honest undertakings, 
 may be for the furtherance of the kingdom of Christ, 
 the enlarging of the bounds of our sovereign lord King 
 James, and the good and profit of those who, either by 
 
 ' By the third patent of the Vir- Virginia or New England had been 
 
 ginia Company, granted in 1612, branded as "a cold, barren, moun- 
 
 the Bermudas, and all islands with- tainous, rocky desert," and had 
 
 in three hundred leagues of the been abandoned as " uninhabitable 
 
 coast, were included within the by Englishmen." See Gorges in 
 
 limits of their jurisdiction. These Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 56; and 
 
 islands they sold to 120 of their Capt. John Smith in his Gen. Hist, 
 
 own members, who became a dis- ii. 174. 
 
 tinct corporation, under the name ' Cushman had just returned 
 
 of the Somer Islands Company, from Plymouth, and Clark and 
 
 See Stith's Virginia, p. 127, App. Coppin, the mates or pilots of the 
 
 24. Mayflower, had been on the coast 
 
 ' After the failure of Popham'a twice, 
 colony at Sagadahoc in 1608, North 
 
GEORGE MORTON'S PREFACE. 
 
 113 
 
 purse or person or both, are agents in the same. So I 
 take leave, and rest 
 
 Thy friend, 
 
 G. MOURT.^ 
 
 ' Who was G. Mourt? From 
 his Preface it appears that he was 
 a person interested in the success 
 of the Plymouth Colony, identifying 
 himself with it, having "much de- 
 sired " to embark with the first colo- 
 nists, and intending soon to go over 
 and join them. It is also evident 
 that he had familiar and friendly 
 relations with some of them, and 
 that he was one in whom they re- 
 posed such entire confidence as to 
 send to him their first despatches 
 of letters and journals. 
 
 The only individual answering 
 to this description that I can ascer- 
 tain, is George Morton, who had 
 married a sister of Gov. Bradford, 
 and came over to Plymouth in July, 
 1623, in the first ship that sailed for 
 the Colony after this Journal was 
 printed. He is represented in the 
 Memorial, p. 101, as "very faithful 
 in whatsoever public employment 
 he was betrusted withal, and an 
 unfeigned well-wilier and promoter 
 
 of the comrnon good and growth of 
 the plantation of New Plymouth." 
 Mourt may have been written de- 
 signedly for Morton, from a disin- 
 clination on his part to have his 
 name appear publicly in print, or it 
 may have been a mistake of the 
 printer, the final letters, I'rom some 
 flourish of the pen or otherwise, 
 not being distinctly legible. Sev- 
 eral other typographical errors, 
 more important and palpable than 
 this, occur in the Journal. 
 
 Prince, p. 132, errs in saying 
 that this Journal was published by 
 Mourt ; and his editor, p. 439, in 
 stating that Prince had only Pur- 
 chas's abridgment of it. He had 
 the entire work, on the title-page 
 of which it is stated that it was 
 " printed for John Bellamy," who 
 continued for at least twenty-five 
 years from that time (1622,) to be 
 the principal publisher of books re- 
 lating to New England. 
 
 15 
 
TO HIS MUCH RESPECTED FRIEND, MR. I. P.' 
 
 Good Friend, 
 
 As we cannot but account it an extraordinary bless- 
 ing of God in directing our course for these parts, after 
 we came out of our native country, — for that we had 
 the happiness to be possessed of the comforts we re- 
 ceive by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, most 
 healthful, and most fruitful parts of the world, — so 
 must we acknowledge the same blessing to be multi- 
 plied upon our whole company, for that we obtained 
 the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our 
 free possession and enjoying thereof, under the author- 
 ity of those thrice honored persons. The President and 
 Council for the Affairs of New England ; ^ by whose 
 bounty and grace, in that behalf, all of us are tied to 
 dedicate our best service unto them, as those, under 
 his Majesty, that we owe it unto ; whose noble endea- 
 
 ' These are probably the initials to the President and Council of 
 
 of John Pierce, in whose name New England, for a grant of the 
 
 their second patent was taken, territory on which they had unin- 
 
 See Prince, p. 204. tentionally settled. This, it seems, 
 
 ^ The Pilgrims by corning so far was readily accorded. — The Presi- 
 
 north, had got beyond the limits dent and Council put forth in 1622, 
 
 of the Virginia Company, and ac- " A Brief Relation of the Discovery 
 
 cordingly their patent was of no and Plantation of New England," 
 
 value. On the return of the May- which is reprinted in the Mass. 
 
 flower in May, 1621, the merchant Hist. Coll. xix. 1 — 25. 
 adventurers applied, in their behalf, 
 
ROBERT CUSHMAN'S LETTER. 
 
 115 
 
 vours in these their actions the God of heaven and 
 earth multiply to his glory and their own eternal com- 
 forts. 
 
 As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it as 
 being writ by the several actors themselves,^ after their 
 plain and rude manner. Therefore doubt nothing of 
 the truth thereof. If it be defective in any thing, it is 
 their ignorance, that are better acquainted with plant- 
 ing tJian writing. If it satisfy those that are well 
 affected to the business, it is all I care for. Sure I am 
 the place we are in, and the hopes that are apparent, 
 cannot but suffice any that will not desire more than 
 enough. Neither is there want of aught among us 
 
 ' This constitutes its great value, 
 and confers on it the highest au- 
 thority. George Morion, in his 
 Preface, alludes to the same fact. 
 Edward Winslow, in a postscript to 
 his " Good News from New Eng- 
 land," printed in 1624, states that 
 this Relation was " gathered by the 
 inhabitants of this present planta- 
 tion at Plymouth, in New Eng- 
 land," and in the body of his work 
 alludes to " former letters written 
 by myself and others, which came 
 to the press against my will and 
 knowledge." The Journal, too, di- 
 rectly and by implication, repeat- 
 edly testifies to the same point. 
 Under Dec. 6, in mentioning their 
 third excursion, it says, " the nar- 
 rative of which discovery follows, 
 penned by one of the company." 
 
 I do not hesitate to ascribe this 
 Journal to Bradford and Winslow, 
 chiefly to the former. They were 
 among the most active and effi- 
 cient leaders of the Pilgrims ; 
 and one or the other of them went 
 on almost every expedition here re- 
 corded, and were therefore cogni- 
 zant of the facts as eye-witnesses. 
 They were also the only practised 
 writers among them. We are not 
 
 aware that any of the other colo- 
 nists were accustomed to writing; 
 at least none of their writings have 
 come down to us. Standish, though 
 " the best linguist among them," 
 in the Indian dialects, was more 
 expert with the sword than the 
 pen; and Elder Brewster, then fifty- 
 six years old, was prevented by his 
 office, if not by his age, from going 
 on any of the excursions, and was 
 therefore not competent to write 
 the journal of them. Carver had 
 the weight of government on his 
 shoulders, which would leave little 
 time for writing; he died too in 
 April, five months after their arri- 
 val at the Cape. Allerton, Fuller, 
 and Hopkins, are the only other 
 persons likely to have had any 
 hand in writing the Journal ; and 
 the part they contributed to it, if 
 any, would probably be confined to 
 furnishing the rough sketches of 
 such expeditions as those to Nau- 
 set, Namasrhet, and Massachusetts, 
 in which Bradford and Winslow 
 may not have been personally en- 
 gaged. The style, too, seems to 
 correspond, in its plainness and 
 directness, with that of Bradford, 
 in his History. 
 
116 
 
 ROBERT CUSHMAN'S LETTER. 
 
 but company to enjoy the blessings so plentifully be- 
 stowed upon the inhabitants that are here. While I 
 was a writing this, I had almost forgot that I had but 
 the recommendation of the Relation itself to your fur- 
 ther consideration, and therefore I will end without 
 saying more, save that I shall ahvays rest 
 
 Yours, in the way of friendship, 
 
 R. G.» 
 
 Fro7n Plymouth, in New England. 
 
 * Who was R. G.? At the time 
 this Journal was sent over from 
 Plymouth, in Dec. 1621, the only- 
 person there whose initials were 
 R. Gr. was Richard Gardiner. He 
 was one of the signers of the Com- 
 pact on board the Mayflower, as 
 will be seen hereafter. In that 
 list it is apparent that the 41 names 
 are, for the most part, subscribed in 
 the order of the reputed rank of 
 the signers. The two last, Dotey 
 and Leister, were servants; the 
 two next preceding, Allerton and 
 English, were seamen ; then comes 
 Richard Gardiner. Now it is very 
 unlikely that such an obscure per- 
 son as this. No. 37, of whom no- 
 thing is known, whose name does 
 not appear in the assignment of the 
 lands in 1623, nor in the division 
 of the cattle in 1627, and occurs no 
 where subsequently in the records 
 of the Colony, should be selected 
 and deputed by the leading men 
 in it to endorse " the recommen- 
 dation" of their Journal. Such 
 a person, even had he been chosen 
 for this purpose, would not have 
 presumed to speak of his superiors 
 as having written their narrative 
 " after their plain and rude man- 
 ner," and apologize for " their ig- 
 norance," by saying they were 
 " better acquainted with planting 
 
 than writing." Such language 
 would be used only by one of their 
 compeers. 
 
 R. G. (or R. C. as I think it 
 should be,) was Robert Cushman,- 
 their active and efficient agent, who 
 being prevented from coming over 
 in the Mayflower, came in Nov. 
 1621, in the Fortune, and returned 
 in her the next month. Cushman 
 brought the intelligence that a char- 
 ter had been procured for them by 
 the merchant adventurers from the 
 President and Council of New Eng- 
 land, " better than their former, and 
 with less limitation." It was very 
 natural, under these circumstances, 
 that the leading colonists should 
 request him to write a letter in 
 their behalf, enclosing a copy of 
 their Journal, to Pierce, in whose 
 name the charter had been taken; 
 and it was no less natural, that in 
 writing it, he should render a de- 
 served tribute of acknowledgment 
 to the Company, for their "bounty 
 and grace " in allowing them the 
 free possession and enjoyment of 
 the land on which they had invo- 
 luntarily settled. See Prince, p. 
 198. 
 
 This letter of Cushman is fol- 
 lowed in the original by Robinson's 
 parting Letter of Advice, which 
 has already been printed on page 91. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 OF THE FIRST PLANTERS' COMBINATION BY ENTERING 
 INTO A BODY POLITIC TOGETHER; WITH THEIR PRO- 
 CEEDINGS IN DISCOVERY OF A PLACE FOR THEIR SET- 
 TLEMENT AND HABITATION. 
 
 Wednesday, the 6th of September, the wind com- chap. 
 
 IX 
 
 ing east-north-east, a fine small gale, we loosed from .^^^ 
 Plymouth, having been kindly entertained and cour-1620. 
 teoLisly used by divers friends there dwelling ; and e. 
 after many difficulties in boisterous storms, at length, , / 
 by God's providence, upon the 9th of November fol- Nov. 
 lowing, by break of the day, we espied land, which 
 we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it 
 proved. And the appearance of it much comforted 
 us, especially seeing so goodly a land, and wooded to 
 the brink of the sea. It caused us to rejoice together, 
 and praise God that had given us once again to see 
 land. And thus we made our course south-south- 
 west, purposing to go to a river ten leagues to the 
 south of the Cape.^ But at night the wind being 
 contrary, we put round again for the bay of Cape Cod ; 
 and upon the 11th of November we came to an anchor °^' 
 
 ' This river was the Hudson, coast. Ten may possibly be an 
 Little was known at that time error of the press, 
 about distances on this unsurveyed 
 
118 CAFE con WBJ. woaiKD. 
 
 CH.\p. in the bar,' which is a £c»d harbour and ideasant bar, 
 
 ^— circled round, except in the entrance, which b aboot 
 
 1620. fbor miles orer &CMn land to land,^ compared about to 
 
 11. the Terr sea with oaks, pin^ joniper. sassafras, and 
 
 other sweet wood.' It is a harboor wherein a thousand 
 
 sail of ships maj safely ride.* There we reliered oor- 
 
 selres with wood and water, and refresi^ oor people, 
 
 while oor shallop was fitted to coast the tev. to search 
 
 • Tfctf is, ia Cape C : . - is fianaed 
 
 r' ■_■_-_■ -r^haibour. . - if, 
 
 ■ 7 5 is justtbefis . : :. 
 
ABUNDANCE OF WHALES. 119 
 
 for a habitation. There was the greatest store of fowl ' chap. 
 
 IX 
 
 that ever we saw. s^^ 
 
 And every day we saw whales^ playing hard by us ; is 20. 
 of which in that place, if we had instruments and ii. 
 means to take them, we might have made a very rich 
 return ; which, to our great grief, we wanted. Our 
 master and his mate, and others experienced in fish- 
 ing, professed we might have made three or four thou- 
 sand pounds' worth of oil. They preferred it before 
 Greenland whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter 
 to fish for whale here. For cod we assayed, but found 
 none ; there is good store, no doubt, in their season.^ 
 Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, but 
 some few little ones on the shore. We found great 
 muscles,^ and very fat and full of sea-pearl ; but we 
 could not eat them, for they made us all sick that did 
 eat, as well sailors as passengers. They caused to 
 cast and scour ; but they were soon well again. 
 
 ' Sea fowls come in late in the Cod, where it Avas carried on en- 
 autumn and remain during the tirely in boats, which put off when- 
 winter. They were formerly plen- ever a signal was given by persons 
 ty on the shores ; but they have on the look out from an elevated 
 been so frequently molested, that station, that a whale was seen to 
 their numbers are much reduced. blow. In 1690 "one Ichabod Pad- 
 
 ^ Whales are frequently seen in dock " went from the Cape to Nan- 
 
 Barnstable Bay and on the outside tucket to teach the inhabitants 
 
 of the Cape, and are killed by boats of that isle the art and mystery 
 
 from Provincetown. Occasionally, of catching whales. See Mass. 
 
 though more rarely of late, they Hist. Coll. iii. 157. 
 
 come into the liarbour; at the begin- ^ This is a little remarkable ; for 
 
 ning of the present century, two or cod are caught at the Cape as early 
 
 three whales, producing about a as November. They probably 
 
 hundred barrels of oil, were annu- fished only in the harbour. The 
 
 ally caught ; the last that was best season is in February and 
 
 killed in the harbour was in Dec. March, when they are caught in 
 
 1840, a hump-back, that made fifty great plenty between Eace Point 
 
 barrels of oil. The appearance of and Wood End. It was May when 
 
 a whale in the harbour is the sig- Gosnold found them in such abun- 
 
 nal for a general stir among the dance. 
 
 hundred graceful five-hand boats * Though muscles are found in 
 
 that line the circling shore of this Cape Cod harbour, yet the sea clam 
 
 beautiful bay. The American seems to be meant, as it frequently 
 
 whale fishery commenced at Cape produces on the stomach the eflects 
 
11. 
 
 120 CAPE COD HARBOUR. 
 
 CHAP. The bay is so round and circling, that before we 
 — v-^ could come to anchor, we went round all the points of 
 16 20. the compass.^ We could not come near the shore by 
 three quarters of an English mile, because of shallow 
 water ; ^ which was a great prejudice to us ; for our 
 people, going on shore, were forced to wade a bow- 
 shot or two in going a land, which caused many to get 
 colds and coughs ; for it was many times freezing cold 
 weather. 
 Nov. This day, before we came to harbour, observing 
 some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave 
 some appearance of faction, it was thought good there 
 should be an association and agreement, that we should 
 combine together in one body, and to submit to such 
 government and governors as we should by common 
 consent agree to make and choose, and set our hands 
 to this that follows, word for word.^ 
 
 here described. F. — The notes to They also lie all along the shore in 
 
 which this letter is annexed were front of the town, but do not extend 
 
 written by the Rev. James Free- so far from the land. At low wa- 
 
 man, D.D., of Boston. His father ter it is very shallow, and it is still 
 
 being a native of Truro, Dr. Free- necessary to wade a considerable 
 
 man frequently visited the Cape, distance, to get into a boat, as the 
 
 and became strongly attached to writer knows by experience. 
 
 it. He wrote a very minute and ^ Here, for the first time in the 
 
 accurate topographical account of world's history, the philosophical 
 
 it, which may be found in the Mass. fiction of a social compact was 
 
 Hist. Coll. voL viii. His papers realized in practice. And yet it 
 
 are signed r. s. denoting his office seems to me that a great deal more 
 
 of Recording Secretary of the Mass. has been discerned in this docu- 
 
 Hist. Society ; a Society which, in ment than the signers contemplat- 
 
 its 27 volumes, has accomplished ed. It is evident, from page 95, 
 
 more than any other literary or that when they left Holland, they 
 
 scientific association in America. expected " to become a body poli- 
 
 ' The Mayflower anchored with- tic, using amongst themselves civil 
 
 in half a furlong of the end of government, and to choose their 
 
 Long Point, two miles from the own rulers from among thera- 
 
 present village of Provincetown. selves." Their purpose in drawing 
 
 The shore is here very bold, and up and signing this compact was 
 
 the water deep. simply, as they state, to restrain 
 
 * At the head of the harbour, certain of their number, who had 
 
 towards Wood End, and at East manifested an unruly and factious 
 
 Harbour, the flats extend three disposition. This was the whole 
 
 quarters of a mile from the shore, philosophy of the instrument, 
 
THE COMPACT. 121 
 
 In the name of God, iVmen. We, whose names are chap. 
 
 IX. 
 
 underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign ^^v^. 
 lord. King James, by the grace of God, of Great Bri- 1^20. 
 tain, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, &c., u. 
 having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advance- 
 ment of the Christian faith, and honor of our king and 
 country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the north- 
 ern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents, solemnly 
 and mutually, in the presence of God and one of an- 
 other, covenant and combine ourselves together into a 
 civil body politic, for our better ordering and preserva- • 
 tion, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by 
 virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and 
 equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, 
 from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and 
 convenient for the general good of the colony ; unto 
 which we promise all due submission and obedience. 
 In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our 
 names, at Cape Cod, the 11th of November, in the year 
 of the reign of our sovereign lord, King James, of 
 England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of 
 Scotland the fifty-fourth, anno Domini 1620. 
 
 [Mr. John C.vrver t 8 John Alden 1 
 
 William Bradford f 2 Mr. Samued Fuller 2 
 
 Mr. Edward Winslow t 5 * Ms. Christopher Martin t 4 
 
 Mr. William Brewster t 6 * Mr. William Mulling t 5 
 
 Mr. Isaac Allerton t 6 * Mr. William White t 5 
 
 "~- Capp. Miles Standish t 2 M.w Richard Warken 1 
 
 whatever may since have been dis- ones, seeing all had voluntarily 
 
 covered and deduced from it by sul)jected themselves to them." 
 
 astute civilians, philosopbical his- The signing of the compact on 
 
 torians, and imaginative orators, board the Mayflower, has been se- 
 
 "One great reason of this cove- lected as the subject of one of the 
 
 nant," as Hutchinson says, ii. 458, great national pictures io be placed 
 
 "seems to have been of a mere in the rotunda of the Capitol at 
 
 moral nature, that they might re- Wa.ihinglon. Another of these 
 
 move all scruples of infiiciing ne- subjects is the sad parting at Delft- 
 
 cessary punishmeais, even capital Haven, described on page 88. 
 
 16 
 
122 
 
 THE LANDING AT CAPE COD. 
 
 * John Goodman 
 
 * Degoky PpaEST 
 
 * Thomas Williams 
 Gilbert Winslow 
 
 * Edmund Makgeson 
 Peter Brown 
 
 .* Richard Britterige 
 George Soule 
 
 * Richard Clarke 
 Richard Gardiner 
 
 * John Allerton 
 
 * Thomas English 
 Edward Dotey 
 Edward Leister 
 
 John Howland 
 
 Mr. Stephen Hopkins t 8 
 
 * Edward Tilly t 4 
 
 * John Tilly t 3 
 Francis Cook 2 
 
 * Thomas Rogers 2 
 
 * Thomas Tinker f 3 
 
 * John Ridgdale t 2 
 
 * Edward Fuller t 3 
 
 * John Turner 3 
 Francis Eaton t 3 
 
 * James Chilton t 3 
 
 * John Crackston 2 
 John Billington t 4 o^x^.v-i^.j^ xji:,ioij:,r. — — 
 
 * Moses Fletcher 1 101] * 
 
 The same day, so soon as we could, we set ashore 
 fifteen or sixteen men, well armed, with some to fetch 
 wood, for we had none left ; as also to see what the 
 land was, and what inhabitants they could meet with. 
 
 who sailed from Plymouth in Eng- 
 land, and just as many arrived in 
 Cape Cod harbour. And this is 
 the solitary number, who, for an 
 undefiled conscience and the love 
 of pure Christianity, first left their 
 native and pleasant land, and en- 
 countered all the toils and hazards 
 of the tumultuous ocean, in search 
 of some uncultivated region in 
 North Virginia, where they might 
 quietly enjoy their religious liber- 
 ties and transmit them to posteri- 
 ty." Prince, p. 173. 
 
 " These were the founders of the 
 Colony of New Plymouth. The 
 settlement of this colony occasioned 
 the settlement of Massachusetts 
 Bay, which was the source of all 
 the other colonies of New Eng- 
 and. Virginia was in a -dying 
 state, and seemed to revive and 
 flourish from the example of New 
 England. I am not preserving 
 from oblivion the names of heroes 
 whose chief merit is the overthrow 
 of cities, provinces, andempires,but 
 the names of the founders of a 
 flourishing town and colony, if not 
 of the whole British empire in 
 America." Hutchinson, ii. 462. 
 
 The same day " they choose Mr. 
 
 ' I have inserted this list 
 from Prince, who found it at the 
 end of Gov. Bradtbrd's MS. From 
 modesty, Bradford omits the title 
 of Mr. to his own name. The 
 figures denote the number in each 
 family. Those with an asterisk (*) 
 prefixed to their names, 21 in 
 number, died before the end of 
 March. Those with an obelisk (f) 
 affixed, 18, brought their wives 
 with them. Three, Samuel Ful- 
 ler, Richard Warren, and Francis 
 Cook, left their wives for the pre- 
 sent either in Holland or England. 
 Some left behind them part, and 
 others all their children, who after- 
 wards came over. John Howland 
 was of Carver's family, George 
 Soule of Edward Winslow's, and 
 Doiey and Leister of Hopkins's 
 family. Martin, Warren, Hopkins, 
 Billington, Dotey, Leister, and pro- 
 bably some others, joined them in 
 England. John Allerton and Eng- 
 lish were seamen. The list includes 
 the child that was born at sea, and 
 the servant who died ; the latter 
 ought not to have been counted. 
 The number living at the signing of 
 the ronipaet was therefore only 100. 
 
 " So there were just 101, (no, 100,) 
 
THE SOIL OF CAPE COD. 
 
 i; 
 
 They found it to be a small neck of land ; ' on this chap. 
 side where we lay, is the bay,^ and the further side ^^-- 
 the sea:^ the oround or earth sand hills, much like 16 2 0. 
 
 . ^ Nov. 
 
 the downs ^ in Holland, but much better ; the crust of ii. 
 the earth, a spit's depth, ^ excellent black earth ; all 
 
 John Carver, a pious and well ap- 
 proved gentleman, their governor 
 for the first year." Bradford, in 
 Prince, p. 162. 
 
 ' The men appear to have heen 
 landed on Long Point, which tra- 
 dition says has been diminished in 
 its length, breadth, and height. F. 
 
 ^ By the bay is intended the har- 
 bour. See p. 120. Plymouth har- 
 bour is afterwards called a bay; 
 and the same name is given to the 
 harbour of Cunimaquid, or Barn- 
 stable. F. 
 
 ^ That is, Barnstable bay. F. 
 
 ■• Gosnold, on landing at Cape 
 Cod, in 1602, found " the sand by 
 the shore somewhat deep." Smith, 
 too, calls it "a headland of high 
 hills of sand." The downs, or 
 dunes, along the coast of Holland, 
 are formed by the wind blowing 
 up the sands of the sea-sbore. To 
 check the dispersion of the sand, 
 the dunes are sowed regularly every 
 year with a species of reed grass 
 {arundo arenaria.) In a short time 
 the roots spread and combine so as 
 to hold the sand fast together. Lin- 
 nfBus, in his journey to the islands 
 of Oeland and Gothland, in the 
 Baltic, pointed out to the natives 
 the advantage of planting the sea- 
 reed grass to arrest the sand and 
 form soil on the shores, to which it 
 is extremely well adapted by the 
 length of its roots. A similar 
 practice has within a few years 
 been adopted at Cape Cod, under 
 the direction and at the expense of 
 the general government. Large 
 tracts of white sand at Province- 
 town have been planted with the 
 beach grass (psamma arenaria.) 
 The grass, during the spring and 
 summer, grows about two feet and 
 
 a half. If surrounded by naked 
 beach, the storms of autumn and 
 winter heap up the sand on all 
 sides, and cause it to rise nearly to 
 the top of the plant. In the ensu- 
 ing spring the grass sprouts anew ; 
 is again covered with sand in the 
 winter; and thus a hill or ridge 
 continues to ascend as long as there 
 is a sufficient base to support it, or 
 till the surrounding sand, being 
 also covered with beach grass, will 
 no longer yield to the force of the 
 wind. Seei* Purchas, iv. 1648 ; 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 119, viii. 
 110; Bigelow's Plants of Boston 
 and its Vicinity, p. 40; Pulteney's 
 General View of the Writings of 
 Linnseus, p. 35. 
 
 ^ The depth of a spade. F. "A 
 spade's depth thrown out in dig- 
 ging is still called a spit." Rich- 
 ardson's Diet. art. Spade. 
 
 Some persons may smile at read- 
 ing of " a spade's depth of excellent 
 black earth " at the extremity of 
 Cape Cod. And yet, even now, 
 after the woods are cut down, and 
 free scope is given to the winds to 
 scatter the sands over the vegetable 
 mould of centuries, there is, at 
 High Head, in Truro, within four 
 miles of Long Point, where the 
 Mayflower was anchored, an " ex- 
 cellent black earth " more than a 
 foot in depth, which for years, 
 without manure, has produced 50 
 to 60 bushels of corn to the acre. 
 It is based on an old Indian clam- 
 bed, in which I observed the shells 
 of the oyster, the scallop, the 
 quahaug, the sea clam, and the 
 common clam. This rich soil is 
 on the property of James Small, 
 whose hospitable dwelling is near 
 the Highland Light. 
 
124 
 
 THE TREES OF CAPE COD. 
 
 CHAP, wooded ^ with oaks, pines, sassafras, juniper, birchy 
 — — holly, vines, some ash, walnut;^ the wood for the most 
 
 16 20. p-jj.f open and without underwood,^ fit either to go or 
 
 Nov. , , , . '^ 
 
 11. ride in. At night our people returned, but found not 
 any person, nor habitation ; and laded their boat with 
 juniper,^ which smelled very sweet and strong, and of 
 which we burnt the most part of the time we hij 
 there. 
 
 ' See note' on pnge IIS. 
 
 * There are three Icinds of oak 
 on the Cipo, the red oak, {qiic7-cus 
 rubra,) llie hl:ick oak, {quercus tinc- 
 toria) and the white oak, {quercus 
 alba.) The ("raines of the oldest 
 buildings there are made of white 
 oak, which is one of the most du- 
 rable kinds of timber. The pine 
 is the pitch pine, {pinna rifrida); 
 the birch is the wiiite birch, (A^////fl 
 popnliftilia) ; the holly is the Amer- 
 ican holly, an evergreen, {ilex apn- 
 ea) ; the ash is the white ash, 
 {fraxirius Americana,) and the wal- 
 nut is the white walnut, {juglans 
 tomrntoxa.) 
 
 * " The salvages are accustomed 
 to set fire to the country in all 
 places where they come, and to 
 burn it twice a year, viz. at the 
 spring, and the fall of the leaf. 
 The reason that moves them to do 
 so is because it would otherwise be 
 so overgrown with underweeds, 
 that it would be all a coppice wood, 
 and the people would not be able 
 in any wise to pass through the 
 country out of a beaten path. This 
 custoui of firing the country is the 
 means lo make it passable, and by 
 that means the trees grow here and 
 there, as in our parks, and makes 
 the country very lieaulitul and com- 
 modious." Morton's New English 
 Canaan, ch. 18, (printed in 1(332. 
 Morton was here in 1 622 and 1625.) 
 " Whereas it is generally conceived 
 that the woods grow so thick that 
 there is no more clear ground than 
 is hewed out by labor of men, it is 
 nothing so : in many places, divers 
 
 acres being clear, so that one may 
 ride a huulitig in most places of 
 the land. There is no underwood, 
 saving in swamps and low grounds; 
 for it being the custom of the In- 
 dians to burn the woods in No- 
 vember, when the grass is wither- 
 ed, and leaves dried, it consumes 
 all the underwood and rubbish, 
 which otherwise would overgrow 
 the country, making it impassable, 
 and spoil their much affected hunt- 
 ing. So that by this means, in 
 these places where the Indians in- 
 habit, there is scarce a bush or 
 bramble, or any cumbersome un- 
 derwood to be seen in the more 
 champaisn ground." Wood's New 
 England's Prospect, ch. 5. (Wood 
 was iiere in 1633.) The woods in 
 some parts of Wellfieet and East- 
 ham are now entirely free from 
 underwood, as in the time of the 
 Pilgrims. 
 
 4 The juniper was no doubt the 
 red cedar, or savin, {junipervs Vir- 
 giniana,) an evergreen which is still 
 comLP.on on the Cape. It resembles 
 very much the jiinipvrua sabina or 
 common savin of Europe, which 
 bears the juni[)er berries. The 
 taste of the leaves in the two spe- 
 cies is nearly the same. The wood 
 of the red cedar is odorou^s, and the 
 leaves, when bruised, emit a resi- 
 nous, aromatic odor. It burns 
 freely on account of its resinous 
 qualities. Morton says, " Of cedar 
 there is abundance ; and this wood 
 was such as Solomon used for the 
 building of that glorious temple of 
 Hierusalem. This wood cuts red." 
 
THE FIRST EXCURSION UP THE CAPE. 126 
 
 Monday,^ tho 13th of November, we unshipped our chap. 
 
 IX. 
 
 shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repair her, 
 having been forced to cut her down in bestowinir her 16 20. 
 
 P . ^ Nov. 
 
 betwixt the decks, and she was much opened with the 13. 
 people's lying in her ; which kept us long there, for it 
 was sixteen or seventeen days before the carpenter had 
 finished her. Our people went on shore to refresh 
 themselves, and our women to wash, as they had great 
 need. Cut whilst we lay thus still, hoping our shallop 
 would be ready in five or six days, at the furthest, 
 (but our carpenter made slow work of it, so that) some 
 of our people, impatient of delay, desired for our better 
 furtherance to travel by land into the country, (which 
 was not without appearance of danger, not having the 
 shallop with them, nor means to carry provision but on 
 their backs,) to see whether it might be fit for us to seat 
 in or no ; and the rather, because, as we sailed into 
 the harbour, there seemed to be a river ^ opening itself 
 into the main land. The willingness of the persons 
 was liked, but the thing itself, in regard to the danger, 
 was rather permitted than approved ; and so with cau- 
 tions, directions, and instructions, sixteen men were 
 set out, with every man his musket,^ sword, and cors- 
 let, under the conduct of Captain Miles Standish ; * 
 
 See Michaux's Sylva Americana, Nov. 16, and from their "ligliting 
 
 iii. 221, and Bigelow's Medical all their matches," Nov. 30. Even 
 
 Botany, iii. 49. as late as 16S7 maich-lociis were 
 
 ' It would seem that the day be- used instead of flint-locks in the 
 
 fore, being Sunday, they ren)ained regiments of the Duke of Eruns- 
 
 quielly on board. wick. See Beckmann's History of 
 
 ' Pamet river. Winslow spells Inventions, iii. 440. 
 it Paomet, and Capt. Smith Paw- '' Milks Standish appears now 
 
 met. It is pronounced as if spelt in these chronicles for the first 
 
 Parmit. time, as the military leader of the 
 
 •'' Their guns were matchlocks, Pilgrims. His name has not been 
 
 as appears from their "having five mentioned in Gov. Bradford's His- "^ 
 
 or six inches of mutcb burning," tory. lie took no part in the ne- 
 
126 
 
 CAPTAIN MILES STANDISH. 
 
 162 0. 
 Nov. 
 
 unto whom was adjoined, for counsel and advice, 
 William Bradford,* Stephen Hopkins,^ and Edward 
 Tillej. 
 
 gotiations with the Virginia Com- 
 pany or with the merchant adven- 
 turers. He was not one of Robin- 
 son's church before it left England ; 
 but serving in the Low Countries, 
 in the forces sent over by Queen 
 Elizabeth to aid the Dutch against 
 the Spaniards, he fell in, as Wins- 
 low did, with Robinson and his 
 congregation, liked them and their 
 principles, and though not a mem- 
 ber of their church, either volunta- 
 rily, or at their request, embarked 
 with them for America. Morton, 
 p. 262, says that he was " a gentle- 
 man, born in Lancashire, and was 
 heir apparent unto a great estate of 
 lands and livings, surreptitiously 
 detained from him, his great grand- 
 father being a second or younger 
 brother from the house of Stand- 
 ish." This is not improbable. Tliere 
 are at this time in England two 
 ancient families of the name, one 
 of vStandish Hall, and the other of 
 Duxbury Park, both in Lancashire, 
 who trace their descent from a 
 common ancestor, Pi.alph de Stand- 
 ish, living in 1221. There seems 
 always to have been a military spi- 
 rit in the family. Froissart, relat- 
 ing in his Chronicles the memora- 
 ble meeting between Richard IL 
 and Wat Tyler, says that after the 
 rebel was struck from his horse 
 by William Walworth, "then a 
 squyer of the kynges alyted, called 
 John Standysshe, and he drewe out 
 his sworde, and put into Wat 
 Tyler's belye, and so he dyed." 
 For this act Standish was knight- 
 ed. In 1415, another Sir John 
 Standish fought at the battle of 
 Agincourt. From his giving the 
 name of Duxbury to the town where 
 he settled, near Plymouth, and call- 
 ing his eldest son Alexander, (a 
 common name in the Standish 
 family,) I have no doubt that 
 Miles was a scion from this an- 
 cient and warlike stock, which he 
 
 did not dishonor. Whilst writing 
 this note, 1 observe in the journals 
 of the day, the death (Dec. 7, 1840, 
 at Cadiz,) of " Frank Hall Stand- 
 ish, Esq. of Duxbury Hall, Lancas- 
 hire." — The Plymouth soldier was 
 a man of small stature, but of such 
 an active and daring spirit that he 
 spread terror through all the Indian 
 tribes from Massachusetts Bay to 
 Martha's Vineyard, and from Cape 
 Cod harbour to Narraganset. In 
 the autumn of 1695 he went to 
 England, as an agent of the colony, 
 and returned in the spring of 1626. 
 In 1630 he removed to Duxbury, 
 which was undoubtedly so called 
 after the family seat of his ances- 
 tors. He had six children, and four 
 sons, Alexander, Miles, Josiah, and 
 Charles, survived him, whose nu- 
 merous descendants are to be found 
 in several towns in Plymouth coun- 
 ty, in Connecticut, and in the State 
 of New York. He lived and died at 
 the foot of Captain's Hill, in Dux- 
 bury, so called after him, a monu- 
 mental landmark that will hand 
 his name down to the latest times. 
 He was an assistant in 1633, and 
 was repeatedly reelected to this 
 otfice. He died in 1656, but his 
 age is unknown. Smith, in his 
 Hist, of N. Jersey, p. 18, commits 
 a singular error in saying that 
 " about the year 1620 the Plymouth 
 Company sent a fresh recruit from 
 England under the command of 
 Capt. Standish." See Belknap 
 Am. Biog. ii. 310 ; Mass. Hist. 
 Coll.xviii. 121,xx.58 — 61; Hutch- 
 inson's Mass. ii. 461 ; Mitchell's 
 Hist, of Bridgewater, p. 307; 
 Burke's Hist, of the Commoners 
 of Great Britain, ii. 64, and iv. 642. 
 
 ' Winslow not being one of the 
 party, I consider Bradford the sole 
 author of this part of the Journal. 
 
 " Stephen Hopkins, whose name 
 stands the 14th in order anmng the 
 signers of the Compact, with the 
 
FIRST SIGHT OF THE INDIANS. 127 
 
 Wednesday, the 15th of November, they were set chap. 
 ashore ; ^ and when they had ordered themselves in — -^ 
 the order of a single file, and marched about the space 16 20. 
 of a mile by the sea, they espied five or six people, 15. 
 with a dog, coming towards them, who were savages ; 
 who, when they saw them, ran into the wood, and 
 whistled the dog after them, &c. First they supposed 
 them to be Master Jones, the master, and some of his 
 men, for they were ashore and knew of their coming ; 
 but after they knew them to be Indians, they marched 
 after them into the woods, lest other of the Indians 
 should lie in ambush. But when the Indians saw our 
 men following them, they ran away with might and 
 main ; and our men turned out of the wood after them, 
 for it was the way they intended to go, but they could 
 not come near them. They followed them that night 
 about ten miles ^ by the trace of their footings, and 
 
 honorable prefix of Mr., seems to per the ardor of the captain. Thus 
 have been a person of some consid- he was adjoined to Standish Feb. 
 eration among the Pilgrims. From 17, 1621, to meet the two Indians 
 the same list it appears that he who showed themselves on Wat- 
 brought two servants or laborers son's hill; and March 16, Samoset 
 with him, Dotey and Leister. It was lodged for safe keeping at his 
 has already been mentioned, p. 100, house. He was also Winslow's 
 that he had a sou born on the voy- companion on his visit to Massas- 
 age, named Oceanus. His wife's soit at Pokanoket in July. He was 
 name was Elizabeth, and his three an assistant to the governor of Ply- 
 other children were Giles, Caleb, mouth from 1633 to 1636, and seems 
 and Deborah. We are told further to have been much employed in 
 on in this Journal, under Dec. 6, public affairs. Nothing more is 
 thathejoined theemigrantsin Eng- known about him, except that he 
 land, not having been one of Robin- was alive in 1643. See Mass. 
 son's congregation at Leyden. He Hist. Coll. xiii. 1S4. 
 went on two at least of the three ' The men were probably set 
 excursions from Cape Cod harbour, ashore at Stevens's Point, at the 
 and on the present occasion in the head or western extremity of the 
 capacity of a counsellor. He was harbour. 
 
 generally deputed to accompany * After keeping along the shore 
 
 Standish, and from this it may be for a mile, they turned in to the 
 
 inferred that he was somewhat of a left after the Indians, and probably 
 
 military man, at least more so than pursued them circuitously among 
 
 the others ; or it may be, his cool- the hills back of the village. As 
 
 ness was deemed important to tern- they were travelling on foot in 
 
128 
 
 THE PILGRIMS AT EAST HARBOUR. 
 
 Nov. 
 16. 
 
 CHAP, saw how they had come the same way they went, and 
 ^^— at a turning perceived how they ran up a hill,' to see 
 1620. whether they followed them. At length night came 
 upon them, and they were constrained to take up their 
 lodging.^ So they set forth three sentinels ; and the 
 rest, some kindled a fire, and others fetched wood, and 
 there held our^ rendezvous that night. 
 
 In the morning, so soon as we could see the trace, 
 we proceeded on our journey, and had the track until 
 we had compassed the head of a long creek ; '^ and 
 there they took into another wood, and we after them, 
 supposing to find some of their dweUings. But we 
 marched through boughs and bushes, and under hills 
 and valleys,^ which tore our very armor in pieces, 
 and yet could meet with none of them, nor their 
 houses, nor find any fresh water, which we greatly 
 desired and stood in need of; for we brought neither 
 beer nor water with us, and our victuals was only 
 biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aqua- 
 vitae, so as we were sore athirst. About ten o'clock 
 
 the sands, the distance is probably 
 overrated. 
 
 ' Perhaps Snow's hill ; or, it may 
 be, Mt. Gilboa or Mt. Ararat. 
 
 * Probably near Stout's Creek, 
 opposite Beach Point. Stout's 
 creel< is a small branch of East 
 Harbour creek. Many years ago 
 there was a body of salt marsh on 
 it, and it then deserved the name 
 of a creek. But the marsli was 
 long since destroyed ; and the creek 
 scarcely exists, appearing only like 
 a small depression in the sand, and 
 being entirely dry at half tide. 
 One of the life-boats provided by 
 the Humane Society of Massachu- 
 setts, at the expense of the State, is 
 stationed on the outer shore of the 
 Cape, opposite Stout's creek. Gra- 
 ham puts the creek down on his 
 chart, but oiiiils the name. See 
 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 198; viii. 
 lU. 
 
 ^ The writer of course was one 
 of the party — undoubtedly Brad- 
 ford. 
 
 * East Harbour Creek, a distance 
 of about three miles and a half. F. 
 The entrance into East Harbour is 
 at the extremity of Beach Point. 
 It is very shoal, both at its entrance 
 and within it, having only one to 
 three feet at ordinary low water. 
 No other use is made of it as a 
 harbour than to moor or lay up the 
 sn)all craft belonging to this place, 
 in the winter season, to protect 
 them from the ice. See Major 
 Graham's Report, p. 13. 
 
 * Excepting the trees and bushes, 
 which have disappeared, this is an 
 exact description of that part of 
 Truro, called East Harbour. F. 
 
NEW ENGLAND WATER. 
 
 129 
 
 we came into a deep valley/ full of brush, wood-gaile,^ chap. 
 and long grass, through which we found little paths or -^v-— 
 tracks ; and there we saw a deer, and found springs ^^^^• 
 of fresh water,^ of which we were heartily glad, and 16. 
 sat us down and drunk our first New England water, 
 with as much delight as ever we drunk drink in all 
 our lives."* 
 
 When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our 
 course full south,^ that we might come to the shore, 
 which within a short while after we did, and there 
 
 ' In this valley is the small vil- 
 lage of East harbour. It is going 
 to decay, and probably will not 
 long exist. F. — There are now four 
 or five houses remaining. An old 
 gentleman, resident in the valley, 
 told me on the spot in Aug. 1S40, 
 that he recollected when there were 
 seventeen houses there. 
 
 * The wood-gaile was probably 
 what is called the sweet gale, or 
 Dutch myrtle, [myrica gale.) See 
 Bigelow's Plants of Boston and its 
 vicinity, p. 393, (3d ed.) 
 
 ^ In the midst of the valley 
 above mentioned is a swamp called 
 Dyer's swamp. Around it was for- 
 merly a number of springs of fresh 
 water ; and a few still remain, 
 though probably before another cen- 
 tury is closed, they will be choked 
 with sand, as many of them already 
 have been. F. — There is now in 
 the valley a hollow overgrown with 
 bushes ; but in Aug. 1840, I could 
 find no springs round it, and the 
 oldest inhabitant recollected none. 
 
 * The water and air of New 
 England have always been justly 
 famous. Brereton, who accom- 
 panied Gosnold in 1602, speaks of 
 the '• many springs of excellent 
 sweet water" which he found on 
 the Elizabeth islands. Capt. John 
 Smith, in his Description of New 
 England says, " the waters are 
 most pure, proceeding from the 
 entrails of rocky mountains." Hig- 
 ginson, in his New England's 
 
 17 
 
 Plantation, remarks that " the 
 country is full of dainty springs," 
 and that " a sup of New England's 
 air is better than a whole draught 
 of Old England's ale." Morton, 
 in his New English Canaan, ch. 8, 
 says "and for the water, therein it 
 excelleth Canaan by much; for the 
 land is so apt for fountains, a man 
 cannot dig amiss. Therefore if the 
 Abrahams and Lots of our limes 
 come thither, there needs be no con- 
 tention for wells. In the delicacy 
 of waters, and the conveniency of 
 them, Canaan came not near this 
 country." Wood, in his New Eng- 
 land's Prospect, ch. 5, says " the 
 country is as well watered as any 
 land under the sun ; every family 
 or every two families having a 
 spring of sweet water betwixt 
 them. It is thought there can be 
 no better water in the world. These 
 springs be not only within land, but 
 likewise bordering on the sea-coast, 
 so that sometimes the tides overflow 
 some of them." It is well known 
 that the first settlement of Boston 
 was determined by its abundance 
 of "sweet and pleasant springs." 
 See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 120, 
 i. 120, 121, xii. 88, xx. 173, 175; 
 Snow's History of Boston, p. 31. — 
 The water of Truro is still excel- 
 lent, whilst that of Provincetown 
 is poor. 
 
 ^ The course from Dyer's swamp 
 to the Pond is south. F. 
 
130 
 
 THE POND, IN TRURO. 
 
 CHAP, made a fire, that they in the ship might see where we 
 
 IX 
 
 — ^— were, as we had direction ; and so marched on towards 
 162 0. this supposed river. And as we went in another val- 
 16. ley, we found a fine clear pond of fresh water, being 
 about a musket shot broad, and twice as long.' There 
 grew also many small vines, and fowl and deer^ haunted 
 there. There grew much sassafras.^ From thence 
 we went on, and found much plain ground, "^ about fifty 
 acres, fit for the plough, and some signs where the 
 
 ' Pond village, which was for- 
 merly the principal village in Truro, 
 but of late years exceeded by Paraet, 
 takes its name from this pond. It 
 is situated about a mile south of the 
 village of East harbour. The high 
 and steep banks on the bay are here 
 intersected by a valley which runs 
 directly from the shore, and soon 
 divides itself into two branches. 
 In this valley the houses stand, and 
 are defended from the winds, whilst 
 the entrance of it affords a conve- 
 nient landing place. The pond 
 begins near the western shore, and 
 extends east. About a mile east of 
 it, on the Clay Pounds, stands the 
 Highland or Cape Cod light-house. 
 The pond is not now more than 
 half-a-musket shot broad, though it 
 is quite as long as it is here repre- 
 sented. In Aug. 1840, I found the 
 upper or eastern part of it over- 
 grown with flags and bushes. It 
 was no doubt formerly much larger, 
 and has been gradually filling up. 
 Many of our swamps were origi- 
 ually ponds of water. 
 
 " Deer were seen near this pond 
 by persons living at the beginning 
 of the present century. F. 
 
 ^ This is the third time the sas- 
 safras has been mentioned. On the 
 first discovery of America, great 
 medicinal virtues were ascribed to 
 the bark and roots of this tree, and 
 ship-loads of it were exported to 
 Europe. Monardes, a Spanish phy- 
 sician of Seville who pui»lished in 
 1574, his second part of his " His- 
 toria medicinal de las cosns que se 
 traen de nuestras Indias Occiden- 
 
 talesquesirven en medicina," after 
 mentioning its great efficacy in 
 dropsies, agues, liver-complaints, 
 &c. ends with exclaiming, fol. 62, 
 " Bendito nuestro Seiior, que nos 
 dio este tan excelentissimo arbol, 
 Uamado sassafras, que tan grandes 
 virtudesy tan maravillosos efectos, 
 como avemos dicho, tiene, y mas 
 los que el tiempo nos enseuara, que 
 es descubridor de todas las cosas." 
 The roots were sold in England at 
 three shillings a pound in Gosnold's 
 time, (1602,) who partly loaded his 
 vessel with it from one of the Eliz- 
 abeth islands. Brereton, the jour- 
 nalist of that voyage, speaks of 
 " sassafras trees, great plenty, all 
 the island over, a tree of high price 
 and profit;" and Archer, another 
 of the voyagers, says that " the 
 powder of sassafras in twelve hours 
 cured one of our company that had 
 taken a great surfeit by eating the 
 bellies of dog-fish, a very delicious 
 meat." See Purchns, iv. 1646, 1649, 
 1653; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 257 ; 
 Michaux's Sylva Americana, ii. 
 144 ; Bigelow's Medical Botany, ii. 
 142, and Plants of Boston and its 
 Vicinity, p. 170. For the use of 
 Monardes, and of " Frampton's loy- 
 fuU Nevves out of the New-found 
 Worlde," which is nothing but a 
 translation of it, printed at London 
 in 1596, I am indebted to the rich 
 library of Harvard College. — Sas- 
 safras is still found on Cape Cod, 
 but in a dwarfish form. 
 
 " The land on the south side of 
 the Pond is an elevated plain. F. 
 
INDIAN CORN FOUND. 
 
 131 
 
 Indians had formerlv planted their corn.' After this, chap. 
 
 • r I • IX. 
 
 some thought it best, for nearness or the river, to go — ^ — 
 
 down and travel on the sea sands, by which means 162 
 
 . Nov. 
 
 some of our men were tired, and lagged behind. So 16. 
 
 we stayed and gathered them up, and struck into the 
 
 land again ; ^ where we found a little path to certain 
 
 heaps of sand, one whereof was covered with old mats, 
 
 ^ " The Indian corn (zea mays) 
 called by the Mexicans tlaolli, by 
 the Haytians maize, and by the 
 Massachusetts Indians eadummi- 
 neash, is found everywhere on the 
 continent from Patagonia to Cana- 
 da, and next to rice and wheat, is 
 the most valuable of grains. There 
 can hardly be a doubt that it is a 
 native of America, unknown before 
 the discovery of Columbus The 
 adventurers who first penetrated 
 into Mexico and Peru lound it 
 everywhere cultivated, and in com- 
 mon use as an article of food among 
 the aborigines. Its culture did not 
 attract notice in Europe till after 
 the voyage of Columbus, nor is it 
 described in any work prior to the 
 end of the 15th century. It was 
 unknown to the ancient Greek and 
 Roman writers, the passages in 
 their works which have been sup- 
 posed to refer to it being more ap- 
 plicable toother grains, such as the 
 holcus sorghum. It is not men- 
 tioned by the earlier travellers who 
 visited China, India, and other parts 
 of Asia and Africa, and wlio were 
 very minute in describing the pro- 
 ductions of the countries which 
 they visited. Acosta, in his Natural 
 and Moral History of the Indies, 
 (published in 1596,) says, lib. iv. 
 ch. 16. " In our discourse on plants 
 we will begin with tho^e which are 
 proper and peculiar to the Indies. 
 As wheat is the most common 
 grain for the use of man in the re- 
 gions of the old world, so in the 
 new found world the most common 
 grain is mays, the which is found 
 almost in all the kingdoms of the 
 "West Indies. I do not think that 
 this mays is any thing inferior to 
 
 our wheat, in strength nor sub- 
 stance. To conclude, God hath 
 imparted to every region what is 
 needful. To this continent he hath 
 given wheat, which is the chief 
 nourishment of man ; and to the 
 Indians he hath given mays, which 
 hath the second place to wheat, for 
 the nourishment of men and beasts." 
 "The maize is correctly figured in 
 Oviedo's General and Natural His- 
 tory of the Indies, in Ramusio, 
 Delle Navigationi et Viaggi, iii. fol. 
 131. See Hernandez, Historia 
 Plantarum Novae Hispanise, lib. 
 vi. cap. 44; Lamarck's Botany, 
 in the Encyclopedic M^thodique, 
 xsxvi. 680, Planches, 749 ; and 
 Winthrop's Description of Maize 
 in the London Phil. Trans, xi. 1065. 
 
 — The principal argument against 
 the American origin of maize 
 is that it has never been found 
 growing wild in any part of this 
 continent. This statement, how- 
 ever, is disputed. Cobbett, in his 
 Essay on Corn, ch. 2, maintains 
 that " the cultivation of Indian 
 corn is as old as the world itself," 
 and draws his chief arguments from 
 the following passages of Scripture 
 
 — Matt.xii. 1; 2 Kings, iv.2; Job 
 xxiv. 24; Lev. ii. 14; xxiii. 14; 
 Deut. xxiii. 24, 25 ; Gen. xli. 5, 
 which he thinks are applicable to 
 maize, but not to wheat. 
 
 - Probably at the (ireat Hollow. 
 F. A mile south of the Pond vil- 
 lage, the bank on the bay is inter- 
 sected byanother valley, called ihe 
 Great Hollow. This valley and 
 another near it, towards the south- 
 east, called the Great Swamp, con- 
 tain several houses. The Great 
 Hollow is separated from the Pond 
 
132 
 
 WALNUTS, STRAWBERRIES, AND VINES. 
 
 CHAP, and had a wooden thins;, like a mortar, whehned on 
 
 IX. ... 
 
 -— — the toj3 of it, and an earthen pot laid in a little hole at 
 
 162 0. the end thereof. We, musine: what it might be, dig- 
 
 Nov. ' b to ' b 
 
 16. ged and found a bow, and, as we thought, arrows, but 
 the J were rotten. We supposed there were many 
 other things ; but because we deemed them graves, 
 we put in the bow again, and made it up as it was, 
 and left the rest untouched, because we thought it 
 would be odious unto them to ransack their sepul- 
 chres. 
 
 We went on further and found new stubble, of which 
 they had gotten corn this year, and many walnut trees ^ 
 full of nuts, and great store of strawberries,^ and some 
 vines.^ Passing thus a field or two, which were not 
 
 village by a high hill, which com- 
 mands an extensive prospect of the 
 ocean. Cape Cod harbonr, and the 
 opposite shore, as far as the broad 
 bluff of Manoraet, in Plymouth, 
 and the high lands of Marshfield. 
 
 ' T. Morton says, ch. 2, " Of 
 walnut trees there is infinite store, 
 and there are four sorts ; it is an 
 excellent wood, for many uses ap- 
 proved." Wood says, ch. 5, " the 
 walnut tree is something different 
 from the English walnut, and bears 
 a very good nut, something smaller, 
 but nothing inferior in sweetness 
 and goodness to the English nut, 
 having no bitter peel." And Josselyn 
 says, p. 50, " the nuts of the walnut 
 differ much from ours in Europe, 
 they being smooth, much like a 
 nutmeg in shape, and not much 
 bigger; some three cornered, all of 
 them but thinly replenished with 
 kernels." 
 
 ^ " There is strawberries," says 
 Wood, " in abundance, very large 
 ones, some being two inches about; 
 one may gather half a bushel in a 
 forenoon." Roger Williams, in his 
 Key into the Language of America, 
 ch. 16, says " This berry is the 
 wonder of all the fruits, growing 
 naturally in those parts. In some 
 
 places where the natives have 
 planted, I have many times seen as 
 many as would fill a good ship 
 within a few miles' compass." See 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 221. "The 
 common wild strawberry, {fragaria 
 Virginiana,)" says Bigelow, Plants 
 of Boston, p. 215, " is a very deli- 
 cious fruit, and when cultivated is 
 inferior to few imported species. 
 The berries ripen early, are of a 
 light scarlet color, exquisitely fla- 
 vored, but more soft and perishable 
 than the other kinds." 
 
 ^ '■ Vines there are that bear 
 grapes of three colors, white, black, 
 and red. The country is so apt for 
 vines that, but for the fire at the 
 spring of the year, the vines would 
 so overspread the land, that one 
 should not be able to pass for them. 
 The fruit is as big, of some, as a 
 musket ball, and is excellent in 
 taste." T. Morton, ch. 2. " The 
 vines afford great store of grapes, 
 which are very big, both for the 
 grape and cluster, sweet and good. 
 These be of two sorts, red and white. 
 There is likewise a smaller kind 
 of grape, which groweth in the 
 islands, which is sooner ripe, and 
 more delectable." Wood, ch. 5. 
 
INDIAN BARNS. 
 
 133 
 
 great, we came to another,^ which had also been new chap. 
 
 gotten, and there we found where a house had been, — ^ — 
 
 and four or five old planks laid tojrether.^ Also we 1620. 
 
 . . Nov. 
 
 found a great kettle, which had been some ship's ket- i6. 
 
 tie, and brought out of Europe. There was also a 
 
 heap of sand,^ made like the former, — but it was 
 
 newly done, we might see how they had paddled it 
 
 with their hands, — which we digged up, and in it we 
 
 found a little old basket, full of fair Indian corn ; and 
 
 digged further, and found a fine great new basket, full 
 
 of very fair corn of this year, with some six and thirty 
 
 goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red, and 
 
 others mixed with blue," which was a very goodly sight. 
 
 The basket was round, and narrow at the top. It 
 
 held about three or four bushels, which was as much 
 
 as two of us could lift up from the ground, and was 
 
 very handsomely and cunningly made.^ But whilst 
 
 ' From the Great Hollow the 
 sixteen adventurers travelled south 
 to the hill which terminates in 
 Hopkins's cliff (or Uncle Sam's 
 hill, as it is now vulsarlv called.) 
 This they called Comhi'll. The 
 Indians formerly dwelt in great 
 numbers on this hill ; and the 
 shells, deposited by them on it, are 
 still ploughed up in abundance. 
 Hopkins's cliff is between the Great 
 Hollow and Hopkins's creek, or 
 Pamet little river, as it is now 
 called. 
 
 * Tills was probably the remains 
 of a hut built by some shipwrecked 
 sailors. 
 
 ^ "Their barns are holes made 
 in the earth, that will hold a hogs- 
 head of corn apiece. In these, 
 when their corn is out of the husk, 
 and well dried, they lay their store 
 in great baskets, with mats under, 
 about the sides, and on the top ; 
 and putting it into the place made 
 for it, they cover it with earth, and 
 
 in this manner it is preserved from 
 destruction or putrefaction, to be 
 used in case of necessity, and not 
 else." T. Morton, ch. 13. "Their 
 corn being ripe, they gather it, and 
 dry it hard in the sun, convey it to 
 their barns, which be great holes 
 digged in the ground, in form of a 
 brass pot, ceiled with rinds o.f trees, 
 wherein they put their corn." 
 AVood, ch. 20. 
 
 ■* This corn of mixed colors on 
 the same cob, yellow, red, and blue, 
 is still common at Truro. 
 
 '" " In summer they gather flags, 
 of which they make mats for 
 houses, and hemp and rushes, with 
 dying stuff, of which they make 
 curious baskets, with intermixed 
 colors, and portraitures of antique 
 imagery. These baskets be of all 
 sizes, from a quart to a quarter, in 
 whicli they carry their luggage." 
 Wood, ch. 30. " Instead of shelves, 
 they have several baskets, wherein 
 they put all their household stuff. 
 
134 OLD TOM'S HILL, IN TRURO. 
 
 CHAP, we were busy about these things, we set our men sen- 
 — v-^ tinel in a round ring, all but two or three, which digged 
 162 0. up the corn. We were in suspense what to do with it 
 16. and the kettle ; and at length, after much consulta- 
 tion, we concluded to take the kettle, and as much of 
 the corn as we could carry away with us ; and when 
 our shallop came, if we could find any of the people, 
 and come to parley with them, we would give them 
 the kettle again, and satisfy them for their corn.^ So 
 we took all the ears, and put a good deal of the loose 
 corn in the kettle, for two men to bring away on a 
 staff. Besides, they that could put any into their 
 pockets, filled the same. The rest we buried again ; 
 for we were so laden with armor ^ that we could carry 
 no more. 
 
 Not far from this place we found the remainder of 
 an old fort or palisado, which, as we conceived, had 
 been made by some Christians.^ This was also hard 
 by that place which we thought had been a river ; 
 unto which we went, and found it so to be, dividing 
 itself into two arms by a high bank,"* standing right 
 
 They have some great bags or ish's grandsons is said to have been 
 
 sacifs, made of hemp, which will in possession of his coat of mail, 
 
 hold five or six bushels." Roger His sword and that of Carver and 
 
 Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. Brewster, are in the cabinet of the 
 
 212. Massachusetts Historical Society. 
 
 ' It will be seen that within six Some doubt however is thrown on 
 months they scrupulously fulfilled this point from the circumstance 
 this their honest intention, and that the Pilgrim Society of Ply- 
 gave the owners of the corn "full mouth have also in their posses- 
 y content." The censure of Baylies, sion "the identical sword-blade 
 i. 54, on their conduct as " inexcu- used by Miles Standish." See 
 sable," and as " compromising their Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 216, 336; 
 consciences," miglit as well have Thacher's History of Plymouth, 
 been spared. p. 258, second edition. 
 
 * It is worthy of notice that the ^ Perhaps by the same persons 
 
 Pilgrims were cased in armor. See who owned the kettle and built the 
 
 pages 125 and 128. One of their hut. See page 133. 
 
 corslets would be a far more pre- '' Bradford, in his History, as 
 
 clous relic than a cuirass from the quoted by Prince, p. 163, says " a 
 
 field of Waierloo. One of Stand- high cliff of sand at the entrance." 
 
PAMET RIVER. 
 
 135 
 
 by the cut or mouth, which came from the sea. That chap. 
 
 IX 
 
 which was next unto us was the less.' The other 
 
 arm ^ was more than twice as big, and not unhke toi'^^0- 
 
 . . Nov. 
 
 be a harbour lor ships ; but whether it be a fresh river, i6. 
 or only an indraught of the sea, we had no time to 
 discover ; for we had commandment to be out but two 
 da vs. Here also we saw two canoes;^ the one on 
 
 This is r\n accurate description of 
 the entrance of Paniet river. Tiie 
 hisrh bank of sand, is called Old 
 Tom's hill, after an Indian chief, 
 who in former times had its seat 
 on its summit, and who received 
 this name from the first English 
 settlers. It is the termination of a 
 neck of land situated between the 
 two creeks, called Indian Neck, 
 it having been reserved to the In- 
 dians on the first settlement of 
 Truro, about the year 1700. Prince, 
 p. 163, has fallen into a great mis- 
 take in supposing that Barnstable 
 harbour was the place here de- 
 scribed. The description does not 
 suit the harbour of Barnstable, or 
 any other creek or inlet in the bay, 
 except Pamet harbour ; and, as 
 Belknap rightly observes, (Am. 
 Biog. ii. 196,) neither the time nor 
 distance can agree with Prince's 
 conjecture. Biirnstable is fifty 
 miles from Cape Cod harbour by 
 land; a distance which could not 
 have been travelled, and back 
 again, in three short days of No- 
 vember. F. 
 
 ' The smallest creek, which was 
 next to the travellers, is called 
 Hopkins's creek, or Pamet little 
 river. There is on it a body of salt 
 marsh, which runs half way across 
 the township of Truro. The depth 
 of water in this creek, when the 
 tide is in, is five feet. F. 
 
 " Pamet river, which is a creek 
 forced into the land from the bay, 
 and extends almost across the 
 township, l)eing separated from the 
 ocean by nothing but a narrow 
 beach and embankment, which the 
 water has been known to break 
 
 over. The creek runs through a 
 body of salt marsh. The mouth of 
 it lies nearly south-east from Cape 
 Cod harbour, nine miles distant. 
 It is about a mile south of the 
 Great Hollow, and is a little to the 
 north of wliat is called the shoal 
 ground, without Billingsgate Point. 
 The part of Truro, south of Pamet 
 river, on the bay, is called Hog's 
 Back. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 196. 
 ^ " Of the birch bark the salvages 
 of the northern parts make thera 
 delicate canoes, so light that two 
 men will transport one of them 
 over land whither they list, and 
 one of them will transport ten or 
 twelve salvages by water at a time." 
 T. Morton, ch. 2. " Their canoes 
 are made either of pine trees, which, 
 before they were acquainted with 
 English tools, they burned hollow, 
 scraping them smooth with clam 
 shells and oyster shells, cutting 
 their outsides with stone hatchets ; 
 these boats be not above a foot and 
 a half or two foot wide, and twenty 
 foot long. Their other canoes be 
 made of thin birch rinds, close rib- 
 bed on the inside with broad thin 
 hoops, like the hoops of a tub; 
 these are made very light; a man 
 may carry one of them a mile; 
 being made purposely to carry from 
 river to river, and bay to bay, to 
 shorten land passages. In these 
 cockling fly-boats, wherein an Eng- 
 lishman can scarce sit without a 
 fearful tottering, they will venture 
 to sea, when an English shallop 
 dare not bear a knot of sail, scud- 
 ding over the overgrown waves as 
 fast as a wind-driven ship, being 
 driven by their paddles ; being 
 
136 CANOE AND DEER-TRAP. 
 
 CHAP, the one side, the other on the other side.^ We could 
 
 IX 
 
 ^-^^ not believe it was a canoe, till we came near it. So 
 16 20. ^y^ returned, leaving the further discovery hereof to 
 
 Nov. ' b ^ J ^ 
 
 16. our shallop, and came that night back again to the 
 fresh water pond ; and there we made our rendezvous 
 that night, making a great fire, and a barricado to 
 windward of us, and kept good watch with three sen- 
 tinels all night, every one standing when his turn 
 came, while five or six inches of m.atch ^ was burning. 
 It proved a very rainy night. 
 Nov. In the morning, Ave took our kettle and sunk it in 
 the pond, and trimmed our muskets, for few of them 
 would go off because of the wet ; and so coasted the 
 wood ^ again to come home, in which we were shrewdly 
 puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered we 
 came to a tree, where a young sprit"* was bowed 
 down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. 
 Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. 
 So as we were looking at it, William Bradford being 
 in the rear, when he came looked also upon it, and as 
 he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was 
 immediately caught by the leg.^ It was a very pretty 
 
 much like battledoors ; if a cross trees and smooth wrought cords ; 
 
 wave (which is seldom) turn her so strong as it will toss a horse if 
 
 keel upside down, they by swim- he be caught in it. An English 
 
 ming free her, and scramble into mare, being strayed from her own- 
 
 her again." Wood, ch. 17. er, and grown wild by her long 
 
 ' That is, of the bank, in the two sojourning in the woods, ranging 
 
 arms of the creek. up and down with the wild crew, 
 
 ' This proves that their guns stum.blcd into one of these traps, 
 
 were matchlocks. See p. 125. which stopped her speed, hanging 
 
 ^ Tbe wood was terminated by her, like Mahomet's coffin, betwixt 
 
 the Pond, by the side of which they earth and heaven. In these traps 
 
 travelled, and then through a valley, deer, moose, bears, wolves, cats and 
 
 which is continued from it, east, foxes are often caught." " The 
 
 toward the ocean. F. salvages" says T. Morton, ch. 5, 
 
 ■■ A sapling, a young tree. "take the deer in "traps made of 
 
 " Wood says, ch. 15, " their deer their natural hemp, which they 
 
 traps are springs made of young place in the earth, where they fell 
 
THE EXPLORING PARTY RETURN. 137 
 
 device, made with a rope of their own making, and chap. 
 having a noose, as artihciallj made as any roper ^ in ^-^ 
 Enghmd can make, and as like ours as can he ; which 1620. 
 we brought away with us. In the end we got out of 17. 
 the wood, and were fallen about a mile too high above 
 the creek ; ^ where we saw three bucks,^ but we had 
 rather have had one of them. We also did spring three 
 couple of partridges ; ^ and as we came along by the 
 creek, we saw great flocks of wild geese and ducks,^ 
 but they were very fearful of us. So we marched 
 some while in the woods, some while on the sands, and 
 other while in the water up to the knees ; till at length 
 we came near the ship ; ^ and then we shot off our 
 pieces, and the long boat came to fetch us. Master 
 Jones and Master Carver being on the shore, with 
 many of our people, came to meet us. And thus we 
 came both weary and welcome home ; ^ and delivered 
 in our corn into the store to be kept for seed, for we 
 knew not how to come by any, and therefore were 
 very glad, purposing, so soon as we could meet with 
 any of the inhabitants of that place, to make them 
 large satisfaction. This was our first discovery, whilst 
 our shallop was in repairing. 
 
 Our people did make things as fitting as they could, 
 
 a tree for browse ; and when he ' Probably the Canada goose, 
 
 rounds the tree for the browse, if {anser Canadensis,) and the dusky 
 
 he tread on the trap, he is horsed duck, [anas ohscura). 
 
 up by the leg, by means of a pole ® They probably went down the 
 
 that starts up andcatcheth him." west side of East Harbour creek, 
 
 ' Pvopeniaker. and near the mouth forded it, as is 
 
 ' This brought them about a still done at low tide. They then 
 
 mile south-east of tlie head of East waded through Stout's creek, and 
 
 Harbour, and about a mile north of also through Mill creek, near Gull 
 
 the Highland Light. hill, and passed on to the end of 
 
 ^ See page 130. Long point, near which the ship 
 
 * The partridge, (perJLv Vir^ini- lay. See note ' on page 120. 
 
 oner,) or quail, as it is called in New ^ They had been absent three 
 
 England, is still found in Truro. days. 
 
 18 
 
138 THE SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 CHAP, and time would, in seekino; out wood, and helvine; of 
 
 IX. ' O ' != 
 
 -"v^- tools, and sawing of timber, to build a new shallop. 
 
 162 0. But the discommodiousness of the harbour did much 
 hinder us ; for we could neither go to nor come from 
 the shore but at high water, which was much to our 
 hindrance and hurt ; for oftentimes thej waded to the 
 middle of the thigh, and oft to the knees, to go and 
 come from land.^ Some did it necessarily, and some 
 for their own pleasure ; but it brought to the most, if 
 not to all, coughs and colds, (the weather proving sud- 
 denly cold and stormy,) which afterwards turned to the 
 scurvy, whereof many died. 
 
 When our shallop was fit, (indeed before she was 
 fully fitted, for there was two days' work after bestowed 
 on her,) there was appointed some four and twenty 
 men of our own, and armed, then to go and make a 
 more full discovery of the rivers before mentioned. 
 Master Jones was desirous to go with us, and we took 
 such of his sailors as he thought useful for us ; so as 
 we were in all about four and thirty men.^ We made 
 Master Jones our leader ; for we thought it best herein 
 
 Nov. to gratify his kindness and forwardness.^ When we 
 
 27, *= -^ 
 
 were set forth,"* it proved rough weather and cross 
 winds ; so as we were constrained, some in the shallop, 
 and others in the long boat, to row to the nearest shore 
 the wind would suffer them to go unto, and then to 
 wade out above the knees. The wind was so strong 
 as the shallop could not keep the water, but was forced 
 to harbour there ^ that night. But we marched six or 
 
 ' See note* on page 120. wronged them. See note' on page 
 
 * Of course they had ten of 102. 
 
 Jones's crew. * This was ten days after their 
 
 ' This shows that they could return from their first excursion, 
 
 have harboured no suspicion ^ In East Harbour. The men 
 
 that Jones had betrayed and who marched several miles, and 
 
THE PILGRIMS EXPLORE PAMET RIVER. 139 
 
 seven miles further, and appointed the shallop to come chap. 
 to us as soon as they could. It blowed and did snow — v^- 
 all that day and night, and froze withal. Some of our 16 20. 
 people that are dead took the original of their death 
 here.^ 
 
 The next day, about eleven o'clock, our shallop came Nov, 
 to us, and we shipped ourselves ; and the wind being 
 good, we sailed to the river we formerly discovered, 
 which we named Cold Harbour ; to which when we 
 came, we found it not navigable for ships ; yet we 
 thought it might be a good harbour for boats, for it 
 flows there twelve foot at high water.^ We landed 
 our men between the two creeks,^ and marched some 
 four or five miles ^ by the greater of them, and the 
 shallop followed us. At length night grew on, and our 
 men were tired with marching up and down the steep 
 hills and deep valleys,^ which lay half a foot thick 
 with snow. Master Jones, wearied with marching, 
 was desirous we should take up our lodging, though 
 some of us would have marched further. So we made 
 there our rendezvous for that night under a few pine 
 trees ; and as it fell out, we got three fat geese ^ and 
 
 what they supposed to be six or straight line. The tradition is, that 
 
 seven nniies farther, were landed on Pamet river was formerly deeper 
 
 Beach Point, which forms this har- than it is at present, and therefore 
 
 hour. F. the shallop might easily follow 
 
 ' See pages 120 and 138. them. F. 
 
 ^ The mouth of Pamet river is * This is an exact description of 
 
 twelve feet deep at high water, the land on Pamet river. F. 
 
 Thence the water gradually de- Truro is composed of hills and 
 
 creases to five feet, which is the narrow circular valleys. There are 
 
 depth at the lower bridge. This is also some long valleys, running at 
 
 to be understood of the lowest tides, right angles with the shore. The 
 
 during the summer. F. tops of some of the hills spread 
 
 ' The men were landed at the out into a plain. 
 
 foot of Old Tom's hill. F. * " There are three kinds of 
 
 * From Old Tom's hill to the goose, the gray goose, the white 
 
 head of Pamet river the distance goose, and the brant." Josselyn, 
 
 is about three miles and a half, as p. 9. " There are geese of three 
 
 the hills run, or three miles in a sorts, viz. brant geese, which are 
 
140 
 
 THEY RETURN TO HOPKINS'S CLIFF. 
 
 Nov. 
 29. 
 
 CHAP, six ducks ^ to our supper, which we eat with soldiers' 
 >-^v-^ stomachs, for we had eaten little all that day. Our 
 1620. resolution was, next morning to go up to the head of 
 this river, for we supposed it would prove fresh water. 
 But in the morning our resolution held not, because 
 many liked not the hilliness of the soil and badness of 
 the harbour. So we turned towards the other creek, 
 that we might go over and look for the rest of the corn 
 that we left behind when we were here before. When 
 we came to the creek, we saw the canoe lie on the 
 dry ground, and a flock of geese in the river, at which 
 one made a shot and killed a couple of them ; and we 
 launched the canoe and fetched them, and when we 
 had done, she carried us over by seven or eight at 
 once. This done, we marched to the place where 
 we had the corn formerly, which place we called 
 Cornhill; and digged and found the rest, of which 
 
 pied, and white geese which are 
 bigcer, and gray geese which are 
 as big and bigger than the tame 
 geese of England, with black legs, 
 black bills, beads and necks black; 
 tlie flesh far more excellent than 
 the geese of England, wild or 
 tame. There is of them great 
 abundance; I have had often a 
 thousand before the mouth of my 
 gun." T. Morton, eh. 4. "The 
 geese of tlie country be of three 
 sorts; first a brant goose, which is 
 a goose almost like the wild goose 
 of Ensland. The second kind is 
 a white goose, almost as big as an 
 English tame goose; these come in 
 great flocks about Michaelmas; 
 sometimes there will be two or 
 three thousand in a flock ; those 
 continue six weeks, and so fly to 
 the southward, returning in March, 
 and staying six weeks more, re- 
 turning to the northward. The 
 third kind of goose is a great gray 
 goose, with a black neck and a 
 
 black and white head, strong of 
 flight, and these be a great deal 
 bigger than the ordinary geese of 
 England ; most of these geese re- 
 main with us from Michaelmas to 
 April. They feed on the sea, upon 
 the grass in bays at low water, and 
 gravel, and in the woods of acorns, 
 having, as other fowl have, their 
 pass and repass to the northward 
 and southward." Wood, ch. S. 
 
 ' " Ducks there are of three kinds, 
 pied ducks, gray ducks, and black 
 ducks, in great abundance ; they are 
 bisser bodied than the lame ducks 
 of^'England." T. Morion, ch. 4. 
 " The ducks of the country be very 
 large ones, and in great abundance. 
 So there is of teal likewise. If I 
 should tell you how some have 
 killed a hundred geese in a week, 
 fifty ducks at a shot, forty teal at 
 another, it may be counted almost 
 impossible, though nothing more 
 certain." Wood, ch. S. 
 
MORE INDIAN CORN FOUND. 141 
 
 we were very glad. We also digged in a place a chap. 
 little further off, and found a bottle of oil. We went ^^-— 
 to another place, which we had seen before, and dig- 1G20. 
 ged, and found more corn, viz. two or three baskets 
 full of Indian wheat, and a bag of beans, with a good 
 many of fair wheat ^ ears. Whilst some of us were dig- 
 ging up this, some others found another heap of corn, 
 which they digged up also ; so as we had in all about 
 ten bushels, which will serve us sufficiently for seed. 
 And sure it was God's good providence that we found 
 this corn, for else we know not how we should have 
 done ; for we knew not how we should find or meet 
 with any of the Indians, except it be to do us a mis- 
 chief. Also, we had never in all likelihood seen a 
 grain of it, if we had not made our first journey ; for 
 the ground was now covered with snow, and so hard 
 frozen that we were fain with our curtlaxes ~ and short 
 swords to hew and carve the ground a foot deep, and 
 then wrest it up with levers, for we had forgot to bring 
 other tools. Whilst we were in this employment, foul 
 weather being towards. Master Jones was earnest to 
 go aboard ; but sundry of us desired to make further 
 discovery, and to find out the Indians' habitations. So 
 we sent home with him our weakest people, and some 
 that were sick, and all the corn : and eighteen of us 
 stayed still and lodged there that night, and desired 
 that the shallop might return to us next day, and bring 
 us some mattocks and spades with them. 
 
 The next morning, we followed certain beaten paths Nor, 
 and tracks of the Indians into the woods, supposing 
 they would have led us into some town or houses. 
 After we had gone a while, we light upon a very 
 
 ' Indian corn is still meant. F. ' Cutlasses. 
 
142 INDIAN GRAVES. 
 
 CHAP, broad beaten path, well nigh two foot broad. Then 
 
 IX. r 7 & 
 
 -^--^~- we lighted all our matches,' and prepared ourselves, 
 1620. concludino; that we were near then* dwellings. But, 
 
 Nov. . ° . fe ' 
 
 30. in the end, we found it to be only a path ^ made to 
 drive deer in, when the Indians hunt, as we supposed. 
 When we had marched five or six miles into the 
 woods, and could find no signs of any people, we re- 
 turned again another way ; and as we came into the 
 plain ground, we found a place like a grave, but it was 
 much bigger and longer than any we had yet seen. It 
 was also covered with boards, so as we mused what it 
 should be, and resolved to dig it up ; where we found 
 first a mat, and under that a fair bow, and then ^ an- 
 other mat, and under that a board about three quar- 
 ters '* long, finely carved and painted ; with three tines 
 or broaches ^ on the top, like a crown. Also between 
 the mats we found bowls, trays, dishes, and such like 
 trinkets. At length we came to a fair new mat, and 
 under that two bundles, the one bigger, the other less. 
 We opened the greater, and found in it a great quan- 
 tity of fine and perfect red powder, and in it the bones 
 and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow hair 
 still on it, and some of the flesh unconsumed. There 
 was bound up with it a knife, a packneedle, and two 
 or three old iron things. It was bound up in a sailor's 
 
 * See note ' on page 125. gut of this hedge, they set deer 
 
 ® " The Indians," says "Wood, traps." See the description of them 
 
 ch. 15, "have other devices to kill on page 136. 
 
 their game, as sometimes hedges a ^ In the original there — undoubt- 
 rnile or two miles long, being a edly a typographical error, 
 mile wide at one end, and made ^ Of a yard, 
 narrower and narrower by degrees, * Tines, prongs; broaches, spits, 
 leaving only a gap of six foot long. Tines is a word still in common 
 over against which, in the day use in the interior of New Eng- 
 time, they lie lurking to shoot the land; e. g. the tines of a pitch- 
 deer which come through that fork, 
 narrow gat ; in the night, at the 
 
AN EMBALMED BODY. 143 
 
 canvass cassock and a pair of cloth breeches.' The chap. 
 
 IX. 
 
 red powder was a kind of embahnent, and yielded a 
 strono;, but no offensive smell: it was as fine as anv^^^^- 
 
 . . Nov. 
 
 flour. We opened the less bundle likewise, and found 30. 
 of the same powder in it, and the bones and head of a 
 little child. About the legs and other parts of it M^as 
 bound strings and bracelets of fine white beads.^ 
 There was also by it a little bow, about three quarters 
 long, and some other odd knacks.^ We brought sun- 
 dry of the prettiest things away with us, and covered 
 the corpse up again. After this we digged in sundry 
 like places, but found no more corn, nor any thing else 
 but graves. 
 
 There was variety of opinions amongst us about the 
 embalmed person. Some thought it was an Indian 
 lord and king. Others said, the Indians have all black 
 hair, and never any was seen with brown or yellow 
 hair. Some thought it was a Christian of some spe- 
 cial note, which had died amongst them, and they thus 
 buried him to honor him. Others thought they had 
 killed him, and did it in triumph over him. 
 
 Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two of 
 the sailors which were newly come on the shore, ^ by 
 chance espied two houses, which had been lately dwelt 
 in, but the people were gone. They having their 
 
 * See pages 133 and 134. plank upon the top, in the form of 
 
 * Wampom, made of the peri- a chest, before they cover the place 
 winkle. F. with earth." And Roger Williams 
 
 ^ " It is their custom," says says, ch. 32, " after the dead is laid 
 
 Wood, ch. 19, "to bury with their in the grave, sometimes, in some 
 
 deceased friends their bows and parts, some goods are cast in with 
 
 arrows, and good store of their them ; and upon the grave is spread 
 
 wampompeag." Morton says, ch. the mat that the party died on, and 
 
 17, that " in the grave of the more the dish he ate in." 
 noble they put a plank in the hot- '' Having come from the ship 
 
 torn for the corpse to be laid upon, in the shallop when she returned 
 
 and on each side a plank, and a afier carrying Jones on board. 
 
144 INDIAN HOUSES. 
 
 CHAP. j3ieces, and hearing nobody, entered the houses, and 
 -^^^^ took out some thhigs, and durst not stay, but came 
 16 20. ao;ain and told us. So some seven or eight of us went 
 
 Nov. '^. » , , 
 
 30. with them, and found how we liad gone within a flight 
 
 shot of them before. The houses ^ were made with 
 long young sapling trees bended, and both ends stuck 
 into the ground. They were made round, like unto 
 an arbour, and covered down to tiie ground with thick 
 and well wrought mats ; and the door was not over a 
 yard high, made of a mat to open. The chimney was 
 a wide open hole in the top ; for which they had a mat 
 to cover it close when they pleased. One might stand 
 and go upright in them. In the midst of them were 
 four little trunches ^ knocked into the ground, and 
 small sticks laid over, on which they hung their pots, 
 and what they had to seethe. Round about the fire 
 they lay on mats, which are their beds. The houses 
 were double matted; for as they were matted with- 
 out, so were they within, with newer and fairer 
 mats. In the houses we found wooden bowls, trays, 
 and dishes, earthen pots,^ hand-baskets made of crab- 
 shells wrought together ; also an English pail or buck- 
 et ;^ it wanted a bail, but it had two iron ears. There 
 was also baskets of sundry sorts, bigger and some 
 lesser, finer and some coarser. Some were curiously 
 
 ' For the description of the In- little and mean. The pots they 
 
 dian wigwams, see Roger Wil- seethe their food in are made of clay 
 
 liams's Key, ch. 6; Wood's New or earth, almost in the form of an 
 
 England's Prospect, ch. 20 ; Mor- egg, the top taken off. Their 
 
 ton's New English Canaan, ch. 4; dishes and spoons and ladles are 
 
 and Gookin's Historical Collections made of wood, very smooth and 
 
 of the Indians in New England, ch. artificial, and of a sort of wood not 
 
 3, sec. 4, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. subject to split." Gookin, ch. 3, 
 
 ^ Truncheons, sticks. sec. 6. 
 
 ^ "They have dainty wooden * This probably helonged to the 
 
 bowls of maple, of high price persons who built the hut and 
 
 amonsst them." T. Morton, ch. owned the kettle, mentioned on 
 
 12. ^ Their household stuff is but page 133. 
 
THE SECOND EXPLORING PARTY RETURN. 145 
 
 wrought with black and white in pretty works, and chap. 
 sundry other of their household stuftV We found also ~^-~ 
 two or three deer's heads, one whereof had been newly 16 20. 
 
 -^ Nov. 
 
 killed, for it was still fresh. There was also a com- 30. 
 pany of deer's feet stuck up in the houses, harts' horns, 
 and eagles' claws, and sundry such like things there 
 was ; also two or three baskets full of parched acorns,^ 
 pieces of fish, and a piece of a broiled herring. We 
 found also a little silk grass, and a little tobacco seed, 
 with some other seeds which we knew not. Without 
 was sundry bundles of flags, and sedge, bulrushes, and 
 other stuff to make mats.^ There was thrust into a 
 hollow tree two or -three pieces of venison ; but we 
 thought it fitter for the dogs than for us. Some of the _ 
 best things we took away with us, and left the houses 
 standing still as they were. 
 
 So it growing towards night, and the tide almost 
 spent, we hasted with our things down to the shallop, 
 and got aboard that night, intending to have brought 
 some beads and other things to have left in the houses, 
 in sign of peace, and that we meant to truck with 
 them ; but it was not done by means of our hasty 
 coming away from Cape Cod. But so soon as we 
 
 • " Some of their baskets are velty." Williams's Key, ch. 16. 
 made of rushes, some of bents, " They mix with their pottage, 
 others of maize husks, others of a several sorts of nuts or masts, as 
 kind of s/7/i 5Ta5s, others of a kind oak acorns, chestnuts, walnuts; 
 of wild hemp, and some of barks these husked, and dried, and pow- 
 of trees; many of them very neat dered, they thicken their pottage 
 and artificial, with the portraitures therewith." Gookin, ch. 3, sec. 5. 
 of birds, beasts, fishes and flowers ^ " They make mats of several 
 upon them in colors." Gookin, ch. sorts, for covering their houses and 
 3, sec. 6. doors, and to sleep and sit upon. 
 
 * "They also dryacorns; and in The meaner sort of wigwams are 
 case of want of corn, by much boil- covered with mats made of a kind 
 ing they make a good dish of them ; of bulrush." Gookin, ch. 3, sec. 4 
 yea, sometimes in plenty of corn, and 6. 
 
 dolheyeat these acorns for a no- 
 
 19 
 
146 REASONS FOR SETTLING AT PAMET RIVER. 
 
 CHAP, can meet convenientlj with them, we will give them 
 
 — ^- full satisfaction.' Thus much of our second discovery. 
 
 1620. Having; thus discovered this place, it was controver- 
 
 sal ^ amongst us what to do touching our abode and 
 
 settling there.^ 
 
 Some thought it best, for many reasons, to abide 
 there. As first, that there was a convenient harbour 
 for boats, though not for ships. Secondly, good corn- 
 ground ready to our hands, as we saw by experience 
 in the goodly corn it yielded, which would again agree 
 with the ground and be natural seed for the same. 
 Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good 
 fishing ; for we saw daily great whales, of the best 
 kind for oil and bone, come close aboard our ship, and, 
 in fair weather, swim and play about us. There was 
 once one, when the sun shone warm, came and lay 
 above water, as if she had been dead, for a good while 
 together, within half a musket shot of the ship ; at 
 which two were prepared to shoot, to see whether she 
 would stir or no. He that gave fire first, his musket 
 flew in pieces, both stock and barrel ; yet, thanks be 
 to God, neither he nor any man else was hurt with it, 
 though many were there about. But when the whale 
 saw her time, she gave a snuff, and away. Fourthly, 
 the place was likely to be healthful, secure, and defen- 
 sible. 
 
 But the last and especial reason was, that now the 
 heart of winter and unseasonable weather was come 
 upon us, so that we could not go upon coasting and 
 discovery without danger of losing men and boat, upon 
 
 ' See page 137 and note ' on page ' That is, at Pamet river. 
 134. 
 
 ' Controverted, says Morton, in 
 his Memorial, page 42. 
 
REASONS AGAINST IT. 147 
 
 which would follow the overthrow of all, especially chap. 
 considering what variable winds and sudden storms do — v-w 
 
 there arise. Also, cold and wet lodo;in" had so tainted i620. 
 
 Dec. 
 our people, (for scarce any of us were free from vehe- 
 ment coughs,) as if they should continue long in that 
 estate, it would endanger the lives of many, and breed 
 diseases and infection amongst us. Again, we had 
 yet some beer, butter, flesh, and other such victuals 
 left, \^ hich would quickly be all gone ; and then we 
 should have nothing to comfort us in the great labor 
 and toil we were likely to undergo at the first. It 
 was also conceived, whilst we had competent victuals, 
 that the ship would stay with us; but when that grew 
 low, they would be gone, and let us shift as Ave could. 
 Others, again, urged greatly the going to Anguum, 
 or Angoum,' a place twenty leagues off to the north- 
 wards, which they had heard to be an excellent harbour 
 for ships, better ground, and better fishing. Secondly, 
 for any thing we knew, there might be hard by us a 
 far better seat ; and it should be a great hindrance to 
 seat where '^ we should remove again. Thirdly, the 
 water was but in ponds ; and it was thought there 
 would be none in summer, or very little. Fourthly, 
 the water there must be fetched up a steep hill.^ 
 
 But to omit many reasons and replies used hereabouts, 
 it was in the end concluded to make some discovery 
 
 * Agawam, Ipswich ; Smith calls building tlieir town, for protection 
 it Augoain. Little was known at against the Indians, on the high 
 this time of Massachusetts Bay, or hank, called Old Tom's hilt, near 
 the distances from one place to the entrance of Paniet river. This 
 another ; that little was derived hill is still very steep. There is a 
 from Smith's map and Description well now in front of it on the shore, 
 of New England. See Mass. Hist, where vessels water. The Pilgrims 
 Coll. xxiii. 1, and xxvi. 118. seemed to have relied on running 
 
 * Perhaps an error for whence. streams, and never thought of sink- 
 ^ I suppose they contemplated ing wells. 
 
148 
 
 THE FIRST CHILD BORN. 
 
 CHAP, within the bay : but in no case so far as Angoum. 
 
 IX 
 
 '^v-i- Besides, Robert Coppin, our pilot,^ made relation of a 
 16 2 0. great navigable river and good harbour in the other head- 
 land of the baj,^ almost right over against Cape Cod, 
 being, in ^ a right line, not much above eight leagues 
 distant, in which he had been once ; and because that 
 one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking 
 stole a harping iron* from them, they called it Thievish 
 Harbour. And beyond that place they were enjoined 
 not to go. Whereupon a company was chosen to go 
 out upon a third discovery. Whilst some were em- 
 ployed in this discovery, it pleased God that Mistress 
 White was brought a bed of a son, which was called 
 Peregrine.^ 
 
 The 5th day we, through God's mercy, escaped a 
 great danger by the foolishness of a boy, one of Fran- 
 
 Dec 
 5. 
 
 ' Coppin was second male of the 
 Mayflower. 
 
 ^ The other headland of the bay 
 was Manomet Point, and the river 
 was probably the North river, in 
 Scituate. 
 
 * The word in I insert from Mor- 
 ton, p. 43. 
 
 * A harpoon. 
 
 ^ In the Boston News Letter, of 
 July 31, 1704, the 15th No. of the 
 first newspaper printed in New 
 England, is \\\e following article of 
 intelligence. " Marshfield, July 
 22, Captain Peregrine White, of 
 this town, aged 83 years and eight 
 months, died here the 20th inst. 
 He was vigorous and of a comely 
 aspect to the last; was the son of 
 William White and Susanna his 
 wife, born on board the MayHower, 
 Capt. Jones commander, in Cape 
 Cod harbour, Nov. 1620, the first 
 Englishman born in New Eng- 
 land." In the records of Plymouth 
 Colony is the following entry under 
 Oct. 1665, when Thomas Prince 
 was governor. "In reference unto 
 the request of the King's commis- 
 
 sioners in behalf of Lieut. Pere- 
 grine White, desiring that the 
 Court would accommodate him 
 with a portion of land, in respect 
 that he was the first of the English 
 that was born in these parts ; and 
 in answer unto his own petition 
 preferred to this Court respecting 
 the premises, tlie Court have grant- 
 ed unto him 200 acres of land, ly- 
 ing and being at the path that goes 
 from Bridgewater to the Bay, ad- 
 joining to the Bay line." A list of 
 his descendants, some of whom are 
 still living, may be seen in Thach- 
 er's Plymouth, p. 23. 
 
 " Dec. 4, dies Edward Thomson, 
 servant of Mr. White, the first that 
 dies since their arrival. Dec. 6, 
 dies Jasper, a boy of Mr. Carver's. 
 Dec. 7, Dorothy, wife to Mr. Wil- 
 liam Bradford, (drowned.) Dec. 8, 
 James Chihon." Gov. Bradford, 
 in Prince, p. 165. Prince had 
 Bradford's pocket-book, which con- 
 tained a register of deaths, births, 
 and marriages, from Nov. 6, 1620, 
 to the end of March, 1621. 
 
THE THIRD EXPEDITION. 
 
 149 
 
 CIS Billino;ton's sons/ who, in his father's absence, had chap. 
 
 . IX. 
 
 got gunpowder, and had shot off a piece or two, and ^^--— 
 made squibs; and there being a fowling-piece charged iti2 0. 
 in his father's cabin, shot her off in the cabin ; there 
 being a little barrel of powder half full, scattered in 
 and about the cabin, the fire being within four foot of 
 the bed between the decks, and many flints and iron 
 things about the cabin, and many people about the 
 fire ; and yet, by God's mercy, no harm done. 
 
 Wednesday, the 6th of December, it was resolved Dec. 
 our discoverers should set forth, for the day before was 
 too foul weather, — and so they did, though it was 
 well o'er the day ere all things could be ready. So 
 ten of our men were appointed who were of them- 
 selves willing to undertake it, to wit, Captain Stand- 
 ish. Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward Wins- 
 loe, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John Houland,^ and 
 
 ' Billington v/as not one of the 
 Leyden church, but slipped in 
 among the Pilgrims in England. 
 His accession was of no benefit to 
 the colony. He was a mischievous 
 and troublesome fellow. The first 
 offence in the settlement was com- 
 mitted by him. In March, 1621, 
 he was " con vented before the 
 whole company for contempt of the 
 Captain's (Standish) lawful com- 
 mands, with opprobrious speeches, 
 for which he was adjudged to have 
 his neck and heels lied together." 
 Gov. Bradford, in a letter to Cush- 
 man, written June 9, 1625, says, 
 " Billington still rails against you, 
 and threatens to arrest you, I know 
 not wherefore. He is a knave, and 
 so will live and die." The pro- 
 phecy was fulfilled, for he was hung 
 in Oct. 1630, for waylaying and 
 shooting a young man, named John 
 Newcomen. Gov. Bradford says, 
 in his History, " The said Billington 
 was one of the profanest among us. 
 
 He came from London, and I know 
 not by what friends shuffled into 
 our company." John, his eldest son, 
 who probably fired the powder, was 
 a young scape-grace, who the next 
 spring wandered off down the Cape 
 as far as Eastham, causing great 
 anxiety to the infant colony, and 
 putting them to the trouble of send- 
 ing an expedition after him. Fran- 
 cis, the other son, was the disco- 
 verer of Billington sea, which will 
 immortalize the name. The mo- 
 ther's name was Helen. See 
 Prince, pp. 189, 192, and 319. 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 37; Hutchin- 
 son's Mass. ii. 464; Hubbard's 
 New England, p. 101. 
 
 ^ John Howland, the ISlh signer 
 of the Compact, is counted as be- 
 longing to Carver's family, whose 
 daughter Elizabeth he married. 
 The Plymouth Colony records say 
 that " he was an ancient professor 
 of the ways of Christ ; one of the 
 first comers, and proved a useful 
 
150 
 
 NAMES OF THE PARTY. 
 
 CHAP, three of London,^ Richard Warren,^ Steeven Hoi3kins, 
 
 IX 
 
 ^^v-^ and Edward Dotte, and two of our ^ seamen, John 
 1620. Alderton and Thomas EngHsh. Of the .ship's com- 
 pany there went two of the master's mates, Master 
 Clarke and Master Coppin, the master gunner, and 
 three sailors.* The narration of which discovery fol- 
 lows, penned by one ^ of the company. 
 
 Wednesday, the 6th of December, we set out, being 
 very cold and hard weather. We were a long while, 
 after we launched from the ship, before we could get 
 clear of a sandy point,^ which lay within less than a fur- 
 In which time two were very sick, 
 
 Dec. 
 6. 
 
 long of the same. 
 
 instrument of good, and wns the 
 last of the male survivors of those 
 who came over in the Mayflower 
 in 1620, and whose place of abode 
 was Plymouth." John Alden, of 
 Duxbury, outlived him 15 years. 
 The last survivor of the Mayflower 
 was Mary Cushman, daughter of 
 Isaac AUerton, who was alive in 
 1698. Rowland died in 1672 at 
 Rocky Nook, in Kingston, aged 
 80. He had four sons and six 
 daughters, some of whose descend- 
 ants are still living in the Old 
 Colony and in Rhode Island. A 
 genealogy of the family, written by 
 one of them, the venerable John 
 Rowland, President of the R. I. 
 Historical Society, is inserted in 
 Thacher's Plymouth, p. 129. See 
 Farmer's Genealogical Register of 
 the First Settlers of New England, 
 A pp. art. Hoivland; Mitchell's 
 Bridgewater, p. 379 ; Hutchinson's 
 Mass. ii. 456, 462. 
 
 ' They were therefore not mem- 
 bers of Robinson's congregation at 
 Leyden. See p. 78, and note ' on 
 p. 122 of this volume. 
 
 ^ Richard Warren, the 12th sign- 
 er of the Compact, with the honor- 
 able prefix of Mr. is mentioned by 
 Bradford as a most useful man, 
 during the short time he lived, 
 bearing a deep share in the difficul- 
 
 ties and troubles of the plantation. 
 He died in 1628. His widow, 
 Elizabeth, survived him about 45 
 years, dying in 1673, at the age of 
 90. They had two sons and five 
 daughters. His descendants per- 
 petuate the name in Plymouth, 
 New Bedford, Lowell, Boston, New 
 York, and elsewhere. At the par- 
 tition of the lands in 1623, Rich- 
 ard Warren's lot was assigned him 
 near Eel river. The farm has con- 
 tinued in the possession of his pos- 
 terity till within a few years. See 
 Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 462; Mor- 
 ton's Memorial, p. 135 ; Thacher's 
 Plymouth, p. 71. 
 
 ^ They were not a part of the 
 Mayflower's crew, but were in- 
 tended to remain in the country 
 and to manage the Speedwell, had 
 she come over. Their occupation 
 at present, I suppose, was to take 
 charge of the shallop, until another 
 small vessel should be sent over; 
 which took place in Aug. 1623, 
 when a pinnace of 44 tons, called 
 the Little James, arrived. 
 
 ■• There were 18 in all ; among 
 whom were 12 out of the 41 sign- 
 ers of the Compact. 
 
 * I take it to be Bradford. See 
 note ' on page 115. 
 
 * The end of Long Point. F. 
 
BILLINGSGATE POINT. 151 
 
 and Edward Tilley had like to have sounded^ with chap. 
 
 IX 
 
 cold. The gunner also was sick unto death, (but — - — 
 hope of trucking made him to go,) and so remained 1620. 
 all that day and the next night. At length we got 6. 
 clear of the sandy point, and got up our sails, and 
 within an hour or two we got under the weather 
 shore,^ and then had smoother water and better sailing. 
 But it was very cold ; for the water froze on our 
 clothes, and made them many times like coats of iron. 
 We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but 
 saw neither river nor creek. At length we met with 
 a tongue of land, being flat off from the shore, with a 
 sandy point.' We bore up to gain the point, and 
 found there a fair income or road of a bay, being a 
 league over at the narrowest, and some two or three 
 m length ; but we made right over to the land before 
 us, and left the discovery of this income till the next 
 day. As we drew near to the shore, ^ we espied some 
 ten or twelve Indians very busy about a black thing, — 
 what it was we could not tell, — till afterwards they 
 saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been carry- 
 ing something away. We landed a league or two from 
 them,^ and had much ado to put ashore any where, it 
 
 * Swooned. Nothing further is then joined the land north of it;, 
 known of Edward Tilley than that but it is now an island, having 
 he brought his wife with him, and been cut off by a ditch many years 
 had two other individuals in his since ; and beingconstantly washed 
 family, probably his cliildren, and by the tide, there is now a passage 
 died before the end of March. John for small light vessels to pass at 
 Tilley, who was also one of this full sea. Welfleet bay is, as here 
 exploring party, was probably a described, a league over at the nar- 
 brotherof Edward. Healsobrought rowest and two or three in length, 
 his wife and one other person, most The distance from Long Point to 
 likely a child, and died before the Billingsgate Point is seven leagues.- 
 end of March. The name does not See Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 4L 
 appear in the division of the cattle ■• In Eastham, north of Great 
 in 1627. pond. 
 
 * The shore of Truro. ^ South. 
 ' Billingsgate Point. This point 
 
152 
 
 THE PILGRIMS IN WELLFLEET. 
 
 CHAP, lay SO full of flat sands.* When we came to shore, 
 
 IX 
 
 — '-^ we made us a barricado, and got firewood, and set out 
 16 20. sentmels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it was. 
 We saw the smoke of the fire which the savages made 
 that night, about four or five miles from us. 
 
 In the morning we divided our company, some eight 
 in the shallop, and the rest on the shore went to dis- 
 cover this place. But we found it only to be a bay,^ 
 without either river or creek coming into it. "Yet we 
 deemed it to be as good a harbour as Cape Cod ; for 
 they that sounded it found a ship might ride in five 
 fathom water. We on the land found it to be a level ^ 
 
 Dec. 
 
 7. 
 
 soil. 
 
 though 
 
 none of the fruitfuUest. We saw two 
 
 becks ^ of fresh water, which were the first running 
 streams that we saw in the country ; but one might 
 stride over them. We found also a great fish, called a 
 grampus,^ dead on the sands. They in the shallop 
 
 ' A sandy flat, a mile wide, ex- 
 tends along the western shore 
 of Eastham, from Dennis to the 
 bounds of Wellfleet. It is left dry 
 about three hours, and may easily 
 be crossed by horses and carriages. 
 See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155. 
 
 ^ Wellfleet harbour, which is 
 large, indented within with creeks, 
 where vessels of 70 or 80 tons may 
 lie. Large ships may lie safe in 
 what is called the Deep Hole, near 
 the town. There are five and a 
 half fathom of water in the har- 
 bour. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 
 117. 
 
 ^ The land in Eastham is a level 
 plain. 
 
 * Becks — -brooks. One of these 
 no doubt' was Indian brook, which 
 forms the boundary between East- 
 ham and Wellfleet, and runs into 
 the harbour of Silver Springs. 
 The spring from which it issues 
 has a white sand at the bottom, re- 
 sembling that metal. The other 
 was probably Cook's brook, in 
 
 Eastham, three quarters of a mile 
 south of Indian brook, or possibly 
 Snow's brook, a mile further south. 
 See Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 41, and 
 viii. 155. 
 
 * The grampus, {grand-poisson, 
 Fr., grapois, Norm., delphinus 
 orca,) is the largest and most re- 
 markable species of the genus 
 Phocsena, of the cetaceous order of 
 Mammalia. It is a large animal, 
 half the size of the Greenland full- 
 grown whale, being often seen from 
 25 to 30 feet in length, and 10 or 
 12 in circumference. The color is 
 black above, suddenly giving place 
 to white on the sides, which is con- 
 tinued over the abdomen. Indi- 
 viduals of this species are some- 
 times thrown ashore on the Cape, 
 20 feet long, and having four inches 
 of blubber. See Jardine's Natu- 
 ralist's Library, Mammalia, vi. 228 
 — 232; Shaw's Zoology, Mam- 
 malia, vol. ii. part ii. p. 513; Jos- 
 selyn, p. 26. 
 
THE PILGRIMS IN EASTHAM. 153 
 
 found two of them also in the bottom of the bay, dead chap. 
 
 IX. 
 
 in like sort. They were cast up at high water, and — v-^ 
 could not jret off for the frost and ice. They were 1620. 
 
 ^ . . -^ Dec. 
 
 some five or six paces long, and about two inches thick 7, 
 of fat, and fleshed like a swine. They would have 
 yielded a great deal of oil, if there had been time and 
 means to have taken it. So we finding nothing for 
 our turn, both we and our shallop returned. 
 
 We then directed our course along the sea sands to 
 the place where we first saw the Indians.^ When we 
 were there, we saw it was also a grampus which they 
 were cutting up. They cut it into long rands ^ or 
 pieces, about an ell long and two handfuU broad. We 
 found here and there a piece scattered by the way, as 
 it seemed for haste. This place the most were minded 
 w^e should call the Grampus Bay,^ because we found 
 so many of them there. We followed the track of the 
 Indians' bare feet a good way on the sands. At length 
 we saw where they struck into the woods by the side 
 of a pond.^ As we went to view the place, one said 
 he thought he saw an Indian house among the trees ; so 
 w^ent up to see. And here we and the shallop lost sight 
 one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten 
 o'clock. So we light on a path, but saw no house, 
 and followed a great way into the woods. At length 
 we found where corn had been set, but not that year. 
 Anon, we found a great burying-place, one part whereof 
 was encompassed with a large palisado, like a church- 
 
 * They went back, north, to- forty feet wide, separates it from 
 wards Wellfieet harbour. Long pond ; the distance of wliich 
 
 ' Rands — strips. from Mill pond, connected with the 
 
 ' Welltieet harbour. northern arm of Nauset harbour, is 
 
 * Great pond, in Eastham, north not more than a furlong. A canal 
 of which they landed. F. This might thus be easily cut, connect- 
 pond is a quarter of a mile from ing the bay with the ocean. Sec 
 the shore. A narrow neck, about Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 156. 
 
 20 
 
154 AN INDIAN BURYING-GROUND. 
 
 CHAP, yard, with young spires/ four or five yards long, set as 
 -^v — . close one by another as they could, two or three foot 
 1620.111 the ground. Within it was full of graves, some 
 
 Dec. . ^ & ' 
 
 7. bigger and some less. Some were also paled about ; 
 and others had like an Indian house ^ made over them, 
 but not matted. Those graves were more sumptuous 
 than those at Cornhill ; yet we digged none of them 
 up, but only viewed them and went our way. With- 
 out the palisado were graves also, but not so costly, 
 From this place we went and found more corn-ground, 
 but not of this year. As we ranged, we light on four 
 or five Indian houses, which had been lately dwelt in ; 
 but they were uncovered, and had no mats about them ; 
 else they were like those we found at Cornhill,^ but 
 had not been so lately dwelt in. There was nothing 
 left but two or three pieces of old mats, and a little 
 sedge. Also, a little further, we found two baskets 
 full of parched acorns^ hid in the ground, which we 
 supposed had been corn when we began to dig the 
 same ; we cast earth thereon again, and went our 
 way. All this while we saw no people. 
 
 We went ranging up and down till the sun began 
 to draw low, and then we hasted out of the woods, 
 that we might come to our shallop ; which, when we 
 were out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and 
 called them to come unto us ; the which they did as 
 soon as they could, for it was not yet high water. 
 They were exceeding glad to see us, for they feared 
 
 ' Spires — twisted or wreathed saw the grave of Nanepashemet, 
 
 boughs. the deceased king, surrounded by a 
 
 " "Over the grave of the more no- palisado, and over it " the frame of 
 
 b]e they erect something in form of a house, wherein, being dead, he 
 
 a hearse-cloth." T. Morton, ch. 17. lay buried." See page 142. 
 
 The Pilgrims, on their first visit to ^ See page 144. 
 
 Massachusetts Bay, in Sept. 1621, * See note * on page 145. 
 
A MIDNIGHT ALARM. 
 
 155 
 
 because they had not seen us in so long a time, think- 
 ing we would have kept by the shore side. So being 
 both weary and faint, — for we had eaten nothing cill 
 that day, — we fell to make our rendezvous and get 
 firewood, which always costs us a great deal of labor. 
 By that time we had done, and our shallop come to 
 us,^ it was within night ; and we fed upon such vict- 
 uals as we had, and betook us to our rest, after we 
 had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a 
 great and hideous cry ; and our sentinels called, '•'■Arm! 
 Arm ! " So we bestirred ourselves, and shot off a 
 couple of muskets, and the noise ceased. We con- 
 cluded that it was a company of wolves or foxes ; for 
 one ^ told us he had heard such a noise in Newfound- 
 land.^ 
 
 ' It appears from Gov. Bradford's 
 MS. History, quoted by Prince, p. 
 165, that the shallop coasted along 
 the shore, south, and that towards 
 night the people on land met it at a 
 creek. This Morton, in his Memo- 
 rial, p. 44, conjectures to be Nam- 
 skeket, which is the dividing line 
 between Orleans and Brewster. 
 But it may with more probability 
 be concluded that it was Great 
 Meadow creek, in Eastham. If 
 the travellers had gone as far as 
 Namskeket, they must have crossed 
 Great Meadow creek, then, half a 
 mile south. Boat Meadow creek, 
 then, half a mile further south. 
 Rock Harbour creek, and then, a 
 mile southwest. Little Namskeket 
 creek ; or they must have passed 
 round their heads, which, at a time 
 when the country was covered with 
 a forest very difficult to be pene- 
 trated, would have been no easy 
 task. Namskeket creek was best 
 known to the first settlers of Ply- 
 mouth; and this appears to have 
 been the cause of Morton's supposi- 
 tion. F. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
 viii. 155, 188. 
 
 ^ Probably either Clark or Cop- 
 pin, the mates of the Mayflower, 
 who had been on the coast before. 
 See pp. 85 and 148. 
 
 ^ Newfoundland was not disco- 
 vered in 1497 by Sebastian Cabot. 
 See Biddle's Life of Cabot, book i. 
 ch. 6. Captain Richard Whit- 
 bourne, who wrote a book, printed 
 in London in 1622, entitled "A 
 Discourse and Discovery of New- 
 found-land," says that he was first 
 there in 1582, and again in 1586, 
 " at which lime Sir Humfrey Gil- 
 bert, a Devonshire knight, came 
 thither with two good ships and a 
 pinnace, and brought with him a 
 large patent from the late most re- 
 nowned Queen Elizabeth, and in 
 her name took possession of that 
 country, in theharbourof St. John's, 
 whereof I was an eye-witness." 
 Whitbourne Avas at Newfoundland 
 again in 1588, 1611, 1614, 1615, 
 and 1618. Clark or Coppin may 
 have gone in one of his ships. 
 Whitbourne says, p. 8, " In divers 
 parts of the country there are many 
 foxes, wolves, and bears. In 1(315, 
 three several times the wolves and 
 
156 AN ATTACK FROM THE INDIANS. 
 
 CHAP. About five o'clock in the morning we bepan to be 
 
 IX. . , . ^ ^ 
 
 -^--^ stirring ; and two or three, which doubted whether 
 
 162 0. their pieces would go off or no, made trial of them and 
 8. shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After prayer ^ 
 we prepared ourselves for breakfast, and for a journey ; 
 and it being now the twilight in the morning, it was 
 thought meet to carry the things down to the shallop. 
 Some said, it was not best to carry the armor ^ down. 
 Others said, they would be readier. Two or three 
 said, they would not carry theirs till they went them- 
 selves, but mistrusting nothing at all. As it fell out, 
 the water not being high enough, they laid the things 
 down upon the shore, and came up to breakfast. 
 Anon, all upon a sudden, we heard a great and strange 
 cry, which we knew to be the same voices, though 
 they varied their notes. One of our company, being 
 abroad, came running in, and cried, " They are men ! 
 Indians ! Indians ! " and withal their arrows came fly- 
 ing amongst us. Our men ran out with all speed to 
 recover their arms ; as by the good providence of God 
 they did. In the mean time, Captain Miles Standish, 
 having a snaphance ^ ready, made a shot ; and after 
 
 beasts of the country came down were permitted to interfere with 
 to the sea-side, near to 48 persons their stated devotions, 
 of my company, who were laboring " See note ^ on page 134. 
 about their fish, howling and mak- ^ A snaphance is a musket with 
 ing a noise." Whitbourne's book a flint-lock. In 1643 the house- 
 was published by royal authority, holders at Plymouth were " ordered 
 and distributed throughout the se- to be furnished with approved 
 veral parishes of the kingdom. A arms, viz. muskets with snaphance, 
 contribution too was ordered by the or matt blocks with match calivers, 
 Privy Council to be taken in the and carbines, which are allowed, 
 parish churches to defray the ex- and also fowling-pieces." At the 
 pense of the printing, and as time of Philip's war, in 1675, snap- 
 " some reward to him for his great hances were rare, yet a few of them 
 charge, travails, and divers losses were used. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
 at sea." xiii. 183, and Haven's Centennial 
 
 ' This incidental remark shows Address at Dedham, p. 61. 
 the religious character of the Pil- Meyrick, in his Critical Inquiry 
 
 grims. No dangers or hardships into Ancient Armour, iii. 88, points 
 
FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH THE INDIANS. 157 
 
 him another. After they two had shot, other two of chap. 
 
 . IX. 
 
 us were ready ; but he wished us not to shoot till we -'^— 
 could take aim, for we knew not what need we should 1620. 
 
 . Dec. 
 
 have ; and there were four only of us which had their 8. 
 arms tliere ready, and stood before the open side of 
 our barricade, which was first assaulted. They thought 
 it best to defend it, lest the enemy should take it and 
 our stuff; and so have the more vantage against us. 
 Our care was no less for the shallop ; but we hoped all 
 the rest would defend it. We called unto them to 
 know how it was with them ; and they answered 
 " Well ! Well ! " every one, and " Be of good cour- 
 age ! " We heard three of their pieces go off, and the 
 rest called for a firebrand to light their matches.' One 
 took a log out of the fire on his shoulder and went and 
 carried it unto them ; which was thought did not a 
 little discourage our enemies. The cry of our enemies ^ 
 was dreadful, especially when our men ran out to reco- 
 ver their arms. Their note was after this manner, 
 *' fVoach, ivoach, ha ha hach ivoach.''^ Our men were 
 no sooner come to their arms, but the enemy was ready 
 to assault them. 
 
 There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, 
 who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a 
 tree within half a musket shot of us, and there let his 
 arrows fly at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows, 
 which were all avoided ; for he at whom the first 
 arrow was aimed, saw it, and stooped down, and it 
 
 out a difference between the fire- rate from its cover ; whilst in 
 
 lock and the snaphance, and quotes the firelock the hammer is affixed 
 
 a document which " prefers the to the pan, supplying the place of 
 
 firelock," but "if they cannot be its cover, and opening at the per- 
 
 procured, snaphances will do." The cussion of the cock, 
 
 difference seems to be that in the ' See note ^ on page 125. 
 
 snaphance a movable hammer was ° These were the Nausetlndians, 
 
 placed beyond the pan, and sepa- as will appear hereafter. 
 
158 THE INDIANS REPULSED. 
 
 CHAP, flew over him. The rest were avoided also. He stood 
 
 IX 
 
 ^--v^' three shots of a musket. At length, one took, as he 
 162 0. said, full aim at him : after which he gave an extraor- 
 8. dinary cry, and away they went all.^ We followed 
 them about a quarter of a mile ; but we left six to keep 
 our shallop, for we were very careful of our business. 
 Then we shouted all together two several times, and 
 shot off a couple of muskets, and so returned. This 
 we did that they might see we were not afraid of them, 
 nor discouraged. 
 
 Thus it pleased God to vanquish our enemies and 
 give us deliverance. By their noise we could not guess 
 that they were less than thirty or forty, though some 
 thought that they were many more. Yet, in the dark 
 of the morning, we could not so well discern them 
 among the trees, as they could see us by our fire-side. 
 We took up eighteen of their arrows, which we have 
 sent to England by Master Jones ; ^ some whereof 
 were headed with brass, others with harts' horn, and 
 others with eagles' claws. Many more no doubt were 
 shot, for these we found were almost covered with 
 leaves ; yet, by the especial providence of God, none 
 of them either hit or hurt us, though many came close 
 by us and on every side of us, and some coats which 
 hung up in our barricado were shot through and through. 
 
 * Johnson, in his Wonder-work- statement. In the same chapter 
 iug Providence, ch. 8, says that he says, " Of Plymouth plantation 
 *' one Captain Miles Standish, hav- the author purposes not to speak 
 ing his fowling-piece in readiness, particularly, heing prevented by the 
 presented full at them. His shot, honored Mr. Winslow, who was an 
 being directed by the provident eye-witnessof the work." Edward 
 hand of the most high God, struck Johnson lived at Woburn, in Mas- 
 the stoutest sachem among thera sachusetts, and his book was print- 
 on the right arm, it being bent over ed in London in 1654. See Mass. 
 his shoulder to reach an arrow forth Hist. Coll. xii. 49, 67. 
 his quiver." We know not what * On the return of the Mayflower 
 authority Johnson had for this in April, 1621. 
 
THE SHALLOP DISABLED. 159 
 
 So after we had eiven God thanks for our deliver- chap. 
 
 ^ , .IX. 
 
 ance, we took our shallop and went on our journey, -^^ — - 
 and called this place The First Encounter. From 1620. 
 
 . . Dec. 
 
 hence we intended to have sailed to the aforesaid 6. 
 
 Thievish Harbour, if we found no convenient harbour 
 by the way.^ Having the wind good, we sailed all 
 that day along the coast about fifteen leagues f but 
 saw neither river nor creek^ to put into. After we 
 had sailed an hour or two, it began to snow and rain, 
 and to be bad weather. About the midst of the after- 
 noon the wind increased, and the seas began to be 
 very rough ; and the hinges of the rudder broke, so 
 that we could steer no longer with it, but two men, 
 with much ado, were fain to serve with a couple of 
 oars. The seas were grown so great that we were 
 much troubled and in great danger ; and night grew 
 on. Anon, Master Coppin bade us be of good cheer ; 
 he saw the harbour. As we drew near, the gale being 
 stiff, and we bearing great sail to get in, split our 
 mast in three pieces, and were like to have cast away 
 our shallop.'* Yet, by God's mercy, recovering our- 
 
 ' Gov. Bradford, in his History, ble that they would have entered 
 
 as quoted by Prince, p. 166, says, and made their settlement there. 
 " They hasten on to a port which ■* Bradford says, in his History, 
 
 Mr. Coppin, their pilot, assures " The pilot, being deceived, cries 
 
 them is a good one, which he had out, ' Lord be merciful ! my eyes 
 
 been in, and they might reach be- never saw this place before ! ' And 
 
 fore night." Coppin might have he and the male would have run 
 
 been on the coast before, either her ashore in a cove full of break- 
 
 with Smith or Hunt, in 1614. ers, before the wind; but a steers- 
 
 ^ The distance along the coast man calling to the rowers, ' About 
 
 from Easthani to the high bluff of with her, or we are cast away,' 
 
 Manomet, in Plymouth, is about they get her about immediately, 
 
 45 miles, or 15 leagues. and Providence showing a fair v 
 
 "Ny ^ The snow-storm, which began sound before them, they get under 
 
 " after they had sailed an hour or the lee of a small rise of land ; but 
 
 two," prevented their seeing San- are divided about going ashore, 
 
 dy Neck, and led them to over- lest they fall into the midst of 
 
 shoot Barnstable harbour. Had it savages. Some, therefore, keep the 
 
 not been for this, it is highly proba- boat, but others being so wet, 
 
160 
 
 THE PILGRIMS LAND ON CLARK'S ISLAND. 
 
 CHAP, selves, we had the flood with us, and struck into the 
 
 — -v^ harbour. 
 
 1620. Now he that thought that had been the place, was 
 
 Dec. . . 
 
 8. deceived, it being a place where not any of us had 
 
 been before ; and coming into the harbour, he that was 
 our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had con- 
 tinued, we had been cast away.^ Yet still the Lord 
 kept us, and we bare up for an island^ before us ; and 
 recovering of that island, being compassed about with 
 many rocks, and dark night growing upon us, it pleas- 
 ed the Divine Providence that we fell upon a place of 
 sandy ground, where our shallop did ride safe and se- 
 cure all that night ; and coming upon a strange island, 
 kept our watch all night in the rain upon that island.^ 
 
 cold, and feeble, cannot bear it, but 
 venture ashore, and with great dif- 
 ficulty kindle a fire ; and after mid- 
 night, the wind shifting to the 
 northwest, and freezing hard, the 
 rest are glad to get to them, and 
 here stay the nieht." See Prince, 
 p. 166. 
 
 * The cove where they were in 
 danger lies between the Gurnet 
 Head and Saquish Point, at the en- 
 trance of Plymouth harbour. 
 
 * Clark's island, just within the 
 entrance of Plymouth harbour, and 
 so called after the mate of the 
 Mayflower, who is said to have 
 been the first to step ashore on it. 
 It is sheltered from the ocean by 
 Salt-house beach, contains about 
 eighty acres of fertile land, and is 
 called by Gov. Hutchinson, i. 360, 
 "one of the best islands in New 
 England." It was neither sold 
 nor allotted in any of the early di- 
 visions of the lands, but was re- 
 served for the benefit of the poor of 
 the town, to furnish them with 
 wood, and with pasture for their 
 cattle. Previous to 103S the " Court 
 granted that Clark's island, the 
 Eel river beach, Saquish, and the 
 Gurnet's Nose, shall be and remain 
 
 unto the town of Plymouth, with 
 the woods thereupon." In 1690, 
 Clark's island was sold to Sam- 
 uel Lucas, Elkanah Watson, and ' 
 George Morton. The Watson 
 family have been in possession of 
 this island for half a century, and 
 one of them, Edward Watson, 
 now resides on it. See Mass." 
 Hist. Coll. xiii. 162, 181 ; Thacher's 
 Plymouth, pp. 82, 153, 158, 330. 
 
 One of the oldest grave-stones 
 on the burial hill in Plymouth, is 
 that of a Thomas Clark, who died 
 in March 24, 1697, aged 98. Some 
 have thought that this was the 
 mate of the Mayflower. But it is 
 not known that his name was 
 Thomas, nor is there any evidence 
 that he ever returned to this coun- 
 try. See Thacher's Plymouth, 168. 
 
 * Bradford adds, in his History, 
 "In the morning they find " the 
 place to be a small island, secure 
 from Indians. And this being the 
 last day of the week, they here 
 dry their stuff', fix their pieces, rest ' 
 themselves, return God thanks for 
 their many deliverances; and here 
 the next day keep their Christian 
 Sabbath." Prince, p. 167. 
 
LANDING OF THE FATHERS AT PLYMOUTH. 
 
 161 
 
 And in the morning we marched about it, and found chap. 
 
 IX 
 
 no inhabitants at all ; and here we made our rendez- -^^-^ 
 vous all that day, being Saturday, 10th of December. 162 0. 
 On the Sabbath day we rested; and on Monday we io.-'2.i>J 
 sounded the harbour, and found it a very good harbour 
 for our shipping. We marched also into the land,^ , 
 
 ' This is the ever-memorable 
 N day of the Landing of the Fathers 
 at Plymouth. " The place of the 
 landing is satisfactorily ascertain- 
 ed. Unquestionable tradition had 
 declared that it was on a large 
 rock at the foot of a cliff near the 
 termination of the north street 
 leading to the water. In the year 
 1774 an attempt was made to re- 
 move this rock (over which a wharf 
 had been built) to a more central 
 situation. The rock was split in 
 the operation. The upper part, 
 weighing several tons, was re- 
 moved, and now stands in front of 
 the Pilgrim Hall, enclosed by a 
 very appropriate iron railing, of an 
 elliptical form. It is regarded by 
 the inhabitants and by visiters as 
 a precious memorial of that inter- 
 esting event, the arrival of the first 
 planters of New England at their 
 place of settlement. The22d of De- 
 
 V cember, corresponding to the 11th, 
 old style, has long been observed 
 at Plymouth in commemoration of 
 the landing of the Fathers. It has 
 there universally the familiar and 
 endearing appellation of Forefath- 
 
 • ers' Day." See Morton's Memo- 
 rial, p. 48, and Thacher's Ply- 
 mouth, pp. 29, 199." 
 
 President Dwight, of Yale Col- 
 lege, says, "Plymouth was the 
 J first town built in New England 
 by civilized men ; and those by 
 whom it was built were inferior in 
 worth to no body of men whose 
 names are recorded in history dur- 
 ing the last 1700 years. A kind of 
 venerableness, arising from these 
 facts, attaches to this town, which 
 may be termed a prejudice. Still, 
 it has its foundation in the nature 
 
 21 
 
 of man, and will never be eradi- 
 cated either by philosophy or ridi- 
 cule. No New-Englander, who is 
 willing to indulge his native feel- 
 ings, can stand upon the rock 
 where our ancestors set the first 
 foot after their arrival on the Amer- 
 ican shore, without experiencing 
 emotions very different from those 
 which are excited by any common 
 object of the same nature. No 
 New-Englander could be willing 
 to have that rock buried and for- 
 gotten. Let him reason as much, 
 as coldly, and as ingeniously as he 
 pleases, he will still regard that 
 spot with emotions wholly differ- 
 ent from those which are excited 
 by other places of equal or even 
 superior importance." Travels 
 through New England, ii. 110. • 
 
 De Tocqueville, in the second 
 chapter of his work on America, 
 says, " Ce rocher est devenu un 
 objet de veneration aux Etats Unis. 
 J'en ai vu des fragmens conserves 
 avec soin dans plusieurs villes de 
 I'Union. Ceci ne montre-t-il pas 
 bien clairement que la puissance 
 et la grandeur de I'homme est tout 
 enti^re dans son ame? Voici une 
 pierre que les pieds de quelques 
 miserables touchent un instant, et 
 cette pierre devient celebre ; elle 
 attire les regards d'un grand peu- 
 ple ; on en v^nere les debris, on 
 s'en partage au loin la poussi^re. 
 Qu'est devenu le seuil de tant de 
 palais? Qui s'en inquiete ?" — 
 " This rock has become an object y 
 of veneration in the United States. 
 I have seen bits of it carefully pre- 
 served in several towns of the 
 Union. Does not this sufficiently 
 show that all human power and 
 
162 
 
 THE SHALLOP RETURNS TO CAPE COD. 
 
 CHAP, and found divers cornfields, and little running brooks, 
 
 IX 
 
 — v-^ a place very good for situation. So we returned to 
 1620. our ship' again with good news to the rest of our peo- 
 14, pie, which did much comfort their hearts. 
 
 greatness is in the soul of man ? 
 Here is a stone which the feet of a 
 few outcasts pressed for an instant ; 
 and this stone becomes famous ; it 
 is treasured by a great nation ; its 
 very dust is shared as a relic. And 
 what has become of the gateways 
 of a thousand palaces ? Who cares 
 for them ? " — Reeves's Trans. 
 
 ' They left the Mayflower in 
 Cape Cod harbour, December 6, 
 and were three days in getting to 
 
 Plymouth. They probably started 
 on their return to the ship on the 
 13ih, and striking across the bay, a 
 distance of 25 miles, reached her 
 on the 14th. They found that 
 the day after their leaving the 
 vessel, December 7, Dorothy, the 
 wife of William Bradford, who was^ 
 one of the party in the shallop, 
 fell overboard, and was drowned. 
 See Prince, p. 165. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 OF THEIR LANDING AND SETTLING AT NEW PLYMOUTH. 
 
 On the 15th day we weighed anchor to go to the chap, 
 place we had discovered ; and coming within two ^^v^^ 
 leagues of the land, we could not fetch the harbour, but 162 0. 
 
 . Dec. 
 
 were fain to put round^ again towards Cape Cod, our 15. 
 course lying west, and the wind was at northwest. 
 But it pleased God that the next day, being Saturday 
 the 16th day, the wind came fair, and we put to sea 16. 
 again, and came safely into a safe harbour ; and within 
 half an hour the wind changed, so as if we had been 
 letted but a little, we had gone back to Cape Cod. 
 
 This harbour is a bay greater than Cape Cod, com- 
 passed with a goodly land ; and in the bay two fine 
 islands,^ uninhabited, wherein are nothing but w^oods, 
 
 ' In the original, ronme ; raani- ber 6, 1635, two shallops going, 
 
 festly an error of the press. laden with goods, to Connecticut, 
 
 ^ Clark's island is now the only were taken with an easterly storm, 
 island in Plymouth harbour. It andcast away upon Brown's island, 
 has sometimes been supposed that near the Gurnet's Nose, and the 
 a shoal, called Brown's island, men all drowned." Dr. Freeman^ 
 which lies near the entrance of the in his note on this place, considers 
 harbour, about half a mile east by this passage as confirming the sup- 
 north of Beach point, was above position. But Morton, in record- 
 water at the time the Pilgrims ing the same event in his Memo- 
 arrived. Gov. Winthrop, in his rial, p. 182, says, " the night being 
 History of New England, i. 169, dark and stormy, they ran upon 
 has the following record: "Octo- a skirt of a Jlai that lieth near 
 
164 
 
 PLYxMOUTH HARBOUR. 
 
 CHAP, oaks, pines, walnuts, beech, sassafras, vines, and other 
 -^^v-^ trees * which we know not. This bay is a most hope- 
 162 0. fui place; innumerable store of fowl,^ and excellent 
 
 good ; and cannot but be of fish in their seasons ; 
 
 skate, cod, turbot,^ and herring, we have tasted of; 
 
 abundance of muscles, the greatest and best that ever 
 
 we saw ; crabs and lobsters,^ in their time, infinite. 
 
 It is in fashion like a sickle, or fish-hook.^ 
 jg^' Monday, the 18th day, we went a land,^ manned 
 
 the mouth of the harbour." This 
 seems conclusive of the point that 
 Brown's island was then under 
 water. The other island I suppose 
 was Saquish, which, although a 
 peninsula, very much resembles an 
 island, and may very naturally 
 have been mistaken for one ; or at 
 that time the water may have 
 flowed across the narrow neck 
 which now unites it with the Gur- 
 net, and completely isolated it. 
 Oldmixon, i. 30, commits an egre- 
 gious blunder when he states, that 
 " the harbour (Plymouth) was a 
 bay larger than Cape Cod, and two 
 fine islands, Rhode Island and 
 Elizabeth Island, in it !" 
 
 ' The only forest trees now on 
 Clark's island are three red cedars, 
 which appear to be very old, and 
 are decaying. This wood was the 
 original growth of the island, a 
 tree which loves the vicinity of 
 rocks, which abound here. A few 
 years since, the present proprietor 
 of the island, whilst digging out 
 some large roots on its margin, 
 found a number of acorns four feet 
 beneath the surface. Blackberry 
 vines are still found there. On 
 Saquish there is one solitary tree, 
 which has weathered the storms of 
 ages. In 1815 there were two. 
 In earlier times the town forbade 
 felling trees at Saquish within 40 
 feet of the bank. See Mass. Hist. 
 Coll. xiii. 182. 
 
 ^ Wild fowl are yet abundant in 
 Plymouth harbour. 
 
 ^ Skate and cod are still caught 
 here. The European turbot, it is 
 well known, is not found in our 
 waters. The first settlers probably 
 gave this name to the flounder or 
 small halibut. See Siorer'sPteport 
 on the Fishes of Massachusetts, 
 pp. 140, 145, 146. Higginson, in 
 his New-England's Plantalion,enu- 
 merates the turbot among other 
 fish. T. Morton, in his New Eng- 
 lish Canaan, ch. vii. says, " there 
 is a large-sized fish, called halibut, 
 or turbot; some are taken so big 
 that two men have much ado to 
 haul them into the boat." Wood, 
 ch. ix. says, "the halibut is not 
 much unlike a plaice or turbot, 
 some being two yards long, and 
 one wide, and a foot thick." And 
 Josselyn, p. 26, says, "some will 
 have the halibut and turbot all 
 one; others distinguish them; there 
 is no question to be made of it but 
 that they are distinct kinds of fish." 
 The turbot and plaice are very 
 much alike in appearance. See 
 the figures of them in Yarrell's 
 British Fishes, i. 209, 233. 
 
 ■* There are muscles in Plymouth, 
 but generally small, and clams; 
 the Journal probably refers to the 
 latter. Crabs and lobsters are very 
 abundant in the summer season. 
 
 * The form of Plymouth Bay, 
 which includes Kingston and Dux- 
 bury harbours, is accurately de- 
 scribed. 
 
 ® The words " in the long-boat" 
 seem to be omitted. 
 
THE TREES AND PLANTS OF PLYMOUTH. 
 
 165 
 
 with the master of the ship and three or four of the chap. 
 
 X 
 
 sailors. We marched along the coast in the woods -^v-^ 
 some seven or eight miles, ^ but saw not an Indian nor 16 20. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 an Indian house ; only we found where formerly had is. 
 been some inhabitants, and where they had planted 
 their corn. We found not any navigable river, but 
 four or five small running brooks - of very sweet 
 fresh water, that all run into the sea. The land for 
 the crust of the earth is, a spit's depth,^ excellent black 
 mould, and fat in some places ; "* two or three great 
 oaks, but not very thick, pines, walnuts, beech, ash, 
 birch, hazel, holly, asp, sassafras in abundance, and 
 vines ^ every where, cherry trees, plum trees, and many 
 others which we know not.*^ Many kinds of herbs we 
 found here in winter, as strawberry leaves innumera- 
 ble, sorrel, yarrow, carvel, brooklime, liverwort, water- 
 
 ' Which ever way the travellers 
 went, they could not have walked 
 seven miles ; because northwest, 
 at the distance of four miles, they 
 would have come to Jones's river 
 in Kingston, and southeast, at the 
 distance of three miles, to Eel 
 river. These rivers, though not 
 large, cannot be denominated 
 brooks. F. 
 
 "^ North of the village, towards 
 Kingston, there are five brooks, 
 which were named by the original 
 planters First Brook, Second Brook, 
 &c. in order, beginning from the 
 town. Half a mile south of the 
 village is Wellingsly Brook, by 
 the side of which dwelt Secretary 
 Morton. Double Brook, or Shingle 
 Brook of the first settlers, runs 
 northerly by the post road to Sand- 
 wich, and unites with Eel river. 
 Beaver Dam Brook is in the village 
 of Manomet Ponds. Indian Brook 
 is still further south on the shore. 
 See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 178, and 
 Thacher's Plymouth, p. 322. 
 
 ^ See note ' on page 123. 
 
 ■* This is an exact description of 
 a strip of land, between the hills 
 and the sea-shore, where the gar- 
 dens now are. The soil too is 
 good on Clark's Island, Saquish, 
 and the Gurnet. 
 
 3 The wild grape, both white 
 and red, the blackberry and the ■ 
 raspberry, are found here now. 
 
 * All the trees here enumerated 
 are now found in Plymouth. The 
 asp, or aspen, was probably our 
 native poplar. The beach, about 
 three miles long, which lies in 
 front of the village, extending from 
 Eel river, N. N. West, and pro- 
 tecting the harbour, was originally 
 well wooded. Towards the north- 
 ern part, till 1770, it was quite 
 thickly covered with trees. The 
 inner side of the beach was cover- 
 ed with plum and wild-cherry 
 trees, and the swamp with large 
 pitch pine and beech wood. Beech 
 plums, wild gooseberries, and white 
 grapes were found here in great 
 quantities in their proper season. 
 See a list of the trees, in Mass. 
 
166 JONES'S RIVER, IN KINGSTON. 
 
 CHAP, cresses, great store of leeks and onions,^ and an excel- 
 — ^ — lent strong kind of flax and hemp.^ Here is sand, 
 16 20. gravel, and excellent claj, no better in the world, ex- 
 cellent for pots, and will wash like soap, and great 
 store of stone,^ though somewhat soft, and the best 
 water ^ that ever we drunk; and the brooks now begin 
 to be full of fish.^ That night, many being weary 
 with marching, we went aboard again. 
 Dec. The next morning, being Tuesday, the 19th of De- 
 cember, we went again to discover further ; some went 
 on land, and some in the shallop. The land we found 
 as the former day we did ; and we found a creek, and 
 went up three English miles, a very pleasant river ^ at 
 full sea. A bark of thirty tons may go up ; but at low 
 water scarce our shallop could pass. This place we 
 had a great liking to plant in, but that it was so far 
 from our fishing, our principal profit, and so encom- 
 passed with woods, that we should be in much danger 
 of the salvages ; and our number being so little, and 
 so much ground to clear ; so as we thought good to 
 
 Hist. Coll. xiii. 165, 172, 206; * Plymouth is abundantly sup- 
 
 Thacher's Plymouth, p. 328. plied with springs and brooks of 
 
 ' These were probably the alii- excellent water. F. See p. 129. 
 
 urn- Canadcnse. * Some years since, before the 
 
 ' The Indian hemp {afocynum Town Brook was obstructed, tom- 
 
 cannabinum.) Wood says, ch. 5, cods were abundant in December; 
 
 " this land likewise affords hemp eels and smelts enter the brooks in 
 
 and flax naturally;" and Captain autumn. 
 
 John Smith mentions " a kind or ^ This was Jones's river, in 
 
 two of flax, wherewith they make Kingston, so called, it is supposed, 
 
 nets, lines and ropes, both small by the Pilgrims, in compliment to 
 
 and great, very strong for their the Captain of the Mayflower ; 
 
 quantities." T. Morton too, says, which they would not have done 
 
 ch. 2, "there is hemp, that natu- had they entertained any doubt of 
 
 rally groweth, finer than our hemp his fidelity. Jones's river parish 
 
 of England." See Mass. Hist, was set off from Plymouth in 1717, 
 
 Coll. xxvi. 120. and incorporated in 1726, as the 
 
 ' The sand, gravel and clny are town of Kingston. See note ^ on 
 
 aptly described. There is not p. 13S, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 
 
 much stone at Plymouth ; a few 208 and 217. 
 bowlders of sienite. 
 
20. 
 
 THEY CONCLUDE TO BUILD ON THE BANK. 167 
 
 quit and ' clear that place till we were of more strength, chap. 
 Some of us, having a good mind, for safety, to plant — v^^ 
 in the greater isle, we crossed the bay, which is there 1620. 
 five or six miles over, and found the isle about a mile 
 and a half or two miles about,^ all wooded, and no 
 fresh water but two or three pits, that we doubted of 
 fresh water in summer, and so full of wood as we could 
 hardly clear so much as to serve us for corn. Besides, 
 we Judged it cold for our corn, and some part very 
 rocky ; yet divers thought of it as a place defensible, 
 and of great security. That night we returned again 
 a shipboard, with resolution the next morning to settle 
 on some of those places. 
 
 So in the morning, after we had called on God for Dec. 
 direction, we came to this resolution, to go presently 
 ashore again, and to take a better view of two places 
 which we thought most fitting for us ; for we could 
 not now take time for further search or consideration, 
 our victuals being much spent, especially our beer, and 
 it being now the 19th of December. After our land- 
 ing and viewing of the places, so well as we could, 
 we came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the 
 main land, on the first place, on a high ground,^ where 
 there is a great deal of land cleared, and hath been 
 planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there 
 is a very sweet brook* runs under the hill side, and 
 many delicate springs of as good water as can be 
 drunk, and where we may harbour our shallops and 
 boats exceeding well ; and in this brook much good 
 
 ' I think the word not is here * Now called Town brook. It 
 accidentally omitted. issues from a pond called Billing- 
 
 * See note ' on page 160. ton Sea. F. 
 
 ' On the bank, facing the har- 
 bour. 
 
168 RAINY AND TEMPESTUOUS WEATHER. 
 
 CHAP, fish in their seasons : on the further side of the river 
 
 X. 
 
 — ^ — also much corn-ground cleared.' In one field is a 
 16 20. great hill,^ on which we point to make a platform, and 
 plant our ordnance, which will command all round 
 about. From thence we may see into the bay, and 
 far into the sea ; and we may see thence Cape Cod.^ 
 Our greatest labor will be fetching of our wood, which 
 is half a quarter of an English mile ; but there is enough 
 so far off. What people inhabit here we yet know not, 
 for as yet we have seen none. So there we made our 
 rendezvous, and a place for some of our people, about 
 twenty, resolving in the morning to come all ashore 
 and to build houses. 
 Dec. But the next morning, being Thursday, the 21st of 
 December, it was stormy and wet, that we could not 
 go ashore ; and those that remained there all night 
 could do nothing, but were wet, not having daylight 
 enough to make them a sufficient court of guard, to 
 keep them dry. All that night it blew and rained 
 extremely. It was so tempestuous that the shallop 
 could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had 
 no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock the shallop 
 went off with much ado with provision, but could not 
 return, it blew so strong ; and was such foul weather 
 that we were forced to let fall our anchor, and ride 
 with three anchors ahead. "^ 
 ^^' Friday, the 22d, the storm still continued, that we 
 
 ' On the spot now called the Duxbury, and the shores of the bay 
 
 Training Green. for miles around, is unrivalled by 
 
 2 The Burial Hill, rising 165 feet any sea-view in the country, 
 
 above the level of the sea, and co- ^ In a clear day the white sand 
 
 vering about eight acres. The hills of Provincetown may be dis- 
 
 view from this eminence, embrac- tinctly seen from this hill, 
 
 ing the harbour, the beach, the '' "Dec. 21, dies Richard Britte- 
 
 Gurnet, Manomet Point, Clark's rige, the first who dies in this har- 
 
 island, Saquish, Captain's Hill in bour." Bradford, in Prince, p. 168. 
 
THEY CUT TIMBER FOR BUILDING. 169 
 
 could not get a land, nor they come to us aboard, chap. 
 This morning goodwife Alderton ^ was delivered of a ^^v--- 
 son, but dead born. 16 20. 
 
 Saturday, the 23d, so many of us as could went on Dec. 
 shore, felled and carried timber, to provide themselves ^"^^ 
 stuff for building. 
 
 Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry 24. 
 of some savages, as they thought, which caused an 
 alarm and to stand on their guard, expecting an 
 assault ; but all was quiet.^ 
 
 Monday, the 25th day, we went on shore, some to 25. 
 fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to 
 carry ; ^ so no man rested all that day. But, towards 
 night, some, as they were at work, heard a noise of 
 some Indians, which caused us all to go to our mus- 
 kets ; but we heard no further. So we came aboard 
 again, and left some twenty to keep the court of guard. 
 That night we had a sore storm of wind and rain. 
 
 Monday, the 25th, being Christmas day, we began 
 to drink water aboard. But at night the master_caused 
 us to have some beer ; and so on board we had divers 
 times now and then some beer, but on shore none at 
 all. 
 
 Tuesday, the 26th, it was foul weather, that \xc 26. 
 could not go ashore. 
 
 Wednesday, the 27th, we went to work again. 27. 
 
 Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could 28. 
 went to work on the hill, where we purposed to build 
 
 ' This was the second child born. ' Bradford adds, in his History, 
 
 Its father was Isaac AUerton. " they begin to erect the first 
 
 ^ " Dec. 24, this day dies Solo- house, about twenty foot square, 
 
 mon Martin, the sixth and last who for their common use, to receive 
 
 dies this month." Bradford, in them and their goods." See Prince, 
 
 Prince, p. 168. He must have p. 168. 
 been a sod of Christopher Martin. 
 
 22 
 
170 HOUSE LOTS LAID OUT. 
 
 CHAP, our platform for our ordnance/ and which doth com- 
 
 X 
 
 ^--v^ mand all the plain and the bay, and from whence we 
 16 20. may see far into the sea,^ and might be easier impaled, 
 having two rows of houses and a fair street. So in the 
 afternoon we went to measure out the grounds, and 
 first we took notice how many families there were, 
 willing all single men that had no wives to join with 
 some family, as they thought fit, that so we might 
 build hnver houses ; which was done, and we reduced 
 them to nineteen families. To greater families we 
 allotted larger plots ; ^ to every i)erson half a pole in 
 breadth, and three in length ; and so lots were cast 
 where every man should lie ; which was done, and 
 staked out. We thought this proportion was large 
 enough at the first, for houses and gardens to impale 
 them round, considering the weakness of our people, 
 many of them growing ill with colds ; for our former 
 discoveries in frost and storms, and the wading at Cape 
 Cod had brought much weakness amongst us, which 
 increased so every day more and more, and after was 
 the cause of many of their deaths. 
 Dec. Friday and Saturday we fitted ourselves for our la- 
 3q' bor ; but our people on shore were much troubled and 
 discouraged with rain and wet that day, being very 
 stormy and cold. We saw great smokes of fire made 
 by the Indians, about six or seven miles from us, as 
 we conjectured.'* 
 
 ' Vestises of this fortification ^ The single lots were S.i feet 
 
 are still visihle on the Burial hill, front by 49^ in depth. 
 
 See Holnif?s's Annals, i. 163. " "Here," says Prince, p. 169, 
 
 ^ I think there is something " Governor Bradford ends his First 
 
 omitted here. The house-lots were Book, containing ten Chapters, in 
 
 not laid out on the hill, but in front fifty-three pages folio." I conceive 
 
 of it, on Leyden-street, which runs that much of this Relation is in 
 
 from the Town Square to Water- substance, and often in language, 
 
 street. Gov. Bradford's History. 
 
STANDISH GOES IN SEARCH OF THE INDIANS. 171 
 
 Monday, the 1st of January, we went betimes to chap. 
 work. We were much hindered in lying so far off-^-^- 
 from the land, and fain to go as the tide served, that I62i. 
 we lost much time ; for our ship drew so much water i. 
 that she lay a mile and almost a halfofif,^ though a ship 
 of seventy or eighty tons at high water may come to 
 the shore. 
 
 Wednesday, the 3d of January, some of our people 3. 
 being abroad to get and gather thatch, they saw great 
 fires of the Indians ; and were at their corn-fields, yet 
 saw none of the savages, nor had seen any of them 
 since we came to this bay. 
 
 Thursday, the 4th of January, Captain Miles Stand- 4. 
 ish, with four or five more, went to see if they could 
 meet with any of the savages in that place where the 
 fires were made. They went to some of their houses, 
 but not lately inhabited ; yet could they not meet with 
 any. As they came home, they shot at an eagle and 
 killed her, which was excellent meat ; it was hardly to 
 be discerned from mutton. 
 
 Friday, the 5th of January, one of the sailors found 5, 
 alive upon the shore a herring, which the master had 
 to his supper ; which put us in hope of fish, but as yet 
 we had got but one cod ; we wanted small hooks. ^ 
 
 Saturday, the 6th of January, Master Marten was 6. 
 very sick, and, to our judgment, no hope of life. So 
 Master Carver was sent for to come aboard to speak 
 
 ' Being a vessel of ISO tons, she gory Priest." Bradford, in Prince, 
 
 probably anchored in the Cow p. 182. 
 
 Yard, an anchorage near Clark's " This was a singular oversight, 
 
 island, which takes its name from If they had had fish-hooks, they 
 
 a cow whale which once came into could hardly have suffered so much 
 
 it, and was there killed. See for want of food. Winslow, in his 
 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 182, and Good News from New England, 
 
 Thacher'sPlymouth,p.331.— "The says they wanted "fit and strong 
 
 year begins with the death of De- seines and other netting." 
 
172 DISCOVERY OF BILLINGTON SEA. 
 
 CHAP, with him about his accounts ; who came the next 
 
 X. 
 
 mornmg. 
 
 Monday, the 8th of January, was a very fair day, 
 and we went betimes to work. Master Jones sent 
 the shallop, as he had formerly done, to see where fish 
 could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and 
 were in some danger. At night they returned with 
 three great seals,* and an excellent good cod, which 
 did assure us that we sliould have plenty of fish shortly. 
 
 This day Francis Billington, having the week before 
 seen from the top of a tree on a high hill a great sea,^ 
 as he thought, went with one of the master's mates to 
 see it. They went three miles and then came to a 
 great water, divided into two great lakes ; the bigger 
 of them five or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle of 
 a cable length square ; the other three miles in com- 
 pass, in their estimation. They are fine fresh water, 
 full of fish and fowl. A brook'' issues from it ; it will 
 be an excellent place for us in time. They found 
 seven or eight Indian houses, but not lately inhabited. 
 
 ' Seals still haunt the harbour of margin. See page 149, and Mass. 
 
 Plymouth and the Bay of Cape Cod. Hist. Coll. xiii. 181, and Thacher's 
 
 * The beautiful pond, so accu- Plymouth, p. .S20. 
 rately described in the text, bears ^ Town Brook. It passes through 
 the appropriate name of Billington the town, and empties into the 
 Sea. In the first century it was harbour a little south of Forefathers' 
 called Fresh Lake. It is about rock. It has proved an "excellent 
 two miles southwest from the place" indeed, its stream supplying 
 town, proving that the distances in an unfailing water power for nu- 
 this Relation are overstated ; and in merous manufactories. In 1636, it 
 it are two small islands. It is now, was " concluded upon by the Court, 
 as at first, embosomed in a wilder- that Mr. John Jenney shall have 
 ness of woods. The eagle still liberty to erect a mill for grinding 
 sails over it, and builds in the and beating of corn upon the brook 
 branches of the surrounding forest, of Plymouth." Before the brook 
 Here the loon cries, and leaves her was so much impeded by dams, 
 eggs on the shore of ihe smaller vast quantities of alewives passed 
 island. Here too the beautiful up through it annually to Billington 
 wood-duck finds a sequestered re- Sea. In a single season SOO bar- 
 treat; and the fallow deer, mindful rels have been taken. See Thach- 
 of their ancient haunts, still resort er's Plymouth, p. 321, 332; Ply- 
 to it to drink and to browse on its mouth Colony Laws, p. 56. 
 
THEY BEGIN TO BUILD HOUSES. 
 
 173 
 
 When they saw the houses, they were in some fear ; chap. 
 for they were but two persons, and one piece. ^ v^-v-^ 
 
 ^ f^Tuesday, the 9th of January, was a reasonable fair 1621. 
 day ; and we went to labor that day in the building 9. 
 of our town, in two rows of houses, for more safety.^ 
 We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build 
 our town, after the proportion formerly allotted. We 
 agreed that every man should build his own house, 
 thinking by that course men would make more haste 
 than working in common.^ The common house,"* in 
 which for the first we made our rendezvous, being 
 hear finished, wanted only covering, it being about 
 twenty foot square. Some should make mortar, and 
 some gather thatch ; so that in four days half of it was 
 thatched. Frost and foul weather hindered us much.^ 
 
 ' " Jan. 8, this day dies Mr. Chris- 
 topher Martin." Bradford, in 
 Prince, p. 182. He was the ninth 
 signer of the Compact, and one of 
 the few distinguished with the title 
 of Mr. He was not one of the 
 Leyden church, but came from Bil- 
 lerica, in Essex, and was associated 
 with Cushman and Carver to pro- 
 vide means for the voyage. He 
 brought his wife and two children, 
 with him, one of whom, Solomon, 
 died Dec. 24. See pages 78 and 
 169. 
 
 ^ The houses were built on each 
 side of Leyden street, which ex- 
 tends from the First Church to the 
 harbour. The first entry in the 
 records of Plymouth Colony is an 
 incomplete list of " The Meersteads 
 and Garden-plotes of those which 
 came first, layed out, 1620." Ed- 
 ward Winslow, in his Letter at the 
 end of this Ptelation, says, "We 
 have built seven dwelling-houses, 
 and four for the use of the planta- 
 tion." The highway led to the 
 Town Brook. 
 
 The J\''orih Side. 
 
 The South Side. 
 
 Peter Brown. 
 John Goodman. 
 Mr. Brewster. 
 
 Highway. 
 
 Jclin Billington. 
 Mr. Isaac Allerton. 
 Francis Cooke. 
 Edward Winslow. 
 
 See Hazard's State Papers, i. 100. 
 
 ^ See note ' on page 84. 
 
 ■• On the spot where it is sup- 
 posed the common house stood, in 
 digging a cellar, in 1801, there 
 were discovered sundry tools and a 
 plate of iron, seven feet below the 
 surface of the ground. F. 
 
 ^ Providentially it was a very 
 mild winter. See page 105. The 
 ice often remains in the harbour 
 from Christmas to March ; but at 
 this time it appears not to have 
 been frozen. In Dec. of 1831 and 
 1834 the harbour and shores were 
 an expanse of ice and snow, and 
 the thermometer several degrees 
 
174 FOUR MEN SENT TO CUT THATCH. 
 
 CHAP. This time of the year seldom could we work half the 
 week. 
 
 Thursday, the 11th, William Bradford being at 
 work, (for it was a fair day,) was vehemently taken 
 with a grief and pain, and so shot to his huckle-bone,^ it 
 was doubted that he would have instantly died. He 
 got cold in the former discoveries, especially the last ; 
 and felt some pain in his ankles by times ; but he grew 
 a little better towards night, and in time, through God's 
 mercy in the use of means, recovered. 
 12. Friday the 12th we went to work ; but about noon 
 it began to rain, that it forced us to give over work. 
 
 This day two of our people put us in great sorrow 
 and care. There was four sent to gather and cut 
 thatch in the morning ; and two of them, John Good- 
 man and Peter Browne,^ having cut thatch all the fore- 
 noon, went to a further place, and willed the other 
 two to bind up that which was cut, and to follow them. 
 So they did, being about a mile and a half from our 
 jDlantation. But when the two came after, they could 
 not find them, nor hear any thing of them at all, though 
 they hallooed and shouted as loud as they could. So 
 they returned to the company, and told them of it. 
 Whereupon Master Carver,^ and three or four more 
 
 below zero. Had it been so when cattle in 1627, with Martha and 
 
 the Pilgrims landed, they must Mary Brown, the former of whom 
 
 have perished from cold. See was probably his wife, and the lat- 
 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 196, and ter his daughter. 
 
 Thacher's Plymouth, p. 27. ^ In the original, Leaver ; un- 
 
 Hip-bone. questionably a typographical error. 
 
 "X 
 
 ' Goodman and Brown both had There is no such name as Leaver 
 
 lots assigned them in Leyden-street, among the signers of the Compact, 
 
 in 1620. Nothing more is known and it is not at all probable that 
 
 of Goodman, except that he died one of the ship's crew would be 
 
 before the end of March. Brown distinguished by the title of Mr. 
 
 had also an acre assigned him in or be sent on such an errand, 
 
 the division of the lands in 1623, This error escaped the acute obser- 
 
 and a share in the division of the vation of Prince, who copies the 
 
TWO OF THEM LOST IN THE WOODS. 175 
 
 went to seek them ; but could Jiear nothing of them. chap. 
 
 X 
 
 So they returning, sent more ; but that night thej ^^v— 
 could hear nothing at all of them. The next day 1^21. 
 they armed ten or twelve men out, verily thinking 12. 
 the Indians had surprised them. They went seeking 
 seven or eight miles ; but could neither see nor hear 
 any thing at all. So they returned, with much dis- 
 comfort to us all. 
 
 These two that were missed at dinner time, took 
 their meat in their hands, and would go walk and re- 
 fresh themselves. So going a little off, they find a 
 lake of water,^ and having a great mastiff bitch with 
 them and a spaniel, by the water side they found a 
 great deer.^ The dogs chased him ; and they followed 
 so far as they lost themselves, and they could not find 
 the way back. They wandered all that afternoon, 
 being wet; and at night it did freeze and snow. They 
 were slenderly apparelled, and had no weapons but 
 each one his sickle, nor any victuals. They ranged 
 up and down and could find none of the salvages' habi- 
 tations. When it drew to night, they were much per- 
 
 passage, p. 1S3. Edward Wins- ' Probably Murdock's Pond, 
 
 low, at the end of his Preface to the about half a mile from the village, 
 
 Reader in his Good News from in the rear of Burial hill. It is a 
 
 New England, says, "some faults deep, round pond. A brook, called 
 
 have escaped because I could not Little Brook, issues from it, and 
 
 attend on the press." This pro- crossing the west road, unites with 
 
 bably was also the case with this Town brook. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
 
 Relation. It was sent over to xiii. 181, and Thacher's Plymouth, 
 
 George Morton, who not being in p. 320. 
 
 London, where it was printed, did ^ The fallow deer still run in the 
 
 not correct the printed sheets. He extensive woods of Plymouth, a 
 
 probably put it into the hands of district of country nearly twenty 
 
 one of the merchant adventurers, miles square. In Jan. 1831, 160 
 
 who got it printed. It is not sur- were killed and 40 taken alive. In 
 
 prising that some mistakes should Feb. 1839, a deer chased by the 
 
 have been made by the printer in dogs, came into the streets of the 
 
 deciphering the MS. Sec note on village, and was caught in the front 
 
 page 113. This will account for yard of the Hon. N. M. Davis's 
 
 Morton's name, as well as Carver's, house. See Thacher's Plymouth, 
 
 being misspelt. p. 314. 
 
176 
 
 ROARING OF LIONS. 
 
 CHAP, plexed ; for they could find neither harbour nor meat ; 
 — ^^ but, in frost and snow, were forced to make the earth 
 1621. xI^qIy ]jq^ ^ij(J ii^Q. element their covering. And another 
 thing did very much terrify them ; they heard, as they 
 thought, two lions ^ roaring exceedingly for a long time 
 together, and a third that they thought was very near 
 them. So not knowing what to do, they resolved to 
 climb up into a tree, as their safest refuge, though that 
 would prove an intolerable cold lodging. So they 
 stood at the tree's root, that when the lions came, they 
 might take their opportunity of climbing up. The 
 bitch they were fain to hold by the neck, for she would 
 have been gone to the lion. But it pleased God so to 
 dispose, that the wild beasts came not. So they 
 walked up and down under the tree all night. It was 
 an extreme cold night. So soon as it was light, they 
 travelled again, passing by many lakes ^ and brooks 
 
 Jan 
 13. 
 
 > Several of the first settlers of 
 New England supposed that the 
 lion existed here. Higfjinson, in 
 liis New-England's Prospect, says, 
 " for beasts, there are some bears, 
 and they say some lions also ; for 
 they have been seen at Cape Ann." 
 Wood, in his New-England's Pros- 
 pect, ch. 6, says, " concerning lions 
 I will not say that I ever saw any 
 myself; but some affirm that they 
 have seen a lion at Cape Ann. 
 Some likewise being lost in the 
 woods, have heard such terrible 
 roarings, as have made ihem much 
 aghast : which must be either de- 
 vils or lions ; there being no other 
 creatures which use to roar, saving 
 bears, which have not such a terri- 
 ble kind of roaring." Josselyn, in 
 his New-England's Rarities, p. 21, 
 says, " the jackal is a creature that 
 hunts the lion's prey, a shrewd sign 
 that there are lions upon the conti- 
 nent. There are those that are 
 yet living in the country that do 
 constantly affirm, that about 36 or 
 
 37 years since, an Indian shot a 
 young lion, sleeping upon the body 
 of an oak blown up by the roots, 
 with an arrow, not far from Cape 
 Ann, and sold the skin to the Eng- 
 lish." Lechford, too, in his Plain 
 Dealing, p. 47, and Johnson, in his 
 Wonderworking Providence, b. ii. 
 ch. 21, mention the lion among the 
 beasts of New England. Vander- 
 donck also enumerates lions among 
 the wild animals of New Nether- 
 lands. But Morton, in his New 
 English Canaan, ch. 5, remarks, 
 " lions there are none in New Eng- 
 land ; it is contrary to the nature of 
 the beast to frequent places accus- 
 tomed to snow." Dr. Freeman ob- 
 serves, that Goodman and Brown, 
 coming from England, where both 
 the lion and the wolf are unknown, 
 might easily, under the impression 
 of fear, mistake the howling of the 
 one for the roaring of the other. 
 
 - Plymouth abounds with ponds, 
 that would be called lakes in Eng- 
 land. It is supposed that within 
 
THE COMMON HOUSE BURNT. 177 
 
 and woods, and in one place where the salvages had chap. 
 burnt the space of five miles in length, which is a fine -^ — 
 champaign country, and even.* In the afternoon, it ^ ^21. 
 pleased God from a high hill they discovered the two^ 
 isles in the bay, and so that night jjot to the plantation, 
 being ready to faint with travail and want of victuals, 
 and almost famished with cold. John Goodman was 
 fain to have his shoes cut off his feet, they were so 
 swelled with cold ; and it was a long while after ere 
 he was able to go. Those on the shore were much 
 comforted at their return ; but they on shipboard were 
 grieved at deeming them lost. 
 
 But the next day, being the 14th of January, in the Jan. 
 morning about six of the clock, the wind being very 
 great, they on shipboard spied their great new rendez- 
 vous on fire ; which was to them a new discomfort, 
 fearing, because of the supposed loss of the men, that 
 the salvages had fired them. Neither could they pre- 
 sently go to them, for want of water. But after three 
 quarters of an hour they went, as they had purposed 
 the day before to keep the Sabbath on shore,^ because 
 now there was the greater number of people. At their 
 landing they heard good tidings of the return of the 
 two men, and that the house was fired occasionally by 
 a spark that flew into the thatch, which instantly burnt 
 it all up ; but the roof stood, and litde hurt. The most 
 loss was Master Carver's and William Bradford's,** who 
 
 the bounds of the town there are bath which they kept on shore, 
 more than two hundred. See Prince, p. 169, adduces no authority- 
 Mass. Hist. CoU. xiii. 180, and for his assertion, that " the 31st of 
 Thaclier's Plymouth, p. 320. Dec. seems to be the first day that 
 ' A plain commences two miles any keep the sabbath in the place 
 from the town, and extends six of their building." 
 miles southwest. F. " The omission of Mr. before 
 * See note ^ on page 163. Bradford's name in this place, and 
 ^ This seems to be the first sab- on pages 126, 136, and elsewhere, 
 
 23 
 
178 A SHED BUILT FOR THE PROVISIONS. 
 
 CHAP, then lay sick in bed, and if they had not risen with 
 
 -^■^^^ good speed, had been blown up with powder ; but, 
 
 16 21. through God's mercy, they had no harm. The house 
 
 was as full of beds as they could lie one by another, 
 
 and their muskets charged ; but, blessed be God, there 
 
 was no harm done. 
 
 Jan. Monday, the 15th day, it rained much all day, that 
 
 they on shipboard could not go on shore, nor they on 
 
 shore do any labor, but were all wet. 
 
 Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very fair, 
 sunshiny days, as if it had been in April ; and our 
 people, so many as were in health, wrought cheerfully. 
 19. The 19th day we resolved to make a shed to put 
 our common provision in, of which some were already 
 set on shore ; but at noon it rained, that we could not 
 work. This day, in the evening, John Goodman went 
 abroad to use his lame feet, that were pitifully ill with 
 the cold he had got, having a little spaniel with him. 
 A little way from the plantation two great wolves ran 
 after the dog ; the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs 
 for succour. He had nothing in his hand, but took up 
 a stick and threw at one of them and hit him, and they 
 presently ran both away, but came again. He got a 
 pale-board in his hand ; and they sat both on their tails 
 grinning at him a good while ; and went their way and 
 left him. 
 
 20- Saturday, 20th, we made up our shed for our com- 
 mon goods. 
 
 21- Sunday, the 21st, we kept our meeting on land. 
 
 22- Monday, the 22d, was a fair day. We wrought on 
 
 whilst il is prefixed to the names this Relation was written hy Brad- 
 
 of persons unquestionably his infe- ford. If any other person had been 
 
 riors, as Mr. Christopher Martin, the author, he would have prefixed 
 
 p, 171, is a strong presumption that Mr. to Bradford's name.^ 
 
COLD, FROSTY WEATHER. 179 
 
 our houses ; and in the afternoon carried up our hogs- chap. 
 heads of meal to our common storehouse. The rest of — v-^- 
 the week we followed our business likewise. 1621. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Monday, the 29th, in the morning, cold, frost, and 29. 
 sleet ; but after reasonable fair. Both the long-boat 
 and the shallop brought our common goods on shore. ^ 
 
 Tuesday and Wednesday, 30th and 31st of January, 30,31. 
 cold, frosty weather and sleet, that we could not work. 
 In the morning, the master and others saw two sava- 
 ges, that had been on the island near our ship. What 
 they came for we could not tell. They were going ^ 
 so far back again before they were descried, that we 
 could not speak with them. 
 
 Sunday, the 4th of February, was very wet and Feb. 
 rainy, with the greatest gusts of wind that ever we had 
 since we came forth ; that though we rid in a very 
 good harbour, yet we were in danger, because our 
 ship was light, the goods taken out, and she unbal- 
 lasted ; and it caused much daubing ^ of our houses to 
 fall down. 
 
 Friday, the 9th, still the cold weather continued, 9- 
 that we could do little work. That afternoon, our lit- 
 tle house for our sick people was set on fire by a spark 
 that kindled in the roof ; but no great harm was done. 
 That evening, the master going ashore, killed five 
 geese, which he friendly distributed among the sick 
 people. He found also a good deer killed. The 
 savages had cut off the horns, and a wolf was eating 
 of him. How he came there we could not conceive. 
 
 ' " Jan. 29, dies Rose, the wife ' Their houses were probably 
 of Captain Standish. N. B. This log-huts, thatched, and the inter- 
 rnonth ciglit of our number die." slices filled with clay. 
 Bradford, in Prince, p. 184. 
 
 * Probably a typographical error 
 for eone. 
 
180 TWO INDIANS MAKE THEIR APPEARANCE. 
 
 CHAP. Friday, the 16th, was a fair day; but the northerly 
 •^v-^ wind continued, which continued the frost. This day, 
 1621. after noon, one of our people being a fowling, and hav- 
 
 16. ing taken a stand by a creek side in the reeds, about a 
 mile and a half from our plantation, there came by him 
 twelve Indians, marching towards our plantation, and 
 in the woods he heard the noise of many more. He 
 lay close till they were passed, and then with what 
 speed he could he went home and gave the alarm. So 
 the people abroad in the woods returned and armed 
 themselves, but saw none of them ; only, toward the 
 evening, they made a great fire about the place where 
 they were first discovered. Captain Miles Standish 
 and Francis Cooke being at work in the woods, com- 
 ing home left their tools behind them ; but before they 
 returned, their tools were taken away by the savages. 
 This coming of the savages gave us occasion to keep 
 more strict watch, and to make our pieces and furni- 
 ture ready, which by the moisture and rain were out 
 of temper. 
 
 17. Saturday, the 17th day, in the morning, we called 
 a meeting for the establishing of military orders among 
 ourselves ; and we chose Miles Standish our captain, 
 and gave him authority of command in affairs. And 
 as we were in consultation hereabouts, two savages 
 presented themselves upon the top of a hill,^ over 
 against our plantation, about a quarter of a mile and 
 less, and made signs unto us to come unto them ; we 
 likewise made signs unto them to come to us. Where- 
 upon we armed ourselves and stood ready, and sent 
 
 * Watson's Hill, called by the levelled in 1814, Indian relics of 
 
 first settlers Strawberry Hill. The various kinds were found. See 
 
 Indian name was Cantaugcanteest. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 177. 
 When the summit of the hill was 
 
THE ARTILLERY PLANTED ON THE HILL. 181 
 
 two over the brook^ towards them, to wit, Captain chap. 
 Standish and Steven Hopkins,^ who went towards ^^^^ 
 them. Only one of them had a musket, which they 1621. 
 laid down on the ground in their sight, in sign of 
 peace, and to parley with them. But the savages 
 would not tarry their coming. A noise of a great 
 many more was heard behind the hill ; but no more 
 came in sight. This caused us to plant our great 
 ordnances in places most convenient. 
 
 Wednesday, the 21st of February,^ the master came Feb. 
 on shore, with many of his sailors, and brought with 
 him one of the great pieces, called a minion,* and 
 helped us to draw it up the hill, with another piece 
 that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a sailer, and 
 two bases. He brought with him a very fat goose to 
 eat with us, and we had a fat crane and a mallard, 
 and a dried neat's tongue ; and so we were kindly 
 and friendly together. 
 
 Saturday, the 3d of March, the wind was south, the Mar. 
 morning misty, but towards noon warm and fair 
 weather. The birds sang in the woods most plea- 
 santly. At one of the clock it thundered, which was 
 
 ' The Town Brook. See note* Morton, in his Memorial, p. 50, as 
 
 on page 172. " a man pious and well deserving, 
 
 ^ See note ^ on page 126. endowed also with a considerable 
 
 * " February 21. Die Mr. Wil- outward estate ; and had it been 
 
 liam While, Mr. William Mullins, the will of God that he had sur- 
 
 with two more; and the 25th dies vived, might have proved a useful 
 
 Mary,the wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton. instrument in his place." 
 
 N. B. This month seventeen of our ■• The minion was a piece of 
 
 number die." Bradford, in Prince, ordnance, the bore of which was 
 
 p. 184. Mullins and White were 3 1-4 inches diameter. The saker 
 
 the 10th and 11th signers of the (for which sailer is probably a 
 
 Compact ; each of them brought misprint,) was a larger gun, the 
 
 his wife over, and each had three diameter of which at the bore 
 
 others, probably children, in his was from 3 1-2 to 4 inches; and 
 
 family. White was the father of the base was the smallest sort of 
 
 the 6rst child born in New Eng- artillery, the diameter of whose 
 
 land, as mentioned on page 148. bore was only 1 1-4 inch. See 
 
 William Mullins is described by Crabb's Univ. Tech. Diet. 
 
182 WELCOME, SAMOSET. 
 
 CHAP, the first we heard in that country. It was strong and 
 — '-^ great claps, but short ; but after an hour it rained very 
 16 21. sadly till midnight. 
 
 Mar. Wednesday, the 7th of March, the wind was full 
 east, cold, but fair. That day Master Carver, with 
 jfive others, went to the great ponds, ^ which seem to 
 be excellent fishing places. All the way they went 
 they found it exceedingly beaten, and haunted with 
 deer ; but they saw none. Amongst other fowl they 
 saw one, a milk-white fowl, with a very black head. 
 This day some garden seeds were sown. 
 16. Friday, the 16th, a fair warm day towards.^ This 
 morning we determined to conclude of the military 
 orders, which we had begun to consider of before, but 
 were interrupted by the savages, as we mentioned 
 formerly. And whilst we were busied hereabout, we 
 were interrupted again ; for there presented himself a 
 savage, which caused an alarm. He very boldly came 
 all alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendez- 
 vous ; where we intercepted him, not suffering him to 
 go in,"' as undoubtedly he would out of his boldness. 
 He saluted us in English, and bade us ^^ Welcome ;''^ for 
 he had learned some broken English among the Eng- 
 lishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon,^ and knew 
 by name the most of the captains, commanders, and 
 masters, that usually come.^ He was a man free in 
 
 ' Billington Sea. * Monhegan, an island on the 
 * Perhaps the word noon was coast of Maine, between the Ken- 
 here accidentally omitted. nebec and the Penobscot, and about 
 ' They were unwilling he should 12 miles distant from the shore. It 
 see how few and weak they were, was an early and favorite place of 
 They had already lost nearly half resort for the English fishermen. 
 of their number, and had the In- See Williamson's Maine, i. 61. 
 dians attacked them in their sickly ^ Seeing the Mayflower in the 
 and enfeebled state, they would harbour, he no doubt took her for a 
 have fallen an easy prey. fishing-vessel. This explains his 
 
DESCRIPTION OF SAMOSET. 183 
 
 speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a chap. 
 
 seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things ; >--v-^ 
 
 he was the first sav^age we could meet withal. He 1621. 
 
 Mar. 
 said he was not of these parts, but of Morattiggon,' 16. 
 
 and one of the sagamores or lords thereof; and had 
 been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day's 
 sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He 
 discoursed^ of the whole country, and of every province, 
 and of their sagamores, and their number of men and 
 strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we 
 cast a horseman's coat about him ; for he was stark 
 naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe 
 about a span long or little more. He had a bow and 
 two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. 
 He was a tall, straight man, the hair of his head black, 
 long behind, only short before, none on his face at all. 
 He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, 
 and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, 
 and a piece of mallard ; all which he liked well, and 
 had been acquainted with such amongst the English. 
 He told us the place where we now live is called 
 Patuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabi- 
 tants died of an extraordinary plague,^ and there is 
 
 boldness in coming directly to more intercourse with the natives, 
 
 them. says, " As for the language, it is 
 
 ' Moratiggon. I knownot what very copious, large, and difficult, 
 part of the country this was meant As yet we cannot attain to any 
 to designate. Perhaps it is an great measure thereof, but can un- 
 error lor Monhiggon. Samoset derstand tliem, and explain our- 
 evidently was desirous of magni- selves to their understanding by 
 fying his own importance, in giv- the help of those that daily con- 
 ing the Pilgrims to understand verse with us." 
 that he was a sagamore. ^ All the early writers on New 
 
 * It is difficult to conceive how England agree, that for three or 
 
 they could converse together so as four years previous to the arrival 
 
 to be mutually understood. Ed- of the Pilgrims, a deadly pestilence 
 
 ward Winslow, in his Good News had raged all along the seaboard, 
 
 from New England, written two from the Penobscot to Narraganset 
 
 years afierwards.when they had had Bay. The two tribes dwelling at 
 
184 
 
 THE INDIAN PLAGUE. 
 
 CHAP, neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed 
 -^v^- we have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our 
 
 1621. possession, or to lay claim unto it 
 
 All the afternoon 
 16. we spent in communication with him. We would 
 gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not 
 willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry 
 
 these extremes, as well as the Nau- 
 set Indians, on Cape Cod, escaped, 
 whilst the intermediate inhabitants 
 were almost entirely swept off. 
 Some tribes were nearly extinct ; 
 the Massachusetts, in particular, 
 are said to have been reduced from 
 30,000 to 300 fighting men. Capt. 
 Dermer, who was here in 1619, 
 says, " I passed along the coast 
 where I found some ancient plan- 
 tations, not long since populous, 
 now utterly void. In other places 
 a remnant remains, but not free of 
 sickness ; their disease the plague, 
 for we might perceive the sores of 
 some that had escaped, who de- 
 scribed the spots of such as usually 
 die." Higginson, in his New Eng- 
 land's Plantation, printed in 1629, 
 says, " their subjects above twelve 
 years since, were swept away by a 
 great and grievous plague that was 
 amongst them, so that there are 
 very few left to inhabit the coun- 
 try." Morton, in his New English 
 Canaan, b. i. ch. 3, says, " some 
 few years before the English came 
 to inhabit at New Plymouth, the 
 hand of God fell heavily upon the 
 natives, with such a mortal stroke, 
 that they died on heaps. In a place 
 where many inhabited, there hath 
 been but one left alive to tell what 
 became of the rest ; and the bones 
 and skulls upon the several places 
 of their habitations made such a 
 spectacle after my coming into 
 these parts, that as I travelled in 
 that forest, near the Massachusetts, 
 it seemed to me a new-found Gol- 
 gotha. This mortality was not 
 ended when the Brownists of New 
 Plymouth were settled at Patuxet, 
 and by all likelihood the sickness 
 
 that these Indians died of was the 
 plague, as by conference with them 
 since my arrival and habitation in 
 these parts I have learned." John- 
 son, in his Wonderworking Provi- 
 dence, b. i. ch. 8, says, " about the 
 year 1618, a little before the remo- 
 val of that church of Christ from 
 Holland to Plymouth, in New 
 England, as the ancient Indians 
 report, there befell a great mortality 
 among them, chiefly desolating 
 those places where the English 
 afterwards planted ; their disease 
 being a sore consumption, sweep- 
 ing away whole families, but chiefly 
 young men and children, the very 
 seeds of increase." " What this 
 disease was," says Gookin, who 
 wrote in 1674, " that so generally 
 and mortally swept away the Indi- 
 ans, I cannot well learn. Doubt- 
 less it was some pestilential dis- 
 ease. I have discoursed with some 
 old Indians, that were then youths, 
 who say that the bodies all over 
 were exceeding yellow, describing 
 it by a yellow garment they showed 
 me, both before they died, and 
 afterwards." " There are some old 
 planters," says Increase Mather, 
 writing in 1677, " surviving to this 
 day, who helped to bury the dead 
 Indians, even whole families .of 
 them all dead at once." See Pur- 
 chas, iv. 1778 ; Mass. Hist. Colh i. 
 122, 148, xii. 66 ; Hutchinson, i. 34. 
 In the Great Patent of New Eng- 
 land, granted Nov. 3, 1620, the des- 
 olating effects of this pestilence 
 are assigned by King James as a 
 reason for granting it. " We have 
 been further given certainly to 
 know, that within these late years 
 there hath, by God's visitation, 
 
THE NAUSITES. 
 
 185 
 
 reigned a wonderful plague amongst 
 the savages there heretofore inha- 
 biting, in a manner to the utter 
 destruction, devastation, and de- 
 population of that whole territory, 
 so as there is not left, for many 
 leagues together, in a manner, any 
 that do claim or challenge any kind 
 of interest therein ; whereby we, in 
 our judgment, are persuaded and 
 satisfied that the appointed time is 
 come in which Almighty God, in 
 his great goodness and bounty to- 
 wards us and our people, hath 
 thought fit and determined, that 
 these large and goodly territories, 
 deserted as it were by their natural 
 inhabitants, should be possessed 
 and enjoyed by such of our subjects 
 and people as shall by his mercy 
 and favor, and by his powerful 
 arm, be directed and conducted 
 thither." Plymouth Colony Laws, 
 
 Hutchinson, in his Hist, of Mass. 
 i. 35, remarks, " Our ancestors sup- 
 posed an immediate interposition 
 of Providence in the great mortal- 
 ity among the Indians, to make 
 room for the settlement of the Eng- 
 
 24 
 
 lish. I am not inclined to credulity, 
 but should not we go into the con- 
 trary extreme if we were to take 
 no notice of the extinction of this 
 people in all parts of the continent ? 
 In some the English have made 
 use of means the most likely to 
 have prevented it ; but all to no 
 purpose. Notwitlistanding their 
 frequent ruptures with the English, 
 very few comparatively have pe- 
 rished by wars. They waste, they 
 moulder away, and, as Charlevoix 
 says of the Indians of Canada, they 
 disappear." 
 
 ' See note ^ on page 126. 
 
 ^ The English, not understand- 
 ing Samoset perfectly, supposed 
 that by Massasoit he meant an 
 Indian tribe ; but this was the 
 name of the great sagamore, as 
 appears afterwards. F. 
 
 ^ See the Life of Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges in Belknap's Am. Biog. i. 
 346 — 393, and his Brief Narration, 
 in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 45 — 93. 
 In this work, p. 63, he mentions an 
 attack that was made in July, 1620, 
 by the Indians of Martha's Vine- 
 yard on Capt. Dermer and his com- 
 
 17. 
 
 him on shipboard, wherewith he was well content, chap. 
 
 X 
 
 and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high and — v-^ 
 the water scant, that it could not return back. We 1^21. 
 lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins's house, ^ and 
 watched him. 
 
 The next day he went away back to the Masasoits,^ Mar. 
 from whence he said he came, who are our next bor- 
 dering neighbours. They are sixty strong, as he saith. 
 The Nausites are as near southeast of them, and are 
 a hundred strong ; and those were they of whom our 
 people were encountered, as we before related. They 
 are much incensed and provoked against the English ; 
 and about eight months ago slew three Englishmen, 
 and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon. 
 They were Sir Ferdinando Gorge's^ men, as this sav- 
 
186 HUNT, THE KIDNAPPER. 
 
 CHAP, age told us ; as he did likewise of the huggery, that 
 ^^^— is, fight, that our discoverers had with the Nausites, 
 1621. and of our tools that were taken out of the woods, 
 which we willed him should be brought again ; other- 
 wise we would right ourselves. These people are ill 
 / affected towards the English by reason of one Hunt,^ 
 a master of a ship, who deceived the people and got 
 them, under color of trucking with them, twenty out of 
 this very place where we inhabit, and seven men from 
 the Nausites, and carried them away, and sold them 
 for slaves, like a wretched man (for twenty pound a 
 man,) that cares not what mischief he doth for his 
 profit. 
 Mar. Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the salvage, 
 and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. He 
 promised within a night or two to come again and to 
 bring with him some of the Massasoyts, our neigh- 
 bours, with such beavers' skins as they had to truck 
 with us. 
 IS. Saturday and Sunday reasonable fair days. On this 
 day came again the savage, and brought with him five 
 other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's 
 
 pany, whom he had sent over to a difference in the accounts of the 
 
 New England. Dernier lost all number of the natives which he 
 
 his men but one, and received four- thus seized and carried off. The 
 
 teen Avounds in this encounter; President and Council of New 
 
 whicli took place just eight months England, in their Brief Relation of 
 
 before ; and there can hardly be a its Discovery and Plantation, state 
 
 doubt that these were the "Sir the number as 24; Gorges men- 
 
 Ferdinando Gorse's men," men- tions oO; whilst Capt. John Smith, 
 
 tioned in the text. Dermer had says 27, agreeing with the number 
 
 previously been at Nautican, or mentioned in the text. Hunt car- 
 
 Nauset. See Prince's Annals, p. ried these Indians to Spain, where 
 
 157, 186. , ihey were humanely rescued and 
 
 * The name of this Captain Hunt set at liberty by the monks of Mal- 
 
 has come down to us loaded with aga. Several of them got over to 
 
 deserved infamy, as the first kid- England, and proved of essential 
 
 napper and slave-dealer on the service to Gorges. See Mass. Hist. 
 
 coast of North America. There is Coll. xix. 6, xxvi. 58, 61, 132. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 187 
 
 skin oil him, and the principal of them had a wild cat's chap. 
 
 skin, or such like, on the one arm. They had most of ^— - 
 
 them long hoscn ^ up to their groins, close made, and 1621. 
 
 o ' ' Mar. 
 
 above their groins to their waist another leather ; they is.' 
 
 were altogether like the Irish trousers.- They are of 
 
 complexion like our English gipseys ; no hair or very 
 
 little on their faces ; on their heads long hair to their 
 
 shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before 
 
 with a f(;ather, broad-wise, like a fan ; another a fox 
 
 tail, hanging out. These left (according to our charge 
 
 given him before) their bows and arrows a quarter of a 
 
 mile from our town. We gave them entertainment as 
 
 we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally 
 
 of our English victuals. They made semblance unto 
 
 us of friendship and amity. They sang and danced 
 
 after their manner, like antics. They brought ^^ ith 
 
 them in a thing like a bow-case, (which the principal of 
 
 them had about his waist,) a little of their corn pounded 
 
 to powder, which, put to a little water, they eat.^ 
 
 ' Legsins. 
 
 * Morton, in his New English 
 Canaan, b. i. ch. G, says, "of such 
 deer's skins as tlicy dress bare, tliey 
 make stockings, that come vvitliin 
 their shoes, like a stirrup stocking, 
 and is fastened above at their belt, 
 which is about their middle. When 
 they have their apparel on, they 
 look like Irish, in their trousers, 
 the stockings join so to their 
 breeches." Wood, in his New 
 England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 5, 
 says, " in the winter time the more 
 aged of them wear leatlier draw- 
 ers, in form like Irish trousers, fast- 
 ened under their girdles with but- 
 tons." 
 
 ' " The Indians make a certain 
 sort of meal of parched maize. 
 This meal they call nokake. It is 
 so sweet, toothsome, and hearty, 
 that an Indian will travel many 
 
 days with no other food but this 
 meal, which he eitclh as lie needs, 
 and after it drinketh water. And 
 for this end, when they travel a 
 journey, or go a hunting, they carry 
 this nokake in a basket or bag, for 
 their use." Gookin, in Mass. Hist. 
 Coll. i. 150. — " AW.f/ut//, parched 
 meal, which is a ready, very whole- 
 some food, wliich they cat with a 
 little water, hot or cold. I have 
 travelled with near two hundred 
 of them at once, near a hundred 
 miles through the woods, every 
 man carrying a little basket of this 
 at his back, and sometimes in a 
 hollow leather girdle about liis 
 middle, suHicient for a man three 
 or four days. With this ready pro- 
 vision, and their bows and arrows, 
 are they ready for war, and travel 
 at an hour's warning. With a 
 spoonful of this meal, and a spoon- 
 
188 
 
 THE INDIANS' USE OF TOBACCO. 
 
 CHAP. He had a little tobacco in a bag : but none of them 
 
 X 
 
 — v^' drank ^ but when he liked. Some of them had their 
 
 1621. faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four 
 
 18. or five lingers broad; others after other fashions, as 
 
 they liked. They brought three or four skins ; but we 
 
 ful of water from the brook, have I 
 made many a good dinner and sup- 
 per." Roger Williams's Key, in 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 208. — "If 
 their imperious occasions cause 
 them to travel, the best of their 
 victuals for their journey is nocakc, 
 (as they call it,) which is nothing 
 but Indian corn parched in the hot 
 ashes. The ashes being sifted from 
 it, it is afterwards beat to powder, 
 and put into a long leathern bag, 
 trussed at their backs like a knap- 
 sack, out of which they take thrice 
 three spoonfuls a day, dividing it 
 into three meals. If it be in win- 
 ter, and snow be on the ground, 
 they can eat when they please, 
 stopping snow after their dusty 
 victuals- In summer they must 
 Slay till they meet with a spring or 
 brook, when they may have water 
 to prevent the imminent danger of 
 choking. With this strange via- 
 ticum, they will travel four or five 
 days together, with loads fitter for 
 elephants than men." Wood's 
 New England's Prospect, part ii. 
 ch. 6. 
 
 ^ That is, smoked. This was 
 formerly a common expression. 
 Thus Brereton, in his Journal of 
 Gosnold's Voyage, says, "they gave 
 us also of their tobacco, which they 
 drink green, but dried into powder, 
 very strong and pleasant." Rosier, 
 in his account of Weymouth's 
 Voyage to New England, in 1605, 
 printed in Purchas's Pilgrims, iv. 
 1662, says, " We drank of their ex- 
 cellent tobacco, as much as we 
 would, with them ; but we saw not 
 any great quantity to truck for, and 
 it seemed they had not much left of 
 old, for they spend a great quantity 
 yearly by their continual drinking." 
 
 Johnson, in his Wonderworking 
 Providence, b. i. ch. 41, mentions a 
 lusty man (doubtless Underbill) 
 who held forth to his pastor before 
 the whole congregation, that the 
 spirit of revelation came to him as 
 he was drinking a pipe of tobacco." 
 In the Records of Plymouth Colo- 
 ny, under the year 1646, is the fol- 
 lowing entry. "Anthony Thacher 
 and George Pole were chosen a 
 committee to draw up an order 
 concerning disorderly drinking to- 
 bacco." This use of language was 
 probably descriptive of the manner 
 in which the weed was formerly 
 inhaled, and which still prevails in 
 the East. Lane, in his account of 
 the Manners and Customs of the 
 Modern Egyptians, i. 187, says, 
 " In smoking, the people of Egypt, 
 and of other countries of the East, 
 draw in their breath freely, so that 
 much of the smoke descends into 
 the lungs; and the terms which 
 they use to express ' smoking to- 
 bacco' signify "■ drinking smoke,'' or 
 ' drinking tobacco.' " 
 
 VVinslow, in his Good News 
 from New England, says, " the 
 men take much tobacco." Roger 
 AVilliams, in his Key, chs. ii. and 
 XX. says, "they generally all take 
 tobacco, and it is the only plant 
 which men labor in, the women 
 managing all the rest. They say 
 they take tobacco for two causes ; 
 first, against the rheum, which 
 causeth the toothache, which they 
 are impatient of; secondly, to re- 
 vive and refresh them, they drink- 
 ing nothing but water. Their to- 
 bacco bag hangs at their neck, or 
 sticks at their girdle, and is to them 
 instead of an English pocket." 
 
INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES. 189 
 
 would not truck with them at all that day,^ but wished chap. 
 
 X. 
 
 them to bring more, and we would truck for all ; which ^^v-^. 
 they promised within a night or two, and would leave 1621. 
 these behind them, though we were not willing they 18. 
 should ; and they brought us all our tools again, w hich 
 were taken in the woods, in our men's absence. So, be- 
 cause of the day, we dismissed them so soon as we could. 
 But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick or 
 feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and 
 stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we 
 sent him to them, to know the reason they came not 
 according to their words ; and we gave him a hat, a 
 pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth 
 to tie about his waist. 
 
 The Sabbath day, when we sent them from us, we 
 gave every one of them some trifles, especially the prin- 
 cipal of them. We carried them, along with our arms, 
 to the place where they left their bows and arrows ; 
 whereat they were amazed, and two of them began to 
 slink away, but that the other called them. When 
 they took their arrows we bade them farewell, and 
 they were glad ; and so, with many thanks given us, 
 they departed, with promise they would come again. 
 
 Monday and Tuesday proved fair days. We digged 19, 20. 
 our grounds and sowed our garden seeds. 
 
 Wednesday a fine warm day. We sent away Sa- 21. 
 moset. 
 
 That day we had again a meeting to conclude of 
 laws and orders for ourselves, and to confirm those 
 military orders that were formerly propounded, and 
 twice broken off by the savages' coming. But so we 
 were again the third time ; for after we had been an 
 
 ' It was Sunday. 
 
190 
 
 SQUANTO. 
 
 CHAP, hour together, on the top of the hill ' over against us 
 ^— '^ two or three savages presented themselves, that made 
 1621. semblance of daring us, as we thought. So Captain 
 Standish with another, with their muskets, went over 
 to them, with two of the master's mates that follows 
 them without arms,^ having two muskets with them. 
 They whetted and rubbed their arrows and strings, 
 and made show of defiance ; but when our men drew 
 near them, they ran away. Thus were we again 
 interrupted by them. This day, with much ado, we 
 got our carpenter, that had been long sick of the scur- 
 vy, to fit our shallop to fetch all from aboard. 
 
 Thursday, the 22d of March, was a very fair, warm 
 day. About noon we met again about' our public bu- 
 siness. But we had scarce been an hour together, 
 but Samoset came again, and Sqilanto,^ the only native 
 
 Mar. 
 22. 
 
 ' The same hill on which the 
 two Indians appeared, Feb. 17. See 
 note on page 180. 
 
 * By arms must be here meant 
 side arms, swords, &c., as it is stated 
 they had muskets. 
 
 ^ Also called Squantura, or Tis- 
 quantum. There is some discre- 
 pancy in the early accounts of 
 Squanto's captivity. Gorges, in 
 his Brief Narration, ch. 2, says that 
 " there happened to come into the 
 harbour of Plymouth, where I then 
 commanded, one Captain Wey- 
 mouth, who happened into a river 
 on the coast of America, called 
 Pemmaquid, (the Penobscot,) from 
 whence he brought five of the na- 
 tives, three of whose names were 
 Manida, Sketwarroes, and Tas- 
 quantum, whom I seized upon. 
 They were all of one nation, but of 
 several parts and several families." 
 This was in 1605. But the Gov- 
 ernor and Council for New Eng- 
 land, in their Relation, printed in 
 1622, say, " it pleased God to send 
 into our hands Tasquantura, one of 
 
 those savages that formerly had 
 been betrayed by this unworthy 
 Hunt before named. But this sav- 
 age being at that time in New- 
 foundland, Master Dermer, who 
 was there also, found the means to 
 give us intelligence of him, and his 
 opinion of the good use that might 
 be made of his employment." Der- 
 mer took Tisquantum with him to 
 England, and on his return to New 
 England in the spring of 1619, 
 brought him back to his native 
 country. In a letter dated Dec. 27, 
 of that year he says, " when I ar- 
 rived at my savage's native coun- 
 try, finding all dead, I travelled 
 almost a day's journey westward 
 to a place called Nummastaquyt, 
 (Namasket,) where finding inhabit- 
 ants, I despatched a messenger a 
 day's journey further west to Po- 
 conaokit, which bordereth on the 
 sea; whence came to see me two 
 kings, attended with a guard of 
 fifty armed men, who being well 
 satisfied with that my savage and 
 I discoursed unto them, being de- 
 
MASSASOIT. 
 
 191 
 
 of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of chap. 
 
 X. 
 
 the twenty captives that by Hunt were carried away, — ^ — 
 and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with 1^21. 
 
 IVId.r* 
 Master John Slanie,^ a merchant, and could speak a 22. 
 
 little English, with three others ; and they brought 
 with them some few skins to truck, and some red her- 
 rings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and sig- 
 nified unto us, that their great sagamore, Masasoyt,^ 
 was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother, and all 
 their men. They could not well express in English 
 what they would ; ^ but after an hour the king came to 
 the top of a hill ' over against us, and had in his train 
 sixty men, that we could well behold them, and they 
 us. We were not willing to send our governor to 
 them, and they were ^ unwilling to come to us. So 
 
 sirous of novelty, gave me content 
 in whatsoever I demanded." These 
 two kings were undoubtedly Mas- 
 sasoit and Quadequina. On going 
 to Virginia, in June, Dermer left 
 Tisquantum at Sawahquatooke, 
 now Saco, whence he probably re- 
 turned to Patuxet and Namasket. 
 In another letter, dated June 30, 
 1620, Dermer says, " Squanto can- 
 not deny but that the Pocanokets 
 would have killed me when I was 
 . at Namassaket, had he not entreat- 
 \ ed hard for me." See Mass. Hist. 
 Coll. xxvi. 50, 62, xix. 7, 10, 13; 
 Purchas, iv. 1778; Morton's Me- 
 morial, pp. 55 — 59. 
 
 The beautiful promontory in Dor- 
 chester, near Thomson's island, 
 will perpetuate the name of this 
 early friend of the Pilgrims. They 
 probably called it after him in their 
 first expedition to the Massachu- 
 setts in 1621, when he accompanied 
 them as interpreter. This is pro- 
 bably the same placewhich is called 
 Squanto's Chapel, by Morton, in 
 his New English Canaan, b. ii. 
 chs. 6 and 8. 
 
 " ' The worshipful John Slany, of 
 
 London, merchant," was one of the 
 undertakers of the Newfoundland 
 plantation, and treasurer of the 
 Company. He probably sent 
 Squanto to Newfoundland. See 
 Whitbourne's Newfoundland, p. 
 v. and Purchas, iv. 1876, 1888. 
 
 2 Prince says, in his Annals, p. 
 187, " the printed accounts gene- 
 rally spell him Massasoit ; Gov. 
 Bradford writes him Massasoyt and 
 Massasoyet; but I find the ancient 
 people, from their fathers in Ply- 
 mouth Colony, pronounce his name 
 Ma-sas-so-it." It will be seen 
 hereafter that Winslow writes it 
 Massassowat. The sachem, in 
 conformity with a prevailing cus- 
 tom among the Indians, afterwards 
 changed his name, and took that of 
 Owsamequin or Woosamequen. 
 See his Life in B. B. Thacher's 
 Indian Biography, i. 117 — 140, and 
 in S. G. Drake's Book of the Indi- 
 ans, b. ii. 17 — 29. 
 
 ' See note ^ on page 183. 
 
 * Watson's hill, mentioned twice 
 before on pages 180 and 190. 
 
 * The word ivcre was accident- 
 ally omitted in the original. 
 
192 WINSLOWS PARLEY WITH MASSASOIT. 
 
 CHAP. Squanto went again unto him, who brought word 
 ■ — ^ that we should send one to parley with him, which we 
 1621. did^ which was Edward Winsloe, to know his mind, 
 22. and to signify the mind and will of our governor, which 
 was to have trading and peace with him. We sent to 
 the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain with a 
 jewel at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, 
 and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot of 
 strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some but- 
 ter ; which were all willingly accepted. 
 
 Our messenger made a speech unto him, that King 
 James saluted him with words of love and peace, and 
 did accept of him as his friend and ally ; and that our 
 governor desired to see him and to truck with him, 
 and to confirm a peace with him, as his next neigh- 
 bour. He liked well of the speech, and heard it atten- 
 tively, thouo;h the interpreters did not well express it. 
 After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given the 
 rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's 
 sword and armor, which he had on, with intimation of 
 his desire to buy it ; but, on the other side, our mes- 
 senger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In 
 the end, he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his 
 brother, and came over the brook, and some twenty 
 men following him, leaving all their bows and arrows 
 behind them. We kept six or seven as hostages for 
 our messenger. Captain Standish and Master Wil- 
 liamson ^ met the king at the brook, with half a dozen 
 musketeers. They saluted him, and he them ; so one 
 
 ' There was a Thomas Wil- likely that any one of the ship's 
 
 Hams, but no person of the name of company would be associated with 
 
 Williamson, among the signers of Standish in this duty. Perhaps it 
 
 the Compact. It is probably an should read Master AUerton. 
 error of the press. It is very un- 
 
TREATY OF PEACE WITH MASSASOIT. 193 
 
 going over, the one on the one side, and the other on chap. 
 the other, conducted him to a house then in building, ^— ~ 
 where we placed a green rug and three or four cush- ^^.^^" 
 ions. Then instantly came our governor, with drum 22. 
 and trumpet after him, and some few musketeers. 
 After salutations, our governor kissing his hand, the 
 king kissed him ; and so they sat down. The governor 
 called for some strong water, and drunk to him ; and 
 he drunk a great draught, that made him sweat all the 
 while after. He called for a little fresh meat, which 
 the king did eat willingly, and did give his followers. 
 Then they treated of peace, which was : 
 
 1. That neither he nor any of his should injure or 
 do hurt to any of our people. 
 
 2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he shoidd 
 send the offender, that we might punish him. 
 
 3. That if any of our tools were taken away, when 
 our people w^ere at work, he should cause them to be 
 restored ; and if ours did any harm to any of his, we 
 would do the like to them. 
 
 4. If any did unjustly war against him, we would 
 aid him ; if any did war against us, he should aid us. 
 
 5. He should send to his neighbour confederates to 
 certify them of this, that they might not wrong us, but 
 might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace. 
 
 6. That when their men came to us, they should 
 leave their bows and arrows behind them, as we should 
 do our pieces when we came to them. 
 
 Lastly, that doing thus. King James would esteem 
 of him as his friend and ally.' 
 
 ' "This treaty," says Belknap, estly intended on both sides, was 
 " the work of one day, being Hon- kept with fidelity as long as Mas- 
 
 25 
 
194 QUADEQUINA. 
 
 CHAP. All which the king; seemed to like well, and it was 
 
 X. 
 
 — — applauded of his followers. All the while he sat by 
 1621. the governor, he trembled for fear. In his person he 
 22. is a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, 
 grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire 
 little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, 
 only in a great chain of white bone beads about his 
 neck ; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of 
 tobacco, which he drank, ^ and gave us to drink. His 
 face was painted with a sad red, like murrey, and oiled 
 both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his 
 followers likewise were in their faces, in part or in 
 whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, 
 and some white, some with crosses, and other antic 
 works ; ^ some had skins on them, and some naked ; all 
 strong, tall men in appearance. 
 
 So after all was done, the governor conducted him 
 to the brook, and there they embraced each other, and 
 he departed ; we diligently keeping our hostages. We 
 expected our messenger's (;oming ; but anon word was 
 brought us that Quadequina was coming, and our mes- 
 senger was stayed till his return ; who presently came, 
 and a troop with him. So likewise we entertained 
 him, and conveyed him to the place prepared. He 
 was very fearful of our pieces, and made signs of dis- 
 like, that they should be carried away ; whereupon 
 
 sasoit lived, but was afterwards, in It was accordingly ratified and con- 
 
 1675, broken by Philip, his succes- firmed by the government. See 
 
 sor." Am. Biog. ii. 214. In Sept. Morton's Memorial, p. 210. 
 
 1639, Massasoit and his eldest son, ' See note ' on page 188. 
 
 Mooanam, afterwards called Warn- ' This description corresponds to 
 
 sutta, and in 1662 by the English the appearance of Black Hawk and 
 
 named Alexander, came into the Keokuck, and the braves of the 
 
 Court at Piyn)outh and desired that Sacs and Foxes, on their visit to 
 
 this ancient league and confederacy Bostoa in 1837. 
 might stand and remain inviolable. 
 
ISAAC ALLERTON. - 195 
 
 commandment was given thej should be laid away. chap. 
 He was a very proper, tall young man, of a very ^— ^*- 
 modest and seemly countenance, and he did kindly 1621. 
 like of our entertainment. So we conveyed him like- 
 wise, as we did the king ; but divers of their people 
 stayed still. When he was returned, then they dis- 
 missed our messenger. Two of his people would have 
 stayed all night ; but we would not suffer it. One 
 thing I forgot ; the king had in his bosom, hanging in 
 a string, a great long knife. He marvelled much at our 
 trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as 
 they could. Samoset and Squanto, they stayed all night 
 with us ; and the king and all his men lay all night 
 in the woods, not above half an English mile from us, 
 and all their wives and women with them. They said 
 that within eight or nine days they would come and 
 set corn on the other side of the brook, and dwell there 
 all summer ; which is hard by us. That night we kept 
 good watch ; but there was no appearance of danger. 
 
 The next morning, divers of their people came over ^ar. 
 to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. ^^' 
 Some of them told us the kin^ would have some of us 
 come see him. Captain Standish and Isaac Alderton ^ 
 
 ' Generally spelt Allerton. He New England's Memorial, p. 394, 
 was the fifth signer of the Compact " Like the promontory of Palinurus, 
 on board the Mayflower. Hutch- it is respectfully regarded as the 
 inson, in his History of Massachu- memorial of an ancient worthy, 
 setts, ii. 461, says, " Isaac Allerton and the appellation, perpetuating 
 or Alderton, the first assistant, was the memory of a man of the great- 
 employed several times to negoti- est commercial enterprise in those 
 ate matters in England relative to early times, is most fitly applied, 
 their trade, and at length left ihem ' Gaudcl cognominc terra.' " — The 
 and settled there. His male pos- accurate Hutchinson is for once in 
 terity settled in Maryland. If they an error. Allerton removed to 
 be extinct. Point Alderton, at the New Haven in Connecticut, pre- 
 entrance of Boston harbour, which vious to the last of March, 1647, and 
 took his name, will probably pre- died there in 1659. We are in- 
 serve it many ages." Judge Davis debted to the Rev. Leonard Bacon, 
 adds, in his edition of Morton's of New Haven, for the discovery of 
 
196 THE FIRST LAWS ENACTED. 
 
 CHAP, went venturously, who were welcomed of him after 
 — '^ then' manner. He gave them three or four ground-nuts 
 1621. and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive but that 
 
 Mar. ... . '^ , 
 
 23. he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have seen 
 our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods 
 at work and fowling, whenas they offered them no 
 harm, as they might easily have done ; and especially 
 because he hath a potent adversary, the Narowhigan- 
 sets, that are at war with him, against whom he thinks 
 we may be some strength to him ; for our pieces are 
 terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till ten 
 or eleven of the clock ; and our governor bid them send 
 the king's kettle, and filled it full of pease, which 
 pleased them well ; and so they went their way. 
 
 Friday was a very fair day. Samoset and Squanto 
 still remained with us. Squanto went at noon to fish 
 for eels. At night he came home with as many as he 
 could well lift in one hand ; which our people were 
 glad of; they were fat and sweet. He trod them out^ 
 with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, 
 without any other instrument. 
 
 This day we proceeded on with our common busi- 
 ness, from which we had been so often hindered by 
 the salvages' coming ; and concluded both of military 
 orders and of some laws ^ and orders as we thought 
 
 this fact. His conjecture, however, ' Of the mud; probably at Eel 
 
 is unfounded that Allerton left no river, so called from the abundance 
 
 daughter. It appears from Hutch- of eels which are taken there, 
 
 inson, ii. 456, compared with Mor- About 150 barrels are annually 
 
 ton's Memorial, p. 3Sl, that his caught. See Thacher's Plymouth, 
 
 daughter Mary, who married Tho- p. .3'^2. 
 
 mas Cushman, son of Robert, was ^ In 1636 a code of laws was 
 alive in 1698, tlie last survivor of made, with a preamble containing 
 the passengers in the Mayflower, an account of the settlement of the 
 See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 243 Colony. This code was revised in 
 and 301, and Professor Kingsley's 165S, and again in 1671, and print- 
 Historical Discourse, p. 92. ed with this title, " The Book of 
 
CARVER RE-ELECTED GOVERNOR. 
 
 197 
 
 behooveful for our present estate and condition : and chap. 
 
 X 
 
 did likewise choose ^ our governor for this year, which — v^-- 
 was Master John Carver, a man well approved 1621. 
 
 amongst us.^ 
 
 [March 24. Dies Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. Ed- 
 ward Winslow. N. B. This month thirteen of our 
 number die. And in three months past, dies half our 
 company ; the greatest part in the depth of winter, 
 
 Mar 
 24. 
 
 the General Laws of the Inhabit- 
 ants of the Jurisdiction of New 
 Plymouth." In 1685, a new digest 
 of them was published. In 1836 
 these several codes were collected 
 and digested into one volume by 
 William Brigham, Esq. Counsellor 
 at Law, agreeably to a Resolve of 
 the Legislature of Massachusetts. 
 It serves to illustrate the condition 
 of the Colony at different periods, 
 the manners, wants, and senti- 
 ments of our forefathers, the diffi- 
 culties with which they struggled, 
 and the remedies provided for their 
 relief. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 
 265, 270. 
 
 Gov. Hutchinson, with unac- 
 countable carelessness, has assert- 
 ed, ii. 463, that " they never estab- 
 lished any distinct code or body of 
 laws ; " grounding his assertion on 
 a passage in Hubbard's Hist, of N. 
 England, which implies no such 
 thing. The quotation, imperfectly 
 given by Hutchinson, is correctly 
 as follows : " The laws they in- 
 tended to be governed by were the 
 laws of England, the which they 
 were willing to be subject unto, 
 though in a foreign land ; and have 
 since that time continued in that 
 mind for the general, adding only 
 some particular municipal laws of 
 their own, suitable to their consti- 
 tution, in such cases where the 
 common laws and statutes of Eng- 
 land could not well reach, or afford 
 them help in emergent difficulties 
 of the place ; possibly on the same 
 
 ground that Pacuvius sometimes 
 advised his neighbours of Capua 
 not to cashier their old magistrates 
 till they could agree upon better to 
 place in their room. So did these 
 choose to abide by the laws of Eng- 
 land, till they could be provided of 
 better." Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 
 242 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 62. 
 
 ' "Or rather confirm." Bradford 
 in Prince, p. 188. It will be recol- 
 lected that Carver had been chosen 
 governor on the 1 1th of November, 
 the same day on which the Com- 
 pact was signed. It was now the 
 23d of March, and the new year 
 beginning on the 25th, according 
 to the calendar then in use. Carver 
 was reelected for the ensuing year. 
 The question has sometimes been 
 asked, Why was not Brewster cho- 
 sen ? The answer is given by 
 Hutchinson, ii. 460. " He was 
 their ruling elder, which seems to 
 have been the bar to his being their 
 governor, civil and ecclesiastical 
 office in the same person being 
 then deemed incompatible." 
 
 ^ Here the daily journal breaks 
 off, and an interval of three months 
 occurs before the account of the 
 expedition to Pokanoket, during 
 which nothing is recorded. To fill 
 up this chasm in some measure, I 
 insert the following particulars, 
 which Prince extracts from Gov. 
 Bradford's History, and from his 
 E.egister, in which he records some 
 of the first deaths, marriages, and 
 punishments at Plymouth. 
 
198 
 
 MORTALITY AMONG THE COLONISTS. 
 
 CHAP, wanting houses and other ^comforts, being infected 
 v_-^v^ with the scurvy and other diseases, which their long 
 16 21. voyage and unaccommodate condition brought upon 
 them ; so as there die sometimes two or three a day. 
 N Of a hundred persons scarce fifty remain ; the living 
 scarce able to bury the dead ; the well not sufficient to 
 tend the sick, there being, in their time of greatest dis- 
 tress, but six or seven, who spare no pains to help them. 
 Two of the seven were Mr. Brewster, their reverend 
 elder, and Mr. Standish, their captain. The like dis- 
 ease fell also among the sailors, so as almost half 
 V their company also die before they sail.^ But the 
 
 ' The exact bill of mortality, as 
 collected by Prince, is as follows. 
 
 In December 
 In January 
 In February 
 In March 
 
 17 
 13 
 
 Total 44 
 
 Of these were subscribers to 
 the Compact, 
 
 The wives of Bradford, Stand- 
 ish, AUerton, and Winslow, 
 
 Also, Edward Thomson, a ser- 
 vant of Mr. White, Jasper 
 Carver, a son of the go- 
 vernor, and Solomon Mar- 
 tin, son of Christopher, 
 
 Other women, children and 
 servants, whose names are 
 not known, 
 
 21 
 4 
 
 16 
 44 
 
 ! Before the arrival of the Fortune 
 in Nov. six more died, including 
 Carver and his wife, making the 
 whole number of deaths 50, and 
 leaving the total number of the sur- 
 vivors 50. Of those not named 
 among the survivors, being young 
 men, women, children, and ser- 
 vants, there were 31 ; amongst 
 whom, as appears from the list of 
 
 names in the division of the lands 
 in 1623, were Joseph R.ogers, pro- 
 bably a son of Thomas, Mary Chil- 
 ton, probably a daughter of James, 
 Henry Samson, and Humility 
 Cooper. See Baylies' Plymouth, i. 
 70; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 207; 
 Morton's Memorial, p. 376. 
 
 Wood, in his New England's 
 Prospect, ch. 2, says, " whereas 
 many died at the beginning of the 
 plantations, it was not because the 
 country was unhealihful, but be- 
 cause their bodies were corrupted 
 with sea-diet, which was naught, 
 the beef and pork being tainted, 
 their butter and cheese corrupted, 
 their fish rotten, and the voyage 
 long by reason of cross winds, so 
 that winter approaching before they 
 could get warm houses, and the 
 searching sharpness of that purer 
 climate creeping in at the crannies 
 of their crazed bodies, caused death 
 and sickness." Dudley, too, in his 
 letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 
 in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 43, re- 
 marks, " touching the sickness and 
 mortality which every first year 
 hath seized upon us and those of 
 Plymouth, (of which mortality it 
 may be said of us almost as of the 
 Egyptians, that there is not a house 
 where there is not one dead, and in 
 some houses many,) the natural 
 
THE MAYFLOWER SAILS FOR ENGLAND. 199 
 
 spring advancing, it jDleases God the mortality begins chap. 
 to cease, and the sick and lame recover ; which puts -^^ — 
 new life into the people, though they had borne their ^621. 
 sad affliction with as much patience as any could do. 
 
 The first offence since our arrival is of John Billing- / 
 ton, who came on board at London, and is this month 
 convented before the whole company for his contempt 
 of the Captain's lawful command with opprobrious 
 speeches, for which he is adjudged to have his neck 
 and heels tied together ; but upon humbling himself 
 and craving pardon, and it being the first offence, he 
 is forgiven.^ 
 
 April 5. We despatch the ship with Captain Jones, April 
 who this day sails from New Plymouth, and May 6 
 arrives in England." 
 
 While we are busy about our seed, our governor, 
 Mr. Carver, comes out of the field very sick, complains 
 
 causes seem to be, the want of man bones have been washed out 
 
 warm lodginar and good diet, to of the bank, within the memory of 
 
 which Englishmen are habituated the present generation. Deacon 
 
 at home. Those of Plymouth, Spooner, then upwards of 70 years 
 
 who landed in winter, died of scur- of age, had his information from 
 
 vy, as did our poorer sort, whose Mr. Thomas Faunce, who was a / 
 
 housing and bedding kept them not ruling elder in the first church in 
 
 sufficiently warm."' Plymouth, and was well acquainted 
 
 Holmes, in his Aanals, i. 168, with several of the first settlers, 
 
 says, "tradition gives an affecting Elder Faunce knew the rock on ^ 
 
 picture of the infant colony during which they first landed ; and hear- 
 
 this critical and distressing period, ing that it was covered in the erec- 
 
 The dead were buried on the bank, tion of a wharf, was so afiected, 
 
 at a little distance from the rock that he wept. His tears perhaps 
 
 where the fathers landed; and, lest saved it from oblivion. He died 
 
 the Indians should take advantage Feb. 27, 1746, aged 99." See note ' 
 
 of the weak and wretched state of on pnge 161. 
 the English, the graves were lev- ' See note ' on page 149. 
 elled, and sown for the purpose of ^ It is a circumstance worthy of 
 
 concealment. This information I notice, that notwithstanding the 
 
 received at Plymouth from the late hardships, privations, and mortality 
 
 Ephraim Spooner, a respectable among the Pilgrims, not one of 
 
 inhabitant of that town, and dea- them was induced to abandon the / 
 
 con of the church, who accompa- enterprise and return home in the 
 
 nied me to the spot where those Mayflower, 
 first interments were made. Hu- 
 
200 
 
 DEATH OF GOVERNOR CARVER. 
 
 CHAP, greatly of his head. Withhi a few hours his senses 
 ^■^^ — fail, so as he speaks no more, and in a few days after 
 ^.^21. dies, to our great lamentation and heaviness. His 
 
 April. ' . *= 
 
 care and pains were so great for the common good, as 
 therewith, it is thought, he oppressed himself and short- 
 ened his days ; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently 
 complain ; and his wife deceases about five or six 
 weeks after.^ 
 
 * " Before I pass on, I may not 
 omit to take notice of the sad loss 
 the church and this infant common- 
 wealth sustained by the death of Mr. 
 John Carver, who was one of the 
 deacons of the church in Leyden, 
 but now had been and was tlieir 
 first governor. This worthy gen- 
 tleman was one of singular piety, 
 and rare for humility, which ap- 
 peared, as otherwise, so by his 
 great condescendency, whenas this 
 miserable people were in great 
 sickness. He shunned not to do 
 very mean services for them, yea, 
 the meanest of them. He bare a 
 share likewise of their labor in his 
 own person, according as their great 
 necessity required. Who being one 
 also of a considerable estate, spent 
 the main part of it in this enter- 
 prise, and from first to last ap- 
 proved himself not only as their 
 agent in the first transacting of 
 things, but also all along to the pe- 
 riod of his life, to be a pious, faith- 
 ful, and very beneficial instrument. 
 He deceased in the month of April 
 in the year 1621, and is now reap- 
 ing the fruit of his labor with the 
 Lord." MS. Records of Plym. Ch. 
 vol. i. p. 27. See also Morton's 
 Memorial, p. 68. 
 
 It is supposed that Carver's death 
 was occasioned by a stroke of the 
 sun ", and yet, as Baylies observes, 
 " it is not a little remarkable that 
 such an effect should have been 
 produced in this climate in the 
 month of April." Morton says, 
 " he was buried in the best man- 
 
 ner they could, with as much so- 
 lemnity as they were in a capacity 
 to perform, with the discharge of 
 some volleys of shot of all that bare 
 arms." 
 
 Nothing is known of Carver pre- 
 vious to his appointment in 1617 
 as one of the agents of the Church 
 at Leyden. Nor is any thing 
 known of his immediate descend- 
 ants. It will be seen by the Com- 
 pact, p. 121, that there were 8 per- 
 sons in his family. He lost a son 
 Dec. 6, and his daughter Elizabeth 
 married John Howland. See note * 
 on page 149. The name of Car- 
 ver does not appear in the assign- 
 ment of the lands in 1623, nor in 
 the division of the cattle in 1627; 
 nor does it appear at any subse- 
 quent time in ihe annals of the Col- 
 ony. "Hischildren attained no civil 
 honors ; they rose to no distinction ; 
 but less fortunate than the children 
 of the other governors, they re- 
 mained in obscurity, and were un- 
 noticed by the people." AVilliam, 
 the grandson (or nephew) of the 
 governor died at Marshfield, Oct. 
 2, 1760, at the age of 102. Not 
 long bef^ore his death, this grand- 
 son, with his son, his grandson, 
 and great grandson, were all at 
 work together without doors, and 
 the great great grandson was in the 
 house at the same time. * Many of 
 the name are still living in various 
 pnrts of the Old Colony. The 
 town of Carver in Plymouth Coun- 
 ty will help to perpetuate it. Com- 
 pare Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 456, 
 
 ■M 
 >i-"- ^ 
 
 J 
 
THE FIRST MARRIAGE AND DUEL. 201 
 
 Soon after we choose Mr. William Bradford our cuxf. 
 governor and Mr. Isaac Allerton his assistant, who are 
 by renewed elections continued together sundry years, ^^l^' 
 
 May 12. The first marriage in this place is of Mr. 12. 
 Edward Winslow to Mrs. Susanna White, widow of 
 Mr. William White.^ 
 
 June 18. The second offence is the first duel foue;ht June 
 
 18. 
 
 in New England, upon a challenge at single combat 
 with sword and dagger, between Edward Doty and 
 Edward Leister, servants of Mr. Hopkins. Both being 
 wounded, the one in the hand, the other in the thigh, 
 they are adjudged by the whole company to have their 
 head and feet tied together, and so to lie for twenty- 
 four hours, without meat or drink ; which is begun to 
 be inflicted, but within an hour, because of their great 
 pains, at their own and their master's humble request, 
 upon promise of better carriage, they are released by 
 the governor.] 
 
 with Mitchell's Hist, of Bridge- ' Wm. White died Feb. 21, and 
 
 water, pp. 129 and 362 ; and see Edward Winslow's first wife, 
 
 Baylies' Plymouth, i. 71, and Bel- March 24. 
 knap's Am. Biog. ii. 179 — 216. 
 
 26 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 A JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, THE HABITATION OF THE 
 GREAT KING MASSASOYT; AS ALSO OUR MESSAGE, THE 
 ANSWER AND ENTERTAINMENT WE HAD OF HIM.i 
 
 CHAP. It seemed good to the company, for many consider- 
 — ^-v-^ ations, to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, the 
 1621. 2;reatest commander amongst the savages bordering 
 upon us ; partly to know where to find them, if occasion 
 served, as also to see their strength, discover the coun- 
 try, prevent abuses in their disorderly coming unto us, 
 make satisfaction for some conceived injuries to be done 
 on our parts, and to continue the league of peace and 
 friendship between them and us. For these and the 
 like ends, it pleased the governor to make choice of 
 Steven Hopkins and Edward Winsloe to go unto him ; 
 and having a fit opportunity, by reason of a savage 
 called Tisquantum, that could speak English, coming 
 
 ' There cnn hardly be a doubt The peculiar mode in which cer- 
 
 that the narrative of this expedition tain words are spelt corresponds 
 
 was written by Winslow. He and with the manner in which they are 
 
 Hopkins were the only persons en- spelt in Winslow's Good News 
 
 gased in it, and of course one of from New England. Thus the 
 
 them must have written it. That name of their Indian interpreter is 
 
 the author was Winslow, and not in both papers invariably called 
 
 Hopkins, is rendered highly proba- Tisquantum, whilst Bradford writes 
 
 bie by the circumstance that Hop- it Squanto. In both narratives too 
 
 kins's name is mentioned first, we read Paomet instead of Pamet. 
 
EMBASSY TO MASSASOIT. 203 
 
 unto US, with all expedition provided a horseman's chap. 
 
 XI. 
 
 coat of red cotton, and laced with a slight lace, for a — v-^ 
 present, that both they and their message might be the it>2l. 
 more acceptable amongst them. 
 
 The message was as follows : That forasmuch as 
 his subjects came often and without fear upon all occa- 
 sions amongst us, so we were now come unto him ; and 
 in witness of the love and good-will the English bear 
 unto him, the governor hath sent him a coat, desiring 
 that the peace and amity that was between them and 
 us might be continued ; not that we feared them, but 
 because we intended not to injure any, desiring to live 
 peaceably, and as with all men, so especially with 
 them, our nearest neighbours. But whereas his people 
 came very often, and very many t02;ether unto us, 
 bringing for the most part their wives and children 
 with them, they were welcome ; yet we being but 
 strangers as yet at Patuxet, alias New Plymouth,^ and 
 not knowing: how our corn might prosper, we could no 
 longer give them such entertainment as we had done, 
 and as we desired still to dq. Yet if he would be 
 pleased to come himself, or any special friend of his 
 desired to see us, coming from him they should be 
 welcome. And to the end we might know them from 
 others, our governor had sent him a copper chain ; de- 
 siring if any messenger should come from him to us, w^e 
 might know him by bringing it with him, and hearken 
 
 * Capt. John Smith, in his map native country ; and for that they 
 
 of New England, published in received many kindnesses from 
 
 1616, had given the name of Ply- some Christians there." Smith 
 
 mouth to this place. Morion says says its Indian name was Acco- 
 
 in his Memorial, p.56, " The name mack, and calls it "an excellent 
 
 of Plymouth was so called, not only good harbour." The natives also 
 
 for the reason here named, but also called it Apaum. See Mass. Hist, 
 
 because Plymouth, in Old England, Coll. xxiii. 1, and xxvi. 97, 119. 
 was the last town they left iu their 
 
204 THE DESIGN OF THE EMBASSY. 
 
 CHAP, and give credit to his message accordingly ; also re- 
 -^'-^ questing him that such as have skins should bring them 
 i 621. to us, and that he would hinder the multitude from 
 oj3pressing us with them. And whereas, at our first 
 arrival at Paomet,' called by us Cape Cod, we found 
 there corn buried in the ground, and finding no inha- 
 bitants, but some graves of dead new buried, took the 
 corn, resolving, if ever we could hear of any that had 
 right thereunto, to make satisfaction to the full for it ; 
 yet since we understand the owners thereof were fled 
 for fear of us, our desire was either to pay them 
 with the like quantity of corn, English meal, or any 
 other commodities we had, to pleasure them withal ; 
 requesting him that some one of his men might signify 
 so much unto them, and we would content him for his 
 pains.^ And last of all, our governor requested one 
 favor of him, which was that he would exchange some 
 of their corn for seed with us, that we might make 
 trial which best agreed with the soil where we live. 
 With these presents and message we set forward the 
 June 10th June,^ about nine o'clock in the morning, our 
 July guide resolving that night to rest at Namaschet,"^ a town 
 ^' under Massasoyt, and conceived by us to be very near, 
 because the inhabitants flocked so thick upon every 
 slight occasion amongst us ; but we found it to be some 
 
 ' See note " on page 125, and with the rest of the Journal, I con- 
 note ' on pa^e 210. elude that on Monday, July 2d, 
 * See note ' on page 134. they agreed to send, but set not out 
 ^ " June 10th being Lord's Day, till the next morning." Prince, 
 it is very unlikely that they set out Ann. 191. Morton, in his Memo- 
 then, and is also inconsistent with rial, p. 69, says it was July 2. 
 the rest of tlie Journal; whereas '' Namaschet, or Namasket; that 
 July 2d is Monday, when Governor part of Middleborough, which the 
 Bradford says, ' We sent Mr. Ed- English first began to settle. See 
 ward Winslow and Mr. Steven Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 148. Capt. 
 Hopkins to see our new friend Dermer was at this place in 1619. 
 Massasoit ; ' though, to comport See note ^ on page 190. 
 
THE MESSENGERS REACH MIDDLEBOROUGH. 205 
 
 fifteen English miles. On the way we found some chap. 
 ten or twelve men, women, and children, Avhich had ^^-^ 
 pestered us till we were weary of them, perceiving- 1621. 
 that (as the manner of them all is) where victual is 3. 
 easilest to be got, there they live, especially in the 
 summer ; by reason whereof, our bay affording many 
 lobsters, they resort every spring-tide thither ; and now 
 returned with us to Namaschet. Thither we came 
 about three o'clock after noon, the inhabitants enter- 
 taining us with joy, in the best manner they could, 
 giving us a kind of bread called by them maizium,^ and 
 the spawn of shads, which then they got in abundance, 
 insomuch as they gave us spoons to eat them. With 
 these they boiled musty acorns ; ^ but of the shads we 
 eat heartily. After this they desired one of our men 
 to shoot at a crow, complaining what damage they sus- 
 tained in their corn by them ; who shooting some four- 
 score off and killing, they much admired at it, as other 
 shots on other occasions. 
 
 After this, Tisquantum told us we should hardly in 
 one day reach Packanokick, moving us to go some eight 
 miles further, where we should find more store and 
 better victuals than there. Being willing to hasten 
 our journey, we went and came thither at sunsetting, 
 where we found many of the Namascheucks (they so 
 calling the men of Namaschet) fishing upon a w ear ^ 
 which they had made on a river which belonged to 
 them, where they caught abundance of bass. These 
 welcomed us also, gave us of their fish, and we them 
 
 ' Made of ?na;'ce, or Indian corn, adjoining Bridgewater, is a noted 
 
 See note ' on page 131. place, which was formerly called 
 
 '^ See note ^ on page 145. the Old Indian Wear. Though 
 
 ^ At or near a village now called other wears have been erected on 
 
 Tiiicut, on Taunton river, in the Taunton river, yet this is probably 
 
 northwest part of Middieborough, the place intended. F, 
 
206 THEY FORD TAUNTON RIVER. 
 
 CHAP, of our victuals, not doubtins; but we should have enouffh 
 
 XI. ^ , " 
 
 -^^ — where'er we came. There we lodged in the open 
 
 1621. fields, for houses thej had none, though they spent the 
 most of the summer there. The head of this river is 
 reported to be not far from the place of our abode. ^ 
 Upon it are and have been many towns, it being a 
 good length. The ground is very good on both sides, 
 it being for the most part cleared. Thousands of men 
 have lived there, which died in a great plague ^ not 
 long since ; and pity it was and is to see so many 
 goodly fields, and so well seated, without men to dress 
 and manure the same. Upon this river dwelleth Mas- 
 sasoyt. It Cometh into the sea at the Narrohigganset 
 bay, where the Frenchmen so much use. A ship may 
 go many miles up it, as the salvages report, and a shal- 
 lop to the head of it ; but so far as we saw, we are 
 sure a shallop may.^ But to return to our journey. 
 July The next morning we brake our fast, took our leave, 
 and departed ; being then accompanied with some six 
 salvages. Having gone about six miles by the river 
 side, at a known shoal place, ^ it being low water, they 
 spake to us to put off our breeches, for we must wade 
 through. Here let me not forget tlie valor and courage 
 of some of the salvages on the opposite side of the 
 river ; for there were remaining alive only two men, 
 both aged, especially the one, being above threescore. 
 These two, espying a company of men entering the 
 river, ran very swiftly, and low in the grass, to meet 
 
 1 The Winnatuckset, one of the * About six miles below Old In- 
 
 tributnrics of Taunton river, has its dian Wear is a noted wading place, 
 
 source in Carver, seven miles from The opposite shore of Taunton riv- 
 
 Plymouth. er is in Raynharn. F. Baylies, 
 
 ' See note " on page 183. says, i. 75, it is " near the new forge 
 
 * The river is navigable for on Taunton river, about three miles 
 
 isloops as far as Taunton. from the Grteu." 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY. 207 
 
 US at the bank ; where, with shrill voices and great chap. 
 courage, standing charged upon us with their bows, — v-w 
 they demanded what we were, supposing us to be 1621. 
 enemies, and thinking to take advantage on us in the 4. 
 water. But seeing we were friends, they welcomed 
 us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a 
 small bracelet of beads on them. Thus far we are 
 sure the tide ebbs and flows. 
 
 Having here again refreshed ourselves, we proceeded 
 in our journey, the weather being very hot for travel ; 
 yet the country so well watered, that a man could 
 scarce be dry, but he should have a spring at hand to 
 cool his thirst, beside small rivers in abundance. But 
 the salvages will not willingly drink but at a spring- 
 head. When we came to any small brook, where no 
 bridge was, two of them desired to carry us through of 
 their own accords ; also, fearing we were or would be 
 weary, offered to carry our pieces ; also, if we would 
 lay off any of our clothes, we should have them carried ; 
 and as the one of them had found more special kind- 
 ness from one of the messengers, and the other salvage 
 from the other, so they showed their thankfulness ac- 
 cordingly in affording us all help and furtherance in the 
 journey. 
 
 As we passed along, w^e observed that there were 
 few places by the river but had been inhabited ; by 
 reason whereof much ground was clear, save of weeds, 
 which grew higher than our heads. There is much 
 good timber, both oak, walnut tree, fir, beech, and ex- 
 ceeding great chestnut trees. The country, in respect 
 of the lying of it, is both champaign and hilly, like 
 many places in England. In some places it is very 
 rocky, both above ground and in it; and though the 
 
208 THEY ARRIVE AT WARREN, R. I. 
 
 CHAP, country be wild and overgrown with woods, vet the 
 
 XI. -^ . ° " 
 
 —V— trees stand not thick, but a man mav well ride a horse 
 
 1621. amonp:st them.^ 
 July ° . 
 
 4. Passing on at length, one of the company, an Indian, 
 
 espied a man, and told the rest of it. We asked them 
 
 if they feared any. They told us that if they were 
 
 Narrohigganset men, they would not trust them. 
 
 Whereat we called for our pieces, and bid them not to 
 
 fear; for though they were twenty, we two alone would 
 
 not care for them. But they hailing him, he proved a 
 
 friend, and had only two women with him. Their 
 
 baskets were empty ; but they fetched water in their 
 
 bottles, so that we drank with them and departed. 
 
 After we met another man, with other two women, 
 
 which had been at rendezvous by the salt water ; and 
 
 their baskets were full of roasted crab hshes and other 
 
 dried shell fish, of which they gave us ; and we eat 
 
 and drank with them, and gave each of the women a 
 
 string of beads, and departed. 
 
 After we came to a town of Massasoyt's, where we 
 
 eat oysters and other fish. From thence we went to 
 
 Packanokick ; ^ but Massasoyt was not at home. There 
 
 ' See note ^ on page 124. course on Rhode Island, says, that 
 
 ' "This was a general name for "Sowams is tlie neck since called 
 
 the northern shore of Narraganset Phebe's Neck, in Barrington ; " but 
 
 Bay,between Providenceand Taun- intimates in a note that ''perhaps 
 
 ton rivers, and comprehending the Sowams is properly the name of 
 
 present townships of Bristol, War- the river, where the two Swatisey 
 
 ren, and Barrington, in the Slate of rivers meet and run together for 
 
 Rhode Island, and Swansey, in near a mile, when they empty 
 
 Massachusetts. Its northern ex- themselves in the Narraganset Bay, 
 
 tent is unknown. The principal or of a small island, where these 
 
 seatsof Massasoit were at Sowams two rivers meet, at the bottom of 
 
 and Kikemuit. The former is a New Meadow Neck, so called." 
 
 neck of land formed by the conflu- See Rhode Island Hist. Coll. iv. 84. 
 ence of Barrington and Palmer's Morton says, p. G9, that " they 
 
 rivers: the latter is Mount Hope." found his (Massasoit's) place to be 
 
 Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 221. about forty miles from New Ply- 
 
 Callender, in his Historical Dis- mouth." 
 
CONFERENCE WITH MASSASOIT. 209 
 
 we Stayed, he being sent for. When news was brought chap. 
 of his coming, our guide Tisquantum requested that at — v-^. 
 our meeting we would discharge our pieces. But one I62i. 
 of us going about to charge his piece, the women 4. 
 and children, through fear to see him take up his piece, 
 ran away, and could not be pacified till he laid it down 
 again ; who afterward were better informed by our 
 interpreter. Massasoyt being come, we discharged our 
 pieces and saluted him ; who, after their manner, kindly 
 welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us 
 down by him ; where, having delivered our foresaid 
 message and presents, and having put the coat on his 
 back and the chain about his neck, he was not a little 
 proud to behold himself, and his men also to see their 
 king so bravely attired. 
 
 For answer to our message, he told us we were wel- 
 come, and he would gladly continue that peace and 
 friendship which was between him and us ; and, for 
 his men, they should no more pester us as they had 
 done ; also, that he would send to Paomet, and would 
 help us with corn for seed, according to our request. 
 
 This being done, his men gathered near to him, to 
 whom he turned himself and made a great speech ; 
 they sometimes interposing, and, as it were, confirming 
 and applauding him in that he said. The meaning 
 whereof was, as far as we could learn, thus : Was not 
 he, Massasoyt, commander of the country about them ? 
 Was not such a town his, and the people of it ? And 
 should they not bring their skins unto us ? To which 
 they answered, they were his, and would be at peace 
 with us, and bring their skins to us. After this man- 
 ner he named at least thirty places, and their answer 
 27 
 
210 A NIGHT AT POKANOKET. 
 
 CHAP, was as aforesaid to every one ; so that as it was delight- 
 
 ---v^- ful, it was tedious unto us. 
 
 1621. This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell 
 to discoursing of England and of the King's Majesty, 
 marvelling that he would live without a wife.^ Also 
 he talked of the Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer 
 them to come to Narrohigganset, for it was King James's 
 country, and he also was King James's man. Late it 
 grew, but victuals he offered none ; for indeed he had 
 not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired 
 to go to rest. He laid us on the bed with himself and 
 his wife, they at the one end and we at the other, it 
 being only planks laid a foot from the ground and a 
 thin mat upon them.^ Two more of his chief men, for 
 want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we 
 were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey. 
 July The next day, being Thursday, many of their sachims, 
 or petty governors, came to see us, and many of their 
 men also. There they went to their manner of games 
 for skins and knives. There we challenged them to 
 shoot with them for skins, but they durst not ; only 
 they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark, who 
 
 ' Anne of Denmark, the wife of three places of the house about the 
 
 James I. of England, died on the fire. They lie upon planks, com- 
 
 2d of Marcli, 1619, aged 45. monly about a foot or eighteen 
 
 * "In their wigwams," says inchesabove the ground, raised upon 
 
 Gookin, " they make a kind of rails that are borne up upon forks, 
 
 couch or mattress, firm and strong. They lay mats under them, and 
 
 raised about a foot high from the coats of deer's skins, otters', bea- 
 
 earth ; first covered with boards vers', racoons', and of bears' hides, 
 
 that they split out of trees, and up- all which they have dressed and 
 
 on the boards they spread mats gen- converted into good leather, with 
 
 erally, and sometimes bear skins the hair on, for their coverings; 
 
 and deer skins. These are large and in this manner they lie as 
 
 enough for three or four persons to warm as they desire." See Mass. 
 
 lodge upon; for their mattresses Hist. Coll. i. 150, and New English 
 
 are 6 or 8 feet broad." Morton Canaan, b. i. ch. 4. 
 says, " Their lodging is made iu 
 
WANT OF FOOD. 211 
 
 shooting with hail-shot, they wondered to see the chap. 
 mark so full of holes. ^^-v-^ 
 
 About one o'clock Massasojt brought two fishes that 1621. 
 he had shot ; they were like bream, but three times so 
 big, and better meat.^ These being boiled, there were 
 at least forty looked for share in them ; the most eat of 
 them. This meal only we had in two nights and a 
 day ; and had not one of us bought a partridge, we had 
 taken our journey fasting. Very importunate he was 
 to have us staj with them longer. But we desired to 
 keep the Sabbath at home ; and feared we should either 
 be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with bad 
 lodging, the savages' barbarous singing, (for they use 
 to sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, 
 and mosquitoes without, we could hardly sleep all the 
 time of our being there ; we much fearing that if we 
 should stay any longer, we should not be able to reco- 
 ver home for want of strength. So that on the Friday July- 
 morning, before sunrising, we took our leave and de- 
 parted, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed that 
 he could no better entertain us ; and retaining Tis- 
 quantum to send from place to place to procure truck 
 for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, 
 in his place, whom we had found ftiithful before and 
 after upon all occasions. 
 
 At this town of Massasoyt's, where we before eat, 
 we were again refreshed with a little fish, and bought 
 about a handful of meal of their parched corn,^ which 
 was very precious at that time of the year, and a small 
 string of dried shell-fish, as big as oysters.^ The latter 
 we gave to the six savages that accompanied us, keep- 
 
 * Probably the fish called talaug. ' See note ^ on page 187. 
 Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 288. ' These were probably clams. 
 
212 A NIGHT AT TITICUT. 
 
 CHAP, ins: the meal for ourselves. When we drank, we eat 
 
 XI. 
 
 — ^~ each a spoonful of it with a pipe of tobacco, instead of 
 162 1. other victuals ; and of this also we could not but give 
 them so long as it lasted. Five miles thej led us to a 
 house out of the way in hope of victuals ; but we found 
 nobody there, and so were but worse able to return home. 
 Tliat night we reached to the wear where we lay be- 
 fore ; but the Namascheucks were returned, so that we 
 had no hope of any thing there. One of the savages 
 had shot a shad in the water, and a small squirrel, as 
 big as a rat, called a neuxis; the one half of either he 
 gave us, and after went to the wear to fish. From 
 hence we wrote to Plymouth, and sent Tokamahamon 
 before to Namasket, willing him from thence to send 
 another, that he might meet us with food at Namasket. 
 Two men now only remained with us ; and it pleased 
 God to give them good store of fish, so that we were 
 well refreshed. After supper we went to rest, and 
 they to fishing again. More they gat, and fell to eat- 
 ing afresh, and retained sufficient ready roast for all 
 our breakfasts. 
 July About two o'clock in the morning, arose a great 
 ^" storm of wind, rain, lightning, and thunder, in such 
 violent manner that we could not keep in our fire ; and 
 had the savages not roasted fish when we were asleep, 
 we had set forward fasting ; for the rain still continued 
 with great violence, even the whole day through, till 
 we came within two miles of home. Being wet and 
 weary, at length we came to Namaschet. There we 
 refreshed ourselves, giving gifts to all such as had 
 showed us any kindness. Amongst others, one of the 
 six that came with us from Packanokick, having before 
 this on the way unkindly forsaken us, marvelled we 
 
THE MESSENGERS REACH HOME. 
 
 213 
 
 gave him nothing, and told us what he had done for chap. 
 
 us. We also told him of some discourtesies he offered — — 
 
 us, whereby he deserved nothine;. Yet we gave him i 621. 
 •' o a July 
 
 a small trifle ; whereupon he offered us tobacco. But 7. 
 
 the house being full of people, we told them he stole 
 some by the way, and if it were of that, we would not 
 take it ; for we would not receive that which was 
 stolen, upon any terms ; if we did, our God would be 
 angry with us, and destroy us. This abashed him, 
 and gave the rest great content. But, at our depart- 
 ure, he would needs carry him * on his back through 
 a river whom he had formerly in some sort abused. 
 Fain they would have had us to lodge there all night, 
 and wondered we would set forth again in such weather. 
 But, God be praised, we came safe home that night, 
 though wet, weary, and surbated.^ 
 
 ' Undoubtedly the writer himself, and reached Pokanoket on Wed- 
 
 Winslow. nesday, spent Thursday there, left 
 
 ^ Surbated, bruised, wearied. Friday morning before sunrise, and 
 
 They had been absent five days, arrived at Plymouth Saturday eve- 
 
 They started Tuesday morning, ning. 
 
CHAPTER XIL 
 
 A VOYAGE MADE BY TEN OF OUR MEN TO THE KINGDOM 
 OF NAUSET, TO SEEK A BOY' TIJAT HAD LOST HIMSELF 
 IN THE WOODS; WITH SUCH ACCIDENTS AS BEFELL US IN 
 THAT VOYAGE. 
 
 The 11th of June^ we set forth, the weather bemg 
 very fair. But ere we had been long at sea, there arose 
 a Storm of wind and rain, with much hghtning and thun- 
 der, insomuch that a spout arose not far from us. But, 
 God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that 
 night for harbour at a place called Cummaquid,^ where 
 we had some hope to find the boy. Two savages 
 were in the boat with us. The one was Tiscjuantum, 
 our interpreter ; the other Tokamahamon, a special 
 
 ' The name of this boy was John ^ Barnstable harbour; which is 
 
 Billington, according to Bradford, formed by a neck of land, about 
 
 in Prince, p. 192. He was the half a mile wide, called Sandy 
 
 brother of Francis, who discovered Neck, which projects from Sand- 
 
 Billington Sea, and the son of John, wich on the north shore, and runs 
 
 the first culprit. See note ' on page east almost the length of the town. 
 
 149, and note ^ on page 172. Mas- The harbour is about a mile wide, 
 
 sasoit had sent word he was at and four miles long. The tide rises 
 
 Nauset. See Prince, p. 192. in it from 10 to 14 feet. It has a 
 
 ' "This date being inconsistent bar running off northeast from the 
 
 with several hints in the foregoing neck several miles, which prevents 
 
 and following stories, I keep to the entrance of large ships. Mass. 
 
 Governor Bradford's original man- Hist. Coll. iii. 12. See note ^ on 
 
 uscript, and place it between the page 159. 
 end of July and the 13th of Au- 
 gust." Prince, p. 192. 
 
BARNSTABLE HARBOUR. 215 
 
 friend. It being night before we came in, we anchored chap. 
 
 xn. 
 
 in the midst of the bay, \^'here we were dry at a low 
 water. In the morning we espied savages seeking 1621. 
 lobsters, and sent our two interpreters to speak with day. 
 them, the channel being between them ; where they 
 told them what we were, and for what we were come, 
 willing them not at all to fear us, for we would not 
 hurt them. Their answer was, that the boy was well, 
 but he was at Nauset ; yet since we were there, they 
 desired us to come ashore, and eat with them ; which, 
 as soon as our boat floated, we did, and went six ashore, 
 having four pledges for them in the boat. They brought 
 us to their sachim, or governor, whom they call lya- 
 nough,^ a man not exceeding twenty-six years of age, 
 but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair condi- 
 tioned, indeed not like a savage, save for his attire. 
 His entertainment was answerable to his parts, and 
 his cheer plentiful and various. 
 
 One thing was very grievous unto us at this place. 
 There was an old woman, whom we judged to be no 
 less than a hundred years old, which came to see us, 
 because she never saw English ; yet could not behold 
 us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping 
 and crying excessively. We demanding the reason of 
 it, they told us she had three sons, who, when Master \ 
 Hunt^ was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade 
 with him, and he carried them captives into Spain, (for 
 Tisquantum at that time was carried away also,) by 
 which means she was deprived of the comfort of her 
 children in her old age. We told them we were sorry 
 
 * Sometimes called lyanougli of stable and Yarmouth harbours. 
 
 Cummaquid, and sometimes lya- See Prince, p. 193; Mass. Hist, 
 
 nough of Maltakiest, which seems Coll. i. 197, and iii. 15. F. 
 
 to be the country between Barn- * See pages 186 and 190. 
 
216 THE EXPEDITION REACH EASTHAM. 
 
 CHAP, that any Englishman should give them that offence, 
 — — ' that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the English 
 1^21. tliat heard of it condemned him for the same ; but for 
 us, we would not offer them any such injury, though it 
 would gain us all the skins in the country. So we 
 gave her some small trifles, which somewhat appeased 
 her. 
 2d After dinner we took boat for Nauset, lyanough 
 ^^' and two of his men accompanying us. Ere we came 
 to Nauset,^ the day and tide were almost spent, inso- 
 much as we could not go in with our shallop ; ~ but the 
 sachim or governor of Cummaquid went ashore, and his 
 men with him. VVe also sent Tisquantum to tell As- 
 pinet,^ the sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. The 
 savages here came very thick amongst us, and were 
 earnest with us to bring in our boat. But we neither 
 well could, nor yet desired to do it, because we had 
 less cause to trust them, being they only had formerly 
 made an assault upon us in the same place,'* in time of 
 
 ' The territory which the Eng- seem to have been two cantons or 
 
 lish afterwards settled by the name sachemdoms of the Cape Indians, 
 
 of Eastham, and the northern part One extended from Eel river in 
 
 of which still retains the Indian Plymouth, to the south shore of the 
 
 name. The three light-houses, re- Cape, and comprehended what are 
 
 cently erected in that town, are now called the Mashpee Indians, 
 
 called the Nauset Lights. The and then extended upon the Cape 
 
 principal seats of the Nauset Indi- to the eastern part of Barnstable, 
 
 ans were at Namskeket, within the and as far westward as Wood's 
 
 limits of Orleans, and about the Hole; and divers petty sachems or 
 
 cove, which divides this township sagamores were comprehended in 
 
 from Orleans. Captain John Smith thi^'s division, of which Mashpee 
 
 mentions twice " the isle Nawset," was one. The eastern part of the 
 
 or " Nausit." See Mass. Hist. Cape, from Nobscusset, or Yar- 
 
 Coll. viii. 160, xxvi. 108, 119. mouth, made another sachemdom, 
 
 ^ The water is very shoal at the capital of which was Nauset, 
 
 Nauset, or Eastham. See note ' or Eastham. Of these petty tribes 
 
 on page 152. the Nauset Indians appear to have 
 
 ^ "The Indians upon Cape Cod, been the most important." Hutch- 
 
 although not considered a part of inson's Mass. i. 459, and Mass. Hist, 
 
 the Wainponoags, yet were sup- Coll. viii. 159. 
 
 posed to be under some kind of * See page 156. 
 subjection to Massasoit. There 
 
THE BOY RECOVERED. 217 
 
 our winter discovery for habitation. And indeed it chap. 
 was no marvel they did so ; for howsoever, through ^-^^ — 
 snow or otherwise, we saw no houses, yet we were in 1621. 
 the midst of them. 
 
 When our boat was aground, they came very thick; 
 but we stood therein upon our guard, not suffering any 
 to enter except two, the one being of Manamoick,^ and 
 one of those whose corn we had formerly found. We 
 promised him restitution, and desired him either to 
 come to Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would bring 
 them so much corn again. He promised to come. We 
 used him very kindly for the present. Some few skins 
 we gat there, but not many. 
 
 After sunset, Aspinet came with a great train, and 
 brought the boy with him, one bearing him through 
 the water.^ He had not less than a hundred with him ; 
 the half whereof came to the shallop side unarmed with 
 him ; the other stood aloof with their bows and arrows. 
 There he delivered us the boy, behung with beads, 
 and made peace with us ; ^ we bestowing a knife on 
 him, and likewise on another that first entertained 
 the boy and brought him thither. So they departed 
 from us. 
 
 Here we understood that the Narrohiggansets had 
 spoiled some of Massasoyt's men, and taken him. 
 This struck some fear in us, because the colony was 
 so weakly guarded, the strength thereof being abroad.^ 
 
 ' Chatham, the southern extre- ^ Bradford adds, " We give them 
 
 mity of Cape Cod. full satisfaction for the corn we 
 
 ^ " He had wandered five days, had formerly found in their coun- 
 
 lived on herries, then light of an try." Prince, p. 193. See note ' 
 
 Indian plantation, twenty miles on page 134. 
 
 south of us, called Manomet, (Sand- '^ There were ten men in this 
 
 wich,) and they conveyed him to expedition. At the same time, ac- 
 
 the people who first assaulted us." cording to the dates of this and the 
 
 Bradford, in Prince, p. 192. previous paper, Winslow and Hop- 
 
 28 
 
218 RETURN TO BARNSTABLE AND HOME. 
 
 CHAP. But we set forth with resolution to make the best haste 
 
 XII 
 
 -^-^^ home we could ; jet the wind being contrary, having 
 16 21. scarce any fresh water left, and at least sixteen leagues ^ 
 home, we put in again for the shore. There we met 
 again with lyanough, the sachim of Cummaquid, and 
 the most of his town, both men, women, and children 
 with him. He, being still willing to gratify us, took a 
 runlet,^ and led our men in the dark a great way for 
 water, but could find none good ; yet brought such as 
 there was on his neck with them. In the mean time 
 the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing 
 before the shallop, the men also showing all the kind- 
 ness they could, lyanough himself taking a bracelet 
 from about his neck and hanging it upon one of us. 
 
 Again we set out, but to small purpose ; for we gat 
 but little homeward. Our water also was very brack- 
 ed ish, and not to be drunk. The next morning lyanough 
 ^^' espied us agjain, and ran after us. We, being resolved 
 to go to Cummaquid again to water, took him into the 
 shallop, whose entertainment was not inferior unto the 
 former. 
 
 The soil at Nauset and here is alike, even and sandy, 
 not so good for corn as where we are. Ships may 
 safely ride in either harbour. In the summer they 
 abound with fish. Being now watered, we put forth 
 again, and by God's providence came safely home that 
 night. 
 
 kinswere absent on their expedition ' The distance from Eastham to 
 
 to Pokanoket, leaving only seven Plymouth is not more than twelve 
 
 men at the Plantation, the whole leagues. F. 
 
 number surviving at this time be- ^ A small barrel, 
 ing nineteen. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 A JOURNEY TO THE KINGDOM OF NAMASCHET, IN DEFENCE 
 OF THE GREAT KING MASSASOYT AGAINST THE NARRO- 
 HIGGAiNSETS, AND TO REVENGE THE SUPPOSED DEATH 
 OF OUR INTERPRETER, TISQUANTUM. 
 
 At our return from Nauset we found it true that chap. 
 
 XIII 
 
 Massasoyt was put from his country by the Narrohig- -^^ — 
 g-ansets.* Word also was broujiht unto us that Cou- 1621. 
 
 ° . *= Aug. 
 
 batant,^ a petty sachim or governor under Massasoyt, 
 
 whom they ever feared to be too conversant with the 
 Narrohiggansets, was at Namaschet ; who sought to 
 draw the hearts of Massasoyt's subjects from him; 
 speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace 
 between Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquan- 
 tum, the worker of it ; also at Tokamahamon and one 
 Hobbamock, two Indians, our allies,^ one of which he 
 would treacherously have murdered a little before, be- 
 ing a special and trusty man of Massasoyt's. Toka- 
 mahamon went to him, but the other two would not ; 
 
 ' Governor Bradford says no- ^ In the original "or Lemes," to 
 
 thing of this, nor of Massasoit's which no meaning can be attached, 
 
 being either seized or invaded by It is manifestly an error of the 
 
 the Narragansetts. Prince, p. 193. press, and I have given what I con- 
 
 - Governor Bradford plainly sider the true reading, 
 writes him Corbitant. Prince, p. 
 194. 
 
220 THE EXPEDITION REACH NAMASKET. 
 
 CHAP, yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see 
 — — ' if they could hear of their king, and lodging at Namas- 
 16 21. chet were discovered to Coubatant, who set a ji;uard to 
 beset the house, and took Tisquantum; for he had said if 
 he were dead, the English had lost their tongue. Hob- 
 bamock, seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and Cou- 
 batant held a knife at his breast, being a strong and 
 stout man, brake from them and came to New Ply- 
 mouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom 
 he thought to be slain. 
 Aug. Upon this news the company assembled together, 
 and resolved on the morrow to send ten men armed to 
 Namaschet, and Hobbamock for their guide, to revenge 
 the supposed death of Tisquantum on Coubatant, our 
 bitter enemy, and to retain Nepeof,' another sachim or 
 governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard 
 what was become of our friend Massasoyt. 
 14. On the morrow we set out ten ^ men, armed, who 
 took their journey as aforesaid ; but the day proved 
 very wet. When we supposed we were within three 
 or four miles of Namaschet, we went out of the way, 
 and stayed there till night ; because we would not be 
 discovered. There we consulted what to do ; and 
 thinking best to beset the house at midnight, each was 
 appointed his task by the Captain,^ all men encourag- 
 ing one another to the utmost of their power. By 
 night our guide lost his way, which much discouraged 
 our men, being we were wet, and weary of our arms. 
 But one ^ of our men, having been before at Namaschet, 
 brought us into the way again. 
 
 ' This is the only time the name ish with 14 men." Prince, p. 194. 
 
 of this chief occurs in the annals ^ Standish. 
 
 of the Colony. * Either Winslow or Hopkins, 
 
 '■^ Bradford says, " Captain Stand- who stopped at Namasket in going 
 
THEY BESET THE HOUSE AT MIDNIGHT. 221 
 
 Before we came to the town, we sat down and ate chap. 
 
 XIII 
 
 such as our knapsacks afforded. That being done, we - — ^ 
 
 threw them aside, and all such things as might hinder ip2l. 
 ' . Aug. 
 
 us, and so went on and beset the house, according to 14. 
 
 our last resolution. Those that entered demanded if 
 Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the 
 savages of speech. We charged them not to stir ; for 
 if Coubatant w^ere not there, we would not meddle 
 with them. If he were, we came principally for him, 
 to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tis- 
 quantum, and other matters ; but, howsoever, we would 
 not at all hurt their women or children. Notwith- 
 standing, some of them pressed out at a private door 
 and escaped, but with some wounds. At length, per- 
 ceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant 
 was returned with all his train, and that Tisquantum 
 was yet living and in the town ; offering some tobacco, 
 other such as they had to eat. In this hurly-burly we 
 discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified 
 all the inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokama- 
 hamon ; who, though they knew not our end in com- 
 ing, yet assured them of our honesty, that we would 
 not hurt them. Those boys that were in the house, 
 seeing our care of women, often cried Nee7i squaes ! ^ 
 that is to say, I am a woman ; ^ the women also hang- 
 ing upon Hobbamock, calling him toivam, that is, 
 
 and returning from Pokanoket, in liains's Key to the native language 
 
 July. If it was Winslow, he may of New England, ch. 5; Wood's 
 
 reasonably be considered the writer Nonienclator, at the end of his 
 
 of this narrative. New England's Prospect; and Gal- 
 
 ' This is correct Indian in the latin's Indian Vocabularies, in Coll. 
 
 Massachusetts and Narragansett Am. Antiq. Soc. ii. 308, 352. 
 
 dialects. See Eliot's Indian Gram- ^ R-ather, I am a girl ; squaes being 
 
 mar, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 253 ; a diminutive, formed by adding es 
 
 Cotton's Vocabulary of the Massa- to squa. See the Apostle Eliot's 
 
 chusetts language, in Mass. Hist. Indian Grammar, in Mass. Hist. 
 
 Coll. xxii. 156, 178; Roger Wil- Coll. xix. 258. 
 
COUBATANT AND HIS PARTY ESCAPE. 
 
 CHAP, friend.^ But, to be short, we kept them we had, and 
 — v^- made them make a fire, that we might see to search 
 1621. the house. In the mean time, Hobbamock gat on the 
 top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- 
 hamon, which came unto us accompanied with others, 
 some armed, and others naked. Those that had bows 
 and arrows, we took them away, promising them again 
 when it was day. The house we took, for our better 
 safeguard, but released those we had taken, manifest- 
 ing whom we came for and wherefore, 
 -^"g- On the next morning, we marched into the midst of 
 the town, and went to the house of Tisquantum to 
 breakfast. Thither came all whose hearts were up- 
 right towards us ; but all Coubatant's faction were fled 
 away. There, in the midst of them, we manifested 
 again our intendment, assuring them, that although 
 Coubatant had now escaped us, yet there was no place 
 should secure him and his from us, if he continued his 
 threatening us, and provoking others against us, who 
 had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil 
 towards him till he now so justly deserved it. More- 
 over, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from Narro- 
 higganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrec- 
 tion against him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, 
 Hobbamock, or any of Massasoyt's subjects, we would 
 revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. 
 As for those [who] were wounded, we were sorry for 
 it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the 
 house, at our command ; yet if they would return home 
 with us, our surgeon ^ should heal them. 
 
 ' The most common word for tor; Roger Williams's Key, ch. 1; 
 
 friend, in the Massachusetts and and Gallatin, in Coll. Am. Antiq. 
 
 Narragansett dialects, was nctof or Soc. ii. 321. 
 
 netomp. See Cotton, in Mass. Hist. ^ Their surgeon and physician 
 
 Coll. xxii. 165 ; Wood's Nomencla- was Mr. Samuel Fuller, the eighth 
 
THE EXPEDITION RETURN TO PLYMOUTH. 
 
 223 
 
 At this offer, one man and a woman that were chap. 
 
 XIII 
 
 wounded went home with us ; Tisquantum and many -^— - 
 other known friends accompanying us, and offering all 1621. 
 help that might be by carriage of any thing we had, to 15? 
 ease us. So that by God's good providence we safely 
 returned home the morrow night after we set forth. 
 
 signer of the Compact. In 1629, 
 when the scurvy and a malignant 
 distemper brolve out among the first 
 settlers at Salem, "Mr. Endicot 
 understanding that there was one 
 at Plymouth that had skill in such 
 diseases, sent thither for him ; at 
 whose request he was sent unto 
 them." He died in 1633, of an in- 
 fectious fever. In the MS. Records 
 of Plymouth Church, vol. i. p. 42, it 
 is Slated that "when the church 
 came away out of Holland, they 
 brought with them one deacon, 
 Mr. Samuel Fuller, who officiated 
 amongst them until his death. He 
 was a good man, and full of the 
 
 holy spirit." Morton says, that 
 "he did much good in his place, 
 being not only useful in his faculty, 
 but otherwise, as he was a godly 
 man, and served Christ in the office 
 of a deacon in the church for many 
 years, and forward to do good in 
 his place, and was much missed 
 after God removed him out of this 
 world." His widow, Bridget, and 
 his son Samuel gave to the Ply- 
 mouth church the lot of ground on 
 which the parsonage now stands. 
 See Morton's Memorial, pp. 143 
 and 173 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 66, 
 74—76, and xiii. 186. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 A RELATION OF OUR VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETS,' 
 AND WHAT HAPPENED THERE. 
 
 CHAP. It seemed good to the company in general, that 
 
 — ^ — though the Massachusets had often threatened us, (as 
 
 16 21. ^yg were informed,) yet we should go amongst them, 
 
 partly to see the country, partly to make peace with 
 
 them, and partly to procure their truck. For these 
 
 ends the governors chose ten men, fit for the purpose, 
 
 and sent Tisquantum and two other salvages to bring 
 
 us to speech with the people and interpret for us. 
 
 Sept. We set out about midnight, the tide then serving for 
 
 IS o o 
 
 us. We supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought 
 to be there the next morning betimes ; but it proved 
 well near twenty leagues ^ from New Plymouth. We 
 
 ' The territory and tribe probably was called so from the Blue Hills, 
 
 took their name from the Blue a little island thereabout (in Nar- 
 
 Hills in Milton, which were origin- raganset Bay); and Cononicus's 
 
 ally called Massachusetts Mount, father and ancestors living in those 
 
 Smith speaks of them as " the high southern parts, transferred and 
 
 mountain of Massachusit." Cot- brought their authority and name 
 
 ton, in his Vocabulary of the Mas- into those northern parts." See 
 
 sachusetts language, gives the fol- Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 1. xxvi. 120 ; 
 
 lowing definition: "Massa-chusett R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 208; and 
 
 — a hill in the form of an arrow's Hutchinson's Mass. i. 460. 
 
 head." Roger Williams says, "I ^ The distance from Plymouth to 
 
 had learnt that the Massachusetts Boston by water is about 40 miles. 
 
THE FIRST LANDING IN BOSTON. 225 
 
 came into the bottom of the bay ; ^ but behie; late, we chap. 
 
 ■^ . XIV. 
 
 anchored and lay in the shallop, not having seen any ^-v^- 
 of the people. The next mornino; we put in for the ^i'^l. 
 shore. There we found many lobsters, that had been 20. 
 gathered together by the salvages, which we made 
 ready under a cliff.^ The Captain^ set two sentinels 
 behind the cliff, to the landward, to secure the shal- 
 lop, and taking a guide with him and four of our com- 
 pany, went to seek the inhabitants ; where they met a 
 woman coming for her lobsters. They told her of 
 them, and contented her for them. She told them 
 where the people were. Tisquantum went to them ; 
 the rest returned, having direction which way to bring 
 the shallop to them. 
 
 The sachim or governor of this place is called Obba- 
 tinewat ; and though he lives in the bottom of the 
 Massachuset Bay,^ yet he is under Massasoyt. He 
 used us very kindly. He told us he durst not then 
 remain in any settled place for fear of the Tarentines.^ 
 Also the squa sachim,*^ or Massachusets queen, was an 
 enemy to him. 
 
 ' By the bay is meant Boston ton. Thus Gov. Winthrop speaks 
 
 harbour. It exiends from Nantas- of going from Salem to Massachu- 
 
 ket to Boston, and spreads from setts. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 27. 
 
 Chelsea to Hingham, containing ^ The Tarraleens orTarrenteens 
 
 about 75 square miles. See Snow's resided on the Kennebec and the 
 
 Boston, p. 113. other rivers in Maine, and the 
 
 ^ Supposed to be Copp's hill, at country east of it. There was 
 the north end of Boston. At the great enmity between them and the 
 first settlement of llie town, in Indians of Massachusetts Bay, who 
 1630, this hill, rising to the height although they had formerly been a 
 of about fifty feet above the sea, great people, yet were now so re- 
 presented on its northwest brow an duced that, upon alarms, they 
 abrupt declivity, long after known would fly to the English houses as 
 as Copp's hill steeps. See Snow's to asylums, where the Tarren teens 
 History of Boston, p. 105. durst not pursue them, Hutchin- 
 
 ^ Siandish. son's Mass. i. 2S, 456. 
 
 4 By Massachusetts Bay was ^ I suppose the widow of Nane- 
 
 formerly understood only the inner pashemet, mentioned subsequently. 
 bay, from Nahant to Point Alder- 
 
 29 
 
21. 
 
 226 THE PILGRIMS IN DORCHESTER. 
 
 CHAP. We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledged 
 
 XIV. ^. . 
 
 • — ^-^ themselves to be King James's men,' and if he also 
 i62i.vvould submit himself, we would be his safeguard from 
 his enemies ; which he did, and went along w ith us to 
 bring us to the squa sachim. Again we crossed the 
 bay, which is very large, and hath at least fifty islands 
 in it;^ but the certain number is not known to the 
 inhabitants. Night it was before we came to that side 
 of the bay where this people were. On shore the 
 salvages went, but found nobody. That night also we 
 rid at anchor aboard the shallop. 
 Sept. On the morrow we went ashore,^ all but two men, 
 and marched in arms up in the country. Having gone 
 three miles we came to a place where corn had been 
 newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people 
 gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, their king, 
 in his life-time had lived. His house was not like 
 others, but a scaffold was largely built, with poles and 
 planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house 
 upon that, being situated on the top of a hill." 
 
 • Of course he could not be, as mnny isles all planted with corn, 
 
 Prince supposes, the Obbatinnu.i groves, mulberries, and salvage 
 
 who, with eight other saciieins, on gardens." See Mass. Hist. CoU. 
 
 the 13th of the same month, seven iii. 295, and xxvi. US. 
 
 days before, had signed a paper, ^ They probably landed at Squan- 
 
 professing their submission to King turn, in Dorchester, which may 
 
 James; unless his name was affix- have been so called by them at this 
 
 ed subsequently to that date. See time after their interpreter Tis- 
 
 Morton's Memorial, p. 67, and quantum, who was one of the 
 
 Prince's Annals, p, 196. party. See note on page 191, and 
 
 ^ The number of islands in Bos- Mass. Hist. Coll. ix. 164. 
 ton harbour is not overstated, al- ■* Perhaps Milton Hill, or some 
 though several of them, such as one of the Blue Hills. " At Mas- 
 Bird Island and Nick's Mate, have sachuselts, near the mouth of 
 been washed away since this Jour- Charles river, there used to be a 
 nal was written. A list of them is general rendezvous of Indians. 
 \ contained in Snow's Boston, p. 114. That circle, which now makes the 
 Smith, in his Description of New harbours of Boston and Charles- 
 England, says, " The country of town, round by Maiden, Chelsea, 
 the Massachusets is the paradise Nanlasket, Hingham, Weymouth, 
 of all those parts ; for here are Braintree, and Dorchester, was the 
 
THE PILGRIMS IN MILTON. 227 
 
 Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort, chap. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 built by their deceased king ; the manner thus. There 
 
 were poles, some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the i^^^' 
 ground as thick as tht^y could be set one by another ; 21. 
 and with these they enclosed a ring some forty or fifty 
 foot over ; ^ a trench, breast high, was digged on each 
 side ; one way there was to go into it with a bridge. 
 In the midst of this palisado stood the frame of a house, 
 wherein, being dead, he lay buried.^ 
 
 About a mile from hence we came to such another, 
 but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepashemet 
 was killed,^ none dwelling in it since the time of his 
 death. At this place we stayed, and sent two salvages 
 to look [for] the inhabitants, and to inform them of our 
 ends in corning, that they might not be fearful of us. 
 Within a mile of this place they found the women of 
 the place together, with their corn on heaps, whither we 
 supposed them to be fled for fear of us ; and the more, 
 because in divers places they had newly pulled down 
 their houses, and for haste in one place had left some 
 of their corn covered with a mat, and nobody with it. 
 
 With much fear they entertained us at first ; but 
 seeing our gentle carriage towards them, they took 
 heart and entertained us in the best manner they could, 
 
 capital of a great sachem, much Mass. i. 460. See also Gookin, in 
 
 reverenced by all the plantations of Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 148. 
 
 Indians round about, and to hira ' This corresponds exactly with 
 
 belonged Naponset, (Millon,) Pun- the engraving of the Pequot Fort 
 
 kapog, (Stoughton,) Wessagusset, in Underbill's Newes from Ameri- 
 
 (Weyniouth,)and several places on ca, printed in London in 1638, and 
 
 Charles river, where the natives reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 
 
 were seated. The tradition is, that 23. 
 
 this sachem had his principal seat * See page 1.54. 
 
 upon a small hill or rising upland, ^ Nanepashemet is supposed to 
 
 in the midst of a body of salt marsh have been killed in 1619, and his 
 
 in the township of Dorchester, [per- widow, the squa sachim, continued 
 
 haps Savin Hill] near to a place in the government. See Lewis's 
 
 called Squantum." Hutchinson's Hist, of Lynn, p. 16. 
 
228 THEY DISCOVER MYSTIC RIVER. 
 
 CHAP, boiling cod and such other things as they had for us. 
 
 XIV 
 
 At length, with much sending for, came one of their 
 1621. men, shaking and trembling for fear. But when he 
 21. saw we intended them no hurt, but came to truck, he 
 promised us his skins also. Of him we inquired for 
 their queen ; but it seemed she was far from thence ; * 
 at least we could not see her. 
 / Here Tisquantum would have had us rifle the sal- 
 vage women, and taken their skins and all such things 
 as might be serviceable for us ; for, said he, they are a 
 bad people, and have oft threatened jou. But our 
 answer was, Were they never so bad, we would not 
 wrong them, or give them any just occasion against us. 
 For their words, we little weighed them ; but if they 
 once attempted any thing against us, then we would 
 deal far worse than he desired. 
 
 Having well spent the day, we returned to the shal- 
 lop, almost all the women accompanying us to truck, 
 who sold their coats from their backs, and tied boughs 
 about them, but with great shamefacedness, for indeed 
 they are more modest than some of our English women 
 are. We promised them to come again to them, and 
 they us to keep their skins. 
 
 Within this bay the salvages say there are two riv- 
 ers ; ^ the one whereof we saw, having a fair entrance, 
 but we had no time to discover it. Better harbours 
 for shipping cannot be than here are. At the entrance 
 of the bay are many rocks ; ^ and in all likelihood good 
 
 ' The residence of the squa sa- Shattuck's Hist, of Concord, p. 2, 
 
 chim of Massachusetts is variously and Drake's Book of the Indians, b. 
 
 conjectured to have been at Con- ii. p. 40. 
 
 cord, and in the neighbourhood of ^ The Mystic and the Charles, 
 
 the Wachusett mountain. There the former of which tliey saw. 
 
 seems, however, no sufficient rea- ' The Graves and the Brewsters 
 
 son for placing it so remote. See are the principal rocks at the en- 
 
THEY RETURN TO PLYMOUTH. 
 
 229 
 
 fishing-ground.^ Many, yea most of the islands have chap. 
 been inhabited, some being cleared from end to end. ^--v^- 
 But the people are all dead,- or removed. ^ 1621. 
 
 Our victual growing scarce, the wind coming fair, 
 and having a light moon, we set out at evening, and 
 through the goodness of God came safely home before Sept. 
 
 ^ . 22. 
 
 noon the day following.^ 
 
 trance of Boston bay. It is sup- 
 posed that in this or some subse- 
 quent voyage the three Brewsters 
 were named in honor of their ven- 
 erable elder, and Point Alderton, 
 the head-land of Nantasket, after 
 Isaac Allerton. See note on page 
 195. 
 
 ' The neighbourhood of these 
 rocks is excellent fishing-ground. 
 
 * They had been swept off by 
 the pestilence mentioned on page 
 184. 
 
 ' Governor Bradford adds, " with 
 a considerable quantity of beaver, 
 and a good report of the place, 
 wishing we had been seated there." 
 Prince, p. 198. 
 
 They were absent on this expe- 
 dition four days. Winslow was 
 probably one of the party, and 
 wrote this account. 
 
 " All the summer no want. 
 While some were trading, others 
 were fishing cod, bass, &c. We 
 now gather in our harvest ; and as 
 cold weather advances, come in 
 store of water fowl, wherewith this 
 place abounds, though afterwards 
 they by degrees decrease ; as also 
 abundance of wild turkeys, with 
 venison, &c. Fit our houses against 
 winter, are in health, and have all 
 things in plenty." Bradford, in 
 Prince, p. 198. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 A LETTER SENT FROM NEW ENGLAND TO A FRIEND IN 
 THESE PARTS, SETTING FORTH A BRIEF AND TRUE DEC- 
 LARATION OF THE WORTH OF THAT PLANTATION ; AS 
 ALSO CERTAIN USEFUL DIRECTIONS FOR SUCH AS INTEND 
 A VOYAGE INTO THOSE PARTS. 
 
 ^^AP. Loving and Old Friend,^ 
 
 Although I received no letter from you by this 
 ship,^ yet forasmuch as I know you expect the perform- 
 ance of my promise, which was, to write unto you truly 
 and faithfully of all things, I have therefore at this time 
 sent unto you accordingly, referring you for further 
 satisfaction to our more large Relations.^ 
 
 You shall understand that in this little time that a 
 few of us have been here, we have built seven dwell- 
 ing-houses "* and four for the use of the plantation, and 
 have made preparation for divers others. We set the 
 last spring some twenty acres of Indian corn,^ and 
 
 ' This letter I think was ad- help, showing us how to set, fish, 
 
 dressed to George Morton. See dress, and tend it." Bradford, in 
 
 note on page 113. Prince, p. 190. The Indians' sea- 
 
 * The Fortune, in which this son for planting the maize was 
 letter and the preceding Journal " when the leaves of the white oak 
 were sent to England. are as hig as the ear of a mouse." 
 
 ' The preceding narrative. See Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp- 
 
 ■* See note " on page 173. shire, iii. 70. 
 
 * " Wherein Squanto is a great 
 
THE FIRST THANKSGIVING. 231 
 
 sowed some six acres of barley and pease ; and accord- chap. 
 ing to the manner of the Indians, we manured our ^^v-^ 
 eround with herrings, or rather shads, ^ which we have 1621. 
 
 P ° , Dec. 
 
 in great abundance, and take with great ease at our u. 
 doors. Our corn did prove well ; and, God be praised, 
 we had a good increase of Indian corn, and our barley 
 indifferent good, but our pease not worth the gathering, 
 for we feared they were too late sown. They came 
 up very well, and blossomed ; but the sun parched 
 them in the blossom. 
 
 Our harvest being gotten in, our governor^ sent four 
 men on fowling, that so we might, after a special man- 
 ner, rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of 
 our labors.^ They four in one day killed as much fowl 
 as, with a little help beside, served the company almost 
 a week. At which time, amonojst other recreations, 
 we exercised our arms, many of the Indians coming 
 amongst us, and among the rest their greatest king, 
 Massasoyt, with some ninety men, w^hom for three days 
 we entertained and feasted ; and they went out and 
 killed five deer,^ which they brought to the plantation, 
 and bestowed on our governor, and upon the captain 
 and others. And although it be not always so plenti- 
 ful as it was at this time with us, yet by the goodness 
 
 ' Or rathev alewices. Morton, in and an acre thus dressed will pro- 
 
 his New English Canaan, b. ii. ch. duce and yield so much corn as 
 
 7, says, " There is a fish, by some three acres without fish." The 
 
 called shads, by some allizes, that Indians used to put two or three 
 
 at the spring of the year pass up fishes into every corn-hill, 
 
 the rivers to spawn in the ponds ; ^ Bradford. 
 
 and are taken in such multitudes in ^ This was the first Thanksgiv- 
 
 every river that hath a pond at the ing, the harvest festival of New 
 
 end, that the inhabitants dung their England. On this occasion they 
 
 ground with them. You may see no doubt feasted on the wild turkey 
 
 in one township a hundred acres as well as venison. See note ' on 
 
 together set with these fish, every page 229. 
 
 acre taking a thousand of them ; * See note ' on page 175. 
 
THE INDIANS WELL-DISPOSED. 
 
 CHAP, of God we are so far from want, that we often wish 
 
 XV. 
 
 you partakers of our plenty.^ 
 
 1621, We have found the Indians very faithful in their 
 
 Dec. . "^ . 
 
 11. covenant of peace with us, very loving, and ready to 
 pleasure us. We often go to them, and they come to 
 us. Some of us have been fifty miles ^ by land in the 
 country with them, the occasions and relations whereof 
 you shall understand by our general and more full dec- 
 laration of such things as are worth the noting. Yea, 
 it hath pleased God so to possess the Indians with a 
 fear of us and love unto us, that not only the greatest 
 king amongst them, called Massasoyt, but also all the 
 princes and peoples round about us, have either made 
 suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to make 
 peace with us ; so that seven of them at once have 
 sent their messengers to us to that end.^ Yea, an isle 
 at sea,^ which we never saw, hath also, together with 
 the former, yielded willingly to be under the protection 
 and subject to our sovereign lord King James. So 
 that there is now great peace amongst the Indians 
 
 ' This representation was rather Ohquamehud, Chilikatabah, 
 
 too encouraging, as will be seen Caivnacome, Quadaquina, 
 
 hereafter. Ohbatinnua, Hutimoiden, 
 
 ^ Winslow himself had been to JSattawahunt, Apannow." 
 
 Pokanoket, a distance of forty Caunbatani, 
 miles. See page 208. 
 
 * Morton has preserved in his Cawnacome was the sachem of 
 
 Memorial, p. 67, the following do- Manomet, or Sandwich, Caunba- 
 
 cument. tant of Mattapuyst, or Swansey, 
 
 and Cnikkatabak, of Neponset. 
 
 " September u, anno Dom. 1G21. Quadcquina was llie brother of 
 
 " Know all men by these presents, Massasoit, and Apannow was pro- 
 
 that we, whose names are under- bably Aspinet, the sachem of Nau- 
 
 written, do acknowledge ourselves set. Obbatinua is supposed to have 
 
 to be the loyal subjects of King been the same as Obbatinewat, the 
 
 James, king of Great Britain, sachem of Shawmut, or Boston. 
 
 France, and Irehind, Defender of But see note on page 225. 
 
 the Faith, &c. In witness where- ■• Capawack, or Nope, Martha's 
 
 of, and as a testimonial of the Vineyard. See Bradford, in Prince, 
 
 same, we have subscribed our p. 195, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 
 
 names or marks, as folio welh : 89. 
 
THE CLIMATE OF NEW ENGLAND. 233 
 
 themselves, which was not formerly, neither would chap. 
 
 XV. 
 
 have been but for us ; and we, for our parts, walk as 
 peaceably and safely in the wood as in the highways 1621. 
 in England. We entertain them familiarly in our ii. 
 houses, and they as friendly bestowing their venison 
 on us. They are a people without any religion or 
 knowledge of any God,^ yet very trusty, quick of ap- 
 prehension, ripe-witted, just. The men and women 
 go naked, only a skin about their middles. 
 
 For the temper of the air here, it agreeth well with 
 that in England ; and if there be any difference at all, 
 this is somewhat hotter in summer. Some think it to 
 be colder in winter ; but I cannot out of experience so 
 say. The air is very clear, and not foggy, as hath been 
 reported. I never in my life remember a more season- 
 able year than we have here enjoyed ; and if we have 
 once but kine,^ horses, and sheep, I make no question 
 but men might live as contented here as in any part of 
 the world. For fish and fowl, we have great abundance. 
 Fresh cod in the summer is but coarse meat with us. 
 Our bay is full of lobsters^ all the summer, and affordeth 
 variety of other fish. In September we can take a hogs- 
 head of eels in a night, with small labor, and can dig 
 them out of their beds all the winter.^ We have mus- 
 cles and othus ^ at our doors. Oysters we have none 
 
 * The writer of this letter, Ed- * The writer himself was the 
 ward Winslow, afterwards correct- first to bring over cattle to the plan- 
 ed this statement in his Good News tation, in 1624 — a bull and three 
 from New England. "Whereas," he heifers. See Prince, p. 225. 
 says, "myself and others, in former ^ See note * on page 164, and 
 letters, (which came to the press also page 205. 
 against my will and knowledge,) "* See note ' on page 196. 
 wrote that the Indians about us are " This I think a typographical 
 a people without any religion, or error for other — the word shell- 
 knowledge of any God, therein I fish being accidentally omitted ; or 
 erred, though we could then gather perhaps the word in the MS. was 
 no better." clams. 
 
 30 
 
234 
 
 THE PRODUCTIONS OF THE COUNTRY. 
 
 CHAP, near, but we can have them brought by the Indians when 
 
 XV . 
 
 — ^^ we will. All the spring-time the earth sendeth forth na- 
 1621. turally very good sallet herbs. H ere are grapes,^ white 
 11.* and rfed, and very sweet and strong also ; strawberries, 
 gooseberries, raspas,^ &lc. ; plums^ of three sorts, white ^ 
 black, and red, being almost as good as a damson ; 
 abundance of roses, white, red and damask ; single, but 
 very sweet indeed. The country wanteth only indus- 
 trious men to employ ; for it would grieve your hearts 
 if, as I, you had seen so many miles together by goodly 
 rivers uninhabited;' and withal, to consider those parts 
 of the world wherein you live to be even greatly bur- 
 thened with abundance of people. These things I 
 thought good to let you understand, being the truth of 
 things as near as I could experimentally take know- 
 ledge of, and that you might on our behalf give God 
 thanks, who hath dealt so favorably with us. 
 
 Our supply of men from you came the 9th of No- 
 vember, 1621, putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or 
 \ ten leagues from us.^ The Indians that dwell there- 
 
 * See note ^ on page 165. 
 ^ Raspas, raspberries. 
 
 ^ See note * on page 165. 
 ■' In the original ivith — an error 
 of the press. 
 
 * Winslowhad observed this de- 
 solation on the banks of Taunton 
 river. See page 206. 
 
 ' The Fortune, a small vessel of 
 55 tons, brought over Robert Cush- 
 man and 35 persons, a part of 
 vphom no doubt were the 20 that 
 put back in the Speedwell. See 
 note ' on page 99. The Fortune 
 sailed from London the beginning 
 of July, but could not clear tlie 
 channel till the end of August. 
 She found all the colonists whom 
 the Mayflower had left in April, 
 "lusty and in good health, except 
 six who had died ; and she stays a 
 
 month ere she sails for iEngland." 
 Bradford and Smith,in Prince,p.l98. 
 The Fortune brought a letter for 
 Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, dated 
 London, July 6, wherein he writes, 
 " We (the adventurers) have pro- 
 cured you a charter, the best we 
 could, better than your former, and 
 with less limitation." Judge Da- 
 vis, in a note on Morton's Memo- 
 rial, p. 73, says, " this intimation 
 refers to a patent from the Presi- 
 dent and Council of New England 
 to John Pierce and his associates, 
 which was in trust for the compa- 
 ny. It was probably brought in 
 this ship, and was a few years 
 since found among the old papers 
 in the Land Office at Boston, by 
 William Smith, Esq.oneof the Land 
 Committee. It bears the seals and 
 
ARRIVAL OF THE SECOND SHIP. 235 
 
 about were they who were owners of the corn which chai'. 
 we found in caves, for which we have given them full -—v-i^ 
 content,^ and are in ercat league with them. They 1^21. 
 
 ^ ^ p J Pec. 
 
 sent us word there was a ship near unto them, but ii. 
 thought it to be a Frenchman ; and indeed for oufselves 
 w^e expected not a friend so soon. But when we per- 
 ceived that she made for our bay, the governor com- 
 manded a great piece to be shot off, to call home such 
 as were abroad at work. Whereupon every man, yea 
 boy, that could handle a gun, were ready, with full 
 resolution that, if she were an enemy, we would stand 
 in our just defence, not fearing them. But God pro- 
 vided better for us than we supposed. These came all 
 in health, not any being sick by the way, otherwise 
 than by sea-sickness, and so continue at this time, by 
 the blessing of God.^ The good-wife Ford was dcliv- 
 
 signatures of the Duke of Lenox, Plymouth Colony, p. 21 — 26. See 
 
 the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl Memorial, p. 95 — 97, and Prince, 
 
 of Warwick, and of Sir Ferdinando pp. 204, 217. 
 Gorges. There is another signa- ' See page 217. 
 ture so obscurely written, as to be ^ The following is an alphabeti- 
 
 illegible. It does not appear what cal list of the persons who came 
 
 use was made of this patent by the over in the Fortune. 
 
 Plymouth planters ; it was, not , , . , -r. , ,,• , 
 
 long afterwards, superseded by the J"''". Adams, Robert Ihckes, 
 
 ^1 . ^ .-,• 1 ^ I AVilliam Kassite, William Hilton, 
 
 second patent, surreptitiously ob- -..r-,,- ,, , ' i:(„v,„,fTM ..„oJ 
 
 1 1 Ti- /- 1 ■ 1 \V illiam J>ealc, lienuct Aj organ, 
 
 tamed by Pierce, for his own bene- Edward Kompasse, Thomas Morton, 
 
 fit, and which, after his rnislortunes, , Jonathan Brewster, Austin Nicolas, 
 
 was assigned to the adventurers." clement Rri<Tges, William Palmer, 
 
 Judge Davis gives an abstract of .lolm Cannon, William Pitt, 
 
 this patent in his Appendix, p. 362. William Coner, Thomas Prence, 
 
 I have sought for the original in Robert Cushinan, Moses Simonson, 
 
 vain in the archives of the State. Thomas Cushman, Hugh Static, 
 
 It was never printed ; and it is to ^,V-P''''," ^.''""^ ^'^'Vv^ Steward, 
 
 be feared is now lost. The original ?,, "^'P l^^L^^ ^oye, \\ ilham Tench, 
 
 f- ,1 ,1 • 1 ... . 1 ■ "i/>on 1 nomas r lavell John \\ inslow, 
 
 °^ t^}}}''"^ P^^^".^' f ""^^'^ ?" ^^^^ and son, William Wright. 
 
 Widow Foord, 
 
 to William Bradford and his asso- 
 ciates, is preserved in the office of 
 
 the Register of Deeds at Plymouth. Jonathan Brewster was a son of 
 
 It is on parchment, signed by the Elder Brewster; Thomas Cushman 
 
 Earl of Warwick, and the seal of was a son of Robert ; John Wins- 
 
 thePlymoutli Company, four inches low was a brother of Edward, 
 
 in diameter, is appended to it. It Thomas Prence (or Prince) was 
 
 is prefixed to the printed Laws of afterwards governor of the colony. 
 
236 THE FORTUNE'S RETURN CARGO. 
 
 CHAP, ered of a son the first niffht she landed, and both of 
 
 XV. 
 
 them are very well. 
 
 When it pleaseth God we are settled and fitted for 
 the fishing business and other trading, I doubt not but 
 by the blessing of God the gain will give content to 
 all. In the mean time, that we have gotten we have 
 sent by this ship ; ^ and though it be not much, yet it 
 will witness for us that we have not been idle, consi- 
 dering the smallness of our number all this summer. 
 We hope the merchants will accept of it, and be en- 
 couraged to furnish us with things needful for further 
 employment, which will also encourage us to put forth 
 ourselves to the uttermost. 
 
 Now because I expect your coming unto us,^ with 
 other of our friends, whose company we much desire, 
 I thought good to advertise you of a few things need- 
 ful. Be careful to have a very good bread-room to put 
 your biscuits in. Let your cask for beer and water be 
 iron-bound, for the first tire, if not more. Let not your 
 
 De La Noye (or Delano) was, ac- French, carried into France, kept 
 cordino: to Winslovv, in his Brief there fifteen days, and robbed of all 
 Narrative, "born of French pa- she had worth taking; then the 
 rents," and Simonson (or Sim- people and ship are released, and 
 mons) was a " child of one that get to London Feb. 17." Bradford, 
 was in communion with the Dutch in Prince, p. 199. Smith, in his 
 church at Leyden." The widow New England's Trials, printed in 
 Foord brought three children, Wil- 1622, says she was laden with three 
 liarn, Martha, and John. For a hogsheads of beaver skins, clap- 
 further account of some of these, board, wainscot, walnut, and some 
 and the other early settlers, see sassafras. 
 
 Farmer's Genealogical Register, " Upon her departure, the gov- 
 Mitchell's Family Register, ap- ernor and his assistant dispose the 
 pended to his Hist.of Bridgewater, late comers into several families, 
 and Deane's Family Sketches, in find their provisions will now scarce 
 his Hist, of Scituate. hold out six months at half allow- 
 * " The Fortune sails Dec. 13, ance, and therefore put them to it, 
 laden with two hogsheads of beaver which they bear patiently." Brad- 
 and other skins, and good clap- ford, in Prince, p. 199. 
 boards as full as she can hold ; the * George Morton, to whom I 
 freight estimated near £500. But suppose this letter was written, 
 in her voyage, as she draws near came out in the next ship, the 
 the English coast, is seized by the Ann. 
 
THINGS NEEDFUL FOR THE COLONY. 237 
 
 meat be dry-salted : none can better do it than the chap. 
 
 . XV. 
 
 sailors. Let jour meal be so hard trod in your cask — ^-' 
 that jou shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out 1621. 
 with. Trust not too much on us for corn at this time, ii. 
 for by reason of this last company that came, depend- 
 ing wholly upon us, we shall have little enough till 
 harvest. Be careful to com.e by some of your meal to 
 spend by the way ; it will much refresh you. Build 
 your cabins as open as you can, and bring good store 
 of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every man a 
 musket or fowling-piece. Let your piece be long in 
 the barrel, and fear not the weight of it, for most of 
 our shooting is from stands. Bring juice of lemons, 
 and take it fasting ; it is of good use. For hot waters, 
 aniseed water is the best ; but use it sparingly. If 
 you bring any thing for comfort in the country, butter 
 or sallet oil, or both, is very good. Our Indian corn, 
 even the coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as rice ; 
 therefore spare that, unless to spend by the way. 
 Bring paper and linseed oil for your windows,^ with 
 
 ' Oiled paper to keep out the Even in the time of Henry VIII. 
 
 snow-storms of a New England they were considered a luxury, and 
 
 winter! This serves to give us yeomen and farmers were perfectly 
 
 some idea of the exposures and contented with windows of lattice, 
 
 hardships of the first colonists. It In the days of Queen Elizabeth 
 
 is an indication of progress in do- they were unknown except in a 
 
 mestic comfort when we find Hig- few lordly mansions, and in them 
 
 ginson in 1629 writing from Salem they were regarded as movable 
 
 to his friends in England, " Be furniture. When the dukes of 
 
 sure to furnish yourselves with Northumberland left Alnwick cas- 
 
 glass for windows." See Hutch- tie to come to London for the win- 
 
 inson's Collection of Papers, p. 50. ter, the few glass windows, which 
 
 Glass windows were first intro- formed one of the luxuries of the 
 
 duced into England in IISO. They castle, were carefully taken out 
 
 were so rare in the reign of Edward and laid away, perhaps carried to 
 
 III. that Chaucer, in describing London to adorn the city residence, 
 
 his chamber, mentions particularly See Anderson's Hist, of Commerce, 
 
 that i. 90, ed. 1764; Ellis's Specimens 
 
 of the Early English Poets, i. 221, 
 
 «^ith„iass 323; Hallam's ^Middle Ages, ii. 
 
 " Were all the windows well y-g!.szcd." 294 ; Northumberland Household 
 
238 
 
 POWDER AND SHOT. 
 
 CHAP, cotton yarn for your lamps. Let your shot be most 
 -^v-L. for big fowls, and bring store of powder and shot. I 
 1621. forbear further to write for the present, hoping to see 
 11. you by the next return. So 1 take my leave, com- 
 mending you to the Lord for a safe conduct unto us, 
 resting in him, 
 
 Your loving friend, 
 
 E. W.' 
 Plymouth, in Neio England, this IWi of December, 1621. 
 
 Book, Preface, p. 16;E. Everett's ' Edward Winslow, of v/hom 
 Address before the Merc. Lib, As- some account will be given here- 
 soc. p. 19. after. 
 
 THE WINSLOW CHAIR. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 REASONS AND CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE LAWFUL- 
 NESS OF REMOVING OUT OF ENGLAND INTO 
 THE PARTS OF AMERICA. 
 
 Forasmuch as many exceptions are daily made ^^'^j^- 
 against the going into and inhabiting of foreign desert -^-^^^- 
 places, to the hindrances of plantations abroad, and^^^^* 
 
 The Pre- 
 
 the increase of distractions at home ; it is not amiss ambie. 
 that some which have been ear-witnesses of the ex- 
 ceptions made, and are either agents or abettors of 
 such removals and plantations, do seek to give content 
 to the world, in all things that possibly they can. 
 
 And although the most of the opposites are such as 
 either dream of raising their fortunes here to that than 
 which there is nothing more unlike, or such as affect- 
 ing their home-born country so vehemently, as that 
 they had rather with all their friends beg, yea, starve 
 in it, than undergo a little difficulty in seeking abroad ; 
 yet are there some who, out of doubt in tenderness of 
 conscience, and fear to offend God by running before 
 they be called, are straitened and do straiten others 
 from going to foreign plantations. 
 
 For whose cause especially I have been drawn, out 
 of my good affection to them, to publish some reasons 
 
240 THE LAWFULNESS OF REMOVING. 
 
 CHAP, that might give them content and satisfaction, and also 
 
 XVI. 
 
 — N — stay and stop the wilful and witty caviller ; and herein 
 1621. I trust I shall not be blamed of any godly wise, 
 though through my slender judgment I should miss the 
 mark, and not strike the nail on the head, considering 
 it is the first attempt that hath been made (that I know 
 of) to defend those enterprises. Reason would, there- 
 fore, that if any man of deeper reach and better judg- 
 ment see further or otherwise, that he rather instruct 
 me than deride me. 
 ^9^^- And being studious for brevity, we must first con- 
 Gen. sii. sider, that whereas God of old did call and summon 
 ^Mauh^ our fathers by predictions, dreams, visions, and certain 
 "•^^' illuminations, to go from their countries, places and 
 habitations, to reside and dwell here or there, and to 
 Psalm wander up and down from city to city, and land to 
 land, according to his will and pleasure ; now there is 
 no such calling to be expected for any matter whatso- 
 ever, neither must any so much as imagine that there 
 j^j^^'g will now be any such thing. God did once so train 
 up his people, but now he doth not, but speaks in 
 another manner, and so we must apply ourselves to 
 God's present dealing, and not to his wonted dealing ; 
 Jo^,^- and as the miracle of giving manna ceased, when the 
 
 V. 12. O O ' 
 
 fruits of the land became plenty, so God having such a 
 plentiful storehouse of directions in his holy word, there 
 must not now any extraordinary revelations be expect- 
 ed. But now the ordinary examples and precepts of 
 the Scriptures, reasonably and rightly understood and 
 applied, must be the voice and word, that must call 
 us, press us, and direct us in every action. 
 ^?."g Neither is there any land or possession now, like 
 unto the possession which the Jews had in Canaan, 
 
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 241 
 
 being legally holy and appropriated unto a holy people, chap. 
 the seed of Abraham, in which they dwelt securelj, ^ — '^' 
 and had their days prolonged, it being by an immediate 1621. 
 voice said, that he (the Lord) gave it them as a 
 land of rest after their weary travels, and a type of 
 eternal rest in heaven. But now there is no land of 
 that sanctimony, no land so appropriated, none typical ; 
 much less any that can be said to be given of God to 
 any nation, as was Canaan, which they and their seed 
 must dwell in, till God sendeth upon them sword or 
 captivity. But now we are all, in all places, strangers 
 and pilgrims, travellers and sojourners, most properly, 
 having no dwelling but in this earthen tabernacle ; our ~ff-^' 
 dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding but as a 
 fleeting, and in a word our home is nowhere but in 
 the heavens,^ in that house not made with hands, 
 whose maker and builder is God, and to which all 
 ascend that love the coming of our Lord Jesus. 
 
 Though then there may be reasons to persuade a 
 man to live in this or that land, yet there cannot be 
 the same reasons which the Jews had ; but now, as 
 natural, civil and religious bands tie men, so they must 
 be bound, and as good reasons for things terrene and 
 heavenly appear, so they must l)e led. 
 
 And so here falleth in our question, how a man that o'^J'^ct. 
 is here born and bred, and hath lived some years, may- 
 remove himself into another country. 
 
 I answer, a man must not respect only to live, and Ans. i. 
 do good to himself, but he should see where he can "''at 
 
 ~ ' persons 
 
 live to do most good to others ; for, as one saith, " He U'Jlfce 
 whose living is but for himself, it is time he were dead." 
 
 ' So were the Jews, but yet hcritances were more large than 
 their temporal blessings and in- ours. — Author^s JS'ole. 
 
 31 
 
242 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING 
 
 CHAP. Some men there are who of necessity must here live, 
 XVI. ,..-,.. : 
 
 -^^^^^- as bemg tied to duties either to church, commonwealth, 
 
 1621. liousehold, kindred, &c. ; but others, and that many, 
 who do no good in none of those, nor can do none, as 
 being not able, or not in favor, or as wanting opportu- 
 nity, and live as outcasts — nobodies, eye-sores, eating 
 but for themselves, teaching but themselves, and doing 
 good to none, either in soul or body, and so pass over 
 days, years and months, yea, so live and so die. Now 
 such should lift up their eyes and see whether there be 
 not some other place and country to which they may 
 2. Why go to do good, and have use towards others of that 
 remove knowlcdge, wisdom, humanity, reason, strength, skill, 
 faculty, &c. which God hath given them for the ser- 
 vice of others and his own glory. 
 
 But not to pass the bounds of modesty so far as to 
 
 name any, though I confess I know many, who sit 
 
 Luke here still with their talent in a napkin, having notable 
 
 xix. 20. 
 
 endowments both of body and mind, and might do 
 great good if they were in some places, which here do 
 none, nor can do none, and yet through fleshly fear, 
 niceness, straitness of heart, &c. sit still and look on, 
 and will not hazard a drachm of health, nor a day of 
 pleasure, nor an hour of rest to further the knowledge 
 
 Reas. 3. aud salvatiou of the sons of Adam in that new world, 
 where a drop of the knowledge of Christ is most pre- 
 cious, which is here not set by. Now what shall we 
 say to such a profession of Christ, to which is joined 
 no more denial of a man's self? 
 
 Object. But some will say, What right have I to go live in 
 the heathens' country ? 
 
 Answ. Letting pass the ancient discoveries, contracts and 
 agreements which our Englishmen have long since 
 
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 243 
 
 made in those parts, together with the acknowledg- chap. 
 ment of the histories and chronicles of other nations, ^^v-^ 
 who profess the land of America from the Cape del62l. 
 Florida unto the Bay of Canada' (which is south and 
 north three hundred leagues and upwards, and east 
 and west further than yet hath been discovered) is 
 proper to the king of England, yet letting that pass, 
 lest I be thought to meddle further than it concerns 
 me, or further than I have discerning, I will mention 
 such things as are within my reach, knowledge, sight 
 and practice, since I have travailed in these affairs. 
 
 And first, seeing we daily pray for the conversion of Reas. 2. 
 the heathens, we must consider whether there be not 
 some ordinary means and course for us to take to con- 
 vert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred 
 to God's extraordinary work from heaven. Now it 
 seemeth unto me that we ought also to endeavour and 
 use the means to convert them ; and the means cannot 
 be used unless we go to them, or they come to us. To 
 us they cannot come, our land is full ; to them we may 
 go, their land is empty. 
 
 This then is a sufficient reason to prove our going Reas. 3. 
 thither to live, lawful. Their land is spacious and 
 void, and there are few, and do but run over the grass, 
 as do also the foxes and wild beasts. They are not 
 industrious, neither have art, science, skill or faculty to 
 use either the land or the commodities of it ; but all 
 spoils, rots, and is marred for want of manuring, 
 gathering, ordering, &c. As the ancient patriarchs, 
 therefore, removed from straiter places into more roomy, 
 
 ' Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, Montreal. Florida was discovered 
 in France, discovered the great by Juan Ponce de Leon, a Span- 
 river of Canada in August, 1534, iard,inl512. See Bancroft's Unit- 
 and in 1535 sailed up as far as ed States, i. 19 — 24, 31 — 34. 
 
244 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING 
 
 CHAP, where the land lay idle and waste, and none used it, 
 XVI. -^ . . 
 
 >— -^ though there dwelt inhabitants by them, as Gen. xiii. 
 
 1621.6^ 1]^ 12, and xxxiv. 21, and xli. 20, so is it lawful 
 now to take a land which none useth, and make use 
 of it. 
 
 Reas. 4. And as it is a common land, or unused and undress- 
 ed country, so we have it by common consent, compo- 
 sition and agreement ;^ which agreement is double. 
 First, the imperial governor, Massasoit, whose circuits, 
 in likelihood, are larger than England and Scotland, 
 hath acknowledged the King's Majesty of England to 
 be his master and commander, and that once in my 
 hearing, yea, and in writing, under his hand, to Cap- 
 tain Standish, both he and many other kings which 
 are under him, as Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Nar- 
 rowhiggonset, Namaschet, &c., with divers others that 
 dwell about the bays of Patuxet and Massachuset.^ 
 Neither hath this been accomplished by threats and 
 blows, or shaking of sword and sound of trumpet ; for 
 as our faculty that way is small, and our strength less, 
 so our warring with them is after another manner, 
 namely, by friendly usage, love, peace, honest and just 
 carriages, good counsel, &c., that so we and they may 
 not only live in peace in that land, and they yield sub- 
 
 psai. ex jection to an earthly prince, but that as voluntaries 
 
 siviii.3. ^i^gy ^-^^y ]3g persuaded at length to embrace the Prince 
 of Peace, Christ Jesus, and rest in peace with him for- 
 ever. 
 
 Secondly, this composition is also more particular 
 and applicatory, as touching ourselves there inhabiting, 
 
 ' This is to be considered as ' See pages 193 and 220. 
 respecting New England, and the 
 territories about the plantation.— 
 Auihor^s Note, 
 
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 245 
 
 The emperor, ])y a joint consent, hath promised and chap. 
 
 . " . . XVI. 
 
 appointed us to live at peace where we will in all his ^— v^l- 
 dominions, taking what place we will, and as much 1621. 
 land as we will,' and bringing as many people as we 
 will ; and that for these two causes. First, because we 
 are the servants of James, king of England, whose the 
 land (as he confesseth) is. Secondly, because he hath 
 found us Just, honest, kind and peaceable, and so loves 
 our company. Yea, and that in these things there is 
 no dissimulation on his part, nor fear of breach (except 
 our security engender in them some unthought of 
 treachery, or our uncivility provoke them to anger) is 
 most plain in other Relations,^ which show that the 
 things they did were more out of love than out of fear. 
 It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos; secondly, 
 acknowledged the right of our sovereign king; thirdly, 
 by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers 
 of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or call 
 in question the lawfulness of inhabiting or dwelling 
 there ; but that it may be as lawful for such as are not 
 tied upon some special occasion here, to live there as 
 well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise is weighty 
 and difficult, so the honor is more worthy, to plant a 
 rude wilderness, to enlarge the honor and fame of our 
 
 ^ In the " Warrantable Grounds English New Plymouth. All which 
 
 and Proceedings of the first Asso- lands being void of inhabitants, 
 ciates of New Plymouth, in their ' w^e, the said John Carver, William 
 
 laying the first foundation of this Bradford, Edward Winslow, Wil- 
 
 Government, in their making of liani Brewster, Isaac Allerton, and 
 
 laws, and disposing of the lands the rest of our associates entering 
 
 within the same," prefixed to the into a league of peace with Massa- 
 
 Code of Laws printed in 1685, it is soit, since called Woosaraequin, 
 
 stated that " by the favor of the prince or sachem of those parts, 
 
 Almighty they began the colony in he, the said Massasoit, freely gave 
 
 New England (there being then them all the lands adjacent, to 
 
 no other within the said continent) them and their heirs forever." 
 
 at a place called by the natives ^ He refers to the preceding 
 
 Apaum, alias Patuxet, but by the Journal. 
 
246 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING 
 
 CHAP, dread sovereign, but chiefly to disjjlay the efficacy and 
 
 XVI 
 
 power of the Gospel, both in zealous preaching, pro- 
 1621. fessing, and wise walking under it, before the faces of 
 
 these poor blind infidels. 
 
 As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage 
 
 thither, the danger of pirates' robbery, of the savages' 
 Prov. treachery, &c., these are but lions in the way ; and it 
 
 x.vii. 13. '' -^ 
 
 were well for such men if they w'ere in heaven. For 
 who can show them a place in this world where iii- 
 xiix'i'j). ifjuity shall not compass them at the heels, and where 
 Mat. vi. they shall have a day without grief, or a lease of life 
 for a moment.^ And who can tell, but God, what 
 dangers may lie at our doors, even in our native coun- 
 try, or what plots may be abroad, or when God will 
 ^mos cause our sun to go down at noon-day, and, in the 
 midst of our peace and security, lay upon us some 
 lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt 
 of his most glorious Gospel ? 
 Object. But we have here great peace, plenty of the Gospel, 
 
 and many sweet delights, and variety of comforts. 
 Answ. True, indeed ; and far be it from us to deny and 
 sciiro. diminish the least of these mercies. But have we ren- 
 
 KXXU. 
 
 ^" dered unto God thankful obedience for this long peace, 
 whilst other peoples have been at wars ? Have we 
 not rather murmured, repined, and fallen at jars amongst 
 ourselves, whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign 
 power ? Was there ever more suits in law, more en- 
 nen. vy, contempt and reproach than nowadays ? Abraham 
 
 ^"- ' and Lot departed asunder when there fell a breach 
 betwixt them, which was occasioned by the straitness 
 of the land ; and surely I am persuaded, that howso- 
 ever the frailties of men are principal in all conten- 
 tions, yet the straitness of the place is such, as each 
 
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 247 
 
 man is fain to pluck his means, as it were, out of his chap. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 neighbour's throat, there is such pressing and oppressing -— v— 
 in town and country, about farms, trades, traffick, &c. ; 1621. 
 so as a man can hardly any where set up a trade, but 
 he shall pull down two of his neighbours. 
 
 The towns abound with young tradesmen, and the 
 hospitals are full of the ancient ; the country is replen- 
 ished with new farmers, and the almshouses are filled 
 with old laborers. Many there are who get their liv- 
 ing with bearing burdens ; but more are fain to burden 
 the land with their whole bodies. Multitudes get their 
 means of life by prating, and so do numbers more by 
 begging. Neither come these straits upon men always 
 through intemperance, ill husbandry, indiscretion, &c., 
 as some think ; but even the most wise, sober, and 
 discreet men go often to the wall, when they have done 
 their best ; wherein, as God's providence swayeth all, 
 so it is easy to see that the straitness of the place, hav- 
 ing in it so many strait hearts, cannot but produce such 
 eifects more and more ; so as every indifferent minded 
 man should be ready to say with father Abraham, 
 " Take thou the right hand, and I will take the left :" 
 let us not thus oppress, straiten, and afflict one another ; 
 but seeing there is a spacious land, the way to which 
 is through the sea, we will end this difference in a 
 day. 
 
 That I speak nothing about the bitter contention 
 that hath been about religion, by writing, disputing 
 and inveighing earnestly one against another, the heat 
 of which zeal, if it were turned against the rude bar- 
 barism of the heathens, it might do more good in a 
 day, than it hath done here in many years. Neither 
 of the little love to the Gospel, and profit which is 
 
248 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING 
 
 CHAP, made by the preachers in most places, which might 
 -^v-^ easily drive the zealous to the heathens ; who, no 
 1621. doubt, if they had but a drop of that kno\A ledge which 
 here flieth about the streets, would be filled with ex- 
 ceeding great joy and gladness, as that they would 
 even pluck the kingdom of heaven by violence, and 
 take it, as it were, by force. 
 ^''let'""' The greatest let that is yet behind is the sweet fel- 
 lowship of friends, and the satiety of bodily delights. 
 
 But can there be two nearer friends almost than 
 Abraham and Lot, or than Paul and Barnabas ? And 
 yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, they de- 
 parted asunder, two of them being patriarchs of the 
 church of old, the other the apostles of the church 
 which is new ; and their covenants were such as it 
 seemeth might bind as much as any covenant between 
 men at this day ; and yet, to avoid greater inconve- 
 niences, they departed asunder. 
 
 Neither must men take so much thought for the 
 flesh, as not to be pleased except they can pamper 
 their bodies with variety of dainties. Nature is con- 
 tent with little, and health is much endangered by 
 mixtures upon the stomach. The delights of the palate 
 James do oftcH inflame the vital parts ; as the tongue setteth 
 a-fire the whole body. Secondly, varieties here are 
 not common to all, but many good men are glad to 
 snap at a crust. The rent-taker lives on sweet mor- 
 sels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with 
 watery eyes ; and it is nothing to say what some one 
 of a hundred hath, but what the bulk, body and com- 
 monalty hath ; which I warrant you is short enough. 
 
 And they also which now live so sweetly, hardly 
 will their children attain to that privilege ; but some 
 
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 249 
 
 circumventor or other will outstrip them, and make chap. 
 them sit in the dust, to which men are brought in one ^-v-^ 
 age, but cannot get out of it again in seven genera- 1621. 
 tions. 
 
 To conclude, without all partiality, the present con- 
 sumption which groweth upon us here, whilst the land 
 groaneth under so many close-fisted and unmerciful 
 men, being compared with the easiness, plainness and 
 plentifulness in living in those remote places, may 
 quickly persuade any man to a liking of this course, 
 and to practise a removal ; which being done by hon- 
 est, godly and industrious men, they shall there be 
 right heartily welcome ; but for other of dissolute and 
 profane life, their rooms are better than their compa- 
 nies. For if here, where the Gospel hath been so 
 long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in 
 such vices as the heathen would shame to speak of, 
 what will they be when there is less restraint in word 
 and deed ? My only suit to all men is, that whether 
 they live there or here, they would learn to use this 
 world as they used it not, keeping faith and a good 
 conscience, both with God and men, that when the 
 day of account shall come, they may come forth as 
 good and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and 
 enter into the joy of their Master. R. C.^ 
 
 • Robert Cushman. It will be those " which came first over in the 
 
 recollected that he was twice sent Mayflower." In a letter toGover- 
 
 from Leyden to England as the nor Bradford, dated December 22, 
 
 agent of the Pilgrims, and embark- 1624, he writes, " I hope the next 
 
 ed in the Speedwell, in 1620, but ships to come to you;" but he 
 
 was obliged to put back. He came was prevented by death. Governor 
 
 over in the Fortune, and returned Bradford speaks of him as "our 
 
 in her, as the adventurers had ap- ancient friend, Mr. Cushman, who 
 
 pointed, to give them information of was our right hand with the ad- 
 
 the state of the colony. In 1623, a venturers, and for divers years 
 
 lot of land was assigned him with managed all our business with 
 
 32 
 
250 CONDITION AND PRODUCTS OF THE COLONY. 
 
 [A Letter from New Plymouth. 
 
 1621. Loving Cousin, 
 
 ^°^' At our arrival at New Plymouth, in New England, 
 we found all our friends and planters in good health, 
 though they were left sick and weak, with very small 
 means ; the Indians round about us peaceable and 
 friendly ; the country very pleasant and temperate, 
 yielding naturally, of itself, great store of fruits, as 
 vines of divers sorts, in great abundance. There is 
 likewise walnuts, chestnuts, small nuts and plums, 
 with much variety of flowers, roots and herbs, no less 
 pleasant than wholesome and profitable. No place 
 hath more gooseberries and strawberries, nor better. 
 Timber of all sorts you have in England doth cover 
 the land, that affords beasts of divers sorts, and great 
 flocks of turkeys, quails, pigeons and partridges ; many 
 great lakes abounding with fish, fowl, beavers, and ot- 
 ters. The sea affords us great plenty of all excellent 
 sorts of sea-fish, as the rivers and isles doth variety of 
 wild fowl of most useful sorts. Mines we find, to our 
 thinking ; but neither the goodness nor quality we 
 know. Better grain cannot be than the Indian corn, 
 if we will ])lant it upon as good ground as a man need 
 desire. We are all freeholders ; the rent-day doth not 
 trouble us ; and all those good blessings we have, of 
 which and what we list in their seasons for taking. 
 
 them." He brought his son Thomas first minister of Plympton. De- 
 
 wilh him in the Fortune, whom he scendants of this honorable name 
 
 entrusted to the care of Governor are numerous in the Old Colony. 
 
 Bradford, and who, after the death See Morton's Memorial, 128, 376; 
 
 of Brewster was chosen, in 1619, Prince, p. 238; Mass. Hist. Coll. 
 
 ruling elder of the Plymouth cluirch. iii. 35; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 
 
 He married Mary, daughter of Isaac 267. 
 Allerton, and liis son Isaac was the 
 
CHARACTER OF THE COLONISTS. 
 
 251 
 
 Our company arc, for most part, very religious, hon- chap. 
 est people ; the word of God sincerely taught us -^v^ 
 every Sabbath; so that I know not any thing a con- 1621. 
 tented mind can here want. I desire your friendly 
 care to send my wife and children^ to me, w here I wish 
 all the friends I have in England ; and so I rest 
 Your loving kinsman, 
 
 William Hilton.^] 
 
 ' Ilis wife and two children came 
 in the next ship, the Ann, which 
 arrived atriymouthin the summer 
 of 1623. See Prince, p. 220, and 
 Morton, p. 379. 
 
 ^ I insert this letter, because it 
 was written by one of the passen- 
 gers in the Fortune. It was first 
 
 printed in 1622, in Smith's New 
 England's Trials. The writer and 
 his brother Edward, fishmongers of 
 London, commenced, in the spring 
 of 1623, at Dover, the settlement of 
 New Hampshire. See Belknap's 
 New Hampshire, i. 14; Prince, p. 
 215; Savage's Winthrop, i. 97. 
 
CUSHMAN'S DISCOURSE. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 OF THE STATE OF THE COLONY, AND THE NEED OF PUBLIC 
 SPIRIT IN THE COLONISTS. » 
 
 New England, so called not only (to avoid novel- ^^^^^'^ 
 ties) because Captain Smith hath so entitled it in his --^-^- 
 Description, but because of the resemblance that is in ^621. 
 it of England, the native soil of Englishmen ; it being 
 muchvv^hat the same for heat and cold in summer and 
 winter, it being champaign ground, but not high moun- 
 tains ; somewhat like the soil in Kent and Essex, full 
 of dales and meadow ground, full of rivers and sweet 
 sprino^s, as England is. But principally, so far as we 
 
 ' In the course of Robert Cush- 
 man's short residence of a month at 
 Plymouth he delivered a discourse 
 to the colonists on the Sin and 
 Danger of Self-Love, from 1 Cor. 
 X. 24, " Let no man seek his own, 
 but every man another's wealth ;" 
 which was printed at London in 
 1622, but without his name. In 
 a tract printed at London in 1644, 
 entitled " A Brief Narration of 
 some Church Courses in New Eng- 
 land," I find the following allusion 
 to this discourse; "There is a 
 book printed, called A Sermon 
 preached at Plymouth, in New 
 England, which, as I am certified, 
 was made there by a comber of 
 wool." 
 
 Dr. Belknap remarks, that "this 
 discourse may be considered as a 
 specimen of the pj'ophcsyings of the 
 brethren. The occasion was sin- 
 gular ; the exhortations and re- 
 proofs are not less so, but were 
 adapted to the existing state of the 
 colony." Judge Davis says that 
 " the late Isaac Lothrop, of Ply- 
 mouth, often mentioned an intima- 
 tion, received from an aged relative, 
 as to the spot where this sermon 
 was delivered. It was at the com- 
 mon house of the Plantation, which 
 is understood to have been erected 
 on the southerly side of the bank, 
 where the town brook meets the 
 harbour. Mr. Lothrop died in 1808, 
 aged seventy-three. Not many 
 
256 DESCRIPTION OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 JCHAP, can yet find, it is an island,^ and near about the quantity 
 ^^■^^-^ of England, being cut out from the main land in Ameri- 
 1621. ca, as England is from the main of Europe, by a great 
 arm of the sea,^ which entereth in forty degrees, and 
 runneth up northwest and by west, and goeth out 
 either into the South Sea, or else into the Bay of 
 Canada. The certainty whereof, and secrets of which, 
 we have not yet so found as that, as eye-witnesses, 
 we can make narration thereof; but if God give time 
 and means, we shall ere long discover both the extent 
 of that river, together with the secrets thereof; and 
 also try what territories, habitations, or commodities 
 may be found, either in it, or about it. 
 
 It pertaineth not to my purpose to speak any thing 
 either in praise or dispraise of the country. So it is, by 
 God's providence, that a few of us are there planted to 
 our content, and have with great charge and difficulty 
 attained quiet and competent dwellings there. And 
 thus much I will say for the satisfaction of such as 
 have any thought of going thither to inliabit ; that for 
 men which have a large heart, and look after great 
 riches, ease, pleasures, dainties, and jollity in this 
 world, (except they will live by other men's sweat, or 
 have great riches,) I would not advise them to come 
 there, for as yet the country will afford no such mat- 
 years before his death he had the England, together with all well- 
 satisfaction of being called to view willers and well-wishers thereunto, 
 sundry tools and implements which grace and peace, &c." The Epistle 
 were dug up at that spot, and which is here printed entire, and all that 
 he carefully preserved." See note'' is of any general or his'toricalin- 
 on page 173 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. terest in the discourse- 
 ii. 274 ; and Morton's Memorial, ' It will be seen hereafter that 
 p. 74. Winslow too, on the authority of 
 
 Prefixed to the discourse is an the natives, calls it an island. 
 " Epistle Dedicatory, to his loving ^ Hudson's river, 
 friends, the adventurers for New 
 
EMIGRATION SPREADS CHRISTIANITY. 257 
 
 ters. But if there be any who are content to lay out chap. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 then' estates, spend their time, labors and endeavours, — — 
 for the benefit of them that shall come after, and in 1621. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 desire to further the Gospel among those poor heathens, 
 quietly contenting themselves with such hardship and 
 difficulties, as by God's providence shall fall upon 
 them, being yet young, and in their strength, such 
 men I would advise and encourage to go, for their 
 ends cannot fail them. 
 
 And if it should please God to punish his people in 
 the Christian countries of Europe, for their coldness, 
 carnalitj^, wanton abuse of the Gospel, contention, 
 &c., either by Turkish slavery, or by popish tyranny, 
 (which God forbid,) yet if the time be come, or shall 
 come (as who knoweth ?) when Satan shall be let loose 
 to cast out his floods against them, here is a way open- Eev.xii. 
 
 . . . . 1-1 Jo. 
 
 ed for such as have wings to fly into this wilderness ; 
 and as by the dispersion of the Jewish church through 
 persecution, the Lord brought in the fulness of the mu si. 
 
 20, 21. 
 
 Gentiles, so who knoweth, whether now by tyranny 
 and aflliction, which he suflereth to come upon them, 
 he will not by little and little chase them even amongst 
 the heathens, that so a light may rise up in the dark, L„Ke 
 
 ii. ;i--'. 
 
 J'atlh. 
 xxi. 43. 
 
 and the kingdom of heaven be taken from them which 
 now have it, and given to a people that shall bring 
 forth the fruit of it.^ This I leave to the judgment of 
 the godly wise, being neither prophet nor son of a Amos 
 prophet. But considering God's dealing of old, and o Kings 
 seeing the name of Christian to be very great, but the 
 true nature thereof almost quite lost in all degrees and 
 sects, I cannot think but that there is some judgment 
 not far ofif', and that God will shortly, even of stones, M.r.th. 
 raise up children unto Abraham. 
 33 
 
258 THE INDIANS FRIENDLY. 
 
 CHAP. And whoso rightly considereth what manner of en- 
 
 XVII 
 
 — v-^ trance, abiding, and proceedings we have had among 
 1621. these poor heathens since we came hither, will easily 
 
 Dec. . •' 
 
 think that God hath some great work to do towards 
 them. 
 
 They were wont to be the most cruel and treacher- 
 ous people in all these parts, even like lions ; but to 
 us they have been like lambs, so kind, so submissive, 
 and trusty, as a man may truly say, many Christians 
 are not so kind nor sincere. 
 
 They were very much wasted of late, by reason of 
 a great mortality' that fell amongst them three years 
 since ; which, together with their own civil dissensions 
 and bloody wars, hath so wasted them, as I think the 
 twentieth person is scarce left alive ; and those that 
 are left, have their courage much abated, and their 
 countenance is dejected, and they seem as a people 
 affrighted. And though when we first came into the 
 country, we were few, and many of us were sick, and 
 many died by reason of the cold and wet, it being the 
 depth of winter, and we having no houses nor shelter, 
 yet when there was not six able persons among us, 
 and that they came daily to us by hundreds, with their 
 sachems or kings, and might in one hour have made a 
 dispatch of us, yet such a fear was upon them, as that 
 they never offered us the least injury in word or deed. 
 And by reason of one Tisquanto,^ that lives amongst 
 us, that can speak English, we have daily commerce 
 with their kings, and can know what is done or in- 
 tended towards us among the savages ; also we can 
 acquaint them with our courses and purposes, both 
 human and religious. And the greatest commander of 
 
 ' See note ^ on page 183. ' See note ' on page 190. 
 
THE INDIANS WELL TREATED. 259 
 
 the country, called Massasoit/ cometh often to visit chap. 
 US, though he lives fifty miles from us, often sends us ^^^-^ - 
 presents, he having with many other of their governors '^^^^' 
 promised, yea, subscribed obedience to our Sovereign 
 Lord King James, and for his cause to spend both 
 strength and life.^ And we, for our parts, through 
 God's grace, have with that equity, justice, and com- 
 passion carried ourselves towards them, as that they 
 have received much favor, help, and aid from us, but 
 never the least injury or wrong by us."^ We found 
 the place where we live empty, the people being all 
 dead and gone away,* and none living near by eight 
 or ten miles ; and though in the time of some hard- 
 ship, we found, travelling abroad, some eight bushels 
 of corn hid up in a cave, and knew no owners of it, 
 yet afterwards hearing of the owners of it, we gave 
 them (in their estimation) double the value of it.^ 
 Our care also hath been to maintain peace amongst 
 them, and have always set ourselves against such of 
 them as used any rebellion or treachery against their 
 governors ; and not only threatened such, but in some 
 sort paid them their due deserts. And when any of 
 
 ' See page 191. avoid the least scruple of intrusion. 
 
 * See pages 193 and 232. Particularly publish that no wrong 
 
 ' They offer us to dwell where or injury be offered to the natives." 
 
 we will — Cushmuns Note. And in 1676, it was as truly as 
 
 The first planters of Plymouth proudly said by Governor Josiah 
 and Massachusetts invariably pur- Winslow, of Plymouth, " I think I 
 chased of the natives the lands on can clearly say, that before these 
 which they settled, for considera- present troubles broke out, the 
 tions which were deemed at the English did not possess one foot of 
 time fully equivalent. They fol- land in this Colony but what was 
 lowed literally the instructionsgiv- fairly obtained by honest purchase 
 en by the governor of the New Eng- of the Indian proprietors." See 
 land Company to Gov. Endicott, in Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 266 ; Haz- 
 1629: "If any of the salvages pre- ard's State Papers, i. 263; Hub- 
 tend right of inheritance to all or bard's Indian Wars, p. 13, (ed. 
 any part of the lands granted in our 1677.) 
 patent, we pray you endeavour to * See pages 184 and 206. 
 purchase their title, that we may * See page 217. 
 
260 THE PILGRIMS TRUE TO THEIR PRINCIPLES. 
 
 CHAP, thein are in want, as often they are in the winter. 
 
 XVII 
 
 when their corn is done, we supply them to our power, 
 1^2 1. and have them in our houses eatine: and drinkine, and 
 
 Dec. . ... 
 
 warming themselves ; which thinsj, though it be some- 
 thing a trouble to us, jet because thej should see and 
 take knowledge of our labors, orders and diligence, 
 both for this life and a better, we are content to bear 
 it ; and we find in many of them, especially of the 
 younger sort, such a tractable disposition, both to reli- 
 gion and humanity, as that if we had means to ap- 
 parel them, and wholly to retain them with us, (as 
 their desire is,) they would doubtless in time prove 
 serviceable to God and man ; and if ever God send us 
 means, we will bring up hundreds of their children 
 both to labor and learning. 
 
 But leaving to speak of them till a further occasion 
 be offered, if any shall marvel at the publishing of this 
 treatise in England, seeing there is no want of good 
 books, but rather want of men to use good books, let 
 them know, that the especial end is, that we may keep 
 those motives in memory for ourselves and those that 
 shall come after, to be a remedy against self-love, the 
 bane of all societies ; and that we also might testify to 
 our Christian countrymen, who judge diversely of us, 
 that though we be in a heathen country, yet the grace 
 of Christ is not quenched in us, but we still hold and 
 teach the same points of faith, mortification, and sanc- 
 tification, which we have heard and learned, in a most 
 ample and large manner, in our own country. If any 
 shall think it too rude and unlearned for this curious 
 age, let them know, that to paint out the Gospel in 
 plain and flat English, amongst a company of plain 
 Englishmen, (as we are,) is the best and most profita- 
 
THE DESIGN OF THE PLANTATION. 261 
 
 ble teaching ; and we will study plainness, not cu- chap. 
 riositj, neither in things human nor heavenly. If any — v-^ 
 error or unsoundness be in it, fas who knoweth ?) i(J2i. 
 
 ... . Dec. 
 
 impute it to that frail man which indited it, which 
 
 professeth to know nothing as he ought to know it. 
 I have not set down my name, partly because I seek 
 no name, and principally, because I would have nothing 
 esteemed by names ; for I see a number of evils to 
 arise through names, when the persons are either fa- 
 mous or infamous, and God and man is often injured. 
 If any good or profit arise to thee in the receiving of it, 
 give God the praise, and esteem me as a son of Adam, 
 subject to all such frailties as other men are. 
 
 And you, my loving friends, the adventurers to this 
 Plantation, as your care has been, first to settle religion^ 
 here, before either profit or popularity, so I pray you, 
 go on to do it much more, and be careful to send godly 
 men, though they want some of that worldly policy 
 which this world hath in her own generation ; and so, 
 though you lose, the Lord shall gain. I rejoice greatly 
 in your free and ready minds to your powers, yea, and 
 beyond your powders to further this work, that you thus 
 honor God with your riches ; and I trust you shall be 
 lepayed again double and treble in this world, yea, 
 and the memory of this action shall never die. But 
 
 ' "The great and known end of his Majesty's dominions, might, 
 the first comers, in the year of our with the liberty of a good con- 
 Lord 1620, leaving their dear na- science, enjoy the pure scriptural 
 tive country and all that was dear worship of God, without the mix- 
 to them there, transporting them- ture of human inventions and im- 
 selves over the vast ocean into this positions ; and that their children 
 remotewaste wilderness, and there- after them might walk in the holy 
 in willingly conflicting with dan- ways of the Lord." See General 
 gers, losses, hardships and distress- Fundamentals, prefixed to theLaws 
 es, sore and not a few, was, that of New Plymouth, published in 
 without oifence, they under the 1672, and reprinted in Brigham's 
 protection of their native prince, edition, p. 242. 
 tosether with the enlargement of 
 
262 ENCOURAGEMENT TO THE ADVENTURERS. 
 
 CHAP, above all, adding unto this, as I trust you do, like free- 
 ^-^v^- ness in all other God's services, both at home and 
 
 ^621. abroad, you shall find reward with God, ten thousand- 
 Dec. *^ . 
 
 fold surpassing all that jou do or think. Be not, there- 
 fore, discouraged, for no labor is lost, nor money spent, 
 which is bestowed for God. Your ends were good, 
 your success is good, and your profit is coming, even 
 in this life, and in the life to come much more. And 
 what shall I say now ? A word to men of understand- 
 ing sufficeth. Pardon, I pray you, my boldness, read 
 over the ensuing treatise, and judge wisely of the poor 
 weakling ; and the Lord, the God of sea and land, 
 stretch out his arm of protection over you and us, and 
 over all our lawful and good enterprises, either this, or 
 any other way. 
 
 Plymouth^ in New England, December 12, 1621. 
 
 There is a generation, which think to have more in 
 this world than Adam's felicity in innocency, being 
 born, as they think, to take their pleasures and their 
 ease. Let the roof of the house drop through, they 
 stir not ; let the field be overgrown with weeds, they 
 care not ; they must not foul their hand, nor wet their 
 foot. It's enough for them to say. Go you, not. Let us 
 go, though never so much need. Such idle drones are 
 intolerable in a settled commonwealth, much more in 
 a commonwealth which is but as it were in the bud. 
 Of what earth, I pray thee, art thou made ? Of any 
 better than the other of the sons of Adam ? And 
 canst thou see other of thy brethren toil their hearts 
 out, and thou sit idle at home, or takest thy pleasure 
 abroad ? 
 
THE SIN AND DANGER OF SELF-LOVE. 263 
 
 It is reported, that there are many men gone to that chap. 
 other plantation in Virginia, which, whilst they lived ^1-v-J. 
 in England, seemed very religious, zealous, and con- 1621. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 scionable ; and have now lost even the sap of grace, 
 and edge to all goodness ; and are become mere world- 
 lings. This testimony I believe to be partly true, 
 and amongst many causes of it, this self-love is not the 
 least. It is indeed a matter of some commendations 
 for a man to remove himself out of a thronged place 
 into a w^de wilderness ; to take in hand so long and 
 dangerous a journey, to be an instrument to carry the 
 Gospel and humanity among the brutish heathen ; but 
 there may be many goodly shows and glosses, and yet 
 a pad in the straw. . Men may make a great appear- 
 ance of respect unto God, and yet but dissemble with 
 him, having their own lusts carrying them ; and, out 
 of doubt, men that have taken in hand hither to come, 
 out of discontentment, in regard to their estates in 
 England, and aiming at great matters here, affecting 
 it to be gentlemen, landed men, or hoping for office, 
 place, dignity, or fleshly liberty. Let the show be 
 what it will, the substance is naught ; and that bird of 
 self-love which was hatched at home, if it be not looked 
 to, will eat out the life of all grace and goodness ; and 
 though men have escaped the danger of the sea, and 
 that cruel mortality, which swept away so many of our 
 loving friends and brethren, yet except they purge out 
 this self-love, a worse mischief is prepared for them. 
 And who knoweth whether God in mercy have deliv- 
 ered those just men which here departed, from the 
 evils to come, and from unreasonable men, in whom 
 there neither was, nor is, any comfort, but grief, sor- 
 row, affliction, and misery, till they cast out this spawn 
 of self-love ? 
 
264 THE DUTY OF SELF-SACRIFICE. 
 
 CHAP. Now, brethren, I pray you, remember yourselves, 
 — '^' and know that you are not in a retired, monastical 
 1621. course, but have given your names and promises one 
 to another, and covenanted here to cleave together in 
 the service of God and the King. What then must 
 you do ? May you live as retired hermits, and look 
 after nobody ? Nay, you must seek still the wealth of 
 one another, and inquire, as David, How liveth such a 
 man ? How is he clad ? How is he fed ? He is my 
 brother, my associate ; we ventured our lives together 
 here, and had a hard brunt of it ; and we are in league 
 together. Is his labor harder than mine ? Surely 1 
 will ease him. Hath he no bed to lie on ? Why, I 
 have two ; I'll lend him one. Hath he no apparel ? 
 Why, I have two suits ; I'll give him one of them. 
 Eats he coarse fare, bread and water, and I have bet- 
 ter ? Why, surely we will part stakes. He is as good 
 a man as I, and we are bound each to other ; so that 
 his wants must be my wants, his sorrows my sorrows, 
 his sickness my sickness, and his welfare my welfare ; 
 for I am as he is. And such a sweet sympathy were 
 excellent, comfortable, yea, heavenly, and is the only 
 maker and conserver of churches and commonwealths ; 
 and where this is wanting, ruin comes on quickly. 
 
 It wonderfully encourageth men in their duties, 
 when they see the burthen equally borne ; but when 
 some withdraw themselves, and retire to their own 
 particular ease, pleasure, or profit, what heart can men 
 have to go on in their business ? When men are come 
 together to lift some weighty piece of timber, or vessel, 
 if one stand still and do not lift, shall not the rest be 
 weakened and disheartened ? Will not a few idle 
 drones spoil the whole stock of laborious bees ? So 
 
THE IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC SPIRIT. 265 
 
 one idle belly, one murmurer, one complainer, one self- chap. 
 
 . XVII. 
 
 lover, will weaken and dishearten a whole colony. — v--- 
 Great matters have been brought to pass, where men 1621. 
 have cheerfully, as with one heart, hand and shoulder, 
 gone about it, both in wars, buildings and plantations ; 
 but where every man seeks himself, all cometh to 
 nothing. 
 
 The country is yet raw ; the land untilled ; the cities 
 not builded ; the cattle not settled. We are compassed 
 about with a helpless and idle people, the natives of 
 the country, which cannot, in any comely or comfort- 
 able manner, help themselves, much less us. We also 
 have been very chargeable to many of our loving friends, 
 which helped us hither, and now again supplied us ; 
 so that before we think of gathering riches, we must 
 even in conscience think of requiting their charge, love, 
 and labor; and cursed be that profit and gain which 
 aimeth not at this. Besides, how many of our dear 
 friends did here die at our first entrance ; many of them, 
 no doubt, for want of good lodging, shelter, and com- 
 fortable things ; and many more may go after them 
 quickly, if care be not taken. Is this then a time for 
 men to begin to seek themselves ? Paul saith, that 
 men in the last days shall be lovers of themselves ; but 2 Tim. 
 it is here yet but the Jirst days, and, as it were, the 
 dawning of this new world. It is now therefore no 
 time for men to look to get riches, brave clothes, dainty 
 fare ; but to look to present necessities. It is now no 
 time to pamper the flesh, live at ease, snatch, catch, 
 scrape, and pill, and hoard up ; but rather to open the 
 doors, the chests, and vessels, and say. Brother, neigh- 
 bour, friend, what want ye ? any thing that I have ? 
 Make bold with it ; it is yours to command, to do you 
 
 34 
 
266 THE GENERAL GOOD TO BE REGARDED. 
 
 CHAP, good, to comfort and cherish you ; and glad I am that 
 
 XVII 
 
 I have it for you. 
 
 Luke 
 XV. 12. 
 
 16 21. Let there be no prodigal person to come forth and say, 
 Give me the portion of lands and goods that appertain- 
 eth to me, and let me shift for myself.^ It is yet too 
 soon to put men to their shifts. Israel was seven years, 
 in Canaan, before the land was divided unto tribes, 
 much longer before it was divided unto fomilies ; and 
 why wouldest thou have thy particular portion, but be- 
 cause thou thinkest to live better than thy neighbour, 
 and scornest to live so meanly as he ? But who, 1 pray 
 thee, brought this particularizing first into the world ? 
 Did not Satan, who was not content to keep that equal 
 state with his fellows, but would set his throne above 
 the stars ? Did not he also entice man to despise his 
 general felicity and happiness, and go try particular 
 knowledge of good and evil ? And nothing in this 
 world doth more resemble heavenly happiness, than for 
 men to live as one, being of one heart and one soul ; 
 neither any thing more resembles hellish horror, than 
 for every man to shift for himself; for if it be a good 
 mind and practice, thus to affect particulars, mine and 
 thine, then it should be best also for God to provide 
 one heaven for thee, and another for thy neighbour. 
 
 Objection. But some will say, If all men will do 
 their endeavours, as I do, I could be content with this 
 
 ' Throughout this paragraph merit, and were clamorous for a 
 
 there is a manifest reference to the partition of the lands, and the in- 
 
 copartnership into which they had stitution of separate property. It 
 
 been obliged to enter with the was the design of Mr. Cushman to 
 
 merchant adventurers, by which exhort them to be faithful to their 
 
 all the property and profits of the engagement, to cherish a public spi- 
 
 Plantation for seven years were to rit, and to seek the general and 
 
 be held as a joint stock, not to be ultimate good of the Colony, rather 
 
 divided till the expiration of that than their personal and immediate 
 
 time. The colonists had already interest. See the conditions oa 
 
 become impatient of this arrange- page 81, and note ' on page 84. 
 
THE NEED OF MUTUAL HELP. 267 
 
 generality ; but many are idle and slothful, and eat up chap 
 
 xvn. 
 
 others' labors, and therefore it is best to part, and 
 then every man may do his pleasure. 162 1. 
 
 If others be idle and thou diligent, thy fellowship, 
 provocation, and example, may well help to cure that 
 malady in them, being together ; but being asunder, 
 shall they not be more idle, and shall not gentry and 
 beggary be quickly the glorious ensigns of your com- 
 monwealth ? 
 
 Be not too hasty to say men are idle and slothful. 
 All men have not strength, skill, faculty, spirit, and 
 courage to work alike. It is thy glory and credit, that 
 canst do so well, and his shame and reproach, that can 
 do no better ; and are not these sufficient rewards to 
 you both ? 
 
 If any be idle apparently, you have a law and gov- 
 ernors to execute the same, and to follow that rule of 
 the Apostle, to keep back their bread, and let them not 
 eat. Go not therefore whispering to charge men with 
 idleness ; but go to the governor and prove them idle, 
 and thou shalt see them have their deserts. 
 
 And as you are a body together, so hang not together 
 by skins and gymocks, but labor to be jointed toge- 
 ther and knit by flesh and sinews. Away with envy 
 at the good of others, and rejoice in his good, and sor- 
 row for his evil. Let his joy be thy joy, and his sorrow 
 thy sorrow. Let his sickness be thy sickness, his hun- 
 ger thy hunger, his poverty thy poverty ; and if you 
 profess friendship, be friends in adversity, for then a 
 friend is known and tried, and not before. 
 
 Lay away all thought of former things and forget ' 
 them, and think upon the things that are. Look not 
 gapingly one upon other, pleading your goodness, 
 your birth, your life you lived, your means you had and 
 
268 EXHORTATION TO PEACE AND UNION. 
 
 CHAP, might have had. Here you are by God's providence 
 •^•^^^ under difficulties ; be thankful to God it is no worse, 
 16 21. and take it in good part that which is, and lift not up 
 yourselves because of former privileges. Consider 
 therefore what you are now, and where you are. Say 
 not, I could have lived thus and thus ; but say. Thus and 
 thus 1 must live ; for God and natural necessity requir- 
 eth, if your difficulties be great, you had need to cleave 
 the faster together, and comfort and cheer up one an- 
 other, laboring to make each other's burden lighter. 
 
 There is no grief so tedious as a churlish companion; 
 and nothing makes sorrows easy more than cheerful as- 
 sociates. Bear ye therefore one another's burthen, and 
 be not a burthen one to another. Avoid all factions, fro- 
 wardness, singularity, and withdrawings, and cleave fast 
 to the Lord and one to another continually ; so shall 
 you be a notable precedent to these poor heathens, whose 
 eyes are upon you, and who very brutishly and cruelly 
 do daily eat and consume one another, through their 
 emulations, wars and contentions. Be you, therefore, 
 ashamed of it, and win them to peace, both with your- 
 selves and one another, by your peaceable examples, 
 which will preach louder to them than if you could 
 cry in their barbarous language.^ So also shall you be 
 an encouragement to many of your Christian friends 
 in your native country, to come to you, when they hear 
 of your peace, love and kindness that is amongst you. 
 But, above all, it shall go well with your souls, when 
 that God of peace and unity shall come to visit you 
 with death, as he hath done many of your associates ; 
 * you being found of him, not in murmurings, discontent, 
 and jars, but in brotherly love and peace, may be trans- 
 lated from this wandering wilderness unto that joyful 
 and heavenly Canaan. 
 
WINSLOW'S RELATION. 
 
" Good Newes from New England : or a true Relation of things 
 very remarkable at the Plantation of Plimoth in New-England. 
 
 Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of God, in their 
 preservation and continuance, being delivered from many appa- 
 rent deaths and dangers.. 
 
 Together with a Relation of such religious and civill Lawes and 
 Customes, as are in practise amongst the Indians, adjoyning to 
 them at this day. As also what Commodities are there to be 
 raysed for the maintenance of that and other Plantations in the 
 said Country. 
 
 Written by E. TV. who hath borne a part in the fore-named trou- 
 bles, and there lived since their first Arrivall. 
 
 Whereunto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible intel- 
 ligence of the present Estate of Virginia. 
 
 London. Printed by I. D. for William Bladen and lokn Bellamie, 
 and are to be sold at their Shops, at the Bible in PauVs 
 Church-yard, and at the three Golden Lyons in Corn-hill, neere 
 the Royall Exchange. 1624." pp. 66, sm. 4to. 
 
To all icell-willers and furtherers of Plantations in New 
 Enoland, especialli/ to such as ever have or desire to 
 assist the people of Plymouth in their just proceedings, 
 grace and peace be multiplied. 
 
 Right Honorable and Worshipi^'ul Gentlemen, 
 or whatsoever, 
 
 Since it hatli pleased God to stir joii up to be 
 instruments of his glory in so honorable an enterprise 
 as the enlarging of liis Majesty's dominions by planting 
 his loyal subjects in so healthful and hojieful a country 
 as New-England is, where the church of God being 
 seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing 
 the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to 
 the true knowledge and worship of the living God, and 
 so consequently the salvation of their souls by the me- 
 rits of Jesus Christ, than elsewhere, though it be much 
 talked on and lightly or lamely prosecuted, — I there- 
 fore think it but my duty to offer the view of our pro- 
 ceedings to your \Aorthy considerations, having to that 
 end composed them together thus briefly, as you see ; 
 wherein, to your great encouragement, you may behold 
 the good providence of God working with you in our 
 preservation from so many dangerous plots and treach- 
 eries as have been intended against us, as also in giving 
 
272 THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 
 
 his blessing so powerfully upon the weak means we 
 had, enabling us with health and ability beyond expec- 
 tation in our greatest scarcities, and possessing the 
 hearts of the salvages with astonishment and fear of 
 us ; whereas if God had let them loose, they might 
 easily have swallowed us up, scarce being a handful 
 in comparison of those forces they might have gathered 
 together against us ; which now, by God's blessing, 
 will be more hard and difficult, in regard our number 
 of men is increased, our town better fortified, and our 
 store better victualled. Blessed therefore be his name, 
 that hath done so great things for us and hath wrought 
 so great a change amongst us. 
 
 Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours, pardon 
 my unskil fulness, and bear with my plainness in the 
 things I have handled. Be not discouraged by our 
 former necessities, but rather encouraged with us, hop- 
 ing that as God hath wrought with us in our beginning 
 of this worthy work, undertaken in his name and fear, 
 so he will by us accomplish the same to his glory and 
 our comfort, if we neglect not the means. I confess it 
 hath not been much less chargeable to some of you ^ 
 than hard and difticult to us, that have endured the 
 brunt of the battle, and yet small profits returned. 
 Only, by God's mercy, we are safely seated, housed, 
 and fortified, by which means a great step is made 
 unto gain, and a more direct course taken for the same, 
 than if at first we had rashly and covetously fallen 
 upon it. 
 
 Indeed three things are the overthrow and bane, as 
 I may term it, of plantations. 
 
 ' The merchant adventurers. See pages 67 and 78. 
 
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 273 
 
 1 . The vain expectation of present profit, which too 
 commonly taketh a principal seat in the heart and af- 
 fection, though God's glory, &c. is preferred before it 
 in the mouth with protestation. 
 
 2. Ambition in their governors and commanders, 
 seeking only to make themselves great, and slaves of all 
 that are under them, to maintain a transitory base honor 
 in themselves, which God oft punisheth with contempt. 
 
 3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies 
 of men unto them, not caring how they be qualified ; 
 so that ofttimes they are rather the image of men en- 
 dued with bestial, yea, diabolical affections, than the 
 image of God, endued with reason, understanding, and 
 holiness. I praise God 1 speak not these things expe- 
 rimentally, by way of complaint of our own condition, 
 but having great cause on the contrary part to be thank- 
 ful to God for his mercies towards us ; but rather, if 
 there be any too desirous of gain, to entreat them to 
 moderate their affections, and consider that no man ex- 
 pecteth fruit before the tree be grown ; advising all men, 
 that as they tender their own welfare, so to make choice 
 of such to manage and govern their affairs, as are 
 approved not to be seekers of themselves, but the com- 
 mon good of all for whom they are employed ; and 
 beseeching such as have the care of transporting men 
 for the supply and furnishing of plantations, to be truly 
 careful in sending such as may further and not hinder 
 so good an action. There is no godly, honest man but 
 will be helpful in his kind, and adorn his profession 
 with an upright life and conversation ; which doctrine 
 of manners ^ ought first to be preached by giving good 
 
 ' This sentiment shows how little ticism, which has often been alleged 
 obnoxious the first settlers of New against them by persons alike igno- 
 England were to the charge of fana- rant of their spirit and their history. 
 
 35 
 
274 
 
 THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY 
 
 example to the poor savage heathens amongst whom 
 they live. On the contrary part, what great offence 
 hath been given by many profane men, who being but 
 seeming Christians, have made Christ and Christianity 
 stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels, and so laid a 
 stumbling-block before them. But woe be to them by 
 whom such offences come. 
 
 These things I offer to your Christian considerations, 
 beseeching you to make a good construction of my 
 simple meaning, and take in good part this ensuing 
 Relation, dedicating myself and it evermore unto your 
 service ; beseeching God to crown our Christian and 
 faithful endeavours with his blessings temporal and 
 eternal. 
 
 Yours in this service, 
 
 Ever to be commanded, 
 
 E. W.' 
 
 ' Edward Winslow was, ac- 
 cording to Hutchinson, "of a very 
 reputable family and of a very ac- 
 tive genius" — "a gentleman of 
 the best family of any of the Ply- 
 rnonth planters, his fiither, Edward 
 Winslow, Esq., being a person of 
 some figure at Droilwich, in Wor- 
 cestershire," a town seven miles 
 from Worcester, celebrated for its 
 salt springs. Edward was the 
 eldest of eight children, and was 
 born at Droitwich Oct. 19, 1595, as 
 appears from the following extract 
 from the records of St. Peter's 
 church in that place : " 1595, Oct. 
 20, baptized Edward, son of Ed- 
 ward Winslow, born the previous 
 Friday," which was the 19th. His 
 mother's name was Magdalen ; her 
 surname is unknown ; she was 
 married Nov. 3, 1594. He was 
 not one of the original band of Pil- 
 grims who escaped to Holland in 
 IGOS, but being on his travels, fell 
 in with them at Leyden, in 1GI7, 
 
 as we learn from his Brief Narra- 
 tive, where he speaks of " living 
 three years under Mr. Robinson's 
 ministry before we began the work 
 of plantation in New England." 
 His name stands the third among 
 the signers of the Compact on board 
 the Mayflower; and his family 
 consisted at that time of his wife, 
 Elizabeth, George Soule, and two 
 others, perhaps his children, Ed- 
 ward and John, who died young. 
 As has already been seen, and will 
 hereafter appear, he was one of the 
 most energetic and trusted men in 
 the Colony. He went to England 
 in 1623, 1624, 1635 and 1646, as 
 agent of the Plymouth or Massa- 
 chusetts colonies; and in 1633 he 
 was chosen governor, to which 
 office he was reelected in 1636 and 
 1644. He did not return to New 
 England after 1646. In 1655 he 
 was sent by Cromwell as one of 
 three commissioners to superintend 
 the expedition against the Spanish 
 
EDWARD WINSLOW. 
 
 275 
 
 possessions in the West Indies, and 
 died at sea near Hispaniola, on the 
 8th of May of that year, in his 60th 
 year. An interesting letter, writ- 
 ten by him at Barbadoes, March 
 16, and addressed to Secretary 
 Thurlow, is preserved in Thurlow's 
 State Papers, iii. 250. Three letters 
 of his to Gov. Winthrop, one to the 
 Commissioners of the United Colo- 
 nies, and another to Thurlow from 
 Barbadoes, March 30, are contained 
 in Hutchinson's Collection of Pa- 
 pers, pp. 60, 110, 153, 228, 263. 
 
 In 1637 he obtained a grant of a 
 valuable tract of land at Green's 
 harbour, now Marshfield, to which 
 he gave the name of CaresruU. 
 This estate continued in the family 
 till a few years since, when it came 
 into possession of Daniel Webster, 
 the present Secretary of State. 
 
 Edwai-d Winslow's son, Josiah, 
 born at Plymouth in 1628, was 
 governor of the Colony from 1673 
 to his death in 1680. His last sur- 
 viving male descendant is Mr. 
 Isaac Winslow, of Boston, who 
 possesses original portraits of these 
 his illustrious ancestors. 
 
 Edward Winslow had four bro- 
 thers, all of whom came over to 
 New England. Their names were 
 John, born in April, 1597 ; Kenelm, 
 born April 29, 1599 ; Gilbert, born 
 in Oct. 1600; and Josiah, born in 
 Feb. 1605. John came in the 
 Fortune in 1621, married Mary 
 Chilton, who came in the May- 
 flower, and removed to Boston, 
 in 1655, where he died in 1674, 
 aged 77. He left a numerous pos- 
 terity, one of whom is Isaac Wins- 
 
 low, Esq., of Roxbury, formerly a 
 merchant in Boston. — Gilbert came 
 in the Mayflower, and soon left the 
 Colony, and it is thought went to 
 Portsmouth, N. H. and died before 
 1660. — Kenelm and Josiah arrived 
 at Plymouth before 1632, and both 
 settled at Marshfield. The former 
 died whilst on a visit at Salem in 
 1672, aged 73, and the latter in 
 1674, aged 69. — Edward Wins- 
 low's sisters were Eleanor, born in 
 April, 1598, Elizabeth, born in 
 March, 1001, and Magdalen, born 
 Dec. 26, 1604. Elizabeth died in 
 Jan. 1604, and neither of the other 
 two ever came to New England. 
 
 For the copy of the record of St. 
 Peter's Church, Droitwich, contain- 
 ing the births and baptisms of Ed- 
 w^ard Winslow and his sisters and 
 brothers, excepting Josiah, I am 
 indebted to Isaac Winslow, Esq., of 
 Pioxbury, whose son, Isaac, of New 
 York, visited that place for this 
 purpose in Aug. 1839. I am also 
 indebted to Mr. Isaac Winslow, of 
 Boston, for the loan of the family 
 bible of the Winslows, containing 
 on one of its covers an ancient re- 
 gister, corresponding nearly with 
 the Droitwich records, with the 
 addition of the birth and baptism of 
 Josiah, the youngest child. See 
 Hutchinson's Mass. i. 187, ii. 457— 
 460; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 281 
 — 309; Mitchell's Bridgewater, p. 
 387—390; Deane's Scituate, p. 
 388-390 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. 
 90—103, 139—144 ; Morton's Me- 
 morial, pp. 178, 235, 259—261, 382, 
 415; Hazard's Hist. Coll. i. 326. 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 Good Reader, 
 
 When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it 
 chiefly for the satisfaction of my private friends ; but 
 since that time have been persuaded to publish the 
 same. And the rather, because of a disorderly colony^ 
 that are dispersed, and most of them returned, to the 
 great prejudice and damage of him ^ that set them 
 forth ; who, as they were a stain to Old England that 
 bred them, in respect of their lives and manners amongst 
 the Indians, so, it is to be feared, will be no less to New 
 England, in their vile and clamorous reports, because 
 she would not foster them in their desired idle courses. 
 I would not be understood to think there were no well 
 deserving persons amongst them ; for of mine know- 
 ledge it was a grief to some that they were so yoked ; 
 whose deserts, as they were then suitable to their hon- 
 est protestations, so I desire still may be in respect of 
 their just and true Relations. 
 
 Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that 1 deal so 
 
 * At Wessagusset, or Weymouth, ^ Thomas Weston. See note 
 of which an ample account will be on page 78. 
 found in the ensuing Narrative. 
 
 ^ 
 
THE PREFACE. 277 
 
 plainly, than any way doubt of the truth of this my 
 Relation ; yea, it may be, tax me therewith, as seem- 
 ing rather to discourage men than any way to further 
 so noble an action. If any honest mind be discour- 
 aged, I am sorry. Sure I am I have given no just 
 cause ; and am so far from being discouraged myself, 
 as I purpose to return forthwith.^ And for other light 
 and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my 
 desire, accounting it better for them and us that they 
 keep where they are, as being unfit and unable to per- 
 form so great a task. 
 
 Some faults have escaped because I could not attend 
 on the press,^ which 1 pray thee correct, as thou find- 
 est, and I shall account it as a favor unto me. 
 
 Thine, 
 
 E. W. 
 
 ' Winslow returned in the ship ^ This serves to confirm the 
 
 Charity, in March, 1624. He had statement of numerous typographi- 
 
 been absent six months, having cal errors in the previous Narrative, 
 
 sailed from Plymouth in the Ann, See note on page 113, and note ^ on 
 
 on the 10th of Sept. previous. See page 174. 
 Bradford, in Prince, p. 221, 225. 
 
A BRIEF RELATION OF A CREDIBLE INTELLIGENCE OF THE 
 PRESENT ESTATE OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 At the earnest entreaty of some of my much re- 
 spected friends, I have added to the former Discourse a 
 Relation of such things as were credibly rejiorted at 
 Plymouth, in New England, in September last past, 
 concerning the present estate of Virginia. And because 
 men may doubt how we should have intelligence of 
 their affairs, being we are so far distant, 1 will there- 
 fore satisfy the doubtful therein. Captain Francis 
 West^ being in New England about the latter end of 
 May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, and returned 
 in August. In September the same shijD and company 
 being discharged by him at Damarin's Cove,^ came to 
 New Plymouth, where, upon our earnest inquiry after 
 the state of Virginia since that bloody slaughter com- 
 mitted by the Indians upon our friends and country- 
 men,'' the whole ship's company agreed in this, viz. 
 
 ' West had a commission as ad- in Prince, p. 218, and in Morton, 
 
 mira] of New England, to restrain p. 97. 
 
 such ships as came to fish and trade ^ The Damariscove islands, five 
 without license from the New or six in number, lying west by 
 England Council ; but finding the north from Monhegan, were early 
 fishermen stubborn fellows, and too resorted to and occupied as fishing- 
 strong for him, he sails for Virginia; stages. See Williamson's Maine, 
 and their owners complaining to i. 56. 
 
 Parliament, procured an order that ^ On the 22d of March, 1622, at 
 
 fishing should be free. Bradford, mid-day, the Indians, by a precon- 
 
THE CONDITION OF VIRGINIA. 279 
 
 that upon all occasions they chased the Indians to and 
 fro, insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for 
 peace, who for the present would not admit of any ; 
 that Sir George Early,^ &c. was at that present em- 
 ployed upon service against them ; that amongst many 
 others, Opachancano,^ the chief emperor, was supposed 
 to be slain ; his son also was killed at the same time. 
 And though, by reason of these fore-named broils in 
 the fore part of the year, the English had undergone 
 great want of food, yet, through God's mercy, there 
 never was more show of plenty, having as much and 
 as good corn on the ground as ever they had. Neither 
 was the hopes of their tobacco crop inferior to that of 
 their corn ; so that the planters were never more full 
 of encouragement ; which I pray God long to continue, 
 and so to direct both them and us, as his glory may be 
 the principal aim and end of all our actions, and that 
 for his mercy's sake. Amen. 
 
 certed plan, fell upon the English and Bancroft's United States, i. 
 
 settlements in Virginia, and mas- 181 — 1S5. 
 
 sacred 347 persons. A war of ex- ' Yeardley. See note ' on p. 70. 
 
 termination immediately ensued. - Opechancanough, as the name 
 
 See Stith's Virginia, p. 20S — 213, is commonly spelt. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 OF THEIR BEING MENACED BY THE NARRAGANSETTS, AND 
 THEIR SECOND VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 The good ship called the Fortune, which, in the 
 month of November, 1621, (blessed be God,) brought 
 1622. yg ^ jj^yy supply of thirty-five persons, was not long 
 departed our coast, ere the great people of Nanohig- 
 ganset,^ which are reported to be many thousands 
 strong, began to breathe forth many threats against 
 us, notwithstanding their desired and obtained peace 
 with us in the foregoing summer ; insomuch as the 
 common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides was 
 of the preparation they made to come against us. In 
 reason a man would think they should have now more 
 cause to fear us than before our supply came. But 
 
 ' The Narragansetts were a nu- 
 merous and powerful tribe that oc- 
 cupied nearly the whole of the 
 present territory of the State of 
 Rhode Island, including the islands 
 in Narragansett Bay. They had 
 escaped the pestilence which had 
 depopulated other parts of New 
 England, and their population at 
 this time was estimated at thirty 
 thousand, of whom five thousand 
 were Avarriors. Roger Williams 
 says they were so populous that a 
 
 traveller would meet with a dozen 
 Indian towns in twenty miles. 
 They were a martial and formida- 
 ble race, and were frequently at 
 war with the Pokanokets on the 
 east, the Pequots on the west, and 
 the Massachusetts on the north. 
 See Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 
 147 ; Callender in R. I. Hist. Coll. 
 iv. 123; Potter's Early History of 
 Narragansett, ibid. iii. 1, and 
 Hutchinson's Mass. i. 457. 
 
A MESSENGER FROM CANONICUS. 281 
 
 though none of them were present, yet understanding chap. 
 by others that they neither brought arms, nor other — v^^ 
 provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occa- i G2 2. 
 sioned them to slight and brave us with so many threats 
 as they did.^ At length came one of them to us, who 
 was sent by Conanacus,^ their chief sachim or king, 
 accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly In- 
 dian.^ This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our 
 interpreter, who not being at home, seemed rather to 
 be glad than sorry, and leaving for him a bundle of 
 new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desired to 
 depart with all expedition. But our governors not 
 knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and 
 comparing it with that we had formerly heard, com- 
 mitted him to the custody of Captain Standish, hoping 
 now to know some certainty of that we so often heard, 
 either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum, at 
 
 ' " Since the death of so many or obtained ; for I never gat any 
 
 Indians, they thought to lord it thing of Connonicus but by gift." 
 
 over the rest, conceive we are a In 1636 the Massachusetts Colony 
 
 bar in their way, and see Massa- sent to him "a solemn embas- 
 
 soit already take shelter under our sage," who "observed in the sa- 
 
 wings." Bradford's Hist, quoted chem much state, great command 
 
 by Prince, p. 200. See pages 217 over his men, and marvellous wis- 
 
 and 219, previous. dom in his answers." Edward 
 
 * Canonicus, the great sachem Johnson, who probably accompa- 
 of the Narragansetts, though hos- nied the ambassadors, has given in 
 tile to the Plymouth colonists, his " Wonderworking Providence," 
 probably on account of their league b. ii. ch. vi. a very minute account of 
 with his enemy, Massasoit, show- their reception and entertainment, 
 ed himself friendly to the first set- He says that "Canonicus was very 
 tiers of Rhode Island, who planted discreet in his answers." He died 
 themselves within his territory. June 4th, 1647, according to Win- 
 Roger AVilliams says that " when throp, " a very old man." See his 
 the hearts of my countrymen and Life in Thatcher's Indian Biogra- 
 friends failed me, the Most High phy, i. 177 — 209, and in Drake's 
 stirred up the barbarous heart of Book of the Indians, b. ii. 54—57. 
 Connonicus to love me as his son See also Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 215. 
 to the last gasp. Were it not for 229, xiv. 42 — 44, xvii. 75, 76; Sav- 
 the favor that God gave me with age's Winthrop, i. 192, ii. 30S. 
 him, none of these parts, no, not ^ See pages 211, 214, 219. 
 Rhode Island had been purchased 
 
 36 
 
282 THE MESSENGER INTERROGATED. 
 
 CHAP, his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity 
 
 XVIII o J 
 
 — ^-^ with the other forenamed Indian, to see if I could 
 16 2 2. learn any thing from him ; whose answer was spar- 
 ingly to this effect, that he could not certainly tell us, 
 but thought they were enemies to us. 
 
 That night Captain Standish gave me and another^ 
 charge of him, and gave us order to use him kindly, 
 and that he should not want any thing he desired, and 
 to take all occasions to talk and inquire of the reasons 
 of those reports we heard, and withal to signify 
 that upon his true relation he should be sure of his 
 own freedom. At first fear so possessed him that he 
 could scarce say any thing ; but in the end became 
 more familiar, and told us that the messenger which 
 his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his 
 return persuaded him rather to war ; and to the end 
 he might provoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him 
 by our reports,) detained many of the things [which] 
 were sent him by our Governor, scorning the meanness 
 of them both in respect of what himself had formerly 
 sent, and also of the greatness of his own person ; so 
 that he much blamed the former messenger, saying, that 
 upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it would 
 cost him his life, but assured us that upon his relation 
 of our speech then with him to his master, he would 
 be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor 
 and his Assistant^ and Captain Standish, who, after 
 consultation, considered him howsoever but in the state 
 of a messenger ; and it being as well against the law 
 of arms amongst them as us in Europe to lay violent 
 
 ' Probably Stephen Hopkins. ' Isaac AUerton. See note on 
 See note ^ on page 126, and pages page 195, and page 201. 
 181, 185, and 202. 
 
HE BRINGS A DEFIANCE FROM CANONICUS. 283 
 
 hands on any such, set him at liberty ; the Governor chap. 
 giving him order to certify his master that he had ^^v^- 
 heard of his large and many threatenings, at which he 162 2. 
 was much offended ; daring him in those respects to 
 the utmost, if he would not be reconciled to live peace- 
 ably, as other his neighbours ; manifesting withal (as 
 ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolution, if 
 he could not so live amongst them. After which he 
 caused meat to be offered him ; but he refused to eat, 
 making all speed to return, and giving many thanks 
 for his liberty, but requesting the other Indian again to 
 return. The weather being violent, he used many 
 words to persuade him to stay longer, but could not. 
 Whereupon he left him, and said he was with his 
 friends, and would not take a journey in such ex- 
 tremity. 
 
 After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the ar- 
 rows were delivered, and the manner of the messen- 
 ger's carriage related, he signified to the Governor that 
 to send the rattlesnake's skin in that manner imported 
 enmity, and that it was no better than a challenge.' 
 Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor stuffed 
 the skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, re- 
 turning no less defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if 
 he had shipping now present, thereby to send his men 
 to Nanohigganset, (the place of his abode,) they should 
 not need to come so far by land to us ; yet withal 
 showing that they should never come unwelcome or 
 
 ' " There is a remarkable coin- of declaring war by the Aracaunian 
 
 cidence in the form of this chal- Indians of South America, was by 
 
 lenge with that of the challenge sending from town to town an ar- 
 
 given by the Scythian prince to row clenched in a dead man's 
 
 Darius. Five arrows made a part hand." Holmes, Annals, i. 177. 
 
 of the present sent by his herald See RoUin, Anc. Hist. b. vi. s. 4; 
 
 to the Persian king. The manner and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 69. 
 
284 THE TOWN IMPALED. 
 
 CHAP, unlocked for. This message was sent by an Indian, 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 '- and delivered in such sort, as it was no small terror to 
 
 1622. this savage king; insomuch as he would not once 
 touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in his 
 house or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing 
 it, another took it up ; and having been posted from 
 place to place a long time, at length came whole back 
 again. 
 Feb. In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, not- 
 withstanding our high words and lofty looks towards 
 them, and still lying open to all casualty, having as 
 yet (under God) no other defence than our arms, we 
 thought it most needful to impale our town ; which with 
 all expedition we accomplished in the month of Februa- 
 ry, and some few days, taking in the top of the hill under 
 which our town is seated ; making four bulwarks or 
 jetties without the ordinary circuit of the pale, from 
 whence we could defend the whole town ; in three 
 whereof are gates,' and the fourth in time to be. This 
 being done. Captain Standish divided our strength into 
 four squadrons or companies, appointing whom he 
 thought most fit to have command of each ; and, at a 
 general muster or training,^ appointed each his place, 
 gave each his company, giving them charge, upon 
 every alarm, to resort to their leaders to their appoint- 
 ed place, and, in his absence, to be commanded and 
 directed by them. That done according to his order, 
 each drew his company to his appointed place for de- 
 fence, and there together discharged their muskets. 
 After which they brought their new commanders to 
 
 ' Bradford adds, " Which are * This was the first general 
 
 locked every night; a watch and muster in New England, and the 
 
 ward kept in the day." Prince, embryo of our present militia sys- 
 
 p. 200. tern. 
 
AN ATTACK OF THE INDIANS APPREHENDED. 285 
 
 their houses, where ae:ain they graced them with their chap. 
 
 , , ' _° -^ * XVIII. 
 
 shot, and so departed. .^v-^ 
 
 Fearing, also, lest the enemy at anytime should ^6 22. 
 take any advantage by firing our houses, Captain 
 Standish appointed a certain company, that whenso- 
 ever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the town, 
 should only betake themselves to their arms, and should 
 enclose the house or place so endangered, and stand 
 aloof on their guard, with their backs towards the fire, 
 to prevent treachery, if any were in that kind intend- 
 ed. If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, 
 they were then freed from it ; but not otherwise, with- 
 out special command. 
 
 Long before this time we promised the people of Mar. 
 Massachusets, in the beginning of March to come 
 unto them, and trade for their furs ; which being then 
 come, we began to make preparation for that voyage. 
 In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who 
 still lived in the town, told us that he feared the 
 Massachusets or Massachuseucks (for so they called 
 the people of that place,) were joined in confederacy 
 with the Nanohigganeucks, or people of Nanohig- 
 ganset, and that they therefore would take this oppor- 
 tunity to cut off Captain Standish and his company 
 abroad ; but, howsoever, in the mean time, it was to 
 be feared that the Nanohigganeucks would assault the 
 town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy, 
 as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who, 
 we should find, would use many persuasions to draw 
 us from our shallops to the Indians' houses, for their 
 better advantage. To confirm this his jealousy, he 
 told us of many secret passages that passed between 
 him and others, having their meetings ordinarily abroad, 
 
286 A COUNCIL HELD. 
 
 CHAP, in the woods : but if at home, howsoever, he was ex- 
 
 XVIII. , , , p , . . . 
 
 — — cJiided from their secrecy ; saying it was the manner 
 1^2 2. of the Indians, when they meant plainly, to deal open- 
 ly ; but in this his practice there was no show of 
 honesty. 
 
 Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assistant 
 and Captain Standish, called together such as by them 
 were thought most meet for advice in so weighty a 
 business ; who, after consideration hereof, came to this 
 resolution ; that as hitherto, upon all occasions be- 
 tween them and us, we had ever manifested undaunt- 
 ed courage and resolution, so it would not now stand 
 with our safety to mew up ourselves in our new-en- 
 closed town ; partly because our store was almost 
 empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily food, 
 without which we could not long subsist ; but espe- 
 cially for that thereby they would see us dismayed, 
 and be encouraged to prosecute their malicious pur- 
 poses with more eagerness than ever they intended. 
 Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of God, our 
 fearless carriage might be a means to discourage and 
 weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best 
 to proceed in our trading voyage, making this use of 
 that we heard, to go the better provided, and use the 
 more carefulness both at home and abroad, leaving the 
 event to the disposing of the Almighty ; whose provi- 
 dence, as it had hitherto been over us for good, so we 
 had now no cause (save our sins) to despair of his 
 mercy in our preservation and continuance, where we 
 desired rather to be instruments of good to the heathens 
 about us than to give them the least measure of just 
 offence. 
 
 All things being now in readiness, the forenamed 
 
A DISCHARGE OF CANNON. 287 
 
 Captain, with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum chap. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 and Hobbamock, set forwards for the Massachusets. >^v-»l- 
 But we^ had no sooner turned the point of the harbour, 162 2. 
 called the Gurnet's Nose,^ (where, being becalmed, we 
 let fall our grapnel to set things to right and prepare 
 to row,) but there came an Indian of Tisquantum's 
 family running to certain of our people that were from 
 home with all eagerness, having his face wounded, 
 and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to them 
 to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others 
 had him in chase ; sajing that at Namaschet^ (a town 
 some fifteen miles from us,) there were many of the 
 Nanohiggansets, Massassowat,^ our supposed friend, 
 and Conbatant,^ our feared enemy, with many others, 
 with a resolution to take advantage on the present 
 opportunity to assault the town in the Captain's ab- 
 sence ; affirming that he received the wound in his 
 face for speaking in our behalf, and by sleight escaped ; 
 looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at 
 hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor ; where- 
 
 ' This indicates that the writer several places on the coast of Eng- 
 
 himself, Winslow, was one of the land ; in the Channel we believe 
 
 party. there are at least two." Connected 
 
 * So early was the name of Gur- with the Gurnet by a narrow neck, 
 net given to this remarkable fea- and contiguous to Clark's island, is 
 ture of Plymouth harbour. It is a another head-land, called vSaquish, 
 peninsula or promontory, connect- containing twelve or fourteen acres, 
 ed with Marshfield by a beach See note * on page 164, Mass. Hist, 
 about seven miles long, called Salt- Coll. xiii. 182, and Thacher's Ply- 
 house beach. It contains about mouth, p. 330. 
 twenty-seven acres of excellent ^ See note ■* on page 204. 
 soil. On its southern extremity, * The sachem of the Wampa- 
 or nose, are two light-houses. It noags. See note ' on page 191. 
 probably received its name from It will be observed that Winslow 
 some headland known to the Pil- spells many of the Indian words 
 grims in the mother country. The diffeiently from Bradford in the 
 late Samuel Davis, of Plymouth, preceding Journal, 
 the accurate topographer, and faith- ^ The same as Coubalant or Cor- 
 ful chronicler of the Old Colony, bitant. See note " on page 219. 
 says, "Gurnet is the name of 
 
288 THE TOWN ALARMED. 
 
 CHAP, upon he gave command that three pieces of ordnance 
 s-^v-^ should be made ready and discharged, to the end that 
 1622. if we were not out of hearing, we might return there- 
 ' at ; which we no sooner heard, but we repaired home- 
 ward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves, and 
 making all in readiness to fight. When we entered 
 the harbour, we saw the town likewise on their guard, 
 whither we hasted with all convenient speed. The 
 news being made known unto us, Hobbamock said 
 flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowat's 
 faithfulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would never 
 have undertaken any such act without his privity, him- 
 self being a pinse,^ that is, one of his chiefest champions 
 or men of valor ; it being the manner amongst them 
 not to undertake such enterprises without the advice 
 and furtherance of men of that rank. To this the 
 Governor answered, he should be sorry that any just 
 and necessary occasions of war should arise between 
 him and any [of] the savages, but especially Massasso- 
 wat ; not that he feared him more than the rest, but 
 because his love more exceeded towards him than any. 
 Whereunto Hobbamock replied, there was no cause 
 wherefore he should distrust him, and therefore should 
 do well to continue his affections. 
 
 But to the end things might be made more manifest, 
 the Governor caused Hobbamock to send his wife with 
 all privacy to Puckanokick, the chief place of Massas- 
 sowat's residence, (pretending other occasions,) there 
 to inform herself, and so us, of the right state of things. 
 When she came thither, and saw all things quiet, and 
 that no such matter was or had been intended, [she] 
 told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by 
 
 ' What is now called a bi-ave. 
 
TISQUANTUM'S DOUBLE-DEALING. 289 
 
 them called Patuxet ;') which when he understood, he chap 
 
 XVIIl. 
 
 was much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum, 
 returninir many thanks to the Governor for his £roodi622. 
 thoughts of him, and assurmg hnn that, accordmg to 
 their first Articles of Peace,^ he would send word and 
 give warning when any such business was towards. 
 
 Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, 
 whose ends were only to make himself great in the 
 eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and 
 favor with us; not caring who fell, so he stood. In the 
 general, his course was to persuade them he could lead 
 us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft threat- 
 en the Indians, sending them word in a private man- 
 ner we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby 
 he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace ; in- 
 somuch as they had him in greater esteem than many 
 of their sachims ; yea, they themselves sought to him, 
 who promised them peace in respect of us, yea, and 
 protection also, so as they would resort to him ; so that 
 whereas divers were wont to rely on Massassowat for 
 protection, and resort to his abode, now they beo;an to 
 leave him and seek after Tiscjuantum. Now, though 
 he could not make good these his large promises, 
 especially because of the continued peace between 
 Massassowat and us, he therefore raised this false 
 alarm ; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of 
 blood, to provoke us to march into his country against 
 him, whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame as 
 would not easily be quenched; and hoping if that 
 ])lock were once removed, there were no other between 
 him and honor, which he loved as his liA^, and pre- 
 
 ' See page ISS.and note on page ' See the Articles on page 193. 
 245. 
 
 37 
 
290 SECOND VISIT TO BOSTON HARBOUR. 
 
 CHAP, fened before his peace. For these and the like abuses 
 — — -- the Governor sharply reproved him ; yet was he so 
 / 1622. necessary and profitable an instrument, as at that time 
 we could not miss him. But when we understood his 
 dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance 
 and innocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun 
 with us, they should have no cause to fear ; and if any 
 hereafter should raise any such reports, they should 
 punish them as liars and seekers of their and our dis- 
 turbance ; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on 
 all sides. 
 
 After this we proceeded in our voyage to the Mas- 
 sachusets ; where we had good store of trade,* and 
 (blessed be God) returned in safety, though driven 
 from before our town in great danger and extremity of 
 weather. 
 
 At our return we found Massassowat at the Planta- 
 tion ; who made his seeming just apology for all former 
 matters of accusation, being much offended and en- 
 raged against Tisquantum ; whom the Governor paci- 
 fied as much as he could for the present. But not long 
 after his departure, he sent a messenger to the Gov- 
 ernor, entreating him to give way to the death of Tis- 
 quantum, who had so much abused him. But the 
 Governor answered, although he had deserved to die, 
 both in respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he 
 desired he would spare him ; and the rather, because 
 without him he knew not well how to understand him- 
 self or any other the Indians. With this answer the 
 messenger returned, but came again not long after, 
 accompanied with divers others, demanding him from^ 
 
 ' We should like to have known * On the part of. 
 
 more about this second voyage to 
 Boston harbour. See page 224. 
 
MASSASOIT DEMANDS TISQUANTUM. " 291 
 
 Massassowat, their master, as being one of his subjects, chap 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 whom, bj our first Articles of Peace, we could not 
 retain. Yet because he would not willingly do it with- 1622. 
 out the Governor's approbation, offered him many bea- 
 vers' skins for his consent thereto, saying that, according 
 to their manner, their sachim had sent his own knife, 
 and them therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and 
 bring them to him. To which the Governor answered, 
 It was not the manner of the English to sell men's 
 lives at a price, but when they had deserved justly to 
 die, to give them their reward ; and therefore refused 
 their beavers as a gift ; but sent for Tisquantum, w^ho, 
 though he knew their intent, yet offered not to fly, but 
 came and accused Hobbamock as the author and work- 
 er of his overthrow, yielding himself to the Governor to 
 be sent or not according as he thought meet. But at 
 the instant when our Governor was ready to deliver 
 him into the hands of his executioners, a boat was 
 seen at sea to cross before our town, and fall behind a 
 headland ^ not far off. Whereupon, having heard 
 many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether 
 there were any combination between the savages and 
 them, the Governor told the Indians he would first 
 know what boat that was ere he would deliver them 
 into their custody. But being mad with rage, and 
 impatient at delay, they departed in great heat. 
 
 Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked 
 practice of this Tisquantum ; who, to the end he might 
 possess his countrymen with the greater fear of us, and 
 so consequently of himself, told them we had the plague 
 
 ^ This headland is Hither Man- mark in Barnstable bay, being 
 
 omet Point, forming tlie southern visible from all points of its circling 
 
 boundary of Plymouth bay. Man- shore, from Sandwich to Province- 
 
 omet is the most prominent land- town. See note ^ on page 148. 
 
292 SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS. 
 
 CHAP, buried in our store-house ; which, at our pleasure, we 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 •^"-^^ could send forth to what place or people we would, 
 1622. and destroy them therewith, though we stirred not 
 
 May. -^ , ' b 
 
 from home. Being, upon the forenamed brabbles,^ 
 sent for by the Governor to this place, where Hobba- 
 mock was and some other of us, the ground being 
 broke in the midst of the house, whereunder certain 
 barrels of powder were buried, though unknown to 
 him, Hobbamock asked him what it meant. To whom 
 he readily answered, That was the place wherein the 
 plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and 
 others. After this Hobbamock asked one of our peo- 
 ple, whether such a thing were, and whether we had 
 such command of it. Who answered. No ; but the 
 God of the English had it in store, and could send it 
 at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our ene- 
 mies. 
 
 This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622; 
 at which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, 
 having lived long before with a bare and short allow- 
 ance. The reason was, that supply of men, before 
 mentioned,^ which came so unprovided, not landing so 
 much as a barrel of bread or meal for their whole com- 
 pany, but contrariwise received from us for their ship's 
 store homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof 
 altogether to be blamed therein, but rather certain 
 amongst ourselves, who were too prodigal in their 
 writing and reporting of that plenty we enjoyed.^ But 
 that I may return. 
 
 This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a 
 
 ' Brabbles, clamors. ^ Winslow himself had sent 
 
 - The passengers in the Fortune, home too flattering an account of 
 See page 234. their condition. See page 232. 
 
WINSLOW GOES TO MONHEGAN. 293 
 
 fishing ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master chap. 
 Thomas Weston, late merchant and citizen of London, — -v-^ 
 which brought six or seven passengers at his charge, 16 22. 
 that should before have been landed at our Plantation ; ' 
 who also brought no more provision for the present 
 than served the boat's gang for their return to the ship; 
 which made her voyage at a place called Damarin's 
 Cove,^ near Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us 
 northeastward ; about which place there fished about 
 thirty sail of ships, and whither myself was employed 
 by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals 
 as the ships could spare ; where I found kind enter- 
 tainment and good respect, with a willingness to sup- 
 ply our wants. But being not able to spare that 
 quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of some 
 amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my 
 coming, would not take any bills for the same, but did 
 what they could freely, wishing their store had been 
 such as they might in greater measure have expressed 
 their own love, and supplied our necessities, for which 
 they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of 
 
 ' "She brings a letter to Mr. he can, but writes to others to do 
 
 Carver from Mr. Weston, of Jan. the like ; by which means he gets 
 
 17. By his letter we find he has as much bread as amounts to a 
 
 quite deserted us, and is going to quarter of a pound a person per 
 
 settle a plantation of his own. The day till harvest; the Governor 
 
 boat brings us a kind letter from causing their portion to be daily 
 
 Mr. John Huddleston, a captain of given them, or some had starved. 
 
 a ship fishing at the eastward. And by this voyage we not only 
 
 whose name we never heard be- got a present supply, but also learn 
 
 fore, to inform us of a massacre of the way to those parts for our fu- 
 
 400 English by the Indians in Vir- ture benefit." Bradford, in Prince, 
 
 ginia, whence he came. By this p. 202. Huddleston's letter, (or 
 
 boat the Governor returns a grate- Hudston's, as Morton calls him,) 
 
 ful answer, and with them sends may be found in New England's 
 
 Mr. Winslow in a boat of ours to Memorial, p. SO. See note " oa 
 
 get provisions of the fishing ships ; page 278. 
 
 whom Captain Huddleston receives ^ See note * on page 278. 
 kindly, and not only spares what 
 
294 THE COLONY IN A FAMISHING CONDITION. 
 
 CHAP, their abilities : which, althou'rh it were not much 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 -^v— amongst so many people as were at the Plantation, yet 
 16 22. through the provident and discreet care of the govern- 
 ors, recovered and preserved strength till our own crop 
 on the ground was ready. 
 
 Having dispatched there, I returned home with all 
 speed convenient, where I found the state of the Col- 
 ony much weaker than when I left it ; for till now we 
 were never without some bread, the want whereof 
 much abated the strength and flesh of some, and 
 swelled others. But here it may be said, if the coun- 
 try abound with fish and fowl in such measure as is 
 reported, how could men undergo such measure of 
 hardness, except through their own negligence ? I 
 answer, every thing must be expected in its proper 
 season. No man, as one saith, will go into an orchard 
 in the winter to gather cherries ; so he that looks for 
 fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his ex- 
 pectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, 
 is from the beginning of October to the end of March ; 
 but these extremities befell us in May and June. I 
 confess, that as the fowl decrease, so fish increase. And 
 indeed their exceeding abundance was a great cause of 
 increasing our wants. For though our bay and creeks 
 were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and 
 strong seines and other netting, they for the most part 
 brake through, and carried all away before them.^ And 
 though the sea were full of cod, yet we had neither 
 tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. And indeed had 
 we not been in a place, where divers sort of shell-fish 
 are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have 
 
 ' See note ' on page 171. '« 
 
A FORT BUILT ON BURIAL HILL. 295 
 
 perished, unless God had raised some unknown or chap. 
 
 T „ . xvin. 
 
 extraordniary means for our preservation. -— .-^ 
 
 In the time of these straits, indeed before my going 16 22. 
 to Munhiggen, the Indians began again to cast forth 
 many insuhing speeches, glorying in our weakness, 
 and giving out how easy it would be ere long to cut 
 us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on 
 us, and neither came or sent to us as formerly. These 
 things occasioned further thoughts of fortification. And 
 whereas we have a hill called the Mount,^ enclosed 
 within our pale, under which our town is seated, we 
 resolved to erect a fort thereon ; from whence a few 
 might easily secure the town from any assault the In- 
 dians can make, whilst the rest might be employed as 
 occasion served. This work was begun with great 
 eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping 
 that this being once finished, and a continual guard 
 there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages 
 from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. 
 And though it took the greatest part of our strength 
 from dressing our corn, yet, life being continued, we 
 hoped God would raise some means in stead thereof 
 for our further preservation. 
 
 ' The burying-hill. See page in Plymouth. After the fort was 
 
 170. The intelligence of the mas- used as a place of worship, it is 
 
 sacre in Virginia reached Plymouth probable they began to bury their 
 
 in May, and was the immediate dead around it. Before that time 
 
 incitement to the erection of this the burial place was on the bank, 
 
 fort. See page 250. above the rock on which the land- 
 
 " Some traces of the fort are still ing was made." Judge Davis's 
 
 visible on the eminence called the note in Morton's Memorial, p. 82. 
 
 burying-hill, directly above the See note ° on page 168, and page 
 
 meeting-house of the first church 169. previous. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 OF THE PLANTING OF MASTER WESTON'S COLONY AT WES- 
 SAGUSSET, AND OF SUNDRY EXCURSIONS AFTER CORN. 
 
 1622. 
 July. 
 
 In the end of June, or beginning of July, came into 
 our harbour two ships of Master Weston's aforesaid ; 
 the one called the Charity,' the other the Swan ; hav- 
 ing in them some fifty or sixty men, sent over at his 
 own charge to plant for him.^ These we received into 
 our town, affording them whatsoever courtesy our mean 
 condition could afford. There the Charity, being the 
 bigger ship, left them, having many passengers which 
 she was to land in Virginia. In the mean time the 
 body of them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, whilst 
 some most fit sought out a place for them. That little 
 
 ' " By Mr. Weston's ship comes 
 a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in 
 whose name the Plymouth patent 
 is taken, signifying that whom the 
 governor admits into the associa- 
 tion, he will approve." Bradford, 
 in Prince, p, 204. 
 
 ^ They came upon no religious 
 design, as did the planters of Ply- 
 mouth ; so they were far from be- 
 ing Puritans. Mr. Weston in a 
 letter owns that many of them are 
 rude and profane fellows. Mr. 
 CushmaQ in another writes, " They 
 are no men for us, and I fear they 
 
 will hardly deal so well with the 
 savages as they should. I pray 
 you therefore signify to Squanto 
 that they are a distinct body from 
 us, and we have nothing to do with 
 them, nor must be blamed for their 
 faults, much less can warrant their 
 fidelity." And Mr. John Pierce in 
 another writes, " As for Mr. Wes- 
 ton's company, they are so base in 
 condition ibr the most part, as in 
 all appearance not fit for an honest 
 man's company. I wish they 
 prove otherwise." Bradford, in 
 Prince, p. 203. 
 
WESTON'S COLONY SETTLE AT WEYMOUTH. 297 
 
 Store of com we had was exceedingly wasted by the chap. 
 unjust and dishonest walking of these strangers ; who, •^v^' 
 though they would sometimes seem to help us in our 1622. 
 labor about our corn, yet spared not day and night to 
 steal the same, it being then eatable and pleasant to 
 taste, though green and unprofitable. And though they' 
 received much kindness, set light both by it and us, 
 not sparing to requite the love we showed them, with 
 secret backbitings, revilings, &c., the chief of them 
 being forestalled and made against us before they 
 came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, for their mas- 
 ter's sake, who formerly had deserved well from us,^ 
 we continued to do them whatsoever good or further- 
 ance we could, attributing these things to the want of 
 conscience and discretion, expecting each day when 
 God in his providence would disburden us of them, 
 sorrowing that their overseers were not of more ability 
 and fitness for their places, and much fearing what 
 would be the issue of such raw and unconscionable 
 beginnings. 
 
 At length their coasters returned, having found in 
 their judgment a place fit for plantation, within the 
 bay of the Massachusets^ at a place called by the Indi- 
 ans Wichaguscusset.^ To which place the body of 
 them went with all convenient speed, leaving still with 
 us such as were sick and lame, by the Governor's per- 
 mission, though on their parts undeserved ; whom our 
 surgeon,^ by the help of God, recovered gratis for them, 
 and they fetched home, as occasion served. 
 
 They had not been long from us, ere the Indians 
 
 • See note ' on pnge 78. ^ Or Wessagussef, now called 
 
 * Boston harbour. See notes ' Weymouth. 
 
 and « on page 225. * Dr. Fuller. See note ' on p. 222. 
 
 38 
 
298 THE PILGRIMS FEEBLE AND DESTITUTE. 
 
 CHAP, filled our ears with clamors against them, for stealing; 
 
 XIX 
 
 — ^ their corn, and other abuses conceived bj them. At 
 1622. which we grieved the more, because the same men,' in 
 mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading 
 Captain Slandish, before their coming, to solicit our 
 Governor to send some of his men to plant by them, 
 alleging many reasons how it might be commodious for 
 us. But we knew no means to redress those abuses, 
 save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as 
 occasion served. 
 Aug. In the end of August, came other two ships into our 
 harbour. The one, as I take it, was called the Disco- 
 very, Captain Jones ^ having the command thereof; 
 the other was that ship of Mr. Weston's, called the 
 Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of fish, and 
 was consorted with the other, being both bound for 
 Virginia.^ Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves 
 of such provisions as we most needed, and he could 
 best spare ; who, as he used us kindly, so made us pay 
 largely for the things we had. And had not the Al- 
 mighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him to 
 us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had 
 been, or after was ; for as we had now but small store 
 of corn for the year following, so, for want of supply, 
 we were worn out of all manner of trucking-stufi', not 
 having any means left to help ourselves by trade ; but, 
 through God's good mercy towards us, he had where- 
 
 • That is, the same Indians. bound for Virginia ; " and Brad- 
 
 ' This is supposed to be the ford states that " she was on her 
 
 same Jones who was captain of way from Virginia homeward, be- 
 
 the Mayflower. See note ' on ing sent out by some merchants to 
 
 page 102, and note ® on page 1G6. discover the shoals about Cape Cod, 
 
 ^ Prince says, p. 205, that " Mr. and harbours between this and 
 
 Winslow seems to mistake in Virginia." 
 thinking Captain Jones was now 
 
PROPOSED EXCURSION AFTER CORN. 299 
 
 with, and did supply our wants on that kind compe- chap. 
 tently.^ ~^— ^ 
 
 In the end of September, or beoinnins: of Octo-i622. 
 ^ . . Oct. 
 
 ber, Mr. Weston's biggest ship, caUed the Charity, re- 
 turned for England, and left their colony sufficiently 
 victualled, as some of most credit amongst them re- 
 ported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with 
 his colony, for their further help. At which time they 
 desired to join in partnership with us, to trade for corn ; 
 to which our Governor and his Assistant^ agreed, upon 
 such equal conditions, as were drawn and confirmed 
 between them and us. The chief places aimed at 
 w6re to the southward of Cape Cod ; and the more, 
 because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time 
 was wrought with Massassowat, undertook to discover 
 unto us that supposed, and still hoped, passage within 
 the shoals. 
 
 Both colonies being thus agreed, and their compa- 
 nies fitted and joined together, we resolved to set 
 forward, but were oft crossed in our purposes. As 
 first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law to Master 
 Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight 
 and government of his colony, died suddenly at our 
 Plantation, to whom we gave burial befitting his place, 
 in the best manner we could. Afterward, having fur- 
 ther order to proceed by letter from their other Gov^er- 
 nor at the Massachusets, twice Captain Standish set 
 forth with them, but were driven in again by cross 
 and violent winds ; himself the second time being sick 
 
 ' " Of her we buy knives and we are fitted to trade botli for corn 
 
 beads, wliicli are now good trade, and beaver." Bradford, in Prince, 
 
 though at cent, per cent, or more, p. 205, and in Morton's Memorial, 
 
 and yet pay away coat beaver at p. 83. 
 3s. a pound, (which a few years * Isaac Allerton. 
 after yields 205.) ; by which means 
 
300 BRADFORD ENTERS CHATHAM HARBOUR. 
 
 CHAP, of a violent fever. By reason whereof (oar own wants 
 
 XIX 
 
 — ^-^ being like to be now greater than formerly, partly be- 
 1622. cause we were enforced to neglect our corn and spend 
 much time in fortification, but especially because such 
 havock was made of that little we had, through the un- 
 just and dishonest carriage of those people before men- ' 
 tioned, at our first entertainment of them,) our Governor 
 in his own person supplied the Captain's place ; and, 
 Nov. in the month of November, again set forth, having Tis- 
 quantum for his interpreter and pilot; who affirmed he 
 had twice passed within the shoals of Cape Cod, both 
 with English and French. Nevertheless they went so 
 far with him, as the master of the ship saw no hope of 
 passage ; but being, as he thought, in danger, bare up, 
 and according to Tisquantum's directions, made for a 
 harbour not far from them, at a place called Mana- 
 moycke ;' which they found, and sounding it with their 
 shallop, found the channel, though but narrow and 
 crooked ; where at length they harboured the ship. 
 Here they perceived that the tide set in and out with 
 more violence at some other place more southerly,^ 
 which they had not seen nor could discover, by reason 
 of the violence of the season all the time of their abode 
 there. Some judged the entrance thereof might be 
 beyond the shoals ; but there is no certainty thereof 
 as yet known. 
 
 That night the Governor, accompanied with others, 
 having Tisquantum for his interpreter, went ashore. 
 At first the inhabitants played least in sight, because 
 none of our people had ever been there before ; but 
 understanding the ends of their coming, at length came 
 to them, welcoming our Governor according to their 
 
 ' Chatham. * See note ' on page 103. 
 
DEATH OF TISQUANTUM. 301 
 
 savage manner ; refreshing them very well with store chap. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 of venison and other victuals, which they brought them 
 
 in great abundance: promisinir to tnide with them, 1 6 22. 
 
 . . , . . Nov. 
 
 With a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their 
 joy was mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by 
 their after practices; for at first they were loth their 
 dwellings should be known ; but when they saw our 
 Governor's resolution to stay on the shore all night, 
 they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed 
 all their stuff to a remote place, not far from the same ; 
 whicli one of our men, walking forth occasionally, 
 espied. Whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor 
 they could be found ; and so many times after, upon 
 conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and 
 baggage. But being afterwards, by Tisquantum's 
 means better persuaded, they left their jealousy, and 
 traded with them ; where they got eight hogsheads 
 of corn and beans, though the people were but few. 
 This gave our Governor and the company good en- 
 couragement ; Tisquantum being still confident in the 
 passage, and the inhabitants affirming they had seen 
 ships of good burthen pass within the shoals aforesaid. 
 But here, though they had determined to make a 
 second essay, yet God had otherways disposed ; who 
 struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he there 
 died ;* which crossed their southward trading, and the 
 
 ' His disorder was a fever, ac- Prince, p. 206, and in Morton, p. 85. 
 
 companicd with "a bleeding at the Judge Davis adds in his note, that 
 
 nose, which the Indians reckon a "Governor Bradford's pen Avas 
 
 fatal symptom." Before his death worthily employed in the tender 
 
 " he desired the Governor (Brad- notice taken of the death of tliis 
 
 ford) to pray that he might go to child of nature. With some al)er- 
 
 the Englishman's God in heaven, rations, his conduct was generally 
 
 bequeathing divers of his things to irreproachable, and his useful ser- 
 
 sundry of his English friends, as vices to the infant settlement entitle 
 
 remembrances of his love ; of whom him to grateful remembrance." 
 we had great loss." Bradford, in 
 
302 CORN PROCURED AT EASTHAM AND YARMOUTH. 
 
 CHAP, more, because the master's sufficiency was much doubt- 
 
 XIX 
 
 — v-^ ed, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go 
 ijj22. upon discovery, having no guide to direct them. 
 
 From thence they departed ; and the wind being 
 fair for the Massachusets, went thither, and the rather, 
 because the savages, upon our motion, had planted 
 much corn for us, whicli they promised not long before 
 that time. When they came thither, they found a 
 great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unhke 
 the plague, if not the same. They renewed their 
 complaints to our Governor, against that other planta- 
 tion seated by them, for their injurious walking. But 
 indeed the trade both for furs and corn w^as overthrown 
 in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn 
 as we used to do for a beaver's skin ; so that little 
 good could be there done. 
 
 From thence they returned iuto the bottom of the 
 bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset ; where the 
 sachim^ used the Governor very kindly, and where they 
 bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn and beans ; also 
 at a place called Mattachiest,^ where they had like 
 kind entertainment and corn also. During the time 
 of their trade in these places, there were so great and 
 violent storms, as the ship was much endangered, and 
 our shallop cast away ; so that they had now no means 
 to carry the corn aboard that they had bought, the ship 
 riding by their report well near two leagues from the 
 same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having 
 no carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch 
 wood or water in her. Hereupon the Governor caused 
 the corn to be made in a round stack, and bought mats, 
 
 ' Aspinet. See page 21 fi. ble and Yarmouth harbours. See 
 
 ' The country between Barnsta- note ' on page 215. 
 
BRADFORD RETURNS HOME BY LAND. 303 
 
 and cut sedge, to cover it ; and gave charge to tlie In- chap. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 dians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt 
 next to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from 16 22. 
 
 . . Nov. 
 
 it ; which he undertook, and the sachim promised to 
 make good. In the mean time, according to the 
 Governor's request, the sachim sent men to seek the 
 shallop; which they found buried almost in sand at a 
 high water mark, having many things remaining in 
 her, but unserviceable for the present ; whereof the 
 Governor gave the sachim special charge, that it should 
 not be further broken, promising ere long to fetch both 
 it and the corn ; assuring them, if neither were dimin- 
 ished, he would take it as a sign of their honest and 
 true friendship, which they so much made show of; 
 but if they were, they should certainly smart for their 
 unjust and dishonest dealing, and further make good 
 whatsoever they had so taken. So he did likewise at 
 Mattachiest, and took leave of them, being resolved to 
 leave the ship and take his journey home by land 
 with our own company, sending word to the ship that 
 they should take their first opportunity to go for Ply- 
 mouth, where he determined, by the permission of God, 
 to meet them. And having procured a guide, it being- 
 no less than fifty miles to our Plantation,* set forward, 
 receiving all respect that could be from the Indians in 
 his journey ; and came safely home, though weary and 
 surbated f whither some three days after the ship^ also 
 came. 
 
 The corn being divided, w^hich they had got, Master 
 Weston's company went to their own plantation ; it 
 
 ' The distance from Eastham * With galled feet, 
 to Plymouth by land is about fifty ^ The Swan. See page 299. 
 miles. 
 
304 STANDISH GOES TO EASTHAM. 
 
 CHAP, being further agreed, that they should return with all 
 -^— convenient speed, and bring their carpenter, that they 
 might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop. 
 1623. At their return. Captain Standish, being recovered 
 and in health, took another shallop, and went with 
 them to the corn, which they found in safety as they 
 left it. Also they mended the other shallop, and got 
 all their corn aboard the ship. This was in January, as 
 1 take it, it being very cold and stormy ; insomuch as, 
 (the harbour being none of the best,) they were con- 
 strained to cut both the shallops from the ship's stern ; 
 and so lost them both a second time. But the storm 
 being over, and seeking out, they found them both, not 
 having received any great hurt. 
 
 Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie 
 on the shore, laying their shallop in a creek ^ not far 
 from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole 
 certain beads, scissors, and other trifles out of the 
 same ; which, when the Captain missed, he took cer- 
 tain of his company with him, and went to the sachim, 
 telling him what had happened, and requiring the 
 same again, or the party that stole them, (who was 
 known to certain of the Indians,) or else he would 
 revenge it on them before his departure ; and so took 
 leave for that night, being late, refusing whatsoever 
 kindness they offered. On the morrow the sachim 
 came to their rendezvous, accompanied with many 
 men, in a stately manner, who saluted^ the Captain in 
 this wise. He thrust out his tongue, that one might 
 see the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand 
 
 ' Nauset, or Easthara, abounds ' In the orig'ma.] saluimg ; prob- 
 with creeks. See note ' on page ably a typographical error. 
 156, and Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155. 
 188. 
 
BRADFORD AT MIDDLEBOROUGH AND SANDWICH. 305 
 
 from the wrist to the finger's end, withal bowinsj the chap. 
 
 . . XIX. 
 
 knee, striving to imitate the English gesture, being — v-L- 
 instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum. His men 1623. 
 did the like, but in so rude and savage a manner, as 
 our men could scarce forbear to break out in open 
 laughter. After salutation, he delivered the beads and 
 other things to the Captain, saying he had much beat- 
 en the party for doing it ; causing the women to make 
 bread, and bring them, according to their desire ; seem- 
 ing to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be recon- 
 ciled. So they departed, and came home in safety ; 
 where the corn was equally divided, as before. 
 
 After this the Governor went to two other inland 
 towns, with another company, and bought corn like- 
 wise of them. The one is called Namasket, the other 
 Manomet.^ That from Namasket was brought home 
 partly by Indian women f but a great sickness arising 
 amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch 
 home the rest. That at Manomet the Governor left 
 in the sachim's custody. 
 
 This town lieth from us south, well near twenty 
 miles, and stands upon a fresh river, which runneth 
 into the bay of Nanohigganset,^ and cannot be less 
 than sixty miles from thence. It will bear a boat of 
 
 * The part of Sandwich, which lobsters at their backs; in winter 
 
 lies on Manomet river. F. they are their husbands' porters to 
 
 ^ " It is almost incredible," says lug home their venison." See 
 Roger Williams, "what burthens Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149, iii. 212, 
 the poor women carry of corn, of and Wood's New England's Pros- 
 fish, of beans, of mats, and a child pect, part ii. ch. 20. 
 besides." Gookin says, " In their ^ This is called Manomet or 
 removals from place to place, for Buzzard's bay, though Winslow 
 their fishing and hunting, the wo- seems to mistake it for Narragan- 
 men carry the greatest burthen." sett bay, which is near twenty 
 And Wood says, "In the summer leagues to the westward. Prince, 
 they trudge home two or three p. 208. 
 miles with a hundred weight of 
 
 39 
 
306 
 
 BUZZARD'S BAY. 
 
 CHAP, eight or ten tons to this place. Hither the Dutch or 
 
 XIX. 
 
 — v-i- French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the 
 1623. bay of Cape Cod about eight miles ;^ out of which 
 bay it floweth into a creek some six miles, almost 
 direct towards the town. The heads of the river and 
 this creek are not far distant. This river yieldeth, 
 thus high, oysters,^ muscles, clams,^and other shell-fish ; 
 one in shape like a bean,^ another like a clam ; both 
 good meat, and great abundance at all times ; besides 
 it aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in their 
 seasons.^ 
 
 ' " This creek runs out easterly 
 into Cape Cod bay at Scussett har- 
 bour ; and this river runs out west- 
 erly into Manomet bay. The dis- 
 tance over land from bay to bay is 
 but six miles. The creek and river 
 nearly meet in a low ground ; and 
 this is the place, through which 
 there has been a talk of making 
 a canal, this forty years ; which 
 would be a vast advantage to all 
 these countries, by saving the long 
 and dangerous navigation round 
 the Cape, and through the shoals 
 adjoining." Prince, p. 208, (A. D. 
 1736.) Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. 
 
 * Oysters are still found in great 
 excellence and plenty in Sandwich, 
 on the shores of Buzzard's bay. 
 See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. 
 
 ' The common clam, [mi/a are- 
 naria,) or perhaps the quahaug, 
 (venns mercenaria.) The English 
 call the former the sand-gaper, the 
 word dam not being in use among 
 them, and not to be found in their 
 dictionaries. And yet it is men- 
 tioned by Captain Smith, in his 
 Description of New England, print- 
 ed in 1616. Johnson, wiiose Won- 
 derworking Providence was pub- 
 lished in 1644, speaks of " clam- 
 banks, a fish as big as horse-mus- 
 cles." Morton too, in his New 
 English Canaan, (1637) mentions 
 them, and Josselyn, (1672) in his 
 
 Rarities, p. 96, speaks of " clara, 
 or clamp, a kind of shell-fish, a 
 white muscle." Wood says, ch. 
 ix. " clams or clamps is a shell- 
 fish not much unlike a cockle ; it 
 lieth under the sand. These fishes 
 be in great plenty. In some places 
 of the country there be clams as big 
 as a penny white-loaf." See Mass. 
 Hist. Col. iii. 224, viii. 193, xiii. 
 125, xxvi. 121, and Dr. Gould's Re- 
 port on the Mollusca of Mass. pp. 
 40—42, and 85, 86. 
 
 * The razor-shell, [solen,) which 
 very much resembles a bean pod, 
 or the haft of a razor, both in size 
 and shape. See Mass. Hist Coll. 
 viii. 192. Josselyn calls them 
 ^^ sheath fish, which are very plen- 
 tiful, a delicate fish, as good as a 
 prawn, covered with a thin shell 
 like the sheath of a knife, and of 
 the color of a muscle." And Mor- 
 ton says, " razor fishes there are." 
 
 "The animal is cylindrical, and 
 is often used as an article of food 
 under the name of long-clam, razor- 
 fish, knife-handle, &:c." See Dr. 
 Gould's Report on the Mollusca of 
 Massachusetts, p. 29. 
 
 * In Manomet river, as well as 
 in Buzzard's and Buttermilk bays, 
 are found fish of various kinds, 
 such as bass, sheep's head, tautaug, 
 scuppaug, &c. See Mass. Hist. 
 Coll. viii. 122. 
 
CANACUM. 307 
 
 The governor, or sachim, of this place was called chap. 
 CanacLim ;' who had formerly, as well as many others, ^-v-1- 
 yea all with whom as yet we had to do, acknowledged 1^2 3. 
 themselves the subjects of our sovereign lord, the King. 
 This sachim used the Governor very kindly ; and it 
 seemed was of good respect and authority amongst 
 the Indians. For whilst the Governor was there, 
 within night, in bitter weather, came two men from 
 Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set aside 
 their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat 
 down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using 
 any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all 
 remained silent, expecting when they would speak. 
 At length they looked toward Canacum ; and one of 
 them made a short speech, and delivered a present to 
 him from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco 
 and many beads, which the other received thankfully. 
 After which he made a long speech to him ; the con- 
 tents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who 
 then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as 
 followeth. It happened that two of their men fell out, 
 as they were in game (for they use gaming as much as 
 any where, and will play away all, even their skin from 
 their backs,^ yea their waives' skins also, though it may 
 be they are many miles distant from them, as myself 
 have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed 
 
 ' He was the same as Cawna- have." And Wood adds, " They 
 
 come, mentioned in note ^ on page are so bewitched with these two 
 
 232. games, that they will lose some- 
 
 * "Tn their gamings," says Roger times all they have, beaver, moose 
 Williams, "they will sometimes skins,kettles,wan)pompeage, mow- 
 stake and lose their money, clothes, hackies, hatchets, knives, all is 
 house, corn, and themselves, if sin- confiscate by these two games." 
 gle persons." Gookin says " They See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 153, iii. 234, 
 are addicted to gaming, and will, and Wood's New England's Pros- 
 ia that vein, play away all they pect, part ii. eh. 14. 
 
308 STANDISII AT YARMOUTH. 
 
 CHAP, the Other. The aetor of this fact was a poivah,^ one 
 
 XIX 
 
 •— v-!- of special note amongst them, and such an one as they 
 162 3. could not well miss; jet another people greater than 
 themselves threatened them with war, if lh(;y would 
 not put him to death. The party offending was in 
 hold ; neither would their sachini do one way or other 
 till their return, resting upon him for advice and fur- 
 therance in so weighty a matter. After this there was 
 silence a short time. At length, men gave their judg- 
 ment what they thought best. Amongst others, he 
 asked Hobbamock what he thought. Who answered, 
 He was but a stranger to them ; but thought it was 
 better that one should die than many, since he had 
 deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon 
 he passed the sentence of death upon him. 
 Feb, Not long after, having no great quantity of corn 
 left, Captain Standish went again with a shallop to 
 Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremity of 
 weather, both of wind, snow, and frost ; insomuch as 
 they were frozen in the harbour, the first night they 
 entered the same. Here they pretended their wonted 
 love, and spared them a good quantity of corn to con- 
 firm the same. Strangers also came to this place, pre- 
 tending only to see him and his company, whom they 
 never saw before that time, but intending to join with 
 the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being 
 forced through extremity to lodge in their houses, 
 which they much pressed, God possessed the heart of 
 the Captain with just j(!alousy, giving strait command, 
 that as one part of his company slept, the rest should 
 wake, declaring some things to them which he under- 
 stood, whereof he could make no good construction. 
 
 ' Powoiv, a priest and medicine man. 
 
STANDISH AT SCUSSETT. 309 
 
 Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole chap. 
 some beads also from him ; which he no sooner per- ^-v^- 
 ceived, havinir not above six men with him, drew them i 62 3. 
 
 ^ . Feb. 
 
 all from the boat, and set them on their guard about 
 the sachim's house, where the most of the people were; 
 threatening to fall upon them without further delay, if 
 they would not forthwith restore them ; signifying to 
 the sachim especially, and so to them all, that as he 
 would not offer the least injury, so he would not receive 
 any at their hands, which should escape without pun- 
 ishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the sachim 
 bestirred him to find out the party ; which, when he 
 had done, caused him to return them again to the shal- 
 lop, and came to the Captain, desiring him to search 
 whether they were not about the boat ; who, suspect- 
 ing their knavery, sent one, who found them lying 
 openly upon the boat's cuddy. Yet to appease his 
 anger, they brought corn afresh to trade ; insomuch as 
 he laded his shallop, and so departed. This accident 
 so daunted their courage, as they durst not attempt 
 any thing against him. So that, through the good 
 mercy and providence of God, they returned in safety. 
 At this place the Indians get abundance of bass both 
 summer and winter ; for it being now February, they 
 abounded with them. 
 
 In the beginningof March, having refreshed himself, Mar. 
 he took a shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home 
 that which the Governor had formerly bought,^ hoping 
 also to get more from them ; but was deceived in his 
 expectation, not finding that entertainment he found 
 elsewhere, and the Governor had there received. The 
 
 ' It seems as if the Captain goes up westward towards Mano- 
 went into Scussetl harbour, which met. Prince, p. 210. 
 
310 WITUWAMAT. 
 
 CHAP, reason whereof, and of the treachery intended in the 
 
 XIX. 
 
 -^v-^ place before spoken of, was not then known unto us, 
 162 3. but afterwards : wherein may be observed the abund- 
 
 JMsir* 
 
 ant mercies of God, working with his providence for 
 our good. Captain Standish being now far from the 
 boat, and not above two or three of our men with him, 
 and as many with the shallop, was not long at Cana- 
 cum, the sachim's house, but in came two of the Mas- 
 sachuset men. The chief of them was called Witu- 
 wamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had for- 
 merly imbrued his hands in the blood of English and 
 French, and had oft boasted of his own valour, and 
 derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, 
 they died crying, making sour faces, more like child- 
 ren than men. 
 
 This villain took a dagger from about his neck, 
 which he had gotten of Master Weston's people, and 
 presented it to the sachim ; and after made a long 
 speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, 
 as the Captain, though he be the best linguist amongst 
 us,^ could not gather any thing from it. The end of it 
 was afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The 
 Massacheuseuks had formerly concluded to ruinate Mas- 
 ter Weston's colony ; and thought themselves, being 
 about thirty or forty men strong, enough to execute 
 the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such 
 time as they had gathered more strength to themselves, 
 to make their party good against us at Plymouth ; con- 
 cluding, that if we remained, though they had no other 
 arguments to use against us, yet we would never leave 
 the death of our countrymen unrevenged ; and there- 
 
 ' la the Indiaa dialects. 
 
A CONSPIRACY AMONG THE INDIANS. 311 
 
 fore their safety could not be without the overthrow of chap. 
 both plantations. To this end they had formerly soli- .^-^ 
 cited this sachim, as also the other, called lanough,' at 162 3. 
 Mattachiest, and many others, to assist them, and now 
 again came to prosecute the same ; and since there 
 was so fair an opportunity offered by the Captain's 
 presence, they thought best to make sure [of] him and 
 his company. 
 
 After this his message was delivered, his entertainment 
 much exceeded the Captain's ; insomuch as he scorned 
 at their behaviour, and told them of it. After which 
 they would have persuaded him, because the weather 
 was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest of his 
 company ; but he w'ould not, desiring, according to 
 promise, that the corn might be carried down, and he 
 would content the women ^ for their labor ; which 
 they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian 
 of Paomet,^ or Cape Cod, then present, who had ever 
 demeaned himself well towards us, being in his general 
 carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially 
 towards the Captain. This savage was now entered 
 into confederacy with the rest ; yet, to avoid suspicion, 
 made many signs of his continued affections, and would 
 needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven gallons on 
 him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, 
 saying he was rich, and could afford to bestow such 
 favors on his friends whom he loved. Also he would 
 freely help to carry some of the corn, affirming he had 
 never done the like in his life before ; and the wind 
 being bad, would needs lodge with him at their ren- 
 
 • Or lyanough. See note 'on 'Or Pamet, now called Truro, 
 pa^e 215. See pages 135 and 139. 
 
 ' See note * on page 305. 
 
312 STANDISH RETURNS TO PLYMOUTH. 
 
 CHAP, dezvous, haviiip; indeed undertaken to kill him before 
 
 XIX. 
 
 — — - they parted ; which done, they intended to fall upon 
 
 1623. the rest. 
 Mar. 
 
 The night proved exceeding cold ; insomuch as the 
 Captain could not take any rest, but either walked, or 
 turned himself to and fro at the fire. This the other 
 observed, and asked wherefore he did not sleep as at 
 other times ; who answered, He knew not well, but 
 had no desire at all to rest. So that he then missed 
 his opportunity. 
 
 The wind serving on the next day, they returned 
 home, accompanied with the other Indian ; who used 
 many arguments to persuade them to go to Paomet, 
 where himself had much corn, and many other, the 
 most whereof he would procure for us, seeming to 
 sorrow for our wants. Once the Captain put forth 
 with him, and was forced back by contrary wind ; 
 which wind serving for the Massachuset, was fitted to 
 go thither. But on a sudden it altered again. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 WINSLOW'S SECOND JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, TO VISIT 
 MASSASOIT IN HIS SICKNESS. 
 
 During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, chap. 
 
 xx. 
 news came to Plymouth that Massassowat was like to — v-^ 
 
 die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch ship ^623. 
 
 driven so high on the shore by stress of weather, right 
 
 before his dwelling, that till the tides increased, she 
 
 could not be got off. Now it being a commendable 
 
 manner of the Indians, when any, especially of note, 
 
 are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to 
 
 them to visit them in their extremity,^ either in their 
 
 persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to 
 
 them ; therefore it was thought meet, being a good 
 
 and warrantable action, that as we had ever professed 
 
 friendship, so we should now maintain the same, by 
 
 observing this their laudable custom ; and the rather, 
 
 because we desired to have some conference with the 
 
 Dutch, not knowing when we should have so fit an 
 
 opportunity. To that end, myself having formerly 
 
 ' " All their refreshing in their very solemn, unless it be in infec- 
 
 sickness is the visit of friends and tious diseases, and then all forsake 
 
 neighbours, a poor empty visit and them and fly." Roger Williams, 
 
 presence; and yet indeed this is in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 236, 
 
 40 
 
314 
 
 JOHN HAMPDEN NEVER IN AMERICA. 
 
 1623, 
 Mar. 
 
 1st 
 day. 
 
 2d 
 day. 
 
 been there, and understanding in some measure the 
 Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service 
 upon myself, and fitted me with some cordials to ad- 
 minister to him ; having one Master John Hamden,' a 
 gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, 
 and desired much to see the country, for my consort, 
 and Hobbamock for our guide. So we set forward, 
 and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had 
 friendly entertainment. 
 
 The next day, about one of the clock, we came to 
 
 * It was conjectured by Belknap, 
 Am. Biog. ii. 229, and has since 
 been repeatedly asserted as a fact 
 by other writers, that this person 
 was the celebrated English patriot 
 of the same name. But this is 
 highly improbable. Hampden, who 
 was born in 1594, and married in 
 1619, was a member of the parlia- 
 ment which assembled in January, 
 1621, and was dissolved by James 
 in 1622, under circumstances and 
 in a juncture of affairs which ren- 
 dered it certain that a new parlia- 
 ment must soon be called. It is 
 not at all likely that a person in 
 Hampden's circumstances, a man 
 of family, wealth and considera- 
 tion, would, merely for the sake of 
 gratifying his curiosity, have left 
 England at this critical period, on 
 a long voyage to another hemi- 
 sphere, and run the risk of not 
 being at home at the issuing of the 
 writs for a new parliament. For 
 the passage to America was at that 
 time precarious ; the vessels were 
 few, and the voyage a long one ; 
 so that a person who undertook it 
 could not reasonably calculate upon 
 getting back in much less than a 
 year. Winslow's companion, who- 
 ever he was, must have come in 
 the Charity, which brought Wes- 
 ton's colony, unless we adopt the 
 improbable supposition that this 
 " gentleman of London " embarked 
 in one of the fishing vessels that 
 
 visited the Grand Bank, and took 
 his chance of getting to Plymouth 
 as he could. Now the Charity left 
 London the last of April, 1622, and 
 arrived at Plymouth the last of 
 June. The visit to Massasoit took 
 place in March. 1623, and after this 
 no vessel sailed for England till 
 the Ann, September 10, in which 
 Winslow went home. Of course 
 this "gentleman of London," must 
 have been absent at least eighteen 
 months, which it is altogether 
 improbable that Hampden would 
 have done, running the risk of not 
 being at home to stand for the next 
 parliament, to which he undoubt- 
 edly expected to be returned, as 
 we know he actually was. 
 
 Besides, had this companion of 
 AVinslow been the great English 
 patriot, the silence of the early 
 Plymouth writers on the point is 
 unaccountable. On publishing his 
 "Good News from New England" 
 immediately on his arrival "in Lon- 
 don, in 1624, one object of which 
 was to recommend the new colony, 
 how gladly would AVinslow have 
 appealed for the correctness of his 
 statements to this member of par- 
 liament who had passed more than 
 a year in their Plantation. How 
 natural too would it have been for 
 him to have mentioned the fact in 
 his "Brief Narrative," published in 
 1646, only three years after the death 
 of the illustrious patriot. Bradford, 
 
REPORTED DEATH OF MASSASOIT. 
 
 315 
 
 a ferry ' in Conbatant's country, where, upon discharge chap. 
 of my piece, divers Indians came to us from a house — ^ — 
 not far off. There they told us that Massassowat Mar. 
 was dead, and that day buried ; and that the Dutch 
 would be gone before we could get thither, having 
 hove off their ship already. This news struck us 
 blank, but especially Hobbamock, who desired we 
 might return with all speed. I told him I would first 
 think of it. Considering now, that he being dead, 
 Conbatant' was the most like to succeed him, and that 
 we were not above three miles from Mattapuyst,^ 
 his dwelling-place, although he were but a hollow- 
 
 also, whose sympathies were all 
 with the popular party in England, 
 in writing an elaborate history of 
 the Colony, would not have failed 
 to record the long residence among 
 them of one who, at the time he 
 wrote, had become so distinguished 
 as the leader of that party in the 
 House of Commons. That his lost 
 history contained no such passage 
 we may be certain ; for had it been 
 there, it must have been quoted 
 either by Prince or Morton, who 
 make so free use of it, both of 
 whom too mention this visit to Mas- 
 sasoit, and who would not have 
 omitted a circumstance so honora- 
 ble to the Colony. 
 
 Again. Winslow's companion 
 was "a gentleman of London." 
 Now although John Hampden hap- 
 pened to be born in London, when 
 his father was in parliament in 
 1594, he was properly of Bucking- 
 hamshire. Winslow, who was him- 
 self of Worcestershire, if he knew 
 who Hampden was, would not 
 have called him " a gentleman of 
 London ;" and we cannot suppose 
 that this English gentleman Avould 
 have spent so many months in 
 the Colony without making himself 
 known to its two leading men, 
 Winslow and Bradford. 
 
 Equally unfounded is the state- 
 
 ment that has gained so wide a 
 currency and become incorporated 
 with the history of those times, 
 and is repeated in Lord Nugent's 
 Life of Hampden, that John Hamp- 
 den, in company with Cromwell, 
 Pym,and ]:lazelrig,had actuallyem- 
 barked for America on board a fleet 
 in the Thames, in 1638, but were 
 detained by an order from the Privy 
 Council. Miss Aikin, in her Me- 
 moirs of Charles L,ch. xiii., was the 
 first to detect and expose this error 
 of the historians. See also the 
 authorities referred to in Bancroft, 
 i. 411,412. For some of the views 
 in this note I am indebted to the 
 MS. suggestions of the learned edi- 
 tor of Governor Winthrop's History 
 of New England. 
 
 * Probably the same which is 
 now called Slade's Ferry in Swan- 
 zey. Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 292. 
 
 * Conbatant, or Corbitant, was 
 the sachem of Pocasset, and was 
 subject to Massasoit. See Bay- 
 lies' Plymouth, ii. 232. 
 
 ^ A neck of land, in the town- 
 ship of Swanzey, commonly pro- 
 nounced Mattapoiset, now Gard- 
 ner's neck, situated between the 
 Shawomet and Toweset necks. See 
 Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 292, and 
 Baylies' Plymouth, n. 2.32, 234. 
 
316 HOBBAMOCK'S CHARACTER OF MASSASOIT. 
 
 CHAP, hearted friend towards us, I thought no time so fit as 
 
 XX, 
 
 -^- — this to enter into more friendly terms with him, and 
 162 3. the rest of the sachims thereabout; hoping, through 
 the blessing of God, it would be a means, in that 
 unsettled state, to settle their affections towards us ; 
 and though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect of 
 our personal safety, because myself and Hobbamock 
 had been employed upon a service against him,^ which 
 he might now fitly revenge; yet esteeming it the best 
 means, leaving the event to God in his mercy, 1 re- 
 solved to put it in practice, if Master Hamden and 
 Hobbamock durst attempt it with me ; whom 1 found 
 willing to that or any other course might tend to the 
 general good. So we went towards Mattapuyst. 
 
 In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled 
 spirit, brake forth into these speeches : Neen woniasu 
 sagimus, neen ivomasu saghnus, &c. " My loving 
 sachim, my loving sachim ! Many have I known, but 
 never any like thee." And turning him to me, said, 
 whilst I lived, I should never see his like amongst the 
 Indians ; saying, he was no liar, he was not bloody 
 and cruel, like other Indians ; in anger and passion 
 he was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards 
 such as had offended him ; ruled by reason in such 
 measure as he would not scorn the advice of mean 
 men ; and that he governed his men better with few 
 strokes, than others did with many ; truly loving where 
 he loved ; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend 
 left among the Indians ; showing how he ofttimes 
 restrained their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, 
 with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, 
 as it would have made the hardest heart relent. 
 
 • See page 220. 
 
WINSLOW AT GARDNER'S NECK, IN SWANZEY. 317 
 
 At length we came to Mattapujst, and went to the chap. 
 sachimo comaco,^ for so thej call the sachim's place, ^^v^- 
 though they call an ordinary house witeo f but Con- 1623. 
 batant, the sachim, was not at home, but at Puckano- 
 kick, which was some five or six miles off. The squa- 
 sachim, for so they call the sachim's wife, gave us friend- 
 ly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning 
 Massassowat ; they thought him dead, but knew no 
 certainty. Whereupon I hired one to go with all ex- 
 pedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the 
 certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint Conbatant 
 with our there being. About half an hour before sun- 
 setting I he messenger returned, and told us that he 
 was not yet dead, though there was no hope we should 
 find him living. Upon this we were much revived, 
 and set forward with all speed, though it was late 
 within night ere we got thither. About two of the 
 clock that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed ; so that 
 in that respect our journey was frustrate. 
 
 When we came thither, we found the house so full 
 of men, as we could scarce get in, though they used 
 their best diligence to make way for us. There were 
 they in the midst of their charms for him, making such 
 a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and 
 therefore unlike to ease him that was sick.^ About 
 
 ' " Sachiminaacommoc'k, a prince's ards and witches, holding familiari- 
 
 house, which, according to their ty with Satan, that evil one ; and 
 
 condition, is far different from tiie partly are physicians, and make 
 
 other house, both in capacity or use, at least in show, (>f herhs and 
 
 receipt, and also the fineness and roots for curing the sick and dis- 
 
 quality of their mats." Roger Wil- eased. These are sent for hy the 
 
 liams's Key, ch. xxii. sick and wounded ; and by their 
 
 ^ We/?/, or icigivam. See Galla- diabolical spells, mutterings, ex- 
 tin's Indian Vocabularies, in Am. orcisnis, they seem to do wonders. 
 Antiq. Soc. Coll. ii. 322. They use extraordinary strange mo- 
 
 ' "There are among them cer- tions of their bodies, insomuch tiiat 
 
 tain men and women, whom they they will sweat until they foam ; 
 
 call powoivs. These are partly wiz- and thus continue for some hours 
 
318 
 
 WINSLOW'S RECEPTION BY MASSASOIT. 
 
 CHAP, him were six or eight women, who chafed his arms, 
 
 XX 
 
 •^-^^ legs, and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they 
 162 3. had made an end of their charming;, one told him that 
 
 Mar. 
 
 his friends, the English, were come to see him. Hav- 
 ing understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, 
 he asked. Who was come ? They told him Winsnow, 
 for they cannot pronounce the letter /, but ordinarily 
 n in the place thereof.^ He desired to speak with 
 me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he 
 put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said 
 twice, though very inwardly. Keen Winsnow ? which 
 is to say, " Art thou Winslow .'^" I answered, Ahhe, 
 that is. Yes. Then he doubled these words ; Matta 
 neen wonckanet timnen, Winsnow ! that is to say, " O 
 Winslow, I shall never see thee again." 
 
 Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell 
 Massassowat, that the Governor, hearing of his sick- 
 
 together, stroking? and hovering 
 over the sick." Gookin, in Mass. 
 Hist. Coll. i. 154. 
 
 '■'■Powaios, priests. These do be- 
 gin and order their service and in- 
 vocation of their gods, and all the 
 people follow, and join interchange- 
 ably in a laborious bodily service, 
 unto sweating, especially of the 
 priest, who spends himself in 
 strange antic gestures and actions, 
 even unto fainting. In sickness 
 the priest comes close to the sick 
 person, and performs many strange 
 actions about him, and threatens 
 and conjures out the sickness. The 
 poor people commonly die under 
 their hands; for, alas, they admin- 
 ister nothing, but howl and roar 
 and hollow over them, and begin 
 the song to the rest of the people, 
 who all join like a choir in prayer 
 to their gods for them." Roger 
 Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 
 227, 237. 
 
 "The manner of their action in 
 
 their conjuration is thus. The par- 
 ties that are sick are brought before 
 them; the powow sitting down, 
 the rest of the Indians give atten- 
 tive audience to his imprecations 
 and in vocations, and after the violent 
 expression of many a hideous bel- 
 lowing and groaning, he makes a 
 stop, and then all the auditors with 
 one voice utter a short canto. 
 Which done, the powow still pro- 
 ceeds in his invocations, some- 
 times roaring like a bear, other 
 times groaning like a dying horse, 
 foaming ai the mouth like a chafed 
 boar, smiting on his naked breast 
 and thighs with such violence as if 
 he were mad. Thus will he con- 
 tinue sometimes half a day." 
 Wood's New England's Prospect, 
 part ii. ch. 12. See also Hutchin- 
 son's Mass. i. 474. 
 
 ' Wood says, ch. IS, " They pro- 
 nounce I and /• in our English 
 tongue, with much difficulty, call- 
 ing a lobster a nobstan." Yet 
 
WINSLOW TENDS MASSASOIT. 319 
 
 ness, was sorry for the same ; and thouoh, by reason chap. 
 
 of many businesses, he could not come himself, yet he — ^^ 
 
 sent me with such things for him as he thought most 162 3. 
 
 . . . . Mar. 
 
 likely to do him good in this his extremity ;' and 
 
 whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently give 
 
 him ; which he desired ; and having a confection of 
 
 many comfortable conserves, &c., on the point of my 
 
 knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get 
 
 through his teeth. When it was dissolved in his 
 
 mouth, he swallowed the juice of it; whereat those 
 
 that were about him much rejoiced, saying he had not 
 
 swallowed any thing in two days before. Then I 
 
 desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly 
 
 furred, and his tongue swelled in such a manner, as it 
 
 was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, 
 
 his passage being stopped up. Then 1 washed his 
 
 mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of 
 
 corruption out of the same. After which I gave him 
 
 more of the confection, which he swallowed with more 
 
 readiness. Then he desiring to drink, I dissolved 
 
 some of it in water, and gave him thereof. Within 
 
 half an hour this wrought a great alteration in him, in 
 
 Roger Williams states, that "al- ^ "When they are sick, their 
 
 though some pronounce not I nor r, misery appears, that they have not, 
 
 yet it is the most proper dialect of but what sometimes they get from 
 
 other places, contrary to many re- the English, a raisin or currant, or 
 
 ports;" and Eliot, in his Indian any physic, fruit, or spice, or any 
 
 Grammar, says, " These conso- comfort more than their corn and 
 
 nants, I, n, r, have such a natural water, &c. In which bleeding case, 
 
 coincidence, that it is an eminent wanting all means of recovery or 
 
 variation of their dialects. We present refreshing, I have been 
 
 Massachusetts pronounce the n ; constrained, to and beyond my 
 
 the Nipinuk Indians pronounce I; power, to refresh them, and to save 
 
 and the Northern Indians pro- many of them from death, who I 
 
 nounce r. As instance : am confident perish many millions 
 
 We say Anitm ) of them, in that mighty continent, 
 
 Nipmuck, Alum > A Dog." for want of means." Roger Wil- 
 
 Northern, Arum ) Hams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 236. 
 See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 223, xix. 
 248. 
 
320 WINSLOW SENDS TO PLYMOUTH FOR MEDICINE. 
 
 CHAP, the eyes of all that beheld him. Presently after his 
 
 XX 
 
 sight began to come to him, which gave him and us 
 
 1 G23. o-ood encouragement. In the mean time I inquired how 
 Mar. o ^ \ 
 
 he slept, and when he went to stool. They said he slept 
 
 not in two days before, and had not had a stool in five. 
 Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap we 
 had by the way, in breaking a bottle of drink, which 
 the Governor also sent him, saying if he would send 
 any of his men to Patuxet, I would send for more of 
 the same ; also for chickens to make him broth, and 
 for other things, which I knew were good for him ; 
 and would stay the return of his messenger, if he 
 desired. This he took marvellous kindly, and ap- 
 pointed some, who were ready to go by two of the 
 clock in the morning ; against which time 1 made 
 ready a letter, declaring therein our good success, the 
 state of his body, &c., desiring to send me such things 
 as I sent for, and such physic as the siu'geon durst 
 administer to him. 
 
 He requested me, that the day following, I would 
 take my piece, and kill him some fowl, and make him 
 some English pottage, such as he had eaten at Ply- 
 mouth ; which I promised. After, his stomach coming 
 to him, 1 must needs make him some without fowl, 
 before I went abroad, which somewhat troubled me, 
 being unaccustomed and unacquainted in such busi- 
 nesses, especially having nothing to make it comfortable, 
 my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being we 
 must do somewhat, 1 caused a woman to bruise some 
 corn, and take the flour from it, and set over the grit, 
 or broken corn, in a pipkin, for they have earthen pots 
 3d of all sizes. ^ When the day broke, we went out, it 
 
 day. 
 
 ' See note ^ on page 144. 
 
WINSLOW MAKES BROTH FOR THE SICK SACHEM. 321 
 
 beine: now March, to seek herbs, but could not find chap. 
 
 . XX. 
 
 any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered a hand- — v^- 
 ful, and put into the same ; and because I had nothing 162 3. 
 to relish it, I went forth again, and pulled up a sassa- 
 fras root, and sliced a piece thereof, and boiled it, till 
 it had a good relish, and then took it out again. The 
 broth being boiled, 1 strained it through my handker- 
 chief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, 
 and liked it very well. After this his sight mended 
 more and more ; also he had three moderate stools, 
 and took some rest ; insomuch as we with admiration 
 blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and 
 ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, him- 
 self and all of them acknowledging us the mstruments 
 of his preservation. 
 
 That morning he caused me to spend in going from 
 one to another amongst those that were sick in the 
 town, requesting me to wash their mouths also, and 
 give to each of them some of the same I gave him, 
 saying they were good folk. This pains I took with 
 willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not 
 being accustomed with such poisonous savours. After 
 dinner he desired me to get him a goose or duck, and 
 make him some pottage therewith, with as much speed 
 as 1 could. So I took a man with me, and made a 
 shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and 
 killed one, at which he wondered. So we returned 
 forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth there- 
 with, which he much desired. Never did I see a man 
 so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a 
 time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hob- 
 bamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would 
 make him very sick again if he did eat it. This he 
 41 
 
322 MASSASOIT GRADUALLY RECOVERS. 
 
 CHAP, acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would not be 
 — — persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, show- 
 
 162 3. inff the strength thereof, and the weakness of his sto- 
 
 Mar. 
 
 mach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwith- 
 standing, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much 
 as would well have satisfied a man in health. About 
 an hour after he began to be very sick, and straining 
 very much, cast up the broth again ; and in overstrain- 
 ing himself, began to bleed at the nose, and so con- 
 tinued the space of four hours. Then they all wished 
 he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, which 
 we much feared also. They asked me what I thought 
 of him. I answered, his case was desperate, yet it 
 might be it would save his life ; for if it ceased in time, 
 he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which was the 
 principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood 
 stayed, and he slept at least six or eight hours. When 
 he awaked, I washed his face, and bathed and suppled 
 his beard and nose with a linen cloth. But on a sud- 
 den he chopped his nose in the water, and drew up 
 some therein, and sent it forth again with such vio- 
 lence, as he began to bleed afresh. Then they thought 
 there was no hope ; but we perceived it was but the 
 tenderness of his nostril, and therefore told them I 
 thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did. 
 
 The messengers were now returned ; but finding his 
 stomach come to him, he would not have the chickens 
 killed, but kept them for breed. Neither durst we 
 give him any physic, which was then sent, because 
 his body was so much altered since our instructions ; 
 neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his re- 
 covery, if he were careful. Many, whilst we were 
 there, came to see him ; some, by their report, from a 
 
MASSASOIT REVEALS AN INDIAN PLOT. 323 
 
 place not less than an hundred miles. To all that chap. 
 
 XX. 
 
 came one of his chief men related the manner of his — '— 
 sickness, how near he was spent, how amongst others 16 22. 
 
 Mar. 
 
 his friends the English came to see him, and how sud- 
 denly they recovered him to this strength they saw, he 
 being now able to sit upright of himself. 
 
 The day before our coming, another sachim being 
 there, told him that now he might see how hollow- 
 hearted the English were, saying if we had been such 
 friends in deed, as we were in show, we would have 
 visited him in this his sickness, using many arguments 
 to withdraw his affections, and to persuade him to give 
 way to some things against us, which were motioned 
 to him not long before. But upon this his recovery, 
 he brake forth into these speeches : Now I see the 
 English are my friends and love me ; and whilst I live, 
 I will never forget this kindness they have showed me. 
 Whilst we were there, our entertainment exceeded all 
 other strangers'. Divers other things were worthy the 
 noting ; but I fear I have been too tedious. 
 
 At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, 4th 
 and privately (none hearing, save two or three other of ^^' 
 his pnieses,^ who are of his council) revealed the plot 
 of the Massacheuseucks, before spoken of, against Mas- 
 ter Weston's colony, and so against us ; saying that the 
 people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,^ Mattachiest, 
 Manomet, Agowaywam,^ and the isle of Capawack/ 
 were joined with them ; himself also in his sickness 
 was earnestly solicited, but he would neither join 
 therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we 
 
 ' The same as pinse. See page ' Or Agawara, part of Ware- 
 
 288. ham. 
 
 ^ Sokones, or Succonusset, now * Martha's Vineyard, 
 called Falmouth. 
 
324 WINSLOW LODGES WITH CORBITANT. 
 
 CHAP, respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own 
 
 XX. 
 
 after safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massa- 
 
 ijl^^* chuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. 
 
 Mar. 
 
 And whereas we were wont to say, we w^ould not strike 
 a stroke till they first began ; if, said he, upon this 
 intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when 
 their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they 
 being not able to defend themselves, that then it will 
 be too late to recover their lives ; nay, through the mul- 
 titude of adversaries, they shall with great difficulty 
 preserve their own ; and therefore he counselled with- 
 out delay to take away the principals, and then the 
 plot would cease. With this he charged him thoroughly 
 to acquaint me by the way, that I might inform the 
 Governor thereof, at my first coming home. Being 
 fitted for our return, we took our leave of him ; who 
 returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to our- 
 selves for our labor and love ; the like did all that were 
 about him. So we departed. 
 
 That night, through the earnest request of Conba- 
 tant, who till now remained at Sawaams,^ or Puckano- 
 kick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way 
 I had much conference with him, so likewise at his 
 house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry 
 jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when 
 the like are returned again upon him. Amongst other 
 things he asked me, if in case he were thus dangerously 
 sick, as Massassowat had been, and should send word 
 thereof to Patuxet for maskiet,^ that is, physic, whether 
 then Mr. Governor would send it ; and if he would, 
 whether 1 would come therewith to him. To 
 
 ' See note ^ on page 208. sic." Roger Williams's Key, in 
 
 ' ^^ Maskit, give me some phy- R. I. Hist. Coll. i. 159. 
 
HIS CONVERSATION WITH THE SACHEM. 325 
 
 both which I answered, Yea : whereat he gave me chap. 
 
 . . XX. 
 
 many jojful thanks. After that, being at his house, «^v-^ 
 he demanded further, how we durst, being: but two, 1623. 
 come so tar into the country. 1 answered, where was 
 true love, there was no fear ; and my heart was so 
 upright towards them, that for mine own part I was 
 fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if your 
 love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh 
 it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand 
 upon your guard, with the mouths of your pieces pre- 
 sented towards us ? Whereupon I answered, it was 
 the most honorable and respective entertainment we 
 could give them ; it being an order amongst us so to 
 receive our best respected friends ; and as it was used 
 on the land, so the ships observed it also at sea, which 
 Hobbamock knew and had seen observed. But shak- 
 ing the head, he answered, that he liked not such salu- 
 tations. 
 
 Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our 
 meat before we did eat, and after to give thanks for 
 the same, he asked us, what was the meaning of that 
 ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion to tell 
 them of God's works of creation and preservation, of 
 his laws and ordinances, especially of the ten com- 
 mandments ; all which they hearkened unto with great 
 attention, and liked well of; only the seventh com- 
 mandment they excepted against, thinking there were 
 many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied 
 to one woman ; about which we reasoned a good time. 
 Also I told them, that whatsoever good things we had, 
 we received from God, as the author and giver thereof; 
 and therefore craved his blessing upon that we had, 
 and were about to eat, that it might nourish and 
 
326 WINSLOW RETURNS TO PLYMOUTH. 
 
 CHAP. Strengthen our bodies ; and having eaten sufficient, 
 ^^v^ being satisfied therewith, we again returned thanks to 
 1623. the same our God, for that our refreshing:, &c. This 
 
 Mar. ° 
 
 all of them concluded to be very well ; and said, they 
 believed almost all the same things, and that the same 
 power that we called God, they called Kiehtan} Much 
 profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which 
 would be too tedious to relate, yet was no less delight- 
 ful to them, than comfortable to us. Here we remain- 
 ed only that night, but never had better entertainment 
 amongst any of them. 
 5th The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told 
 me of the private conference he had with Massassowat, 
 and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me there- 
 with, as I showed before ; which having done, he used 
 many arguments himself to move us thereunto. That 
 6th night we lodged at Namasket ; and the day following, 
 ^^' about the mid-way between it and home, we met two 
 Indians, who told us, that Captain Standish was that 
 day gone to the Massachusets. But contrary Vi^inds 
 again drove him back ; so that we found him at home ; 
 where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very im- 
 portunate that the Captain should take the first oppor- 
 tunity of a fair wind to go with him. But their secret 
 and villanous purposes being, through God's mercy, 
 now made known, the Governor caused Captain Stand- 
 ish to send him away, without any distaste or mani- 
 festation of anger, that we might the better effect and 
 bring to pass that which should be thought most neces- 
 sary. 
 
 ' " Ketan is their good God, to cate for fair weather, for rain ia 
 
 whom they sacrifice after tlieir Ume of drougiit, and for the reco- 
 
 garners be full with a good crop, very of their sick." Wood's New 
 
 Upon this God likewise they invo- England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 OF STANDISH'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE INDIANS OF 
 
 WESSAGUSSET, AND THE BREAKING UP OF WESTON'S 
 
 COLONY AT THAT PLACE. 
 
 Before this journey we heard manj complaints, chap. 
 both by the Indians, and some others of best desert -^v^' 
 amongst Master Weston's colony, how exceedingly their 162 3. 
 company abased themselves by undirect means, to get 
 victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from 
 them, fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for 
 a meal's meat ; whereas, m the mean time, they might 
 with diligence have gotten enough to have served them 
 three or four times. Other by night brake the earth, 
 and robbed the Indians' store; for which they had been 
 publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small 
 amendment. This was about the end of February ; at Feb. 
 which time they had spent all their bread and corn, 
 not leaving any for seed, neither would the Indians 
 lend or sell them any more upon any terms. Here- 
 upon they had thoughts to take it by violence ; and to 
 that spiked up every entrance into their town, being 
 well impaled, save one, with a full resolution to pro- 
 ceed. But some more honestly minded advised John 
 Sanders, their overs(;er, first to write to Plymouth ; and 
 
328 A MESSENGER FROM WESTON'S COLONY. 
 
 CHAP, if the Governor advised him thereunto, he might the 
 
 XXI 
 
 -^v-^ better do it. This course was well liked, and an In- 
 1623. dian was sent with all speed with a letter to our Gov- 
 
 Mar. 
 
 ernor, the contents whereof were to this effect ; that 
 being in great want, and their people daily falling 
 down, he intended to go to Munhiggen, where was a 
 plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from 
 the ships that came thither a fishing, with the first op- 
 portunity of wind; but knew not how the colony would 
 be preserved till his return. He had used all means 
 both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew to 
 be stored, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and 
 therefore was resolved to take it by violence, and only 
 waited the return of the messenger, which he desired 
 should be hastened, craving his advice therein, pro- 
 mising also to make restitution afterward. The Gov- 
 ernor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the messenger 
 what store of corn they had, as if he had intended to 
 buy of them ; who answered, very little more than that 
 they reserved for seed, having already spared all they 
 could. 
 
 Forthwith the Governor and his Assistant sent for 
 many of us to advise with them herein ; who, after 
 serious consideration, no way approving of this intend- 
 ed course, the Governor answered his letter, and caused 
 many of us to set our hands thereto ; the contents 
 whereof were to this purpose. We altogether disliked 
 their intendment, as being against the law of God and 
 nature, showing how it would cross the worthy ends 
 and proceedings of the King's Majesty, and his honor- 
 able Council for this place, both in respect of the peace- 
 able enlarging of his Majesty's dominions, and also of 
 the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and 
 
THE PILGRIMS' ADVICE TO WESTON'S COLONY. 329 
 
 the glad tidings of salvation, which we and they were chap. 
 bound to seek, and were not to use such means as ^^v-l- 
 would breed a distaste in the salvages against our per- 162 3. 
 sons and professions, assuring them their master would 
 incur much blame hereby, neither could they answer 
 the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the 
 same with theirs, having but a small quantity of corn 
 left, and were enforced to live on ground-nuts, clams, 
 muscles, and such other things as naturally the country 
 afforded, and which did and would maintain strength, 
 and were easy to be gotten ; all which things they had 
 in great abundance, yea, oysters' also, which we want- 
 ed ; and therefore necessity could not be said to con- 
 strain them thereunto. Moreover, that they should 
 consider, if they proceeded therein, all they could so 
 get would maintain them but a small time, and then 
 they must perforce seek their food abroad ; which, hav- 
 ing made the Indians their enemies, would be very 
 difficult for them, and therefore much better to begin a 
 little the sooner, and so continue their peace ; upon 
 which course they might with good conscience desire 
 and expect the blessing of God ; whereas on the con- 
 trary they could not. 
 
 Also that they should consider their own weakness, 
 being most swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and 
 therefore the more unlikely to make their party good 
 against them, and that they should not expect help from 
 us in that or any the like unlawful actions. Lastly, 
 that howsoever some of them might escape, yet the 
 
 ' Morton says, in his New Eng- seen an oyster bank a mile in 
 
 lish Canaan, ch. vii. " Tiiere are length. Muscles there are infinite 
 
 great store of oysters in the en- store. I have often gone to Wes- 
 
 trance of all rivers. They are not saguscus, where were excellent 
 
 round, as those of England, but ex- muscles to eat, (for variety,) the 
 
 cellent fat and all good. I have fish is so fat and large." 
 
 42 
 
330 WESTON'S AGENT COMES TO PLYMOUTH, t 
 
 CHAP, principal agents should expect no better than the gal- 
 -^'^' lows, whensoever any special officer should be sent 
 1623. over by his Majesty, or his Council for New England, 
 which we expected, and who would undoubtedly call 
 them to account for the same. These were the con- 
 tents of our answer, which was directed to their whole 
 colony. Another particular letter our Governor sent 
 to John Sanders, showing how dangerous it would be 
 for him above all others, being he was their leader and 
 commander ; and therefore in friendly manner advised 
 him to desist. 
 
 With these letters we dispatched the messenger ; 
 upon the receipt whereof they altered their determina- 
 tion, resolving to shift as they could, till the return of 
 John Sanders from Munhiggen ; who first coming to 
 Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the 
 Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to 
 Munhiggen. But not having sufficient for the ship's 
 store, he took a shallop, and leaving others with in- 
 structions to oversee things till his return, set forward 
 Feb. about the end of February ; so that he knew not of 
 this conspiracy of the Indians before his going. Neither 
 was it known to any of us till our return from Sawaams, 
 or Puckanokick ; at which time also another sachim, 
 called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest, the sachim 
 of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for par- 
 taking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to 
 purge himself, revealed the same thing. 
 Mar. The three and twentieth of March being now come, 
 ■ which is a yearly court day, the Governor, having a 
 double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing 
 with the truth thereof, not being ^ to undertake war 
 
 * The word inclined or disposed seems to have been accidentally omitted. 
 
 I 
 
A GENERAL COURT HELD. 
 
 331 
 
 without the consent of the body of the company, made chap. 
 known the same in public court, offering; it to the con- -^^^^ 
 sideration of the companv, it beine; hio;h time to come if^ss. 
 
 Mar. 
 
 to resolution, how sudden soever it seemed to them, 
 fearing it would be put in execution before we could 
 give any intelligence thereof. This business was no 
 less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because 
 it is so ordinary in these times for men to measure 
 things by the events thereof; l)ut especially for that 
 we iinew no means to deliver our countrymen and pre- 
 serve ourselves, than by returning their malicious and 
 cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing them 
 to fall into the same pit they had digged for others ; 
 though it much grieved us to shed the blood of those 
 whose good we ever intended and aimed at, as a prin- 
 cipal in all our proceedings. But in the end we came 
 to this public conclusion, that because it was a matter 
 of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency to 
 judge, nor fitness to know, because of many other In- 
 dians, which daily, as occasion serveth, converse with 
 us; therefore the Governor, his Assistant, and the Cap- 
 tain, should take such to themselves as they thought 
 most meet, and conclude thereof. Which done, we 
 came to this conclusion, that Captain Standish should 
 take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make 
 his party good against all the Indians in the Massachu- 
 set bay ; and because, (as all men know that have to do 
 with them in that kind,) it is impossible to deal with 
 them upon open defiance, but to take them in such 
 traps as they lay for others, therefore he should pre- 
 tend trade, as at other times ; but first go to the Eng- 
 lish, and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of 
 his own coming; that comparing it with their carriages 
 
332 STANDISH'S ARMY. 
 
 CHAP, towards them, he might the better judge of the certainty 
 -^v-^ of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the 
 162 3. same; but should forbear, if it were possible, till such 
 time as he could make sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody 
 and bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had 
 order to bring with him, that he might be a warning 
 and terror to all of that disposition. 
 
 Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight 
 men, and would not take more, because he would pre- 
 vent jealousy, knowing their guilty consciences would 
 soon be provoked thereunto. But on the next day, 
 before he could go, came one ^ of Mr. Weston's com- 
 pany by land unto us, with his pack at his back, who 
 made a pitiful narration of their lamentable and weak 
 estate, and of the Indians' carriages, whose boldness 
 increased abundantly ; insomuch as the victuals they 
 got, they would take it out of their pots, and eat before 
 their faces ; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, 
 they were ready to hold a knife at their breasts ; that 
 to give them content, since John Sanders went to 
 Munhiggen, they had hanged ^ one of them that stole 
 
 ' Morton says, " this man's not hindering: a plantation." At 
 
 name was Phinehas Prat, who the Court held May 3, 1665, it was 
 
 has penned the particulars of his ordered that land be laid out for 
 
 perilous journey, and some other Prat, " in the wilderness on the 
 
 things relating to this tragedy." east of the Merrimack river, near 
 
 Hubbard states that he was living the upper end of Nacook brook, on 
 
 in 1077, at the time he was writ- the southeast of it." Prat mar- 
 
 ing his History of New England, ried in 1630, at Plymouth, a daugh- 
 
 In 1662 the General Court of Mas- ter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson. His 
 
 sachusetts, in answer to a petition heirs had grants of land in Abing- 
 
 of Phinehas Prat, then of Charles- ton subsequent to 1672. Drake 
 
 town, which was accompanied says that after long search he has 
 
 " with a narrative of the straits not been able to discover Prat's 
 
 and hardships that the first plant- narrative. It was probably never 
 
 ers of this Colony underwent in printed. See Morton's Memorial, 
 
 their endeavours to plant them- p. 90 ; Drake's Book of the Indians, 
 
 selves at Plymouth, and since, b. ii. 35; Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 78, 
 
 whereof he Avas one, the Court xvii. 122. 
 
 judgeth it meet to grant him 300 ^ The notorious Thomas Morton, , 
 
 acres of land, where it is to be had, of Merry Mount, in his New Eng- 
 
WRETCHED STATE OF WESTON'S COLONY. 
 
 333 
 
 their corn, and jet they regarded it not ; that another chap. 
 of their company was turned salvage; that their people -^v^^ 
 had most forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous 1623. 
 
 Mar. 
 
 where they got their victuals, because they would not 
 take pains to bring it home ; that they had sold their 
 clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both with 
 cold and hunger also, because they could not endure 
 to get victuals by reason of their nakedness ; and that 
 they were dispersed into three companies, scarce hav- 
 ing any powder and shot left. What would be the 
 
 lish Canann, b. iii. ch. 4, which was 
 published in 1637, is the first writer 
 who mentions a ludicrous fable 
 connected with this execution, 
 which has been made the occasion 
 of some reproach on the first plant- 
 ers of New England. After relat- 
 ing the settlement of Weston's col- 
 ony at Weymouth, he mentions 
 that one of them stole the corn of 
 an Indian, and upon his complaint 
 was brought before " a parliament 
 of all the people" to consult what 
 punishment should be inflicted on 
 him. It was decided that this 
 offence, which might have been 
 settled by the gift of a knile or a 
 string of beads, " was felony, and 
 by the laws of England, punished 
 with death; and this must be put 
 in execution, for an example, and 
 likewise to appease the salvage. 
 When straightways one arose, 
 moved as it were with some com- 
 passion, and said he could not well 
 gainsay the former sentence, yet 
 he had conceived within the com- 
 pass of his brain an embryon, that 
 was of special consequence to be 
 delivered and cherished. He said 
 that it would most aptly serve to 
 pacify the salvage's complaint, and 
 save the life of one that might, if 
 need should be, stand them in good 
 stead, being young and strong, fit 
 for resistance against an enemy, 
 which might come unexpected, for 
 any thing they knew. The oration 
 
 made was liked of every one, and 
 he entreated to proceed to show the 
 means how this maybe performed. 
 Says he, ' You all agree that one 
 must die ; and one shall die. This 
 young man's clothes we will take 
 off", and put upon one that is old 
 and impotent, a sickly person that 
 cannot escape death ; such is the 
 disease on him confirmed, that die 
 he must. Put the young man's 
 clothes on this man, and let the 
 sick person be hanged in the other's 
 stead.' 'Amen,' says one, and so 
 say many more. And this had 
 liked to have proved their final 
 sentence; but that one, with a ra- 
 venous voice, begun to croak and 
 bellow for revenge, and put by that 
 conclusive motion, alleging such 
 deceits might be a means hereafter 
 to exasperate the minds of the com- 
 plaining salvages, and that by his 
 death the salvages should see their 
 zeal to justice; and therefore he 
 should die. This was concluded ; " 
 and they "hanged him up hard 
 by." 
 
 This story of the unscrupulous 
 Morton furnished Butler with the 
 materials out of which he construct- 
 ed the following fable in his Hudi- 
 bras, part ii. canto ii. line 409. 
 
 " Our brethren of New Ensland use 
 C'liiiice mal-fiiclnis to excuse, 
 And liang the guiltless in their stead, 
 Of whom tlie cliurches l)ave less need ; 
 As lately happened. In a town, 
 There lived a cobbler, and but one. 
 
334 
 
 STANDISH PROCEEDS TO WEYMOUTH. 
 
 CHAP, event of these things he said he much feared : and 
 XXI. , ^ 1 . 
 
 —V— therefore not daring to stay any longer among them, 
 
 162 3. though he knew not the way, yet adventured to come 
 to us ; partly to make known their weak and danger- 
 ous estate, as he conceived, and partly to desire he 
 might there remain till things were better settled at 
 the other plantation. As this relation was grievous to 
 us, so it gave us good encouragement to proceed in our 
 intendments, for which Captain Standish was now fit- 
 ted ; and the wind coming fair, the next day set forth 
 for the Massachusets. 
 
 The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man ; 
 
 That nut nf doctrine could cut use, 
 And mend men's lives as well as shoes. 
 This precious lirother having slain, 
 In times of peace, an Indian, 
 (Not out of malice, but mere zeal, 
 Because he was an infidel,) 
 The mighty Toltlpolymi-y 
 Sent to our elders an envoy, 
 Complaininc sorely nf the breach 
 Of league, held forth by brother Patch, 
 Against the articles in force 
 Between both churches, his and ours ; 
 For which he craved the saints to render 
 Into his hands, or hang the offender. 
 But they, maturely having weighed. 
 They had no more but him nf the trade,, 
 A man that served them in a double 
 Capacity, to tench and coblile, 
 Resolved to spare him ; \ et to do 
 The Indian Hnghgan Moghgan, too, 
 Impartial justice, in his stead did 
 Hang an old weaver, that was bed-rid." 
 
 It will be observed that Morton 
 mentions this substitution merely 
 as the sugsfestion of an individual, 
 which was rejected by the compa- 
 ny. Even had it been adopted by 
 them, and carried into execution, 
 it would not have implicated the 
 Plymouth people at all, nor cast the 
 least slur on their characters or 
 principles. For AVeston's colony 
 was entirely distinct from theirs, 
 and composed of a very different 
 set of men. Their character, as 
 portrayed by Weston himself, and 
 by Cushman and Pierce, before 
 they came over, may be seen in 
 note * on page 296, to which the 
 reader is particularly requested to 
 
 refer. Morton himself calls "many 
 of them lazy persons, that would 
 use no endeavour to take the benefit 
 of the country." As Belknap says, 
 " they were a set of needy adven- 
 turers, intent only on gaining a 
 subsistence." They did not come 
 over from any religious scruples, or 
 with any religious purpose. There 
 is no evidence that they had any 
 church at all ; they certainly were 
 not Puritans. Neal says, in his 
 Hist, of New England, i. 102, that 
 Weston obtained a patent under 
 pretence of propagating the disci- 
 pline of the Church of England in 
 America." 
 
 Grahame, i. 19S, falls into an er- 
 ror in attributing this execution to 
 Gorges's colony, which settled at 
 the same place in the autumn of 
 the same year ; and Drake, b. ii. 34, 
 errs in saying that Morton was one 
 of Weston's company. Morton did 
 not come over till March, 1625, in 
 company with Wollaston, and set- 
 tled with him not at Weymouth, 
 but in Quincy. See Prince, pp. 
 221, 231. The accurate Hutchin- 
 son, i. 6, should not have made a 
 fact out of the careless Hubbard's 
 supposition, which the latter men- 
 tions as barely " possible." See 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 77. 
 
AN INDIAN SPY ARRESTED. 335 
 
 and suspecting his coming to us, as we conceive, sent one chap. 
 
 after him, and gave out there that he would never come --v— 
 
 to Patuxet, but that some wolves or bears would eat 1^23. 
 
 Mar. 
 him. But we know, both by our own experience, and 
 
 the reports of others, that though they find a man 
 sleeping, yet so soon as there is life discerned, they 
 fear and shun him. This Indian missed him but very 
 little ; and missing him, passed by the town and went 
 to Manomet ; whom we hoped to take at his return, as 
 afterward we did. Now was our fort made fit for ser- 
 vice, and some ordnance mounted ; and though it may 
 seem long work, it being ten months since it begun, 
 yet we must note, that where so great a work is begun 
 with such small means, a little time cannot bring [it] 
 to perfection. Beside, those works which tend to the 
 preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, 
 what in him lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, 
 and causing reasonable men to reason against their own 
 safety ; as amongst us divers seeing the work prove 
 tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, flat- 
 tering themselves with peace and security, and account- 
 ing it rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than 
 simple necessity. But God, whose providence hath 
 waked, and, as I may say, watched for us whilst we 
 slept, having determined to preserve us from these in- 
 tended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a spe- 
 cial means to advantage us and discourage our adver- 
 saries, and therefore so stirred up the hearts of the gov- 
 ernors and other forward instruments, as the work was 
 just made serviceable against this needful and danger- 
 ous time, though we ignorant of the same. 
 
 But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned, 
 in his return from Manomet, came through the town, 
 
336 STANDISH ARRIVES AT WEYMOUTH. 
 
 CHAP, pretending still friendship and in love to see us ; but as 
 
 XXI 
 
 formerlj others, so his end was to see whether we 
 
 lp2 3. continued still in health and sfrength, or fell into weak- 
 Mar. ... 
 
 ness, like their neighbours ; which thej hoped and look- 
 ed for, (though God in mercy provided better for us,) 
 and he knew would be glad tidings to his countrymen. 
 But here the Governor stayed him ; and sending for 
 him to the fort, there gave the guard charge of him as 
 their prisoner ; where he told him he must be contented 
 to remain till the return of Captain Standish from the 
 Massachusets. So he was locked in a chain to a staple 
 in the court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our 
 fort hanselled,' this being the first day, as I take it, that 
 ever any watch was there kept. 
 
 The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, 
 went first to the ship ; but found neither man, or so 
 much as a dog therein. Upon the discharge of a mus- 
 ket, the master and some others of the plantation 
 showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering 
 ground-nuts, and getting other food. After salutation, 
 Captain Standish asked them, how they durst so leave 
 the ship, and live in such security ; who answered, 
 like men senseless of their own misery, they feared 
 not the Indians, but lived and suffered them to lodge 
 with them, not having sword or gun, or needing the 
 same. To which the Captain answered, if there were 
 no cause, he was the gladder. But, upon further in- 
 quiry, understanding that those in whom John Sanders 
 had reposed most special confidence, and left in his 
 stead to govern the rest, were at the plantation, thither 
 he went; and, to be brief, made known the Indians' 
 purpose, and the end of his own coming, as also, (which 
 
 ' Hansel, to use for the first time. 
 
PECKS UOT. 337 
 
 formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they durst not chap. 
 there stay, it was the intendment of the governors and ^-v-— 
 people of Plymouth there to receive them, till they 1623. 
 could be better provided; but if they conceived of any 
 other course, that might be more likely for their good, 
 that himself should further them therein to the utter- 
 most of his power. These men, comparing other cir- 
 cumstances with that they now heard, answered, they 
 could expect no better ; and it was God's mercy that 
 they were not killed before his comino;; desirins: there- 
 fore that he would neglect no opportunity to proceed. 
 Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to 
 send special command to one third of their company, 
 that were farthest off, to come home, and there enjoin 
 them on pain of death to keep the town, himself allow- 
 ing them a pint of Indian corn to a man for a day, 
 though that store he had was spared out of our seed. 
 The weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the 
 longer before he could do any thing. 
 
 In the mean time an Indian came to him, and 
 brought some furs, but rather to gather what he could 
 from the Captain, than coming then for trade ; and 
 though the Captain carried things as smoothly as pos- 
 sibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by 
 his eyes that he was angry in his heart ; and therefore 
 began to suspect themselves discovered. This caused 
 one Pecksuot, who was a pniese,^ being a man of a 
 notable spirit, to come to Hobbamock, who was then 
 with them, and told him, he understood that the Cap- 
 tain was come to kill himself and the rest of the salvages 
 there. " Tell him," said he, " we know it, but fear 
 him not, neither will we shun him ; but let him begin 
 
 ' The same as pmse, on page 2SS. 
 43 
 
338 INSOLENCE OF PECKSUOT AND WITUWAMAT. 
 
 CHAP, when he dare, he shall not take us at unawares." Many 
 
 XXI. 
 
 — ^ times after, divers of them severally, or few together, 
 162 3. came to the plantation to him ; where they would whet 
 and sharpen the points of their knives before his face, 
 and use many other insulting gestures and speeches. 
 Amongst the rest Wituwamat bragged of the excel- 
 lency of his knife. On the end of the handle there 
 was pictured a woman's face ; " but," said he, "I have 
 another at home, wherewith 1 have killed both French 
 and English, and that hath a man's face on it ; and by 
 and by these two must marry." Further he said of 
 that knife he there had, Hinnaim namen, hinnaim mi- 
 chen, matta cuts ; that is to say, By and by it should 
 see, and by and by it should eat, but not speak. Also 
 Pecksuot, being a man of greater stature than the 
 Captain,' told him, though he were a great captain, 
 yet he was but a little man ; and, said he, though I be 
 no sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and cour- 
 age. These things the Captain observed, yet bare 
 with patience for the present. 
 
 On the next day, seeing he could not get many of 
 them together at once, and this Pecksuot and Witu- 
 wamat both together, with another man, and a youth 
 of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to 
 Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily 
 putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and 
 having about as many of his own company in a room 
 with them, gave the word to his men, and the door 
 being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and 
 snatching his own knife from his neck, though with 
 much struggling, killed him therewith, the point where- 
 
 ' Standish is said to have been on page 126, and Mass. Hist. Coll. 
 a man of short stature. See note xv. Ill, and xviii. 121. 
 
SEVEN INDIANS SLAIN. 339 
 
 of he had made as sharp as a needle, and ground the chap. 
 back also to an edge. Wituwamat and the other man -^v^ 
 the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain 1623. 
 caused to be hanged. But it is incredible how many 
 wounds these two pineses received before they died, 
 not making any fearful noise, but catching at their 
 weapons and striving to the last. Hobbamock stood 
 by all this time as a spectator, and meddled not, ob- 
 serving how our men demeaned themselves in this 
 action. All being here ended, smiling, he brake forth 
 into these speeches to the Captain : " Yesterday Peck- 
 suot, bragging of his own strength and stature, said, 
 though you were a great captain, yet you were but a 
 httle man ; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay 
 him on the ground." But to proceed ; there being 
 some women at the same time, Captain Standish left 
 them in the custody of Mr. Weston's people at the 
 town, and sent word to another company, that had 
 intelligence of things, to kill those Indian men that 
 were amongst them. These killed two more. Him- 
 self also with some of his own men went to another 
 place, where they killed another; and through the 
 negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who dis- 
 covered and crossed their proceedings.^ 
 
 ' When the news of the first In- with saying, " O how happy a thing 
 
 "^ dians being killed by Standish at had it been that you had convert- 
 
 Weymoulh reached Mr. Robinson, ed some before you killed any!" 
 
 their pastor, at Leyden, he wrote Prince adds, " It is to be hoped that 
 
 to the church at Plymouth, Decern- Squanto was converted." It seems 
 
 bcr 19, 1623, " to consider the dispo- Standish was not of their church at 
 
 sition of their Captain, who was of first, and Hubbard says he had 
 
 a warm temper. He hoped the more of his education in the school 
 
 Lord had sent him among them of Mars than in the school of 
 
 for good, if they used him right ; Christ. Judge Davis remarks, 
 
 but he doubted where there was "These sentiments are honorable 
 
 not wanting that tenderness of the to Mr. Robinson ; they indicate a 
 
 life of man, made after God's image, generous philanthropy, which must 
 
 which was meet;" and he concludes always gain our affection, and 
 
340 TWO OF WESTON'S MEN KILLED. 
 
 CHAP. Not lone; before this execution, three of Mr. Weston's 
 
 XXI. 
 
 ---v-^ men, which more regarded their bellies than any com- 
 
 162 3. mand or commander, having; formerly fared well with 
 
 Mar. ' o J 
 
 the Indians for making them canoes, went again to 
 the sachim to offer their service, and had entertain- 
 ment. The first night they came thither, within night, 
 late came a messenger with all speed, and delivered a 
 sad and short message. Whereupon all the men gath- 
 ered together, put on their boots and breeches, trussed 
 up themselves, and took their bows and arrows and 
 went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and 
 that at their return they should have venison enough. 
 Being now gone, one being more ancient and wise 
 than the rest, calling former things to mind, especially 
 the Captain's presence, and the strait charge that on 
 pain of death none should go a musket sliot from the 
 plantation, and comparing this sudden departure of 
 theirs therewith, began to dislike and wish himself at 
 home again, which was further off than divers other 
 dwelt. Hereupon he moved his fellows to return, but 
 could not persuade them. So there being none but 
 women left, and the other that was turned salvage, 
 about midnight came away, forsaking the paths, lest 
 he should be pursued ; and by this means saved his 
 life. 
 
 should ever be cherished. Still little doubt. It is certain that they 
 the transactions to which the stric- were fully persuaded of its exist- 
 tures relate, are defensible. As ence, and with the terrible exam- 
 to Standish, Belknap places his de- pie of the Virginia massacre in 
 fence on the rules of duty imposed fresh remembrance, they had sol- 
 by his character, as the military emn duties to discharge. The ex- 
 servant of the Colony. The gov- istence of the whole settlement 
 ernment, it is presumed, will be was at hazard." See Prince, p. 
 considered as acting under severe 226; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 461; 
 necessity, and will require no apol- Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 330; Mor- 
 ogy if the reality of the conspiracy ton's Memorial, p. 91. 
 be admitted, of which there can be 
 
SKIRMISH WITH THE INDIANS. 341 
 
 Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and chap. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 one or two of Mr. Weston's, and Hobbamock, still 
 seeking to make spoil of them and theirs. At length 162 3. 
 
 *^ . ^ , . ^ Mar. 
 
 they espied a file of Indians, which made towards them 
 amain ; and there being a small advantage in the 
 ground, by reason of a hill near them, both companies 
 strove for it. Captain Standish got it ; whereupon 
 they retreated, and took each man his tree, letting fly 
 their arrows amain, especially at himself and Hobba- 
 mock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast off his coat, and 
 being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased 
 them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way 
 with him ; insomuch as our men could have but one 
 certain mark, and then but the arm and half face of a 
 notable villain, as he drew^ at Captain Standish ; who 
 together with another both discharged at once at him, 
 and brake his arm ; whereupon they fled into a swamp. 
 When they were in the thicket, they parleyed, but to 
 small purpose, getting nothing but foul language. So 
 our Captain dared the sachim to come out and fight 
 like a man, showing how base and womanlike he was 
 in tonguing it as he did ; but he refiised, and fled. 
 So the Captain returned to the plantation ; where he 
 released the women, and would not take their beaver 
 coats from them, nor suffer the least discourtesy to be 
 offered them. 
 
 Now were Mr. Weston's people resolved to leave 
 their plantation, and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get 
 passage and return^ with the fishing ships. The Cap- 
 tain told them, that for his own part he durst there 
 live with fewer men than they were ; yet since they 
 w ere otherways minded, according to his order from 
 
 ' His bow. ' To England. 
 
342 
 
 WESTON'S PLANTATION BROKEN UP. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 162 3. 
 Mar. 
 
 CHAP, the governors and people of Plymouth, he would help 
 them with corn competent for their provision by the 
 way ; which he did, scarce leaving himself more than 
 brought them home. Some of them disliked the 
 choice of the body to go to Munhiggen, and therefore 
 desiring to go with him to Plymouth, he took them 
 into the shallop ; and seeing them set sail, and clear 
 of the Massachuset bay,^ he took leave and returned to 
 Plymouth ; whither he came in safety, blessed be God ! 
 and brought the head of Wituwamat with him. 
 
 Amongst the rest, there was an Indian youth, that 
 was ever of a courteous and loving disposition towards 
 us. He, notwithstanding the death of his country- 
 men, came to the Captain without fear, saying, his 
 good conscience and love towards us imboldened him 
 so to do. This youth confessed, that the Indians in- 
 tended to kill Mr. Weston's people, and not to delay 
 any longer than till they had two more canoes or boats, 
 
 ' " Thus this plantation is broken 
 up in a year ; and this is the end of 
 those who being all able men, had 
 boasted of their strength and what 
 they would bring to pass, in com- 
 parison of the people at Plymouth, 
 who had many women, children, 
 and weak ones with them ; and 
 said at their first arrival, when 
 they saw the wants at Plymouth, 
 that they would take another course, 
 and not fall into such a condition 
 as this simple people were come to." 
 Bradford, in Prince, p. 214, and in 
 Morton, p. 92. 
 
 " Shortly after Mr. Weston's peo- 
 ple went to the eastward, he comes 
 there himself with some of the fish- 
 ermen, under another name and 
 disguise of a blacksmith ; where 
 he hears the ruin of his plantation ; 
 and getting a shallop with a man 
 or two comes on to see how things 
 are ; but in a storm is cast away 
 
 in the bottom of the bay between 
 Pascataquak and Merrimak river, 
 and hardly escapes with his life. 
 Afterwards he falls into the hands 
 of the Indians, who pillage him of 
 all he saved from the sea, and strip 
 him of all his clothes to his shirt. 
 At length he gets to Pascataquak, 
 borrows a suit of clothes, finds 
 means to come to Plymouth, and 
 desires to borrow some beaver of 
 us. Notwithstanding our straits, 
 yet in consideration of his neces- 
 sity, we let him have one hundred 
 and seventy odd pounds of beaver, 
 with which he goes to the east- 
 ward, stays his small ship and 
 some of his men, buys provisions 
 and fits himself, which is the foun- 
 dation of his future courses ; and 
 yet never repaid us any thing save 
 reproaches, and becomes our ene- 
 my on all occasions." Bradford, in 
 Prince, p. 216. See note * on p. 78. 
 
THE INDIAN PLOT CONFESSED. 343 
 
 which Mr. Weston's men would have finished by this chap. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 time, having made them three ah'eadj, had not the — v— 
 Captain prevented them : and the end of stay for those 162 3. 
 boats was to take then- ship therewith. 
 
 Now was the Captain returned and received with 
 joy, the head being brought to the fort, and there set 
 up.^ The governors and captains with divers others 
 went up the same further, to examine the prisoner, 
 who looked piteously on the head. Being asked 
 whether he knew it, he answered. Yea. Then he 
 confessed the plot, and that all the people provoked 
 Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being drawn to it 
 by their importunity. Five there were, he said, that 
 prosecuted it with more eagerness than the rest. The 
 two principal were killed, being Pecksuot and Witu- 
 wamat, whose head was there ; the other three were 
 powahs, being yet living, and known unto us, though 
 one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, 
 he would not acknowledge that he had any hand 
 therein, begging earnestly for his life, saying he was 
 not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger lived with 
 them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, 
 and besought for him ; but was bribed so to do. Nev- 
 ertheless, that we might show mercy as well as ex- 
 tremity, the Governor released him, and the rather, 
 because we desired he might carry a message to Ob- 
 takiest, his master. No sooner were the irons from 
 his legs, but he would have been gone ; but the Gover- 
 
 1 " This may excite in some year 1747, the heads of the lords 
 
 minds an objection to the humanity who were concerned in the Scots 
 
 of our forefathers. The reason as- rebellion were set up over Temple 
 
 signed for it was that it might Bar, the most frequented passage 
 
 prove a terror to others. In mat- between London and Westmin- 
 
 ters of war and public justice, they ster." Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 
 
 observed the customs and laws of 326. 
 the English nation. As late as the 
 
344 A MESSAGE TO OBTAKIEST. 
 
 CHAP, nor bid him stay, and fear not, for he should receive 
 
 XXI 
 
 no hurt ; and by Hobbamock commanded him to de- 
 162 3. liver this message to his master : That for our parts it 
 
 Mar. 
 
 never entered into our hearts to take such a course 
 with them, till their own treachery enforced us there- 
 unto, and therefore they might thank themselves for 
 their own overthrow ; yet since he had begun, if again 
 by any the like courses he did provoke him, his coun- 
 try should not hold him ; for he would never suffer 
 him or his to rest in peace, till he had utterly con- 
 sumed them ; and therefore should take this as a 
 warning; further, that he should send to Patuxet 
 the three Englishmen he had, and not kill them ; also 
 that he should not spoil the pale and houses at Wicha- 
 guscusset ; and that this messenger should either bring 
 the English, or an answer, or both ; promising his safe 
 return. 
 
 This message was delivered, and the party would 
 have returned with [an] answer, but was at first dis- 
 suaded by them, whom afterwards they would, but 
 could not persuade to come to us. At length, though 
 long, a woman came and told us, that Obtakiest was 
 sorry that the English were killed, before he heard 
 from the Governor ; otherwise he would have sent 
 them. Also she said, he would fain make his peace 
 again with us ; but none of his men durst come to 
 treat about it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily 
 removed from place to place, expecting when we 
 would take further vengeance on him. 
 
 Concerning those other people, that intended to 
 join with the Massacheuseuks against us, though we 
 never went against any of them ; yet this sudden and 
 unexpected execution, together with the just judgment 
 
THE EFFECTS OF STANDISH'S EXPEDITION. 345 
 
 of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so terri- chap. 
 
 fied and amazed them, as in like manner they for- -^ 
 
 sook their houses, runninj? to and fro like men distract- l^^^^^- 
 
 ' ° Mar. 
 
 ed, living in swamps and other desert places, and so 
 brought manifold diseases amongst themselves, where- 
 of very many are dead ; as Canacum, the sachim 
 of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, and la- 
 nough, sachim of Mattachiest. This sachim in his 
 life, in the midst of these distractions, said the God of 
 the English was offended with them, and would de- 
 stroy them in his anger ; and certainly it is strange to 
 hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst 
 them. Neither is there any likelihood it will easily 
 cease ; because through fear they set little or no corn, 
 which is the staff of life, and without which they can- 
 not long preserve health and strength. From one of 
 these places a boat was sent with presents to the 
 Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace ; but 
 the boat was cast away, and three of the persons 
 drowned, not far from our Plantation. Only one escap- 
 ed, who durst not come to us, but returned ; so as 
 none of them dare come amongst us. 
 
 I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other 
 things. Yet w hen I considered how necessary a thing 
 it is that the truth and grounds of this action especially 
 should be made known, and the several dispositions of 
 that dissolved colony, whose reports undoubtedly will 
 be as various, I could not but enlarge myself where I 
 thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief, 
 lest I should eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, 
 and praise, which belongeth to him for preserving us 
 from falling when we were at the pit's brim, and yet 
 feared nor knew not that we w ere in danger. 
 44 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 OF THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LANDS, AND THE DISTRESSED 
 STATE OF THE COLONY. 
 
 CHAP. The month of April beine: now come, on all hands 
 
 XXII ^ 
 
 > — ^ we began to prepare for corn. And because there was 
 1623. no corn left before this time, save that was preserved 
 for seed, being also hopeless of relief by supply, we 
 thought best to leave off all other works, and pro- 
 secute that as most necessary. And because there 
 was no^ small hope of doing good, in that common 
 course of labor that formerly we were in f for that the 
 governors, that followed men to their labors, had no- 
 thing to give men for their necessities, and therefore 
 could not so well exercise that command over them 
 therein, as formerly they had done ; especially con- 
 sidering that self-love wherewith every man, in a 
 measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own 
 good before his neighbour's, and also the base disposi- 
 tion of some drones, that, as at other times, so now 
 especially would be most burdenous to the rest ; it was 
 therefore thought best that every man should use the 
 
 ' The word no appears to be au ^ See note ' on page S4. 
 error of the press. F. 
 
/ 
 
 THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LAND. 347 
 
 best diligence he could for his own preservation, both chap 
 
 XXIL 
 
 in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own 
 corn for the year following; and bring in a competent 1623. 
 portion for the maintenance of public officers, fisher- 
 men, &c., which could not be freed from their calling 
 without greater inconveniences. This course was to 
 continue till harvest, and then the governors to gather 
 in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of them- 
 selves and such others as necessity constrained to 
 exempt from this condition. Only if occasion served, 
 upon any special service they might employ such as 
 they thought most fit to execute the same, during this 
 appointed time, and at the end thereof all men to be 
 employed by them in such service as they thought 
 most necessary for the general good. And because 
 there is great difference in the ground, that therefore a 
 set quantity should be set down for a person, and each 
 man to have his fall by lot,* as being most just and 
 equal, and against which no man could except. 
 
 At a general meeting of the company, many courses 
 were propounded, but this approved and followed, as 
 being the most likely for the present and future good 
 of the company ; and therefore before this month ^ 
 began to prepare our ground against seed-time. 
 
 In the midst of April we began to set, the weather 
 being then seasonable, which much encouraged us, 
 giving us good hopes of after plenty. The setting 
 season is good till the latter end of May. But it 
 pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a 
 great drought ; insomuch as in six weeks after the 
 
 ' This allotment was only for lot, as before, he gives every person 
 
 one year. In the spring of the next an acre of land." Bradford, in ^Z 
 
 year, 1623-4, " the people request- Prince, pp. 215 and 226. See this ^ 
 
 ing the Governor to have some land latter allotment in Hazard, i. 100, 
 
 for continuance, and not by yearly and in Morton, p. 376. 
 
348 
 
 DROUGHT AND FAMINE. 
 
 latter setting there scarce fell any rain ; so that the 
 stalk of that was first set began to send forth the ear, 
 before it came to half growth, and that which was 
 later, not like to yield any at all, both blade and stalk 
 hanging the head, and changing the color in such 
 manner, as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also 
 ran not up according to their wonted manner, but 
 stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though 
 they had been scorched before the fire. Now were 
 our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy 
 being turned into mourning.^ 
 
 To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we 
 were, we heard of a supply that was sent unto us 
 many months since, which having two repulses before, y-^ 
 was a third time in company of another ship three 
 hundred leagues at sea, and now in three months time 
 heard no further of her ; only the signs of a wreck 
 were seen on the coast, which could not be judged to 
 be any other than the same.^ So that at once God 
 
 X 
 
 * " But by the time our corn is 
 planted, our victuals are spent, 
 not knowing at night where to 
 
 have a bit in the morning, and 
 have neither bread nor corn for 
 three or four months together, yet 
 bear our wants with cheerfulness 
 and rest on providence. Having 
 but one boat left, we divide the 
 men into several companies, six 
 or seven in each ; who take their 
 turns to go out with a net and 
 fish, and return not till they get 
 some, though they be five or six 
 days out ; knowing there is nothing 
 at home, and to return empty 
 would be a great discouragement. 
 "When they stay long or get but 
 little, the rest go a digging shell- 
 >' fish; and thus we live the sum- 
 mer ; only sending one or two 
 to range the woods for deer, they 
 now and then get one, which we 
 
 divide among the company ; and 
 in the winter are helped with fowl 
 and ground-nuts." Bradford, in 
 Prince, p. 216. 
 
 * " At length we receive letters 
 from the adventurers in England 
 of December 22 and April 9 last, 
 wherein they say, ' It rejoiceth us 
 much to hear those good reports 
 that divers have brought home of 
 you;' and give an account, that last 
 fall, a ship, the Paragon, sailed 
 from London with passengers, for 
 New Plymouth ; being fitted out 
 by Mr. John Pierce, in whose name 
 our first patent was taken, his name 
 being only used in trust; but when 
 he saw we were here hopefully 
 seated, and by the success God 
 gave us, had obtained favor with 
 the Council for New England, he 
 gets another patent of a larger ex- 
 tent, meaning to keep it to him- 
 
THE FIRST FAST. 349 
 
 seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most chap. 
 
 XXH 
 
 courageous were now discouraged, because God, which — — - 
 hitherto had been our only shield and supporter, now 1623. 
 seemed in his anger to arm himself against us. And 
 who can withstand the fierceness of his wrath ? 
 
 These and the like considerations moved not only 
 every good man privately to enter into examination 
 with his own estate between God and his conscience, 
 and so to humiliation before him, but also more 
 solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord 
 by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was ap- 
 pointed by public authority, and set apart from all 
 other employments ; hoping that the same God, which 
 had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved hereby in 
 mercy to look down upon us, and grant the request of 
 our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any 
 way stand with his glory and our good. But, O 
 the mercy of our God ! who w^as as ready to hear, as 
 we to ask ; for though in the morning, when we as- 
 sembled together, the heavens were as clear, and the 
 drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our ex- 
 ercise continuing some eight or nine hours,) before our 
 
 self, allow us only what he pleas- return to Portsmouth, having 109 
 ed, hold us as his tenants and sue souls aboard, with Mr. Pierce him- 
 to his courts as chief lord. But self. Upon which great and repeat- 
 meeting with tempestuous storms ed loss and disappointment, he is 
 in the Downs, the ship is so bruised prevailed upon for £500 to resign 
 and leaky that in fourteen days she his patent to the Company, which 
 returned to London, was forced to cost him but £50; and the goods 
 be put into the dock, £100 laid out with charge of passengers in this 
 to mend her, and lay six or seven ship cost the Company £640, for 
 weeks to December 22, before she which they were forced to hire 
 sailed a second time; but being another ship, namely, the Ann, of 
 half way over, met with extreme 140 tons, to transport them, name- 
 tempestuous weather about the ly, 60 passengers with 60 tons of 
 middle of February which held goods, hoping to sail by the end of 
 fourteen days, beat off the round April." Bradford, in Prince, pp. 
 house with all her upper works, 217, 218. 
 obliged them to cut her mast and 
 
350 SEASONABLE SHOWERS. 
 
 CHAP, departure, the weather was overcast, the clouds gath- 
 
 XXII 
 
 ered together on all sides, and on the next mornmg 
 
 1 6 2 3. (Jistilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers of 
 July. . . . . 
 
 rain, continuing some fourteen dajs, and mixed with 
 
 such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether 
 our withered corn, or drooping affections, were most 
 quickened or revived ; such was the bounty and good- 
 ness of our God. Of this the Indians, by means of 
 Hobbamock,' took notice ; who being then in the town, 
 and this exercise in the midst of the week, said. It 
 was but three days since Sunday ; and therefore de- 
 manded of a boy, what was the reason thereof. Which 
 when he knew, and saw what effects followed there- 
 upon, he and all of thern admired the goodness of our 
 God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so 
 short a time ; showing the difference between their 
 conjuration, and our invocation on the name of God 
 for rain ; theirs being mixed with such storms and 
 tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them good, it 
 layeth the corn flat on the ground, to their prejudice ; 
 but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they 
 never observed the like. 
 
 At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly 
 employed by the Governor to buy provisions for the 
 refreshing of the Colony, returned with the same, ac- 
 companied with one Mr. David Tomson,^ a Scotch- 
 
 * This is the last time that Hob- tion, and also in his practice, re- 
 
 bamock's name occurs in the his- forming and conforming himself 
 
 tory of the Colony. His services accordingly; and though he was 
 
 to the infant settlement had been much tempted by enticements, 
 
 very important, and in the allot- scoffs, and scorns from the Indians, 
 
 ment of the land in 1624, mention yet could he never be gotten from 
 
 is made of " Hobbamock's ground." the English, nor from seeking after 
 
 In New England's First Fruits, their God, but died amongst them, 
 
 published in London in 1643, he is leaving some good hopes in their 
 
 described as follows : " As he in- hearts that his soul went to rest." 
 
 creased in knowledge, so in affec- ^ David Thomson was sent over 
 
PUBLIC THANKSGIVING. 351 
 
 man, who also that spring began a plantation twenty- chap. 
 five leagues northeast from us, near Smith's isles,' at a — ^^^ 
 
 16 2 3. 
 place called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now July. 
 
 also heard we of the third repulse that our supply had,^ 
 of their safe, though dangerous, return into England, 
 and of their preparation to come to us. So that hav- 
 ing these many signs of God's favor and acceptation, 
 we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly 
 we should smother up the same, or content ourselves 
 with private thanksgiving for that, which by private 
 prayer could not be obtained. And therefore another 
 solemn day was set apart and appointed for that end ; 
 wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, with all 
 thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so gra- 
 ciously with us ; whose name for these and all other 
 his mercies towards his church and chosen ones, by 
 them be blessed and praised, now and evermore. 
 Amen. 
 
 In the latter end of July, and the beginning of Au- Aug. 
 gust, came two ships with supply unto us ; who 
 brought all their passengers,^ except one, in health, 
 
 by Gorges and Mason in the spring bard, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 105; 
 of 1623, and commenced a settle- and see Adams's Annals of Ports- 
 ment at a place called Little Har- mouth, p. 10. 
 hour, on the west side of Piscata- ' So called after himself, by 
 qua river, near its mouth. After- Captain John Smith, who discov- 
 wards, in 1626, or later, out of dis- ered them in 1614. He thus de- 
 like of the place or his employers, scribes them : " Smyth's Isles are 
 he removed to Boston harbour, and a heap together, none near them, 
 took possession of " a fruitful island against Accominticus." They are 
 and very desirable neck of land," eight in number, and are now call- 
 which were afterwards confirmed ed the Isles of Shoals. See a de- 
 to him or his heirs by the govern- scription and historical account of 
 ment of Massachusetts. This neck them in Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 242 — 
 of land was Squantum, in Dorches- 262; xxvi. 120. 
 ter, and the island, which is very ^ " Governor Bradford gives no 
 near it, has ever since been called hint of this third repulse." Prince, 
 by his name. It is now the seat of p. 219. 
 
 the Farm School. Compare Sav- ' The following is an alpha- 
 age's Winthrop, i. 44, with Hub- helical list of those who came 
 
352 
 
 A NEW SUPPLY OF COLONISTS. 
 
 CHAP, who recovered in short time : who, also, notwithstand- 
 — v^- ing all our wants and hardship, blessed be God ! 
 16 22,. found not any one sick person amongst us at the Plan- 
 
 A 
 
 ^ 
 
 over in the Anne and Little James. 
 
 Anthony Annable, Edward Holman, 
 Edward Bangs, John Jenny, 
 Robert Bartlett, Robert Long, 
 Fear Brewster, Experience Mit- 
 Patience Brewster, chell, 
 Mary Bucket, George Morton, 
 
 Edward Burcher, Thomas Morton, jr. 
 Thomas Clarke, Ellen Newton, 
 ChristopherConant,John Oldham, 
 CuthbertCuthbert- Frances Palmer, 
 
 son, Christian Penn, 
 
 Anthony Dix, Mr. Perce's two 
 John Faunce, servants, 
 
 Manasseh Faunce, Joshua Pratt, 
 Goodwife Flavell, James Rand, 
 Edmund Flood, Robert Rattliffe, 
 Bridget Fuller, Nicholas Snow, 
 Timothy Hatherly, Alice Southworth, 
 William Heard, Francis Sprague, 
 Margaret Hickes, Barbara Standish, 
 
 and her children, Thomas Tilden, 
 William Hilton's Stephen Tracy, 
 
 wife and two Ralph Wallen. 
 
 children. 
 
 This list, as well as that of the 
 passengers in the Fortune, is ob- 
 tained from the record of the allot- 
 ment of lands, in 1624, which may 
 be found in Hazard's State Papers, 
 r. 101—103, and in the Appendix 
 to Morton's Memorial, pp. 377 — 
 380. In that list, however, Fran- 
 cis Cooke and Pilchard Warren's 
 names are repeated, although they 
 came in the Mayflower; probably 
 because their wives and children 
 came in the Ann, and therefore an 
 additional grant of land was made 
 to them. Many others brought 
 their families in this ship; and 
 Bradford says that " some were the 
 wives and children of such who 
 came before." 
 
 Fear and Patience Brewster were 
 daughters of Elder Brewster. 
 Thomas Clark's gravestone is one 
 of the oldest on the Burial hill in 
 Plymouth. See note ^ on page 160. 
 Francis Cooke's wife, Hester, was 
 a Walloon, and Cuthbert Cuthbert- 
 
 son was a Dutchman, as we learn 
 from Winslow's Brief Narrative. 
 Anthony Dix is mentioned in Win- 
 throp, i. 287. Goodwife Flavell 
 was probably the wife of Thomas, 
 who came in the Fortune, and 
 Bridget Fuller was the wife of 
 Samuel, the physician. Timothy 
 Hatherly went to England the next 
 winter, and did not return till 
 1632; he settled in Scituate. Mar- 
 garet Hicks was the wife of Rob- 
 ert, who came in the Fortune. 
 William Hilton (see page 251) had 
 sent for his wife and children. 
 George Morton brought his son, 
 Nathaniel, the secretary, and four 
 other children. Thomas Morton, 
 jr. was the son of Thomas, who 
 came in the Fortune. John Old- 
 ham afterwards became notorious 
 in the history of the Colony. Fran- 
 ces Palmer was the wife of Wil- 
 liam, who came in the Fortune. 
 Phinehas Pratt had a lot of land 
 assigned him among those who 
 came in the Ann ; but he was un- 
 doubtedly one of Weston's colony, 
 as appears from page 332. Bar- 
 bara Standish was the Captain's 
 second wife, whom he married 
 after the arrival of the Ann. Her 
 maiden name is unknown. 
 
 Annable afterwards settled in 
 Scituate, Mitchell in Duxbury and 
 Bridgewater, Bangs and Snow in 
 Eastham, and Sprague in Duxbury. 
 John Jenny, in 1636, had "liberty 
 to erect a mill for grinding and 
 beating of corn upon the brook of 
 Plymouth." 
 
 Those who came in the first 
 three ships, the Mayflower, the 
 Fortune, and the Ann', are distinc- 
 tively called the old comers, or the 
 forefathers. See pages 121 and 
 235. For further particulars con- 
 cerning them, see Farmer's Genea- 
 logical Register, Mitchell's Bridge- 
 water, and Deane's Scituate. 
 
ARRIVAL OF THE THIRD SHIP. 
 
 353 
 
 tation. The bigger ship, called the Anne,^ was hired, chap. 
 and there again freio;hted back f from whence we set ^^-- 
 sail the 10th of September. The lesser, called the 1623. 
 Little James,^ was built for the company at their 
 charge/ She was now also fitted for trade and dis- 
 covery to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost 
 ready to set sail ; whom I pray God to bless in her 
 good and lawful proceedings. 
 
 ' "Mr. William Pierce, master." 
 Bradford, in Prince, p. 220. 
 
 * " Being laden with clapboards, 
 and all the beaver and olher furs 
 we have; with whom we send Mr. 
 Winslow, to inform how things 
 are and procure what we want." 
 Bradford, in Prince, p. 221. 
 
 ' " A fine new vessel of 44 tons, 
 Mr. Bridges, master." Bradford, in 
 Prince, p. 220. 
 
 * " They bring about 60 persons, 
 some being very useful and be- 
 come good members of the body; 
 of whom the principal are Mr. 
 Timothy Hatherly and Mr. George 
 Morton, who came in the Ann, and 
 Mr. John Jenny, who came in the 
 James. Some were the wives and 
 children of such who came before; 
 and some others are so bad we are 
 forced to be at the charge to send 
 them home next year. 
 
 " By this ship R. C. [i. e. doubt- 
 less Mr. Cushman, their agent] 
 writes, Some few of your old friends 
 are come; they come dropping to 
 you, and by degrees I hope ere long 
 you shall enjoy them all, &c. 
 
 " From the general, [that is, the 
 joint concern, the company] sub- 
 scribed by thirteen, we have also a 
 letter wherein they say, Let it not 
 be grievous to you, that you have 
 been instruments to break the ice 
 for others who come after with less 
 difficulty; the honor shall be yours 
 
 to the world's end. We bear you 
 always in our breasts, and our 
 hearty affection is towards you all, 
 as are the hearts of hundreds more 
 which never saw your faces, who 
 doubtless pray your safety as their 
 own. 
 
 " When these passengers see our 
 poor and low condition ashore, they 
 are much dismayed and full of sad- 
 ness ; only our old friends rejoice 
 to see us, and that it is no worse, 
 and now hope we shall enjoy better 
 days together. The best dish we 
 could present them with, is a lob- 
 ster, or piece of fish, without bread, 
 or any thing else but a cup of fair 
 spring water; and the long con- 
 tinuance of this diet, with our la- 
 bors abroad, has somewhat abated 
 the freshness of our complexion; 
 but God gives us health, &c. 
 
 "August 14. The fourth mar- 
 riage is of Governor Bradford to / 
 Mrs. Alice Southworth, widow." ^ 
 Bradford, in Prince, pp. 220, 221. 
 Her maiden name was Carpenter, 
 as appears from the following en- 
 try in the records of the Plymouth 
 Church : "1667. Mary Carpenter, 
 (sister of Mrs. Alice Bradford, the 
 wife of Governor Bradford,) a mem- 
 ber of the church at Duxbury, died 
 in Plymouth, March 19-20, being 
 newly entered into the 91st year of 
 her age. She was a. g.odiy old 
 maid, never married." 
 
 45 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AND 
 CEREMONIES OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 CHAP. Thus have I made a true and full narration of the 
 
 XXIII 
 
 — ^^^ state of our Plantation, and such things as were most 
 1 623. i.(.j^Q,-l^a 1)1(3 therein since December, 1621. If I have 
 omitted any thing, it is either through weakness of 
 memory, or because I judged it not material. I con- 
 fess my style rude, and unskilfulness in the task I 
 undertook ; being urged thereunto by opportunity, 
 which I knew to be wanting in others, and but for 
 which 1 would not have undertaken the same. Yet 
 as it is rude, so it is plain, and therefore the easier to 
 be understood ; wherein others may see that which we 
 arc bound to acknowledge, viz. that if ever any peo- 
 ple in these later ages were upheld by the providence 
 of God after a more special manner than others, then 
 we ; and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the 
 memory of his goodness with everlasting thankfulness. 
 For in these forenamed straits, such was our state, as 
 in the morning we had often our food to seek for the 
 day, and yet performed the duties of our callings, I 
 mean other daily labors, to provide for after time ; 
 and though at some times in some seasons at noon I 
 
RELIGION OF THE INDIANS. 355 
 
 have seen men stagger by reason of faintness for want chap. 
 
 . . XXIII. 
 
 of food, jet ere night, by the good providence and bless- — v-^ 
 ing of God, we have enjoyed such plenty as though the 1623. 
 windows of heaven had been opened unto us. How 
 few, weak, and raw were Ave at our first beginning, 
 and there settling, and in the midst of barbarous ene- 
 mies ! Yet God wrought our peace for us. How often 
 have we been at the pit's brim, and in danger to be 
 swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward that 
 we were in peril ! And yet God preserved us ; yea, 
 and from how many that we yet know not of. He that 
 knoweth all things can best tell. So that when I se- 
 riously consider of things, I cannot but think that God 
 hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritance to 
 our nation, and great pity it were that it should long 
 lie in so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well 
 with the constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, 
 and so temperate for heat and cold, as in that respect 
 one can scarce distinguish New England from Old. 
 
 A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which 
 I have observed amongst the Indians, both touching 
 their religion and sundry other customs amongst them. 
 And first, whereas myself and others, in former letters, 
 (which came to the press against my will and know- 
 ledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people 
 without any religion, or knowledge of any God,' 
 therein I erred, though we could then gather no bet- 
 ter ; for as they conceive of many divine powers, so of 
 one, whom they call Kiehtan,^ to be the principal and 
 maker of all the rest, and to be made by none. He, they 
 say, created the heavens, earth, sea and all creatures 
 
 ' See page 233. antiquity; for Chise is an old man, 
 
 * The meaning of the word and Kiehchise a man that exceedeth 
 Eiehtan, I think, hath reference to in age. — Wmslow's Note. 
 
356 KIEHTAN, THE INDIAN GOD. 
 
 CHAP, contained therein : also that he made one man and 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 — v^^ one woman, of whom they and we and all mankind 
 1623. came;' but how they became so far dispersed, that 
 know they not. At first, they say, there was no sa- 
 chim or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the 
 heavens, whither all good men go when they die, to 
 see their friends, and have their fill of all things. This 
 his habitation lieth far westward in the heavens, they 
 say ; thither the bad men go also, and knock at his 
 door, but he bids them quatchet, that is to say, walk 
 abroad, for there is no place for such ; so that they 
 wander in restless want and penury.^ Never man saw 
 this Kiehtan ; only old men tell them of him, and bid 
 them tell their children, yea to charge them to teach 
 their posterities the same, and lay the like charge upon 
 them. This power they acknowledge to be good ; and 
 when they would obtain any great matter, meet to- 
 gether and cry unto him ; and so likewise for plenty, 
 victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang 
 up garlands and other things in memory of the same. 
 
 Another power they worship, whom they call Hob- 
 bamock, and to the northward of us, Hobbamoqui ; ^ 
 this, as far as we can conceive, is the devil. Him they 
 call upon to cure their wounds and diseases. When 
 they are curable, he persuades them he sends the same 
 
 * "They relate how they have it believe that the souls of men and 
 
 from their fathers, that Kautantow- women go to the southwest; their 
 
 wit made one man and woman of great and good men and women to 
 
 a stone, which disliking he broke Kautantowwit's house, where they 
 
 them in pieces, and made anotlier have hopes, as the Turks have, of 
 
 man and woman of a tree, which carnal joys ; murtherers, thieves 
 
 were the fountains of all mankind." and liars, their souls, say they, 
 
 Ro2er Williams's Key, ch. xxi. wander restless abroad." Wil- 
 
 ' ''Kautanloumit, the great south- liams's Key, ch. xxi. 
 
 west God, to whose house all souls ' Wood, in his New England's 
 
 go, and from whom came their Prospect, ch. xix. spells this word 
 
 corn and beans, as they say. They Abamacho. 
 
THE POWOW, OR MEDICINE MAN. 357 
 
 for some conceived anger against them ; but upon their chap. 
 calling upon him, can and doth help them ; but when — v-^ 
 they are mortal and not curable in nature, then he per- 162 3. 
 suades them Kiehtan is angry, and sends them, whom 
 none can cure ; insomuch as in that respect only they 
 somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, and there- 
 fore in sickness never call upon him. This Hobbamock 
 appears in sundry forms unto them, as in the shape of 
 a man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, &c. but most ordina- 
 rily a snake. He appears not to all, but the chiefest 
 and most judicious amongst them ; though all of them 
 strive to attain to that hellish height of honor. He 
 appeareth most ordinary and is most conversant with 
 three sorts of people. One, I confess I neither know 
 by name nor office directly ; of these they have few, 
 but esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon 
 can kill them; another they call by the name oi powah; 
 and the iKu^ pniese. 
 
 The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised 
 principally in calling upon the devil, and curing diseases 
 of the sick or wounded. The common people join with 
 him in the exercise of invocation, but do but only assent, 
 or as we term it, say Amen to that he saith ; yet 
 sometime break out into a short musical note with him. 
 The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in coun- 
 tenance, and joineth many antic and laborious gestures 
 with the same, over the party diseased.^ If the party 
 be wounded, he will also seem to suck the wound ; but 
 if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth it not, but 
 askooke, that is, the snake, or ivobsacuck, that is, the 
 eagle, sitteth on his shoulder, and licks the same. This 
 none see but the powah, who tells them he doth it 
 
 ' See page 317. 
 
358 THE POWOW'S PRACTICES. 
 
 CHAP, himself. If the party be otherwise diseased, it is ac- 
 
 XXIII 
 
 '- counted sufficient if in any shape he but come into the 
 
 1623. house, taking it for an undoubted sign of recovery. 
 
 And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at 
 Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus, so have I heard them 
 call upon some as if they had their residence in some 
 certain places, or because they appeared in those forms 
 in the same. In the powah's speech, he promiseth to 
 sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, 
 knives, and other the best things they have to the 
 fiend, if he will come to help the party diseased ; but 
 whether they perform it, I know not. The other prac- 
 tices I have seen, being necessarily called sometimes 
 to be with their sick, and have used the best argu- 
 ments I could to make them understand against the 
 same. They have told me I should see the devil at 
 those times come to the party ; but I assured myself 
 and them of the contrary, which so proved ; yea, them- 
 selves have confessed they never saw him when any 
 of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary 
 hard travail in child-birth, when the party cannot be 
 delivered by the ordinary means, they send for this 
 pow^ah ; though ordinarily their travail is not so ex- 
 treme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more 
 hardy nature ; for on the third day after child-birth, I 
 have seen the mother with the infant, upon a small 
 occasion, in cold weather, in a boat upon the sea. 
 
 Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases 
 kill children. It seemeth they are various in their re- 
 ligious worship in a little distance, and grow more and 
 more cold in their worship to Kiehtan ; saying, in their 
 memory he was much more called upon. The Nano- 
 higgansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a 
 
THE PNIESE, OR INDIAN WARRIOR. 359 
 
 great spacious house, wherein only some few (that are, chap. 
 as we may term them, priests) come. Thither, at cer- — v-^ 
 tain known times, resort all their people, and offer 162 3. 
 almost all the riches they have to their gods, as kettles, 
 skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which are cast by 
 the priests into a great fire that they make in the midst 
 of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this 
 offering every man bringeth freely ; and the more he is 
 known to bring, hath the better esteem of all men. 
 This the other Indians about us approve of as good, 
 and wish their sachims would appoint the like ; and 
 because the plague^ hath not reigned at Nanohigganset 
 as at other places about them, they attribute to this 
 custom there used. 
 
 The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, 
 and to those also the devil appeareth more familiarly 
 than to others, and as we conceive, maketh covenant 
 with them to preserve them from death by wounds 
 with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c. or at least both 
 themselves and especially the people think themselves 
 to be freed from the same. And though, against their 
 battles, all of them by painting disfigure themselves, 
 yet they are known by their courage and boldness, by 
 reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hun- 
 dred men ; for they account it death for whomsoever 
 stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all 
 sorts of people, and are of the sachim's council, with- 
 out whom they will not war, or undertake any weighty 
 business.^ In war their sachims, for their more safety, 
 go in the midst of them. They are commonly men of 
 the greatest stature and strength, and such as will en- 
 dure most hardness, and yet are more discreet, cour- 
 
 ' Seepages 183 and 206. » See pages 288 and 323. 
 
360 im" S.VOUIM, OU IMM.VN CHIK.K. 
 
 ruvr toons and Imni.ino in ihcw drri.ii^os than anv amoniist 
 
 will . . . 1 ' 1- 
 
 --^^ thoni. si'ornlni: tluMt. Uin^. ami ihc Wkc baso iloalin^s. 
 
 16So. ;nid stauil as nuuh ujhmi thrir ro|nuation vis anv nion. 
 And to ttio ond \\\c\ nuix lia\o stoio ot thoso. \\\c\ 
 train up tho most torw aid and likiMiost bo\s. Ironi tlioir 
 oliildluvd. in i:ii\u liardnoss, and niako ttioni abstain 
 iVont ilaintN nu\it. obsiM\iiii; ibviMS oidois |Mc'Si.'ribi\l, 
 to tho end that n\ lion tho\ aic^ ot ai;o. tlio dc\\\ niav 
 ajipoar to tlioni ; oansini: to drink tlu^ jniot^ o( sontr> ' 
 and otlior bittor luMbs. till tho\ oast. \\ liioh tlio\ nmst 
 dis:;ori;o into tlio [ilattor, vind drink ai^ain and ai^ain. till 
 at lonmli tliron::h oxtraordinaiv opprossiiiii o\ natuvo, 
 it will si'oni t(.> bo all blood ; and this tlu^ bo\s ^^ ill do 
 >\ith Ovii:,oinoss at tho tirst. viiid so oontiinio till bv 
 roason ot taintnoss. thov oan soaivo stand o\\ thoir loi:,s, 
 and thoii nuist i^o toith into tho oold. Also thov boat 
 ihoir shins witii stioks. M\d oaiiso thont to rnn tliioni:h 
 bushes, stiinips and bianiblos. to ntako tluMu liaiiiv 
 and .loooptablo to tho dovil. that in tinio ho niav ap[H\ir 
 unto thorn. 
 
 Thoir saohinis oaniiot bo all oallod kini;s. but onlv 
 sonio tow ot" thoni. to \a honi tho rost rosiMt tor protoo- 
 lion. and pav homage nnto thoiu ; ' noithor nia\ thov 
 
 ' Or ooiuaury — prohjxhly iho curxnl ;it wliat time as luxvini: on- 
 
 swifeNt/td o^/ori'j(iV.<, a plam cv>nspi- tortninovl Honnilos in his cabin, ho 
 
 cvious for ils beauty, which is found would noods bo handlinsr and tan\- 
 
 in irrtwt abundance on tho maririu ^vring with t!\o woajXMis of his 
 
 of iho iXMuis in riynunith. It W s;»id guost so lonjj until one of the 
 
 longi? to tho natural orilor of lion- arrvnvs lisiht uiH^n his toot and 
 
 lians, ono characteristic of which woundtsi him dangx^rvusly.'" Hal- 
 
 is an intense bitterness, residinsi" land's Pliny, b. xxv. ch. 0. 
 both in the stems and rv>ots. Tho * " Their sixwornmont is irteno- 
 
 ^Htiatiacn'^isUi, or frini^\l ir^^ntian, ntlly ir.onarchical. thoir chief s;iira- 
 
 also grows in this iv^ion. See more or sachem's will beiu;: their 
 
 Big^low's Plants of Bostoii. pp. law ; but yet the s;\chom hath some 
 
 T9 and III. chief men that he consults with as 
 
 '*The srreater contaiirv is that his special cvninsollors. Among 
 
 fiinious herb whoruwith duron the some of the Indians their jiovern- 
 
 centaar ^^as the ropvut gv»oth^ was ment is mixed, p;irtly luonarehical 
 
TUi; SAririMH FAMIJ-V AM> f;OVERNMENT. .SGI 
 
 Wr'ir wilfiout. llir;ir knowlcdj^o firul ;i[j[)rolj;itif)ri ; ycA. to^ ffAf. 
 bo comrnandod hy the j^roator, as occasion sorveth. -^^^-^ 
 Of ffiis sort is Massassowat, our fricrif], and Conanaciis, 10 23. 
 of i\anoiiij^i;ansct, our supposed enemy. Every sachirn 
 taketh care for the widow and fatherless, also for such 
 as are aged ;iiid ;Miy way mairofd, if thf;ir frirrids he 
 dead, or not ahle to provide for them. A sachirn will 
 not take any to wife hut such an one as is efjual to 
 him in hirth ; otherwise, they say, their Sf^ed would in 
 time heeonie i;fnoMe : ;iii<] thou^'h thf;y liavf, many 
 other wives, yet are they no other than f;oncubines or 
 servants, and yield a kind of obedience to the princi- 
 pal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The 
 likr; their men observe also, and will adhere to the first 
 during their lives ; but put away the other at their 
 pleasure. This government is successive and not by 
 choice. If the father dif; before the son or daughter bo 
 of age, then the child is committed to the protection 
 and tuition of some one amongst them, who rulr;th in 
 his stead till hr; b(; of agr;; but when that is, 1 know 
 not. 
 
 Every sachirn knowetli how far the bounds and lim- 
 its of his own country extendelh ; and that is his own 
 proper i)ihf:r)tance. Out of that, if any of his men de- 
 sire land to set their corn, he givetli thr;rn as much as 
 they can use, and sets them their bounrls. In this cir- 
 cuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring 
 
 and partly arislocralical ; their sa^- sacherns that can yjrotfct thern ; so 
 arnore doing not any weis^hty that their princes endfavour to car- 
 matter without the consent of his ry it oWii^'ingly and lovingly unto 
 great rnen or petty sagamores, their people, lest they should desert 
 Their ?acherns have not their rnen them, and thereby their strength, 
 in such suhiection hut that very power, and tribute would he dirnin- 
 frerjuently their rnen will leave ished." Gfjokin in Mass. Hist, 
 thern upon distaste or harsh deal- Coll. i. 154. 
 ing, and go and live under other 
 
 40 
 
362 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 
 
 CHAP, him his fee ; which is the fore parts of the same, if it 
 
 XXJII 
 
 -^v^^ be killed on the land, but if in the water, then the skin 
 162 3. thereof. The great sachims or kings know their 
 own bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All 
 travellers or strangers for the most part lodge at the 
 sachim's. When they come, they tell them how long 
 they will stay, and to what place they go ; during 
 which time they receive entertainment, according to 
 their persons, but want not. Once a year the pnieses 
 use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on the 
 sachim. To that end, they appoint a certain time and 
 place, near the sachim's dwelling, where the people 
 bring many baskets of corn, and make a great stack 
 thereof. There the pnieses stand ready to give thanks 
 to the people, on the sachim's behalf; and after ac- 
 quaint the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, 
 and is no less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. 
 When any are visited with sickness, their friends 
 resort unto them for their comfort, and continue with 
 them ofttimes till their death or recovery,^ If they die, 
 they stay a certain time to mourn for them. Night 
 and morning they perform this duty, many days after 
 the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as 
 though it be ordinary and the note musical, which they 
 take one from another and all together, yet it will draw 
 tears from their eyes, and almost from ours aIso.~ But 
 
 ' See page 313. and public. — "When they come to 
 ^ "Upon the death of the sick, the grave, they lay the dead by the 
 the father, or husband, and all his grave's mouth, and then all sit 
 neighbours wear black faces, and down and lament, that I have seen 
 lay on soot very thick, which I tears run down the cheeks of stout- 
 have often seen clotted with their est captains in abundance ; and 
 tears. This blacking and lament- after the dead is laid in the grave, 
 ing they observe in most doleful they have then a second lamenia- 
 manner divers weeks and months, tion." Roger Williams's Key, ch. 
 yea a year, if the person be great xxxii. 
 
EMPLOYMENTS OF THE MEN. SQS 
 
 if they recover, then because their sickness was charge- chap. 
 
 , . XXIII. 
 
 able, they send corn and other gifts unto them, at a — ^ 
 certain appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, 16 23, 
 which they call commoco. When they bury the dead, 
 they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the 
 earth. If the party be a sachim, they cover him with 
 many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, 
 and enclose the grave with a pale.^ If it be a child, 
 the father will also put his own most special jewels 
 and ornaments in the earth with it ; also will cut his 
 hair, and disfigure himself very much, in token of sor- 
 row. If it be the man or woman of the house, they 
 will pull down the mats, and leave the frame standing, 
 and bury them in or near the same,^ and either remove 
 their dwelling or give over house-keeping. 
 
 The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and 
 other exercises of the bow, except at some times they 
 take some pains in fishing. The women live a most 
 slavish life ; they carry all their burdens,^ set and dress 
 their corn, gather it in, seek out for much of their food, 
 beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all 
 household care lying upon them. 
 
 The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all 
 mean offices, whilst they are together, although they 
 be strangers. Boys and girls may not wear their hair 
 like men and women, but are distinguished thereby. 
 
 A man is not accounted a man till he do some nota- 
 ble act, or show forth such courage and resolution as 
 becometh his place. The men take much tobacco ; * 
 but for boys so to do, they account it odious. 
 
 All their names are significant and variable; for when 
 
 * See pages 142, 143 and 154. ^ See note * on page 305. 
 
 * See pages 154 and 227. * See note ' on page 188. 
 
364 INDIAN WOMEN. 
 
 CHAP, they come to the state of men and women, they alter ^ 
 
 XXIII 
 
 them according to their deeds or dispositions. 
 
 162 3. When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth 
 her hair, and after weareth a covering on her head, till 
 her hair be grown out. Their women are diversely 
 disposed; some as modest, as they will scarce talk one 
 with another in the company of men, being very chaste 
 also ; yet other some light, lascivious and wanton. If 
 a woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, 
 and there be war or opposition between that and any 
 other people, she will run away from him to the con- 
 trary party, and there live ; where they never come 
 unwelcome, for where are most women, there is great- 
 est plenty. 
 
 When a woman hath her monthly terms, she sepa- 
 rateth herself from all other company, and liveth cer- 
 tain days in a house alone ; after which, she washeth 
 herself, and all that she hath touched or used, and is 
 again received to her husband's bed or family. For 
 adultery, the husband will beat his wife and put her 
 away, if he please. Some common strumpets there 
 are, as well as in other places ; but they are such as 
 either never married, or widows, or put away for adul- 
 tery ; for no man will keep such an one to wife. 
 
 In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sa- 
 chim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of 
 thefts, for the first offence, he is disgracefully rebuked ; 
 for the second, beaten by the sachim with a cudgel on 
 the naked back ; for the third, he is beaten with many 
 strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby 
 all men may both know and shun him. If any man 
 kill another, he must likewise die for the same. The 
 
 ' See note ^ on page 191. 
 
INDIAN APPAREL. 365 
 
 sachim not only passeth the sentence upon malefactors,^ chap. 
 but executetli the same with his own hands, if the — '^-^ 
 party be then present ; if not, sendeth his own knife, in 1623. 
 case of death, in the hands of others to perform the 
 same.^ But if the offender be to receive other punish- 
 ment, he will not receive the same but from the sachim 
 himself; before whom, being naked, he kneeleth, and 
 will not offer to run away, though he beat him never 
 so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man 
 to cry during the time of his correction, than is his 
 offence and punishment. 
 
 As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stock- 
 ings in one, like some Irish,^ which is made of deer 
 skins, and have shoes of the same leather. They wear 
 also a deer's skin loose about them, like a cloak, which 
 they will turn to the weather side. In this habit they 
 travel ; but when they are at home, or come to their 
 journey's end, presently they pull off their breeches, 
 stockings and shoes, wring out the water, if they be 
 wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. Though 
 these be off, yet have they another small garment that 
 covereth their secrets. The men wear also, when 
 they go abroad in cold weather, an otter or fox skin 
 on their right arm,^ but only their bracer on the left. 
 Women, and all of that sex, wear strings about their 
 legs, which the men never do. 
 
 The people are very ingenious and observative; they 
 
 * See page 308. chiefest warriors, to fetch off ahead 
 
 * "The most usual custom by some sudden, unexpected blow of 
 amongst them in executing pun- a hatchet, when they have feared 
 ishtnents, is for the sachim either mutiny by public execution." 
 to beat or whip or put to death Roger Williams's Key, ch. xxii. 
 with his own hand, to which the See also page 291 previous, 
 common sort most quietly submit ; ^ See note * on page 187. 
 though sometimes the sachim sends ■• See page 187. 
 
 a secret executioner, one of his 
 
366 LANGUAGE OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 CHAP, keep account of time by the moon, and winters or 
 
 XXIII. ^ . ^ 
 
 -^---^ summers ; they know divers of the stars by name ; in 
 1C23. particular they know the north star, and call it maske,^ 
 which is to say, the bear;^ also they have many names 
 for the winds. They will guess very well at the wind 
 and weather beforehand, by observations in the hea- 
 vens. They report also, that some of them can cause 
 the wind to blow in what part they list — can raise 
 storms and tempests,^ which they usually do when 
 they intend the death or destruction of other people, 
 that by reason of the unseasonable weather, they may 
 take advantage of their enemies in their houses. At 
 such times they perform their greatest exploits, and in 
 such seasons, when they are at enmity with any, they 
 keep more careful watch than at other times. 
 
 As for the language, it is very copious, large, and 
 difficult. As yet we cannot attain to any great mea- 
 sure thereof; but can understand them, and explain 
 ourselves to their understanding, by the help of those 
 that daily converse with us. And though there be 
 difference in a hundred miles' distance of place, both 
 in language- and manners, yet not so much but that 
 
 ' " Mosk, or paukunaivaw, the water burn, the rocks move, the 
 
 Great Bear, or Charles's Wain ; trees dance, and tnetaniorphize 
 
 ■■^hich words mosk or paukunawaw himself into a flaming man. In 
 
 signifies a bear ; which is so much winter, when there are no green 
 
 the more observable, because in leaves to be got, he will burn an 
 
 most languages that sign or con- old one to ashes, and putting these 
 
 stellation is called the Bear." Ro- into the water, produce a new green 
 
 ger Williams's Key, ch. xii. leaf, which you shall not only see, 
 
 ^ " Their powows, by their exor- but substantially handle and carry 
 
 cisms, and necromantic charms, away; and make a dead snake's 
 
 bring to pass strange things, if we skin a living snake, both to be seen, 
 
 may believe the Indians; who re- felt, and heard." Wood's New 
 
 port of one Passaconavvay, a great England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12; 
 
 sagamore upon Merrimack river, Hutchinson's Mass. i. 474; IVior- 
 
 and the most celebrated powow in ton's New English Canaan, book i. 
 
 the country, that he can make the ch. 9. 
 
INDIAN MEMORIALS. 367 
 
 they very well understand each other.' And thus chap. 
 
 XXIII 
 
 much of their lives and manners. ^^^^. 
 
 Instead of records and chronicles, they take this 16 23. 
 course. Where any remarkable act is done, in memory 
 of it, either in the place, or by some pathway near 
 adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground, about 
 a foot deep, and as much over ; which when others 
 passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion 
 of the same, which being once known, they are careful 
 to acquaint all men, as occasion serveth, therewith ; 
 and lest such holes should be filled or grown up by any 
 accident, as men pass by, they will oft renew the same ; 
 by which means many things of great antiquity are 
 fresh in memory. So that as a man travelleth, if he 
 can understand his guide, his journey will be the less 
 tedious, by reason of the many historical discourses 
 [which] will be related unto him. 
 
 ^ "There is a mixture of this "The Itidians of the parts of 
 
 language north and south, from the New England, especially upon the 
 
 place of my abode, about 600 miles; sea-coasts, use the same sort of 
 
 yet within the 200 miles aforemen- speech and language, only with 
 
 tioned, their dialects do exceedingly some difTercnce in the expressions, 
 
 differ ; yet not so but, within that as they differ in several counties in 
 
 compass, a man may converse with England, yet so as they can well 
 
 thousands of natives all over the understand one another." Gookin, 
 
 country." Roger Williams's Key, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. 
 Pref. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 OF THE SITUATION, CLIMATE, SOIL, AND PRODUCTIONS OF 
 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 CHAP. In all this, it may be said, I have neither praised nor 
 — v^ dispraised the country ; and since I lived so long there- 
 1623. in^ rny judgment thereof will give no less satisfaction 
 to them that know me, than the relation of our pro- 
 ceedings. To which I answer, that as in one, so of 
 the other, I will speak as sparingly as I can, yet will 
 make known what I conceive thereof. 
 
 And first for that continent, on which we. are, called 
 New England, although it hath ever been conceived 
 by the English to be a part of the main land adjoining 
 to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should ap- 
 pear to be otherwise ; for they affirm confidently that 
 it is an island,^ and that either the Dutch or French 
 pass through from sea to sea between us and Virginia, 
 and drive a great trade in the same. The name of 
 that inlet of the sea they call Mohegon, which I take 
 to be the same which we call Hudson's river, up which 
 Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of 
 
 ' See page 256. 
 
THE TEMPERATURE OF NEW ENGLAND. 369 
 
 means fas I hear) left it undiscovered.* For confirma- chap. 
 
 XXIV 
 
 lion of this their opinion, is thus much ; though Vir- -— v^- 
 ginia be not above a hundred and fifty leagues from 1*^2 3. 
 us, yet they never heard of Powhatan, or knew that 
 any English were planted in his country, save only by 
 us and Tisquantum, who went in an English ship 
 thither ; and therefore it is the more probable, because 
 the water is not passable for them, who are very 
 adventurous in their boats. 
 
 Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three 
 years' experience I can scarce distinguish New Eng- 
 land from Old England, in respect of heat and cold, 
 frost, snow, rain, winds, &c. Some object, because 
 our Plantation lieth in the latitude of 42^, it must 
 needs be much hotter. 1 confess I cannot give the 
 reason of the contrary ; only experience teacheth us, 
 that if it do exceed England, it is so little as must 
 require better judgments to discern it. And for the 
 winter, P rather think (if there be difference) it is both 
 sharper and longer in New England than Old ; and 
 yet the want of those comforts in the one, which I 
 have enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judgment 
 also. But in my best observation, comparing our own 
 condition with the Relations of other parts of America, 
 I cannot conceive of any to agree better with the 
 constitution of the English, not being oppressed with 
 extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold ; by which 
 
 ' In September, 1609, Hudson ert Juel's Journal of Hudson's third 
 
 ascended the "great river," now voyage, in Purchas, iii. 593, and in 
 
 called by his name, in a small ves- N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 139, 140; 
 
 sel called the Half-Moon, above Moulton's Hist, of New York, 213, 
 
 the city of Hudson, and sent up a 244—249; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 
 
 boat beyond Albany. Josselyn says, 372; Belknap's Am. Bios. i. 400 ; 
 
 that Hudson discovered Mohegan Douglass's Summary, ii. 256. 
 river, in New England. See Rob- 
 
 47 
 
370 INDIAN CORN. 
 
 CHAP, means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwith- 
 
 XXIV . . . •' ^ 
 
 v--v~ standing those difficulties we have undergone, in such 
 
 1623. a measure as would have been admired if we had lived 
 
 in England with the like means. The day is two 
 
 hours longer than here, when it is at the shortest, and 
 
 as much shorter there, when it is at the longest. 
 
 The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some 
 clay, others, a mixed sand, &c. The chiefest grain 
 is the Indian mays, or Guinea wheat. ^ The seed time 
 beginneth in [the] midst of April,^ and continueth good 
 till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with 
 September. This corn increaseth in great measure, 
 but is inferior in quantity to the same in Virginia ; the 
 reason I conceive is because Virginia is far hotter than 
 it is w^ith us, it requiring great heat to ripen. But 
 whereas it is objected against New England, that corn 
 will not grow there except the ground be manured 
 with fish,^ 1 answer, that where men set with fish, (as 
 with us,) it is more easy so to do than to clear ground, 
 and set without some five or six years, and so begin 
 anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in 
 some places, where they cannot be taken with ease in 
 such abundance, the Indians set four years together 
 without, and have as good corn or better than we 
 have that set with them ; though indeed 1 think if 
 we had cattle to till the ground, it would be more 
 profitable and better agreeable to the soil to sow wheat, 
 rye, barley, pease and oats, than to set mays, which 
 our Indians call eivachim ; for we have had expe- 
 rience that they like and thrive well ; and the other 
 will not be procured without good labor and diligence, 
 
 ' See note ' on page 131. * See note ' on page 231. 
 
 * See note * on page 230. 
 
THE FISHERIES. 371 
 
 especially at seed-time, when it must also be watch- chap. 
 
 XXIV 
 
 ed by night, to keep the wolves from the fish, till '- 
 
 it be rotten, which will be in fourteen days. Yet men 162 3. 
 agreeing together, and taking their turns, it is not 
 much. 
 
 Much might be spoken of the benefit that may 
 come to such as shall here plant, by trade with the 
 Indians for furs, if men take a right course for ob- 
 taining the same ; for I dare presume, upon that small 
 experience I have had, to affirm that the English, 
 Dutch and French return yearly many thousand pounds 
 profit by trade only from that island on which we are 
 seated. 
 
 Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that 
 profit as in some other places ; neither were it profita- 
 ble there to follow it, though the increase were equal, 
 because fish is a better and richer commodity, and 
 more necessary, which may be and are there had in as 
 great abundance as in any other part of the world ; 
 witness the west-country merchants of England, which 
 return incredible gains yearly from thence. And if 
 they can so do, which here buy their salt at a great 
 charge, and transport more company to make their 
 voyage than will sail their ships, what may the plant- 
 ers expect when once they are seated, and make the 
 most of their salt there, and employ themselves at least 
 eight months in fishing ; whereas the other fish but 
 four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour all 
 the time, whereas such shipping as belong to planta- 
 tions may take freight of passengers or cattle thither, 
 and have their lading provided against they come ? I 
 confess wc have come so far short of the means to 
 raise such returns, as with great difficulty we have pre- 
 
372 THE PROFITS OF THE COLONY. 
 
 CHAP, served our lives ; insomuch as when I look back upon 
 
 XXIV 
 
 -^^^ our condition, and weak means to )3reserve the same, 
 1623. I rather admire at God's mercy and providence in 
 our preservation, than that no greater things have been 
 effected by us. But though our beginning have been 
 thus raw, small and difficult, as thou hast seen, yet the 
 same God that hath hitherto led us through the former, 
 I hope will raise means to accomplish the latter. Not 
 that we altogether, or principally, propound profit to 
 be the main end of that we have undertaken, but 
 the glory of God, and the honor of our country, in 
 the enlarging of his Majesty's dominions. Yet want- 
 ino; outward means to set thino;s in that forward- 
 ness we desire, and to further the latter by the former, 
 I thought meet to offer both to consideration, hoping 
 that where religion and profit jump together (which is 
 rare) in so honorable an action, it will encourage every 
 honest nmn, either in person or purse, to set forward 
 the same, or at leastwise to commend the welfare 
 thereof in his daily prayers to the blessing of the 
 blessed God. 
 
 I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, 
 store of venison, and variety of fish, in their seasons, 
 which might encourage many to go in their persons. 
 Only I advise all such beforehand to consider, that as 
 they hear of countries that abound with the good crea- 
 tures of God, so means must be used for the taking of 
 every one in his kind, and therefore not only to con- 
 tent themselves that there is sufficient, but to foresee 
 how they shall be able to obtain the same. Otherwise, 
 as he that walketh London streets, though he be in the 
 midst of plenty, yet if he want means, is not the better, 
 but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of 
 
CAUTIONS TO EMIGRANTS. 373 
 
 that he wanteth, and cannot enjoy it, so also there, if chap. 
 
 XXIV 
 
 thou want art and other necessaries thereunto belong- >^v^- 
 ing, thou niayest see that thou wantest and thy heart 1623. 
 desireth, and jet be never the better for the same. 
 Therefore if thou see thine own insufficiency of thy- 
 self, then join to some others, where thou mayest in 
 some measure enjoy the same ; otherwise, assure thy- 
 self thou art better where thou art. Some there be 
 that thinking altogether of their present wants they 
 enjoy here, and not dreaming of any there, throu2;h 
 indiscretion plunge themselves into a deeper sea of 
 misery. As for example, it may be here, rent and 
 firing are so chargeable, as without great difficulty 
 a man cannot accomplish the same ; never consider- 
 ing, that as he shall have no rent to pay, so he must 
 build his house before he have it, and peradventure 
 may with more ease pay for his fuel here, than cut 
 and fetch it home, if he have not cattle to draw it 
 there ; though there is no scarcity, but rather too great 
 plenty. 
 
 I write not these things to dissuade any that shall 
 seriously, upon due examination, set themselves to fur- 
 ther the glory of God, and the honor of our country, 
 in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to discourage 
 such as with too great lightness undertake such cour- 
 ses ; who peradventure strain themselves and their 
 friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner 
 there, than seeing their foolish imagination made void, 
 are at their wits' end, and would give ten times so 
 much for their return, if they could procure it ; and out 
 of such discontented passions and humors, spare not to 
 lay that imputation upon the country, and others, which 
 themselves deserve. 
 
374 UNREASONABLE EXPECTATIONS. 
 
 CHAP. As, for example, I have heard some complain of 
 
 XXIV 
 
 ■ — ^-^ others for their large reports of New England, and jet 
 162 3. because thej must drink water and want many deli- 
 cates thej here enjoyed, could presently return with 
 their mouths full of clamors. And can any be so sim- 
 ple as to conceive that the fountains should stream 
 forth wine or beer, or the woods and rivers be like 
 butchers' shops, or fishmongers' stalls, where they 
 might have thing's taken to their hands ? If thou canst 
 not live without such things, and hast no means to 
 procure the one, and wilt not take pains for the other, 
 nor hast ability to employ others for thee, rest where 
 thou art ; for as a proud heart, a dainty tooth, a beg- 
 gar's purse, and an idle hand, be here intolerable, so 
 that person that hath these qualities there, is much 
 more abominable. If therefore God hath given thee a 
 heart to undertake such courses, upon such grounds as 
 bear thee out in all difficulties, viz. his glory as a prin- 
 cipal, and all other outward good things but as acces- 
 saries, which peradventure thou shalt enjoy, and it 
 may be not, then thou wilt with true comfort and 
 thankfulness receive the least of his mercies; whereas 
 on the contrary, men deprive themselves of much hap- 
 piness, being senseless of greater blessings, and through 
 prejudice smother up the love and bounty of God ; 
 whose name be ever glorified in us, and by us, now 
 and evermore. Amen. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
A POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 If any man desire a more ample relation of the state 
 of this country, before such time as this present Rela- 
 tion taketh place, I refer them to the two former 
 printed books ; the one published by the President 
 and Council for New England, and the other gathered 
 by the inhabitants of this present Plantation atPlymouth 
 in New England : both which books are to be sold by 
 John Bellamy, at his shop at the Three Golden Lions 
 in Cornhill, near the Royal Exchange.^ 
 
 1 The former of the works here is included in the present volume, 
 referred to is reprinted in the Mass. pp. 109 — 250. See note ^ on page 
 Hist. Coll. xix. 1—25; the latter 115. 
 
»l 
 
WINSLOW'S BRIEF NARRATION. 
 
 48 
 
Hypocrisie Unmasked : By a true Relation of the Proceedings of 
 the Governour and Company of the Massachusets against Samuel 
 Gorton, (and his Accomplices,) a notoi'ious disturber of the 
 Peace and quiet of the severall Governments wherein he lived : 
 With the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by 
 their Generall Court holden at Boston in New England, in 
 November last, 1646. 
 
 Together with a particular Answer to the manifold slanders, and 
 abominable falsehoods which are contained in a Book written by 
 the said Gorton, and entituled Simplicities Defence against Seven- 
 headed Policy, &c. Discovering to the view of all whose eyes 
 are open, his manifold Blasphemies ; as also the dangerous 
 agreement which he and his Accomplices made with ambitious 
 and treacherous Indians, who at the same time were deeply 
 engaged in a desperate Conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the 
 English in the other Plantations. 
 
 Whereunto is added a Briefe Narration (occasioned by certain 
 aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first Planting of 
 New England ; the Precedent of their Churches in the way and 
 worship of God ; their Communion with the Reformed Churches ; 
 and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters 
 of Religion and Church Government. By Edward Winslow. 
 Psalm cxx. 3, 4. ' What shall be given unto thee, or what shall 
 be done unto thee, thou false tongue ? Sharp arrows of the 
 mighty, with coals of juniper.' Published by Authority. 
 
 London. Printed by Rich. Cotes for John BeUatny, at the Three 
 Golden Lions in Cornhill, neare the Royall Exchange. 1646." 
 sm. 4to, pp. 103. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 OF THE TRUE GROUNDS OR CAUSE OF THE FIRST PLANTING 
 OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 And now that I have finished what I conceive chap. 
 
 XXV 
 
 necessary concerning Mr. Gorton's scandalous and .^^^ 
 slanderous books/ let me briefly answer some objec- 
 tions that I often meet withal against the country of 
 New England. 
 
 The first that I meet with is concerning the rise and 
 foundation of our New England Plantations ; it being 
 alleged (though upon a great mistake by a late writer)^ 
 
 ' Winslow was sent to England 
 in 1646 as the agent of Massachu- 
 setts, to defend that colony against 
 the complaints of Gorlon ; and for 
 that purpose published the work, the 
 title of which is given on the last 
 page, and of which this Brief Narra- 
 tion constituted an Appendix. No 
 copy of it is known to exist in this 
 country, although it was in the 
 possession both of Prince and Mor- 
 ton; and I have endeavoured in 
 vain to procure it from England. 
 The portion of the volume which I 
 print was copied for tne from one 
 in the British Museum. It is very 
 desirable that the whole hook should 
 be reprinted here, as Gorton's work, 
 to which it is an answer, has been 
 receatly embodied in the Collections 
 
 of the R. I. Historical Society, and 
 the merits of the case cannot be well 
 understood without reading both 
 sides. Full information about Gor- 
 ton will be found in Savage's Win- 
 throp, ii. 57, 295—299; Hutchin- 
 son's Mass. i. 117—124, 549; Mor- 
 ton's Memorial, pp. 202—206; 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 48—51; 
 Calender's Historical Discourse, 
 in R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 89-92, and 
 ii. 9—20. 
 
 * This was Robert Baylie, minis- 
 ter at Glasgow, who in 1645 pub- 
 lished " A Dissuasive from the 
 Errors of the Time, wherein the 
 tenets of the principal sects, espe- 
 cially of the Independents, are ex- 
 amined." In this work, page 54, 
 he speaks of " a small company at 
 
380 THE PILGRIMS AT LEYDEN. 
 
 CHAP, that division or disagreement in the church of Leyden 
 
 XXV 
 
 — <— was the occasion, nay cause, of the first plantation in 
 New England ; for, saith the author, or to this effect, 
 when they could no longer agree together, the one 
 part went to New England, and began the Plantation 
 at Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, 
 of the rest of the churches ; as if the foundation of our 
 New England plantations had been laid upon division 
 or separation, than which nothing is more untrue.^ For 
 I persuade myself, never people upon earth lived more 
 lovingly together and parted more sweetly than we, the 
 church at Leyden, did ; not rashly, in a distracted 
 humor, but upon joint and serious deliberation, often 
 seeking the mind of God by fasting and prayer; whose 
 gracious presence we not only found with us, but his 
 blessing upon us, from that time to this instant, to the 
 indignation of our adversaries, the admiration of stran- 
 gers, and the exceeding consolation of ourselves, to see 
 such effects of our prayers and tears before our pil- 
 
 Leyden, under Master Kobinson's land, they had contention among 
 ministry, which, partly by divisions themselves, and divided, and be- 
 among themselves, was well near came two congregations." This is 
 brought to nought." John Cotton a misstatement; they had no con- 
 of Boston, who in 1648 wrote his tention among themselves. Gover- 
 work entitled "The Way of Con- nor Bradford says in his Dialogue, 
 gregational Churches cleared from "They lived together in love and 
 the historical aspersions of Mr. peace all their days, without any 
 Robert Baylie," says, p. 14, "• The considerable differences, or any dis- 
 church at Leyden was in peace, turbance that grew thereby, but 
 and free from any division, when such as was easily healed in love; 
 they took up thoughts of transport- and so they continued until with 
 ing themselves into America with mutual consent they removed into 
 common consent. Themselves do New England." They left Am- 
 declare it, that the proposition of sterdam for Leyden, as appears 
 removal was set on foot and prose- from page 34, in order to avoid 
 cuted by the elders upon just and being drawn into the controversy 
 weighty grounds." that was then springing up be- 
 ' Hutchinson, too, in his Hist, of tween Smith's company and John- 
 Mass, ii. 451, says, " During eleven son's church, 
 or twelve years' residence in Hoi- 
 
THEIR REASONS FOR EMIGRATING. 381 
 
 p-rimage here be ended. And therefore briefly take chap. 
 
 XXV 
 
 notice of the true cause of it. .— v-*l. 
 
 'Tis true that that poor persecuted flock of Christ, ^^0 8 
 by the malice and power of the late hierarchy, were 
 driven to Leyden in Holland, there to bear witness in 
 their practice to the kingly office of Christ Jesus in 
 his church ; and there lived together ten years under *° 
 the United States, with much peace and liberty. But 
 our reverend pastor, Mr. John Robinson, of late memo- 
 ry, and our grave elder, Mr. William Brewster, (now 
 at rest with the Lord,) considering, amongst many 
 other inconveniences, how hard the country was where 
 we lived, how many spent their estate in it and were 
 forced to return for England, how grievous to live 
 from under the protection of the State of England, how 
 like we were to lose our language and our name of 
 English, how little good we did or were like to do 
 to the Dutch in reforming the sabbath,^ how unable 
 there to give such education to our children as we our- 
 selves had received, &:c., they, I say, out of their 
 Christian care of the flock of Christ committed to 
 them, conceived, if God would be pleased to discover le 17. 
 some place unto us, (though in America,) and give us 
 so much favor with the King and State of England as 
 to have their protection there, where we might enjoy 
 the like liberty, and where, the Lord favoring our en- 
 deavours by his blessing, we might exemplarily show 
 our tender countrymen by our example, no less bur- 
 dened than ourselves, where they might live and com- 
 fortably subsist, and enjoy the like liberties with us, 
 being freed from antichristian bondage, keep their 
 
 1 See note ' on page 47. 
 
382 THEIR APPLICATION TO KING JAMES. 
 
 CHAP, names and nation, and not only be a means to enlarsre 
 
 XXV. 
 
 ■^-^^ the dominions of our State, but the Church of Christ 
 
 1617. also, if the Lord have a people amongst the natives 
 whither he should bring us, &c. — hereby, in their 
 great wisdoms, they thought we might more glorify 
 God, do more good to our country, better provide for 
 our posterity, and live to be more refreshed by our 
 labors, than ever we could do in Holland, where we 
 were.^ 
 
 Now these their private thoughts, upon mature de- 
 liberation, they imparted to the brethren of the congre- 
 gation, which after much private discussion came to 
 public agitation, till at the length the Lord was 
 solemnly sought in the congregation by fasting and 
 prayer to direct us ; who moving our hearts more and 
 
 1618. more to the work, we sent some of good abilities over 
 into England to see what favor or acceptance such a 
 thing might find with the King. These also found 
 God going along with them, and got Sir Edwin Sands, 
 a religious gentleman then living, to stir in it, who 
 procured Sir Robert Naunton, then principal Secretary 
 of State to King James, of famous memory, to move 
 his Majesty by a private motion to give way to such a 
 people (who could not so comfortably live under the 
 government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of 
 conscience under his gracious protection in America, 
 Avhere they would endeavour the advancement of his 
 Majesty's dominions and the enlargement of the Gospel 
 by all due means. This his Majesty said was a good 
 and honest motion, and asking what profits might arise 
 
 ' Compare this with Bradford's ses of their removal, in Chapter 
 statement of the reasons and cau- IV. pp. 44 — 48 
 
THEY CONCLUDE TO PART THE CHURCH. 383 
 
 in the part we intended, (for our eye was upon the chap. 
 
 most northern parts of Virginia,)^ 'twas answered, ^^ ^ 
 
 Fishing. To which he replied with his ordinary 1618. 
 
 asseveration, " So God have my soul, 'tis an honest 
 
 trade ; 't was the Apostles' own calling," he. But 
 
 afterwards he told Sir Robert Naunton (who took all 
 
 occasions to further it) that we should confer with the 
 
 bishops of Canterbury and London,^ &c. Whereupon 
 
 we were advised to persist upon his first approbation, 
 
 and not to entangle ourselves with them ; which caused 
 
 our agents to repair to the Virginia Company, who in 1619. 
 
 ^ ... Feb. 
 
 their court^ demanded our ends of going ; which being 
 
 related, they said the thing was of God, and granted a 
 large patent, and one of them lent us £300 gratis for 
 three years, which was repaid. 
 
 Our agents returning, we further sought the Lord 162 0. 
 by a public and solemn Fast, for his gracious guidance. 
 And hereupon we came to this resolution, that it was 
 best for one part of the church to go at first, and the 
 other to stay, viz. the youngest and strongest part to 
 go. Secondly, they that went should freely offer 
 themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the 
 pastor to go with them ; if not, the elder only. 
 Fourthly, if the Lord should frown upon our proceed- 
 ings, then those that went to return, and the brethren 
 that remained still there, to assist and be helpful to 
 them ; but if God should be pleased to favor them 
 that went, then they also should endeavour to help 
 over such as were poor and ancient and willing to 
 come. 
 
 * See note ^ on page 54. note '^ on page 56, and Fuller's 
 
 ' Abbot was at this time arch- Church History, iii. 293, and 
 
 bishop of Canterbury, and John Wood's Athen. Oxon. i. 457. 
 
 King was bishop of London. See " See note ^ on page 67. 
 
384 THE EMBARKATION AT DELFT-HAVEN. 
 
 CHAP. These things being agreed, the major part stayed, 
 -^v^ and the pastor with them, for the present ; but all 
 162 0. intended (except a very few, who had rather we would 
 have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, with 
 Mr. Brewster, their elder, resolved to enter upon this 
 great work, (but take notice the difference of number 
 was not great.) And when the ship was ready to carry 
 us away, the brethren that stayed having again solemnly 
 sought the Lord with us and for us, and we further 
 engaging ourselves mutually as before, they, I say, 
 that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to go, at 
 our pastor's house, being large ; where we refreshed 
 ourselves, after tears, with singing of psalms, making 
 joyful melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, 
 there being many of the congregation very expert in 
 music ; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that 
 July ever mine ears heard. After this they accompanied 
 ^^' us to Delph's Haven, where we were to embark, and 
 there feasted us again ; and after prayer performed by 
 our pastor, where a flood of tears was poured out, they 
 accompanied us to the ship, but were not able to 
 speak one to another for the abundance of sorrow to 
 part. But we only going aboard, (the ship lying to 
 the quay and ready to set sail, the wind being fair,) we 
 gave them a volley of small shot and three pieces of 
 ordnance, and so lifting up our hands to each other, 
 July and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, 
 
 22. 
 
 we departed, and found his presence with us in the 
 midst of our manifold straits he carried us through. 
 And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I hear, 
 at Delph's Haven preserve the memory of it to this 
 j^Q^ day, and will inform them. 
 9- But falling in with Cape Cod, which is in New 
 
THE SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOUTH. 385 
 
 En2:land, and standing to the southward for the place chap. 
 
 . . XXV. 
 
 we intended/ we met with many dangers, and the -^v^ 
 mariners put back into the harbour of the Cape, which 1620. 
 
 ' * . . Nov. 
 
 was the 11th of November, 1620; where considering ii. 
 winter was come, the seas dangerous, the season cold, 
 the winds high, and being well furnished for a planta- 
 tion, we entered upon discovery and settled at Ply- 
 mouth, where God being pleased to preserve and ena- 
 ble us, we that went were at a thousand pounds charge 
 in sending for our brethren that were iDchind, and in 
 providing there for them till they could reap a crop of 
 their own labors. '<^ ^ '* 
 
 And so, good reader, I have given thee a true and 
 faithful account, though very brief, of our proceedings, 
 wherein thou seest how a late writer,^ and those that 
 informed him, have WTonged our enterprise. And 
 truly what I have written is far short of what it was, 
 omitting for brevity sake many circumstances ; as the 
 large offers the Dutch offered to us, either to have 
 removed into Zealand and there lived with them, or, if 
 we would go on such adventures, to go under them to 
 Hudson's river, (where they have since a great planta- 
 tion, &c.) and how they would freely have transported 
 us, and furnished every family with cattle, &c.^ Also 
 the English merchants that Joined with us in this 
 expedition, whom we since bought out ;'^ which is fitter 
 for a history than an answer to such an objection, and 
 I trust will be accomplished in good time. By all 
 which the reader may see there was no breach be- 
 tween us that went and the brethren that stayed, but 
 such love as indeed is seldom found on earth. 
 
 ' See note ' on page 102. ' See page 42. 
 
 * Baylie. See note * on page 379. '' See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 47. 
 
 49 
 
386 SUCCEEDING COLONIES CONSULT PLYMOUTH. 
 
 And for the many plantations that came over to us 
 upon notice of God's blessing upon us, whereas 'tis 
 falsely said they took Plymouth for their precedent, as 
 fast as they came ;^ 'tis true, I confess, that some of 
 the chief of them advised with us, (coming over to be 
 freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed 
 in England) how they should do to fall upon a right 
 platform of worship, and desired to that end, since 
 God had honored us to lay the foundation of a Com- 
 monwealth, and to settle a Church in it, to show them 
 whereupon our practice was grounded ; and if they 
 found, upon due search, it was built upon the Word, 
 they should be willing to take up what was of God. 
 We accordingly showed them the primitive practice 
 for our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, 
 and the Epistles written to the several churches by 
 the said Apostles, together with the commandments of 
 Christ the Lord in the Gospel, and other our warrants 
 
 ' " The dissuader," says Cotton, love and care in sending Mr. Fuller 
 "is much mistaken when he saith, (the physician) amongst us, and 
 ' The congregation of Plymouth did rejoice much that I am by him 
 incontinently leaven all the vicini- satisfied touching your judgment of 
 ty ;' seeing for many years there the outward form of God's wor- 
 was no vicinity to be leavened, ship. It is, as far as I can yet 
 And Salem itself, that was gather- gather, no other than is warranted 
 ed into church order seven or eight by the evidence of truth, and the 
 years after them, was above forty same which I have professed and 
 miles distant from them. And maintained ever since the Lord in 
 though it be very likely that some mercy revealed himself unto me, 
 of the first comers might help their being far differing from the corn- 
 theory by hearing and discerning mon report that hath been spread 
 their practice at Plymouth, yet of you touching that particular." 
 therein the Scripture is fulfilled, Fuller himself, in a letter dated 
 The kingdom of heaven is like Massachusetts, June 28, 1630, 
 unto leaven, which a woman took writes, "Here is a gentleman, one 
 and hid in three measures of meal, Mr. Coddington, a Boston man, 
 till all was leavened." Way, &c. who told me that Mr. Cotton's 
 p. 16. charge to them at Hampton was, 
 
 Endicott, writing to Governor that they should take advice of 
 
 Bradford from Salem, May 11, them at Plymouth, and should do 
 
 1629, says, " I acknowledge myself nothing to offend them." Mass. 
 
 much bound to you for your kind Hist. Coll. iii. 66, 75. 
 
THE PRIMITIVE CHURCHES THE ONLY PATTERN. 387 
 
 for every particular we did from the book of God. chap. 
 Which being by them well weighed and considered, ^^v^^ 
 they also entered into covenant with God and one 
 another to walk in all his ways, revealed or as they 
 should be made known unto them, and to worship him 
 according to his will revealed in his written word only, 
 &c. So that here also thou mayest see they set not 
 the church at Plymouth before them for example, but 
 the primitive churches were and are their and our 
 mutual patterns and examples, which are only worthy 
 to be followed, having the blessed Apostles amongst 
 them, who were sent immediately by Christ himself, 
 and enabled and guided by the unerring spirit of God. 
 And truly this is a pattern fit to be followed of all that 
 fear God, and no man or men to be followed further 
 than they follow Christ and them. 
 
 Having thus briefly showed that the foundation of 
 our New England plantations was not laid upon schism, 
 division or separation, but upon love, peace and holi- 
 ness ; yea, such love and mutual care of the church 
 of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel, the wel- 
 fare of each other and their posterities to succeeding 
 generations, as is seldom found on earth ; and having 
 showed also that the primitive churches are the only 
 pattern which the churches of Christ in New England 
 have in their eye, not following Luther, Calvin, Knox, 
 Ainsvvorth, Robinson, Ames, or any other, further than 
 they follow Christ and his Apostles, I am earnestly 
 requested to clear up another gross mistake which 
 caused many, and still doth, to judge the harder of 
 New England and the churches there, " because (say 
 they) the Church of Plymouth, which went first from 
 
388 ROBINSON'S DOCTRINE OF COMMUNION. 
 
 CHAP. Lejden, were schismatics, Brownists, rigid Separatists, 
 ^--v-w> &c., having Mr. Robinson for their pastor, who made 
 and to the last professed separation from other the 
 churches of Christ, &c. And the rest of the churches 
 in New England, holding communion with that church, 
 are to be reputed such as they are." 
 
 For answer to this aspersion, first, he that knew 
 Mr. Robinson either by his doctrine daily taught, or 
 hath read his Apology, published not long before his 
 death,' or knew the practice of that church of Christ 
 under his government, or was acquainted with the 
 wholesome counsel he gave that part of the church 
 which went for New England at their departure and 
 afterward, might easily resolve the doubt and take off 
 the aspersion. 
 1617 For his doctrine, I living three years ^ under his min- 
 1620. istry, before we began the work of plantation in New 
 England, it was always against separation from any 
 the churches of Christ; professing and holding commu- 
 nion both with the French and Dutch churches,^ yea, 
 tendering it to the Scotch also, as 1 shall make appear 
 more particularly anon ; ever holding forth how wary 
 persons ought to be in separating from a Church, and 
 
 1 la 1619. Robinson died in Again, on page 8, he says, "Touch- 
 
 1625. ing the Reformed Churches, what 
 
 * From 1617 to 1620. Winslow more shall I say ? We account 
 
 was 22 years old when he united them the true churches of Jesus 
 
 himself to Robinson's church at Christ, and both profess and prac- 
 
 Leyden. See note on page 274. tise communion with them in the 
 
 ^ Robinson says in his Apology, holy things of God, what in us lielh. 
 page 6, " We do profess before God Their sermons such of ours fre- 
 and men, that such is our accord, quent, as understand the Dutch 
 in the case of religion, with the tongue; the sacraments we do ad- 
 Dutch Reformed Churches, as that minister to their known members, 
 we are ready to subscribe to all and if by occasion any of them be pre- 
 every article of faith in the same sent with us; their distractions 
 Church, as they are laid down in and other evils we do seriously be- 
 the Harmony of Confessions of wail ; and do desire from the Lord 
 Faith, published in their name." their holy and firm peace." 
 
HIS REGARD FOR THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 389 
 
 that till Christ the Lord departed wholly from it, man chap. 
 ought not to leave it, only to bear witness against the — ^ — 
 corruption that was in it. 
 
 But if any object, he separated from the Church of 
 England and wrote largely against it, but yet let me 
 tell you he allowed hearing the godly ministers preach 
 and pray ^ in the public assemblies ; yea, he allowed 
 private communion ~ not only with them, but all that 
 were faithful in Christ Jesus in the kingdom and else- 
 where upon all occasions ; yea, honored them for the 
 power of godliness, above all other the professors of 
 religion in the world. Nay, I may truly say, his spirit 
 cleaved unto them, being so well acquainted with the 
 integrity of their hearts and care to walk blameless in 
 their lives ; which was no small motive to him to per- 
 suade us to remove from Holland ^ where we might, 
 probably not only continue English, ])ut have and 
 maintain such sweet communion with the godly of 
 that nation as through God's great mercy we enjoy y. 
 
 this day. 
 
 'Tis true, I confess, he was more rigid in his course 
 and way at first than towards his latter end ; ^ for his 
 study was peace and union, so far as might agree with 
 faith and a good conscience ; and for schism and divi- 
 
 ' Cotton says, " This must not any church, but from the world.' " 
 
 be understood of the Common Prince, Annals, p. 174. 
 
 Prayer Book, but of the prayers ^ The words "to some other 
 
 conceived by the preacher before place," seem to be here accidentally 
 
 and after sermon." Way, p. 8. omitted. 
 
 ^ " By private communion I sup- '' Baylie himself acknowledges 
 pose he means in opposition to the that "Master Robinson was the 
 mixed communion in the public most learned, polished, and modest 
 churches ; that is, he allowed all of spirit that ever that sect enjoyed ; " 
 the Church of England who were and adds, "it had been truly a mar- 
 known to be pious to have commu- vel if such a man had gone on to 
 nion in his private church. For as the end a rigid Separatist." Dis- 
 Mr. Cotton, writing of Mr. Robin- suasive, p. 17. 
 son, says, ' He separated not froai 
 
390 HIS DISLIKE OF EPISCOPACY AND THE LITURGY. 
 
 sion, there was nothing in the world more hateful to 
 him. But for the government of the Church of Eng- 
 land, as it was in the Episcopal way, the Liturgy, and 
 Stinted prayers of the Church then, yea, the constitu- 
 tion of it as National, and so consequently the corrupt 
 communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers 
 of the Lord's Supper, these things were never approved 
 of him, but witnessed against to his death, and are by 
 the church over which he was, to this day.' And if 
 the Lord would be pleased to stir up the hearts of 
 those in whom (under him) the power of reformation 
 lies to reform that abuse, that a distinction might once 
 be put between the precious and the vile, particular 
 churches might be gathered by the powerful preaching 
 of the Word, those oi>ly admitted into communion 
 whose hearts the Lord persuades to submit unto the 
 iron rod of the Gospel, O how sweet then would the 
 communion of the churches be ! How thorough the 
 reformation ! How easy would the differences be re- 
 conciled between the Presbyterian and Independent 
 way ! How would the God of peace, who command- 
 
 ' " Our faith is not negative, nor strangers from all show of true piety 
 consists in tlie condemning of and goodness, and fraught never so 
 others, and wiping their names oat full with many most heinous impie- 
 of the bead-roll of churches, but in ties and vices, are without difference 
 the edifying of ourselves ; neither compelled and enforced by most se- 
 require we of any of ours, in the vere laws, civil and ecclesiastical, 
 confession of their faith, that they into the body of that church. And 
 either renounce or in one word of this confused heap (a few, corn- 
 contest with the Church of Eng- pared with the rest, godly persons 
 land — whatsoever the world cla- mingled among.) is that national 
 mors of us in this way. Our faith church, commonly called the church 
 is founded upon the writings of the of England, collected and framed. 
 Prophets and Apostles, in which no Every subject of the kingdom, 
 mention of the Church of England dwelling in this or that parish, is 
 is made." bound, will he, nill he, fit or unfit, 
 
 " No man to whom England is as with iron bonds, to participate 
 
 known can be ignorant that all the in all holy things, and some unholy 
 
 natives there, and subjects of the also, in that same parish church." 
 
 kingdom, although never such Robinson's Apology, pp. 52, 56. 
 
THE PILGRLMS NOT SCHISMATICS. 391 
 
 eth love and good agreement, smile upon this nation ! chap. 
 How would the subtle underminers of it be disappoint- -^v^ 
 ed, and the faithful provoked to sing songs of praise 
 and thanksgiving ! Nay, how would the God of order 
 be glorified in such orderly walking of the saints! And 
 as they have fought together for the liberties of the 
 kingdom, ecclesiastical and civil,' so may they join 
 together in the preservation of them (which otherwise, 
 'tis to be feared, will not long continue) and in the 
 praises of our God, who hath been so good to his poor 
 distressed ones, whom he hath delivered and whom he 
 will deliver out of all their troubles. But I have made 
 too great a digression, and must return. 
 
 In the next place I should speak of Mr. Robinson's 
 Apology, wherein he maketh a brief defence against 
 many adversaries, &:c. But because it is both in Latin 
 and English,^ of small price, and easy to be had, 1 shall 
 forbear to write of it, and only refer the reader to it for 
 the difibrence between his congregation and other the 
 Reformed Churches. 
 
 The next thing I would have the reader take notice 
 of is, that however the church of Leyden differed in 
 some particulars, yet made no schism or separation 
 from the Reformed Churches, but held communion 
 with them occasionally. For we ever placed a large 
 difference between those that grounded their practice 
 upon the word of God, (though differing from us in the 
 exposition or understanding of it) and those that hated 
 such Reformers and Reformation, and went on in anti- 
 christian opposition to it and persecution of it, as the 
 
 ' This was written and published '' See the title of this work, note ' 
 in England in the time of the civil on page 40. 
 wars in the reiga of Charles I. 
 
392 COMMUNION WITH THE DUTCH CHURCHES. 
 
 CHAP, late Lord Bishops did, who would not in deed and 
 
 XXV. ^ 
 
 •^^--^ truth (whatever their pretences were) that Christ 
 should rule over them. But as they often stretched 
 out their hands against the saints, so God hath wither- 
 ed the arm of their power, thrown them down from 
 their high and lofty seats, and slain the chief of their 
 persons, as well as the hierarchy, that he might be- 
 come an example to all those that rise against God in 
 his sabbath, in the preaching of his word, in his saints, 
 in the purity of his ordinances. And I heartily desire 
 that others may hear and fear withal. 
 
 As for the Dutch, it was usual for our members that 
 understood the language and lived in or occasionally 
 came over to Leyden, to communicate with them, as 
 one John Jenny, ^ a brewer, long did, his wife and 
 family, &c. and without any offence to the church. 
 So also for any that had occasion to travel into any 
 other part of the Netherlands, they daily did the like. 
 And our pastor, Mr. Robinson, in the time when Ar- 
 minianism prevailed so much, at the request of the 
 most orthodox divines, as Polyander, Festus Hommius, 
 
 1613. &c. disputed daily against Episcopius (in the Academy 
 at Leyden) and others, the grand champions of that 
 error, and had as good respect amongst them as any of 
 their own divines.^ Insomuch as when God took him 
 away from them and us by death, the University and 
 ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave 
 with all their accustomed solemnities, bewailing the 
 great loss that not only that particular church had, 
 whereof he was pastor, but some of the chief of them 
 
 ^ He was one of the passengers " See pages 40 — 42. 
 in the Ann. See note on page 352. 
 
COMMUNION WITH THE FIIEXCII CHURCHES. 393 
 
 sadly affirmed that all the churches of Christ sustained chap. 
 
 XXV 
 
 a loss by the death of that worthy instrument of the -^^-^ 
 Gospel.' 1 could instance also divers of their members 
 that understood the English tongue, and betook them- 
 selves to the communion of our church, went with us 
 to New England, as Godbcrt Codbertson,^ &c. Yea, 
 at this very instant, another, called Moses Symonson,^ 
 because a child of one that was in communion with 
 the Dutch church at Leyden, is admitted into church 
 fellowship at Plymouth in New England, and his child- 
 ren also to baptism, as well as our own, and other 
 Dutch also in communion at Salem, &c. 
 
 And for the French churches, that we held and do 
 hold communion with them, take notice of our practice 
 at Leyden, viz. that one Samuel Terry was received 
 from the French church there into communion with us. 
 Also the wife of Francis Cooke,'* being a Walloon, holds 
 comnmnion with the church at Plymouth, as she came 
 from the French, to this day, by virtue of communion 
 
 ' " Contrary to Mr. Baylie's sug- Mrs. Adams, the wife of Presi- 
 
 geslion. Gov. Bradford and Gov. dent John Adams, in a letter writ- 
 
 Winslow tell us that Mr. Robin- ten Sept. 12, 1786, says, "I would 
 
 son and his people always lived in not omit to mention thai I visited 
 
 great love and harmony among the church at Leyden, in which our 
 
 themselves, as also with the Dutch, forefathers Avorshipped, when they 
 
 with whom they sojourned. And fled from hierarchical tyranny and 
 
 when I was at Leyden in 1714, the persecution. I felt a respect and 
 
 most ancient people from their pa- veneration upon entering tlie doors, 
 
 rents told me, that the city had like what the ancients paid to their 
 
 such a value for them, as to let Druids." 
 
 them have one of their churches, * This name is also spelt Cud- 
 
 in the chancel whereof he ties bu- bart Cudbartson and Cuthbert 
 
 ried, which the English still enjoy ; Cuthbertson. He came in the 
 
 and that as he was had in high es- Ann. See note on page .352. 
 
 teem both by the city and univer- ^ Symonson came in the For- 
 
 sity, for his learning, pieiy, moder- tune. The name has become 
 
 ation, and excellent accomplish- changed into Simmons. See 
 
 ments, the magistrates, ministers, note * on page 2o5. 
 
 scholars, and most of the centry '' Francis Cooke came in the 
 
 mourned his death as a public loss, Mayflower, and his wife Hester 
 
 and followed him to the grave." and children in the Ann. See 
 
 Prince, p. 238. note ' on page 39. 
 
 50 
 
394 
 
 THE FRENCH AND DUTCH CHURCHES. 
 
 CHAP, of churches. There is also one Philip Delanoj,' born 
 -"-v^- of French j^arents, came to us from Leyden to New 
 Plymouth, who coming to age of discerning, demanded 
 also communion with us ; and proving himself to be 
 come of such parents as were in full communion with 
 the French churches, was hereupon admitted by the 
 church of Plymouth ; and after, upon his removal of 
 habitation to Duxburrow,^ where Mr. Ralph Partridge ^ 
 is pastor of the church, and upon letters of recommen- 
 dation from the church at Plymouth he was also ad- 
 mitted into fellowship with the church at Duxburrow, 
 being six miles distant from Plymouth ; and so, I dare 
 say, if his occasions lead him, may from church to 
 church throughout New England. For the truth is, 
 the Dutch and French churches, either of them being 
 
 ' De la Noye came in the For- 
 tune. This name has become cor- 
 rupted into Delano. 
 
 " The church in Duxbury was 
 formed in 1652. " Those iliat lived 
 on their lots on tiie other side of the 
 bay, (called Duxburrow,) could no 
 longer bring their wives and child- 
 ren to the public worship and 
 church meetings here (at Ply- 
 mouth,) but with such burthen, as 
 growing to some competent num- 
 ber, they sued to be dismissed and 
 become a body of themselves; and 
 so they were dismissed about this 
 time, (though very unwillingly,) 
 and some time after being united 
 into one entire body, they procured 
 Reverend Mr. Pi.alph Paririch to be 
 their pastor." MS. Records Plym. 
 Ch. p. 36. " So that Duxbury 
 seems to be the second town and 
 church in Plymouth Colony, and 
 the next town settled after New- 
 ton, that is, Cambridge, in New 
 England." Prince, p. 411. See 
 note on page 126. 
 
 ^ Ralph Partridge, "a gracious 
 man of great abilities," arrived at 
 
 Boston in 1636. He had been a 
 clergyman of the church of Eng- 
 land, but "being hunted, by the 
 ecclesiastical setters, like a par- 
 tridge on the mountains, he had no 
 defence, neither of beak nor claw, 
 but a flight over the ocean." He 
 was a member of the Cambridge 
 Synod, in 1647, and was associated 
 with John Cotton and Increase 
 Mather, in drawing up the Plat- 
 form of church government and 
 discipline. He continued in the 
 ministry at Duxbury till his death 
 in 1658. Cotton Mather, after 
 j)laying upon his name through a 
 whole page, concludes his Life of 
 him thus; "Mr. Partridge was, 
 notwithstanding the paucity and 
 poverty of his congregation, so 
 afraid of being any thing that look- 
 ed like a bird wandering from his 
 nest, that he remained with his 
 poor people, till he took wing to 
 become a bird of paradise, along 
 with the winged seraphim of hea- 
 ven. Epitaphium — Avolavit ! " 
 See Morton's Memorial, p. 276 ; 
 Mather's Magnalia, i. 365. 
 
COMMUNION WITH THE SCOTCH. 395 
 
 a people distinct from the world, and gathered into a chap. 
 
 . XXV 
 
 holy communion, and not national cliurchcs, — nay so -^ '- 
 
 far from it as I verily believe the sixth person is not of 
 the church, — the difference is so small (if moderately 
 pondered between them and us) as we dare not for the 
 world deny communion with thcmi. 
 
 And for the Chmch of Scotland, however we have 
 had least occasion offered to hold communion with 
 them, yet thus much I can and do affirm, that a godly 
 divine coming over to Leyden in Holland, where a 
 book was printed anno 1619, as I take it, showinji the 
 nullity of Perth Assembly,' whom we judged to be the 
 author of it, and hidden in Holland for a season to 
 avoid the rage of those evil times, (whose name I have 
 forgotten,) this man being very conversant with our 
 pastor, Mr. Robinson, and using to come to hear him 
 on the sabbath, after sermon ended, the church being 1619. 
 to partake in the Lord's Su|)per, this minister stood 
 up and desired he might, without offence, stay and see 
 the manner of his administration and our participation 
 in that ordinance. To whom our pastor answered in 
 these very words, or to this effect, " Reverend Sir, you 
 may not only stay to behold us, but partake with us, if 
 you please ; for we acknowledge the churches of Scot- 
 land to be the churches of Christ," &:c. The minister 
 also replied to this purpose, if not also in the same 
 words, " that for his part he could comfortably partake 
 with the church, and willingly would, but that it is 
 
 ' Sir Dudley Carleton, in a letter fairs of the church. It is without 
 
 to Secretary Naunton, dated at the name either of author or printer; 
 
 Hague, July 17,1619, writes, "I hut I am informed it is primed hy 
 
 have seen, within these two days, a certain English Brownist of i>,ey- 
 
 acertnin Scottish hook, called P«7/i den, as are most of the Puritan 
 
 ^.wr/TiWy, written with much scorn hooks sent over of late days into 
 
 and reproach of the proceeding in England." Letters, p. 379. See 
 
 that kingdom concerning the af- note ' on page 42. 
 
396 ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE. 
 
 CHAP, possible some of his brethren of Scotland might take 
 
 XXV. 
 
 — ^'^ offence at his act ; which he desired to avoid in regard 
 1619. of the opinion the English churches, which they 
 held communion withal, had of us." However, he 
 rendered thanks to Mr. Robinson, and desired in that 
 respect to be only a spectator of us.^ These things I 
 was earnestly requested to publish to the world by 
 some of the godly Presbyterian party, who apprehend 
 the world to be ignorant of our proceedings, conceiving 
 in charity that if they had been known, some late wri- 
 ters and preachers would never have written and spoke 
 of us as they did, and still do as they have occasion. 
 But what they ignorantly judge, write, or speak of us, 
 I trust the Lord in mercy will pass by. 
 
 In the next place, for the wholesome counsel Mr. 
 Robinson gave that part of the church whereof he was 
 1C20. pastor at their departure from him to begin the great 
 work of plantation in New England, — amongst other 
 wholesome instructions and exhortations he used these 
 expressions, or to the same purpose : 
 
 " We are now ere long to part asunder, and the 
 Lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our 
 faces again. But whether the Lord had appointed it 
 or not, he charged us before God and his blessed an- 
 gels, to follow him no further than he followed Christ ; 
 and if God should reveal any thing to us by any other 
 instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever 
 we were to receive any truth by his ministry ; for he 
 was very confident the Lord had more truth and light 
 
 * Cotton, in his Way of Congre- John Tarbes,) he offered him com- 
 
 galional Churches Cleared, page 8, munion at the Lord's table; though 
 
 says, "I have been given to under- the other, for fear of offence to the 
 
 stand, that when a reverend and Scottish churches at home, excused 
 
 godly Scottish minister came that himself." 
 way, (it seemeth to have been Mr. 
 
ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE. 397 
 
 yet to break forth out of his holy word. He took oc- chap. 
 
 . . . . XXV 
 
 casioii also miserably to bewail the state and condition ^^-^-^ 
 of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period l 62 0. 
 in religion, and would go no further than the instru- 
 ments of their Reformation. As, for example, the 
 Lutherans, they could not be drawn to go beyond 
 what Luther saw ; for whatever part of God's will he 
 had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will 
 rather die than embrace it. And so also, saith he, you 
 see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them ; a 
 misery much to be lamented ; for though they were 
 precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not 
 revealed his whole will to them ; and were they now 
 jiving, saith he, they w^ould be as ready and willing 
 to embrace further light, as that they had received. 
 Here also he put us in mind of our church covenant,^ 
 at least that part of it whereby w^e promise and cove- 
 nant with God and one with another, to receive what- 
 soever light or truth shall be made known to us from 
 his written word ; but withal exhorted us to take heed 
 what we received for truth, and well to examine and 
 compare it and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth 
 before we received it. For, saith he, it is not possible 
 the Christian world should come so lately out of such 
 thick antichristian darkness, and that full perfection of 
 knowledge should break forth at once. 
 
 "Another thing he commended to us, was that we 
 should use all means to avoid and shake off the name 
 of Brownist,^ being a mere nickname and brand to 
 
 ' See on page 21, the terms of the * In his book on Relisious Corn- 
 covenant here alluded fo, by which munion, printed in 1014, Robinson 
 they asree " to walk in all the ways says, p. 45, " He miscalls us Brown- 
 of tlie Lord, made known or to be ists ;" and on the title paij;e of his 
 made known unto thera." Apology he speaks of " certain 
 
398 
 
 ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE. 
 
 CHAP, make religion odious and the professors of it to the 
 
 XXV. . . 
 
 — v^^ Christian world. And to that end, said he, I should 
 1620, be glad if some godly minister would go over with you 
 before my coming ; ' for, said he, there will be no dif- 
 ference between the unconformable ^ ministers and 
 jou, when they come to the practice of the ordinances 
 out of the kingdom.^ And so advised us by all means 
 
 Christians, contumeliously called 
 Brownists." See this matter set 
 right by Dr. Holmes, in his Annals, 
 i. 572. Some account of Brown will 
 be given hereafter. 
 
 ' They had engaged a minister 
 to go with them. See page 85. 
 
 * That is, the nonconforming 
 clergy, who had not separated from 
 the church. 
 
 ^ This prediction was remarlca- 
 bly fulfilled in the case of the Mas- 
 sachusetts colonists. Higginson, 
 in 1629, in taking his last look of 
 his native land from the stern of 
 his ship, exclaimed, " We will not 
 say as the Separatists were wont 
 to say at their leaving of Eng- 
 land, Farewell, Babylon ! Farewell, 
 Rome ! But we will say, Fare- 
 well, dear England! Farewell, the 
 Church of God in England, and all 
 the Christian friends there! We 
 do not go to New England as se- 
 paratists from the Church of Eng- 
 land." Gov. Winthrop, too, and 
 his company, on their departure in 
 1630, in their address " to the rest of 
 their brethren in and of the Church 
 of England," say, " We desire you 
 would be pleased to take notice of 
 the principals and body of our com- 
 pany, as those who esteem it our 
 honor to call the Church of Eng- 
 land, from whence we rise, our 
 dear mother, and cannot part from 
 our native country, where she 
 specially resideth, without much 
 sadness of heart, and many tears 
 in our eyes, ever acknowledging 
 that such hope and part as we have 
 obtained in the common salvation, 
 we have received in her bosom and 
 sucked it from her breasts. We 
 
 leave it not therefore as loathing 
 that milk wherewith we were nou- 
 rished there, but blessing God for 
 the parentage and education, as 
 members of the same body, shall 
 always rejoice in her good, and 
 unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow 
 that shall ever betide her, and while 
 we have breath, sincerely desire 
 and endeavour the continuance and 
 abundance of her welfiire, with the 
 enlargement of her bounds in the 
 kingdom of Christ Jesus; wishing 
 our heads and hearts werefountains 
 of tears for your everlasting wel- 
 fare, when we shall be in our poor 
 cottages in the wilderness, over- 
 shadowed with the spirit of suppli- 
 cation." 
 
 These professions Avere undoubt- 
 edly heartfelt and sincere. And 
 yet no sooner were these Noncon- 
 formists in a place where they could 
 act for themselves, than they pur- 
 sued precisely the course taken by 
 the Separatists, adopted their form 
 of ecclesiastical discipline and gov- 
 ernment, and set up Independent 
 churches. Higginson, though a 
 presbyter of the Church of Eng- 
 land, was ordained over again by 
 the members of his own congrega- 
 tion at Salem. Phillips, after- 
 wards the minister of Watertown, 
 who signed the above address with 
 Winthrop, declared soon after his 
 arrival, that if his companions 
 would "have him stand minister 
 by that calling which he received 
 from the prelates in England, he 
 would leave them." And when 
 Mr. Cotton came over in 1633, " by 
 his preaching and practice he did 
 by degrees mould all their church 
 
THE PILGRIMS NOT EXCLUSIONISTS. 399 
 
 to endeavour to close with the godly party of the king- chap. 
 
 dom of England, and rather to study union than divi '- 
 
 sion, viz. how near we might possibly without sin 1620. 
 close with them, than in the least measure to affect 
 division or separation from them. And be not loath 
 to take another pastor or teacher, saith he ; for that 
 flock that hath two shepherds is not endangered but 
 secured by it." ' 
 
 Many other things there were of great and weighty 
 consequence which he commended to us. But these 
 things I thought good to relate, at the request of some 
 well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the 
 godly, (so distracted at present about the settling of 
 church govermnent in the kingdom of England,) that 
 so both sides may truly see what this poor despised 
 church of Christ, now at New Plymouth in New Eng- 
 land, but formerly at Leyden in Holland, was and is ; 
 how far they were and still are from separation from 
 the churches of Christ, especially those that are Re- 
 formed. 
 
 'Tis true we profess and desire to practise a separation 
 
 administrations into the very same writers, such as Mather, Prince 
 
 form which Mr. Phillips labored to and Neal, have copied it from 
 
 introduce into the churches before;" Winslow. 
 
 so that after a while there was no "Words," says Prince, speak- 
 
 perceptible difference between the ing of this exhortation, "almost 
 
 Puritans of Massachusetts and the astonishing in that age of low and 
 
 Separatists of Plymouth. See Ma- universal bigotry which then pre- j^ 
 
 ther's Magnalia, i. /32S ; Hutchin- vailed in the English nation ; 
 
 son's Mass. i. 487; Morton's Me- wherein this truly great and learned 
 
 morial, p. 146; Mass. Hist. Coll. man seems to be the only divine 
 
 iii. 74, XV. 186. who was capable of rising into a 
 
 ' We have here this celebrated noble freedom of thinking and prac- 
 
 farewell discourse of Robinson in tising in religious matters, and even 
 
 its original form. Winslow Avas of urging such an equal liberty on 
 
 present and heard it, and either his own people. He labors to take 
 
 took it down from memory or from them cff from their attachment to 
 
 the notes of his pastor. It appear- him, that they might be more en- 
 
 ed in print for the first time in 1616, tirely free to search and follow the 
 
 in this work, and all succeeding Scriptures." Annals, p. 176. 
 
X 
 
 400 ROBINSON NOT A RIGID SEPARATIST. 
 
 CHAP, from the world, and the works of the world, which are 
 
 XXV 
 
 v-^^^l. works of the flesh, such as the Apostle speaketh of And 
 Epjies. as the churches of Christ are all saints bj calling, so we 
 \^u^f.^' desire to see the grace of God shining forth (at least 
 
 vi. 
 
 9,-ii- seemingly, leaving secret things to God) in all we admit 
 "•^^'^'•into church fellowship with us, and to keep off" such as 
 openly wallow in the mire of their sins, that neither the 
 holy things of God nor the communion of the saints may 
 be leavened or polluted thereby. And if any joining to 
 us formerly, either when we lived at Leyden in Hol- 
 land or since we came to New England, have with the 
 manifestation of their faith and profession of holiness 
 held forth therewith separation from the Church of 
 England, I have divers times, both in the one place and 
 the other, heard either Mr. Robinson, our pastor, or 
 Mr. Brewster, our elder, stop them forthwith, showing 
 them that we required no such things at their hands,* 
 but only to hold forth faith in Christ Jesus, holiness in 
 the fear of God, and submission to every ordinance and 
 appointment of God, leaving the Church of England 
 to themselves and to the Lord, before whom they 
 should stand or fall, and to whom we ought to })ray to 
 reform what was amiss amongst them.^ Now this re- 
 
 ' Cotton too says, " When some of England ; penned by that learned 
 Englishmen that offered themselves and reverend divine, Mr. John Ro- 
 to become members of his church, binson, late pastor to the English 
 would sometimes in their confes- church of God in Leyden ; printed 
 sions profess their separation from according to the copy that was 
 the church of England, Mr. Robin- found in his study after his de- 
 son would bear witness against cease." From this rare work I 
 such profession, avouching they re- extract the concluding paragraph, 
 quired no such professions of sepa- " To conclude. For myself, thus 
 ration from this or that or any I believe wiih my heart before 
 church, but only from the world." God, and profess with my tongue, 
 Way, p. 8. and have before the world, that I 
 
 * In lb34, nine years after his have one and the same faith, hope, 
 
 death, there was published "A spirit, baptism, and Lord, which I 
 
 Treatise of the lawfulness of hear- had in the Church of England, and 
 
 ing of the ministers in the Church none other ; that I esteem so many 
 
CONGREGATIONALISM AN APOSTOLIC INSTITUTION. 401 
 
 formation we have lived to see performed and brought chap. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 about by the mighty power of God this day in a good — v-^ 
 measure, and I hope the Lord Jesus will perfect his 
 work of reformation, till all be according to the good 
 pleasure of his will. 13y all which 1 desire the reader 
 to take notice of our former and present practice, not- 
 withstanding all the injurious and scandalous taunting 
 reports [that] are passed on us. And if these things 
 will not satisfy, but we must still suffer reproach, and 
 others for our sakes, because they and we thus walk, 
 our practice being, for aught we know, wholly grounded 
 on the written word, without any addition or human 
 invention known to us, taking our pattern from the 
 primitive churches, as they were regulated by the 
 blessed Apostles in their own days, who were taught 
 and instructed by the Lord Jesus Christ, and had the 
 unerring and all-knowing spirit of God to bring to their 
 remembrance the things they had heard, — I say if we 
 must still suffer such reproach, notwithstanding our 
 charity towards them who ^\ill not be in charity with 
 us, God's will be done. 
 
 in that Church, of what state or tioned, both lawful, and upon occa- 
 order soever, as are truly partakers sion necessary for me and all true 
 of that faith, (as I account many Christians, withdrawing from that 
 thousands to be,) for my Christian hierarchical order of church gov- 
 brethren, and myself a fellow mem- ernment and n)inistry, and the ap- 
 ber with them of that one mystical purtenances thereof, and unitino; in 
 body of Christ scattered far and the order and ordinances instituted 
 wide throughout the world ; that I by Christ, the only King and Lord 
 have always, in spirit and aflection, of his church, and by all his disci- 
 all Christian fellowship and com- pies to be observed ; and lastly, that 
 munion with them, and am most I cannot communicate with or sub- 
 ready in all outward actions and mit unto the said church order and 
 exercises of religion, lawful and ordinances there established, either 
 lawfully done, to express the same; in state or act, without being con- 
 and withal, that I am persuaded demned of mine own heart, and 
 the hearing of the word of God therein provoking God, who is 
 there preached, in the manner and greater than my heart, to condemn 
 upon the grounds formerly men- me much more." 
 
 51 
 
402 
 
 PRESBYTERIANS TOLERATED IN NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 The next aspersion cast upon us is, that we will not 
 suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or 
 cohabit with us ; no, not the Presbyterian government, 
 which differeth so little from us. To which I answer, 
 our practice witnesseth the contrary. For 'tis well 
 known that Mr. Parker and Mr. Noyce,' who are 
 ministers of Jesus Christ at Newberry, are in that way, 
 and so known, so far as a single congregation can be 
 exercised in it ; yet never had the least molestation or 
 disturbance, and have and find as good respect from 
 magistrates and people as other elders in the Congre- 
 gational or primitive way. 'Tis known also, that Mr. 
 Hubbard,^ the minister at Hengam, hath declared him- 
 
 * Thomas Parker and James 
 Noyes came to New England in 
 1634, and were settled in 1635 as 
 pastor and teacher of the church in 
 Newbury, which Avas the tenth 
 church gathered in Massachusetts. 
 They were cousins, had been pu- 
 pils and teachers in the same school, 
 came over in the same ship, and 
 lived together in the same house for 
 twenty years, when death separated 
 them. Parker had been a pupil of 
 Archbishop Usher, and Noyes had 
 been a student in the university of 
 Oxford. The celebrated Baxter said 
 " he was a lover of the New Eng- 
 land churches according to the New 
 England model, as Mr. Noyes had 
 explained it." We are told by 
 Winthrop that the principal occa- 
 sion of the synod held at Cambridge 
 in 1643, was because " some of the 
 elders went about to set up some 
 things according to the presbytery, 
 as of Newbury, &c. The assembly 
 concluded against some parts of the 
 presbylerial way, and the Newbury 
 ministers took time to consider the 
 arguments, &c." For further par- 
 ticulars concerning them, see Ma- 
 ther's Magnalia, i. 433—441; Sav- 
 age's Winthrop, ii, 137; Allen's 
 Am. Biog. Diet. ; and Eliot's New 
 England Biog. Diet. 
 
 ^ Peter Hobart, the first minister 
 of Hingham, was from the town of 
 the same name in Norfolk, Eng- 
 land, and having been graduated 
 master of arts at the university of 
 Cambridge, came to New England 
 in June, 1635. Hubbard says "he 
 was not so fully persuaded of the 
 congregational discipline as some 
 others were ; he was reported to be 
 of a presbyterial spirit, and man- 
 aged all affairs without advice of 
 the brethren." Some idea of his 
 character may be gathered from the 
 following passage in Winthrop's 
 History; " There was a great mar- 
 riage to be solemnized at Boston. 
 The bridegroom being of Hingham, 
 Mr. Hubbard's church, he was pro- 
 cured to preach, and came to Bos- 
 ton to that end. But the magis- 
 trates, hearing of it, sent to him to 
 forbear. Tlie reasons were, first, 
 for that his spirit had been dis- 
 covered to be averse to our eccle- 
 siastical and civil government, and 
 he loas a bold man, and ivould speak 
 his mind." See more concerning 
 him in Mather's Magnalia, i. 448 — 
 452; Lincoln's History of Hing- 
 ham, pp. 21, 59, 156 ; Savage's 
 Winthrop, ii. 222, 313; Hubbard, 
 in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 192, xvi. 
 418. 
 
HOBART, OF HINGHAM. 403 
 
 self for that way ; nay, wliich is more than ever I heard chap. 
 of the other two, he refuseth to baptize no children — v-^. 
 that arc tendered to him, (although this liberty stands 
 not upon a Presbyterian bottom,) and yet the civil 
 state never molested him for it. Only coming to a 
 Synod held in the country the last year, which the 
 magistrates called, requesting the churches to send 
 their elders and such others as might be able to hold 
 forth the light of God from his written word in case of 
 some doubts which did arise in the country, I say he 
 coming the last sitting of the Assembly, which was 
 adjourned to the 8th of June next, was in all meek- 
 ness and love requested to be present and hold forth 
 his light he went by in baptizing all that were brought 
 to him, hereby waiving the practice of the churches ; 
 which he promising to take into consideration, they 
 rested in his answer. 
 
 So also 'tis well known that before these unhappy 
 troubles arose in England and Scotland, there were 
 divers gentlemen of Scotland that groaned under the 
 heavy pressures of those times, wrote to New England 
 to know whether they might be freely suffered to ex- 
 ercise their Presbyterial government amongst us ; and 
 it was answered affirmatively they might. And they 
 sending over a gentleman to take a view of some fit 
 })lace, a river called Meromeck, near Ipswich and 
 Newberry aforesaid, was showed their agent, which he 
 well liked, and where we have since four towns settled, 
 and more may be for aught I know ; so that there they 
 might have had a complete Presbytery, and whither 
 they intended to have come. But meeting with mani- 
 fold crosses, being half seas through, they gave over 
 their intendments ; and, as I have heard, these were 
 
404 LAW AGAINST ANABAPTISTS. 
 
 CHAP, many of the gentlemen that first fell upon the late 
 — -^^ Covenant in Scotland. By all which will easily ap- 
 pear how we are here wronged by many, and the 
 harder measure, as we hear, imposed upon our brethren 
 for our sakes, nay pretending our example for their 
 precedent. And last of all, not long before I came 
 away, certain discontented persons in open court of 
 the Massachusets, demanding that liberty, it was 
 freely and as openly tendered to them, showing their 
 former practices by me mentioned, but willed not to 
 expect that we should provide them ministers, &c. for 
 the same ; but getting such themselves, they might 
 exercise their Presbyterian government at their liberty, 
 walking peaceably towards us, as we trusted w^e should 
 do towards them. So that if our brethren here shall 
 be restrained, they walking peaceably, the example 
 must not be taken from us, but arise from some other 
 principle. 
 
 But it will be objected. Though you deal thus 
 with the Presbyterian way, yet you have a severe 
 law against Anabaptists ;' yea, one was whipped at 
 Massachusets for his religion f and your law banish- 
 eth them. Answer. 'Tis true the Massachusets 
 Government have such a law to banish, but not to 
 whip in that kind. And certain men desiring some 
 mitigation of it, it was answered in my hearing, " 'Tis 
 true we have a severe law, but we never did or will 
 execute the rigor of it upon any ; and have men living 
 amongst us, nay some in our churches, of that judg- 
 ment ; and as long as they carry themselves peaceably, 
 
 ' This law may be seen in punished was Thomas Painter, of 
 
 Hazard's Slate Papers, i. 538. See Hingiiam. This was in 1644. See 
 
 also Savage's Winlhrop, ii. 174. an account of it in Savage's Win- 
 
 * The name of the person thus thvop, ii. 174. 
 
CHAUNCY, OF SCITUATE. 405 
 
 as hitherto they do, we will leave them to God, our- chap. 
 
 •^ , XXV. 
 
 selves having performed the duty ot brethren to them. — v-^ 
 And whereas there was one whipped amongst us, 'tis 
 true we knew his judgment what it was ; but had he 
 not carried himself so contemptuously towards the au- 
 thority God hath betrusted us with in a high exemplary 
 measure, we had never so censured him ; and there- 
 fore he may thank himself, who suffered as an evil- 
 doer in that respect. But the reason wherefore we 
 are loath either to repeal or alter the law, is, because 
 we would have it remain in force to bear witness 
 against their judgment and practice, which we con- 
 ceive them to be erroneous. And yet nevertheless," 
 said the Governor to those [who] preferred the request, 
 "you may tell our friends in England, whither ye are 
 some of you going, since the motion proceedeth from 
 such as we know move it in love to us, we will se- 
 riously take it into consideration at our next General 
 Court." So that thou mayest perceive, good reader, 
 that the worst is spoken of things in that kind. 
 
 Furthermore, in the Government of Plymouth, to 
 our great grief, not only the pastor' of a congregation 
 waiveth the administration of baptism to infants, but 
 divers of his congregation are fallen with him ; and yet 
 all the means the civil power hath taken against him 
 and them is to stir up our elders to give meeting, and 
 see if by godly conference they may be able to con- 
 vince and reclaim him, as in mercy once before they 
 
 ' Tl)e person here referred to to infants, provided it were done 
 
 was the Rev. Charles Chauncy, at by immersion. See Mather's Mag- 
 
 this time minister of Scituate, and nalia, i. 41S — 430; Deane's Scit- 
 
 afierwards President of Harvard nate, pp. 60, 89, 173; Savage's 
 
 College. It appears, however, that Winthrop, i. 330, ii. 72; Mass. 
 
 he was willing that the ordinance Hist. Coll. iv. 112, x. 30, 174; 
 
 of baptism should be administered Hutchinson's Mass. i. 227, 
 
406 CONGREGATIONALISM THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH POLITY. 
 
 CHAP, had done, by God's blessing upon their labors. Only 
 — ^^' at the foresaid Synod, two were ordered to write to 
 him in the name of the Assembly, and to request his 
 presence at their next meeting aforesaid, to hold forth 
 his light he goeth by in waiving the practice of the 
 churches ; with promise if it be light, to walk by it ; but 
 if it appear otherwise, then they trust he will return 
 again to the unity of practice with them. And for the 
 other two Governments of Conectacut and Newhaven, 
 if either have any law in force against them, or so 
 much as need of a law in that kind, 'tis more than I 
 have heard on. 
 
 For our parts (I mean the churches of New Eng- 
 land) we are confident, through God's mercy, the way 
 of God in which we walk and according to which we 
 perform our worship and service to Him, concurreth 
 with those rules our blessed Saviour hath left upon 
 record by the Evangelists and Apostles, and is agreea- 
 ble with the practice of those primitive churches men- 
 tioned in the Acts, and regulated by the same Apostles, 
 as appeareth not only in that Evangelical History, but 
 in their Epistles to the several churches there mention- 
 ed. Yet nevertheless if any through tenderness of 
 conscience be otherwise minded, to such we never 
 turn a deaf ear, nor become rigorous, though we have 
 the stream of authority on our sides. Nay, if in the 
 use of all means we cannot reclaim them, knowing 
 " the wisdom that is from above is first pure, then 
 peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of 
 mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without 
 hypocrisy ; and the fruit of righteousness is sown in 
 peace of them that make peace," according to James 
 iii. 17, 18 ; and if any differing from us be answera- 
 
nmcs 
 ii. 15,10. 
 
 Jude 
 
 EVIL-DOEKS NOT TO BE TOLERATED. 407 
 
 ble to this rule in their lives and conversations, we do chap. 
 not exercise the civil sword against them. But for -^v^l- 
 such as Gorton and his company, whose wisdom seems 
 not to be from above, as appeareth in that it is " full ., 
 of envyings, strife, confusion," being therein such as 
 the Aj)ostle Jude speaks on, viz. " earthly, sensual, 
 devilish," who " despise dominion and speak evil of 
 dignities," these are " murmurers, comphiiners, walk- ic. 
 ers after their own lusts, and their mouth speaketh 
 great swelling words, being clouds without water, car- 12. 
 ried about of winds, trees whose fruit withcrcth, with- 
 out fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots, raging n. 
 waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame, wan- 
 dering stars, to whom (without repentance, which I 
 much desire to see or hear of in him, if it may stand 
 with the will of God,) is reserved the blackness of 
 darkness forever " — these, I say, are to be j)roceeded 
 with by another rule, and not to be borne ; who suffer 
 as evil-doers, and are a shame to religion, which they 
 profess in word, but deny in their lives and conversa- 
 tions. These every tender conscience abhors, and 
 will justify and assist " the higher powers God hath 
 ordained," against such carnal gospellers, " who bear «'^|^'- 
 not the sword in vain," but execute God's vengeance 
 on such ; for the civil magistrate is " the minister of 
 God, a revenger to execute wrath on him tliat doth 
 evil." And therefore a broad difference is to be put 
 between such evil-doers and those tender consciences 
 who follow the light of God's word in their own 
 persuasions, (though judged erroneous by the places 
 where they live) so long as their walking is answerable 
 to the rules of the Gospel, by preserving peace and 
 holding forth holiness in their conversations amongst 
 
 men. 
 
408 NEW ENGLAND— GOD BLESS HER[- 
 
 Thus much I thought good to signify, because we of 
 New England are said to be so often propounded for 
 an example. And if any will take us for a precedent, 
 I desire they may really know what we do, rather than 
 what others ignorantly or maliciously report of us, assur- 
 ing myself that none will ever be losers by following 
 us so far as w^e follow Christ. Which that we may 
 do, and our posterities after us, the Father of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ and our Father accept in Christ what is 
 according to him ; discover, pardon, and reform what 
 is amiss amongst us ; and guide us and them by the 
 assistance of the Holy Ghost for time to come, till time 
 shall be no more ; that the Lord our God may still 
 delight to dwell amongst his plantations and churches 
 there by his gracious presence, and may go on blessing 
 to bless them with heavenly blessings in these earthly 
 places, that so by his blessing they may not only grow 
 up to a nation, but become exemplary for good unto 
 others. And let all that wish well to Zion say Amen.^ 
 
 ' The work of Winslow to which London, 1649." The paging, list 
 
 this Brief Narrative is appended, of errata, &c. are precisely the same 
 
 was afterwards published with a as in the other book, Hypocrisy 
 
 new title-page, as follows: "The Unmasked. 
 
 danger of tolerating levellers in a Whilst Winslow was in England, 
 
 civil state ; or a historical narration he published, in 1647, another book, 
 
 of the dangerous practices and enU\.\ed " Neio En gland'' s Salaman- 
 
 opinions wherewith Samuel Gor- de?- Discovered — or a satisfactory 
 
 ton and his levelling accomplices answer to many aspersions cast 
 
 so much disturbed and molested upon New England." This work 
 
 the several plantations in New is reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 
 
 England. By Edward Winslow, 110 — 145. 
 of Plymouth, in New England. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE, 
 
 52 
 
MORTON'S PREFACE. 
 
 Godly and Conscientious Reader, 
 
 It is a great part of the happiness of heaven, that 
 the saints in celestial glory are and shall be all of one 
 mind ; and it is not unprobablj gathered by the learned, 
 that when " the Lord shall be one, and his name one," ^^^'J; 
 there shall be a joint concurrence of the saints in and 
 about the matters of God. In the mean time, it is no 
 small grief to every modest, moderate-minded Christian, 
 to see such discord among the best of saints; whereas 
 if the ground of the difference were sometimes well 
 scanned, it would appear to be more in circumstance 
 than in substance, more nominal, or respecting names or 
 abusive names given, than in substantial realities. Rev. 
 Mr. Manton, in his sermon before the honorable House 
 of Commons, saith, " The Devil getteth great advan- 
 tages by names amongst Christians, as Lutherans, 
 Calvinists, Presbyterians, Independents, inventing," 
 saith he, " either such as may tend to contempt or 
 derision, as of old Christians, of late Puritans, or to 
 tumult and division, as those names amongst us, under 
 which the members of Christ sadly gather into bodies 
 and parties." 
 
412 MORTON'S PREFACE. 
 
 Let me add hereunto, that the mischief of this also 
 appeared when light sprung out of [the] darkness of Po- 
 pery. Then the godly were forced to sustain the name 
 of Puritans and the nickname of Brownists, so as many 
 of the godly in our nation lay in obscurity under con- 
 tempt of those names ; ^ and afterwards, as light ap- 
 peared, notwithstanding became one in the profession 
 and practice of the truth respecting the kingly office of 
 Christ, wherein they seemingly differed but a little 
 before, both in New England and in Old England ; 
 but yet so as some estrangedness remains amongst 
 those, although that in the main and substance of 
 things they are of one mind, and with oneness of heart 
 and mouth do serve the Lord, and do agree in and 
 about the matters of the kingdom of Christ on earth. 
 Yea, and I doubt not but some such of them as were 
 of the eminentest on both sides, who are now departed 
 this life, do agree and have sweet communion with 
 each other in their more nobler part in glory. 
 
 I have lately met with a plain, well composed, and 
 useful Dialogue, penned by that honored pattern of 
 piety, William Bradford, Esq. late Governor of the 
 Jurisdiction of New Plymouth Colony, which occa- 
 sionally treats something of this matter, together with 
 and in defence of such as I may without just offence 
 term martyrs ^ of Jesus, and in defence of the cause 
 they suffered for ; it being no other in effect but what 
 our church and the churches of Christ in New England 
 do both profess and practise. I will not defend, neither 
 
 ' These differences were partly Greenwood, Mr. John Penry, Mr. 
 blown up amongst these Christians William Dennis, [Mr. John] Cop- 
 by the names of Brownist and Pu- ing and Elias [Thacker] and several 
 ritans. — Morton'' s Note. others that suffered much, though 
 
 * Mr. Henry Barrow, Mr. John not put to death. — Morton's Note. 
 
MORTON'S PREFACE. 413 
 
 doth he, all the words that might fall from those blessed 
 souls in defence of the truth, who suffered so bitterly 
 as thej did from such as ere while (if I mistake not) 
 were forced to fly into Germany for the cause of God 
 in Queen Mary's days, and returned again in the hapjjy 
 reign of Queen Elizabeth, and turned prelates and bitter 
 persecutors.^ This thing considered, and other things 
 also, if some passages that fell from them might have 
 been spared, yet in many things we all offend, and 
 " oppression will make a wise man mad," saith Solo- 
 mon. Such circumstantial weakness will not unsaint 
 a Christian, nor render him no martyr, if his cause be 
 good, as you will find it to be by the perusing of this 
 Dialogue, I doubt not ; but let it speak for itself. 
 
 Gentle reader, I hope thou wilt obtain a clear reso- 
 lution about divers things, whereof possibly thou wert 
 in doubt of formerly respecting the premises ; in the 
 transcribing whereof I have taken the best care I could 
 to prevent offence and to procure acceptance. If any 
 good comes thereof, let God have all the praise.^ 
 
 ' See pages 9 — 13. Plymouth Church, Avhence I ob- 
 
 ^ This Preface was written by tained it. It has never before beea 
 
 Secretary Morton, who copied this printed. 
 
 Dialogue into the records of the 
 
CHAP. 
 XXVI. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 A DIALOGUE, OR THE SUM OF A CONFERENCE BETWEEN 
 SOME YOUNG MEN BORN IN NEW ENGLAND AND SUNDRY 
 ANCIENT MEN THAT CAME OUT OF HOLLAND AND OLD 
 ENGLAND, ANNO DOMINI 1648." 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 Gentlemen, you were pleased to appoint us this time 
 to confer with you, and to propound such questions as 
 might give us satisfaction in some things wherein we 
 are ignorant, or at least further light to some things 
 that are more obscure unto us. Our first request 
 therefore is, to know your minds concerning the true 
 and simple meaning of those of The Separation, as 
 they are termed, when they say the Church of Eng- 
 land is no Church, or no true Church. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 For answer hereunto, first, you must know that they 
 speak of it as it then was under the hierarchical prelacy, 
 which since have been put down by the State, and not 
 as it is now unsettled. 
 
 2. They nowhere say, that we remember, that they 
 
 ' That is, the Dialogue was held or written in 164S. 
 
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND NO TRUE CHURCH. 415 
 
 are no Church. At least, they are not so to be under- chap. 
 
 ' -^ XXVI. 
 
 stood ; for thej often say the contrary. 
 
 3. When they say it is no true Church of Christ, 
 they do not at all mean as they are the elect of God, 
 or a part of the Catholic Church, or of the mystical 
 body of Christ, or visible Christians professing faith 
 and holiness, (as most men understand the church) ; for 
 which purpose hear what Mr. Robinson in his Apology, 
 page 53. " If by the Church," saith he, " be under- 
 stood the Catholic Church, dispersed upon the face of 
 the whole earth, we do willingly acknowledge that a 
 singular part thereof, and the same visible and conspicu- 
 ous, is to be found in the land, and with it do profess 
 and practise, what in us lies, communion in all things 
 in themselves lawful, and done in right order." 
 
 4. Therefore they mean it is not a true church as it 
 is a National Church, combined together of all in the 
 land promiscuously under the hierarchical government 
 of archbishops, their courts and canons, so far differing 
 from the primitive pattern in the Gospel. 
 
 YOUNG MEN, 
 
 Wherein do they differ then from the judgment or 
 practice of our churches here in New England ? 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 Truly, for matter of practice, nothing at all that is 
 in any thing material ; these being rather more strict 
 and rigid in some proceedings about admission of 
 members, and things of such nature, than the other ; 
 and for matter of judgment, it is more, as we conceive, 
 in words and terms, than matter of any great sub- 
 stance ; for the churches and chief of the ministers 
 
416 BROWNISTS AND SEPARATISTS. 
 
 CHAP, here hold that the National Church, so constituted and 
 
 XXVI 
 
 — ^ governed as before is said, is not allowable according 
 to the primitive order of the Gospel ; but that there 
 are some parish assemblies that are true churches by 
 virtue of an implicit covenant amongst themselves, in 
 which regard the Church of England may be held 
 and called a true church. 
 
 Answer. Whcrc auy such are evident, we suppose the other 
 will not disagree about an implicit covenant, if they 
 mean by an implicit covenant that which hath the 
 substance of a covenant in it some way discernible, 
 though it be not so formal or orderly as it should be. 
 But such an implicit [covenant] as is no way explicit, 
 is no better than a Popish implicit faith, (as some of 
 us conceive,) and a mere fiction, or as that which should 
 be a marriage covenant which is no way explicit. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 Wherein standeth the difference between the rigid 
 Brownists and Separatists^ and others, as we observe 
 our ministers in their writings and sermons to distin- 
 guish them ? 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 The name of Brownists^ is but a nickname, as 
 
 ' The learned and ever-metnora- charitable sentiment; "Difference 
 
 ble John Hales, of Eton, said of of opinion may work a disaffection 
 
 this word Separatist, "Where it in me, but not a detestation. I 
 
 may be rightly fixed and deservedly rather pity than hate Turk and 
 
 charged, it is certainly a great of- infidel, for they are of the same 
 
 fence; but in common use now metal and bear the same stamp as 
 
 among us, it is no other than a I do, though the inscriptions differ, 
 
 theological scarecrow." Works, i. If I hate any, it is those schismat- 
 
 XV. Foulis, 1765. ics that puzzle the sweet peace of 
 
 ' James Howell, in one of his our church ; so that I could be con- 
 letters, aping the style, whilst de- tent to see an Anabaptist go to hell 
 void of the liberal spirit of Sir on a Brownist's back." Letters, 
 Thomas Browne, has the following p. 270, (ed. 1754.) 
 
PURITANS AND HUGUENOTS. 
 
 417 
 
 Puritan * and Huguenot,^ &c., and therefore the}' do not chap. 
 
 XXVI 
 
 amiss to decline the odium of it in what they may. '^ 
 
 But by the rigidness of Separation they do not so 
 much mean the difference, for our churches here in 
 New England do the same thing under the name of 
 secession from the corruptions found amongst them, as 
 the other did under the name or term of separation 
 from them. Only this declines the odium the better. 
 See Reverend Mr. Cotton's Answer to Mr. Baylie, 
 page the 14th.^ 
 
 That some which were termed Separatists, out of 
 some mistake and heat of zeal, forbore communion in 
 lawful things with other godly persons, as prayer and 
 hearing of the word, may be seen in what that 
 worthy man, Mr. Robinson, hath published in dislike 
 thereof. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 We are w^ell satisfied in what you have said, 
 they differ also about synods. 
 
 But 
 
 • See note ' on page 12. 
 
 * The origin of this word is un- 
 known. Some have thought it 
 was derived from a French and 
 faulty pronunciation of the German 
 word eidgnosscn, which signifies 
 confederates, and which had heen 
 originally the name of that valiant 
 part of the city of Geneva, which 
 entered into an alliance with the 
 Swiss cantons in order to maintain 
 their liberties against the tyranni- 
 cal attempts of Charles III. duke 
 of Savoy. These confederates were 
 called eignots, and from tlience very 
 probably was derived the word hu- 
 giienols. The Abbe Fleury says, 
 " lis y furent appel6s Huguenots, 
 
 du nom des Eignots de Geneve, un 
 peu autrement prononce." The 
 term was first applied to the Cal- 
 vinists of the Cevennes in 1560. 
 See Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. iv. 
 368; Fleury, Hist. Eccles. xviii. 
 603. An admirable Memoir of the 
 French Protestants, both in their 
 native country and in America, 
 written oy that accurate annalist. 
 Dr. Holmes, is contained in the 
 Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 1—84. 
 
 ^ " Neither was our departure 
 from the parishional congregations 
 in England a separation from them 
 as no churches, but rather a seces- 
 sion from the corruptions found 
 amongst them." 
 
418 NO SYNODS AMONG THE SEPARATISTS. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 It is true we do not know that ever they had any 
 solemn Synodical Assembly. And the reason may be, 
 that those in England living dispersed and' could not 
 meet in their ordinary meetings without danger, much 
 less in synods. Neither in Holland, where they might 
 have more liberty, were they of any considerable num- 
 ber, being but those two churches, that of Amsterdam 
 and that of Leyden. Yet some of us know that the 
 church [of Leyden] sent messengers to those of Am- 
 sterdam, at the request of some of the chief of them, 
 both elders and brethren, when in their dissensions 
 they had deposed Mr. Ainsworth and some other both 
 of their elders and brethren, Mr. Robinson being the 
 chief of the messengers sent ; which had that good 
 effect, as that they revoked the said deposition, and 
 confessed their rashness and error, and lived together 
 in peace some good time after. But when the churches 
 want neither peace nor light to exercise the power 
 which the Lord hath given them, Christ doth not direct 
 them to gather into synods or classical meetings, for 
 removing of known offences either in doctrine or man- 
 ners ; but only sendeth to the pastors or presbyters of 
 each church to reform within themselves what is 
 amongst them. " A plain pattern," saith Mr. Cotton 
 in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 95, " in case of 
 public offences tolerated in neighbour churches, not 
 forthwith to gather into a synod or classical meeting, 
 for rediess thereof, but by letters and messengers to 
 admonish one another of what is behooveful ; unless 
 
 ' Here something seems to have been omitted. 
 
PROPHESYING. 
 
 419 
 
 upon such admonition they refuse to hearken to the chap. 
 wholesome counsel of their brethren." And of this ^ — '- 
 matter Mr. Robinson thus vvriteth in his book, Just. 
 page 200/ " The officers of one or many churches may 
 meet together to discuss and consider of matters for 
 the good of the church or churches, and so be called 
 a Church Synod, or the like, so they infringe no order 
 of Christ or liberty of the brethren ;" not differing 
 herein from Mr. Davenport^ and the principal of our 
 ministers. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 But they seem to differ about the exercise of pro- 
 phecy,* that is, that men out of office, having gifts, 
 
 ' See the title of this book in 
 note * on page 40. 
 
 * John Davenport, born at Coven- 
 try in 1597, a graduate of Oxford, 
 and vicar of St. Stephens, in Lon- 
 don, carae to New England in 1637, 
 with Theophilus Eaton and Ed- 
 ward Hopkins, and with them laid 
 the foundations of the colony of 
 New Haven, in 1638. In 166S, in 
 his 71st year, he removed to Bos- 
 ton, to become the pastor of the 
 First Church, and there died in 
 1670. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. 
 ii. 460 ; Mather's Magnalia, i. 292 
 —302; Winthrop's N. E. i. 227, 
 404; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 82, 115, 
 215 ; Emerson's History of the First 
 Church in Boston, pp. 110—124. 
 But the most ample and satisfac- 
 tory account of Davenport will be 
 found in Prof Kiiigslcy's Cen- 
 tennial Discourse at New Haven, 
 and in Dr. Leonard Bacon's His- 
 torical Discourses. These works 
 contain also a noble vindication of 
 the j)rinciples and character of the 
 Puritan fathers of New England. 
 
 ^ This religious exercise, in 
 which laymen publicly taught and 
 exhorted, was early practised in 
 
 both the colonies of Plymouth and 
 Massachusetts. As the church of 
 Plymouth was long without a regu- 
 lar pastor, " the ruling elder, when 
 he wanted assistance, used frequent- 
 ly to call upon some of the gifted 
 brethren to pray and give a word of 
 exhortation in their public assem- 
 blies ; the chief of whom were Gov. 
 Edward Winslow, Gov. Bradford, 
 his son-in-law, Mr. Thomas South- 
 worth, and secretary Nathaniel 
 Morton; men of superior talents and 
 parts, and of good school-learning." 
 We are told by Gov. Winthrop, in 
 his Journal, March 29, 1631, that 
 " Mr. Coddington and Mr. Wilson 
 and divers of the congregation met 
 at the Governor's, and there Mr. 
 Wilson, praying and exhorting the 
 congregation to love, &c. commend- 
 ed to them the exercise of prophecy 
 in his absence, and designed those 
 whom he thought most fit for it, 
 viz. the governor, Mr. Dudley, and 
 Mr. Nowell, the elder." On the 
 visit of Governor Winihrop and 
 Mr. Wilson to Plymouth in Octo- 
 ber, 1632, it is related that " on the 
 Lord's day in the afternoon, Mr. 
 Roger Williams (according to their 
 
420 PROPHESYING AN ANCIENT PRACTICE. 
 
 CHAP, may upon occasion edify the church publicly and open- 
 — ^ ly, and applying the Scriptures ; which seems to be a 
 new practice. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 It doth but seem so ; as many things else do that 
 have by usurpation grown out of use. But that it hath 
 been an ancient practice of the people of God, besides 
 the grounds of Scripture, we will give an instance or 
 two. We find in the ancient Ecclesiastical History of 
 Eusebius, lib. vi. cap. 19, how Demetrius, bishop of 
 Alexandria, being pricked with envy against Origen, 
 complaineth in his letters tlwt there was never such a 
 practice heard of, nor no precedent to be found, that lay- 
 men in presence of bishops have taught in the church ; 
 but is thus answered by the bishop of Jerusalem and 
 the bishop of Cesarea : " We know not," say they, 
 " why he reporteth a manifest untruth, whenas there 
 may be found such as in open assemblies have taught 
 the people ; yea, whenas there were present learned 
 men that could profit the people, and moreover holy 
 bishops, who at that time exhorted them to preach. 
 
 custom) propounded a question, to may learn, and all be comforted." 
 
 whicJi the pastor, Mr. Smith, spake It was for encouraging a similar 
 
 briefly; then Mr. Williams propiie- exercise among his clergy, that 
 
 sied ; and after the governor of archbishop Grindal incurred the 
 
 Plymouth spake to the question; displeasureof Queen Elizabeth, and 
 
 after him the elder; then two or was for a time suspended from his 
 
 three more of the congregation, see. It should be remembered that 
 
 Tlien the elder desired the governor this was the scriptural sense of the 
 
 of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson to word prophesr/inir ; and that pre- 
 
 speak to it, which they did." The diction is not its only signification, 
 
 exercise was grounded on the appears from the title of one of 
 
 primitive practice of the Church of Jeremy Taylor's Works, " The 
 
 Corinth, as described and regulated Liberty of Prophesying." See 
 
 by the Apostle Paul, in 1 Cor. xii. Savage's Winthrop, i. 50, 91 ; 
 
 and xiv. and especially prescribed Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 136; Prince's 
 
 in the 3lst verse of the last named Annals, p. 407; Fuller's Ch. Hist, 
 
 chapter, where he says, " Ye may iii. 6 — 18; Peirce's Vindication, 
 
 all prophesy one by one, that all part i. pp. 92 — 96. 
 
THE LIBERTY OF PROPHESYING. 421 
 
 For example, at Laranda Euelpis was requested of chap. 
 
 X X V^ I 
 
 Neon, at Iconium Faulinus was requested by Celsus, — v-»^ 
 at Sjnada Tlicodorus was requested by Atticus, who 
 were godly brethren, &:c." * 
 
 The second instance is out of Speed's Cloud of Wit- 
 nesses, page 71. Saith he, " Rambam or Maymon 
 records, that in the synagogues, first, only a Levite 
 must offer sacrifice ; secondly, but any in Israel might 
 expound the law ; thirdly, the expounder must be an 
 eminent man, and must have leave from the master of 
 the synagogue ; and so contends that Christ, Luke iv. 
 16, taught as any of Israel might have done as well 
 as the Levites ; and the like did Paul and Barnabas, 
 Acts xiii. 15." 
 
 If any out of weakness have abused at any time 
 their liberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes 
 weak ministers may their office, and yet the ordinance 
 good and lawful. 
 
 And the chief of our ministers in New England 
 agree therein. See Mr. Cotton's Answer to Baylie, 
 page the 27th, 2d part. "Though neither all," saith 
 he, " nor most of the brethren of a church have ordi- 
 narily received a gift of public prophesying, or preach- 
 ing, yet in defect of public ministry, it is not an unheard 
 of novelty that God should enlarge private men with 
 public gifts, and^ to dispense them to edification ; for 
 we read that when the church at Jerusalem were all 
 scattered abroad, except the Apostles, yet they that ^fjf'^ 
 were scattered went every where preaching the word." xx.si'. 
 
 ' See Doctor Fulke also on learned confutation of the Rliemish 
 
 Romans the xi. in answer to the version of the New Tesiainent. 
 
 Rhetnists. — Dradfoiyrs IVoie. See Fuller's Church History, iii. 
 
 Dr. Fulke, master of Peiiihroke 70. 
 
 Hall, Cambridge, wrote in 16S5 a '^ Some word is here omitted. 
 
422 THE INDEPENDENTS. 
 
 Mr. Robinson also, in his Apology, page 45, chap- 
 ter 8, to take off the aspersion charged on them, as if 
 all the members of a church were to prophesy publicly, 
 answers, " It comes within the compass but of a few 
 of the multitude, haply two or three in a church, so 
 to do ; and touching prophecy," saith he, " we think 
 the very same that the Synod held at Embden, 1571, 
 hath decreed in these words : ' First, in all churches, 
 whether but springing up, or grown to some ripeness, let 
 the order of prophecy be observed, according to Paul's 
 institution. Secondly, into the fellowship of this work 
 are to be admitted not only the ministers, but the 
 teachers too, as also of the elders and deacons, yea, 
 even of the multitude, which are willing to confer their 
 gift received of God to the common utility of the church ; 
 but so as they first be allowed by the judgment of the 
 ministers and others.' So we believe and practise with 
 the Belgic churches, &c." See more in the immediate 
 following page. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 We cannot but marvel that in so few years there 
 should be so great a change, that they who were so 
 hotly persecuted by the prelates, and also opposed by 
 the better sort of ministers, not only Mr. Gifford, Mr. 
 Bernard, and other such like, but many of the most 
 eminent both for learning and godliness, and yet now 
 not only these famous men and churches in New Eng- 
 land so fully to close with them in practice, but all the 
 godly party in the land to stand for the same way, 
 under the new name of Independents, put upon them. 
 
THE GROWTH OF CONGREGATIONALISM. 423 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 It is the Lord's doing, and it ought to be marvellous 
 in our eyes ; and the rather, because Mr. Bernard, in 
 his book, made their small increase in a few years one 
 and the chief argument against the way itself. To 
 which Mr. Robinson answered, that " Religion is not 
 always sown and reaped in one age ; and that John 
 Huss and Jerome of Prague finished their testimony a 
 hundred years before Luther, and Wickliff well nigh as 
 long before them, and yet neither the one nor the other 
 with the like success as Luther. And yet," saith he, 
 " many are already gathered into the kingdom of 
 Christ ; and the nearness of many more throughout 
 the whole land, (for the regions are white unto the 
 harvest,) doth promise within less than a hundred years, 
 if our sins and theirs make not us and them unworthy 
 of this mercy, a very plenteous harvest ; " (Jusiif. folio 
 62) ; as if he had prophesied of these times. Yea, 
 some of us have often heard him say that " even those 
 ministers and other godly persons that did then most 
 sharply oppose them, if they might come to be from 
 under the bishops, and live in a place of rest and peace, 
 where they might comfortably subsist, they would prac- 
 tise the same things which they now did." ' And 
 truly, many of us have seen this abundantly verified, 
 not only in these latter times, but formerly. 
 
 Doctor Ames^ was estranged from and opposed Mr. 
 
 ' Seepage 45, and note ^ on page In 1609 he fled from the persecu- 
 
 398, and Prince's Annals, p. 305. tion of Archbishop Bancroft, and 
 
 ^ William Ames, one of the most became minister of the English 
 acute controversial Avriters of his church at the Hague, whence he 
 age, was educated at Cambridge was invited by the states of Fries- 
 under the celebrated Perkins, and land to the chair of theological pro- 
 became fellow of Christ's College, fessor at Franeker, which he filled 
 
424 JOHNSON, OF AMSTERDAM. 
 
 CHAP. Robinson : and yet afterwards there was loving: com- 
 
 XXVI. . 
 
 — ^- pliance and near agreement between them ; and, which 
 is more strange, Mr. Johnson himself, who was after- 
 wards pastor of the church of God at Amsterdam, was 
 a preacher to the company of English of the Staple at 
 Middleburg, in Zealand, and had great and certain 
 maintenance ' allowed him by them, and was highly 
 respected of them, and so zealous against this way as 
 that [when] Mr. Barrow's and Mr. Greenwood's Re- 
 futation of Gifford " was privately in printing in this 
 city, he not only was a means to discover it, but was 
 made the ambassador's instrument to intercept them 
 at the press, and see them burnt ; the which charge 
 he did so well perform, as he let them go on until they 
 were wholly finished, and then surprised the whole 
 impression, not suffering any to escape ; and then, by 
 the magistrates' authority, caused them all to be openly 
 burnt, himself standing by until they were all con- 
 sumed to ashes. Only he took up two of them, one 
 to keep in his own study, that he might see their er- 
 rors, and the other to bestow on a special friend for 
 the like use. But mark the sequel. When he had 
 
 with reputation for twelve years. ' £200 per annum. — Bradford's 
 
 He was a member of tiie Syiiotl of ISote. 
 
 Dort, and wrote several treatises - This book was printed in 1591. 
 
 against the Arminians, besides his Its title was "A plain refutation of 
 
 famous Medulla Thcologici. He M. Gilford's book, entitled ' A short 
 
 afterwards removed to Rotterdam, treatise against the Donatists of 
 
 to preach to a congregation of his England;' wherein is discovered 
 
 countrymen there; but the air of the forgery of the whole ministry, 
 
 Holland not agreeing with his con- the confusion, false worship, and 
 
 stitulion, he determined to remove antichrislian disorder of these pa- 
 
 to New England. This was pre- rish assemblies, called the Church 
 
 vented by his death in 1633. The of England. Here also is prefi.xed 
 
 next spring his widow and children a sum of ilie causes of our Scpara- 
 
 came over, bringing with them his tion. and of our purposes in prac- 
 
 valuable library. Fuller's Hist, of tice." A copy of this rare work, 
 
 Cambridge, p. 222; Neal's Puri- reprinted in 1606, is in Prince's 
 
 tans, i. 436, 578; Belknap's Am. New England Library, in the keep- 
 
 Biog. ii. 161. ing of the Mass. Hist. Society. 
 
JOHNSON'S CONVERSION. 425 
 
 done this work, he went home, and being set down in chap. 
 his study, he began to tun^ over some pages of this ^-— 
 book, and sujx'rficially to read some things here and 
 there, as Iiis fancy led him. At length he met with 
 something that began to work upon his spirit, which 
 so wrought with him as drew him to this resolution, 
 seriously to read over the whole book ; the which he 
 did once and again. In the end he was so taken, and 
 his conscience was troubled so, as he could have no rest 
 in himself until he crossed the seas and came to Lon- 
 don to confer with the authors, who were then in pri- 
 son, and shortly after executed. After which confer- 
 ence he was so satisfied and confirmed in the truth, as 
 he never returned to his place any more at Middle burg, 
 but adjoined himself to their society at London, and 
 was afterwards committed to prison, and then banish- 
 ed ; and in conclusion coming to live at Amsterdam, 
 he caused the same books, which he had been an in- 
 strument to burn, to be new printed and set out at his 
 own charge. And some of us here present testify this 
 to be a true relation, which we heard from his own 
 mouth before many witnesses. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 We have seen a book of Mr. Robert Baylie's,^ a 
 Scotchman, wherein he seemeth to take notice of the 
 spreading of the truth under the notion of error, and 
 casts all the disgraces he can on it, and ranks it with 
 others the foulest errors of the time, and endeavours 
 to show how like a small spark it revived out of the 
 ashes, and was brought from Leyden over the seas into 
 New England, and there nourished with much silence 
 
 ' The liile of this book is given in note ' on page 379. 
 54 
 
426 ROBINSON'S CHURCH A MODEL. 
 
 CHAP, until it spread to other places in the country, and by 
 ^^-'-^ eminent hands from thence into Old England. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 As we dare say Mr. Baylie intends no honor to the 
 persons by what he says, either to those here or from 
 whence they came, so are they hr from seeking any 
 to themselves, but rather are ashamed that their weak 
 working hath brought no more glory to God ; and if in 
 any thing God hath made any of them instruments for 
 the good of his people in any measure, they desire he 
 only may have the glory. And whereas Mr. Baylie 
 affirmeth that, however it was, in a few years the most 
 who settled in the land did agree to model themselves 
 after Mr. Robinson's pattern, we agree with reverend 
 Mr. Cotton, that " there was no agreement by any 
 solemn or common consultation ; but that it is true 
 they did, as if they had agreed, by the same spirit of 
 truth and unity, set up, by the help of Christ, the same 
 model of churches, one like to another; and if they of 
 Plymouth have helped any of the first comers in their 
 theory, by hearing and discerning their practices, therein 
 the Scripture is fulfilled that the kingdom of heaven is 
 x!ii"33 '■'^^ unto leaven which a woman took and hid in three 
 measures of meal until all was leavened." Answer to 
 Mr. Baylie, page 17. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 We desire to know how many have been put to 
 death for this cause, and what manner of persons they 
 were, and what occasions were taken against them by 
 bringing them to their end. 
 
THE PURITAN MARTYRS. 
 
 427 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 We know certainly of six that were publicly exe- 
 cuted, besides such as died in prisons ; Mr. Henry 
 Barrow, Mr. Greenwood, (these suffered at Tyburn ;) 
 Mr. Penry at St. Thomas Waterings, by London ; ^ 
 Mr. William Dennis, at Thetford, in Norfolk ; two 
 others at St. Edmund's, in Suffolk, whose names were 
 Copping and Elias [Thacker.] ^ These two last men- 
 tioned were condemned by cruel Judge Popham,^ 
 whose countenance and carriage was very rough and 
 severe toward them, with many sharp menaces. But 
 God gave them courage to bear it, and to make this 
 answer : 
 
 " My Lord, your face we fear not, 
 And for your threats we care not, 
 And to come to your read service, we dare not." 
 
 These two last named were put to death for dispersing 
 of books. 
 
 For Mr. Dennis, he was a godly man, and faithful 
 in his place; but what occasion was taken against him, 
 we know not, more than the common cause. 
 
 15 94. 
 
 1583. 
 
 ^ According to Stow's Chronicle, 
 page 765, Henry Barrow and John 
 Greenwood were hung on the 6th 
 of April, 1594. John Penry was 
 executed May 29, 1593. Barrow 
 was a gentleman of Gray's Inn ; 
 Greenwood and Penry were clergy- 
 men. In 1592, Greenwood was 
 teacher of a church in London, of 
 which Francis Johnson, mentioned 
 in note ' on patre 24, was pastor. 
 See Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 136 ; Hal- 
 lam's Const. Hist. i. 230, (4toed.); 
 Prince's Annals, p. 303. 
 
 * Stow, in his Chronicle, page 
 697, says, " Elias Thacker was 
 hanged at Saint Edmondsbury on 
 the 4lh of June, 1583, and John 
 Coping oa the 6th of the same 
 
 month, for spreading certain books 
 seditiously penned by one Robert 
 Browne against the Book of Com- 
 mon Prayer established by the laws 
 of this realm. Their books, so 
 many as could be found, were burnt 
 before them." See Strype's Annals, 
 iii. 186; Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 66; 
 Neal's Puritans, i. 254, 260, (4lo. 
 ed.) 
 
 ^ This was Lord John Popham, 
 Chief Justice of England, who af- 
 terwards look so deep an interest 
 in the colonization of New Eng- 
 land, and was foremost in planting 
 the abortive colony at Sagadahoc 
 in 1607. See note ' on pise 50, 
 and note^ on page 112 ; and Wood's 
 Athen. Oxon. i. 342. 
 
428 THESE MARTYRS NOT BROWNISTS. 
 
 CHAP. For Mr. Penrj, how unjustly he was charged, him- 
 — — - self hath made manifest to the world in his books, and 
 that Declaration which he made a little before his suf- 
 fering ; all which are extant in print, with some of his 
 godly letters.* 
 
 As for Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood, it also ap- 
 pears by their own writings how those statutes formerly 
 made against the Papists were wrested against them, 
 and they condemned thereupon ; as may be seen by 
 their Examinations.^ 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 But these were rigid Brownists, and lie under much 
 aspersion, and their names much blemished and be- 
 clouded, not only by enemies, but even by godly and 
 very reverend men. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 They can no more justly be called Brownists, than 
 the disciples might have been called Judasites ; for 
 they did as much abhor Brown's apostasy, and profane 
 course, and his defection, as the disciples and other 
 Christians did Judas's treachery. 
 
 ' These tracts of Penry are in rowe, John Grenewood, and John 
 the Prince Collection, in the Libra- Penrie, before the High Commis- 
 ry of the Mass. Hist. Society. Hal- sioners and Lords of llie Council ; 
 lain says, " Penry's protestation at penned by the prisoners themselves 
 his death is in a style of the most before their deaths." "Let any 
 affecting and simple eloquence." man read the examinations of Bar- 
 He was a graduate of O.xford, and rowand Greenwood, and I am mis- 
 was charged with being one of the taken if he will not perceive a 
 author's of Martin Mar-Prelate, plain-hearted Christian simplicity 
 See Wood's Athen. Oxon. i. 258 — in their behaviour, and an inhu- 
 261 ; Hallam's Const. Hist. i. 221, man spirit of cruelly and tyranny 
 and Neal's Puritans, i. 374 — 379. in their persecutors." Peirce's 
 
 * In the Harleian Miscellany, ii. Vindication of the Dissenters, page 
 
 10 — 42 (Svo. ed.) may be seen 146. 
 " The Examinations of Henry Bar- 
 
HENRY BARROW, THE MARTYR. 429 
 
 And for their rigid and roughness of spirit, as some chap. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 of them, especially Mr. Barrow, is taxed, it may be ^^-v-^ 
 considered they were very rigidly and roughly dealt 
 with, not only by the Lord's enemies and their ene- 
 mies, but by some godly persons of those times, differ- 
 ing in opinions from them ; which makes some of us 
 call to mind what one Doctor Taylor hath written in a 
 late book in these stirring times. " Such an eminent 
 man," saith he, " hath had the good hap to be reputed 
 orthodox by posterity, and did condemn such a man 
 of such an opinion, and yet himself erred in as con- 
 siderable matters ; but meeting with better neigh- 
 bours in his life-time, and a more charitable posterity 
 after his death, hath his memory preserved in honor ; 
 and the other's name suffers without cause." Of which 
 he gives instances in his book entitled The Liberty of 
 Prophesying, page 33 and following. 
 
 We refer you to Mr. Robinson's Answ^er to Mr. Ber- 
 nard,' where he charges him with blasphemy, railing, 
 scoffing, &c. " For Mr. Barrow," saith Mr. Robinson, 
 " as I say with Mr. Ainsworth, that I will not justify 
 all the words of another man, nor yet mine own, so say 
 I also with Mr. Smith, that because I know not by 
 what particular motion of the Spirit he was guided to 
 write in those phrases, I dare not censure him as you 
 do; especially considering with what fiery zeal the 
 Lord hath furnished such his servants at all times, as 
 he hath stirred up for special reformation. Let the 
 example of Luther alone suffice, whom into what terms 
 his zeal carried, his writings testify ; and yet both in 
 him and in Mr. Barrow there might be with true spi- 
 
 ' See the title of this work in note ^ on page 40. 
 
430 SLANDERS AGAINST BARROW. 
 
 CHAP, ritual zeal fleshly indignation mingled." Answer to 
 
 SXi Mr. Bernard, folio 84. 
 
 And further in page 86 he saith, that " such harsh 
 terms wherewith he entertains such persons and things 
 in the church as carry with them most appearance of 
 holiness, they are to be interpreted according to his 
 meaning, with this distinction, that Mr. Barrow speaks 
 not of these persons and things simply, but in a re- 
 spect, and so and so considered ; and so no one term 
 given by Mr. Barrow but may, at the least, be tole- 
 rated." 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 But divers reverend men have expressed concerning 
 this matter that God is not wont to make choice of men 
 infamous for gross sins and vices before their calling, to 
 make them any instruments of reformation after their 
 calling, and proceed to declare that Mr. Barrow was a 
 great gamester and a dicer when he lived in court, and 
 getting much by play, would boast of loose spending 
 it with courtesans, &c. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 Truly, with due respect to such reverend men be it 
 spoken, those things might well have been spared from 
 putting in print, especially so long after his death, 
 when not only he, but all his friends are taken out of 
 the world, that might vindicate his name. That he 
 was tainted with vices at the court before his conversion 
 and calling, it is not very strange ; and if he had lived 
 and died in that condition, it is like he might have 
 gone out of the world without any public brand on his 
 name, and have passed for a tolerable Christian and 
 
VINDICATION OF BARROW. 431 
 
 member of the church. He had hurt enough done chap. 
 him, whilst he lived, hy evil and cruel enemies ; why t^^ZL 
 should godly men be prcjudicated to him after his 
 death in his name ? Was not the Apostle Paul a per- 
 secutor of God's saints unto death ? And doth not the 
 same Apostle, speaking of scandalous and lascivious 
 persons, say, " And such were some of you ; but ye IF^^- 
 are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified 
 in the name of the Lord Jesus and by the spirit of our 
 God." 
 
 And if histories deceive us not, was not Cyprian a 
 magician before his conversion, and Augustine a Mani- 
 chfean ? And when it was said unto him in the voice 
 he heard, Tolle et lege, he w^as directed to that place of 
 Scripture, " Not in gluttony and drunkenness, nor in ^9'^^^ 
 chambering and wantonness, nor in strife and envy- 
 ing ; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Ciuist, and take 
 no thought for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts of it." ^ 
 By which it may seem that if God do not- make 
 choice of such men as have been infiimous for gross 
 vices before their calling, yet sometimes he is wont to 
 do it, and is free to choose whom he pleaseth for 
 notable instruments for his own work. As for other 
 things that have been spoken of him and Mr. Green- 
 wood and Mr. Penry, we leave them as they are. 
 But some of us have reason to think there are some 
 mistakes in the relations of those things. Only we 
 shall add other public testimonies concerning them 
 from witnesses of very worthy credit, which are also 
 in print. 
 
 First, from Mr. Phillips. A famous and godly 
 
 ^ This is the Geneva version. * The word ordinorili/ seems to 
 See note ^ on page 14. havebeenaccidentallyomiltedhere. 
 
432 BARROW AND GREENWOOD. 
 
 CHAP, preacher, having heard and seen Mr. Barrow's holy 
 — v-^ speeches and preparations for death, said, " Barrow, 
 Barrow, my soul be with thine ! " The same author 
 also reports, that Queen Elizabeth asked learned 
 Doctor Reynolds' what he thought of those two men, 
 Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood ; and he answered 
 her Majesty that it could not avail any thing to show 
 his Judgment concerning them, seeing they were put 
 to death ; and being loath to speak his mind further, 
 her Majesty charged him upon his allegiance to speak. 
 Whereupon he answered, that he was persuaded, if 
 they had lived, they would have been two as worthy 
 instruments for the church of God, as have been raised 
 up in this age. Her Majesty sighed, and said no more. 
 But after that, riding to a park by the place where 
 they were executed, and being willing to take further 
 information concerning them, demanded of the right 
 honorable the Earl of Cumberland, that was present 
 when they suffered, what end they made. He an- 
 swered, " a very godly end, and prayed for your 
 Majesty, and the State," &c.^ We may also add what 
 some of us have heard by credible information, that the 
 Queen demanded of the Archbishop^ what he thought 
 
 ' Dr. John Reynolds, one of clined a bishopric. He died in 
 the most learned divines of his 1607. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. 
 age, was, according to Anthony i. 339 — 342; Prince's Worthies of 
 Wood, " the pillar of Puritanism, Devon, pp. 6S4— 692 ; Fuller's Ch. 
 and the grand favorer of Noncon- Hist. iii. 172—193, 228, 230. 
 formity." He was born in Devon- ^ See Peirce's Vindication of the 
 shire in 1549, and educated in Cor- Dissenters, part i. p. 147, and 
 pus Chrisli College, Oxford, of Sirype's Life of Bishop Ayliner, p. 
 which he was afterwards president. 247, and Neal's History of New 
 He was the principal champion of England, i. 71. 
 the Puritans at the Hampton Court ^ Whiigift. He succeeded Grin- 
 Conference, and was one of the dal in 1584, and held the see till 
 persons appointed by James to his death in 1604, the second year 
 make the English version of the of James's reign. See Fuller's Ch. 
 Bible now in common use. He Hist. iii. 66, 198. 
 had been Dean of Lincoln, and de- 
 
BARROW'S CHARACTER. 433 
 
 of them ill his conscience. He answered "ho thoueht chap. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 they were the servants of God, but dangerous to the — v^ 
 State." "Alas!" said she, " shall we put the servants 
 of God to death .^" And this was the true cause why 
 no more of them were put to death in her days.-^ 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 Did any of you know Mr. Barrow ? if we may be so 
 bold to ask, for we would willingly know what [was] 
 his life and conversation ; because some, we perceive, 
 have him in precious esteem, and others can scarce 
 name him without some note of obloquy and dislike. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 We have not seen his ])erson ; but some of us have 
 been well acquainted with those that knew him fa- 
 miliarly both before; and after his conversion ; and one 
 of us hath had conference with one that was his do- 
 mestic servant, and tended upon him both before and 
 some while after the same. 
 
 He was a gentleman of good worth, and a flourishing 
 courtier in his time, and, as appears in his own answers 15S6. 
 
 Nov. 
 
 to the Archbishop and Doctor Cousens, he was some 19.' 
 time a student at Cambridge and the Inns of Court, 
 and accomplished with strong parts. 
 
 We have heard his conversion to be on this wise. 
 Walking in London one Lord's day with one of his 
 companions, he heard a preacher at his sermon very 
 loud, as they passed by the church. Upon which Mr. 
 
 ' "There be grave professors, when she heart! of it afterwards." 
 
 who lived near those occurrences, Cotton's Way, pafje 5. Eayliesays, 
 
 who speak of Queen Elizabeth as p. 14, that " Queen Elizabeth, by the 
 
 ignorant of Barrow's execution and evil adviceof iliccruelprclatesabout 
 
 Greenwood's, and displeased at it lier, caused Barrow to be hanged." 
 
 55 
 
434 BARROW'S CONVERSION. 
 
 CHAP. Barrow said unto his consort, " Let us go in and hear 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 —-^^ what this man saith that is thus earnest." " Tush," 
 saith the other, " what ! shall we go to hear a man 
 talk .'^" &c. But in he went and sat down. And the 
 minister was vehement in reproving sin, and sharply 
 applied the judgments of God against the same ; and, 
 it should seem, touched him to the quick in such things 
 as he was guilty of, so as God set it home to his soul, 
 and began to work his repentance and conversion 
 thereby. For he was so stricken as he could not be 
 quiet, until by conference with godly men and further 
 hearing of the word, with diligent reading and medita- 
 tion, God brought peace to his soul and conscience, 
 after much humiliation of heart and reformation of life ; 
 so as he left the court, and retired himself to a private 
 life, some time in the country and some time in the 
 city, giving himself to study and reading of the Scrip- 
 tures and other good works very diligently. And be- 
 ing missed at court by his consorts and acquaintance, 
 it was quickly bruited abroad that Barrow was turned 
 Puritan. What his course was afterwards, his writings 
 show, as also his sufferings and conference with men 
 of all sorts do declare, until his life was taken from 
 him. 
 
 And thus much we can further affirm, from those 
 that well knew him, that he was very comfortable to 
 the poor and those in distress in their sufferings ; and 
 when he saw he must die, he gave a stock for the 
 relief of the poor of the church, which was a good help 
 to them in their banished condition afterwards. Yea, 
 and that which some will hardly believe, he did much 
 persuade them to peace, and composed many differ- 
 ences that were grown amongst them whilst he lived, 
 
THE SEPARATISTS AND PURITANS. 435 
 
 and would have, it is like, prevented more that after chap. 
 
 XXVI 
 
 fell out, if he had continued. — — 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 We thank you for your pains. We hope it will 
 extend further than our satisfaction. We cannot but 
 marvel that such a man should be by so many aspersed. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 It is not mucii to be marvelled at ; for he was most 
 plain in discovering the cruelty, fraud, and hypocrisy 
 of the enemies of the truth, and searching into tlie cor- 
 ruptions of the time, which made him abhorred of 
 them ; and peradventure something too harsh against 
 the baitings of divers of the preachers and professors 
 that he had to deal with in those times, who out of 
 fear or weakness did not come so close up to the truth 
 in their practice as their doctrines and grounds seemed 
 to hold forth. Which makes us remember what was the 
 answer of Erasmus to the Duke of Saxony, when he 
 asked his opinion whether Luther had erred. He an- 
 swered, " his opinions were good, but wished he would 
 moderate his style, which stirred him up the more 
 enemies, no doubt." 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 We find in the writings of some such who were very 
 eminent in their times for piety and learning, that those 
 of the Separation' found more favor in our native coun- 
 try than those who were reproached by the name of 
 Puritans ; and after much discourse thereabouts, come 
 
 ' For an account of the difference aratists, see Prince's Annals, pp. 
 between the Puritans and the Sep- 302—305. 
 
436 
 
 SUFFERINGS OF THE PURITANS. 
 
 CHAP, to this conclusion, that no comparison will hold from 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 — v-^ the Separatists to them in their sufferings but a 7mnori ; 
 and then tliey go on and say, what a compulsory ban- 
 ishment iias been })ut upon those blessed and glorious 
 lights, Mr. Cartwriglit,' Mr. Parker,^ Doctor Ames, &c. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 Far be it from any of us to detract from or to ex- 
 teiuiate the sufferings of any of the servants of God, 
 much less from those worthies forenamed, or any others 
 afterwards mentioned. Yet, under favor, we crave 
 pardon if we cannot consent to the judgment of such 
 eminent ones for piety and learning above hinted. 
 We doubt not, but do easily grant, that the sufferings 
 of those reproached by the name of Puritans were 
 great, especially some of them, and were better known 
 to those pious and learned [men] first above intimated, 
 than the sufferings of those that are reproached by the 
 name of Brownists and Separatists.^ But we shall 
 
 1 Thomas Cartwright, "chief of 
 the Nonconformists," as Fuller 
 culls hitn, was one of the most 
 leirned scholars and skilful dis- 
 putants of his age. He was born 
 in 1535, and educated at Cam- 
 bridge; was fellow of Trinity Col- 
 lege, and Lady Margaret's profes- 
 sor of divinity. But venturing in 
 some of his lectures to point out 
 the defects in the discipline of the 
 Church, he was expelled from the 
 university. lie then went to Ge- 
 neva, and afterwards became prea- 
 cher to the English merchants 
 at Antwerp. After his return from 
 Antwerp he was often in trouble 
 by susjjensions, deprivations and 
 long imprisonment; till at length 
 the Earl of Leicester made him 
 governor of his hospital at War- 
 wick, where he died in 1603. See 
 
 Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 503, iii. 105, 
 165, 171 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 420. 
 
 ' Robert Parker, a puritan di- 
 vine of Wiltshire, in consequence 
 of publishing a Treatise on the 
 Cross in Baptism, was obliged in 
 1607 to fly into Holland. Here he 
 would have been chosen pastor of 
 the English church at Amsterdam ; 
 but the magistrates being afraid of 
 offending King James, he went to 
 Doesburgh, and became minister 
 of the garrison there, where he died 
 in 1630. See Wood's Athcn. Oxon. 
 i. 464 ; Peirce's Vindication, p. 171 ; 
 Neal's Puritans, i. 436, 456. 
 
 ^ On the occasion of the passage 
 of a law of banishment against the 
 Separatists in 1593, Sir Walter 
 Raleigh said in the House of Com- 
 mons, ''In his conceit the Brown- 
 ists are worthy to be rooted out of 
 
PERSECUTION OF THE SEPARATISTS. 437 
 
 pive you some instances, and leave it to you and some chap. 
 Others to consider oi. — ^ — 
 
 1. Though no more were publicly executed, yet 
 sundry more were condemned, and brought to the gal- 
 lows, and ascended the ladder, not knowing but they 
 should die, and have been reprieved, and after banish- 
 ed ; some of which we have knoyvn and often spoken 
 A\ith. 
 
 2. Others have not only been forced into voluntary 
 banishment, by great numbers, to avoid further cruelty, 
 but divers, after long and sore imprisonment, have 
 been forced to abjure the land by oatli, never to return 
 without leave. In anno 1604 four persons at once 
 were forced to do so at a public Sessions in London, 
 or else upon refusal they were to be hanged. This 
 their abjuration was done on the statute of the 35 of 
 Queen Elizabeth. Some of these we have also known. 
 
 3. We find mention in a printed I)Ook of seventeen 
 or eighteen that have died in several prisons in London 
 in six years' time before the year 1592, besides what 
 have been in other parts of the land, and since that 
 time, perishing by cold, hunger, or noisomeness of the 
 prison. 
 
 4. In the same year we find a lamentable petition, 1592. 
 now in print, of sixty persons committed unbailable to 
 several prisons in London, as Newgate, the Gatehouse, 
 Clink, &c., being made close prisoners, allowing them 
 neither meat, drink, nor lodging, nor suffering any 
 
 a commonwealth ; but what dan- afraid there is near twenty thou- 
 
 gcr may grow to ourselves if this sand of them in England ; and 
 
 law passes, it were fit to be consid- when they are gone, who shall 
 
 ered. If two or three thousand maintain their wives and child- 
 
 Brownists meet at the seaside, at ren ?" Simon D'Ewes's Journals, 
 
 whose charge shall they be trans- p. 517, and Peirce's Vindication, 
 
 ported? or whither will you send page 143. 
 them? I am sorry for it; I am 
 
438 THE SEPARATISTS EXCOMMUNICATED. 
 
 CHAP, whose hearts the Lord would stir up for their relief, 
 
 ^^'''^- 1 1,1- 
 
 -'v^ to have any access unto them ; so as they complain 
 
 that no felons, traitors, nor murderers in the land were 
 
 thus dealt with ; and so after many other grievous 
 
 complaints conclude with these words: " We crave 
 
 for all of us but the liberty either to die openly, or to 
 
 live openly in the land of our nativity. If we deserve 
 
 death, it beseemeth the majesty of justice not to see 
 
 us closely murdered, yea starved to death with hunger 
 
 and cold, and stifled in loathsome dungeons. If w^e 
 
 be guiltless, we crave but the benefit of our innocence, 
 
 viz. that we may have peace to serve our God and our 
 
 Prince in the place of the sepulchres of our fathers." ^ 
 
 And what numbers since those, who have been put 
 unto compulsory banishment and other hard sufferings, 
 as loss of goods, friends, and long and hard imprison- 
 ments, under which many have died, — it is so well 
 known, that it would make up a volume to rehearse 
 them, and v^'Ould not only equalize but far exceed the 
 number of those godly called Puritans that have suffer- 
 ed. Suppose they were but few of them ministers 
 that suffered, as above expressed ; yet their sorrows 
 might be as great, and their wants more, and their 
 souls as much afilicted, because more contemned and 
 neglected of men. 
 
 But some have said i^ey were excommunicated; and 
 that was no great matter as excommunications went in 
 those days. So were these, not only while they were 
 living, but some of them many times after they were 
 dead ; and as some of the other were imprisoned, so 
 were more of these. But it is further said, all of 
 them were deprived of their ministry ; and so were 
 
 ' See Peirce's Vindication of the Dissenters, part i. p. 144. 
 
THE SEPARATISTS IMPRISONED AND BANISHED. 
 
 439 
 
 tlicse of their livelihood and maintenance, although chap. 
 
 . XXVI. 
 
 they had no offices to lose. But those remained still -^^ — 
 in the land, and were succoured and sheltered by good 
 people in a competent wise, the most of them, and 
 sundry of them lived as well, as may easily be proved, 
 if not better, than if they had enjoyed their benefices ; 
 whereas the other were, a great number of them, forc- 
 ed to fly into foreign lands for shelter, or else might 
 have perished in prisons ; and these poor creatures en- 
 dured, many of them, such hardships (as is well known 
 to some of us) as makes our hearts still ache to re- 
 member. 
 
 ^Ve some of us knew Mr. Parker, Doctor Ames, and 
 Mr. Jacob ^ in Holland, when they sojourned for a 
 time in Leyden ; and all three boarded together and 
 had their victuals dressed by some of our acquaintance, 
 and then they lived comfortable, and then they were 
 provided for as became their persons. And after Mr. 
 Jacob returned, and Mr. Parker was at Amsterdam, 
 
 ' Henry Jacob was born in the 
 county of Kent in 1563, and was 
 educated at Oxford. He became a 
 clergyman of the Church of Eng- 
 land, and as Anthony Wood says, 
 " was a person most excellently 
 well read in theological authors, 
 but withal was a most zealous 
 Puritan, or as his son Henry used 
 to say, the first Independent in 
 England." He wrote two treatises 
 againstFrancis Johnson, the Brown- 
 ist, in defence of the Church of Eng- 
 land's being a true church. But 
 flying from the persecution under 
 Bisliop Bancroft in 1604, he fell in 
 Avith John Robinson at Leyden, 
 and conferring with him embraced 
 his peculiar sentiments of church 
 government. On his return to 
 England, he laid in 1616, the foun- 
 dation of an Independent or Con- 
 
 gregational Church. He continued 
 with his people about eight years, 
 but in 1624, went to Virginia, 
 where he soon after died. JFrom 
 the Library of the American Anti- 
 quarian Society, at Worcester, I 
 have obtained the use of a book 
 written by Jacob, entitled '"An At- 
 testation of many learned, godly 
 and famous divines, lights of reli- 
 gion and pillars of the gospel, jus- 
 tifying this doctrine, viz. that the 
 church government ought to he al- 
 ways with the people's free con- 
 sent. Anno Dom. 1613." pp. 323. 
 16mo. This work is not contained 
 in Wood's list of Jacob's writings, 
 nor is it mentioned by Ncal. See 
 Wood's Athen. Oxon.i. 464 ; Neal's 
 Puritans, i. 438, 476 ; Mass. Hist. 
 Coll. xi. 164—167. 
 
440 SUFFERINGS OF THE SEPARATISTS. 
 
 CHAP, where he printed some of his books, and Mr. Ames 
 — '^^ disposed of himself to other places, it was not worse 
 with him ; and some of us well know how it fared 
 then with many precious Christians in divers times 
 and places. To speak the truth, the professors in 
 England, though many of them suffered much at the 
 hands of the prelates, yet they had a great advantage 
 of the Separatists ; for the Separatists had not only the 
 prelates and their faction to encounter with, (and what 
 hard measure they met with at their hands, above the 
 other, doth sufficiently appear by what is before de- 
 clared,) but also they must endure the frowns, and 
 many times the sharp invectives, of the forward minis- 
 ters against them, both in public and private ; and 
 what influence they had upon the spirits of the people, 
 is well enough known also ; by reason hereof the min- 
 isters in foreign coiuitries did look awry at them when 
 they would give help and countenance to the other. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 Indeed, it seems they have sometimes suffered much 
 hardness in the Low Countries, if that be true that is 
 reported of such a man as Mr. Ainsworth, that he 
 should live for some time with nine pence a week. 
 To wliich is replied by another, that if people suffered 
 him to live on nine pence a week, with roots boiled, 
 either the people were grown extreme low in estate, 
 or the growth of their godliness was come to a very 
 low ebb. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 The truth is, their condition for the most part was 
 for some time very low and hard. It was with them 
 
SUFFERINGS OF THE SEPARATISTS. 441 
 
 as, if it should be related, would hardly be believed, chap. 
 
 V Y V T 
 
 And no marvel. For many of them had lain long in ^-v^- 
 prisons, and then were banished into Newfoundland, 
 where they were abused, and at last came into the 
 Low Countries, and wanting money, trades, friends or 
 acquaintances, and languages to help themselves, how 
 could it be otherwise ? The report of Mr. Ainsworth 
 was near those times, when he was newly come out of 
 Ireland with others poor, and being a single young man 
 and very studious, was content with a little. And yet, 
 to take off the aspersion from the people in that par- 
 ticular, the chief and true reason thereof is mistaken ; 
 for he was a very modest and bashful man, and con- 
 cealed his wants from others, until some suspected how' 
 it was with him, and pressed him to see how it was ; 
 and after it was known, such as were able mended his 
 condition ; and when he was married afterwards, he 
 and his family were comfortably provided for. But we 
 have said enough of these things. They had (ew 
 friends to comfort them, nor any arm of flesh to sup- 
 port them ; and if in some things they were too rigid, 
 they are rather to be pitied, considering their times and 
 sufferings, than to be blasted with reproach to pos- 
 terity. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 Was that Brown ^ that fell awaj and made apostasy, 
 the fu'st inventor and beginner of this way ? 
 
 ' Robert Brown was descended the vehemence of his delivery gain- 
 
 from an ancient and respectable ed him reputation with the people, 
 
 family in Rutlandshire. His father He was first a schoolmaster in 
 
 was a knight, and nearly related to Soulhworlh, and then a preacher 
 
 Cecil, Lord Burleigh. He was ed- at Islington, near London. He 
 
 ucated at Cambridge, and preached first separated from the Church of 
 
 some time in Benet Church, where England in 15S0, and having been 
 
 50 
 
442 
 
 ROBERT BROWN, THE SEPARATIST. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 No, verily ; for, as one answers this question very 
 well in a printed book, almost forty years ago, that 
 the prophets, apostles and evangelists have in their 
 authentic writings laid down the ground thereof; and 
 upon that ground is their building reared up and surely 
 settled.^ Moreover, many of the martyrs, both former 
 and latter, have maintained it, as is to be seen in The 
 Acts and Monuments of the Church. Also, in the 
 days of Queen Elizabeth there was a separated church, 
 whereof Mr. Fitts was pastor,^ and another before that 
 in the time of Queen Mary, of which Mr. Rough ^ was 
 
 twice imprisoned, at length escaped 
 into Holland, and set up a congre- 
 gation of his followers at Middle- 
 burg. After its dissolution, he re- 
 turned in 1589 to England, recanted 
 his principles of separation, be- 
 came reconciled to the established 
 church, and was rewarded with a 
 living in Northamptonshire. Ful- 
 ler, the church historian, who was 
 born within a mile of his residence, 
 says he often saw him in his youth, 
 and adds that " he had in my time 
 a wife with whom for many years 
 he never lived, and a church 
 wherein he never preached." Be- 
 ing imprisoned for striking the con- 
 stable of his parish for demanding 
 a church rate of him, he died in 
 Northampton gaol in 1630, in his 
 81st year. Hornius says, " De eo 
 inter alia ridicula referunt, quod 
 cum frequenter uxorem suam pul- 
 saret, reprehensus propterea respon- 
 derit, ' Se non verberare eam ut 
 uxorem suam, verum ut nefariam 
 et maledictam vetulam.' " 
 
 Robinson, in his Justification of 
 Separation, page 54, says, " Now 
 touching Browne, it is true, that as 
 he forsook the Lord, so the Lord 
 forsook him in his way ; and so he 
 did his own people Israel many a 
 
 time. And if the Lord had not for- 
 saken him, he had never so returned 
 back into Egypt, as he did, to live 
 of the spoils of it. And for the 
 wicked things which Mr. Bernard 
 affirmeth he did in this way, it 
 may well be as he saith, and the 
 more wicked things he committed 
 in this course, the less like he was 
 to continue long in it, and the more 
 like to return again to his proper 
 centre, the Church of England, 
 where he should be sure to find 
 companions enough in any wick- 
 edness, as it came to pass." See 
 Wood's Athen. Oxon. i. 341 ; Ful- 
 ler's Ch. Hist. iii. 61— 65; Strype's 
 Annals, iii. 15; Neal's Puritans, i. 
 251 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 13; 
 Hornii Hist. Eccles. p. 231 ; Hoorn- 
 beek, Summa Controv. p. 739. 
 
 ' As for Mr. Robinson's being 
 the author of Independency, Mr. 
 Cotton replies that " the New Tes- 
 tament was the author of it, and it 
 was received in the times of purest, 
 primitive antiquity, many hundreds 
 of years before Mr. Robinson was 
 born." Prince, p. 176. See Cot- 
 ton's Wav, p. 9. 
 
 * See Prince's Annals, p. 302. 
 
 ^ Rough,was burnt. See Neal's 
 Puritans, i. 71. 
 
SEPARATISTS BEFORE BROWN. 443 
 
 pastor or teacher, and Cudbert Simpson a deacon, who chap. 
 exercised amongst themselves, as other ordinances, so -^v-^ 
 church censures, as excommunication, &c., and pro- 
 fessed and practised that cause before Mr. Brown 
 wrote for it. But he bein^ one that afterwards wrote 
 for it, they that first hatched the name of Puritans* and 
 bestowed it on the godly professors that desired reform- 
 ation, they likewise out of the same storehouse would 
 needs bestow this new livery upon others that never 
 would own it, nor had reason so to do. Mr. Cotton, 
 likewise, in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page fourth, 
 shows how in the year 1567 there were a hundred 
 persons who refused the common liturgy, and the con- 
 gregations attending thereunto, and used prayers and 
 preaching and the sacraments amongst themselves, 
 whereof fourteen or fifteen were sent to prison, of 
 whom the chiefest were Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon, James 
 Ireland, Robert Hawkins, Thomas Rowland, and Rich- 
 ard Morecroft ; and these pleaded their separation 
 before the Lord Mayor, Bishop Sands, and other com- 
 missioners on June 20, 1567, about eighty years ago, 
 being many years before Brown.^ Divers other in- 
 stances might be given. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 But if we mistake not, Mr. Brown is accounted by 
 some of good note to be the im^entor of that way which 
 is called Brownism, from whom the sect took its name. 
 Moreover, it is said by such of note as aforesaid, that 
 it is not God's usual manner of dealing to leave any of 
 the first publishers or restorers of any truth of his to 
 such fearful apostasy. 
 
 > In 1564. See note ' on page ' See Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 480, 
 12, and Neal's Puritans, i. 161—164. 
 
444 ~ THE TITLE OF BROWNIST DISCLAIMED. 
 
 CHAP. ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 Possibly this speech might arise from a common 
 received opinion. But reverend Mr. Cotton, in his 
 Answer to Mr. Baylie, saith " the backshding of Brown 
 from that way of Separation is a just reason why the 
 Separatists may disclaim denomination from him, and 
 refuse to be called Brownists, after his name ; and to 
 speak with reason," saith he, " if any be Justly to be 
 called Brownists, it is only such as revolt from Sepa- 
 ration to formality, and from thence to profaneness." 
 Page 5. 
 
 To which we may add, that it is very injurious to 
 call those after his name, whose person they never 
 knew, and whose writings few if any of them ever 
 saw, and whose errors and backslidings they have con- 
 stantly borne witness against ; and what truths they 
 have received have been from the light of God's sacred 
 word, conveyed by other godly instruments unto them ; 
 though Brown may sometimes have professed some of 
 the same things, and now fallen from the same, as many 
 others have done. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 Seeing we have presumed thus far to inquire into 
 these ancienter times of you, and of the sufferings of 
 the aforesaid persons, w%, would likewise entreat you, 
 though never so briefly, to tell us something of the per- 
 sons and carriages of other eminent men about those 
 times, or immediately after, as Mr. Francis Johnson, 
 Mr. Henry Ainsworth, Mr. John Smith, Mr. John 
 Robinson, Mr. Richard Clifton. 
 
FRANCIS JOHNSON, OF AMSTERDAM. 445 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. XXVI ' 
 
 Here are some in the company that knew them all 
 familiarly, whom we shall desire to satisfy your re- 
 quest. 
 
 Those answered, We shall do it most willingly ; for 
 we cannot but honor the memory of the men for the 
 good that not only many others but we ourselves have 
 received by them and their ministry; for we have heard 
 them all, and lived under the ministry of divers of them 
 for some years. We shall therefore speak of them in 
 order briefly. 
 
 Mr. Johnson, 
 
 Of whom something was spoken before,^ was pastor of 
 the church of God at Amsterdam. A very grave man 
 he was, and an able teacher, and was the most solemn 
 in all his administrations that we have seen any, and 
 especially in dispensing the seals of the covenant, both 
 baptism and the Lord's supper. And a good disputant 
 he was. We heard Mr. Smith upon occasion say, that 
 he was persuaded no men living were able to maintain 
 a cause against those two men, meaning Mr. Johnson 
 and Mr. Ainsworth, if they had not the truth on their 
 side. He, by reason of many dissensions that fell out 
 in the church, and the subtilty of one of the elders of 
 the same, came after many y^rs to alter his judgment 
 about the government of the church, and his practice 
 thereupon, which caused a division amongst them. But 
 he lived not many years after, and died at Amsterdam 
 after his return from Embden. 
 
 ' On page 424. 
 
446 FRANCIS JOHNSON'S WIFE. 
 
 JHAP. YOUNG MEN. 
 
 But he is much spoken against for excommunicating 
 his brother ^ and his own father, and maintaining his 
 wife's cause, who was by his brother and others re- 
 proved for her pride in apparel. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 Himself hath often made his own defence, and others 
 for him. The church did, after long patience towards 
 them and much pains taken with them, excommunicate 
 them for their unreasonable and endless opposition, 
 and such things as did accompany the same ; and such 
 was the justice thereof, as he could not but consent 
 thereto. In our time his wife was a grave matron, 
 and very modest both in her apparel and all her de- 
 meanour, ready to any good works in her place, and 
 helpful to many, especially the poor, and an ornament 
 to his calling. She was a young widow when he mar- 
 ried her, and had been a merchant's wife, by w^hom he 
 had a good estate, and w^as a godly woman ; and be- 
 cause she wore such apparel as she had been formerly 
 used to, which were neither excessive nor immodest, 
 for their chiefest exceptions were against her w^earing 
 of some whalebone in the bodice and sleeves of her 
 gown, corked shoes, and other such like things as the 
 citizens of her rank then used to wear. And although, 
 for offence sake, she and he were Avilling to reform the 
 fashions of them so far as might be without spoiling of 
 their garments, yet it would not content them except 
 they came full up to their size. Such was the strict- 
 
 ' His brother's name was George. See Baylie, p. 15. 
 
BRAVERY IN DRESS REPROVED. 447 
 
 ncss or ri^idness Cas now the term goes) of some in chap. 
 
 o V o / XXVI. 
 
 those times, as we can hy experience and of our own -^^-^ 
 knowledo-e show in other instances. We shall for 
 brevity sake only show one. 
 
 We were in the company of a godly man that had 
 been a long time prisoner at Norwich for this cause, 
 and was by Judge Cooke set at liberty. After going 
 into the country he visited his friends, and returning 
 that way again to go into the Low Countries by ship 
 at Yarmouth, and so desired some of us to turn in with 
 him to the house of an ancient woman in the city, who 
 had been very kind and helpful to him in his suffer- 
 ings. She knowing his voice made him very welcome, 
 and those with him. But after some time of their en- 
 tertainment, being ready to depart, she came up to 
 him and felt of his band, (for her eyes were dim with 
 age,) and perceiving it was something stiffened with 
 starch, she was much displeased, and reproved him 
 very sharply, fearing God would not prosper his jour- 
 ney. Yet the man was a plain countryman, clad in 
 gray russet, without either welt or guard, (as the pro- 
 verb is,) and the band he wore scarce worth threepence, 
 made of their own homespinning ; and he was godly 
 and humble as he was plain. AVhat would such pro- 
 fessors, if they were now living, say to the excess of 
 our times ? ^ 
 
 ' Francis Johnson became a Se- son escaped from the country, and 
 
 paratist by reading a book written with some of his people set up a 
 
 by Barrow and Greenwood, as re- church at Amsterdam. Robinson 
 
 lated on page 425. In 1592, on the found him there in 1608, as appears 
 
 formation of a new congregation from page 34. On the breaking 
 
 of Separatists in London, Johnson out of the dissensions among them, 
 
 was chosen its pastor and Green- Johnson removed to Embden. See 
 
 wood its teacher. They, with fifty- note ' on page 24 ; Neal's Puritans, 
 
 four of their church, were soon pp. 363, 436 ; Prince's Annals, p. 
 
 seized by the bishop's officers, and 303; Robinson's Justification, p. 
 
 imprisoned. After the execution 55 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 14 ; 
 
 of Barrow and Greenwood, John- Cotton's Way, p. 6, 
 
448 henry ainsworth, of amsterdam. 
 
 Mr. Henry Ainsworth, 
 
 A man of a thousand, was teacher of this churcli at 
 Amsterdam at the same time when Mr. Johnson was 
 pastor. Two worthy men they were and of excellent 
 parts. He continued constant in his judgment and 
 practice unto his end in those things about the church 
 government, from which Mr. Johnson swerved and 
 fell. He ever maintained good correspondence with 
 Mr. Robinson at Leyden, and would consult with him 
 in all matters of weight, both in their differences and 
 afterwards. A very learned man he was, and a close 
 student, which much impaired his health. We have 
 heard some, eminent in the knowledge of the tongues, 
 of the university of Leyden, say that they thought he 
 had not his better for the Hebrew tongue in the uni- 
 versity, nor scarce in Europe.^ He was a man very 
 modest, amiable, and sociable in his ordinary course 
 and carriage, of an innocent and unblamable life and 
 conversation, of a meek spirit, and a calm temper, void 
 of passion and not easily provoked. And yet he would 
 be something smart in his style to his opposers in his 
 })ublic writings ; at which we that have seen his con- 
 stant carriage, both in public disputes and the managing 
 of all church affairs, and such like occurrences, have 
 sometimes marvelled. He had an excellent gift of 
 teaching and opening the Scriptures ; and things did 
 flow from him with that facility, plainness and sweet- 
 ness, as did much affect the hearers. He was powerful 
 and profound in doctrine, although his voice was not 
 
 ' Cotton, in his Way of Congre- gently studious of the Hebrew text, 
 
 gational Churches Cleared, page 6, hath not been unuscful to the church 
 
 says, " Mr. Ainsworth, a man of a in his Exposition of the Pentateuch, 
 
 modest and humble spirit, and dili- especially of Moses his rituals." 
 
HENRY AINS WORTH. 449 
 
 Strong ; and had this excellency above many, that he cmap. 
 was most ready and pregnant in the Scriptures, as if ^^v-^ 
 the book of God had been written in his heart ; being 
 as ready in his quotations, without tossing and turning 
 his book, as if they had lain open before his eyes, and 
 seldom missing a word in the citing of any place, 
 teaching not only the word and doctrine of God, but 
 in the words of God, and for the most part in a con- 
 tinued phrase and words of Scripture. He used great 
 dexterity, and was ready in comparing scri})ture with 
 scripture, one with another. In a word, the times and 
 place in which he lived were not worthy of such a 
 man. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 But we find that he is taxed, in a book writ by 
 George Johnson, with apostasy and to be a man- 
 
 ' ;is<"r, &c. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 Who can escape the scourge of tongues ? Christ 
 himself could not do it when he was here upon earth, 
 although there was no guile found in his mouth ; nor 
 Moses, although he was the meekest man in the earth. 
 For man-pleasing, they that tax him [do it] because 
 he concurred against their violent and endless dissen- 
 sions about the former matters. And for his apostasy, 
 this was all the matter. When he was a young man, 
 before he came out of England, he at the persuasion of 
 some of his godly friends went once or twice to hear a 
 godly minister preach ; and this was the great matter 
 of apostasy, for which those violent men thought him 
 worthy to be deposed from his place, and for which 
 57 
 
450 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 CHAP, they thus charge hhn. And truly herein they may 
 — '^^ worthily bear the name of rigid, &c.^ 
 
 Mr. John Smith 
 
 Was an eminent man in his time, and a good preacher, 
 and of other good parts ; but his inconstancy, and 
 unstable judgment, and being so suddenly carried away 
 with things, did soon overthrow him. Yet we have 
 some of us heard him use this speech : " Truly," said 
 he, " we being now come into a place of liberty, are in 
 great danger, if we look not well to our ways ; for we 
 are like men set upon the ice, and therefore may easily 
 slide and fall." But in this example it appears it is 
 an easier matter to give good counsel than to follow it, 
 to foresee danger than to prevent it : which made the 
 Jere. prophet to say, " O Lord, the way of man is not in 
 himself, neither is it in man to walk and to direct his 
 steps." He was some time pastor to a company of 
 honest and godly men which came with him out of 
 England, and pitched at Amsterdam. He first fell 
 into some errors about the Scriptures, and so into some 
 opposition with Mr. Johnson, who had been his tutor, 
 
 ' After Johnson's removal to he would desire ; but Ainsworth, 
 Embden, Ainsworth was the sole though poor, would accept of no- 
 pastor of the church at Amsterdam thing but a conference with some 
 till his death. This " Rabbi of his of the rabbles upon the prophecies 
 age," as he was called, " was the of the Old Testament relating to 
 author of a very learned commen- the Messiah, which the other pro- 
 tary on the five books of Moses, in raised; but not having interest 
 which he shows himself a complete enough to obtain it, and Ainsworth 
 master of the Oriental languages being resolute, it is thought he 
 and of Jewish antiquities. His was poisoned. His congregation 
 death was sudden, and not without remained without a pastor for some 
 suspicion of violence; for it is re- years after his death and then chose 
 ported, that having found a dia- Mr. Canne, author of the marginal 
 mond of great value in the streets references to the Bible." See 
 of Amsterdam, he advertised it in Neal's Puritans, i. 363, 386, 437 ; 
 print, and when the owner, who Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 15; Cot- 
 was a Jew, came to demand it, he ton's Way, p. 6. 
 offered him any acknowledgment 
 
JOHN SMITH. 
 
 451 
 
 and the church there. But he was convinced of them chap. 
 
 XXVI 
 
 by the pains and faithfuhiess of Mr. Johnson and Mr. ^ — ^ 
 Ainsworth, and revoked them ; but afterwards was 
 drawn away by some of the Dutch Anabaptists, who 
 finding him to be a good scholar and unsettled, they 
 easily misled the most of his people, and other of them 
 scattered away. He lived not many years after, but 
 died there of a consumption, to which he was inclined 
 before he came out of England. His and his people's 
 condition may be an object of pity for after times.^ 
 
 Mr. John Robinson 
 
 Was pastor of that famous church of Leyden, in 
 Holland ; a man not easily to be paralleled for all 
 things, whose singular virtues we shall not take upon 
 
 1 Smith, who has already been 
 mentioned on pages 22 and 34, 
 was, according to Baylie, p. 15, 
 "a man of right eminent parts." 
 Neal says that he was " a learned 
 man, of good abilities, hut of an 
 unsettled head, as appears by the 
 preface to one of his books, in 
 which he desires that his last 
 writing may always be taken for 
 his present judgment. He was 
 for refining upon the Brownists' 
 scheme, and at last declared for the 
 principles of the Baptists; but be- 
 ing at a loss for a proper adminis- 
 trator of the ordinance of baptism, 
 he plunged himself, and then per- 
 formed the ceremony upon others ; 
 which pained him the name of a 
 Se-baptist. He afterwards embraced 
 the tenets of Arminius, and pub- 
 lished certain conclusions upon 
 those points in the year 1611, 
 which Mr. Robinson answered in 
 1614; but Smith died soon after, 
 and his congregation dissolved." 
 
 "The fall of Mr. Smith," says 
 Cotton, in his Way, p. 6, "and the 
 spirit of errors and instability that 
 fell upon him, was a dreadful warn- 
 
 ing from heaven against self-ful- 
 ness and self-pleasing. For though 
 the tyranny of the Ecclesiastical 
 Courts was harsh towards him, and 
 the yokes put upon him in his min- 
 istry too grievous to be borne, yet 
 neither was he alone in suffering. 
 Nor were those that suffered with 
 him at that time (Mr. Clifton and 
 Mr. Robinson) such inconsiderable 
 persons that he should affect to go 
 alone from them. He thought he 
 could have gained his tutor, John- 
 son, [of Amsterdam] from the er- 
 rors of his rigid separation. But 
 he had promised them not to go 
 over to him without their con- 
 sents; and they utterly dissuaded 
 him therefrom, as fearing his insta- 
 bility. And yet, contrary to his 
 promise, he went over to him, 
 which led him into manifest temp- 
 tations and aberrations." 
 
 The celebrated Bishop Hall wrote 
 a letter which he addressed " to Mr. 
 Smith and Mr. Robinson, ringlead- 
 ers of the late Separation, at Am- 
 sterdam." See Neal's Puritans, i. 
 437 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, pp. 15, 19 ; 
 Bp. Hall's Epistles, dec. iii. ep. 1. 
 
 < 
 
452 JOHN ROBINSON. 
 
 CHAP. US here to describe. Neither need we, for they so 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 ^^-^ well are known both by friends and enemies. As he 
 was a man learned and of solid judgment, and of a 
 quick and sharp wit, so was he also of a tender con- 
 science, and very sincere in all his ways, a hater of 
 hypocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very plain 
 with his best friends. He was very courteous, affable, 
 and sociable in his conversation, and towards his own 
 people especially. He was an acute and expert dis- 
 putant, very quick and ready, and had much bickering 
 with the Arminians,^ who stood more in fear of him 
 than any of the university. He was never satisfied in 
 himself until he had searched any cause or argument 
 he had to deal in thoroughly and to the bottom ; and 
 we have heard him sometimes say to his familiars that 
 many times, both in writing and disputation, he knew 
 he had sufficiently answered others, but many times 
 not himself; and was ever desirous of any light, and the 
 more able, learned, and holy the persons were, the 
 more he desired to confer and reason with them. He 
 was very profitable in his ministry and comfortable to 
 his people. He was much beloved of them, and as 
 loving was he unto them, and entirely sought their 
 good for soul and body. In a word, he was much 
 esteemed and reverenced of all that knew him, and his 
 abilities [were acknowledged] both of friends and 
 strangers. But we resolved to be brief in this matter, 
 leaving you to better and more large information herein 
 from others.^ 
 
 * See pages 41 and 392. tor of the Pilgrim Church, men- 
 
 ' John Robinson was born in tioned on page 23, he had a bene- 
 
 1575, but the place of his birth is fice near Yarmouth, in Norfolk, 
 
 /^ unknown. He was probably edu- where he was often molested by 
 
 cated at the university of Cam- the bishop's officers, and his friends 
 
 bridge. Before his election as pas- almost ruined in the ecclesiastical 
 
RICHARD CLIFTON. 
 
 453 
 
 Mr. Richard Clifton 
 Was a irrave and fatherly old man when he came first chap. 
 
 . . . , XXVL 
 
 into Holland, having a great white beard ; and pity it — ^-^^ 
 was that such a reverend old man should be forced to 
 leave his country, and at those years to go into exile. 
 But it was his lot ; and he bore it patiently. Much 
 good had he done in the country where he lived, and 
 converted many to God by his faithful and painful 
 ministry, both in preaching and catechizing. Sound 
 and orthodox he always was, and so continued to his 
 end. He belonged to the church at Leyden ; but be- 
 ing settled at Amsterdam, and thus aged, he was loath 
 to remove any more ; and so when they removed, he 
 
 courts. It is an ungenerous insin- 
 uation of Bishop Hall, at the end 
 of his Apology against Brownists, 
 " Neither doubt we to say, that the 
 mastership of the hospital at Nor- 
 wich, or a lease from that city, (sued 
 for, with repulse,) might have pro- 
 cured that this separation from the 
 communion, government, and wor- 
 ship of the Church of England, 
 should not have been made by John 
 Robinson." 
 
 Baylic, that bitter inveigher 
 against the Brownists and Inde- 
 pendents, acknowledges that" Rob- 
 inson was a man of excellent parts, 
 and the most learned, polished and 
 modest spirit tliat ever separated 
 from the Church of England; that 
 the Apologies and Justifications he 
 wrote were very handsome ; that 
 by Dr. Ames and Mr. Parker he 
 was brought to a greater modera- 
 tion than he at first expressed ; that 
 he ruined the rigid separation, 
 was a principal overthrower of the 
 Brownists, and became the author 
 of Jndrpcndency." As to this last 
 point, however, see Cotton's reply, 
 in note ' on page 442. The name, 
 however, as Mosheini suggests, 
 
 may have been derived from an 
 expression of Robinson's in his 
 Apology : " Coctum quemlibet par- 
 ticularem esse totam, integram et 
 perfectam ecclesiam ex suis parti- 
 bus constantem, immediate et inde- 
 pendenter quoad alias ecclesias, sub 
 ipso Christo." 
 
 As has already been seen, pp. 77 
 and 384, and will more fully appear 
 hereafter from his Letters, it was 
 Robinson's intention and most ear- 
 nest desire to come over and settle 
 with his Hock at Plymouth ; but he 
 was prevented by the want of 
 means, the opposition of some of 
 the merchant adventurers, and 
 finally by death, which removed 
 him from the world iMarcli 1, 1625. 
 The honors paid to his memory at 
 his funeral are recorded in note ' 
 on page 393. Hoornbeek says, in 
 the work quoted on page 42, '"Post 
 obitum ejus, oborta in ccelu con- 
 tentione et schismate super cora- 
 munione cum Ecclesia Anglicana in 
 auditione verbi, D. Robinsoni vidua, 
 liberi, reliquique propinqui et amici 
 in comnuinionem ecclesia? nostrae 
 recepti fuerunt." Prince says, in 
 his Annals, p. 238, "liis son Isaac 
 
454 
 
 ROBINSON'S WRITINGS. 
 
 CHAP, was dismissed to them there, and there remained until 
 --v^^ he died.^ Thus have we briefly satisfied your desire. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 We are very thankful to you for your pains. We 
 perceive God raiseth up excellent instruments in all 
 ages to carry on his own work ; and the best of men 
 have their failings sometimes, as we see in these our 
 
 /i 
 
 came over to Plymouth Colony, liv- 
 ed to above ninety of years, a ven- 
 erable man, whom I have often 
 seen, and has left male posterity in 
 the county of Barnstable." He 
 lived at vScituate in 1636, and in 
 1639 removed to Barnstable ; he 
 was a highly respectable man, and 
 an Assistant in the government. 
 He married a sister of Elder Faunce, 
 and a son of his, Isaac, was drown- 
 ed at Barnstable in 1668. See 
 Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 151 — 178; 
 Neal's Puritans, i. 437; Baylie's 
 Dissuasive, p. 17 ; Cotton's Way, 
 p. 7 ; Hoornbeek, Sum. Cont. p. 
 741 ; Hornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 232; 
 Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. v. 405; 
 Deane's Scituate, p. 332; Holmes's 
 Annals, pp. 191, 575; Prince, 173. 
 In note ^ on page 40 there is a 
 list of the books published by Rob- 
 inson before the departure of the 
 Pilgrims for America. He after- 
 wards wrote the following works, 
 all of which, with the others, I 
 have had the privilege and pleasure 
 of consulting. 1. "A Defence of 
 the Doctrine propounded by the 
 Synod at Dort, against John Mur- 
 ton and his Associates, with the 
 Refutation of their Answer to a 
 writing touching baptism. By 
 John Robinson. Printed in the 
 year 1624." 4to. pp. 203. 2. "A 
 Treatise of the lawfulness of hear- 
 ing of the ministers in the Church 
 of England; penned by that learn- 
 ed and reverend divine, John Rob- 
 inson, late pastor to the English 
 church of God at Leyden. Printed 
 according to the copy that was 
 
 found in his study after his de- 
 cease ; and now published for the 
 common good. Together with a 
 letter written by the same author, 
 [Leyden, 5 April, 1624] and ap- 
 proved by his Church, which fol- 
 loweth after this Treatise. Anno 
 1634." pp. 77, 16mo. 3. "Es- 
 says, or Observations, divine and 
 moral, collected out of Holy Scrip- 
 tures, ancient and modern writers, 
 both divine and human, as also out 
 of the great volume of men's man- 
 ners ; tending to the furtherance of 
 knowledge and virtue. By John 
 Robinson. The Second Edition. 
 London. Printed for /. Bellamie, 
 1638." pp. 556, 4to. In his Pre- 
 face he speaks of having " dili- 
 gently observed the great volume 
 of men's manners; having had, in 
 the days of my pilgrimage, special 
 opportunity of conversing with per- 
 sons of divers nations, estates, and 
 dispositions, in great variety. This 
 kind of study and meditation hath 
 been unto me full sweet and de- 
 lightful, and that wherein I have 
 often refreshed my soul and spirit, 
 amidst many sad and sorrowful 
 thoughts, unto which God hath 
 called me." 
 
 ' Of course Belknap is in an er- > 
 ror, when he says, in his Life of 
 Robinson, Am. Biog. ii. 157, "As 
 nothing more is said of the aged 
 Mr. Clifton, it is probable that he 
 died before this embarkation," i. e. 
 from England to Holland. Baylies, 
 in his Memoir of New Plymouth, 
 i. 11, repeats the error. Yet Prince 
 would have set them right, p. 120. 
 
THE CHURCH AT AMSTERDAM. 455 
 
 times, and that there is no new thine; under the sun. chap. 
 
 XXV^I 
 
 But before we end this matter, we desire you would -^^ — 
 say something of those two churches that were so long 
 in exile, of whose guides we have already heard. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 Truly there were in them many worthy men ; and 
 if you had seen them in their beauty and order, as we 
 have done, you would have been much affected there- 
 with, we dare say. At Amsterdam, before their divi- 
 sion and breach, they were about three hundred com- 
 municants, and ihey had for their pastor and teacher 
 those two eminent men before named, and in our time 
 four grave men for ruling elders,^ and three able and 
 godly men for deacons, one ancient widow for a dea- 
 coness, who did them service many years, though she 
 was sixty years of age when she was chosen. She 
 honored her place and was an ornament to the congre- 
 
 ' The difference between the pas- that they " chose none for govern- 
 tor, or teaching elder, and the ruling ing elders but such as were able to 
 elder, as it existed in the churches teach." The office of ruling elder 
 of the Pilgrims, is thus described by also existed in the churches of Mas- 
 Prince, from their published writ- sachusetts Bay, at their first plant- 
 ings. "1. Pastors, or teaching el- ing. Mr. Savage says, "It was 
 ders— who have the power of over- kept up hardly more than fifty years, 
 seeing, teaching, administering the though in a few churches it contin- 
 sacraments, and ruling too ; and ued to the middle of the last cen- 
 being chiefly to give themselves to tury, much reduced, however, in 
 studying, teaching, and the spiritual importance, and hardly distinguish- 
 care of the flock, are therefore to be able from that of deacon. The title 
 maintained. 2. Mere ruling elders of elders was retained from the be- 
 — who are to help the pastors in ginning as a name for ministers." 
 overseeing and ruling; that their The office of ruling elder is still 
 offices be not temporary, as among kept up in the First Church in Sa- 
 the Dutch and French churches, lem, the oldest church in Massa- 
 but continual ; and being also quali- chusetts proper, the next after Ply- 
 fied in some degree to teach, they mouth. For further particulars con- 
 are to teach occasionally, through cerning the functions and duties of 
 necessity, or in their pastor's ab- the ruling elder, see Robinson's 
 sence or illness ; but being not to Apology, ch. iv. ; the Cambridge 
 give themselves to study or teach- Platform, ch. vii. ; Hutchinson's 
 ing, they have no need of mainte- Mass, i. 426; Prince's Annals, p. 
 nance." It appears, from page 65, 177; Savage's Winthrop, i. 31. 
 
456 THE CHURCH AT LEYDEN. 
 
 CHAP, gation. She usually sat in a convenient place in the 
 
 XXVI C3 -^ -1 
 
 — '^^ congregation, with a little birchen rod in her hand, and 
 kept little children in great av^^e from disturbing the 
 congregation. She did frequently visit the sick and 
 weak, especially women, and, as there was need, call- 
 ed out maids and young women to watch and do them 
 other helps as their necessity did require ; and if they 
 were poor, she would gather relief for them of those 
 that were able, or acquaint the deacons ; and she was 
 obeyed as a mother in Israel and an officer of Christ. 
 
 And for the church of Leyden, they were sometimes 
 not much fewer in number, nor at all inferior in able 
 men, though they had not so many officers as the other ; 
 for they had but one ruling elder with their pastor, a 
 man well approved and of great integrity ; also they 
 had three able men for deacons. And that which 
 was a crown unto them, they lived together in love 
 and peace all their days,' without any considerable dif- 
 ferences or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such 
 as was easily healed in love ; and so they continued un- 
 til with mutual consent they removed into New Eng- 
 land. And what their condition hath been since, some 
 of you that are of their children do see and can tell. 
 Many worthy and able men there were in both places, 
 who lived and died in obscurity in respect of the world, 
 as private Christians, yet were they precious in the 
 eyes of the Lord, and also in the eyes of such as knew 
 them, whose virtues we with such of you as are their 
 children do follow and imitate. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 If we may not be tedious, we would request to know 
 
 * See pages 34, 36, and 380. 
 
THEIR COMMUNION WITH OTHER CHURCHES. 457 
 
 one thing more. It is commonly said that those of the chap. 
 
 XXVI 
 
 Separation hold none to be true churches but their own, -^v^ 
 and condemn all the churches in the world besides; 
 which lieth as a foul blot upon them, yea even on some 
 here in New England, except they can remove it. 
 
 ANCIENT MEN. 
 
 It is a manifest slander laid upon them ; for they 
 hold all the Reformed Churches to be true churches, 
 and even the most rigid of them have ever done so, as 
 appears by their Apologies^ and other writings ; and 
 we ourselves some of us know of much intercommu- 
 nion that divers have held with them reciprocally, not 
 only with the Dutch and French, but even with the 
 Scotch,- who are not of the best mould, yea and with 
 the Lutherans also ; and we believe they have gone as 
 far herein, both in judgment and practice, as any of the 
 churches in New England do or can do, to deal faith- 
 fully and bear witness against their corruptions. 
 
 Having thus far satisfied all your demands, we shall 
 here break off this conference for this time, desiring 
 the Lord to make you to grow up in grace and wis- 
 dom and the true fear of God, that in all faithfulness 
 and humility you may serve him in your generations. 
 
 YOUNG MEN. 
 
 Gentlemen, we humbly thank you for your pains 
 with us and respect unto us, and do further crave that 
 upon any fit occasions we may have access unto you 
 for any further information, and herewith do humbly 
 take our leave.^ 
 
 * See Robinson's Apology, quot- ' See pages 391 — 396. 
 ed in note ' on page 38S. ^ Bradford continued this Dia- 
 
 58 
 
458 
 
 BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 
 
 CHAP. log"6 in two other parts ; one of 
 XXVI. which I have had in my possession, 
 ^'^•^^-^ written with his own hand. The 
 title is as follows : " A Dialogue, 
 or 3d Conference, betweene some 
 yonge men borne in New-Eng- 
 land, and some ancient men which 
 came out of Holand and Old Eng- 
 land, concerning the Church and 
 the governmeate therof." It is 
 
 longer than the first part which is 
 here printed, and relates chiefly to 
 the " controversyes amongst four 
 sorts of men ; The Papists, the 
 Episcopacy, the Presbyterians, and 
 the Independents, as they are call- 
 ed." Bein? a theological rather 
 than a historical work, I have not 
 deemed it suitable to be inserted in 
 this volume. 
 
 GOVERNOR carver's CHAIR. 
 
GOV. BRADFORD'S MEMOIR 
 
 ELDER BREWSTER. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 MEMOIR OF ELDER WILLIAM BREWSTER.' 
 
 Now foUoweth that which was matter of great sad- chap. 
 
 XXVII 
 
 ness and mourning unto this Church. About the 16th ^^ ' 
 
 of April,^ in this year, died their reverend Elder,^ our 1644. 
 dear and loving friend, Mr. William^ Brewster ; a le. 
 man that had done and suffered much for the Lord 
 Jesus and the Gospel's sake, and had borne his part in 
 weal and wo with this poor persecuted Church about 
 thirty-six years in England, Holland, and in this wil- 
 derness, and done the Lord and them faithful service 
 in his place and calling ; and notwithstanding the many 
 
 ' From the records of Plymouth 
 Church, book i. folio 38, into which 
 it was copied by Secretary Morton, 
 from Governor Bradford's MS. His- 
 tory of Plymouth Colony. 
 
 ^ Morton, in his Memorial, p, 
 219, places Brewster's death on the 
 18th of April, 1643. "Concerning 
 whom," he adds, " I could say 
 much of mine own knowledge ; but 
 I shall content myself only to in- 
 sert the honorable testimony that 
 Mr. William Bradford, deceased, 
 hath left written with his own hand 
 concerning him." He then pro- 
 ceeds to copy a considerable part of 
 the above account. Hutchinson, 
 in his Hist. Mass. ii. 460, inserts 
 about a page of it from Governor 
 
 Bradford's MS. History. There 
 can be no doubt that the whole 
 Memoir proceeded from the pen of 
 Bradford, and that Morton, in this 
 as in other cases, was a mere 
 copyist. 
 
 ^ Brewster was the riding elder. 
 Bancroft, i. 306, errs in calling him 
 " the teaching elder." Burk, m his 
 Hist, of Virginia, i. 214, makes 
 Brewster the military as well as 
 the spiritual leader of the Pilgrims, 
 confounding him with Standish. 
 
 " Neal, in his Hist, of New Eng-,^ 
 land, i. 85, errs in calling him 
 John ; an error which is repeated 
 by the authors of the Mod. Univ. 
 Hist, xxxix. 271. 
 
462 MEMOIR OF ELDER BREWSTER. 
 
 CHAP, troubles and sorrows he passed through, the Lord up- 
 
 XXVII 1 o X 
 
 — v^-" held him to a great age. He was near fourscore years 
 of age (if not all out) when he died. He had this 
 blessing added by the Lord to all the rest, to die in 
 his bed, in peace, amongst the midst of his friends, 
 who mourned and wept over him, and ministered what 
 help and comfort they could unto him, and he again 
 recomforted them whilst he could. His sickness was 
 not long. Until the last day thereof he did not wholly 
 keep his bed. His speech continued until somewhat 
 more than half a day before his death, and then failed 
 him ; and about nine or ten of the clock that evening 
 he died, without any pang at all. A few hours before 
 he drew his breath short, and some few minutes before 
 his last he drew his breath long, as a man fallen into a 
 sound sleep, without any pangs or gaspings, and so 
 sweetly departed this life unto a better. 
 
 I would now demand of any what he was the worse 
 for any former sufferings. What do 1 say ? The worse ? 
 Nay, surely he was the better, and they now add to 
 
 2 Thess. his honor. " It is a manifest token," saith the Apostle, 
 " of the righteous judgment of God, that ye may be 
 counted worthy of the kingdom of God, for which ye 
 also suffer ; seeing it is a righteous thing with God to 
 recompense tribulation to them that trouble you ; and 
 to you who are troubled, rest with us when the Lord 
 Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty an- 
 
 1 Peter gcls ;" aud " If ye be reproached for the name of Christ, 
 happy are ye ; for the spirit of God and of glory rest- 
 eth upon you." What though he wanted the riches 
 and pleasures of the world in his life, and pompous 
 prov. monuments at his funeral, yet the memorial of the just 
 shall be blessed when the name of the wicked shall rot. 
 
BREWSTER UNDER SECRETARY DAVISON. 463 
 
 I should say sometliing of his life, if to say a little chap. 
 were not worse than to be silent. But I cannot wholly — v— 
 forbear, though haply more may be done hereafter. 
 
 After he had attained some learning, viz. the know- 
 ledo-e of the Latin tonjrue and some insijiht into the 
 Greek, and spent some small time at Cambridge, and 
 then being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and 
 virtue, he went to the Court, and served that reli- 
 gious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison,' divers years, 
 when he was Secretary of State ; who found him so 
 discreet and faithful, as he trusted him above all other 
 that were about him, and only employed him in mat- 
 ters of greatest trust and secrecy.^ He esteemed him 
 rather as a son than a servant, and for his wisdom and 
 godliness, in private, he would converse with him more 
 like a familiar than a master. He attended his master 
 when he was sent in ambassage by the Queen into the 
 Low Countries, (in the Earl of Leicester's time,) as 158 5. 
 for other weighty affairs of State, so to receive posses- 
 sion of the cautionary towns f and in token and sign 
 
 1 The unfortunate William Davi- not a man in the land so furnished 
 
 son, who fell a victim to Queen universally for the place he had, 
 
 Elizabeth's duplicity and slate- neither know I any that can come 
 
 craft, was a person of great worth near him." See Supplement to 
 
 and ability. The Earl of Essex, in the Cabala, p. 23; Strype's An- 
 
 a letter to King James, April 18, nals, iii. 373. 
 1587, interceding in his behalf, ' Brewster had for a colleague 
 
 speaks of him as " beloved of in office under Davison, George > ' 
 
 the best and most religious of this Cranmer, the pupil and friend of 
 
 land. His sufficiency in council the judicious Hooker. See Wal- 
 
 and matters of state is such, as the ton's Lives, p. 179, (Major's ed.) 
 
 Queen herself confesseth in her Judge Davis justly remarks that 
 
 kingdom she hath not such anoth- " there seems to have been a simi- 
 
 er; his virtue, religion, and worth larity of character between Mr. 
 
 in all degrees are of the world taken Brewster and his patron." Memo- 
 
 to be so great, as no man in his rial, p. 221. 
 
 good fortune hath had more gen- ^ In 15S4,when Elizabeth cnter- 
 
 eral love than this gentleman in ed into a league with the United 
 
 his disgrace ;" and Lord Burleigh, Provinces, and advanced money to 
 
 in a petition to Queen Elizabeth, enable them to maintain their in- 
 
 February 13, 1586, writes, "I know dependence of Spain, her rival in 
 
464 
 
 BREWSTER TRUSTED BY SECRETARY DAVISON. 
 
 CHAP, thereof the keys of Flushine; beme; delivered to him in 
 
 XXVII . 
 
 — — ' her Majesty's name, he kept them some time, and com- 
 mitted them to his servant, who kept them under his 
 pillow on which he slept, the first night. And, at his 
 return, the States honored him with a gold chain, and 
 his master committed it to him, and commanded him 
 to wear it when they arrived in England, as they rode 
 through the country, until they came to the Court. 
 He afterwards remained with him until his troubles, 
 
 15S7. when he was put from his place about the death of the 
 Queen of Scots, and some good time after, doing him 
 many offices of service in the time of his troubles.^ 
 Afterwards he went and lived in the country, in good 
 
 power and ambition, she very pru- 
 dently got consigned into her hands 
 the tliree important fortresses of 
 Flushing, the Brille, and Ramme- 
 kins, as pledges for the reimburse- 
 ment of the money which she ad- 
 vanced in defence of their liberties. 
 They were accordingly called " the 
 cautionary towns." They were 
 surrendered by James in 1610, 
 See Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, 
 pp. 27 — 35. 
 
 1 " When Mary, Queen of Scots, 
 had been tried and condemned, and 
 the Parliament of England had pe- 
 titioned their sovereign for her ex- 
 ecution, Elizabeth privately or- 
 dered Davison to draw a death- 
 warrant, which she signed, and 
 sent him with it to the Chancellor 
 to have the great seal annexed. 
 Having performed his duty, she pre- 
 tended to blame him for his preci- 
 pitancy. Davison acquainted the 
 Council with the whole transac- 
 tion ; they knew the Queen's real 
 sentiments, and persuaded him to 
 send the warrant to the Earls of 
 Kent and Shrewsbury, promising 
 to justify his conduct, and take the 
 blame on themselves. These Earls 
 attended the execution of Mary ; 
 
 but when Elizabeth heard of it, 
 she affected great indignation, 
 threw all the blame on the inno- 
 cent Secretary, and committed him 
 to the Tower, where he became the 
 subject of raillery from those very 
 counsellors who had promised to 
 countenance and protect him. He 
 was tried in the Star Chamber, 
 and fined £10,000, which being 
 rigorously levied upon him, re- 
 duced him to poverty." Belknap's 
 Am. Biog. ii. 253. Camden says, 
 " Thus was Davison, a man of 
 good ingenuity, but not well skill- 
 ed in court arts, brought upon the 
 court stage of purpose (as most 
 men thought) to act for a time this 
 part in the tragedy ; and soon after, 
 the part being acted, and his stage 
 attire laid aside, as if he had failed 
 in the last act, he was thrust down 
 from the stage, and, not without 
 the pity of many, shut up in pri- 
 son." For a particular account of 
 Davison, and a full vindication of 
 his conduct, see Kippis's Biog. 
 Brit. v. 4 — 15. See also Camden's 
 Hist, of Queen Elizabeth, pp- 389 — 
 393; Supplement to the Cabala, 
 pp. 22 — 25 ; Strype's Annals, iii. 
 370—376, 447. 
 
BREWSTER JOINS THE PILGRIMS. 465 
 
 esteem amono^st his friends and the e;ood eentlemen of chap. 
 
 WV'TF 
 
 those parts, especially the godly and religious. ..--v-^ 
 
 He did much good in the country where he lived, in 
 promoting and furthering religion ; and not only by his 
 practice and example, and provoking and encouraging 
 of others, but by procuring of good preachers to all 
 places thereabouts, and drawing on of others to assist 
 and help to forward in such a work ; he himself most 
 commonly deepest in the charge, and sometimes above 
 his ability. And in this state he continued many 
 years, doing the best good he could, and walking ac- 
 cording to the light he saw, until the Lord revealed 
 further unto him. And in the end, by the tyranny of 
 the bishops against godly preachers and people, in 
 silencing the one and persecuting the other, he and 
 many more of those times began to look further into 
 particulars, and to see into the unlawfulness of their 
 callings, and the burden of many anti-christian corrup- 
 tions, which both he and they endeavoured to cast off, 
 as they also did, as in the beginning of this treatise is 
 to be seen.' 
 
 After they were joined together into communion, he IG02. 
 was a special stay and help to them. They ordinarily 
 met at his house on the Lord's day, which was a manor 
 of the bishop's, and with great love he entertained 
 them when they came, making provision for them to 
 his great charge ; and continued so to do whilst they 
 could stay in England. ^nd when tliey were to re- 
 move out of the country, he was one of the first in all 
 adventures, and forwardest in any. He was the chief 
 of those that were taken at Boston, in Lincolnshire, 16 07. 
 and suffered the greatest loss ; and [one] of the seven 
 
 ' See page 20. 
 
466 BREWSTER IN HOLLAND. 
 
 CHAP, that were kept longest in prison, and after bound over 
 xxvn. . \ 
 
 — — ' to the assizes. 
 
 16 08. After he came into Holland, he suffered much hard- 
 ship after he had spent the most of his means, having 
 a great charge and many children ; and, in regard of 
 his former breeding and course of life,^ not so fit for 
 many employments as others were, especially such as 
 were toilsome and laborious. Yet he ever bore his 
 condition with much cheerfulness and contentation. 
 Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent in 
 Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he 
 lived well and plentifully ; for he fell into a way, by- 
 reason he had the Latin tongue, to teach many stu- 
 dents who had a desire to learn the English tongue, to 
 teach them English, and by his method they quickly 
 attained it with great facility ; for he drew rules to 
 learn it by, after the Latin manner ; and many gentle- 
 men, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as 
 they had time from other studies, some of them being 
 great men's sons. He also had means to set up print- 
 ing,^ by the help of some friends, and so had employ- 
 ment enough ; and by reason of many books which 
 would not be allowed to be printed in England,^ they 
 might have had more than they could do. 
 
 ' See pages 26 and 27. mum Brewsterum, in vico Chorali. 
 
 2 The words " of life " I restore 1617." 8vo. pp. 1513. A copy 
 
 from Bradford, in Hutchinson, ii. of this work is now in the posses- 
 
 460. sion of the Pastor of the First 
 
 ' Among the books printed by Church in Plymouth, having been 
 
 Brewster at Leyden, was the fol- presented to that Church in 1828 
 
 lowing: " Commentarii Succincti by the Hon. John Davis, LL.D. 
 
 et Dilucidi in Proverbia Salomonis. the learned editor of Morton's New 
 
 Authore Thoma Cartwrightio, SS. England's Memorial. Another copy 
 
 Theologise in Academia Cantabri- is in the library of the Pilgrim So- 
 
 giensi quondam Professore. Qui- ciety at Plymouth. See Thacher's 
 
 bus adhibita est Proefatio clarissimi Plymouth, p. 270. 
 
 viri Johannis Polyandri, S. Theo- * It appears from the following 
 
 logise Professoris Leidensis. Lug- extracts of letters written by Sir 
 
 duni Batavorum. Apud Guliel- Dudley Carleton to Secretary Naun- 
 
BREWSTER IN AMERICA 4^7 
 
 But now remoFins: into this country, all these thinjrs chap. 
 
 . , " ri- • XXVII. 
 
 were laid aside a^ain, and a new course of livin2: must — ^ 
 be submitted to; in which he was no way unwilling ^62 0. 
 to take his part and to bear his burden with the rest, 
 living many times without bread or corn many months 
 together, having many times nothing but fish, and 
 often wanting that also ; and drank nothing but water 
 for many years together, vea, until within five or six 
 years of his death. And yet he liyed, by the blessing 
 of God, in health until very old age ; and besides that, 
 he would la]3or with his hands in the fields as long as 
 he was able. Yet when the Church had no other 
 minister, he taught twice every sabbath, and that both 
 powerfully and profitably, to the great contentment of 
 the hearers, and their comfortable edification. Yea, 
 many were brought to God by his ministry. He did 
 more in their behalf in a year, than many that have 
 their hundreds a year do in all their lives. 
 
 ton. from the Hague in 1619, that lation. Glosses and Annotations of 
 Brewaier was at this time an object the S'eic Testament, anno 1618, 
 of suspicion and pursuit to the Eng- was printed by him. So was an- 
 lish government on account of cer- other in 13mo, De vera et ^enuind 
 tain obnoxious books which he had Jesu Christi Domini et Salvatoris 
 printed. nostri Religione, of which I send 
 '' July 22. One William Brew- your honor herewith the title page ; 
 ster, a Brownist, hath been for and if you will compare that, which 
 some years an inhabitant and print- is underlined therein, with the 
 er at Levden. but is now within other, De Regimine Etxlesm Scoti' 
 three weeks removed from thence came, of which I send your honor 
 and gone back to dwell in London, the title-page likewise, you will 
 whefe he may be found out and ex- find it is the same character ; and 
 amined, not only of this book De the one being confessed (as that 
 Reo-imine EccUskz Scoticantt, but De vera et genuind Jesu Christi, 
 likewise of Perih Assembly, of 4''^--R'^^'V''>n«. Brewster doth openly 
 which if he was not the printer avow,) the other cannot well be 
 himself, he assuredly knows both denied." — " Aug. 20. I have made 
 the printer and author : for, as I good inquir)' after William Brew- 
 am informed, he hath had, whilst ster, at Leyden, and am well as- 
 he remained here, his hand in all sured that he is not returned thither; 
 such books as have been sent over neither is it likely he will, having 
 into England and Scotland ; as par- removed from thence both his fam- 
 ticularly a book in folio, entitled A ily and goods." — " Sept- 12. In my 
 Canfxaatum of the Rhemists' Trans- laist I advertised yotir honor that 
 
468 
 
 BREWSTER'S PRIVATE CHARACTER. 
 
 CHAP. For his personal abilities, he was qualified above 
 
 XXVJI. ^ . ^ 
 
 — -— ' many. He was wise and discreet and well spoken, 
 having a grave, deliberate utterance ; of a very cheerful 
 spirit, very sociable and pleasant amongst his friends, 
 of an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposi- 
 tion, undervaluing himself and his own abilities, and 
 sometimes overvaluing others ; inoffensive and innocent 
 in his life and conversation, which gained him the love 
 of those without as well as those within. Yet he 
 would tell them plainly of their faults and evils, both 
 publicly and privately ; but in such a manner as usually 
 was well taken from him. He was tender-hearted, 
 and compassionate of such as were in misery, but es- 
 pecially of such as had been of good estate and rank, 
 and were fallen into want and poverty, either for good- 
 ness and religion's sake, or by the injury and oppres- 
 sion of others. He would say, of all men these de- 
 served to be most pitied ; and none did more offend 
 
 Brewster was taken at Leyden ; 
 which proved an error, in that the 
 schout, who was employed by tlie 
 magistrates for his apprehension, 
 being a dull drunken fellow, took 
 one man for another. But Brewer, 
 who set him on work, and being a 
 man of means bare the charge of his 
 printing, is fast in the University's 
 prison ; and his printing letters, 
 which were found in his house in a 
 garret, where he had hid them, and 
 h s books and papers, are all seized 
 and sealed up. I expect to-morrow 
 to receive his voluntary confession 
 of such books as he hath caused to 
 he printed by Brewster for this 
 year and a half or two years past ; 
 and then I intend to send one ex- 
 pressly to visit his books and pa- 
 pers, and to examine him particu- 
 larly touching Perth Assembly, the 
 discourse Dc liegimine Ecclesiee 
 Sco/icanee, and other Puritan pam- 
 
 phlets, which I have newly reco- 
 vered." — "Sept. IS. It appears 
 that this Brewer, and Brewster, 
 whom this man set on work, hav- 
 ing kept no open shop, nor printed 
 many books fit for public sale in 
 these provinces, their practice was 
 to print prohibited books to be 
 vented underhand in his Majesty's 
 kingdom."— "Jan. 19,1620. Un- 
 less Brewer undertakes to do his 
 uttermost in finding out Brewster, 
 (wherein I will not fail likewise of 
 all other endeavours) he is not like 
 to be at liberty; the susi)icion 
 whereof keeps him from hence, for 
 as yet he appears not in these 
 parts." Carleton's Letters, pp. 380, 
 386, 3S9, 390, 437. It appears 
 from page 71, that in May, 1619, 
 Brewster was in England. It is 
 probable he did not return to Ley- 
 den, but kept close till the May- 
 flower sailed. 
 
HIS OFFICIAL CHARACTER. 469 
 
 and displease him, than such as would haughtily and chap. 
 proudly carry and lift up themselves, being risen from — v--. 
 nothing, and liaving little else in them but a few fine 
 clothes or a little riches more than others. 
 
 In teaching, he was very stirring, and moving the 
 affections; also very plain and distinct in what he 
 taught ; by which means he became the more profita- 
 ble to the hearers. He had a singular good gift in 
 prayer, both public and private, in ripj)ing up the heart 
 and conscience before God, in the humble confession 
 of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for 
 the pardon thereof. He always thought it were better 
 for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, 
 than to be long and tedious in the same ; except upon 
 solemn and special occasions, as on days of Humilia- 
 tion and the like. His reason was that the heart and 
 spirits of all, especially the weak, could hardly continue 
 and stand bent (as it were,) so long towards God, as 
 they ought to do in that duty, without flagging and 
 falling off. \ 
 
 For the government of the church, wiiich was most 
 proper to his oftice, he was careful to preserve good 
 order in the same, and to preserve purity both in the 
 doctrine and communion of the same, and to suppress 
 any error or contention that might begin to arise 
 amongst them ; and accordingly God gave good suc- 
 cess to his endeavours herein all his days, and he saw 
 the fruit of his labors in that behalf. But I must 
 break off, having thus touched a few heads of things.^ / 
 
 ' William Brewster, the rul- He was probably the oldest of the 
 
 ing elder of John Robinson's Pilgrims, being 56 when he arrived 
 
 church, and whose name stands at Plymouth. On account of his 
 
 fourth among the signers of the age and office he probably was not 
 
 Compact, was born in 1564; but much employed in the civil affairs 
 
 the place of his birth is not known, of the Colony, and consequently 
 
470 
 
 BREWSTER'S FAMILY. 
 
 CHAP, his name seldom occurs in the pre- 
 XXVII. ceding History. The reason why 
 "- — ^^ he was not chosen governor after 
 the death of Carver in 1621, is 
 stated in note ' on page 197. It 
 appears from this Memoir that he 
 had '■'■many children ;" but the ex- 
 act number has not been ascer- 
 tained. He brought his wife with 
 him, and four oilier individuals, 
 ^ who were probably his children. 
 The following are known to have 
 been his children — Jonathan, Love, 
 Wrestling, Patience, and Fear. 
 The last two came in the Ann in 
 1623; Patience married in 1624 
 Thomas Prince, who was after- 
 wards governor, and Fear married 
 Isaac Allerton in 1626. It appears 
 from page 173 that the venerable 
 elder had a house lot assigned him 
 in 1621, in Plymouth, on the street 
 now called Leyden-street. In the 
 
 latter part of his life he built a 
 house in Duxbury, near Captain's 
 Hill, and resided there a short 
 time. His sons Jonathan and 
 Love settled in Duxbury. Love 
 died there, and his son William 
 was deacon of the church in that 
 place. Jonathan, wiih his family, 
 removed to Connecticut after 1648. 
 There are many descendants of the 
 worthy elder in Plymouth, Duxbu- 
 jiy, KLngaton, Pembroke, and in 
 Connecticut, and elsewhere. A 
 town on Cape Cod was named after 
 him in 1S03, and it is believed that 
 the Brewsters, in Boston harbour, 
 were so called in compliment to 
 him. See note ^ on page 27 ; Bel- 
 knap's Am. Biog. ii. 252 — 266; 
 Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 460; Mitch- 
 ell's Bridgewater, p. 361 ; Mass. 
 Hist. ColCx. 73, XX. 57—68. 
 
 ELDER BREWSTER S CHAIR. 
 
LETTERS. 
 
" That is the best History, which is collected out of Letters." 
 
 Baronius. 
 
 " Letters of affairs, from such as manage them, or are privy to 
 them, are of all others the best instructions for history, and to a 
 diligent reader the best histories in themselves." 
 
 LoKD Bacon. 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
CHAPTER XXVIIl. 
 
 ROBINSON TO THE CHURCH. 
 
 To the Church of God at Plymouth, in Neiv England.^ 
 
 Much Beloved Brethren, 
 
 Neither the distance of place, nor distinction of char 
 body, can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of -^-^- 
 true Christian affection in which the Lord by his spirit 1^21. 
 hath tied us together. My continual prayers are to 
 the Lord for you ; my most earnest desire is unto you ; ^ 
 from whom I will not longer keep (if God will) than 
 means can be procured to bring with me the wives 
 and children of divers of you and the rest of your 
 brethren, whom I could not leave behind me without 
 great injury both to you and them, and offence to God 
 and all men. The death of so many our dear friends 
 and bretin-en,^ oh ! how grievous hath it been to you 
 to bear, and to us to take knowledge of; which, if it 
 
 1 This and most of the following nately destroyed, having been put 
 
 letters are taken from a fragment to the most ignoble uses. See 
 
 of Gov. Bradford's Letter Book, Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 246, and 
 
 which was rescued about fifty years Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 45. 
 
 since from a grocer's shop in Hali- ^ See note on page 453. 
 
 fax, Nova Scotia. The earlier and ^ See note ' on page 198. 
 more valuable part was unfortu- 
 
 60 
 
474 THE DEATHS AMONG THE COLONISTS. 
 
 CHAP, could be mended with lamentino;, could not sufficiently 
 
 XXVIJI 
 
 — ^^^ be bewailed ; but we must go unto them, and they 
 i62i. shall not return unto us. And how many even of us 
 God hath taken away here and in England, since your 
 departure, you may elsewhere take knowledge. But 
 the same God has tempered judgment with mercy, as 
 otherwise, so in sparing the rest, especially those by 
 whose godly and wise government you may be and (I 
 know) are so much helped.^ In a battle it is not looked 
 for but that divers should die ; it is thought well for a 
 side if it get the victory, though with the loss of divers, 
 if not too many or too great. God, I hope, hath given 
 you the victory, after many difficulties, for yourselves 
 and others ; though I doubt not but many do and will 
 remain for you and us all to strive with. 
 
 Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to obedience 
 unto those whom God hath set over you in church and 
 commonwealth, and to the Lord in them. It is a 
 Christian's honor to give honor according to men's 
 places ; and his liberty to serve God in faith, and his 
 brethren in love, orderly and with a willing and free heart. 
 God forbid I should need to exhort you to peace, which 
 is the bond of perfection, and by which all good is tied 
 together, and without which it is scattered. Have 
 peace with God first, by faith in his promises, good 
 conscience kept in all things, and oft renewed by re- 
 pentance ; and so one with another, for his sake who 
 is, though three, one ; and for Christ's sake, who is 
 one, and as you are called by one spirit to one hope. 
 
 ^ It was certainly a remarka- Carver, most of the prominent 
 
 ble providence, that out of the 21 men were spared. How different 
 
 men who died the first winter, so might have been the fate of the 
 
 few were among the leaders of the Colony had Bradford, Winslow, 
 
 expedition. With the exception of Standish and Allerton been cut off. 
 
ROBINSON'S DESIRE TO COME TO AMERICA. 475 
 
 And the God of peace and ffrace and all goodness be chap. 
 
 xxvin 
 with you in all the fruits thereof plenteously upon your — ^'' 
 
 heads, now and forever. 1 6 2 1 . 
 
 All your brethren here remember you with great 
 
 love, a general token whereof they have sent you. 
 
 Yours ever in the Lord, 
 
 John Robinson. 
 
 Leyden, (HoUand,) June 30, anno 1621. 
 
 robinson to elder brewster. 
 
 Loving and Dear Friend and Brother,^ 
 
 That which I most desired of God in regard of you, 
 namely, the continuance of your life and health, and 
 the safe coming of those sent unto you, that I most gladly 
 hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope 
 mistress Brewster's weak and decayed state of body 
 will have some repairing by the coming of her daugh- 
 ters,^ and the provisions in this and other ships sent, 
 which I hear is made for you ; which makes us with 
 the more patience bear our languishing state and the 
 deferring of our desired transportation, (which I call 
 desired rather than hoped for,) whatsoever you are 
 borne in hand with by others. For first, there is no 
 hope at all, that I know nor can conceive of, of any 
 new stock to be raised for that end, so that all must 
 depend upon returns from you ; in which are so many 
 uncertainties, as that nothing with any certainty can 
 thence be concluded. Besides, howsoever, for the 
 
 ' This letter is copied from the the daughters of the Elder, arrived 
 
 records of Plymouth Church, book in the Ann, in 1623. See note on 
 
 i. folio 27. page 352. 
 
 ~ Patience and Fear Brewster, 
 
476 
 
 THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS. 
 
 CHAP, present, the adventurers allege nothing but want of 
 — ^ — money, which is an invincible difficulty ; yet if that 
 16 23. be taken away by you, others without doubt will be 
 found. For the better clearing of this, we must dis- 
 pose the adventurers into three parts ; and of them 
 some five or six (as I conceive) are absolutely bent for 
 us above others. Other five or six are our bitter pro- 
 fessed adversaries. The rest, being the body, I con- 
 ceive to l)e honestly minded, and lovingly also towards 
 us ; yet such as have others, namely, the forward 
 preachers,' nearer unto them than us, and whose course, 
 so far as there is any difference, they would advance 
 rather than ours. Now what a hank ~ these men have 
 over the professors you know ; and I persuade myself 
 that for me they of all others are unwilling I should be 
 transported ; especially such as have an eye that way 
 themselves, as thinking if I come there, their market 
 will be marred in many regards. And for these adver- 
 saries, if they have but half their will to their malice, 
 they will stop my course w'hen they see it intended, 
 for which this delaying serveth them very opportunely;^ 
 and as one rusty ^ jade can hinder by hanging back 
 
 ' John Lyford, who came over 
 in the spring of 1624, was probably- 
 one of those " forward preachers," 
 and John Pemberton, his corres- 
 pondent, was another. Robert 
 Cushraan, in a letter dated Jan. 24, 
 1624, says " we send a preacher, 
 though not the most eminent, for 
 whose going Mr. Winslow and I 
 gave way to give content to some 
 at London." Bradford speaks of 
 " the minister, Mr. John Lyford, 
 whom a faction of the adventurers 
 send, to hinder Mr. Robinson." 
 See Morton's Memorial, pp. Ill, 
 114, and Prince's Annals, pp. 226, 
 22S. 
 
 ^ Hank, influence. 
 
 ^ Lyford wrote home to the ad- 
 verse part of the adventurers, in 
 1624, counselling them that " the 
 Leyden Company, Mr. Robinson 
 and the rest, must still be kepT 
 back, or else all will be spoiled ; 
 and lest any of them should be ta- 
 ken in privately on the coast of 
 England, (as it was feared might 
 be done,) tbey must change the 
 master of the ship, Mr. William 
 Peirce, and put another also in Mr. 
 Winslow's room for merchant, or 
 otherwise it would not be prevent- 
 ed." MS. Records of Plymouth 
 Church, b. i. folio 30. 
 
 4 Rusty, dull, lazy. 
 
HOSTILITY OF SOME OF THEM. 477 
 
 more than two or three can or will (at least if they be chap. 
 not very free) draw forward, so will it be in this case. -^--^ 
 A notable experiment of this they gave in your mes- 1623. 
 senger's presence/ constraining the company to pro- 
 mise that none of the money now gathered should be 
 expended or employed to the help of any of us towards 
 you. 
 
 Now touching the question propounded by you, I 
 judge it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder, as 
 Rom. xii. 7, 8, and 1 Tim. v. 17, opposed to the elders 
 that teach and exhort and labor in the word and doc- 
 trine, to which the sacraments are annexed, to admin- 
 ister them, nor convenient if it were lawful.^ 
 
 Be you heartily saluted, and your wife with you, 
 both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the 
 God of all his, bring us together, if it be his will, and 
 keep us in the mean w hile and always to his glory, 
 and make us serviceable to his majesty, and faithful to 
 the end. Amen. 
 
 Your very loving brother, 
 
 John Robinson.^ 
 
 Leyden, December 20, 1623. 
 
 ' This messenger was Edward England, although he so much 
 Winslow, who sailed from Ply- longed to be with his flock, and his 
 mouth in the Ann, Sept. 10, 1623, flock with him ; a worthy pattern 
 and returned in the Charity in unto all churches and their minis- 
 March, 1624. He was the bearer ters to be imitated." — Bradford's 
 of this letter. See Blorton's Me- or Morton's Note. 
 morial, p. Ill; Prince's Annals, Morton, in his Memorial, p. 126, 
 pp. 225, 6. Prince quotes from says, that " his and their adversa- 
 another letter of Robinson's to ries had been long and continually 
 Gov. Bradford, brought by the same plotting how they might hinder his 
 ship. coming into New England ; " and 
 
 * For the difference between a Hutchinson, ii. 454, says, that " he 
 
 teaching and a ruling elder, see was prevented by disappointments 
 
 note ' on page 455. from those in England who under- 
 
 ' "By the above written letter it took to provide for the passage of 
 
 may appear how much the adver- him and his congregation." It 
 
 sary hindered the coming of this appears that " Sir Ferdinando Gor- 
 
 blessed servant of Christ into New ges and others were at this time 
 
478 
 
 THE DEATH OF JOHN ROBINSON. 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXVIII. 
 
 1625. 
 
 ROGER WHITE TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD. 
 
 To his loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, Governor 
 of Plymouth, in New England, these be, ^c.^ 
 
 Loving and Kind Friends, &c. 
 
 I know not whether ever this will come to your 
 hands, or miscarry, as other of my letters have done ; 
 yet in regard of the Lord's dealing with us here, I have 
 had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your 
 desire to bear a part with us, both in our joys and sor- 
 rows, as we do with you. 
 
 These therefore are to give you to understand, that 
 it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears 
 your and our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear 
 and reverend brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was 
 sick some eight days, beginning first to be sick on a 
 Saturday morning ; yet the next day, being the Lord's 
 day, he taught us twice, and the week after grew 
 every day weaker than other, yet felt no pain but 
 weakness, all the time of his sickness. The physic 
 he took wrought kindly, in man's judgment, yet he 
 grew every day weaker than other, feeling little or no 
 
 determined that New England 
 should be settled under episcopacy; 
 and though they would allow and 
 encourage people to settle here, 
 they were unwilling that any Pu- 
 ritan ministers should accompany 
 them. The bishops had prevented 
 the crown from granting liberty to 
 the petitioners from Leyden ; and 
 it was accounted a great matter, in 
 1621, to obtain a cautious allow- 
 ance of indulgence under the au- 
 thority of the President and Council 
 for the Aflairs of New England. 
 But they look great care to obstruct 
 the coming over of so important a 
 
 man as Mr. Robinson." Sherley, 
 one of the merchant adventurers, 
 incurred the ill-will of his associ- 
 ates, by being in favor of his remo- 
 val. " The sole cause, he observed, 
 in a letter to the Plymouth people, 
 why the greater part of the adven- 
 turers malign me, was that I would 
 not side with them against you and 
 the coming over of the Leyden 
 people." See Holmes's Annals, i. 
 192, 575. 
 
 ' From the records of Plymouth 
 Church, book i. folio 31, and Gov. 
 Bradford's Letter Book. 
 
ROBINSON'S DEATH. 479 
 
 pain, yet sensible, till the very last. He fell sick the chap. 
 
 XX VIII 
 
 22d of February, and departed this life on the 1st of -^ — ' 
 March. He had a continual inward ague, but, 1 thank 1625. 
 the Lord, was free of the plague, so that all his friends 
 could come freely to him ; and if either prayers, tears, 
 or means would have saved his life, he had not gone 
 hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, 
 and performed his work, which the Lord had appointed 
 him here to perform, he now rests with the Lord, in 
 eternal happiness ; we wanting him and all church 
 governors, not having one at present that is a govern- 
 ing officer amongst us. Now for ourselves here left (I 
 mean the whole church) we still, by the mercy of 
 God, continue and hold close together in peace and 
 quietness, and so I hope we shall do, though we be very 
 w^eak ; wishing (if such were the wdll of God) that you 
 and we were again together in one, either there or 
 here ; but seeing it is the will of the Lord, thus to dis- 
 pose of things, we must labor with patience to rest 
 contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose 
 of things.* 
 
 For news at present here, is not much v»orth the 
 writing ; only as in England we have lost our old king, 
 James, who departed this life about a month ago,^ so 
 here we have lost Grave Maurice,^ the old prince here, 
 
 ' "Until Robinson's death, the lution of his congregation at Ley- 
 congregation at Plymouth had not den, some of whom removed to Am- 
 abandoned the hope of his coming sterdara, and others to New Eng- 
 to America with their brethren land." Holmes, Ann. i. 191, 575. 
 who remained in Holland. The ^ King James died March 27, 
 only solution of the singular fact, 1625, in his 59th year, 
 that the Plymouth people remained ' Maurice, the prince of Orange, 
 for so many years without a min- or landgrave of Holland, died at 
 ister, is — that until his death, their the Hague April 23, 1625, in his 
 affectionate and beloved pastor 59th year. He was succeeded by 
 cherished the desire, and they the his brother Frederick Henry. See 
 expectation, of his coming to Ame- Grattan's Hist, of the Netherlands, 
 rica. His death caused the disso- p. 250. 
 
480 EUROPEAN NEWS. 
 
 CHAP, who both departed this life since my brother Robin- 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 -^-^ son ; and as in England we have a new king, Charles, 
 16 25. of whom there is great hope of good, so here likewise 
 we have made Prince Hendrick general, in his bro- 
 ther's place, who is now with the Grave of Mansfield 
 with a great army, close bj the enemy, to free Breda, 
 if it be possible, which the enemy hath besieged now 
 some nine or ten months ; but how it will fall out at 
 last, is yet uncertain ; the Lord give good success, if it 
 be his will. The king is making ready about one 
 hundred sail of ships ; the end is not yet certain, but 
 they will be ready to go to sea very shortly ; the king 
 himself goes to see them once in fourteen days. And 
 thus fearing lest this will not come to your hands, hop- 
 ing as soon as I hear of a convenient messenger, to 
 write more at large, and to send you a letter which my 
 brother Robinson sent to London, to have gone to some 
 of you, but coming too late was brought back again. 
 And so for this time I cease further to trouble you, and 
 rest. 
 
 Your assured loving friend, 
 
 Roger White. 
 Ley den, April 28, anno 1625. 
 
 thomas blossom to governor bradford. 
 
 Beloved Sir, 
 
 Kind salutations, &c. I have thought good to write 
 to you, concerning the cause as it standeth both with 
 you and us. We see, alas ! what frustrations and dis- 
 appointments it pleaseth the Lord to send in this our 
 course, good in itself, and according to godhness taken 
 in hand, and for good and lawful ends, who yet pleaseth 
 
ROBINSONS DEATH DEPLORED. 481 
 
 not to prosper as we are, for reasons best known to him- chap. 
 
 . xxvin 
 self;* and which also nearly concerns us to consider of, ' ' 
 
 whether we have sought the Lord in it as we see, or 16 25. 
 
 not. That the Lord hath singularly preserved life in 
 
 the business to great admiration, giveth me good hope 
 
 that he will, (if our sins hinder not,) in his appointed 
 
 time, give a happy end unto it. On the contrary, 
 
 when I consider how it pleaseth the Lord to cross 
 
 those means that should bring us together, being now 
 
 as far off or farther than ever, in our apprehension ; as 
 
 also to take that means away, which would have been 
 
 so comfortable unto us in that course, both for wisdom 
 
 of counsel as also for our singular help in our course of 
 
 godliness ; whom the Lord (as it were) took away even 
 
 as fruit falleth before it was ripe ; when neither length 
 
 of days, nor infirmity of body, did seem to call for his 
 
 end.' The Lord even then took him away, as it were 
 
 in his anger ; whom if tears would have held, he had 
 
 remained to this day. The loss of his ministry was 
 
 very great unto me, for I ever counted myself happy 
 
 in the enjoyment of it, notwithstanding all the crosses 
 
 and losses otherwise I sustained. Yet indeed the 
 
 manner of his taking away hath more troubled me, as 
 
 fearing the Lord's anger in it, that, as I said, in the 
 
 ordinary course of things, might still have remained, 
 
 as also, the singular service he might have yet done in 
 
 the church of God. Alas ! dear friends, our state and 
 
 cause in religion, by his death being wholly destitute of 
 
 any that may defend our cause as it should against our 
 
 adversaries ; that we may take up that doleful complaint 
 
 in the Psalm, that there is no prophet left among us, nor 
 
 He means Mr. Robinson." — Bradford's Note. 
 61 
 
482 ROBINSON'S INTENTION OF COMING TO AMERICA. 
 
 CHAP, any that knoweth how Ions:. Alas I you would fain have 
 
 XXVIII. a .' 
 
 — ^ — had him with you, and he would as fain have come to 
 1625. you. Many letters and much speech hath been about 
 his coming to you, but never any solid course pro- 
 pounded for his going ; if the course propounded the 
 last year had appeared to have been certain, he would 
 have gone, though with two or three families. I know 
 no man amongst us knew his mind better than I did, 
 about those things ; he was loath to leave the church, 
 yet I know also, that he would have accepted the worst 
 conditions which in the largest extent of a good con- 
 science could be taken, to have come to you. For 
 myself and all such others as have formerlv minded 
 coming, it is much what the same, if the Lord aflford 
 means. We only know how things are with you by 
 your letters ; but how things stand in England we 
 have received no letters of anv thins;, and it was No- 
 vember before we received yours. If we come at all 
 unto you, the means to enable us so to do must come 
 from you.' For the state of our church, and how it is 
 with us, and of our people, it is wrote of by Mr. "White. 
 Thus praying you to pardon my boldness with you in 
 writing as 1 do, I commend you to the keeping of the 
 Lord, desiring, if he see it good, and that 1 might be 
 serviceable unto the business, that I were with you. 
 God hath taken away my son, that was with me in the 
 
 ^ " In anno 1629, a considerable They arrived in August. Bradford 
 
 number of the brethren of the says, " they were shipped at Lon- 
 
 church, [35, with their families] don in May with the ships that 
 
 which were left in Holland, were came to Salem." See Prince's 
 
 transported over to us that were of Annals, p. 264. Graharae, i. 193, 
 
 the church in New England; wrongs the Leyden congregation, I 
 
 which although it was at about think, when he says that after the 
 
 £500 charge, yet it was borne death of Robinson, " very few had 
 
 cheerfully by the poor brethren the courage to proceed to New 
 
 here concerned in it." — Records Plymouth." 
 Plvm. Church, book i. folio 33. 
 
ANNUAL CHOICE OF MAGISTRATES. 483 
 
 ship, when I went back a2;ain ; 1 have only two child- chap. 
 
 xxvni. 
 ren, which were born since I left jou. Fare you well. -^ — - 
 
 Yours to his power, 162 5. 
 
 Thomas Blossom.' 
 
 Leyden, December 15, anno 1625. 
 
 ROGER WHITE TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD. 
 
 To his very loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, Gov- 
 ernor of Plymouth in New England, these he, ^c. 
 
 My Loving and Kind Friend, and Brother in the 
 Lord, 
 
 My own and my wife's true love and hearty saluta- 
 tions to yourself and yours and all the rest of our loving 
 friends with you ; hoping in the Lord of your good 
 healths, which I beseech him long to continue for the 
 glory of his name and good of his people. Concerning 
 your kind letter to the church, it was read publicly ; 
 whereunto (by the church) I send you here enclosed 
 an answer. Concerning my brother Robinson's sick- 
 ness and death and our practice, I wrote you at large, 
 some five or six months since ; but lest it should mis- 
 carry, I have now written to Mr. Brewster thereof, to 
 whom I refer you. 
 
 Now concerning your course of choosing your gov- 
 ernors yearly, and in special of their choosing yourself 
 year after year, as I conceive they still do, and Mr. 
 Allerton your assistant ; howsoever I think it the best 
 way that can be, so long as it please the Lord to con- 
 
 ' Thomas Blossom afterwards describe him as "a holy man and ex- 
 came over to Plymouth, probably perienced saint," and "competently 
 in 1629, and was chosen a deacon accomplished with abilities " for 
 of the church. Bradford speaks of his place. He died in the summer 
 him as one of " our ancient friends of 1633. Plym. Ch. Rec. i. 42, 
 in Holland." The Church records and Prince's Annals, p. 437. 
 
484 ROTATION IN OFFICE EXPEDIENT. 
 
 CHAP, tinue your lives, and so good governors offer you, yet, 
 -^v^- considering man's mortality, whose breath is in his 
 1625, nostrils, and the evils of the times wherein we live, in 
 which it is ordinarily seen that worse follow them that 
 are good, I think it would be a safer course, for after 
 time, the government was sometime removed from one 
 to another; so the assistant one year might be governor 
 next, and a new assistant chosen in his place, either of 
 such as have or have not been in office ; sometimes 
 one, sometimes another, as it shall seem most fit to the 
 corporation. My reasons are, 1st, because other offi- 
 cers that come after you, will look (especially if they 
 be ambitiously minded) for the same privileges and 
 continuance you have had ; and if he have it not, will 
 take great offence, as though unworthy of the place, 
 and so greatly disgraced, whom to continue, might be 
 very dangerous, and hazard (at least) the overthrow of 
 all ; men not looking so much at the reasons why others 
 were so long continued as at the custom. 2dly, because 
 others that are unexperienced in government might 
 learn by experience ; and so there might be fit and able 
 men continually, when it pleaseth the Lord to take 
 any away. 3dly, by this means, you may establish the 
 things begun, or done before ; for the governor this 
 year, that was assistant last, will in likelihood rather 
 ratify and confirm and go on with that he had a hand 
 in the beginning of, when he was assistant, than other- 
 wise, or persuade the new to it ; whereas new govern- 
 ors, especially when there are factions, will many times 
 overthrow that which is done by the former, and so 
 scarcely any thing goeth forward for the general good ; 
 neither, that I see, can this be any prejudice to the cor- 
 j)oration ; for the new may always have the counsel 
 
THE PROSPECTS OF THE COLONY. 485 
 
 and advice of the old for their direction, tlioudi they chap. 
 be out of office. These things I make bold to put to ^^~' 
 jour godly wisdom and discretion, entreating you to 1625. 
 pardon my boldness therein, and so leaving it to your 
 discretion to make use of as you see it fitting, not hav- 
 ing written the least inkling hereof to any other. 
 
 Now I entreat you, at your best leisure to write to 
 me, how you think it will in likelihood go with your 
 civil and church estate ; whether there be hope of the 
 continuance of both, or either ; or whether you fear 
 any alteration to be attempted in either. The reason 
 of this my request is, the fear of some amongst us, (the 
 which, if that hinder not, I think will come unto you,) 
 occasioned partly by your letter to your father-in-law, 
 Mr. May,* wherein you write of the troubles you have 
 had with some, who it is like (having the times and 
 friends on their sides) will work you what mischiefs 
 they can ; and that they may do much, many here do 
 fear ; and partly by reason of this king's proclamation, 
 dated the 13th of May last, in which he saith that his 
 full resolution is, — to the end that there may be one 
 uniform course of government in and through all his 
 whole monarchy, — that the government of Virginia 
 shall immediately depend on himself, and not be com- 
 mitted to any company or corporation, &c., so that some 
 conceive he will have both the same civil and ecclesi- 
 astical government that is in England, which occasion- 
 eth their fear. 1 desire you to write your thoughts of 
 these things, for the satisfying of others ; for my own 
 part and some others, we durst rely upon you for that, 
 who, we persuade ourselves, would not be thus earnest 
 for our pastor and church to come to you, if you feared 
 
 ' The father of his first wife, Dorothy. See note ' on page 162. 
 
486 LETTER FROM THE LEYDEN PEOPLE. 
 
 CHAP, the danger of beino; suppressed. Thus desirino; you 
 
 XXVllI. oil o J 
 
 ^^-^' to pardon my boldness, and remember us in your 
 1625. prayers, I for this time and ever, commit you and all 
 your affairs to the Almighty, and rest 
 Your assured loving friend 
 
 And brother in the Lord, 
 
 Roger White. 
 Ley den, Decemher 1, anno 1625. 
 
 P. S. The church would entreat you to continue 
 your writing to them, which is very comfortable. 
 
 THE LEYDEN PEOPLE TO BRADFORD AND BREWSTER. 
 
 To our most dear and entirely beloved brethren, Mr. 
 William Bradford^ and Mr. William Brewster, grace, 
 mercy, and true peace be multiplied from God our 
 Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen. 
 
 Most Dear Christian Friends and Brethren, 
 
 As it is no small grief unto you, so is it no less unto 
 us, that we are constrained to live thus disunited each 
 from other, especially considering our affections each 
 unto other, for the mutual edifying and comfort of both, 
 in these evil days wiierein we live, if it pleased the 
 
 * William BRADFORD,whose name red the displeasure of his relatives 
 
 occurs so frequently in the preceding and the scoffs of his neighbours; 
 
 pages, and whose writings occupy but neither opposition nor scorn 
 
 so large a portion of this volume, could deter him from attending on 
 
 was born at Ansterfield, in York- the ministry of Clifton, and joining 
 
 shire, in 1588. His parents died Robinson's church. The part which 
 
 when he was young, and he was he took in the escape of the Pil- 
 
 trained by his grand-parents and grims to Holland, and in their mea- 
 
 uncles to " the innocent trade of sures for leaving that country for 
 
 husbandry." His paternal inherit- America, has been related in the 
 
 ance was considerable ; but he had preceding narrative. On his arri- 
 
 no better education than what falls val at Plymouth he was about 32 
 
 to the common lot of the children years old. We have seen, page 
 
 of farmers. Being early interested 201, that on the death of Carver he 
 
 in religion, and embracing the was immediately chosen governor 
 
 views of the Separatists, he incur- of the Colony ; and was annually 
 
THEY WISH TO COME OVER. 487 
 
 Lord to bring us again together; than which as no chap. 
 outward thing could be more comfortable unto us, or -^v^.' 
 is more desired of us, if the Lord see it good, so see 1625. 
 we no hope of means of accomplishing the same, ex- 
 cept it come from you ; and therefore must with pa- 
 tience rest in the work and will of God, performing 
 our duties to him and jou asunder ; whom we are not 
 any way able to help, but by our continual prayers to 
 him for you, and sympathy of affections with you, for 
 the troubles which befall you ; till it please the Lord to 
 reunite us again. But, our dearly beloved brethren, 
 concerning your kind and respective letter, howsoever 
 written by one of you, yet as we continue with the 
 consent (at least in affection) of you both, although we 
 cannot answer your desire and expectation, by reason 
 it hath pleased the Lord to take to himself out of this 
 miserable world our dearly beloved pastor, yet for our- 
 selves we are minded, as formerly, to come unto you, 
 
 re-elected as long as he lived, ex- lie married in 1623, he had two 
 cepting three years when Winslow, sons, William and Joseph and a 
 and two when Prince was chosen daughter, Mercy. John lived in 
 — having filled the office 30 years. Duxbury ; but nothing is known of 
 Though he had not received a him after 1662. William was de- 
 learned education, yet he was fond puty governor of the Colony, and 
 of study and writing, and his at- resided in Kingston. Joseph raar- 
 tainments were respectable. Cot- ried a daughter of the Rev. Peter 
 ton Mather says, "the Dutch tongue Hobart of Hingham. A grand- 
 was almost as vernacular to him daughter of his married a Waters, 
 as the English ; the French tongue of Sharon, and one of her descend- 
 he could also manage ; the Latin ants, Asa Waters, of >Stoughton, 
 and the Greek he had mastered ; possesses the Governor's bible, 
 but the Hebrew he most of all printed in 1592, which contains a 
 studied, because, he said, he would family record. A marble monu- 
 see with his own eyes the ancient ment, erected in 1825, on the Burial 
 oracles of God in their native beau- Hill at Plymouth, marks the spot 
 ty." He died May 9, 1657, in his where Gov. Bradford and his son 
 69th year, " lamented," as Mather William are interred. There are 
 says, "by all the colonies of New many descendants of this excellent 
 England, as a common blessing man in the Old Colony and else- 
 and father to them all." where. See Mather's Magnalia, i. 
 Gov. Bradford had one son, John, 100 — 105 ; Morton's Memorial, pp. 
 by his first wife, Dorothy May; 261 — 270; Hutchinson's Mass ii. 
 and by his second, Alice South- 456; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 217 
 worth, a widow, whose maiden — 251 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. 
 name was Carpenter, and whom 106; Mitchell's Bridgewater, p. 358. 
 
488 LETTER FROM LEYDEN. 
 
 CHAP, when and as the Lord affordeth means : though we 
 
 XXVIII. 1 • n /- 
 
 see httle hope thereof at present, as being unable of 
 
 1625. ourselves, and that our friends will help us we see little 
 hope. And now, brethren, what sh dl we say further 
 unto jou "^ Our desires and prayers to God is, (if such 
 were his good will and pleasure,) we might be reunited 
 for the edifying and mutual comfort of both, which, 
 when he sees fit, he will accomplish. In the mean 
 time, we commit you unto him and to the word of his 
 grace ; whom we beseech to guide and direct both you 
 and us, in all his ways, according to that his word, and 
 to bless all our lawful endeavours for the glory of his 
 name and good of his people. Salute, we pray you, 
 all the church and brethren with you, to whom we 
 would have sent this letter. If we knew it could not 
 be prejudicial unto you, as we hope it cannot, yet fear- 
 ing the worst, we thought fit either to direct it to you, 
 our two beloved brethren, leaving it to yom* goodly 
 wisdom and discretion, to manifest our mind to the 
 rest of our loving friends and brethren, as you see most 
 convenient. And thus entreating you to remember us 
 in your prayers, as we also do you, we for this time 
 commend you and all your affairs to the direction and 
 protection of the Almighty, and rest, 
 Your assured loving friends 
 
 And brethren in the Lord, 
 
 Francis Jessop, 
 Thomas Nash, 
 Thomas Blossom, 
 Roger White, 
 Richard Maisterson.' 
 Leydm, Nov. 30, A. D. 1625. 
 
 ' Richard Masterson, afterwards deacon of the church. See note ' 
 came over to Plymouth, and was a on page 73. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abbot, George, Arclibishop, 56, 383. 
 
 Accomack, Plymouth, 203. 
 
 Acorns, eaten by the Indians, 145, 205. 
 
 Adams, Mrs. John, on Robinson's church 
 at Ley den, 393. 
 
 Agawam. ISee Ipsicich, and Wareham. 
 
 Aiiisworth, Henry, teacher in the church 
 at Amsterdam. 24. 418. Mentioned, 
 429, 440, 441, 445. Account of, 448. 
 
 Air of New England, 129, 233, 369. 
 
 Alden, John, 121, 150. 
 
 Alderton, Point, 195, 229. See Mlerton. 
 
 Alewives, 172. Used for manure, 231. 
 
 Alexander, son of Massasoit, 194. 
 
 Allerton, or Alderton, Isaac, 85, 115. 
 Daughter of, last survivor of the May- 
 flower, 150, 19(i, 2.50. Child of, born, 
 1G9. Death of his wife, 181. Account 
 of, 195. Point named from, 195, 229. 
 Chosen Assistant, 201. Second wife 
 of, 470. 
 
 Allerton, John, 116, 122, 150. 
 
 Allotment of lands, the first, 346. The 
 second, 347. 
 
 America, Reasons and Considerations 
 touching the Lawfulness of removing 
 out of England into the Parts of, 239 ; 
 cautions respecting it, 240. What per- 
 sons may remove. 241 ; whj', 242. See 
 J\~<:io Entrland, Pilgrims, and Plipnouth. 
 
 Ames, William, account of, 423, 439. 
 
 Amsterdam, English church at, 24, 447. 
 Contention of the churches there, 34, 
 380. Number of communicants at, 36, 
 455. People from, take leave of the 
 Pilgrims at Delft-Haven, 88. Brad- 
 
 62 
 
 ford's account of the church at, 455. 
 
 Deaconess at, 455. See Ains^corth, and 
 
 Johnson. 
 Anabaptists, law against, 404. 
 Anne, arrival of the, 351. Passengers in 
 
 the, 352. Return and return cargo of 
 
 the, 353. 
 A pan now. See Jisjnnct. 
 Apaum, Plymouth, 203, 245. 
 Apparel, Indian, 167, 3(i5. 
 Archer, Gabriel, 103 On sassafras, 130. 
 Argall, Sir Samuel, Governor of Viririnia, 
 
 6<). 
 Arminian controversy, in the Low 
 
 Countries, 40, 392, 4'52. 
 Arminius, James, 40. 
 Armor of the Pilgrims, 134, 156. 
 Arrows, sent as a challenge, 281. 
 Aspinet, sachem of Nauset, 216, 244, 302. 
 
 Meets an embassy, 217. Probably 
 
 Apannow, 232. Reception of Bradford 
 
 by, 302. His salutation of Standish, 
 
 304. Fate of, 345. See Indians Kau- 
 
 sct, and JVauset. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bacon, Leonard, Rev., on Alderton, 196. 
 
 His vindication of the Pilgrims. 419. 
 Bancroft, Archbishop, persecution bv,423, 
 
 439. 
 Bancroft, George, errors of, corrected, 28, 
 
 43,87,99, 102, 461. 
 Baptism, on the administration of, 64, 65. 
 
 Views of Hobart respecting, 403; of 
 
 Chauncy, 405. See .Anabaptists. 
 Barnstable, or Cummaquid, error respect- 
 
490 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ing the church in, 77. Everett's Ad- 
 dress at, cited, 103. Sachem at, 215. 
 Under Massasoit, 244. See Iijanough. 
 
 Barnstable bay, 1 19, 123. Error of Prince 
 resjiecting, 135. Overshot in the third 
 expedition of the Pilgrims, 159. En- 
 tered, in search of a boy, 212. Situa- 
 tion and size of, 214. 
 
 Barrington, in the Pokanoket country, 
 208. 
 
 Barrow, Henry, persecuted, 412. Refu- 
 tation of Gifibrd by, 424. A martyr, 
 427. Examination of, 428. Robinson 
 on his alleged blasphemy, &lc., 429. 
 Slanders against, 430. Vindication of, 
 431. Greenwood and, 432. His cha- 
 racter, 433. His conversion, 433. Last 
 acts of, 434. 
 
 Baylie, Robert, on the Pilgrims at Ley- 
 den, 379, 385. His aspersions, 425. 
 Reply to, by Cotton, 42(). On Barrow's 
 deatb, 433. On Robinson, 453. 
 
 Baylies, Francis, errors of, corrected, 56, 
 75,99, 134. 
 
 Beach grass, on Cape Cod, 123. 
 
 Beach point, in Plymouth, 163. 
 
 Beaver, among the Massachusetts, 229. 
 Freighted in the Fortune, 236. Loaned 
 to Weston, 342. Freighted in the 
 Anne, 353. 
 
 Beaver Dam Brook, in Plvmouth, 165. 
 
 Belknap, .leremy, cited, 193,255, 343,464. 
 
 Bellamy John, publisiier, 113. 
 
 Bentivoglio, Cardinal, his notice of the 
 Pilgrims, 43. 
 
 Bernard, Richard, 422. Robinson's an- 
 swer to, 40, 429. 
 
 Billin<rsgate Point, in Wellfleet, 151. 
 
 Billington, Francis, discovers Billington 
 Sea, 149, 172. 2)4. 
 
 Billington, John, 122. First offender, 
 149, 19;». Hung in 1630, M9. 
 
 Billington, John, jr., 149. Voyage in 
 search of, 214. 
 
 Billington Sea, 149, 167. Discovered and 
 described, 172. Fish and deer there, 
 182. 
 
 Birch bark canoes, 135. 
 
 Blackwell, voyage of, to Virginia, 70. 
 Conduct of, 71, 72. 
 
 Blossom, Thomas, letter by, to Bradford, 
 480. Notice of, 483. 
 
 Blue Hills, in Milton, called Massachu- 
 setts Mount, 224. 
 
 Boat Meadow creek, in Eastham, 1.55. 
 
 Boston, England, treatment of Pilgrims 
 at, 26, 465. 
 
 Boston, New England, first landing in, 
 225 Sachem of, 232. See Ohbutincwat. 
 
 Boston harbour, formerly called Massa- 
 chusetts Bay, 225. Islands in, 226. 
 Second voyage to, 290. Settlement of 
 Thompson there, 351. 
 
 Bradford, Dorothy, 148, 162, 485,487. 
 
 Bradford, William. Morton borrowed from, 
 4, 5. Time of his death, 5, 17, 487. His 
 History, 7. Goes to Holland, 29; his 
 employment there, 35. Age of, in 1620, 
 46,487. In an excursion up the Cape, 
 126. Register by, 148. On Billington, 
 149. In the third exploring party, 149. 
 Sick, 174, 177. Governor of Plymouth, 
 201,486. Charter granted to, in 1629, 
 235. In an expedition for corn, 300. 
 Reception of, at Chatham, 300. Squan- 
 to and, 301. Goes to the Massachu- 
 setts, 302. Trades at Nauset and Mat- 
 tachiest, 302. Returns home by land, 
 303. At Middleborongh and Sand- 
 wich, 305. Messenger from Weston's 
 colony to, 328. His advice to Weston's 
 company, 328. Holds a general court, 
 330. Marriage of, 353, 487. His Dia- 
 logue, 409. Prophesies, 419,420. His 
 Memoir of Elder Brewster, 4.59. His 
 letter-book, 473. Letters to, from Ley- 
 den, 478, 480, 483, 486. Account of, 
 and of his family, 486. His Bible, 487. 
 Monument to, 487. 
 
 Bradford, William, jr., 487. 
 
 Bradford's and Winslow's Journal, 109. 
 Authorship of it, 115, 126, 128, 150, 
 158, 170, 177. 
 
 Brereton, John, on Cape Cod, 101. On 
 the Elizabeth Islands, 129; on sassa- 
 fras there, 130. On drinking tobacco, 188. 
 
 Brewster, Jonatiian, 235. 
 
 Brewster, William, 22, 23. Bradford's 
 Memoir of, 459 — 470. Under Secretary 
 Davison, AiY-i. Joins the Pilgrims, 465. 
 Worship at the house of, 24, 465. Im- 
 prisonment of, at Boston, England, 27, 
 465. His libr.iry, 27. Goes to Holland, 
 27, 466. Chosen elder, 36. Becomes 
 a printer, 35. 467 Books printed by, 
 40, 466. Sent as agent to England, 57. 
 Correspondence of John Robinson and, 
 with Sir Edwin Sandys, 58. Suspected 
 and pursued, 456. Mentioned, 71. 
 Reasons of his going to America, 77, 
 383. W'hy not chosen governor, 197, 
 470. Not a rigid Separatist, 400. His 
 private and official character, 468. Ac- 
 count of his family and descendants, 
 3.52, 470. Robinson's letter to, 475. 
 Letter to, from the Leyilen people, 486. 
 His sword, 134. His chair, 470. His 
 age, 46, 115. His death, 461. 
 
 Brigham, William, edition of the Laws of 
 Plymouth by, 197. 
 
 Bristol, in the Pokanoket country, 208. 
 
 Brooke, Fulke Greville, Lord, 67. 
 
 Brown, Peter, a Pilgrim, 122, 174. 
 
 Brown, Robert, the books of, 427. Ac- 
 count of, 441. Separatists before, 442. 
 Backsliding of, 442, 444. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 491 
 
 Brownists, some of the principles of the, 
 Gli, 4 Hi. Dislike of the name, 3'.I7, 412, 
 41(i, 428, 444. Kaleigh on banishing, 
 430. 
 
 Brown's island, in Plymouth harbour, IfiS. 
 
 Burial Hill, in PIvmouth. view from, HJ8. 
 Fortified,' H;8,'17U. Artillery planted 
 on, 181. Fort built on, 2D5, 335. First 
 burying on, 2tt5. 
 
 Burk, John, on Brewster, 4G1. 
 
 Burke, lidinund, on the Pilgrims in Hol- 
 land, 48. 
 
 Butler's Hudlbras, cited, 333. 
 
 Buzzard's Bay, JNarraganset mistaken for, 
 305. French and Dutch trade to, 3UG. 
 On a canal from, 30G. 
 
 C. 
 
 Callender, John, on Sowams, 208. 
 
 Calvin, John, on the liturgy of the Church 
 of England, 11. 
 
 Calvinists, Kobinson on the, 397. 
 
 Cambridge Platform, 3!t4. 
 
 Cambridge, synod at, 3'.M. Occasion of 
 the, 402. Invitation of Hobart to the, 
 40G ; of Chauncy , 40G. 
 
 Canal, from Buzzard's Bay, 30G. 
 
 Canacuin. See Caioiiacouie. 
 
 Canonicus, messenger from, 281. Notice 
 of, 281. Hostile to the Plymouth colo- 
 nists, 281. Roger Williams and, 281. 
 Challenge from, 281, 2o3. 
 
 Cantnugcanteest, Watson's hill, Plymouth, 
 180. 
 
 Capawack. See Martha s Vineyard. 
 
 Cape Cod. visited by Captain John Smith, 
 80. Fallen in with, by the Pilgrims, 
 101, 117, 384. Historical notice of, 101. 
 Pilgrims put into the harbour of, 102, 
 117. Edward Everett on, 104. Well 
 wooded, 1)8, 124. Graham's Survey 
 and Map of, 118. Soil of, 123. Beach 
 grass on, 123. Called Paomet, 12.5. 
 Indians on, escape pestilence, 184. 
 Particulars as to the Indians on, 216. 
 See Provincctoxcn. 
 
 Cape Cod Light, 123, 130. 137. 
 
 Captain's Hill, in Duxbury, 12G. 
 
 Careswell, in Marshfield, 275. 
 
 Carleton, Sir Dudley, on Sunday in Hol- 
 land, 47. On the Perth Assembly, 305. 
 His letters to Naunton respecting 
 Brewster, cited, 467. 
 j Carpenter, Mary, " a godly old maid," sis- 
 1 terofGov. Bradford's second wife, 353. 
 \ Cartwright, Thomas, the Puritan, 436. 
 \ Carver. John, twice an ao-ent to England, 
 I 55, 58, .5!), ()0, 78, 90. "'Deacon, 60,200. 
 
 I Sabin Starsmore's letter to, 73. Bobin- 
 
 \ son's letter to, 80. Confidence reposed 
 
 Xinj'JO. First governor, 122, 200. His 
 
 sword, 134. Receives the first explor- 
 ing party, 137. In the third expedition, 
 14!). Seeks lost men, 174. I ishes at 
 Billington Sea, 182. Reception of Mas- 
 sasoit by, l'J3 Reelected governor, 
 1!)7. His and his wife's death, 1!»8, 
 11)9. Notice of, and of his family, 200. 
 His chair, 458. 
 
 Carver, William, 200. 
 
 Cattle, fiist brought to New England, 233. 
 
 Caunbataiit, sachem, 232. See Corhitant. 
 
 Cawnacome, sachem of Manomet, 232, 
 307. Reception of Bradford by, 307. 
 Standish's visit to, 310. Fate of, 345. 
 
 Cedars, on Cape Cod, 118, 124. On 
 Clark's island, 164. 
 
 Centaury, juice of the, drunk by the In- 
 dians, 360. 
 
 Chalmers, George, on the Pilgrims' remo- 
 val from Holland, 48. 
 
 Charity, arrival of the, 29G. Returns to 
 England, 299. 
 
 Charter, second of Plymouth, found in the 
 Land Office in Boston, 234. See Pa- 
 tents. 
 
 Chatham. See Manamoick. 
 
 Chauncy, Charles, Rev., of Scituate, ac- 
 count of, 405. 
 
 Chikkatabak, sachem of Neponset, 232. 
 
 Chilton, Mary, a Pilgrim, 275. 
 
 Church of England, contention about the 
 ceremonies and service book of the, 9, 
 1 1 , 20. Overthrown, 14, IG. Reestab- 
 lished, 17. Conformity to tiie, required, 
 2! ; in the colonization of Virginia, 54. 
 Henry VIIL, supreme Jiead of the, 64. 
 Robinson's regard for the, 389, 415, 442. 
 Feelings of Higginson and Winthrop 
 respecting the, 3!J8. Views of the Se- 
 paratists respecting the, 414. See Com- 
 mon Prayer, Episcopacy, and Liturgy. 
 
 Church of Scotland. See Presbyterians, 
 and Communion. 
 
 Churches, the primitive, the only pattern, 
 387. Robinson's church, modelled ac- 
 cording to, 42(). See Communion. 
 
 Clams, at Cape Cod, 119. At Plymouth, 
 164,329. Note on, 306. 
 
 Clapboards, shipped to England, 353. 
 
 Clark, pilot and master's mate of the 
 Mayflower, 85, 112, 150, 155. Claik's 
 island, in Plymouth, named from, 160. 
 
 Clark, Thomas, 160, 3.52. 
 
 Clark's Island, arrival of the Pilgrims at, 
 160. Notices of, 160, 163. The only 
 island in Plymouth liarbour, 163. Trees 
 on 164. The Pilgrims conclude not to 
 settle on, 167. 
 
 Clirgy, ejectment of the Puritan, 21. In- 
 fluence of the New England, in civil 
 affairs, 37. On the congreiiational or- 
 dination of, 66. See Elders, and Min- 
 istry. 
 
492 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Clifton, Richard, Rev., 22. Bradford's 
 account of, 453. 
 
 Climate of New England, 369. See Air. 
 
 Codfish, at Cape Cod harbour, 119. At 
 Plymoutli. 11)4,294. Want of means to 
 catch, 171' 21)4. 
 
 Coke, Lord, 73, 447. 
 
 Cold Harbour, in Truro, 139. 
 
 Columbus, ships of, 86. 
 
 Common house at Plymouth, building of 
 the, 169, 173. Burnt, 177. Cushman's 
 Discourse at the, 255. Location of the, 
 255. 
 
 Common Prayer, persecutions for books 
 against tlie, 427. 
 
 Coiimiunion. Robinson's doctrine of, 388, 
 457. Of tlie Pilgrims with the Dutch 
 and French churches, 392, 457 ; with 
 the Scotch, 394, 395, 4.57. Bradford 
 on, 457. Robinson on the administra- 
 tion of, by elders, 477. 
 
 Community of goods, 84. Qualified, 340. 
 
 Compact of the Pilgrims, 120. 
 
 Conbatant. See Corbilant. 
 
 Congregational Church, the first in Ame- 
 rica, 77. 
 
 Congregationalism, 66. An apostolic in- 
 stitution, 401. The primitive church 
 polity, 406. Growth of. 423. 
 
 Cooke, Francis, and his wiie, 122,352,393. 
 
 Coppin, Robert, second mate of the May- 
 flower, 112, 148, 150, 155, 159. 
 
 Copping. John, a Puritan martyr, 4 12, 427. 
 
 Copp's Hill, in Boston, visited, 225. 
 
 Corbitant, hostile to Massasoit and the 
 Pilgrims, 219. Captures Tisquantum, 
 220. Attempt to take, 221. Escapes, 
 222. Threatened, 222. Likely to suc- 
 ceed Massasoit, 315. Winslow lodges 
 with, 324 ; their conversation, 325. 
 
 Corn. See Indian corn. 
 
 Cornhill, in Truro, 133, 140. 
 
 Cotton, John, of Boston, 5. Error of Cot- 
 ton Mather, respecting the family of, 
 30. On the church at Leyden, 380. 
 On the Plymouth church, 386. On 
 Robinson's sentiments, 389, Assists 
 in drawing up the CamLiridge Platform, 
 394. On Robinson's conduct, 396. 
 Conformity of, with Phillips, 397. On 
 Robinson's separatism, 40(3. On sepa- 
 ration and secession, 417. On public 
 offences in churches, 418. On prophe- 
 sying, 421. On modelling of different 
 churches, 426. On Elizabeth and the 
 Puritan martyrs, 433. On the autlior 
 of Independency, 442. On the name 
 Brownists, 444. On Ainsworth, 448. 
 On John Smith, 451. 
 
 Cotton, John.jr .minister of Plymouth,4,5. 
 
 Conbatant See Corbitant. 
 
 Court of High Commission, 19. 
 
 Cow Yard, in Plymouth harbour, 171. 
 
 Crabs, at Plymouth, 1G4. 
 
 Cudbartson, 393. See Cuthbertson. 
 
 Cummaquid. See Barnstable. 
 
 Cushman, Isaac, Rev., 250. 
 
 Cushman, Mary, last survivor of the 
 Mayflower, 150, 196, 250. 
 
 Cushman, Robert, sent twice as agent to 
 England, 55, 57, 78, 249. Letter from, 
 68. Answers complainants, 84. Cor- 
 respondence with, 85. Passenger in 
 the Fortune, 99, 116, 234. Letter by, 
 to I. P., 1 16. His " Reasons, &c." 239. 
 Notice of, 249. Returns in the For- 
 tune, 249. Discourse by, 25.5. On 
 Weston's company, 296. On the 
 preacher for Plymouth, 476. 
 
 Cushman, Thomas, 235, 250. "Wife and 
 descendants of, 250. 
 
 Cuthbertson, Cuthbert, 352, 393. 
 
 D. 
 
 Damariscove islands, 278, 293. 
 Davenport, Joiin, Rev., account of, 419. 
 Davis, John, his edition of New England's 
 
 Memorial, 5. Cited, 195, 234, 255, 301, 
 
 339. 
 Davis, Samuel, on the Gurnet, 287. 
 Davison, William, Secretary, Brewster 
 
 under, 463, 464. Account of, 463. 
 Deaconess, at Amsterdam, 455. 
 Deer, near the pond in Truro, 130. In 
 
 Plymouth, 175, 231. At Billington 
 
 Sea, 182. 
 Deer traps, 136. 
 De la Noye,or Delano, Philip, 235, 236. 
 
 Admitted to churches of the Pilgrims, 
 
 394. 
 Delft-Haven, 87. Parting at, 88, 384. 
 Dennis, W' illiam, a Puritan martyr, 412, 
 
 427. 
 Dermer, Captain, cited, 184. Attack on, 
 
 by Indians, 185. Treatment of Squanto 
 
 by, '190. At Namasket, 190, 204. 
 De Tocqueville, on the Magnalia, 30. On 
 
 Plymouth rock, 1(31. 
 Dorchester, Pilgrims at, 226. Supposed 
 
 residence of the Massachusetts sachem, 
 
 227. See Squantum. 
 Dort, Sunday at, 47. Synod of, 47, 424. 
 Dotey, Edward, 116, 122, 127, 150. Pun- 
 ishment of, 201. 
 Double Brook, in Plymouth, 165. 
 Douglass, William, on the removal from 
 
 Holland, 48. 
 Dover, N. H., settlement at, 251. 
 Downs, or dunes, of Holland, 123. 
 Drake, Sir Francis, vessels of, 86. 
 Dress, Indian, 185, 365. 
 Droitwich, birth-place of the Winslow 
 
 family, 274. 
 Drought. See Pilgrims, and Plymouth. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 493 
 
 Dudley, Gov. Thomas, 1 05, 198, 419. 
 Duelling, punislimeiit of, at Fly mouth, 201. 
 Duxbury, the name, 120. Formation of 
 
 the church in, ;}94. 
 Dwight, Timotliy, on Plymouth and the 
 
 Pilgrims, IGl. 
 Dyer's swamp, in Truro, 129. 
 
 E. 
 
 \' 
 
 Eastham, or Nauset, explored, 15], 153. 
 Expedition to, 214. Corn procured at, 
 302, 304. See jVausct. 
 
 East Harbour, in Truro. 120. Pilgrims 
 at, 128, 137, 138. See Truro. 
 
 East Harbour creek, 128. 
 
 East Harbour village, in Truro, 129. Pond 
 village near, 130. 
 
 Eel river, in Plymouth, IGO, 196,210. 
 
 Elders, remarks on and on their duties, 
 64, C5, 419, 455. Not chosen to civil 
 offices, 197. Continuance of, 455. 
 At Salem, 455. Robinson on the admin- 
 istration of the sacraments by, 477. 
 
 Eliot, John, on the Indian pronunciation 
 of /, 71, and r, 319. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, favors the Anglican 
 ritual, 12, 21. Suspension of Grindal 
 by, 420. Conduct of, respecting Bar- 
 row and Greenwood, 432. Cause of 
 her subsequent toleration, 433. Sepa- 
 ratists in the time of, 442. Her dupli- 
 city and treatment of Mary and of Da- 
 vison, 463, 464. Aids Holland against 
 Spain, 464. Fortresses consigned to, 464. 
 
 Elizabeth Islands, springs on the, 129. 
 Sassafras exported from, 130. 
 
 Embalmed body found, 142. 
 
 Embden, synod at, 422. Johnson at, 445. 
 
 Endicott, John, sends to Plymouth for a 
 physician, 223, 380. Instructed to pur- 
 chase the Indians' lands, 259. On the 
 worship at Plymouth, 380. 
 
 English, Thomas, a Pilgrim, 116, 122, 150. 
 
 Episcopacy, Robinson's dislike of, 390. 
 Atten)pt to establish, in New England, 
 478. See Church. 
 
 Episcopius, Simon, 41. 
 
 Everett, Edward, cited, 103. 
 
 Fast, the first, at Plymouth, 349. 
 
 Faunae, Thomas, Elder, 199. 
 
 Fire-arms of the Pilgrims, 125, 136, 142, 
 156,237. 
 
 First iirook, in Plymouth, 165. 
 
 Fish, and fishing at Cape Cod, 119, 146. 
 At Plymouth. 164. Want of means to 
 catch, 171, 294. At Moiihcgan, 182, 
 278, 293. In Taunton river, 205. At 
 
 Damariscove islands, 278, 293. At 
 Buzzard's bay, 306. Profits of, in New 
 England, 81, 371, 383. 
 
 Fitts, Rev. Mr., 442. 
 
 Florida, discovered, 243. 
 
 Foord, goodwife, 235, 236. 
 
 Forefathers, first comers so called, 352. 
 
 Forefathers' Day, 161. 
 
 Fortune, arrival of the, 198, 234. Ton- 
 nage of the, 234. Names of jiassengers 
 in the, 2:55. Return cargo of the, 236. 
 Captured, 236. Passengers in tlie,352. 
 
 Frankfort, troubles at, 9. 
 
 Freeman, James, Rev., of Boston, 120. 
 
 Fresh Lake, 172. See BUlington Sea. 
 
 Frobisher, Martin, fleet of, 8K. 
 
 Froissart, on Wat Tyler and Standysshe, 
 120. 
 
 Fuller, Samuel, the physician, 8.5, 121. 
 Notice of. 222. Heals Weston's sick 
 colonists, 297. Sent for to Salem, 223, 
 386. 
 
 Fuller, Thomas, on Robert Brown, 442. 
 
 Furs, trade for, 302, 371. See Beaver. 
 
 Gambling, among the Indians, 210, 307. 
 
 Gardiner, Richard, 116. 
 
 Gardner's Neck, 315. See Maitapoiset. 
 
 Geneva Bibl^, 14. 
 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 87, 155. 
 
 Glass windows, history of, 237. 
 
 Godbertson, 393. See Cuthbertson. 
 
 Goodman, John, a Pilgrim, 122. Lost, 
 174. Encounters wolves, 178. 
 
 Gookin. Daniel, cited. 144, 145, 184, 187, 
 210, ,305, 307,317,360,367. 
 
 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, on the Pilgrims, 
 55. Connected with the family of Lin- 
 coln, 75. Men of, attacked by Indians, 
 185. On Indians carried to England, 
 190. Error respecting the colony of, 
 334. Measures by, to establish episco- 
 pacy in New Lng];ind, 478. Thomp- 
 son sent over by, 351. 
 
 Gorton, Samuel, 379. 
 
 Gosnold, Bartholomew, error respecting, 
 75 Discovers Cape Cod, 101,103, 119. 
 Carries home sassafras, 130. 
 
 Graham, J. D., Major, Survey and Map 
 of Cape Cod by, 118. 
 
 Grahamo, James, in error, 55, 76, 98, 105, 
 334, 482. 
 
 Grapes and grape vines, 130, 132, 165, 234. 
 
 Great Bear, the constellation, so called by 
 the Indians, 366. 
 
 Great Hollow, in Truro, 131. 
 
 Great Meadow creek, in Eastham, 155. 
 
 (Jreat pond, in Eastham, 153. 
 
 Green's harbour, in Marshfield. grant to 
 Winslow at, 275. 
 
494 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Greene, Richard, 299. 
 
 Greenwood, John, persecuted, 412 Re- 
 futation of Giftbrd by, 424. A preach- 
 er in London, 427. A martj^r, 427. 
 Examination of, 42-i. Reynold's and 
 Queen Elizabeth's conversation re- 
 specting, 432. 
 
 Greville, Sir Fulke, Lord Brooke, G7. 
 
 Grimsby, in Lincolnshire, 28. 
 
 Grindal, Archbishop, suspended by Eliza- 
 beth, 420. Successor of, 432. 
 
 Ground-nuts, .329. 
 
 Guiana, 52. 
 
 Guns oitbe Pilgrims, 125, 13G, 142, 15G. 
 
 Gurnet, IGO, 1(33, 1G4, 2S7. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hall, Bishop, on Holland, 25. On the 
 Brownists, 4-51. On Robinson, 453. 
 
 Hallam, Henry, cited, 10, ll,42d. 
 
 Hampden, John, never in America, 314. 
 
 Hampton Court, Conference at, 20,432. 
 
 Hatberly, Timothy, 352, 353. 
 
 Higginson, Francis, Rev., cited, 129, 184, 
 237, 398. Ordained at Salem, 39d. 
 
 High Head, Truro, soil at, 123. 
 
 Highland Light, Cai)e Cod, 123, 130, 137. 
 
 Hilton, William, 235. Letter from New 
 Plymoutli by, 250. Settles at Dover, 
 N. H.. 251. His wife and children, 
 251,352. 
 
 Hingham, first minister of, 402. 
 
 Hither Manomet Point, in Plymouth, 291. 
 
 Hobart, Peter, Rev., of Hingham, 402, 487. 
 
 Hobbamock, 219. Flight of, to Plymouth, 
 220. E.xpresses fears, 285. Asserts 
 Massasoit's faitlifulness, 288. A pinse, 
 2(58, 341 . Sends his wife to Pokanoket, 
 288. Guide to Buzzard's Bay, 307, 
 Guide in the visit to Massasoit in his 
 sickness, 314, 315. Lamentations by, 
 for Massasoit, 31G. Massasoit reveals 
 a plot to, 323. Interview of Pecksuot 
 with, at Wessagusset, 337. On the 
 death of Pecksuot, 339. Chases Indi- 
 ans, 341. His services, and character, 
 350. 
 
 Hobbamock, and Hobbamoqui, the Indian 
 devil, 35n, 3.57 
 
 Holland. See Low Countries. 
 
 Holmes. Abiel, in error, 77. Cited, 199, 
 478, 479. 
 
 Hoornbeek, John, on John Robinson and 
 the Arminians, 42, 453. 
 
 Hopkins, Oceanus, born, 100, 122, 127. 
 
 Hopkins, Stephen, 100, 122. Account of, 
 12G, 127. Goes to meet Indians, 181. 
 Samoset lodges with, 185. In the em- 
 bassy to Pokanoket, 202,204. 
 
 Hopkins's cliff, in Truro, 133. 
 
 Hopkins's creek, in Truro, 133, 135. 
 
 House lots, laid out at Plymouth, 170, 173. 
 
 Houses, building of, commenced at Ply- 
 moutli, 173. Their probable character, 
 179. 
 
 Howland, John, a Pilgrim, 122, 149. 
 Notice of, and of his family, 150. 
 
 Hubbard, William, his History, 58, 79. 
 On the laws of the Pilgrims, 197. On 
 Standish, 339. 
 
 Hudson, Henry, at Cape Cod, 101, 103. 
 Explored Hudson's river, 3G8, 3(59. 
 
 Hudson's River, settlements on, 42. Pil- 
 grims sail for, 102, 117, 385. 
 
 Huguenot, 417. 
 
 Hunt, Captain, the kidnapper, IfcG, 190, 
 215. 
 
 Hutchinson, Thomas, Gov., cited, 107, 120, 
 122, 185, 195, 197, 274, 380, 477. 
 
 I. 
 
 Independents and Independency, 422, 
 
 442. 
 Indian Brook, in Wellfleet, 152, 1G5. 
 
 burying grounds and graves, 142, 
 
 154, 227, 3G3. In Eastham, 153. 
 
 challenge, 281, 283. 
 
 ■ corn, found, 131, 141. A native of 
 
 America, 131 . Indian mode of storing, 
 
 133. Taken and afterwards paid for, 
 
 134, 140, 204, 235, 259. Parched, 187, 
 211. Exclianged for seed, 204, 209. 
 Twenty acres of, 230. Aid in planting, 
 from Squanto, 230. Indians' season for 
 planting, 230. Excursion after, 299. 
 Procured, 301, 302, 305, 308, 309. Di- 
 vided with Weston's company, 303. 
 Want of, at Weston's colony, 32a. Al- 
 lowance of, to Weston's company, 337. 
 Given to the sachems, 362. Account 
 of, 310. 
 
 hemp, 133, IGG. 
 
 Neck, in Truro, 135. 
 
 priests. See Poioows. 
 
 Indians, burning of underwood by the, 
 124. First sight of, by the Pilgrims, 
 127. Their barns, 133. Their baskets, 
 133, 145. Their mats, 133, 144, 145, 
 3()3. Their canoes, 135. Hedges of, 
 to take game, 142. Burials by, 143, 
 362, 3G3. Household stuff" of the, 144. 
 Seen around a grampus, 151, 153. 
 Their arrows, 1.58. Fires of, seen at 
 Plymouth, 170, 171. Standish goes in 
 search of, 171. Seen on Clark's island, 
 179. On Watson's hill, 180, 190, 191. 
 Languao-e of the, 183. Destroyed by 
 pestHence, 183, 20G, 229, 234, 2.58, 259. 
 Treatment of, by Hunt, 186, 190, 215. 
 Apparel of, 187, 365. Use of tobacco by 
 the, 188, 363. Carried away by Wey- 
 mouth, 190. At Namaschet, 205. In- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 495 
 
 cident of their courage, 20G. Submis- 
 sion of, to king Janifs, 'JIO, 22(5, 232, 
 244, 25t), 307. Their bed.s, 210 Gam- 
 ble, 210, 307. General rendezvous of, 
 at Massacliusetts, 220. Their forts, 
 227. Peace produced among the, 232. 
 Their religion, 233, 355. On the right 
 to their soil, 242. Conversion of the, 
 243,2.57,271. Habits of, 243. Treat- 
 ment of, 244, 251). Friendly, 2-58, 272. 
 Lands of, always purchased, 259. Mas- 
 sacre by, in Virginia, 278, 2!)3, 2'J4. 
 Threaten the Pilgrims, 295. Reception 
 of Bradford by , at Chatham, 300. Mode 
 of salutation by, 304. Conspiracy among 
 them. 310. Customs of, in sickness, 
 313, 317, 3C2. Effect of Standish's ex- 
 pedition to Wessagusset on the, 345. 
 Decline of the, 345. Notice the fast 
 and tlie rain, 350. Manners, customs, 
 religious opinions, and ceremonies of 
 the, 354. Their God, 355 ; devil, 35G ; 
 powows, 357; sacrifices, 358; pnicse, 
 359; sachems and sachems' families, 
 3G0; funerals and mourning, 302. 
 Names among the, 363. Wedlock 
 among the, 304. Crimes and punish- 
 ments among them,3(J4. Their appa- 
 rel, 305; language, 30G ; memorinls, 
 307. See Cape Coil, Massasoit, Ply- 
 mouth, Samoset, Squardo, and S(jtiaics. 
 
 Mashpee, 21 G. 
 
 Massachusetts, swept off, by pes- 
 
 tilence, 184, 229. Voyage to the, 224. 
 Origin of their name, 224. Squaw sa- 
 chem of the, 225, 228. Preparations 
 for visiting again, 285. Appreliensions 
 from them, 285. Alarm on the voyage 
 to the, 287. Complaints by the, re- 
 specting Weston's company, 298, 302, 
 327. Bradford's excursion to the, 302. 
 Conspiracy among the, 310, 323, 330, 
 343. Standish's expedition against the, 
 at Wessagusset, 327, 331. Boldness of, 
 at Wessagusset, 332. Seven, killed in 
 a struggle, 339. Skirmish with, 341. 
 Chased by Hobbamock, 341. Plot of 
 the, confessed, 343. Seat of the sachem 
 of the, 227 ; of the squaw sachem, 228. 
 See Obhatinewat, and Ohtahicst. 
 
 Namascheucks, 205, 212. 
 
 Narraganset, suspected of a con 
 
 spiracy with the Massachusetts, 285. 
 Their devotions, 3.38. 
 
 Nauset, encounter with, 15G, 185. 
 
 Steal, 180, 186, 304. Escape the pesti- 
 lence, 184. Their number, 185. Hos- 
 tility of the, 185. Treatment of, by 
 Hunt, IBG. Their principal seat, 21 G. 
 Conspiracy by the, 323. See Jispinet, 
 and JVauset. 
 
 Penobscot, escape the pestilence. 
 
 184. 
 
 Indians, Pequot, 280. 
 
 Tarrateens, 225. 
 
 Wampanoags, sachem of the, 287. 
 
 Infanticide, Indian, 358 
 Ipswich, on settling at, 147. 
 Isles of Shoals, 351. 
 
 lyanough, sachem, 215, 21G, 218, 311 
 Fate of, 345. See Barnstable. 
 
 Jacob, Henry, 74. Account of, 439. 
 
 Jami'S 1., his dislike of tlie Geneva Bible, 
 14. Hostility of, to the Puritans, 20, 
 5G. Influence and acts of, in the Low 
 Countries, 42, 43G. Letters patent by, 
 to the Virginia Company, 54. Does 
 not grant an application for freedom in 
 religion, 55, 50, 382. Oath of Allegi- 
 ance required by, 04. Hates Sir Edwin 
 Sandys, 09. Did not grant letters patent 
 to the Pilgrims, 74. New patent fiom? 
 
 80, 101. On fishing in New Eni>land, 
 
 81, 3^3. Reason by, for granting the 
 patent, 184. Wife of. 210. Indian al- 
 legiance to, 210, 226, 232, 244, 2.59, 307. 
 Representation to, in favor of Davison, 
 463. Deal h of, 479. 
 
 Jenny, John, has leave to build a mill, 
 172, 352. A passenger in the Anno, 
 3.52, 392. Communed with the Dutch, 
 392. 
 
 Johnson, the Lady Arbella, 75. 
 
 .Johnson, Edward, cited, 23, 1.58,184, 188. 
 
 Johnson, Francis, Kev., church of, at Am- 
 sterdam, 24, 34, 36. Blackwell and, 
 71,72. Preacher at Middleburg, 424. 
 Conversion of, 425, 447. Bradford's 
 account of, 445. Excommunications by, 
 446. His wife, 446. Persecution and 
 flight of, 447. 
 
 Johnson, George, 446, 449. 
 
 Johnson, Isaac, 7.5. Death of, 76. 
 
 Jones, Captain of the Mayflower, 98, 100. 
 Plot wrongly ascribed to, 102, 138. 
 Mentioned, 137, 138, 139, 141, 181. 
 River, in Kingston, named from, 1G6. 
 Captain of the Discovery, arrives at 
 Plymoutii, 278. P^urnishes supplies, 
 
 Jones's river, in Kingston, 105. Explor- 
 ed, IGG. 
 Josselyn, John, cited, 118, 132, 139, 17G, 
 
 306. 
 Juniper trees, 118, 124. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kautantowwit, Indian god, 35G. 
 Kennebec, Popham's attempt to settle at 
 Sagadahoc, near the, 50, 55, 112, 427. 
 
4^6 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Kiehtan, the Indian God, 326. Meaning 
 
 of, 355. 
 Kikemuit, seat of Massasoit, 208. 
 Kingston, incorporated, 16(3. Residence 
 
 of Wm. Bradford, jr., 487. 
 
 L. 
 
 Lands, first allotment of, 346; the sec- 
 ond, 347. 
 
 Language, Indian, 366. 
 
 Leister, Edward, a Pilgrim, 122. Pun- 
 ishment of, 2UI. 
 
 Leyden, removal of the Pilgrims to, 35, 
 380. University of, 35. The congre- 
 gation in peace at, 36, 380. Arminian 
 controversy there, 40, 392. Influence 
 of James I., at the University of, 42. 
 Pilgrims leave, 87, 384. Baylie and 
 Cotton on the Pilgrims at, 379, 456. 
 Respect there for Robinson, 392, 393. 
 Bradford's account of tlie church at, 
 456. Fate of the church there, after 
 Robinson's death, 479, 482. Epistle 
 from the people there to Bradford and 
 Brewster, 486. 
 
 Leyden-street, at Plymouth, house-lots 
 laid out on, 170, 173, 174. 
 
 Lincoln, Elizabeth, Countess of, 75 ; 
 Bridget, 76. 
 
 Lincoln family, connexion of the, with 
 the New England settlements, 75. 
 
 I.,ions, in New England, 176. 
 
 Little James, size of the, 87, 353. Arri- 
 val of the, at Plymouth, 87, 150,351, 
 352. 
 
 Little Namskeket creek, in Orleans, 155. 
 
 Liturgy, John Calvin on the, 11. Robin- 
 son's dislike of the, 390. See Church 
 of England. 
 
 Lobsters, at Plymouth, 164, 205, 233. At 
 Boston, 225. 
 
 London Company, 55. See Virginia 
 Company. 
 
 Long Point, Provincetown, 118, 120. 
 Landing at, 123. Diminished, 123. 
 Soil there, 123. Shallop aground on, 
 1-50. 
 
 Long pond, in Eastham, 153. 
 
 Low Countries, religious toleration in the, 
 23. Influence of James I. there, 42, 
 436. Reasons and causes of the Pil- 
 grims' removal from the, 44, 381 Sun- 
 day there, 47, 381. Two churches of 
 Separatists in the, 418, 453, 455. Suf- 
 ferings of the Separatists there, 439. 
 441. Elizabeth's league with the, 463. 
 See United Provinces. 
 
 Luther, Martin, Robinson's remark on, 
 423. His zeal, 429. Erasmus on, 435. 
 
 Lutherans, Robinson on the, 397. 
 
 Lyford, John, 476. 
 
 M. 
 
 Maisterson, Richard, 73, 488. 
 
 Maize, 131. Meal of parched, 187. See 
 Indian corn. 
 
 Malaga, monks of, liberate Indians, 186. 
 
 Manamoick, Chatham, 217. Bradford at, 
 300. 
 
 Manomet, Point, 148. Bluff of, 159. 
 
 Manomet, Sandwich, boy at, 217. Sa- 
 chem of, 232, 307. Corn procured at, 
 305. Notice of. 305. See Caicnacome. 
 
 Manure, fish used for, 231, 370. 
 
 Marriages, 94. First, in Plymouth, 201. 
 Indian, 364. Preaching at, 402. 
 
 Marshall, John, in error, 84, 100. 
 
 Marshfield, grant to Winslow at, 275. 
 
 Martha's Vineyard, or Capawack, submis- 
 sion of the Indians of, 232. Conspiracy 
 with the Indians on, 323. 
 
 Martin, Christopher, a Pilgrim, 78, 121. 
 Sick, 171. Death and notice of, 172. 
 
 Martyr, Peter, cited, 75. On the ships of 
 Columbus, 86. 
 
 Martyrs, Puritan, 412, 427. Not Brown- 
 ists, 428. 
 
 Maiy, Queen, persecutions and flight of 
 Reformers in the time of, 9, 413. Act of 
 Supremacy repealed under, 64. Sepa- 
 ratists in her time, 442. 
 
 Massachusetts Bay, occasion of the settle- 
 ment of, 122. Pilgrims' first visit to, 
 154, 225. Meaning of, 225. General 
 rendezvous of Indians at,226. Described, 
 228. Mission from, to Canonicus, 281. 
 Harmony between the settlers of, and 
 of Plymouth, 398. Law in, against 
 Anabaptists, 404. 
 
 Massachusetts Mount, 224. 
 
 Massasoit, 127. Samoset's return to, 185, 
 186. Forces of, 185. Description and 
 entertainment of subjects of, at Ply- 
 mouth, lb6; their return home, 189. 
 Different modes of spelling the word, 
 191. Visits Plymouth, 191,259. Wins- 
 low's interview with, 192. Reception 
 of, 192, 231. Treaty with, 193, 244, 
 245. Description of, 194. Treaty 
 with, confirmed in 1662, 194. With- 
 draws, 194. Reception of Standish and 
 Allerton by, 195. Goes home, 196. 
 Embassy to, 202, 232. Presents to, 
 203, 209. Message to, and his reply, 
 203,209. His territory and principal 
 seats, 208, 225, 244,288. Sent for and 
 saluted, 209. Speech of, and confer- 
 ence with, 209. Entertainment by, 
 211. Cape Cod Indians and, 216. 
 Success of the Narragansets against, 
 217. Expedition in defence of, 219. 
 Reported hostility of, 287. Hi>bba- 
 mock's wife sent to, 288. Enraged 
 with Tisquanturn, 289, 290. Visits 
 
'^^C^Hii^ XvC. 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 497 
 
 Plymouth, 290. Demands Tisquantum, 
 291. Seems lukewarm, 295. Sick, 
 313. Winslow's journey to, 313. Re- 
 ported death of, 315. Hobbaniock's la- 
 inoiitations for, 31C. Reception of 
 Winslow by, 31b. Tended by Wins- 
 low, 319. Convalescent, 320. Re- 
 veals a plot, 323. Refuses to join in 
 the conspiracy, 323. See Pokanoket. 
 
 Masterson, Richard, 73, 488. 
 
 Matchlocks, used by the Pilgrims, 125, 
 13G, 142, 156. 
 
 Mather, Cotton, on Governor Bradford, 
 27, 487. Not to be depended on for 
 facts, 30. On Cape Cod, 101. On 
 Ralph Partridge, 394. 
 
 Mather, Increase, 5, 30. Charter of Mas- 
 sachusetts obtained by, 37. On the pes- 
 tilence among the Indians, 184. Assists 
 in making the Cambridge Platform, 394. 
 
 Mattakiest, Barnstable, 215. 
 
 Mattunoiset, Maltapuyst, or Gardner's 
 Neck, Corbitant at, 232, 315. Visit to, 
 by Winsluw, 3lG. See Corhilant. 
 
 Maurice, Prince of Orange, 479. 
 
 May, Mr., father of Dorothy, wife of Gov- 
 ernor Bradford, 485. 
 
 Mayflower, 85. Renowned, 100. Birth 
 on board the, at sea, 100, 122, 127. 
 The plotting of the Captain of the, con- 
 sidered, 102. Place of her making 
 Cape Cod, 103. Place of her anchor- 
 age, 120, 123. Scene on board the, 
 painted, 121. Peregrine White born 
 on board the, 148. Last surviving pas- 
 senger of the, 150, 19(1 Tonnage of 
 the, and anchorage, at Plymouth, 171. 
 Seen by Samoset, 182. Returns to 
 England, 199. No Pilgrim returns in 
 her, 199. Passengers in the, called old 
 comers, or forefatiiers, 3-52. / 1 / ■ 
 
 Meal, of parched maize, 187. See Indian 
 Corn. 
 
 Medicipe men. See Poinows. 
 
 Merchant adventurers, agreement with 
 the, 81. Smith on the 81. Application 
 by the, for the Plymouth colonists, 114. 
 Cushman's allusions to the, 2GG. Let- 
 ters received from the, 348. Robinson 
 on the, 476. Prevent Pilgrims from 
 going to New England, 476, 478. 
 
 Merrimack river, seitlements on the, 403. 
 
 Meyrick, on firelocks and snaphances, 
 156. 
 
 Middleborough. See Xamasket. 
 
 Middleburg, Johnson, preacher at, 424. 
 
 Mill, on Town Brook, at Plymouth, 172, 
 352. 
 
 Milman, H. H., Rev., on community of 
 goods, 84. 
 
 Milton, Pilgrims in, 227. See Blue Hills. 
 
 Milton, John, cited, 107. 
 
 Mohegan river, the Hudson, 368, 369. 
 
 63 
 
 Monardes, on sassafras, 130. 
 
 Monhegan, fishing at, 182, 278, 293. 
 Winslow goes to, 293. Voyage to, Irom 
 Weston's colony, for provisions, 330. 
 Part of Weston's company go to, 341, 
 342. 
 
 Mooanam, son of Massasoit, 194. 
 
 Morattigon, 183. 
 
 Mortality of the Pilgrims, 100, 111,148, 
 168,169,181. Table of the, 192. Re- 
 marks on the, 197, 265, 474. Robinson 
 on the, 473. See Indians. 
 
 Morton, George, 113. Bradford's Rela- 
 tion sent to, 175. Letter probably sent 
 to, 230. Comes out in the Ann, 236, 
 352, 353. 
 
 Morton, Nathaniel, Secretary, Preface by, 
 3. His New England's Memorial, 4. 
 Notice of, 6. On the plot to avoid 
 Hudson's river, 102. On Miles Stand- 
 ish, 126. On Namskeket creek, 155. 
 On a shipwreck in Plymouth harbour, 
 l(i3. Dwelt at Wellingsly Brook, 165. 
 On William ISIullins, Icl. On the name 
 Plymouth, 203. On Samuel Fuller, the 
 physician, 223. On Phinehas Prat, 332. 
 Preface bj'-, to Bradford's Dialogue, 411 ; 
 transcribed it, 413. Takes part in pub- 
 lic worship, 419. On Brewster, and 
 Bradford's Memorial of him, 461. On 
 the plotting against Robinson, 477. 
 
 Morton, Thomas, on burning underwood, 
 124. On walnut trees, 132. On grapes, 
 132. On storing Indian corn, 133. On 
 Indian canoes, 135. On deer traps, 136. 
 On w^ild geese, 140. On ducks, 140. 
 On planks in Indian graves, 143. On 
 Indian bowls, 144. On Indian hearse 
 cloths, 154. On halibut or turbot, 
 164. On hemp, 166. On lions in New 
 England, 176. On the pestilence among 
 the Indians, 184. On Indian apparel, 
 187. On Indian beds, 210. On ale- 
 wives, 231. On an execution at Wey- 
 mouth, 332. On Weston's company, 
 334. Not one of them, 334. 
 
 Morton, Thomas, jr., 352. 
 
 Mount Hope, residence of Massasoit, 208. 
 
 Mourt, G., who he was, 113. 
 
 Mullins, William, a Pilgrim, 121. Death 
 of, 181. 
 
 Murdock's Pond, in Plymouth, adventure 
 at, 175. 
 
 Muscles, at Cape Cod, 119. At Ply- 
 mouth, 164, 233, 329. At Weymouth, 
 329. 
 
 Mystic river, discovered by the Pilgrims, 
 228. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nacook brook, grant on, 332. 
 
498 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Namasket, Middleborougli, Dermer at, 
 190, 204. Under Massasoit, 204. 
 Winslow and Hopkins at, 204, 205, 212. 
 Expedition to, 219. Alarm from, 287. 
 Corn procured at, 305. 
 
 Names, influence of, 261. Effect of, 
 among Christians, 411. 
 
 Namskeket creek, in Orleans, 155. Seat 
 of the Nauset Indians, 216. 
 
 Nanepashemet, grave of, 154, 227. Wid- 
 ow of, 225. House of, 226. Time of 
 his death, 227. 
 
 Nash, Thomas, 85, 488. 
 
 Naunton, Sir Robert, friendly to the Pil- 
 grims, 55, 56, 382, 383. Carleton's let- 
 ters to, respecting Brewster, cited, 4()7. 
 
 Nauset, 153. Voyage to, in search of a 
 boy, 214. Sachem of, 216, 244, 302. 
 Expedition to, for corn, 302. See East- 
 ham, and Indians. 
 
 Neal, Daniel, in error, 99, 100. On John 
 Smith, 451. On Brewster, 461. 
 
 Nepeof, a sachem, 220. 
 
 Neponset, Milton, subject to the Massa- 
 chusetts sachem, 227. Sachem of, 232. 
 
 Netherlands, the battle-ground of Eu- 
 rope, 25. See Imw Countries. 
 
 Nets, want of fishing, 171, 294. 
 
 Newbury, church at, 402. 
 
 New England, patent for, 80, 101, 184. 
 Visited and named, 80, 255. Attempts 
 to settle, 107, 112. Abandoned as un- 
 inhabitable, 112. Grant to tlie Ply- 
 mouth Colonists by the President and 
 Council of, 114, 116,234. Water and air 
 of, 129, 233, 3G9. First Englishman born 
 in, 148. Pestilence among the Indians 
 in, 183, 206, 229, 234, 258, 259. Sup- 
 posed to be an island, 256, 368. Cush- 
 nian on emigration to, 256. Situation, 
 climate, soil, and productions of, 368. 
 Unreasonable expectations respecting, 
 374. Winslow's Narration of the 
 Grounds of the first Planting of, 377, 
 379. Measures ta establish episcopacy 
 in, 478. See America, Kcnnebeck, and 
 Plymouth. 
 
 New England's Memorial, 4. 
 
 Newfoundland, on the discovery of, 155. 
 Separatists banished to, 441. 
 
 New Netherlands, 42. 
 
 New York, early settlement in, 42. 
 
 Nobscusset, Yarmouth, boundary of a 
 sachemdom, 216. 
 
 Nokake, or nokehich, 187. See Indian 
 Corn. 
 
 Nonconformists, harmony of the Separa- 
 tists and, 398. See Puritans. 
 
 North river, in Scituate, 148. 
 
 North Star, known to the Indians, 366. 
 
 Novatus, and Novatians, 13. 
 
 Nowell, Increase, 419. 
 
 Noyes, James, Rev., of Newbury, 402. 
 
 O. 
 
 Oaks, on Cape Cod, 118, 124. 
 
 Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, 64. 
 
 Obbatinewat, a sachem in Massachusetts 
 Bay, 225. Submission of, 226, 232. 
 Probably Obbatinua, 232. 
 
 Obtakiest, 343, 344. 
 
 OlKce, on conjoinino- civil and ecclesiasti- 
 cal, 197. 
 
 Oiled paper, windows made of, 237. 
 
 Old comers, first Pilgrims called, 351. 
 
 Old Indian Wear, on Taunton river, 205. 
 
 Old Tom's hill, in Truro, 135, 139, 147. 
 
 Oldmixon, John, errors of, 91, 164. 
 
 Opechancanough, a Virginia sachem, 279. 
 
 Ordination, remarks on, G6. 
 
 Orleans, seat of Nauset Indians, 216. See 
 JVamskckct. 
 
 Painter, Thomas, an Anabaptist, whip- 
 ped, 404,405. 
 
 Palfrey, John Gorham, Rev., cited, 77. 
 
 Pamet little river, 133, 135. 
 
 Pamet river, in Truro, 118, 125. Notices 
 of, 135. Explored, 139. On settling 
 at, 146. 
 
 Paomet, Cape Cod so called, 204. 
 
 Paragon, fate of the, 348, 349. 
 
 Parker, Robert, ReY,.';436, 439. 
 
 Parker, Thomas, Rev., of Newbury, 402. 
 
 Partridge, Ralph,. Rev., of Duxbury, 394. 
 
 Partridges, 137. 
 
 Passaconaway, magical power of, 366. 
 
 Patents, 80. See James I., JYcic England, 
 and Pilgrims. 
 
 Patuxet, Plymouth, 183, 203. Squanto, 
 the only surviving native of, 190. 
 
 Pccksuot, conference of, with Hobbamock, 
 337. His insolence, 333. Killed, 338. 
 
 Peirce, James, cited, 428. 
 
 Pemberton, John, Rev., 476. 
 
 Penry, John, persecuted, 412. Executed, 
 427. Unjust charges against, 428. 
 Tracts by, 428. 
 
 Perkins, William, Rev., 14. 
 
 Persecutions. See Mary, and Pilgrims. 
 
 Perth Assembly, 395, 467. 
 
 Pestilence among the Indians, 183, 206, 
 229, 234, 258, 259. Narragansets es- 
 cape the, 280. 
 
 Philip, the sachem, treaty broken by, 194. 
 
 Phillips, George, Rev., of Watertown, 
 398. 
 
 Pierce, John, letter to, 114. Charter ta- 
 ken in the name of, 116, 234, 296, "348. 
 Patent surreptitiously obtained by, 234, 
 349. On Weston's company, 296. His 
 attempt to come to Plymouth, 34S. 
 Resigns his patent, 349. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 499 
 
 Pilgrims, used the Geneva Bible, 14. Ori- 
 gin of the, 19. Form a separate church, 
 21. Their covenant, 21, 397. Two 
 churches of the, 22. Persecuted, 23. 
 Resolve to fly to the Low Countries, 
 24. Their first attempt prevented, 26. 
 Imprisoned, 27. Tlieir second embar- 
 kation, 28. Arrive in the Low Coun- 
 tries, 30. Fate of their wives and 
 children left behind, 31. Result of the 
 persecution of the, 32. In Amsterdam, 
 34, 4.5.5. In Leyden, 35, 380, 45G. 
 Trades and employments of the, 35. 
 The number of, 3G, 1)7, 9'J, 100, 122, 
 455. Live in peace, 38, 380, 45G. 
 Their credit with the Dutch, 39, 393. 
 Offers to the, to settle in America or 
 Zealand, 42,385. Attract the notice of 
 Cardinal Bcnti voglio, 43. Reasons and 
 causes for their removal from Holland, 
 44, 111, 381. Turn their eyes to Ame- 
 rica, 48, 381 ; to Guiana, 52. Feelings 
 of the, towards the Spaniards, 53. Con- 
 clude for Virginia, 54, 383.^ Send 
 ao-ents to England, 55, 57, 58, 59, 382. 
 Application by, for freedom in religion, 
 55, 382. Their correspondence with 
 the Virginia Company, and with their 
 agents in England, 58, 66. Religious 
 principles of the, 64, 65, 387, 388, 395. 
 Obtain a patent from the Virginia 
 Company, 74, 383. Keep a fast, 77, 
 383. Arrangenients of the, for leaving 
 Holland, 78, 383. Meet with discour- 
 agements, 81. Their purpose and 
 views in going to America, 81, 261. 
 Their agreement with the merchant 
 adventur'ers, 81. Did not have all 
 things in common, 84. Vessel and pi- 
 lot provided for tlie, 85, 86. Keep a 
 fast, 87. Accompanied to Delft-Ha- 
 ven, 87, 384. The name belongs ex- 
 clusively to the Plymouth colonists, 88. 
 Their departure, 88, 384. At South- 
 ampton, 89. Parting letters to Carver 
 and the, 89, 91, 116. Sail, 97. Put 
 back twice, 98. Plotted against, 99. 
 Dismiss the Speedwell, 99. Imputa- 
 tions on the, 99. Sail again, 100, 117. 
 Voyage, 100. Descry Cape Cod, 101, 
 117, 384. Stand for Hudson's River, 
 102, 117,385. Put back to Cape Cod 
 harbour, 102, 103, 117, 385. Charge 
 against their Captain considered, 102, 
 138. Nearest plantations to the, 105. 
 Mildness of their first winter, 105, 173. 
 Grant to. bv the President and Council 
 of New England, 114, 116, 234. Their 
 compact, and the signing of it, 116, 120. 
 Examinations by the, 122. Choose 
 John Carver, governor, 123. First ex- 
 cursion of the. under Miles Standish, 
 125. Their first sight of Indians, 127. 
 
 At East Harbour, in Truro, 128. At 
 the Pond, 130, 136. Find Indian corn, 
 131, 133 ; a kettle, 133. At Old Tom'a 
 hill, in Truro, 134. At Pamet river, 
 
 135. Find canoes, 135 ; a deer trap, 
 
 136. Return, 137. iSecond expedition 
 of the, 138. Explore Pamet river, 139. 
 Return to Hopkins's clitf, 140. Find 
 more corn, 141 ; Indian graves, 142; 
 an embalmed body, 142 ; wigwams, 143. 
 Return, 145. Propose settling at Pa- 
 met river, 146. Third expedition of 
 the, under Captain Standish, 149. At 
 Billingsgate Point, 151. In VVellfleet, 
 1.52. In'Eastham, 153. Find an Indian 
 burying-ground, 153; wigwams, 154. 
 Alarmed by wolves, 155. First en- 
 counter of, with Indians, 15G. Sail 
 along the coast, 159. On Clark's island, 
 160.° Go on shore, IGl. Return to Pro- 
 vincetown harbour, 1G2. Sail in the 
 Mayflower, and arrive in Plymouth 
 harbour, 163. Conclude to build on the 
 bank at Plymouth, 167. Fortify Burial 
 Hill, 168, 1G9, 181, 295, 335. Cut 
 timber, 169. Lay out house-lots, 170, 
 173. In want of fish-hooks and nets, 
 171, 2!)4. Build, 173, 230. Two of 
 the, lost in the woods, 174. Receive Sa- 
 moset, 182; with other Indians, 187; 
 Squanto, 191 ; Massasoit, • 191, 231. 
 Mortality among the, 197, 2G5. Burial 
 place of the, 199. Not one of the, re- 
 turn in the Mayflower, 199. Embassy 
 of the, to Massasoit, at Pokanoket, 202. 
 Accessions to tiie, by the Fortune, 235, 
 280. Put on short allowance, 23G. 
 Their treatment of the Indians, 259. 
 True to their principles, 260. Unjustly 
 charged with fanaticism, 273. Menaced 
 by the Narragansets, 280. Famishing, 
 294. Supplied by Captain Jones, 298. 
 Advice by the, to Weston's colony, 328. 
 Their wants and means of subsistence, 
 329. Offer to receive Weston's colony, 
 337, 342. Aid Weston, 342. Acces- 
 sions to the, by the Anne and the Lit- 
 tle James, 352. Old comers or fore- 
 fathers among the, 3.52. Contributions 
 by the first, to bring over and support 
 the others, 385, 482. Not Separatists, 
 3^7. Not schismatics, 391. Not ex- 
 clusionists, 392, 399. Works in vindi- 
 cation of tlie, 419. See Jlmcrica, JVeJO 
 England, Plymouth, and Robinson. 
 
 Pines'^ on Cape Cod, 118, 124. At Ply- 
 mouth, 161. 
 
 Pinses, braves, 288. Sachems' council, 
 323, 359. Killed at Weymouth, 339. 
 Account of, 359. Procure corn for tlie 
 sachems, 3G2. 
 
 Piscataqua, settlement at, commenced, 
 351. 
 
500 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Plague, Squanto on the, 291. See Pestilence. 
 
 Plums, at Plymouth, 3^. /CiT 
 
 Plutarch, on Cato the younger, 45. On 
 new marriages, 94. 
 
 Plymouth, New JEngland, mildness of the 
 first winter at, 105, 173. EiFects of the 
 settlement at, 122. First offence in, 149, 
 J 99. Day of the landing at, 161. Kock 
 and place of the landing, 161, 199 
 Trees and plants of, 164, 165. Soil of, 
 165. Conclusion to settle there, 167; 
 to fortify Burial Hill, 163, 169. Com- 
 mon house there, 169, 173, 177. House 
 lots laid out in, 170, 173. Mill at, 172, 
 352. First entry in the records of, 173. 
 Two men lost from, 174. Ponds 
 in, 176. Shed built at, for common 
 goods, 178. Two Indians at, 180. Ar- 
 tillery planted on the hill at, 181. 
 Samoset at, 182. Indian names of, 183, 
 203, 245. Visit to, by Indians from 
 Massasoit, 186. Garden seeds sown, 
 189. Savages appear at, 190. Squanto 
 there, 190. Massasoit visits, 191,259. 
 Treaty at, with Massasoit, 193, 244, 245. 
 Brigharn's Digest of the Laws of, 197. 
 Reelection of Carver as governor of, 
 197. Mortality and burying-pjace at, 
 197, 199, 473. Mayflower sails from, 
 199. Death of the governor of, 200. 
 First marriage and duel in, 201. Origin 
 of the name, 203. Embassy from, to 
 Massasoit at Pokanoket, 202. Voyage 
 from, in search of a lost boy, 214. Seven 
 men only at, 218. Expedition from, 
 against tlie Narragansets, 219. The 
 surgeon and physician at, 222. Voy- 
 age from, to the Massachusetts, 224. 
 Arrival of the Fortune at, 235. Things 
 wanted at, 237. Hilton's Letter on, 
 250. Ship's company arrive at, from 
 Dainariscove islands, 278. Impaled, 
 
 285. Measures for protecting, 285. 
 Apprehensions there, from the Narra- 
 gansets, 285, 287. Council held at, 
 
 286. Alarmed, 287. Visited by Mas- 
 sasoit, 290. Second voyage from, to 
 Massachusetts, 290. Scarcity of provi- 
 sions there, 290. Arrival of the Spar- 
 row, 293. Voyage from, to Monhegan, 
 for provisions, 293. Arrival of the 
 Charity and the Swan at, 296. Arrival 
 of the Discovery and Sparrow at, 298. 
 Expeditions from, for corn and to disco- 
 ver a passage round Cape Cod, 300. 
 Wiiislow's second journey from, to Po- 
 kanoket, 313. Expedition from, against 
 the Indians at Weymouth, 327. Gene- 
 ral Court held at, 331. Indian spy ar- 
 rested at, 335. Reception of part of 
 Weston's company at, 342. Head set 
 up at, 343. Allotment of lands, 346. 
 Drougiit and famine at, 348, 354. The 
 
 first fast at, 349. Thanksgiving, 231, 
 351. Arrival of the Anne and Little 
 James at, with a list of the passengers, 
 351, 352. Food for passengers on arriv- 
 ing at, 3.53. Climate of, 369. Consul- 
 tation of, by succeeding colonies, 386. 
 White on the government at, 483. See 
 Burial Hill, and Pilgrims. 
 
 Plymouth Church, early records of the, 4. 
 The First Independent or Congrega- 
 tional, in America, 77. Givers of the 
 parsonage ground to the, 223. 
 
 Plymouth Company, not applied to by the 
 Pilgrims, 55, 75. 
 
 Plymouth harbour, explored, 161. Pil- 
 grims arrive in, 161, 163. Islands in, 
 161, 163. Fish and fowl in, 164. In- 
 cludes Kingston and Duxbury harbours, 
 164. First death in, 168. 
 
 Plymouth rock, 161, 199. 
 
 Pokanoket, expedition to Massasoit at, 
 197,202,232. Arrival at, 208. Extent 
 of the country, 208. A night at, 210, 
 211. See Massasoit. 
 
 Pollock Rip, 103. 
 
 Polyander, John, 43. 
 
 Pond and Pond village, in Truro, 1.30, 
 136. Great Hollow near, 131. 
 
 Popham, John, Lord, Colony of, at Saga- 
 dahoc, 50, 55, 112, 427. Condemnation 
 of Puritans by, 427. 
 
 Portsmouth, settlement at Little Harbour 
 in, 351. 
 
 Powows, priests, one sentenced to death, 
 308. Practices of, among the sick, 317. 
 With Massasoit, 317. Account of, 357, 
 366. 
 
 Prat, Phinehas, 332, 352. 
 
 Prayers, habits of the Pilgrims as to, 156, 
 167. Brewster on, 469. 
 
 Presbyterians, tolerated in New England, 
 402. See Comvninion. 
 
 Priests. See Potvows. 
 
 Prince, Thomas, in error, 57, 58. On at- 
 tempts to settle New England, 107. 
 Error of, as to Barnstable harbour, 135. 
 On a grant to Peregrine White, 148. 
 Had Bradford's register, 148. On the 
 respect for Robinson at Leyden, 393. 
 On Robinson's Farewell Discourse, 399. 
 On Isaac Robinson, 453. On the differ- 
 ence in elders, 455. 
 
 Prince, Thomas, Gov., arrives in the For- 
 tune, 23.5. Marriage of, 470. 
 
 Prophesying, the practice of, 419. An- 
 cient,"420. Liberty of, 421. 
 
 Provincetown harbour. Pilgrims at, 102, 
 117, 385. Survey and Map of, by Ma- 
 jor J. D. Graham, 118. Whales and 
 fish there. 119. Notice of, 120. Land- 
 ing at, 123. Beach grass planted at, 
 123. Mayflower sails'from, 163. For- 
 tune puts into, 234. See Cape Cod. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 501 
 
 Provisions. See Indian Corn, Pilgrims, 
 and Plymovth. 
 
 Punishments, Indian, 365. 
 
 Punkapog, Stougliton, 2'27. 
 
 Puritans, the name, ]2, 417,443. Hos- 
 tility of James I. to the, 20. See Pil- 
 grims. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quadequina, Massasoit's brother, 191, 
 232. Presents to, 1U2. Hostage with, 
 192. Reception of, 194. Described, 
 195. 
 
 Quails, on Cape Cod, 137. 
 
 R. 
 
 Race Point, Cape Cod, 119. 
 
 Raleigh, Sir Walter, on Guiana, 52. On 
 the law for banishing Separatists, 430. 
 
 Rattlesnake's skin, sent with arrows, 2til . 
 Returned with powder and shot, 283. 
 
 Razor shell, 306. 
 
 Reynolds, Captain of the Speedwell, 85. 
 Puts back twice, 98. 
 
 Reynolds, John, Rev., 432. 
 
 Rhode Island, 281. 
 
 Robertson, William, on the removal from 
 Holland, 48. In error, 84, 100. 
 
 Robinson, Isaac, 453. 
 
 Robinson, John, Rev., 23. Goes over to 
 
 Holland, 34. Removes from Anister- 
 
 vdam to Leyden, 34. His ministry and 
 
 -^character, 30, 452. Time of his death, 
 37, 388. Books written by, 40, 400, 
 4.54. His Apology, 40, 388, 391 . Dis- 
 putes with Episcopius, 41,392. Age 
 of, in 1020, 46. Correspondence of, 
 with Edwin Sandys, 58 ; with Sir 
 John Wolstenholme, 03. Preaches a 
 Fast Sermon, 77. Tarries at Leyden, 
 77,384. The reason of his not acpom- 
 ' --panying the Pilgrims, 77, 383, M.53. 
 
 /Farewell Fast Sermon by, CT, 3DG. 
 His parting letter to John Carver, ,89 ; 
 to the whole company, 91, 110. Dies 
 without going to New England, 91 , 443. 
 On Standish, 339. His doctrine of 
 communion, 3f^8. His views of and 
 regard for the Church of England, 389, 
 415, 442. His dislike of Episco- 
 pacy and the Liturgy, 390. Respect 
 and funeral honors for, at Leyden, 392, 
 393, 4.53. Not a rigid Separatist, 400. 
 His Treatise on the Church of England 
 cited, 400. On Church Synods, 419. 
 On prophesying. 422. His answer to 
 Bernaid, 423. His church a model, 
 420. On Robert Browne, 442. Brad- 
 ford's account of, 451. Facts respect- 
 
 ing, 452. Bp. Hall's insinuation re- 
 specting, 453. His intention and desire«= 
 to settfe at Plymouth, 453, 475, 476, 
 477, 479, 482. Letters from, to the 
 church at Plymouth, 473 ; to Elder 
 Brewster, 475. Lyford and, 470. Plot- 
 ting against, 476, 477. On elders, 477. 
 Last days and death of, 478, 481 . 
 
 Rock harbour creek, in Orleans, 155. 
 
 Roses, at Plymouth, 234. 
 
 Rough, Reverend Mr., 442. 
 
 Rowland, Thomas, persecuted, 443. 
 
 Ruling elders, difference between teach- 
 ing°and, 455, 477. Still continued in 
 Salem, 455. See Elders. 
 
 Sabbath. See Sunday. 
 
 Sachems, account of, and of their families, 
 
 300. Executioners of the laws, 305. 
 Sacrifices, Indian, 358. 
 Sao-adahoc. See Kennebec. 
 St. Lawrence river, discovered, 243. 
 Salem, error respecting the church in, 77. 
 Mission from, to Plymouth, for a phy- 
 sician, 223, 380. Dutch admitted to 
 communion at, 393. Ruling elders in, 
 455. See Endicott, and Higginson. 
 Samoset, description, and reception of, at 
 Plymouth, 182. Lodges with Hopkins, 
 185. Goes to Massasoit, 185, 186. 
 . Returns with others, 180. Remains, 
 189. Comes again, with Squanto, 190. 
 Tarries, 195, 196. 
 Sanders, John, overseer of Weston's colo- 
 ny, writes to Plymouth, 327. Bradford 
 replies to. 330. Voyage by, to Monhe- 
 gan, 330,332. 
 Sandwich, Manomet, boy lost at, 217. 
 
 Sachem at, 232. See Caumacoine. 
 Sandy Neck, at Barnstable, 159, 212. 
 Sandys, Sir Edwin, 55, 56, 382. Corres- 
 pondence of, with Robinson and Brew- 
 ster, 58. Notice of, 59. Treasurer and 
 governor of the Virginia Company, 68. 
 Obnoxious to James I., 08. 
 Saquish, in Plymouth harbour, 160, 104, 
 
 287. 
 Sassafras, on Cape Cod, 118. Medicinal 
 virtues ascribed to, 130. At Plymouth, 
 164, 16.5. 
 Savage, James, on Cotton Mather, 30. 
 On Hampden's visit to New England, 
 315. On ruling elders, 455. 
 Savin Hill, in Dorchester, 227. 
 Savins, on Cape Cod, 124. 
 Scituate, North river in, 148. Chauncy, 
 
 minister of, 405. 
 Scussett harbour, in Sandwich, 30G. 
 Sea fowls, at Cape Cod, 119. At Ply- 
 mouth, 164, 229. Time of the, 294. 
 
502 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Seals, at Plymouth, 172. 
 
 Se-baptist, John Smith the, 451. 
 
 Sects, among Christians, 411. See Com- 
 munion. 
 
 Self-love, Cushman's discourse on the sin 
 and danger of, 2()2. 
 
 Seneca, voyage of, 104. 
 
 Separatists, 3d8. Harmony of the Non- 
 conformists and, 398. Viev*rs of, re- 
 specting the Church of England, 414. 
 Principles of the,41G, 417. No synods 
 among the, 418. On prophesying among 
 the, 41!). Law banishing the, 430. 
 Persecution of the, 437. Treatment of, 
 in prisons, 437. Excommunicated, 438. 
 Deprived of their livelihood, 439. Ban- 
 ished, 439, 441 . Treatment of, by the 
 prelates, 440. Before Robert Brown, 
 442. See Pilgrims. 
 
 Shawmut, sachem of, 232. See Boston. 
 
 Sheath.fish, 306. 
 
 Shellfish, at Plymouth, 294. At Buzzard's 
 Bay, 30G. 
 
 Shingle Brook, in Plymouth, 1G5. 
 
 Ships, size and character of, 8G. 
 
 Sickness, Indian customs in, 317. 
 
 Simmons, formerly Symonson, 393. 
 
 Simonson, Moses, a Pilgrim, 235, 236, 393. 
 
 Skate, at Plymouth, 164. 
 
 Slade's Ferry, in Swansey, 315. 
 
 Slany, John, 191. 
 
 Smallpox. See Pestilence. 
 
 Smith, John, Rev., and his church at Am- 
 sterdam, 22, 34, 429. Persecuted, 443. 
 On Johnson and Ainsworth, 445. Brad- 
 ford's account of, 450. Facts respect- 
 ing him, 451. 
 
 Smith, Jolm, Captain, surveys and names 
 New England, 80, 101, 255. On the 
 merchant adventurers, 8J . On Cape 
 Cod, 101. On New England water, 
 129. On Indian flax, IGG. Names 
 Plymouth, 203. Mentions Nauset, 
 21G. On the country of the Massachu- 
 setts, 226. Isles named by, 351. 
 
 Smith, Sir Thomas, account of, 68. 
 
 Smith's isles, 251. 
 
 Snaphances, 156, 157. 
 
 Snow's brook, in Eastham, 1.52. 
 
 Soil, English and Indian right to the, 243. 
 
 Somer Islands Company, 112. 
 
 Southampton, 85. Arrival of the Pilgrims 
 at, 89. Situation of, 89. 
 
 Southworth, aids in public worship, 419. 
 
 Sowains, seat of Massasoit, 208. 
 
 Spain. See United Provinces. 
 
 Sparrow, arrival of the, at Plymouth, 291, 
 293, 298. 
 
 Speedwell, 85. Size of the, 86. Unsea- 
 worthy, 98. Dismissed, 99. 
 
 Spooner, Ephraim, Dea.,of Plymoutii, 199. 
 
 Squa sachem, of the Massachusetts Indi- 
 ans, 225, 229. Of Matlapuyst, 317. 
 
 Squanto, or Tisquantum, history of, 190. 
 Place in Dorchester, named from, 191. 
 At Plymouth, 195, 196. In an embassy 
 to Massasoit, 202. At Pokanoket, 211. 
 On a voyage in search of a boy, 212. 
 Sent to Aspinet, 216. Expedition 
 against the Narragansets to revenge 
 the supposed murder of, 219. Captured 
 by Corbitant, 220. Returns to Ply- 
 mouth, 223. In a voyage to the Mas- 
 sachusetts, 224. Would plunder the 
 Massachusetts, 228. Aid from, about 
 planting Indian corn, 230. Suspicions 
 as to, 285. Double-dealing of, 289. 
 Valuable services of, 290. Demanded 
 by Massasoit, 291 . Pilots an expedition 
 for corn, and to discover a passage round 
 Cape Cod, 299, 300. Sickness and 
 death of, 301. Instructs Indians in 
 English salutations, 305. 
 
 Squantum, a promontory in Dorchester, 
 191, 226. Taken possession of, by 
 Thompson, 351 . See Dorchester. 
 
 Squaws, modesty of the, 228, 364. Bur- 
 dens borne by, 305, 311. Treatment 
 of, at Weymouth, 339, 341. Their tra- 
 vail, 358. Servitude of, 363. Particu- 
 lars respecting, 364. 
 
 Standish family, 126. 
 
 Standish, Miles, Captain, 115. Leader in 
 an excursion up the Cape, 125. Ac- 
 count of, 125, 338. His coat of mail 
 and sword, 134. In the third expedi- 
 tion, 149. Encounters Nauset Indians, 
 156, 158. Goes in search of Indians at 
 Plymouth, 171. Death of his wife, 179. ^■ 
 Chosen Captain, 180. Sent to meet In- 
 dians, 181. Meets Massasoit, 192. 
 Mas:jasoit's reception of, 194. Marches 
 against the Narragansets in defence of 
 Massasoit, 220. In an expedition to the 
 Massachusetts, 225. Secures a messen- 
 ger from Carionicus, 281. Military pre- 
 parations of, 284. Sets forward for 
 Massachusetts, 237. Driven back from 
 an expedition for corn, 299. Goes to 
 Eastham, 304. Salutation of, by Aspi- 
 net, 304. Conduct of, at Yarmouth, 
 308. At Scussett, 309. Treachery 
 against, 311. Returns, 312. Expedi- 
 tion of, against the Indians at Wey- 
 mouth, 326, 327, 331. Arrives at Wey- 
 mouth,. 336 Trade of, with an Indian 
 spy, 337. Kills Pecksuot in a struggle, 
 338. Remarks on, by Robinson, Hub- 
 bard, and Davis, 339. Skirmishes with 
 Indians, 341. Takes the head of Witu- 
 wamat, and returns to Plymouth, 342, 
 343. Effect of his expedition, 345. Pro- 
 cures provisions, 350. Second wife of, >J'' 
 352. 
 
 Standysshe, John, killed Wat Tyler, 126. 
 
 Starsmore, Sabin, 74. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 503 
 
 store house, at Plymouth, 169, 173, 1/7. 
 
 Stout's Creek, in Provincetown, 12S. 
 
 Strawberry Hill, Watson's hill called, 180 
 
 Sunday, in Holland, 47,381. On Clark's 
 island, IGO. Kept on shore at Ply- 
 mouth, 177. Refusal of the Pilgrims 
 to traffick on, 189. 
 
 Supremacy, oath of, C4. 
 
 Swamps, formerly ponds, 130. 
 
 Swan, arrival of the, 296. Remams, 298. 
 
 Swansey, 208. See Corbltant, Gardner's 
 JVcck, MaUapoiscl, and .Slailc's Fernj. 
 
 Synods, at Uort, 47, 424. At Cambridge, 
 394, 402. At Embden, 422. None 
 among the Separatists, 408. 
 
 Tabor, and Taboritcs, 38. 
 Tarbes, John, 396. 
 
 Taunton river, 205. Pestilence on, 206, 
 234. Notice of, 206. Country on, 207. 
 Thacker, Elias, persecuted, 412. Execut- 
 ed, 427. 
 ! Thanksgiving, the first, 231. After a fast, 
 351. ° 
 Theft, Indian punishment of, 364. 
 Thievish Harbour, 148, 159. 
 Thompson, David, 3.50. 
 Thompson's inland, in Boston harbour, 3ol . 
 Tilly, Edward, a Pilgrim, 122, 126, 149. 
 
 Notice of, 151. 
 Tilly, John, a Pilgrim, 149, 151. 
 Tisquantum. See Sqitanto. 
 Titicut, 205, 212. 
 Tobacco, 188, 194, 363. 
 Tokamahamon, an Indian guide, 211 ,214. 
 Corbitant's hostility to, 219. With a 
 messenger from Canonicus, 281. 
 Toleration, want of, under James I., 21. 
 Holland reproached for, 23. Applica- 
 tion for, by agents from Holland, 5.j, 
 382 Of the Pilgrims towards the 
 Dutch and French, 388, 392, 393; to- 
 wards the Scotch, 394 ; towards the 
 Presbyterians, 402, 407. Not shown to 
 evil-doers, 407. See Communion, Pil- 
 grims, Robinson, and Separatists. 
 To^vn brook, in Plymouth, Pilgrims settle 
 near, 167. Notice of, 172. Mill on, 
 172,352. Crossed to meet Indians, 181. 
 Reception of Massasoit at the, 192. 
 Training Green in Plymouth, 163. 
 Trees, on Cape Cod, 118, 124, 132. At 
 
 Plymouth, 164. In Pokanokel, 207. 
 Trial, an Indian, 307. 
 Truro, soil in, 123. Excursions to, 128. 
 Pond in, 130. Second excursion to, 
 139. See East harbour. 
 Turbot, 164. 
 
 Tyburn, persons executed at, 437. 
 Tyler, Wat, killed, 126. 
 
 U. 
 
 Uncle Sam's hill, in Truro, 133. 
 
 United Provinces, war between Spain and 
 the, 25 ; truce between them, 44. Ex- 
 piration of the truce, 51. See Low 
 Countries. 
 
 Upham, Charles W., Rev., 77. 
 
 Vessels, size and character of, 86. 
 
 Virginia, colonization of, 53, 54. Pilgrims 
 conclude for, 54, 383. Settled by Epis- 
 copalians, 54. territorial extent of, 54. 
 Application for religious toleration m, 
 55. Oaths for emigrants to, 64. Gov- 
 ernors of, 69, 70. Blackwell's voyage 
 to, 70. New patent for the northern 
 part of, 80, 101 . Effect of the Plymouth 
 settlement on, 122. Winslow on the 
 state of, 278. Indian massacre in, 278, 
 293, 295. Vessels for, at Plymouth, 
 298. Proclamation as to the govern- 
 ment of, 485. See .Vcwj England. 
 Viro-inia Company, 54. Application of 
 the Pilgrims to the, 55, 57 ; their' cor- 
 respondence, 58. Courts held by the, 
 
 67. Governors and Treasurers of the, 
 
 68. Contentions in the, 69. Patent 
 obtained from the, 74. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wachusett mountain, 228. 
 
 Walloons, 39, 352, 393. 
 
 Walnut trees, 132, 164, 165. 
 
 Wampom, 143. 
 
 Wamsutta, son of Massasoit, 194. 
 
 Wareham, conspiracy with the Indians at, 
 
 323. 
 Warren, in the Pokanoket country, 208. 
 Warren, Richard, 121, 150. His widow 
 
 and descendants, 150. 
 Wassapinewat, 330. 
 
 Water of New England, 129; of Ply- 
 mouth, 165, 166, 167,255. 
 Watertown, minister of, 398. 
 Watson, Edward, owner of Clark's island, 
 
 160. 
 ■Watson's hill, two Indians appear on, 180. 
 Names of, 180. Indians again appear 
 there, 190. Massasoit there, 190. 
 Weavers, among the Plymouth settlers, 35. 
 'Welcome of Samoset, 182. 
 Wellflcet bay, visited, 151, 152, 153_. 
 Wellingsly Brook, in Plymouth, 165. 
 1 Wessagussett, 78. Subject to the Massa- 
 chusetts sachem, 227. See Weymouth. 
 West, Francis, admiral of New England, 
 ' 278. 
 
504 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Weston, Thomas, agreement with, 78. 
 Notice of, 78. Inclines to New Eng- 
 land, 80. Neglects to provide shipping, 
 S5. On a charter, 234. His people at 
 Weymonth, 276, 2!)(). The Sparrow 
 sent out by, 293. Writes to Mr. Carver, 
 293. Expedition of liis people for corn, 
 299 ; tlieir return to Weymouth, 303. 
 His visit and misfortunes, 342. See 
 IVeymouth. 
 
 Weymouth, Captain, carries Indians from 
 Penobscot, 190. 
 
 Weymouth, or Wessagusset, 78. Chai-ac- 
 ter of Weston's colony at, 27G, 29G, 
 334. Account of the planting of, 296. 
 Conductof the colonists of, at Plymouth, 
 297, 300. Indians' complaints respect- 
 ing, 298, 302, 327. Indian con.spiracy 
 against, 310, 323. Expedition against 
 the Indians of, 327, 331 . Want of pro- 
 visions at, 32S. Too feeble and sick 
 for defence, 329. Wretched stale of, 
 332. Execution at, 332. Standish's 
 arrival there, 336. Carelessness at, 336. 
 Offer to, from the Pilgrims, 337. Seven 
 Indians killed at, 339. Broken up, 341. 
 See Weston. 
 
 Whales, whaling and, 119, 146. 
 
 Whitbourne, Richard, Captain, 155. 
 
 White, Roger, letters by, to Bradford. 478, 
 483. 
 
 White, Peregrine, 148. 
 
 White, William, a Pilgrim, 121, 148. Death 
 of, 181,201. 
 
 Whitgift, Archbishop, 432. 
 
 Wigwams, discovered, 143. Described, 
 144. InEastham, 154. Near Plymouth, 
 172. Of Nanepashemet. 22u. 
 
 Wild fowl, at Cape Cod, 119, 137, 139,140. 
 At Plymouth, 164, 179, 229. Time of 
 the, 294. 
 
 Williams, Roger, 132, 133,142. 187,280, 
 30.'), 317, 318, 319, 356, 365, 366, 367. 
 Prophesying by, at Plymouth, 420. 
 
 Williams, Thomas, a Pilgrim, 122. Meets 
 Massasoit, 192. 
 
 Wincob, John, patent taken in the name 
 of, 75. 
 
 Windows, account of, 237. 
 
 Winnatuckset brook, source of, 206. 
 
 Winslow chair, cut of the, 238. 
 
 Winslow, Edward, on John Robinson and 
 Arminianism, 41. Age of, in 1620, 46. 
 Reasons by, for removing from Holland, 
 47. On Thomas Weston, 78. On the 
 profit from fishing, 61, 383. In the 
 third exploring party, 139. On errors, 
 175, 277. On^the Indian language, 183. 
 On the Indians' use of tobacco, 189. In- 
 terview of, with Massasoit, 192. A host- 
 age, 192. Death of his wife, 197, 201. 
 Married again, 201. Probably wrote 
 the narrative of the journey to Pokano- 
 
 ket, 202. In the embassy to Massasoit, 
 202,204,213. Letter from, 230. Cattle 
 brought to Plymouth by, 233. His Re- 
 lation, 269. Notice of, and of his fam- 
 ily and descendants, 274, 388. His re- 
 turn to England, 277, 477. On the state 
 of Virginia, 278. In the second Mas- 
 sachusetts expedition, 287. Goes to 
 Monhegan, 293. Second journey of, to 
 Pokanoket, to visit Massasoit in his 
 sickness, 313. Indian plot revealed to, 
 324, 326. Lodges with Corbitant, 324. 
 Returns, 326. His brief Narration of the 
 true Grounds of the first Planting of 
 New England, 377, 379, 408. Sent to 
 England in 1646 to defend the colony 
 of Massachusetts against Gorton, 379. 
 Preserves Robinson's Farewell Dis- 
 course, 399. Works by, 403. On pro- 
 phesying by, 419. 
 
 Winslow, Gilbert, 275. 
 
 Winslow, Isaac, 275. 
 
 Winslow, John, 235, 27-5. 
 
 Winslow, Josiaii, on the purchase of the 
 Indians' lands, 259. Notice of, 275. 
 
 Winslow, Kenelm, 275. 
 
 Winter, the first, at Plymouth, 105, 173. 
 
 Winthrop, John, Gov., fleet of, rendez- 
 vous at Southampton, 89. On a ship- 
 wreck on Brown's island, 163. On the 
 Church of England, 398. On the synod 
 at Cambridge, 402. On Rev. Peter 
 Hobart, 402. Takes part in religious 
 services at Plymouth, 419. 
 
 Wittuwamat, 310, 338. Killed, 339. Head 
 of, taken, 342; stuck up, at Plymouth, 
 343. 
 
 Wives of sachems, 361. See Squa, and 
 Squaivs. 
 
 Wolstenholme, Sir John, 55, 63, 66. 
 
 Wolves, alarms from, 155. Encountered, 
 178. 
 
 Wood, Anthony, cited, 59, 432, 439. 
 
 Wood, William, 118, 124, 129, 132, 133, 
 135, 136, 140, 142, 143, 164, 166, 176, 
 187, 188, 198, 305, 306, 307, 318, 366. 
 
 Wood End, on Cape Cod, 118, 119. 
 
 Wood-gaile, 129. 
 
 Woosamequin, or Massasoit, 245. 
 
 Yarmouth, Mattarhiest, 216. Corn pro- 
 cured at, 302, 308. Valor of Standish 
 at, 309. 
 
 Yeardley, Sir George, Governor of Vir- 
 ginia, 70, 279. 
 
 Ziska, John, 38.