> 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
 
 i 
 
i^ife a distinguished Services 
 
 OF 
 
 William McKinley 
 
 Our Martyr President 
 
 INCLUDING A FULL ACCOUNT OF HIS ILLUSTRIOUS LIFE AND 
 
 TRAGIC DEATH. A GRAND CAREER ILLUMINED BY 
 
 FAITHFUL SERVICE AND NOBLE LIVING 
 
 MEMORIAL EDITION 
 
 By MURAT HALSTEAD 
 
 FAMOUS JOURNALIST AND AUTHOR 
 
 WITH INTRODUCTION BY 
 
 SENATOR CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 
 
 AND SPECIAI, CHAPTERS BY 
 
 General C H. Grosvenor, Colonel Albert Halstead and 
 THE L,ATE Secretary of State John Sherman 
 
 ENLARGED TO INCLUDE AN ACCOUNT OF THE PRESIDENT'S 
 DEATH AND BURIAL ^ 
 
 By A. J. MUNSON 
 
 Author and Editor 
 
 ILLUSTRATED WITH MANY HALFTONE VIEWS 
 AND PORTRAITS 
 
 MEMORIAI. ASSOCIATION 
 
 Publishers 
 
I. 
 
 
 \ 
 
 > 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
 ,4> ' 
 
 Copy 'Zj 
 
 THE LIBRARY OF 
 CONGRESS. 
 
 Two Copita Rec«ived 
 
 OCT. 10 ^901 
 
 COPVRKJHT rjm»v 
 
 CLASS rz>xxo, N*. 
 
 / r C ^7- 
 
 COPY A. 
 
 Copyright, 1901, by H. L. Barber. 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 ON the day before Major McKinley was nom- 
 inated for the Presidency, an artist distin- 
 guished for the fetching touch of his penci.i 
 in catching and fixing likenesses in a few lines, stood 
 in the door of a room where the Major was seated, 
 and never having before seen the famous face, was 
 regarding it with personal and professional intensity, 
 when an acquaintance approached him and said, 
 " Have you been introduced to the Governor ?" 
 " No," said the artist ; " not yet, presently gladly. 
 Let me study him a moment unbeknown, just 
 as he is. Why there is no picture that does him 
 justice. I am right glad to see him when he has no 
 idea of a possible sketch, and no thought of himself. 
 I did not think so, but he is a great man. He is 
 splendid, and there is no one like him in the country. 
 Why did any one ever say he was not a strong man ?" 
 The artist perceived at a glance what all who study 
 Major McKinley find out — that he is a strong man 
 and a great one. He is a fortunate combination of 
 excellent, admirable, and lovable traits and qualities. 
 Alike in his boyish patriotism, adventure and bravery 
 in war, and the experiences of his mature years in 
 
 9 
 
X * 
 
 10 AUTHOR'S PREFACE 
 
 the National Congress, and the straightforward dis 
 charge of executive duty as Governor of a great StatCj 
 there has been the heroic simplicity, unselfish and 
 constant, that has attracted the attention and populai 
 favor of ever-widening circles of his fellow-citizens, 
 until his glory has become a precious possession of 
 the American people, and inspired with it they did 
 not wait for the stated organizations to move, before 
 they proclaimed in many unmistakable ways that he 
 was their candidate for the Presidency, and the 
 National Convention of the Republican party, as a 
 representative assembly, ratified the j^ublic will. The 
 life of McKiuley shows the stronger and more 
 graceful lines with greater strength and grace the 
 better it is known. The office of his biographer is 
 one of grateful satisfaction. His record is clear. 
 There is no line for love to lament or for charity to 
 cover — no chapter for the advocate to blot or the 
 diplomat to obscure. This is one of the rarest of 
 lives, shining in every part with the inner light of the 
 truth that is honor's self; and the radiance of un- 
 clouded day reveals only stainless symmetry, and the 
 harmony of open motives with consummate achieve- 
 ment. He could not advance to the elevation he 
 occupies without encountering enmity and combat- 
 ting imputation ; but no charge was ever contrived 
 that he had other fault than that of friendliness per- 
 haps too forgiving, or of confidence too generous. 
 He is a man who will go on growing in the 
 affection of the gentle and the estimation of the 
 
ume. In presenting the story of the martyr 
 president's Hfe, the pubHshers have sought the 
 aid of some of the men who knew him best, and 
 who have generously added valuable information 
 to the great storehouse possessed by the author. 
 
 A portion of this volume was written by Mr. 
 Halstead, at the time Mr. McKinley was first nom- 
 inated for the presidency," and being here pre- 
 sented as then written it shows the wonderful ac- 
 curacy of the author's prophecy at that time and 
 how the estimate he then placed on Mr. McKin- 
 ley's popularity and ability has been verified by 
 later events and the action of the people. 
 
 No writer is as well qualified to write of Mr. 
 McKinley's life and work as is Mr. Halstead. 
 Not only was he personally and intimately ac- 
 quainted with Mr. McKinley during the latter's 
 public career, but for half a century he has been 
 engaged in making through the press a public 
 record of current events. During half of that 
 time Mr. McKinley was in active public life and 
 his advancement and leadership were observed by 
 the author with the keenest interest. It is hoped 
 the book will aid in commemorating the noble 
 life of the martyr president. 
 
 The Publishers.' 
 
x; 
 
 PUBLISHERS' INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Our country has been singularly fortunate in 
 having had, at nearly all times, some one states- 
 man whose honesty and wisdom strengthened him 
 to check the disturbing elements of mere poli- 
 ticians, and guide them in channels where serious 
 harm could not be done. On the republic's scroll 
 of fame there is no name that shines with greater 
 lustre because of these qualities than that of 
 William McKinley. A statesman of many parts, 
 and capable in all, whose ear was ever attuned to 
 the voice of the people, and whose deepest solici- 
 tude was their welfare, he was an ideal leader in 
 whom the people trusted, and in whom faith was 
 not abused. 
 
 The career of William McKinley was exem- 
 plary. His personal virtue, his purity of charac- 
 ter, his honesty of motive, his patriotic purpose, 
 his loyalty to right, his love of justice, his spirit 
 of mercy, endeared him to the people, so that 
 when he was struck down by the assassin they 
 felt the blow as if it had been struck at them- 
 selves. 
 
 The record of such a life and such a career de- 
 serves a permanent form as is given by this vol- 
 
 f 7 
 
AUTllOLrS I'llEFACE 11 
 
 judicious. The potency of liis character and intel- 
 lect and the kindliness of his heart, declare in his 
 presence, that the favorite disparagements in which 
 his assailants indulge, the conventional accusations of 
 partisan warftire, are but fictions that are frivolous. 
 The verdict of the artist, that he is a strong, great 
 man, will be confirmed by all the people, when the 
 performance of the task they appoint for him becomes 
 history. 
 
 MURAT HaLSTEAD. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Publisher's introduction 7 
 
 Author's preface 9 
 
 Introduction 18 
 
 Chaptek I. Personal sketch of Hon. William McKinley by Hon. 
 John Sherman 27 
 
 Chapter II. Ancestry— Youth :;n the army — Student of law — 
 Prosecuting attorney — Home life 42 
 
 Chapter III. McKinley in Congress — The rapid growth of his 
 national reputation — Became the champion of protection — 
 First in a National Convention 63 
 
 Chapter IV. First experience as a candidate for the Presi- 
 dency — Trying times and personal triumph in Chicago — Pros- 
 perity under th& McKinley law — Gerrymandered out of Con- 
 gress — Governor of Ohio 77 
 
 Chapter V. McKinley's career in few words— The charm of his 
 personal character — His habits of labor — Devotion to friends 
 and family 99 
 
 Chapter VI. McKinley not a man of one idea — His superior dis- 
 tinction as a Protectionist has caused him to be erroneously 
 accused of exclusive devotion to that subject — The great 
 range of his public speeches and addresses— A superb tribute 
 
 from General Grosvenor, giving a list of subjects 121 
 
 12 
 
CONTENTS 13 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chapter VII. McEanley on Civic Patriotism— Address at 
 Rochester, N. Y.— Studying conditions of government- 
 Public opinion the basis— Zeal after election— The people's 
 business— Duty of business men— Manufacturing interests— 
 Our best market — An extraordinary spectacle 134 
 
 Chapter VIII. The lessons of heroic lives— McKinley a patriot 
 —Oration— Piety and patriotism — Lessons of heroism— Influ- 
 ences of Chautauqua— A fighting patriot— The grand review 
 — A generous eulogy — Illustrious names 167 
 
 Chapter IX. McKinley and money— Nominated for Governor 
 —The sound money battle— A full dollar— Not willing to 
 chance it— Two yard-sticks — Struggle against inflation — A 
 high compliment— Opposed to unlimited coinage— Treasury 
 Report I'^S 
 
 Chapter X. The Money Standard questions have been settled 
 in and by the Republican party — Silver legislation in brief- 
 How the country was saved from the silver standard- John 
 Sherman and William McKinley have marched together— 
 The Hon. Charles Emory Smith's exposition of this question 
 —The unexampled supply of gold is solving the money ques- 
 tions for the people and abolishing its isSiie 194 
 
 Chapter XI. William McKinley as a campaigner— Speaking to 
 fifteen millions of people— Making one thousand speeches- 
 Constitution of iron— Wondrous vitality— Magnetic power— 
 Excellent memory— Good listener— Making converts- 
 Policy of Protection the hope of America 226 
 
 Chapter XII. McKinley's advice to boys— The enterprising 
 boy— Interviewing Major McKinley— Boy's own account of 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 / PAGE 
 
 It— Painting up the town— Looks like Napoleon— Fatherly 
 advice— An important question 241 
 
 Chapter XIII. The contrasted conditions— Between Repub- 
 lican protection and prosperity and Democratic meddling, 
 disorganizing industry and forcing hard times, displayed in 
 speeches by McKinley in 1892 and in 1895— A plea in Boston 
 for protection and prosperity 253 
 
 Chapter XIV. Some views on public questions — Humorous 
 speeches— The feeder of Great Britain— A leap in the dark- 
 Give the officials scope — Importance of agriculture— Arbitra- 
 tion— Respect and retrospect— Let England take care of her- 
 self •. 296 
 
 Chapter XV. Liberty and Labor 313 
 
 Chapter XVI. Mrs. McKinley at home— The great Protection- 
 ist's wife— Strong despite physical weakness- Shares all her 
 husband's burdens— "Ever happy when surrounded by 
 friends, children and roses" 339 
 
 Chapter XVII. The St. Louis Convention— The organization 
 and speeches of the presiding officers — The platform — The 
 nominating speeches and ballots nominating the candidates 
 for President and Vice-President 355 
 
 Chapter XVIII. McKinley on the day of his nomination— His 
 good nerve and thoughtful courtesies— He was quiet through 
 the storm and gave the good news with kisses to his wife and 
 mother 40g 
 
 Chapter XIX. Major McKinley acknowledges and accepts his 
 nomination 422 
 
CONTENTS. 15 
 
 PA8E 
 
 Chapter XX. Salient extracts from Major McKinley'a ad- 
 dresses to representative delegations 454 
 
 Chaptek XXI. McKinley's inaugural address-A lofty appeal 
 to all patriotic Americans for the prompt solution of the 
 great and pressing problems of the National Government... . 475 
 
 Chapteb XXII. McKinley's later days-Elected and inaugu- 
 rated President a second time— Triumphal tour through the 
 South and the West, ended by Mrs. McKinley's illness 491 
 
 Chapter XXIII. President McKinley's assassination-Presi- 
 dent's visit to the Pan-American Exposition— His great 
 speech— Shot by Anarchist Leon Czolgosz— A week in the 
 balance 
 
 Chapter XXIV. Death of President McKinley-Dies peace- 
 fully at 2:15 a. m., Saturday, September 14— Fond fareweU 
 of husband and wife— Last words, "Nearer, My God, to 
 Thee." 
 
 Chapter XXV. Burial of President McKinley-Private Funeral 
 Services— Lying in state at Buffalo and Washington-Inter- 
 ment at Canton 
 
 501 
 
 517 
 
 565 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 FAQB 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt ) Frontispieces 
 
 Wm. McKinley ) ^ 
 
 MeKinley at Eighteen 21 . 
 
 McKinley When Elected to Congress 22 
 
 Hon. Wm. McKinley's Residence 39 
 
 Hon. Wm. McKinley in His Study 40 
 
 Mrs. William McKinley 57 
 
 Mrs. McKinley's Room 58 
 
 Hon Wm. McKinley's Father 75 
 
 Hon. Wm. McKinley's Mother 76 
 
 Residence of the Late J. A. Stanton, Mrs. McKinley's Father. . . 93 
 
 First M. E. Church at Canton 94 
 
 The White House Ill 
 
 East Front of the Capitol 112 
 
 Department of State 129 
 
 Convention Hall, St. Louis, Mo 130 
 
 Republican Convention Hall at Philadelphia 147 
 
 Hon. John Sherman , 148 
 
 Hon. Thomas B. Reed 165 
 
 Hon. Chauncey M. Depew 166 
 
 Hon. Matthew Stanley Quay 183 
 
 Hon. Stephen B. Elkins 184 
 
 Hon. Chas. Emory Smith 201 
 
 Hon. Levi P. Morton 202 
 
 Hon. Mark Hanna 219 
 
 Hon. C. H. Grosvenor : 220 
 
 Hon. Geo. F. Hoar 237 
 
 16 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 17 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Hr i, W. B. Allison 238 
 
 y on. Benjamin Harrison 255 
 
 £[on. R. Proctor 256 
 
 Late Vice-President Garret A. Hobart 273 
 
 Senator Wm. E. Mason 271 
 
 Senator Cushman K. Davis ^ 291 
 
 Senator Henry C. Lodge 292 
 
 Andrew Carnegie 3Qg 
 
 Hon. Hazen S. Pingree 3j^0 
 
 Hon. E. O. Wolcott 327 
 
 Hon. John Wanamaker 328 
 
 Hon. Lyman J. Gage 3,^5 
 
 Hon. John D. Long 346 
 
 Gen. Lew Wallace ; 3g3 
 
 Ex-Secretary of State Day 364 
 
 Hon. William P. Frye 38i 
 
 S. P. Dole, Ex President Hawaiian Republic 382 
 
 Murat Halstead 399 
 
 President and His War Cabinet 400 
 
 Military Heroes of Santiago 417 
 
 Naval Heroes of Santiago. 418 
 
J- 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 MAJOR WILLIAM McKINLEY requires 
 no introduction to the people of the 
 United States. His name and fame are 
 in every American home. It is well that the details 
 of a career so full of inspiration should be put in 
 permanent form, and this has been admirably done 
 in this volume by the accomplished author. Public 
 men fade rapidly from even contemporary memory. 
 Only those who are so identified with a great cause 
 or principle, that the man and the measure are one 
 in the popular mind, can hope to survive the tread 
 of the ever advancing column of the ambitious and 
 successful. This rare distinction belonged fifty 
 years ago to Henry Clay and now to Governor 
 McKiuley. Protection for American industries and 
 McKinley are synonymous terms. 
 
 "yroes and statesmen are admired and loved for 
 some striking characteristic. General Jackson has 
 
 18 
 
INTRO DUCT 10. \ J!> 
 
 been the idol of a great party for more than half a 
 century, not for the ideas he gave the organization, 
 but because he was " Old Hickory." " I will fight 
 it out on this line if it takes all summer," expressed 
 the indomitable and resistless purpose of Grant. 
 The immortal speech at Gettysburg condensed the 
 patriotism and patlios of Lincoln. The triumph of 
 McKinley over obstacles in a career which would 
 have been insurmountable for a weaker man has 
 been due to his absolute sincerity and loyalty. His 
 clear brain and warm heart are always in accord. 
 His sentiment is subordinate to his judgment, but 
 when his mind is made up his emotional nature gives 
 a contagious enthusiasm to his efforts which secures 
 devoted followers and lends a living interest to the 
 discussion of the driest subjects. 
 
 A boy of eighteen, teaching school to earn money 
 for a college education and deeply imbued with the 
 intense anti-slavery and union sentiment of Ohio, he 
 followed the flag to the front when Lincoln called 
 for volunteers. As soon as he was satisfied that lib- 
 erty and the Republic could only be saved by fight- 
 ing for them, his life belonged to his country. It is 
 always difficult to rise from the ranks, and for a 
 beardless boy well-nigh impossible. But in the 
 eighteen months during which he carried a musket 
 he was attracting the attention of the officers of his 
 regiment — and such a regiment ! Its Colonel, Gen- 
 eral Rosecrans, was promoted to the command of the 
 Armies of the Tennessee and the Cumberland. Its 
 
•JO INTEODUCTION 
 
 Lieutenant - Colonel, Stanley Matthews, became 
 United States Senator and one of the Judges of that 
 august tribunal, the Supreme Court. Its Major, 
 Rutherford B. Hayes, was elected Governor of Ohio 
 and President of the United States, and soon the 
 successor of Hayes in the Majority of the gallant 
 Twenty-third will also be the Chief Magistrate of 
 this Republic. Our army was retreating down the 
 Valley of Virginia ; brigade after brigade of ex- 
 hausted troops passed a battery of four guns which 
 had been abandoned in the road. " The boys will 
 haul them," said McKinley, and responding to his 
 call and example his comrades did. He was in a safe 
 place as Commissary Sergeant, two miles from the field 
 at the Battle of Antietam. His business was to 
 guard the rations until called for. Soldiers fight far 
 better on full than empty stomachs, and so thought 
 this fearless and practical Commissary Sergeant, and 
 as evening fell two mule wagons loaded with food 
 and hot coffee were going, under heavy fire from the 
 enemy, straight for the boys at the front, and the 
 driver of the first wagon, and the one which got 
 through, was Sergeant McKinley. He was the staff 
 officer selected to carry an order to a regiment in a 
 perilous position to join the main column. It was 
 believed that no one could ride across the enemy's 
 front and reach his destination alive. The gallant 
 Major never hesitated, but quietly and quickly 
 obeyed orders and saved the regiment. These battle 
 incidents, selected from many, indicate and reveal the 
 
» 
 
 I 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT, 
 
PRESIDENT WILLIAM McKIXLEY. 
 
Mckinley at eigmieen. 
 
WILLIAM McKINLEV WHEN ELECTED TO CONGRESS. 
 
lN'l'lU)i)l ( TION ^3 
 
 man, never fool-luuvly nor )>oastful nor rash, but 
 with intuitive genius grasping the situation and with 
 serene confidence meeting wisely its requirements, 
 regardless of consequences or perils to himself. 
 
 Governor McKinley was born and has passed his 
 life in that manufacturing district of his native 
 State which is a hive of varied industries. From 
 early youth he has witnessed and felt the seasons 
 of employment and idleness which come to the work- 
 ers in mills and factories. He had participated with 
 his play-fellows and companions in the joyous con- 
 ditions which attend the humming spindles, the 
 whirl of machinery, and the blaze of the furnaces, 
 and his heart had been wrung by association with 
 strong men suffering and seeking only work, and 
 their sons no longer able to be at the district school. 
 He pondered deeply over the questions suggested by 
 such occurrences, and eagerly sought remedies for 
 the fluctuations which involved capital and labor and 
 the employers and employes in common ruin. With 
 Washington and Hamilton, with Webster and Clay, 
 he came, not alone, as they did, by the cold deduc- 
 tions of reason, but also by observation and experi- 
 ence, to the conclusion that the solution of our in- 
 dustrial problems and the salvation of our productive 
 industries could only be had by the policy of a Pro- 
 tective Tariff. As Union and Liberty had been the 
 inspiration of his courage and sacrifices as a soldier, 
 so now America for Americans became the active 
 princijr' " his efforts as a citizen. A century of 
 
24 INTRODUCTION 
 
 discussion had not enlivened tariff debates. Tliey 
 were the preserves of the " dry-as-dust " speaker and 
 the dread of the orator. This question has been for 
 a century the foremost one in platforms and legisla- 
 tion, but worn threadbare in debate. When Con- 
 gressman McKinley appeared upon the floor of the 
 House of Representatives to voice the aspirations of 
 American labor for work and wages it was like Paul 
 preaching to the Gentiles. The best brains of the 
 country had been advocating the principle, but now 
 brain and heart were united in the cause. Had 
 McKinley done nothing else his popular discussions 
 of tariff questions in Congress, on the stump, and 
 before college commencements would have earned for 
 him the recognition and gratitude of his country- 
 men. His audiences at once learn that they are 
 not listening to a declaimer or a commentator upon 
 academic theories, but they are roused to wild enthu- 
 siasm by the passion and earnestness, the convictions 
 and pleadings of a sincere man, who both knows and 
 feels the wisdom and necessity of the principles he 
 advocates. No man could talk so ably, so often, and 
 so entertainingly upon this well-worn theme unless 
 he was broad-minded and versatile. 
 
 The fame of Governor McKinley as the most cap- 
 tivating orator on protection issues of this generation 
 has obscured his merits as a speaker of eminence 
 and power upon a wide range of topics. Whether 
 the theme is patriotic or educational, religious or 
 secular, a discriminating eulogy upon a departed 
 
J.XTKODUCTION 25 
 
 statesman or an address before farmers or journalists, 
 we find in the speeches of Mr. McKinley the same 
 thoughtful, courageous, sincere, and lucid thinker. 
 
 The sweetest and tenderest word in our language 
 is home. The source and centre of all the saving 
 and helpful influences which form American char- 
 acter and determine American action come from the 
 family and fireside. No man could hope to repre- 
 sent our people who failed to embody in his life and 
 in popular appreciation this ideal. Our hearts and 
 sympathies are with lovers, young or old, who are 
 pure and true. The Major is both a young and old 
 lover, and always a lover. The young lady, educated, 
 accomplished, and beautiful, seeking to do something 
 useful in her father's bank, saw the handsome, frank 
 young soldier — a lawyer now — pass day by day, and 
 he in turn noticed this girl, so different from her 
 companions in the earnest purposes of her life. 
 Heaven blessed the union, and in the early, happy 
 days two children came to brighten their home. 
 First one and then the other was called, and their 
 loss broke the mother's health. The cares of public 
 life, the anxieties of political fortunes, and the 
 triumphs of a brilliant career have never for one 
 moment distracted or disturbed the tender solicitude 
 and affectionate devotion of this best of husbands to 
 the most self-sacrificing, helpful, and appreciative of 
 wives. They are a beautiful example of wedded 
 confidence, and their domestic life a splendid type of 
 the American home. 
 
:i6 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Our people have always been fortunate in the can- 
 didates presented for their suffrages for that highest 
 position on earth — the Presidency of the United 
 States. They never have had a better example of 
 the results of American liberty and opportunity than 
 this brilliant and faithful soldier, this industrious and 
 honest citizen, this wise and practical statesman, this 
 sincere and loyal husband and friend — William 
 McKinley. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 PEBiOIfXL SKETCH OF HON. WILLIAM MCKINLEY, 
 BY HON. JOHN SHERMAN. 
 
 BY request I write this sketch of the life and 
 traits of Hon. William McKiiiley, nominee 
 of the Republican party for the high office of 
 President of the United States. 
 
 He was born at Niles, Ohio, January 29th, 1848, 
 and is, therefore, just past fifty-three years of age. He 
 is now in the prime of vigorous manhood, and his 
 powers of endurance are not excelled by any Ameri- 
 can of his age. The best evidence of this is the 
 many campaigns which he has made during his public 
 life in behalf of the Republican party. He has 
 proved his ability and endurance by the number 
 and perfection of the speeches which he has 
 delivered. 
 
 His education, for reasons that could not be sur- 
 mounted, was limited to the public schools of Ohio, 
 and to a brief academic course in Allegheny College. 
 He taught school in the country and accumulated the 
 small means necessary to defray the expenses of that 
 sort of education. This is the kind of schooling that 
 
 27 
 
a« INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 
 
 has produced many of the most eminent Americans 
 in public and private life. 
 
 McKinley entered the Union Army in June, 1861, 
 enlisting in the Twenty-Third Ohio Infantry, when 
 a little more than seventeen years of age. This was 
 a noted regiment. Among its earlier field officers 
 may be mentioned General W. S. Rosecrans, Gen- 
 eral Scammon, General Stanley Matthews, General 
 Rutherford B. Hayes, General Comley, and many 
 other conspicuous men. He served during the entire 
 war, rising from the position of a private to the rank 
 of major. He was a soldier on the front line, served 
 in battles, marches, bivouacs and campaigns, and 
 received the official commendation of his superior 
 officers on very many occasions. He returned to 
 Ohio with a record of which any young man might 
 well be proud, and to which the old soldiers of the 
 country point with enthusiasm now that he is 
 honored by a presidential nomination. There are 
 in the United States at this time more than a million 
 soldiers of the late war who served on the Union 
 side, still living and voting, and they have sons and 
 their relatives, all of whom, taken in the aggregate, 
 become a power in a presidential election. His 
 military career, while he was not in high command, 
 is full of heroic incidents, which are proven not only 
 by contemporaneous publications in the newspapers, 
 but by official reports of his superior officers. He 
 was not only a gallant soldier, full of endurance and 
 personal energy, but he was the calm, judicious stafi 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 29 
 
 officer, who won the commendations of his superiors 
 by the exhibition of good judgment and wise adminis- 
 trative capacity. 
 
 Returning from the war he found it necessary to 
 choose his employment for life, and without further 
 schooling he entered earnestly upon the study of law 
 in the office of Judge Poland, and was a careful, 
 faithful, industrious, and competent student. He 
 entered the Albany Law School, and graduated from 
 that institution with high honors. He then began 
 the practice of law in Canton with the same enthu- 
 siasm and devotion to duty which he had always 
 manifested. As a practitioner at the bar he at once 
 exhibited superior qualities, careful, studious, and 
 faithful. He was elected Prosecuting Attorney of his 
 county, and distinguished himself by his learning, 
 fidelity, and efficiency in the discharge of his duties 
 to the public and his clients. 
 
 He was elected a member of the 45th Congress, 
 and served in that Congress and the 46th, 47th, 
 48th, 49th, and was certified as elected to the 50th, 
 but was excluded by a Democratic majority in a con- 
 test, but was returned to the 51st, making his con- 
 gressional career nearly fourteen years. As a mem- 
 ber of Congress he was attentive, industrious, and 
 untiring, working his way gradually until he reached 
 the post of leader of the Republican majority of the 
 51st Congress. He did not attain this position by 
 accident or by any fortuitous circumstance, but by 
 constant attention to his duties and a careful study of 
 
30 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 
 
 the public measures of importance. He was a can- 
 didate for Speaker of the House of Representatives 
 of the 51st Congress. Mr. Reed, the successful can- 
 didate, appointed him as Chairman of the Ways and 
 Means Committee, and he entered upon the duties 
 incident to that position with great energy and intel- 
 ligence. There was a necessity and a well-defined 
 public demand for tariff legislation in that Congress. 
 The Republican party had come into power by the 
 election of Mr. Harrison, with the understanding and 
 pledge that tariff revision should be accomplished at 
 once. The tariff laws of 1883 required amendment 
 and improvement on account of the lapse of time and 
 change of circumstances. In 1890 it was decided to 
 present a complete revision of the tariff, and to this 
 work McKinley devoted himself with untiring indus- 
 try. He had upon that committee many competent 
 assistants, but the chief burdens necessarily fell upon 
 the chairman. Mr. Speaker Reed was in hearty 
 sympathy and earnest co-operation, and the House 
 of Representatives, on the 21st day of May, 1890, 
 passed the bill known as the McKinley Tariff Bill. 
 Any one turning to the great debate in the House of 
 Representatives pending the passage of that measure 
 in the Committee of the Whole will appreciate the 
 great scope of McKinley's knowledge of the subject- 
 matter of that enactment. 
 
 It has never been claimed by McKinley's friends 
 that he was the sole author of the McKinley bill. 
 Not only did he have able supporters and assistants, 
 
Ix\TROi)Ul'T()KY CHAPTKR 31 
 
 but he yielded to them under all circumstances oppor- 
 tunities for demonstrating their leadership upon sub- 
 jects connected with the bill, and over and over ugain 
 expressed in public and in private his-- great admira- 
 tion for the assistance contributed by his colleagues 
 in the Committee. But it is fair to say that Mc- 
 Kinley mastered the whole subject in Congress in 
 detail. He has made the subject of protective tariff 
 a life study. Born and reared within the sounds of 
 the rolling mill, and beneath the smoke and flame 
 of furnaces, and with the full knowledge of the calls 
 of labor and the necessities of capital, he has grown 
 up from childhood a student of the economic ques- 
 tions involved in American legislation, and so he 
 brought to this task in the 51st Congress remarkable 
 knowledge of details and thorough equipment for the 
 great work devolved upon him. McKinley is a^ man 
 of conspicuous modesty. He never claimed the ex- 
 clusive authorship of this measure, but it must be 
 admitted that he contributed more than any one else 
 to the policy of combining in a tariff law ample pro- 
 vision for sufficient revenue to meet the expenditures 
 of the Government, and at the same time to protect 
 and foster impartially all domestic labor and produc- 
 tion from undue competition with the poorly paid 
 labor of foreign nations. 
 
 It is often asserted that the McKinley Act failed 
 in providing sufficient revenue to support the Gov- 
 ernment. This is not true, as it did furnish revenue 
 to meet expenditures, but it did not provide a surplus 
 
33 INTEODUCTORY CHAPTER 
 
 equal to tke sinking fund for the reduction of the 
 public debt. This was not the fault of McKinley 
 or of the House of Kepresentatives, but of the 
 Senate, which insisted upon reciprocity clauses 
 which largely reduced the revenue provided by 
 that Act. 
 
 It was the misfortune of the McKinley Act that it 
 took effect at the opening of a Presidential contest, 
 and when "Labor Troubles" excited the public 
 mind. The election of 1892 fell with demoralizing 
 and almost crushing weight upon the Kepublican 
 party of the country. The law of 1890 was every- 
 where, by Republicans and Democrats, denominated 
 the McKinley Law, and from ocean to ocean the 
 common people learned to so denominate it. At that 
 time Major McKinley not only did not seek to evade 
 the responsibility of his jDOsition, but frankly and 
 openly admitted it, and he counselled courage and 
 fortitude, and gave assurance of his strong faith in 
 the ultimate triumph of the E-epublican party upon 
 the very principles which then seemed to be re- 
 pudiated by the people. 
 
 Addressing himself to an audience of discouraged 
 Republicans in February, 1893, he said : 
 
 "The Republican party values its principles no 
 less in defeat than in victory. It holds to them 
 after a reverse as before, because it believes in them, 
 and, believing in them, is ready to battle for them. 
 They are not espoused for mere policy, nor to serve 
 in a single contest. They are set deep and strong 
 
TXTRODUCTOKY CllAl'TER 33 
 
 in the hearts of the party, and are interwoven with 
 its struggle, its life, and its history. Without dis- 
 couragement our great party reaffirms its allegiance 
 to Republican doctrine, and with unshaken confi- 
 dence seeks again the public judgment through pub- 
 lic discussion. The defeat of 1892 has not made 
 Republican principles less true nor our faith in their 
 ultimate triumph less firm. The party accepts with 
 true American spirit the popular verdict, and chal- 
 lenging the interpretation put upon it by political 
 opponents, takes an appeal to the people, whose 
 court is always open, whose right of review is never 
 questioned. 
 
 " The Republican party, which made its first appear- 
 ance in a national contest in 1856, has lost the Presi- 
 dency but three times in thirty-six years, and only 
 twice since 1860. It has carried seven Presidential 
 elections out of ten since its organization. It has 
 more than once witnessed an apparent condemna- 
 tion of Republican policy swiftly and conclusively 
 reversed by a subsequent and better considered popu- 
 lar verdict. When defeat has come it has usually 
 followed some measure of public law or policy where 
 sufficient time has not elapsed to demonstrate its 
 wisdom and expediency, and where the opposing 
 party, by reason thereof, enjoyed the widest range of 
 popular prejudice and exaggerated statements and 
 misrepresentation." 
 
 This was the language of a bold leader of public 
 opinion. There was no trimming, no hiding from 
 
H IN^TRODUCTOEY CHAPTER 
 
 responsibility, no shirking from the grwit question 
 of protection. 
 
 After the passage of the Tariff Act of 1890 the 
 country rang with the designation " McKiuley Law " 
 as a term of reproach. The man who had given his 
 name to that Act when it was denounced, boldly pro- 
 claimed his responsibility for it. When the tide 
 turned in its favor he heartily acknowledged the 
 aid of his colleagues. 
 
 My familiar association as a Senator from Ohio 
 with McKinley during his service in the House of 
 Representatives enables me to say that he won 
 friends from all parties by uniform courtesy and 
 fairness, unyielding in sustaining the position of his 
 party upon every question on the floor of the House. 
 His leadership was, nevertheless, not offensive or 
 aggressive, and while he carried his points, he was 
 always courteous to his opponents, impersonal in 
 debate, and always ready to concede honest motives 
 to his opponents. At the close of the 51st Congress, 
 and when his services as a Congressman ended, 
 he retired without leaving behind him a single 
 enemy, and yet he had been unswerving in party 
 fealty and uncompromising upon every question 
 of principle. His name became linked with the 
 great measure of that Congress by the common 
 voice of the peoj^le of the whole country, and by the 
 world at large. 
 
 He, shortly after his service in Congress, entered 
 upon the campaign for Governor of Ohio. He was 
 
INTKODUCTOKY CHAPTER 35 
 
 nominated by acclamation in 1891. The State had 
 been carried in 1890 by the Republicans by a very 
 close majority, and the drift in the country was 
 against the success of the Republican party. The 
 discussion by Major McKinley in Ohio of the tariff 
 and currency questions was one of the most thorough 
 and instructive of all the debates in that State. It 
 was a counterpart, in large measure, of that of 1875, 
 when, after a series of defeats throughout the country, 
 growing out of the use of irredeemable paper money, 
 President Hayes, then a candidate for Governor of 
 Ohio, boldly advocated the resumption of specie pay- 
 ments, and was elected on that issue. It was a cam- 
 paign where principles won against prejudices. So, 
 in the campaign of 1891, Governor McKinley, dis- 
 regarding threatened disasters, adhered without com- 
 promise to the platform of principles involved in the 
 tariff legislation of Congress. He neither apologized 
 nor modified his position, and his election by upwards 
 of twenty thousand majority in that year was the 
 significant result. 
 
 The office of Governor of Ohio was to McKinley a 
 new field of action. It was the first executive office 
 he had ever held. It was his first experience in 
 administrative duty. His success in that department 
 of the public service was as significant and con- 
 spicuous as his experience in the legislative depart- 
 ment of the general government had been. 
 
 He was Governor during a period involving excite- 
 ment and intense commotion in Ohio — the strikes 
 
36 INTEODUCTOEY CHAPTER 
 
 among the coal-miners, the organizing of bands of 
 tramps, and the passage across the State of great 
 bodies of turbulent people. All these things tended 
 to precipitate commotion and disorder. His admin- 
 istration as a Governor was without reproach or just 
 criticism. He was faitliful to every duty, firm, 
 unyielding, and defiant in the administration of the 
 law. When necessary he called out the troop>s and 
 crushed disorder with an iron hand, but before doing 
 so he resorted to every proper expedient to maintain 
 order and the law. He was diplomatic, careful, per- 
 suasive, and generally restored order and good 
 government. 
 
 The great depression of 1894-5 brought a condition 
 of suffering to many of the leading industries of the 
 State. Charity was appealed to by the Governor 
 and aid rendered promptly and efficiently. In 
 January, 1896, he retired from the office of Governor 
 at the end of his second term with the hearty good- 
 will of all the people of the State. He had yielded 
 to no unworthy influence, made duty, honor, integ- 
 rity, and fidelity the criterion of his administration, 
 and he took his place in the ranks of the private 
 citizens of the State in the town from which he had 
 first entered Congress. 
 
 It has been said that Governor McKinley's knowl- 
 edge is limited to a single subject, and that his 
 speeches have been confined to the tariff question. 
 This is a great mistake. His studies and speeches 
 embraced a great variety of subjects and extend«d to 
 
- INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 3? 
 
 nearly every measure of importance discussed while 
 he was in Congress, and his addresses to the people, 
 a long list of which has been published, cover every 
 variety of subjects appropriate to the time and place 
 when they were delivered. 
 
 On the vital question of the currency he has held 
 the position of the Republican party. When under 
 the stress of war the United States was compelled to 
 use irredeemable money, he acquiesced in conditions 
 he could not change, but every step taken to advance 
 the credit and value of United States notes while 
 he has been in public life he has supported. He 
 supported the Act for the resumption of specie pay- 
 ments and the successful accomplishment of that 
 measure. I know of no act or vote or speech of his 
 inconsistent with this position. He advocates the 
 use of both gold and silver coins as money to the 
 extent and upon the condition that they can be 
 maintained at par with each other. This can only 
 be done by purchasing as needed the cheaper metal 
 at market value and coining it at the legal rate of 16 
 of silver to 1 of gold, and receiving it in payment of 
 public dues. Gold is now the standard of value. 
 With free coinage of silver that metal will be the 
 standard of value and gold will be demonetized. 
 Governor McKinley is opposed to the free coinage of 
 silver, and has so repeatedly declared in his speeches. 
 McKinley is in favor of honest money. 
 
 In his last Gubernatorial canvass in Ohio Gover- 
 nor McKinley made this response to the declaration 
 
38 TXTRODLTCTORY CHAPTER 
 
 of his opponent, ex-Governor CamiDbell, that he was 
 wlllino; to "chance it" on silver: 
 
 " My worthy opponent should not ' chance ' any- 
 thing with a question of such vital and absorbing in- 
 terest as the money of the people. The money of 
 America must be equal to the best money of the 
 world. Unlike my opponent, I will not ask you to 
 take any chances on this question ; I will clearly and 
 unequivocally say to you that my choice and influ- 
 ence are in favor of the best money that the ingenuity 
 of man has devised. The people are not prepared to 
 indulge in the speculation of free and unlimited 
 coinage. 
 
 " The Kepublican party stands now, as ever, for 
 honest money, and a chance to earn it by honest toil. 
 It stands for a currency of gold, silver, and j^aper 
 that shall be as sound as the government and as un- 
 tarnished as its honor. I would as soon think of 
 lowering the flag of our country as to contemplate 
 with patience, or without protest, any attempt to de- 
 grade or corrupt the medium of exchanges among 
 our people. The Republican party can be relied 
 upon in the future, as in the past, to supply our 
 country with the best money ever known — gold, silver, 
 and paper — good the world over." 
 
 It has been said that the recent Ohio platfoi'm does 
 not declare against free coinage of silver and for 
 honest money. Tliis is not a fair construction of 
 that declaration. The people of Ohio are for that 
 money which has the highest purchasing power, that 
 
I 
 
IXTRODUCTUKY CHAP'J'fiR 43 
 
 which yields to labor the highest wages to be paid in 
 the best money, and to domestic productions tiie 
 higliest price in the best money, and that is gold coin 
 or its equivalent in other money of equal purchasing 
 power. This, I believe, is also the opinion of Gov- 
 ernor McKinley, and is the doctrine of the Repub- 
 lican party. 
 
 In his domestic life Governor McKinley is a model 
 American citizen. It is not the purpose of the writer 
 of this sketch to use fulsome language or to comment 
 upon his private life, beyond the mere statement that 
 he is, and has been, an affectionate son of honored 
 parents, his mother still living, a devoted husband, 
 and a true friend. In his family and social life, 
 and in his personal habits, he commends himself to 
 the friends of order, temperance, and good morals. 
 In private he is exemplary, in public life a patriotic 
 Republican. It may be said of him Avith great pro- 
 priety that no man can more fully represent in his 
 own career than he the great issues upon which the 
 Republican party contested the election of 1896. 
 
 ^!^^2C*--'^-'v— 
 
i 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 ANCE8TKY YOUTH IN THE AEMY STUDENT OF 
 
 LAW PROSECUTING ATTORNEY HOME LIFE. 
 
 THE life of William McKinley is that of an 
 American boy who made the best of his 
 opportunities, continually striving for bet- 
 ter, with no vain longings, but a continuous will- 
 ingness to work that he might learn. It is such a 
 story as should be included in every school-book, 
 not only as a lesson and an inspiration to the young, 
 but as a reminder of the possibilities of American 
 citizenship to those called upon to help children in 
 their studies. He was born at Niles, Ohio, January 
 29th, 1843, and is now in his fifty-fourth year ; his hair 
 is but lightly sprinkled with gray, and he is robust 
 and alert. McKinley was descended from a long 
 line of citizens who in times of peace were foremost 
 in industry, and in the days of war always at the 
 front. On his father's side his people were High- 
 
 42 
 
MeKINLEY'S EAKLY DAYS 43 
 
 laud Scotch, brawny and brainy men, who needed 
 only the o2:>portunities and enlightenment of educa- 
 tion. They were not of the royalist tribes of Scot- 
 land, but a sturdy set, with a determined though 
 imperfectly developed idea of freedom. Liberty of 
 conscience was real with them, and they left the 
 Highlands for the north of Ireland, seeking indepen- 
 dence, and thence to America for the greater liberty 
 they found and helped to perpetuate. 
 
 James McKinley, a fine Scotch-Irish lad of twelve 
 years, was the first to come to America. He was the 
 father of David McKinley, the great-grandfather 
 of the Republican candidate for the Presidency. 
 William McKinley came to America with James, 
 and settled in the South, where his descendants have 
 been and are men of distinction. David McKinley 
 was a revolutionary soldier, one of the sort not re- 
 membered in history, except under the grand classi- 
 fication of privates. 
 
 On his grandmother's side McKinley comes of 
 equally good and sturdy stock, Mary Rose, who mar- 
 ried James McKinley, the second, having come from 
 Holland, where her ancestors had fled to escape 
 religious tyranny in England. The first of the Rose 
 family to emigrate to America was Andrew, who 
 came with William Penn and was one of the repre- 
 sentatives of the thirteen colonies before the rebellion 
 against Great Britain. He owned the land on which 
 Doylestown stands to-day. It was his son, Andrew 
 Rose, who was the father of Mary Rose, the mother 
 
I 
 
 44 McKINLEY'S EARLY DAYS 
 
 of William McKinley, Sr. This Andrew Rose did 
 more than double duty in the war for freedom against 
 Great Britain. He fought and made weapons to 
 fight with. 
 
 Tliis is an ancestry typically American, one of 
 soldiers and workers for the country's welfare and 
 wealth, and McKinley's good fortune cast his lot in 
 a happy home, where the true mother imbued the 
 children with love of God and the country. 
 
 In the small town of Niles, in the county of 
 Trumbull, Ohio's great son, whom the E,e2:)ublicans 
 have just nominated for the Presidency, was born in 
 an unpretentious frame building, a house that was 
 partly dwelling and partly country store, the dwell* 
 ing very neat and bright — a good home. There was 
 no silver spoon in William McKinley's mouth, 
 though his j^arents were comfortably situated. The 
 Major was the seventh child, and after him there 
 were born a girl and a boy. 
 
 If William McKinley is not a member of the 
 "Sons of the American Revolution," he has a perfect 
 right to become one, for he has Revolutionary ances- 
 tors on both sides. His great-grandfather, David 
 McKinley, a Pennsylvanian, served in the Revolu- 
 tionary War, enlisting at twenty-one, serving for one 
 year and nine months. His great-grandfather on his 
 grandmother's side was not only a soldier but he was 
 a good mechanic, and molded bullets and madt 
 cannon balls" for the men who were fighting for free- 
 dom. He was enlisted in the Revolution, and added 
 
McKIN LEY'S EAKLV DAYS 45 
 
 to his services the mechanical genius which lie 
 possessed. Thi? union of the excellent qualities of a 
 soldier aud rzKichanic was of excellent service to the 
 cause. 
 
 David McKinley's second son, James, married 
 Mary ]P*ose, daughter of Andrew Rose, Jr., the 
 revolutionary soldier and founder. James McKin- 
 ley raised a large family. Indeed, that seems to 
 have been characteristic of the stock. His second 
 3on, William, born in Pennsylvania, was the father 
 of the present Republican candidate for President. 
 William McKinley, Sr., married Nancy Campbell 
 Allison. The Allisons were good stock. They 
 came from England to Virginia and multiplied, the 
 branch from which Mrs. William McKinley, Sr., 
 sprung emigrating to Pennsylvania. Major Mc- 
 Kinley's grandfather, Abner Allison, married Ann 
 Campbell, in Green County, Pennsylvania, in 1798. 
 Ann Campbell was of Scotch-German origin. The 
 family moved to iSTew Lisbon, Ohio, where their ten 
 children were born. It was at New Lisbon, in 
 1827, that William McKinley, Sr., married Nancy 
 Campbell Allison. It may be interesting to state 
 that, could the lines be fully followed out, it would 
 be found that Major McKinley is a third or fourth 
 cousin, possibly fifth or sixth, of William B. Allison, 
 of Iowa, who was a candidate for the Presidency at 
 St. Louis. The Allisons spread through the western 
 country, some of them settling in the vicinity of 
 Chillicothe. It was probably from the Pennsylvania 
 
46 McKINLEY'S EARLY DAYS 
 
 branch that William B. Allison sprung, for he was 
 born in Ohio, in a portion of the State not far from 
 New Lisbon. 
 
 It is noticeable that the McKinleys and the fami- 
 lies into which they married were all industrious, 
 hard-working j:>eople, religiously inclined, patriots 
 and pioneers — a hardy race that baffled with diffi- 
 culty and helped in carving a civilization out of a 
 wilderness. The McKinley-Eose-Allison families 
 were all Pennsylvanians originally, and a people 
 with a trend toward the iron business. The Koses 
 were iron founders, so was McKinley's father, while 
 his mother's people were farmers. The combination 
 of tillers of the soil and molders of the ore was a 
 good one, and added much to the strength of charac- 
 ter and the industrious application that is so charac- 
 teristic of Major McKinley. 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. William McKinley, Sr., settled first 
 at Fairfield, Ohio, another small town. There, in 
 Columbiana County, which is now a part of the 
 Eighteenth Ohio District, which his son represented 
 for fourteen years in Congress, the father established 
 an iron foundry, and for two decades he had interests 
 in iron furnaces in Ncav Wilmington, Ohio. It is 
 interesting to observe that McKinley's ancestry 
 makes it possible to trace his character. The lines 
 of activity pursued by his forefathers were such as 
 to leave their impress upon their offspring, and 
 much as Major McKinley owes to his own energy 
 and labor, the tendency to study, to activity, and to 
 
McKINLEY'S EARLY DAYS 47 
 
 continued effort was inherited. He had opportu- 
 nities for application, and to his credit be it said 
 he did not neglect them. He had openings and 
 chances broader and bettei- than his ancestors, and 
 took advantage of them. It is seen from this short 
 reference to his ancestry that Major McKinley was 
 one of the people born in plain, respectable, and 
 religious surroundings. He did not have the advan- 
 tages nor the embarrassments of a great name, but pro- 
 ceeded by his own effort, by his own continuity of 
 purpose, by study and energy, to make his name great. 
 William McKinley had a good mother. That she 
 is now living, strong and well, with as active an 
 intellect as ever at eighty-seven, is one of his great 
 joys. Vigorous and energetic and strong as his 
 father was, William McKinley, Jr., had the benefit 
 of a mother's training, of her love and devotion, of 
 her gentle guidance, of her religious instruction. 
 Mrs. McKinley, as most mothers of large families, 
 was enabled to do more for her children because 
 they were numerous than had she but one or 
 two. The danger of being spoiled was obviated, and 
 the association with brothers and sisters naturally 
 produced a thoughtfulness for others, a regard for 
 different opinions, and at the same time helped 
 develop an ability to care for himself, since in a 
 family of many members, no matter how harmonious 
 and loving it be, there is always a struggle for 
 supremacy, particularly when there is an inheritance 
 of aggressiveness. 
 
48 McIUNLBY'S EARLY DAYS 
 
 William McKinley's mother is a Christian woman. 
 Bhe loved her country ways, and trained her son to 
 patriotic views, and willingly ottered him for sacrifice 
 when she consented to his entering the army to help 
 put down the rebellion when he was not yet eighteen 
 years old. She has pride in his abilities and world- 
 wide reputation, and is undoubtedly rejoiced that he 
 has been named for the greatest and most exalted 
 ofiice in the world. But such a mother as McKinley 
 has would count this honor as nothing, would be 
 unhappy, if it had been secured unworthily. Truly 
 Mrs. McKinley's greatest happiness lies in the fact 
 that her son is an honorable man and respected even 
 by his enemies, because his life has been free from 
 stain. That good old mother lives in Canton now, 
 happy in her son's preferment, and sad only because 
 her good husband was taken away three years ago, 
 before he could see his son the Presidential candidate 
 of his party. 
 
 The family moved to Poland from Niles when 
 William McKinley was still young. The mother 
 desired her children to have educational advantages, 
 and there was in Poland, Ohio, an academy which in 
 those days had a wide reputation for the abilities of 
 its teachers. There Major McKinley's sister, Annie, 
 became a teacher and William a scholar. The young 
 boy made friends always by his quiet dignity and 
 serious habits — a student always, but withal a manly 
 fellow, who could play as hard as he studied. The 
 McKinley family was held in high esteem in Po- 
 
McKINLEY'S EARLY DAYS 40 
 
 land, and to this day it is remembered with affection 
 and pleasure. The testimony of old friends, the 
 stories of childhood, are always true indications of 
 the character of a young man, and of McKinley there 
 is nothing in criticism said. Everybody liked him 
 as a boy, and, of course, bright and thorough in his 
 work as he was, there were j^rophecies that he would 
 make a great man. That often happens with like- 
 able children, but, alas I it too seldom is verified by 
 the future. 
 
 The town of Poland was an agricultural and min- 
 ing village, only eight miles from Youngstown, and 
 consequently near the Pennsylvania State line, a city 
 in the now prosperous and fertile Mahoning Valley, 
 which is as famous in Ohio as the Connecticut Val- 
 ley is in New England. Poland never grew much. 
 It was too near Youngstown, but the citizens of the 
 town are proud that small as it is, the draft was 
 never enforced there, for the men volunteered from 
 patriotic motives. . In fact there were always more 
 volunteers than Poland's quota justified. 
 
 A boy, while studying in the public schools, the 
 educational advantages he gained made him one of 
 their best friends and advocates. To him the 
 magnificent school system of Ohio is a matter of 
 pride In the days of McKinley's youth men and 
 boys often did chores to help the family along, and 
 that was what McKinley himself did. McKinley 
 was a clerk in the Poland post-office when he entered 
 the war. He was studying and marking at tne same 
 
50 McKII^LEY'S EAELY DAYS 
 
 time. One had a feeling of pride in the advance- 
 ment of a young man who struggled for his educa- 
 tion. So many have been educated without having 
 to work to jDay for it, and have not properly regarded 
 the educational advantages, that there is a tingle of 
 satisfaction in seeing a man succeed who earned his 
 education literally by the sweat of his brow. 
 
 In June, 1861, two months after the surrender of 
 Fort Sumter, when McKinley was a youth not yet 
 eighteen, there was a meeting at the tavern in 
 Poland. In a small town the hotel is a meeting 
 place, just as a store is in a village. Here the citizens 
 had assembled, thirty-five years ago, to discuss the 
 secession of States. A speaker in a fiery talk asked 
 who would be first to defend the flag. The boys of 
 Poland came forward, one by one, and among them 
 was our next President, a slight, pale-faced young- 
 man, of studious mien. Two years before he had 
 joined the Methodist church, and was a member of 
 the Bible-class, who was constantly seeking informa- 
 tion. Before the war, at seventeen, he had gone to 
 Allegheny College, but an illness called him home. 
 He did not return, but took to teaching school — a 
 youth instructing scholars at a country school, some 
 of them as old as he. 
 
 McKinley at that meeting enlisted in Company E 
 of the Twenty-third Ohio Volunteers, a regiment 
 that produced such men as Stanley Matthews, after- 
 ^''ard Senator and Associate Justice of the Supreme 
 Court ; President Hayes, and of which W. S. Rose- 
 
McKITv^LEY'S EARLY DAYS 51 
 
 crans was first coloDel. He served fourteen months 
 as a private. Speaking of McKinley's connection 
 with the regiment, General Hayes said : " At once it 
 was found that he had unusual character for the 
 mere business of war. There is a quartermaster's 
 department, which is a very necessary and important 
 department in every regiment, in every brigade, in 
 every division, in every army. Young as he was, we 
 soon found that in business, in executive ability, 
 young McKinley was a man of rare capacity, of un- 
 usual and unsurpassed capacity, especially for a boy 
 of his age. When battles were fought or service was 
 to be performed in warlike things, he always took 
 his place. The night was never too dark; the 
 weather was never too cold ; there was no sleet or 
 storm, or hail or snow, or rain that was in the way 
 of his prompt and efficient performance of every 
 duty." 
 
 That is a great tribute from a great man. Mc- 
 Kinley soon went on General Hayes's staff, when the 
 then major became commander of the regiment, and 
 he served in that capacity for two years, and served 
 so well that Hayes knew " him like a book and loved 
 him like a brother." That friendship continued, 
 and the writer remembers at the funeral of the ex- 
 President, in 1892, Governor McKinley, who was 
 there with his staff, cried like a child when he looked 
 at the body of his old commander and personal 
 friend. 
 
 At the battle of Antietam on September 17th, 1862, 
 
52 MoKINLEY'S EARLY DAYS 
 
 probably the bloodiest day of the war, McKinley was 
 commissary sergeant in the Twenty-third Ohio. 
 General Hayes says of his services then : " That 
 battle began at daylight. Before daylight men were 
 in the ranks and preparing for it. Without break- 
 fast, without coftee, they went into the fight, and it 
 continued until after the sun had set. Early in the 
 afternoon, naturally enough, with the exertion re- 
 quired of the men, they were famished and thirsty, 
 and to some extent broken in s|)irit. The commissary 
 department of that brigade was under Sergeant 
 McKinley 's administration and personal supervision. 
 From his hands every man in the regiment was 
 served with hot coffee and warm meats — a thing that 
 had never occurred under similar circumstances in 
 any other army in the world. He passed under fire 
 and delivered with his own hands these things so 
 essential to the men for whom he was laboring. 
 Coming to Ohio and recovering from wounds, I 
 called upon Governor Todd and told him this inci- 
 dent. With the emphasis that distinguished that 
 great war governor, he said : * Let McKinley be 
 promoted from sergeant to lieutenant.' And that I 
 might not forget, he requested me to put it upon the 
 roster of the regiment, which I did, and McKinley 
 was promoted." 
 
 Speaking of his war service, Major McKinley said, 
 just before he retired from the governorship of 
 Ohio: "I always look back with pleasure upon 
 those fourteen months in which I served in the 
 
McKINLEYS EAKLY DAYS 5*3 
 
 ranks. They taught me a great deal. I was but 
 a school-boy when I went into the army, and that 
 first year was a formative period in ni}'- life, during 
 which I learned much of men and of affairs. I 
 have always been glad that I entered the service as 
 a private and served those months in that capacity." 
 
 At the battle of Kernstown McKinley was on 
 General Hayes's staff. Crook's corps had been ex- 
 pecting an easy time when it appeared that the 
 enemy was in force at Kernstown, about four miles 
 from Winchester, where Crook's troops were. There 
 had been some misinformation regarding the Con- 
 federate general Early's movements, and the force 
 about to be met was that of Early, which outnum- 
 bered Crook's corps three to one. When the battle 
 began one of the regiments was not in position, and 
 Lieutenant McKinley was ordered to bring it in. 
 The road to the regiment needed was through open 
 fields and right in the enemy's line of fire. Shells 
 were bursting on his right and left, but the, boy sol- 
 dier rode on. He reached the regiment, gave the 
 orders to them, and at his suggestion the regiment 
 fired on the enemy and slowly withdrew to take the 
 position where they were assigned. It was a gallant 
 act of the boy soldier, and General Hayes had not 
 expected him to come back alive. 
 
 At the battle of Opequan he was on General Hayes's 
 Btaff still. There he distinguished himself for gallan- 
 try, for good judgment, and military skill. He had 
 been ordered to bring General Duval's troops to join 
 
oi McKINLEY'S EAELY DAYS. 
 
 tlie first division, which was getting into battle. There 
 was a question as to the route to take. The young 
 officer knew it intuitively, and, acting on his own 
 responsibility, directed Duval the way to go, and 
 brought the troops up in good style, taking great 
 chances in doing so, but succeeding nevertheless. 
 Other equally courageous and dangerous things the 
 Ohio officer undertook. He served with General 
 Crook as a staff officer later on, and was finally as- 
 signed to duty with General Hancock. He entered 
 the war a private, one of the several hundred thou- 
 sand, a boy of seventeen, and left it a major in the 
 United States Volunteers by brevet, and he earned 
 every promotion by his own skill. Think of it, a 
 major at twenty-one ! Major McKinley still has his 
 brevet commission. It was given him in 1864, and 
 reads : " For gallant and meritorious services at the 
 battle of Opequan, Cedar Creek, and Fisher's Hill." 
 Who signed that ? " A. Lincoln." It is a testimo- 
 nial of bravery, of patriotism, and of manliness, and 
 Major McKinley is proud of it. WJio blames him ? 
 There are other records more brilliant ; others, but 
 none displayed more courage, and few had equal re- 
 sponsibilities at his age. His horse was shot from 
 under him at Berryville. He can appreciate the 
 hardships of the private soldier's life, for he endured 
 them himself. He knows the worries of the officer, 
 for these also he experienced. He understands the 
 duties of a staff officer, for he was one. There is 
 everything in his record that is creditable, and noth- 
 
McKlNLEVS EAHJ.Y DAYS 55 
 
 iiig that is discreditable. He was a typical American 
 citizen soldier. 
 
 After the surrender at Appomattox, and after he 
 was mustered out, Major McKinley was offered a 
 commission in the regular army. It was a tempta- 
 tion hard to resist, for four years in the army, at the 
 formative period of his life, gave him a love for 
 military service that was hard to overcome. What 
 might have been his career had he remained in the 
 army no one can tell. There is little chance for 
 advancement there, but he would probably have ulti- 
 mately commanded a regiment, and with the prejudice 
 against officers appointed from civilian life he might 
 never have risen higher and perhaps might not have 
 attained that rank. 
 
 Acting on the advice of his father, he entered 
 civil life. He studied law in Mahoning County, 
 under Judge Glidden, who was one of the noted men 
 at the Stark County bar. Under him McKinley 
 studied for a year and a half, and his family made 
 sacrifices to enable him to do so. Their unselfish- 
 ness enabled him to go to the Albany Law School, 
 which has developed many men of brain and ability. 
 In 1867, twenty-nine years ago, he was admitted 
 to the bar and chose Canton, then a small town of 
 about 6,000 people, for his home. Canton was not 
 important then, though the county of Stark was 
 destined to develop and prosper under the policy of 
 protection which he advocated. Great manufactories 
 were to develop there, and the Mahoning Valley was 
 
56 McKINLEY'S EARLY DAYS 
 
 to be smoke laden by the industry and the sky abovt 
 it to be lightened by the blazing chimneys of fur* 
 naces. 
 
 Major McKinley had been a good debater at 
 school. He was often the winner in such contests. 
 After he got back from the war he entered a polit- 
 ical debate, and was overcome by his opponent. Nat- 
 urally a sensitive man, he was chagrined, and re- 
 solved that never again would there be the oppor- 
 tunity given for a similar defeat. The subject of the 
 debate was protection, and McKinley knew his view 
 was right. Though worsted in the argument, he 
 had no question as to the logic of his reasoning ; but 
 he needed more facts, greater study to support them, 
 and he immediately applied himself to acquiring 
 them. 
 
 Though a newcomer, he had gained a reputation 
 for legal ability in Stark County, which was Demo- 
 cratic. It appeared as if it would be a herculean 
 task to carry it. McKinley had a natural aptitude 
 for politics, and his life as an attorney tended to 
 increase it. The Republicans wanted a candidate 
 for Prosecuting Attorney. Some say McKinley was 
 chosen simply because of his ability, and others that 
 while his capacity was recognized, the Republicans 
 did not think the place worth fighting for when de- 
 feat seemed certain, and gave it to McKinley, a new 
 man, as a mark of recognition. Now Major Mc- 
 Kinley never in his life entered a fight to lose it. 
 He never confessed himself beaten. The stern de- 
 
MRS. WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
MeKINLEVS EAKLV DAYS . 5!) 
 
 termination of his ancestors came to him in good 
 atead, and he went into the campaign to win. He 
 was elected Prosecuting Attorney, much to the sur- 
 prise of the Democrats. There he displayed his 
 customary ability, and was renominated, only to be 
 defeated, but the opponent who overcame him won 
 by forty-five votes only. 
 
 The campaigns for Prosecuting Attorney marked 
 the beginning of McKinley's political career. 
 While practicing law he took an active part in poli- 
 tics, but did not run for office until 1876. He 
 stumped the district and often now speaks with 
 pleasure of his experiences as a young stump 
 speaker. The writer has driven through much of 
 Stark County and Columbiana and Mahoning Coun- 
 ties, which form part of the eighteenth district, and 
 remembers the pride and pleasure which the Major 
 would derive from discussing the old speech- 
 making days, and tell us that he had spoken here 
 and there, and give some incident of that life. Old 
 inhabitants of the district tell of the great demand 
 there was for the young speaker, of his eloquence 
 and control of the subject he handled. They say he 
 spoke as well as a young man as he does now, but 
 that cannot be, for practice has perfected his delivery 
 and enabled him to develop into a great orator. 
 
 After his first term as Prosecuting Attorney, dur- 
 ing the five years that passed before he ran for Con- 
 gress, Major McKinley secured a large law practice. 
 He prepftr«d every case thoroughly, knew every de- 
 
60 MeKINLEY\S EARLY DAYS 
 
 tail, sifted the evidence, examined witnesses to the 
 most minute detail ; in fact, when he went into a 
 trial, he knew all there was to be known of the case 
 he had in hand. It was characteristic of him to 
 study his subject. No one ever found him unpre- 
 pared. He was persuasive as an advocate, for he 
 was eloquent. This natural ability, combined with 
 his thorough understanding of the matter in hand, 
 gave him many victories and made his reputation as 
 a lawyer. The experiences at the bar in Stark 
 County were further preparations for his leadership 
 of the House. It was educational for him. 
 
 In 1871 he was married to Miss Ida Saxton, whose 
 father was a man of considerable literary ability, 
 and the editor of the Canton Repository, which to 
 this day is an able paper. He was a banker as well. 
 She was thoroughly educated, given a trip abroad, 
 which in the days following the war was an unusual 
 advantage for a young woman, particularly when she 
 came from a State six hundred miles from the sea. 
 After that trip she entered her father's banking 
 house as cashier. She left that to marry William 
 McKinley, Jr. Her flither did not like the idea of 
 her marrying, but he said that Major McKinley was 
 the only man he was willing that she should marry. 
 Two girls blessed this union. One died when still a 
 baby, and the other after it had reached four years 
 and had become the joy of the house. Mrs. McKin- 
 ley had been worn by the death of her father, and 
 this additional affliction aided in breaking her health. 
 
McKINLEY'S EARhY DAYS 61 
 
 She had been a strong young woman, but the cares 
 of motherhood had brought on an ilhiess from which 
 she has never recovered. However, she is stronger 
 since the Major left Congress, and though unable to 
 attend to any great amount of social duties, has many 
 friends, and all who know her admire her for her 
 patience and good spirits, her gentleness and devo- 
 tion, and admiration for her husband. 
 
 She likes to see her friends and loves children, 
 who know they are always welcome at her house. 
 Mrs. McKinley is an adept with the needle, and she 
 knits well, too. Many clothes and warm mitts and 
 jackets she has made for friends and for the poor. 
 They are prized greatly by all who get them. Mrs. 
 McKinley travels a deal to be with her husband, and 
 has often heard him speak, as on four or five occa- 
 sions during the gubernatorial campaign of 1893. 
 In that prolonged contest, when the Governor spoke 
 more than three hundred times in eighty out of the 
 eiglity-eight counties of the State, he was never too 
 weary after the last meeting on Saturday to take a 
 train for Columbus, or Cincinnati, or Cleveland, or 
 Chicago, where Mrs. McKinley happened to be, that 
 he might spend Sunday with her. It was a beauti- 
 ful devotion, and not at all surprising when the 
 Major's tender care and solicitude for his wife is re- 
 membered. 
 
 Though an invalid, Mrs. McKinley has been cheer- 
 ful and in trying times brave, never faltering in her 
 belief in her husband and ever ready to cheer him. 
 
63 McKINLEY'S EAELY DAYS 
 
 Ill-health is trying and a test of disposition, but 
 Mrs. McKinley has never complained, and has always 
 been resigned. The death of her children, Kate and 
 Ida (the latter was born on Christmas, 1871), was 
 a cruel blow, but both the Major and his wife have 
 borne their sorrow patiently and with Christian 
 spirit. They have sought the happiness that their 
 children would have given in closer union and in 
 the enjoyment of the little ones of others. 
 
CHAPTER in. 
 
 McKinley in Congress — The rapid growth of his National Reputar 
 tion — Became the Champion of Protection — First in a National 
 Convention. 
 
 In the five years that followed his retirement from 
 the prosecuting attorneyship of Stark County, Ohio, 
 Major McKinley had grown in popularity and in 
 the estimation of his neighbors. In the centennial 
 year he was brought forward as a candidate for the 
 Republican congressional nomination. L. D. Woods- 
 worth, of Mahoning, was the representative, and 
 there were other candidates, including three from 
 Stark County. That county then elected its dele- 
 gates to the congressional convention by primaries 
 m every township. To the surprise of his opponents 
 William McKinley, who knew, and was known, in 
 every hamlet and town and village and community 
 in the county, carried all the townships but one, and 
 that was so small that it had but one delegate. The 
 Major had been through all the other counties of 
 the old eighteenth district, and in one of them he 
 was born. It was not a difficult matter to secure a 
 majority in these counties, and as a result he was 
 nominated with a cheer on the first ballot. 
 
 It is not surprising that the old political war-horse« 
 
 63 
 
64 MeKINLEY IN CONGRESS 
 
 of the district were amazed at this rise of a young 
 man, only thirty-three. McKinley had triumphed, 
 and never afterward was it possible to contest his 
 right to represent that district. He dominated it. 
 The Republican party was proud of him, and though 
 it was not customary in tliat district, and in fact it is 
 not the habit in any Ohio district, except the one 
 which General Garfield and E. B. Taylor represented 
 for so many years, to name a man for more than two 
 terms. It is this habit that makes Ohio less of a 
 power in the national house than she would otlier- 
 wise be. A Congressman, as soon as he has learned 
 the ways of Congress and has been there long- 
 enough to do good work for his district, is super- 
 seded by some ambitious man, unprepared to do as 
 well as his predecessor ; but the anxiety to become a 
 statesman is so general in Ohio, and there is so much 
 good timber there, that it is not surprising that this 
 should be the case. 
 
 Major McKinley represented the eighteenth dis- 
 trict for fifteen years. The Democrats gerryman- 
 dered him three times. He had been in the House 
 but two years, one term, when his county was placed 
 in a district that had a Democratic majority of 1,800. 
 Major McKinley stumped the district from one end 
 to the other, and carried it by 1,300 plurality — 
 truly a great victory. In 1880 he was again elected. 
 Thus by the time he was thirty-nine he had repre- 
 sented his district in Congress three times. In 1882 
 the district was again gerrymandered. He had a 
 
MeKINLEY IN CONGRESS 65 
 
 majority on the face of the returns of eight votes. 
 His opponent was named Wallace. Toward the end 
 of the session of that Congress he was unseated by 
 a Democratic House and Wallace given his place. 
 That year, 1882, was not a very bright one for the 
 Republicans. It will be recalled that then it was 
 that Secretary Folger was defeated for Governor of 
 New York by Grover Cleveland, of Buffalo, by a 
 majority of 192,000 votes. This was the beginning 
 of the rise of the man whom McKinley will succeed 
 in the Presidential chair. How remarkable it seems, 
 looking backward, that the ex-sheriff of Buffalo 
 and the ex-mayor of the city of Buffalo should 
 have been chosen Governor over such a tried and 
 true Republican as Folger. However, Mr. Cleve- 
 land is now even more unpopular than the Repub- 
 lican party was when he was elected Governor. 
 Secretary Folger told McKinley in 1882 that he had 
 won a great victory to be returned to Congress at 
 that time. 
 
 Unseated toward the end of the Forty-eighth Con- 
 gress, McKinley was re-elected to the Forty-ninth, in 
 1884, by a great majority, and remained in Congress, 
 being a member of the Forty-ninth, Fiftieth, and 
 Fifty-first congresses, being defeated by a wicked 
 gerrymander for the Fifty-second. Slowly but 
 surely he has grown in influence. He had been 
 modest in his first years of congressional life. A 
 young man, full of enthusiasm and study and in- 
 heriting an interest in the industries of the country, 
 
66 McKINLEY IN CONGKESS 
 
 a natural researcher, he was from the beginning a 
 protectionist. The district he represented was a 
 manufacturing one. He studied its needs, saw where 
 protection was a benefit, and proposed to stand by 
 that cause. That he has done so is known to every- 
 body. He has been nominated for the Presidency 
 because he is a protectionist. He had the insight to 
 see what policy was most important to his country, 
 and, convinced that his view was the proper one, he 
 prepared himself to support it. That he has done 
 so ably even his enemies admit. He knows the in- 
 dustries of the country thoroughly, is informed of 
 business conditions in every section — a student of 
 economics, a patient digger for information, a per- 
 sistent questioner regarding conditions everywhere. 
 This is apparent from his wonderful tariff speeches. 
 The tariff is a dull subject at best, but McKinley 
 makes the figures and statistics which encumber it, 
 and ordinarily weary, interesting. His hearers feel 
 that they are a part of himself and accordingly are 
 attracted. There is almost a poetic tinge in his elo- 
 quent tariff speeches. They are, many of them, as 
 good English as is written. Then their facts are un- 
 assailable. 
 
 It was in his second term in Congress that William 
 McKinley made a reputation as a tariff debater. 
 He had probably addressed the House on other sub- 
 iects. but then he had its attention, and it was 
 appreciated by Judge Kelley, the leader on the 
 Republican side, tnat a new force had entered Con- 
 
McKLXLEV IX CONGKESS - GT 
 
 gress, an able exponent of protection was on the 
 floor. He was not a member of the Ways and 
 Means Committee then, for General Garfield repre- 
 sented Ohio on that committee at that time. Few 
 remember the Wood tariff bill of 1878— a bill in- 
 tended to scale down revenue. McKinley saw that 
 it was a blow to the protective system, that it was a 
 step toward free trade, which he has been fighting 
 ever since. He secured recognition in April of 1878, 
 and addressed the House at length. His speech is 
 very interesting reading now, and surprises even 
 those who are informed of his ability, know his 
 power and grasp of every subject, that he should 
 then, so young and comparatively inexperienced in 
 congressional work, have delivered such an admir- 
 able plea for protection, such an appeal to the House 
 not to strike down the industries of his district — of 
 the country. Every argument he made then is good 
 now against free trade. It was really a wonderful 
 speech, and it made the young congressman from 
 the old eighteenth district a figure in the House. 
 Ever after that when he spoke he received attention. 
 His voice was capable of filling the hall, whose 
 acoustic properties are so poor. He painted the 
 theory of free trade as a dream, a menace, and was 
 roundly applauded when he had finished. That 
 speech made him a reputation that was national. Tt 
 marked him as the successor of James A. Garfiekl 
 on the Ways and Means Committee, for Garfiekl 
 was then a candidate for the Senate, to which, it 
 
(i8 McKINLEY IN CONGEESS 
 
 will be remembered, he was elected before the Con- 
 vention of 1880 made him a Presidential candidate. 
 
 McKinley's Washington life was not a very social 
 one. A man of his industry and studious habits 
 had little time for the frivolities of society. Then 
 his wife's health would not permit him to enter 
 therein. He enjoyed the friendship of President 
 Hayes, who had been his war commander. Mrs. 
 Hayes took an interest in his invalid wife and they 
 were most intimate. Such a woman as Mrs. Hayes, 
 a motherly, lovable, conscientious Christian woman, 
 could not but have been interested in the little Ohio 
 woman, whose husband promised to become such a 
 man of force, and the friendship there made never 
 ended until death claimed the beloved " Lucy " 
 Hayes. But the McKinleys had friends. They were 
 not social leaders probably, though then a congress- 
 man . was, if he chose, a factor in Washington 
 society. The wish of the plutocrats had not out- 
 stripped the congressional circle, and wealth was not 
 one of the requirements for a successful Washington 
 career, socially. Every one who had the pleasure 
 of knowing the McKinleys appreciated their refine- 
 ment and attractiveness. They were sought out by 
 many, but preferred a life of comparative seclusion, 
 brightened by the intimate friends who clung around 
 them. 
 
 When General Garfield retired from Congress, to 
 assume the ill-fated Presidency, Major McKinley 
 was his successor on the Ways and Means Committee. 
 
MeKINLEY IN CONGRESS 06 
 
 Older members of that brainy set of men were glad 
 to have him one of them, and Judge Kelley, the 
 leading Republican, the great exponent of pro- 
 tection, who earned for himself the title of "pig- 
 iron " Kelley, welcomed the Ohio man. It was 
 recognized that McKinley had a thorough and com- 
 plete understanding of the subject under discussion 
 and the tariff men were rejoiced to have their forces 
 so strengthened. 
 
 There can be no doubt that Major McKinley ad- 
 vocated protection because he was convinced it was 
 necessary for the prosperity of the country. It was 
 to him a public duty to support it. He had mas- 
 tered all its details, knew the theory, and was always 
 able to show that the free-trade ideas meant destruc- 
 tion if put in force. The experience of the country 
 under the present tariff reform measure, which Mr. 
 Cleveland himself said was tinged with j^arty perfidy 
 and party dishonor, show conclusively that he was 
 right. The people believe he is, and for that reason 
 they demanded his nomination. Nothing could stop 
 it. The wave of popular approval would not be 
 hindered. It swept on and overwhelmed all oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 In 1882, as a member of the Ways and Means 
 Committee, he urged that the Tariff Commission be 
 appointed, and made an able speech in its support. 
 The results of that Commission are known. McKin- 
 ley was one of those who helped frame the tariff bill 
 of 1883, which was in force for seven years, and was 
 
70 McKlNLEY IN CONGRESS 
 
 an admirable act. It was partially his work, and in 
 the debates on that measure he attained additional 
 reputation. He opposed reduced taxation, and 
 showed clearly that the farmers did not want it. 
 Who now will tell a farmer that a tariff hurts him ? 
 Who will urge any agriculturist to support tariff 
 reform when he has seen the injuries to agriculture, 
 the reduction in the price of farm commodities such 
 as potatoes, by reason of lessened duties thereon? 
 McKinley knew what was best for the farmers then, 
 and they now support him earnestly. After his con- 
 nection with the Tariff Act of 1883 Major McKin- 
 ley was admitted as the leading tariff advocate, its 
 best exponent. Older men retired in his favor. He 
 had won his promotion by merit, by work, and he 
 deserved it. It was hard, earnest effort that ad- 
 vanced him. Naturally bright and intellectual, he 
 improved his opportunities, and succeeded where 
 men who might be more brilliant, but less studious 
 and solid, failed. 
 
 The Act of 1883 was largely McKinley's. He 
 and Judge Kelley had worked on it together, and 
 each sought to give the other credit for it. The 
 Morrison horizontal reduction bill came up the next 
 year, and here McKinley fought free trade, the 
 menace of reduced duties, with energy. He battled 
 in vain, because the Democracy was in the majority 
 in the House, but his speeches, his arguments, his 
 figures, his logic, added to his great reputation. In 
 this fight Judge Kelley and Major McKinley were 
 
:\I(■l\I.\LI•;^■ i\ cox (iu ess 71 
 
 again intimately associated. They labored together 
 for protection, for the preservation of our indus- 
 tries, and staved off the era of free trade — the ex- 
 periment with a lower tariff that seemed inevitable. 
 The Morrison bill proposed to reduce the duties in 
 the Act of March od , 1888, by twenty per cent. This 
 was the bill at which the Democrats had laughed 
 because a Tariff Commission had aided in framing 
 it. It was a singular anomaly that the Democrats 
 should have brought in this measure, the one they 
 had assaulted so vigorously, in exactly the same 
 shape as it had been enacted, with the exception of 
 the horizontal reduction of duties. 
 
 The Morrison bill never became a law, thanks to 
 a Rejoublican Senate, but it gave Major McKinley an 
 opportunity to display his wonderful command of 
 the tariff subject, to patriotically oppose the destruc- 
 tion of industrial America. It is a striking contrast 
 — the fates of Morrison and McKinley. Morrison 
 was defeated for Congress after that measure had 
 passed the House, and became the chairman of the 
 Commission on Interstate Commerce. McKinley 
 was defeated for Congress after the passage of his 
 tariff bill, and became Governor of Ohio. Morrison 
 has been a Presidential aspirant ever since, and no 
 one has recognized him except a few personal friends, 
 and in his own brain alone has the Presidential bee 
 developed. McKinley never permitted a bee to buzz 
 until the people demanded that he should run. 
 Twice he declined the nomination, or rather refused 
 
72 McKINLEY IN CONGRESS 
 
 to permit his name to be used when a nomination 
 was possible. 
 
 Up to 1884 Major McKiuley had been known 
 chiefly for his connection with Congress. He had by 
 that time a national reputation, and was appreciated 
 as a rising man. He had not, however, entered into 
 the domain of national politics, nor taken any con- 
 siderable part in Ohio affairs. He had simply rep- 
 resented his district in Congress, but Ohio was be- 
 ginning to claim him as one of her great men. In 
 1884 he was made permanent chairman of the Repub- 
 lican State Convention at Cleveland. He displayed 
 satisfactory j^arliamentary abilities there. He was 
 for Blaine for President, representing the sentiments 
 of his constituents. Sherman was a candidate, but 
 Ohio, as usual, was divided, and was frittering away 
 her strength. The Blaine men exceeded in their en- 
 thusiasm, but the Sherman men seemed to be better 
 organized. They were managed by competent poli- 
 ticians, such as have always surrounded John Sher- 
 man in his native State. At that convention Mc- 
 Kinley made a speech which was as admirable as are 
 all his deliveries. It is perhaps worth reproducing 
 in part. He, in purely extemporaneous form, drew 
 a comparison between Republicanism and Democ- 
 racy, that is as true to-day as it was twelve years ago. 
 " The difference,'* said he, " between the Republi- 
 can and Democratic parties is this — the Republican 
 party never made a promise which it has not kept, 
 and the Democratic party never made a promise 
 
McKINLEY IN CONGRESS 7« . 
 
 which it has kept. Not in its whole history, com- 
 mencing from 1856 down to the present hour, is 
 there a single promise made by the Republican party 
 to the people that it has not faithfully kept. And 
 then it is not a laggard party. If there is any one 
 thing the people like, it is courage. They neither 
 like laggards nor do they like shams ; and the Dem- 
 ocratic party is the embodiment of both." How 
 true are those words to-day, how aptly they describe 
 the Democracy. 
 
 It was at this convention that Major McKinley 
 showed stern determination to be true to a friend. 
 With Blaine men and Sherman men fighting for 
 the supremacy there, the contest was necessarily for 
 the delegates-at-large. McKinley had promised 
 friends who desired to go as delegates that he would 
 not be a candidate. When Judge King of Mahon- 
 ing named McKinley, the Major, from the platform, 
 withdrew his own name. There was a sentiment for 
 McKinley which would not be stilled. King of 
 Muskingum put a motion to elect McKinley a dele- 
 gate, but McKinley, as chairman, declared the 
 motion out of order. General Grosvenor, since 
 famous for his accurate figures of the progress of 
 the McKinley boom for the Presidency, put the 
 motion again and held it was carried. Again did 
 McKinley rule it out of order. His decision was 
 appealed from. He was not sustained, and General 
 Grosvenor put the motion still again to elect Mc- 
 Kinley delegate-at-large, and it was done. McKinley 
 
74 McKINLEY IX CONGRESS 
 
 would not have it, and again he was overruled, i i 
 spite of his appeals. Finally there was a roll-call 
 and, McKinley insisting that his name be not voted 
 for, was elected. In that Chicago convention Mc- 
 Kinley made a name. He assumed the duties of 
 leader of the Blaine men at one time and prevented 
 an adjournment that was hostile to Blaine and 
 Blaine was nominated. He wrote the platform that 
 year, as chairman of the committee on resolutions. 
 This was his first leadership in national politics. 
 He had made himself famous in that convention. 
 
HON. WM. McKIXLEY'S FATHER. 
 
Hon. ^y^L :\:cKI^'LEY'S MOTHER. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 F\rst experience as a candidate for the Presidency— Trying times and 
 personal triumph in Chicago— Prosperity under the McKinley 
 Law— Gerrymandered out of Congress— Governor of Ohio. 
 
 In 1888 Ohio went to Chicago solid for John 
 Sherman. Difficulties had been patclied up and 
 Ohio for the first time in years was united. Two 
 Ohio men were particularly prominent in their 
 efforts for Sherman. These were Foraker and Mc- 
 Kinley. Each was considered at different times 
 during the convention as a Presidential possibility. 
 McKinley was more prominent in that connection 
 and he there declined to be presented as a candidate. 
 It will be recalled that there were a nnraber of Presi- 
 dential candidates, including Sherman, Harrison, 
 Gresham, Depew, Allison, and Alger. The contest 
 was rather prolonged. There was a strong senti- 
 ment for Blaine, but he prevented any action on hi& 
 name by a cablegram from Scotland. During the 
 fight Ohio stood solidly for Sherman. Foraker was 
 chairman of the delegation. McKinley was recog- 
 nized as a force, and was roundly cheered whenevei 
 he came into the hall. 
 
 77 
 
78 McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 
 
 As the contest went on it seemed as if a solution 
 would be difficult. The convention was becoming 
 weary of balloting. There was an admirable chance 
 for a dark horse. When it came to the sixth ballot 
 some one voted for the Major. The convention 
 cheered. Then he was given seventeen votes by a 
 State following. It looked as if McKinley would 
 be the man. It seemed imj^ossible to prevent it. It 
 was recognized that he was able and brilliant, safe 
 and sound on all political subjects. His labor for 
 Sherman, his pleas for the Ohio Senator as he went 
 from delegation to delegation, had won him support 
 for himself. 
 
 It was a most trying time for the Ohio protection- 
 ist. He was then but forty-five years old, and seemed 
 younger, as with pallid face he stepped on a chair. 
 His frock coat was buttoned tightly around him. 
 His eyes flashed forth the fire that is so character- 
 istic of them, when he is in earnest. There was a 
 stern look in his face. The convention was silent. 
 The buzz had ceased. Delegates and spectators 
 leaned forward to catch what he was about to say. 
 There was a feeling that he was about to relinquish 
 the Presidential prize, that he was to sacrifice ambi- 
 tion to gain renown by faithfulness to a trust. As 
 he spoke his voice rang through the great audi- 
 torium. There was a defiant tone to it. It was 
 commanding. It was irresistible. He said : 
 
 " Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : 
 I am here as one of the chosen representatives of my 
 
McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 79 
 
 State. I am here b}^ resolution of the Republican 
 State Convention, commanding me to cast my vote 
 for John Sherman for President, and to use every 
 worthy endeavor to secure his nomination. I ac- 
 cepted the trust, because my heart and judgment were 
 in accord with the letter and spirit and purpose of 
 that resolution. It has pleased certain delegates to 
 cast their votes for me for President. I am not in- 
 sensible to the honor they would do me, but in the 
 presence of the duty resting upon me I cannot remain 
 silent with honor. I cannot consistently with the 
 wish of the State whose credentials I bear, and which 
 has trusted me ; I cannot consistently with my own 
 views of personal integrity, consent, or seem to con- 
 sent, to permit my name to be used as a candidate 
 before this convention. I would not respect myself 
 if I could find it in my heart to do or to permit to 
 be done that which could even be ground for any one 
 to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or 
 my devotion to the chief of her choice and the chief 
 of mine. I do not request — I demand that no dele- 
 gate who would not cast reflection upon me shall 
 cast a ballot for me." 
 
 That settled it. McKinley had won. He received 
 no more votes and Harrison was named on the 
 seventh ballot. An eye-witness remembers going 
 into the Ohio headquarters before this incident had 
 occurred. There was talk of McKinley for Presi- 
 dent that night. The Major was in an inner room. 
 He looked tired. There were lines of care on his 
 
80 McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 
 
 face. It was on the Sunday prior to the final ad- 
 journment. Everywhere outside there was excite- 
 ment. Bands were j^laying and clubs marching. 
 McKinley was outwardly calm. It was apparent 
 that he was bothered though. He talked for ten or 
 fifteen minutes, when it was suggested that he might 
 be nominated, and said : " No, that will not happen 
 here. I came here for John Sherman, I shall stand 
 by him until he is nominated or defeated, but I shall 
 not be named." It was on that night that he 
 visited the New Jersey delegation. He had heard 
 that the New Jersey delegation proposed to vote for 
 him. He intended to prevent it, and made a stir- 
 ring appeal to the chairman of that delegation. 
 The Major spoke with suj^pressed feeling until he 
 said in finishing : " Rather than that I would sufier 
 the loss of that good right arm. Yes, I would suffer 
 death. To accept a nomination, if one were possi- 
 ble, under these circumstances, would inevitably 
 lead to my defeat, and it ought to lead to my 
 defeat." The last words sounded like a clarion. 
 Then the Major asked the New Jersey delegation to 
 vote for Sherman. 
 
 THE McKINLEY BILL. 
 
 Major McKinley took an especially prominent 
 part in opjDosing the Mills bill when it was consid- 
 ered during the Fiftieth Congress. This was an 
 ultra free-trade bill. There was no horizontal re- 
 duction about it. It was j^lain free trade. Mills 
 
McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 81 
 
 came from Texas, a State without industries. He 
 cared little for the industrial communities. He was 
 a theorist, and a more rabid free-trader than Profes- 
 sor Wilson. The fight in the House lasted for a long 
 time. Carlisle was Speaker, and naturally friendly 
 to the bill. Randall was opposing it. McKin- 
 ley was, too. As a member of the Ways and Means 
 Committee, he showed up its fallacies, its menace to 
 the country. He could not defeat it, because the 
 Democrats were in the majority, but, nevertheless, 
 he made many telling points. It was a great fight. 
 Randall was his friend. They had been drawn to- 
 gether by a community of interests, for each was a 
 protectionist. One was trying to prevent his party 
 from taking the wrong road, while the other was 
 leading his in the right direction, 
 
 McKinley, during that fight, displayed better 
 than ever his wonderful ability as a debater, and 
 many is the Democrat whom he disturbed by his 
 arguments for protection. Mr. Randall was closing 
 the general debate on the bill the last day before the 
 debate under the five-minute rule. Major McKin- 
 ley was to follow him. Randall had not finislied his 
 speech when his time was up. His friends asked 
 for an extension of time, but Colonel Mills objected. 
 He feared the piercing arguments of his colleague. 
 Here it was that McKinley showed his characteristic 
 courtesy. He arose and yielded his time to the able 
 Democratic protectionist. 
 
 The November elections of 1888 had given the 
 
82 MeiaNLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 
 
 Republicans a majority in the House. The free- 
 trade folly of the Democracy had beaten it. Mr. 
 Keed and Major McKinley were among the candi- 
 dates for Speaker. After a hot fight Mr. Reed won, 
 and appointed Major McKinley as chairman of the 
 Ways and Means Committee, thus making him 
 leader of the House. Judge Kelley had died, and 
 it was but natural that McKinley, the great protec- 
 tionist, should have been made chairman of that 
 important committee. During the twelve years of 
 his congressional life he had been preparing for 
 the opportunity. He had mastered the tariff, and 
 was ready for the work before him. The Act of 
 1883 was producing too much revenue. The changes 
 of conditions since its passage had made it necessary 
 to revise it. It was to be revised by hands friendly 
 to protection. Major McKinley was the man to 
 direct the work. The object was to reduce revenue 
 and to equalize duties where necessary, to adjust 
 them to the prevailing conditions, to afford protec- 
 tion to American industries and farmers. 
 
 For this work Major McKinley gave his time. He 
 labored early and late. The committee gave hear- 
 ings and worked incessantly. Major McKinley did 
 not permit his daily work at the capitol to end that on 
 the tariff. He was busy until midnight and later 
 in his office at the Ebbitt House, studying the question 
 more thoroughly, listening to arguments in favor of 
 certain duties, laying out the plans of the tariff. It 
 was a herculean task. He never swerved. His good 
 
McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 83 
 
 health and regular habits gave him the strength to 
 perform the almost impossible work. Under his 
 direction no interest was permitted to be injured. 
 No duties were fixed without every condition tliat 
 surrounded them had been considered. The work 
 was thorough. It was honest. The result of this 
 continuous a23plication by Major McKinley and the 
 other members of the committee was that the bill, 
 when finished, was the best, the most complete bill 
 ever produced. 
 
 The committee was even more thorough in its work 
 than the tariff commission had been. Possibly it 
 may be well to explain that Mr. Cleveland had, 
 prior to the election of the Fifty-first Congress, trans- 
 mitted a free-trade tariff measure to the House. The 
 issue was accepted by the Republican leaders, and it 
 was thereon that General Harrison was elected Presi- 
 dent, along with the Reed-McKinley Congress. 
 The Republican party that had been a protective 
 institution for some time, but not so much so as the 
 President's message, defining as it did the difference 
 between Republican and Democratic revenue poli- 
 cies, enabled it to become in that campaign. It was 
 to keep the pledge made to the peo23le in 1888, to re- 
 vise the tariff with friendly hands, that Major Mc- 
 Kinley and his committee set to work. 
 
 The Major, in presenting his wonderful bill to the 
 House, did not feel compelled to discuss at length 
 the difference between the economic policies of the 
 two parties. The people understood them, and with 
 
84 McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEAES 
 
 that knowledge had elected that Congress. The bill 
 reduced taxation on internal revenue products over 
 seventy millions, and as McKinley said in offering 
 it to the House for its consideration : " The tariff 
 part of the bill contemplates and proposes a corn2^1ete 
 revision. It not only changes the rates of duty, but 
 modifies the general provisions of the law relat- 
 ing to the collection of duties. These modifications 
 have received the approval of the treasury depart- 
 ment." The administrative features of the McKinley 
 law — there were really two laws, the administrative 
 one being enacted in July, 1890 — was really the joint 
 work of McKinley and Senator Allison. Mr. Alli- 
 son had had a bill on that line j^assed in the Con- 
 gress before, and McKinley took it up and improved 
 I on it. It was so admirable in all of its features that 
 
 it was little changed by the Democrats when they so 
 disastrously passed the sugar- trust- Wilson- Gorman- 
 Brice tariff bill in 1894. 
 
 It is useless to go into an extended comment on the 
 tariff fight. One thing about the bill that is worth 
 remembering is, that it recognized more fully than 
 P had been done before the fact that wherever possible, 
 
 I specific duties are the better, because they prevent un- 
 
 der-valuations that fraudulently reduce the revenues, 
 and thus at the same time the rates of duties. The 
 McKinley bill also established an industry. The 
 advance of the duty on tin plate made it possible to 
 manufacture these plates in America. The Demo- 
 cratic campaign orators and others deliberately lied 
 
McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 85 
 
 about this. The McKinley tariff established nearly 
 two hundred mills for the manufacture of tin plate, 
 which had an average of five million boxes a year. 
 The American dinner-pail and the American can- 
 ning factories were benefited by this and would 
 have been even more so had it not been for the 
 reduction of duty on tin plate made in 1894 by 
 the Wilson bill. Yet, established as they were, 
 they have struggled along somehow or other, though 
 there are fewer mills than there would have been, 
 and they are not producing as much tin plate. That 
 was one great result of the McKinley bill. 
 
 The Major, in the debate in favor of the bill, 
 called attention to the fact that the protective tariff 
 had never failed It had aided in reducing a debt 
 of $2,750,000,000 at the close of the war at a rate of 
 sixty-two millions each year, or one hundred and 
 seventy-four thousand dollars each day, and made 
 the debt less than one billion. It might be men- 
 tioned here that Grover Cleveland's present adminis- 
 tration has added $265,315,400 to the interest bear- 
 ing debt since it came into power, or more than eighty 
 millions a year, and most of this increase was caused 
 by the Democratic tariff bill's revenue deficiencies. 
 
 The McKinley bill was amended in the Senate. 
 It is the habit of some people to assume that the 
 Senate had more to do with it than Major McKinley. 
 Without proposing to detract one whit from the 
 reputation of such able men as Senators Allison and 
 Aldrich, who have fought in the Senate the battle of 
 
86 McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 
 
 protection for years, who stood manfully against the 
 Wilson bill and did much to lessen its dangers to 
 industries, it may be said that though amended in 
 the Senate these amendments were in the line of what 
 Major McKinley approved, such as were made neces- 
 sary by conditions. The principle was his and most 
 of the schedules. More than three-quarters of the 
 changes of duties made by the Act of 1890 — the 
 McKinley bill — were made in the House. It is not 
 worth while to discuss these changes and the causes 
 of them. Suffice it to say that Major McKinley did 
 the greatest amount of Avork on the tariff of 1890. 
 He inspired it, and had it not been for him it might 
 not have been enacted. The question is not so much 
 one of schedules as of principle. The purpose of the 
 McKinley bill was to produce protection and it suc- 
 ceeded in that. For his share of it Major McKinley 
 deserves credit, and his labor was the greatest of any 
 one concerned in constructing the measure. The 
 Republican party appreciated this, and, therefore, 
 nominated him at St. Louis. 
 
 The McKinley bill has been misrepresented, ma- 
 ligned, misconstrued, vilified, and all needlessly. 
 The Democrats were intent upon their policy of free 
 trade and started an agitation that resulted in the 
 passage of the sugar trust tariff. The people now 
 understand the differences between McKinley protec- 
 tion and Wilson free trade. There is no object lesson 
 needed. The people have it now. Protection and its 
 importance and necessity is understood thoroughly. 
 
MeKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 87 
 
 Besides establishing the tin-plate industry the 
 McKinley bill made sugar free, and the workman 
 and manufacturer got his sugar twenty pounds for 
 the dollar as a result. That was a great boon, the 
 greatest possible. The Wilson bill places a duty on 
 it at the dictation of the sugar trust. That is a con- 
 trast between the two parties. Never did the coun- 
 try see better times, never were more men employed, 
 never were people happier than under the McKinley 
 bill, before a Democratic Congress and President had 
 been elected to produce i^anic, depression, and disas- 
 ter. Mills were running, everybody was employed, 
 business brisk. It is needless to do more than men- 
 tion this, because the past three years have showed 
 the people the truth. 
 
 In Patchogue, New York, is a lace curtain factory 
 which was established through protection — McKin- 
 leyism. Plushes are also now manufactured here, a 
 great factory having moved from Huddersfield for 
 that purpose. It brought capital and gave employ- 
 ment to labor. Instead of sending our money 
 abroad for plushes, we buy them here ; the wages of 
 the workmen who make them are paid here. Then 
 pearl buttons are now made here and they were not 
 before, but why continue this argument for protec- 
 tion ? It is not needed. 
 
 In dealing with the McKinley bill it is perhaps 
 worth while to explain the reciprocity features. It 
 has often been agreed that he and Mr. Blaine were 
 not in accord on that, that McKinley was compelled 
 
88 McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 
 
 to yield to the forcefulness of Blaine. Major Mc- 
 Kiiiley never opposed it. He never sought to take 
 from Mr. Blaine the credit for reciprocity. He has 
 always admitted its importance and the advantages 
 that accrued from it. Perhiips there can be no better 
 way to describe the matter than by quoting from an 
 intimate friend of ex-Secretary Blaine. The gentle- 
 man referred to is William E. Curtis, formerly Secre- 
 tary of the Bureau of American Republics, and at 
 present the Washington correspondent of the Chi- 
 cago Record. Mr. Curtis is a man of marked ability 
 and high character. On August 19th, 1891, he was 
 interviewed by a reporter of the Massillon, O., Inde- 
 pendent. Mr. Curtis said that Mr. Blaine opposed 
 any disturbance of the duties on South American 
 products. To this the Ways and Means Committee 
 did not agree. Then Mr. Curtis proceeded to say: 
 
 "When Mr. Blaine found that it was proposed to 
 remove the duty on sugar he sent me to Mr. McKin- 
 ley with a proposition which he wanted added to the 
 bill as an amendment. It afterward became known 
 as the Hale amendment. It provided that the Pres- 
 ident should be authorized to take off the duty on 
 sugar whenever the sugar-producing nations removed 
 their duties on our farm products and certain other 
 articles. 
 
 " Mr. McKinley presented this amendment to the 
 Committee on Ways and Means. It was not adopted. 
 Mr. McKinley voted for it the first time it was pre- 
 sented. Then a second proposition containing some 
 
MeKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEAKS 89 
 
 modifications was presented, and Mr. McKinley voted 
 for that, as lie voted for the Blaine reciprocity 
 amendment every time it was submitted in whatever 
 form. 
 
 " It has been currently reported that Mr. Blaine 
 denounced the McKinley bill with such vigor that 
 he smashed his hat. Mr. Blaine's opposition to the 
 bill was because of the free sugar clause. He criti- 
 cised the refusal of Congress to take advantage of 
 conditions which he thought were favorable to our 
 trade. They j^roposed to throw away the duty on 
 sugar when he wanted them to trade with it. 
 
 " When what was known as the Aldrich amend- 
 ment was adopted Mr. Blaine was perfectly satisfied, 
 and there is nothing in the current tales that he is 
 unfriendly to Major McKinley. On the contrary, 
 he is one of his warmest friends. Had it not been 
 for Mr. McKinley and Senator Aldrich, of Rhode 
 Island, the reciprocity clause in the Tariff Act would 
 never have been adopted." 
 
 DEFEATED FOR CONGRESS; ELECTED GOVERNOR. 
 
 The McKinley bill became a law on October 1st, 
 1890. The Republican party was immediately 
 rushed into a hot campaign. The measure they 
 supported had not yet been fully understood, had not 
 had a chance to demonstrate its advantages. The 
 election of 1890 was disastrous for the party and 
 many men fell, the Democrats securing an unprece- 
 
90 McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YBABS 
 
 dented majority in Congress. McKinley was one 
 of those marked for slaughter. He had to contend 
 against j^eculiar disadvantages. His district had 
 been gerrymandered by the Legislature of Ohio, 
 which was Democratic. Stark County, in which 
 the Major lived, was placed in a district with three 
 counties, Holmes, Wayne, and Medina, which the 
 year before had given James E. Campbell a majority 
 of 3,900. His own county was close, often Demo- 
 cratic, so Major McKinley had a hard fight before 
 him. Nothing daunted he made it, appreciating 
 that defeat was not unlikely. In truth the Legisla- 
 ture had singled him out for retirement. His oppo- 
 nent was ex-Lieutenant-Governor Warwick, a man 
 of no force, but personally j^opular. It was a des- 
 perate fight. McKinley was everywhere, address- 
 ing people peculiarly strange to him. He knew, 
 how hard his path was, but he did not hesitate. 
 
 It was really one of the most notable contests in 
 recent years. The power and force of the national 
 Democracy was centered against him. Able speakers 
 came to oppose him. The adroit David B. Hill, of 
 New York, spent a week in the district. Mills was 
 there and there were others. One county was very 
 benighted. It has the reputation of having less 
 education to the square inch than any other county 
 in Ohio. It is very strongly Democratic, the major- 
 ity often reaching 2,500. There McKinley met his 
 worst enemy. Peddlers had been employed at so 
 much per day to go through the country selling tin- 
 
MeKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 91 
 
 cups at extravagant prices. The people of the county 
 were amazed. They asked the reason why. The 
 answer was that the McKinley bill had done it. 
 Democratic shopkeepers were employed to ask addi- 
 tional prices for their goods, and it was the same 
 answer, " The McKinley bill did it." Just to think 
 of it, tin-cups, such as are ordinarily used for drink- 
 ing purposes, were retailed at a dollar apiece ! It was 
 an awful lie to overcome. 
 
 McKinley was defeated, but by 303 votes only. 
 He polled two and a half thousand more votes in the 
 district than General Harrison had two years before. 
 It was a beggarly victory, indeed. It retired Major 
 McKinley from Congress, but it made him his party's 
 candidate for Governor the following year. The 
 people of Ohio demanded it. The Republican leaders 
 of the State saw that it was the thing to do. The 
 vast majority of the party workers insisted upon his 
 nomination. Major McKinley was living in Canton 
 after the end of the Fifty-first Congress. He was 
 approached and said he would not decline a nomina- 
 tion. 
 
 The convention that nominated him was a mag- 
 nificent one. It was com230sed of the representative 
 men of the party. Ex-Governor Foraker moved 
 the nomination of the Major and ex-Governor Fos- 
 ter moved to make it unanimous. The writer was 
 present as a delegate and reporter. The scene when 
 the Major came to the platform to accept the nomi- 
 nation is almost indescribable. The delegates would 
 
02 McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEAES 
 
 not permit him to speak for some moments, they 
 cheered so loudly. They were enthusiastic. The 
 convention felt that victory was certain. They were 
 to a man for McKinley. There was no ill-feeling 
 beneath the surface. It was as harmonious a con- 
 vention as Ohio ever held. 
 
 The campaign was opened toward the last of 
 August, and Major McKinley made one of his won- 
 derful campaigns. He was in every county battling 
 for protection and against free silver. The Cleve- 
 land convention of the Democrats had adopted a 
 straightout free silver platform by a majority of 100. 
 Cincinnati was opposing Campbell's nomination. 
 Cincinnati Democrats were for good money. The 
 convention was piqued at the Hamilton County peo- 
 ple, and as a matter of spite, so it appeared to the 
 writer^ many delegates voted for free silver because 
 Hamilton County was opposed to it. The silver 
 sentiment was strong in the Democratic ranks, but 
 there was a possibility that it might have been over- 
 come had Hamilton County not been in bad odor. 
 The campaign was an exciting one. The Democrats 
 had carried the State against Foraker two years be- 
 fore, and they were determined to do so this time. 
 They were unsuccessful, for McKinley was elected 
 by more than 21,000 plurality. 
 
 McKinley was the nominee of his party in 1893. 
 That renomination also was unanimous. The Demo- 
 cratic opponent was Lawrence T. Neal, a rabid free- 
 trader. He made a close campaign, but was beaten 
 
FIRST M. E. CHURCH AT CAXTOX, 
 Where Hon. \Vm. McKinley Attends 
 
McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 95 
 
 from the beginning. The writer accompanied Major 
 McKinley during that campaign, traveling with him 
 into every county but six. The people arose en masse 
 everywhere to see him. It was a triumphal journey 
 throughout. Every hall v>^here a meeting was held 
 was overcrowded. It was often almost impossible to 
 enter. Many open-air meetings were held, and greater 
 crowds never heard a speaker in Ohio. The Gov- 
 ernor never was in better form. He stood the trials 
 of the campaign sturdily, wearing out some of those 
 who were with him. He never seemed to mind 
 fatigue. It was a hard campaign for the newspaper 
 men. There were so many things to be said of the 
 meetings, so many speeches by the Governor to be 
 reported. The election was a greater triumph than 
 the one two years before. McKinley received a plu- 
 rality of 80,995. 
 
 At the Minneapolis convention that nominated 
 Harrison, McKinley was permanent chairman. 
 There was an undercurrent in favor of his nomina- 
 tion. He had gone as a Harrison delegate, and he 
 fought against the sentiment in his own favor. It 
 was hard to keep down. Even his own State was 
 permeated Avith it. His best friends would not 
 listen to his pleas to them to let him alone. It will 
 be remembered that there was only one ballot for 
 the Presidency. Before Ohio had been reached 
 seventy-four votes had been cast for McKinley. His 
 protests had been unavailing. There was a hush in 
 the convention as Ohio was called. Chairman Nash 
 
96 McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 
 
 of the delegation arose and announced two votes for 
 Harrison and forty-four for McKinley. The Gov- 
 ernor jumped from his chair and challenged the vote. 
 He was told that he had not the right to do so, since 
 his alternate was sitting there. Chairman McKinley 
 insisted that he had. Ex-Governor Foraker made a 
 point of order that McKinley could not challenge 
 the vote, and Chairman McKinley overruled it. He 
 demanded the calling of the roll of Ohio's delegates. 
 It was found that McKinley had forty-five votes and 
 Harrison one, and the one for Harrison was cast by 
 McKinley. He had been true to Harrison, but he 
 could not control the sentiment of his State and pre- 
 vent it from standing by him. Once before he had 
 prevented his nomination by fighting it himself, but 
 it was not to be permitted again. The Governor at 
 that convention showed clearly his high idea of 
 honor. It was natural for him to do so. 
 
 William McKinley was a model Governor. When 
 he was inaugurated, in January, 1892, he knew very 
 little of Ohio affairs, except such as he had gleaned 
 in his various readings. Of course he knew the his- 
 tory of the Buckeye State, was fully conversant with 
 its industries and needs, but as to State affairs, those 
 with which he would have to deal, he was unin- 
 formed. However, he went to work to study the 
 duties of his office thoroughly. He was a good judge 
 of men. He made admirable appointments always. 
 He managed the institutions of the State economi- 
 cally. He kept down appropriations wherever 
 
McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEARS 97 
 
 possible, but, having no veto power, was seriously 
 handicapped. However, his personal influence 
 tended to reduce the danger of unfortunate legisla- 
 tion. 
 
 The National Guard of the State reached its highest 
 efficiency under his two terms. They were in good 
 fighting trim and were several times called out. 
 There was a strike in the coal-mining regions of the 
 State. As soon as it became apparent that troops 
 were needed to preserve order. Governor McKinley 
 ordered them out. There was no hesitancy, no fear 
 of its efiect on his political future. The Governor 
 saw his duty and did it. As a result there was 
 no bloodshed. The troops behaved admirably. 
 Again, when there had been a horrible crime in 
 Washington Court House, and the people of the 
 town were about to lynch the criminal, Governor 
 McKinley sent his troops there. They were under 
 the command of a Democratic officer, Colonel Coit, 
 of the Fourteenth Regiment. In the performance of 
 his duty he ordered them to fire. Some were killed. 
 The Governor sustained him, and did what he could 
 to see that Coit got a fair trial when he was arrested 
 on the charge of murder. And again the Ohio 
 troops prevented trouble during the A. R. U.-Debs 
 revolution. Ohio has never had a Governor who 
 preserved better order, who had more courage in 
 handling the difficult questions that came before him 
 than did Governor McKinley. He retired from the 
 governorship because he wanted to do so. They do 
 
98 McKINLEY'S ACTIVE YEAES 
 
 not believe in third terms in Ohio, and McKinley, 
 able and admirable Governor that he was, would not 
 go counter to traditions, tiiough he could have had 
 the nomination and would have been elected. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 McKinley's career in few words — The charm of his personal chai^ 
 acter — His habits of labor— Devotion to friends and family. 
 
 HIS life has been of great activity and suc- 
 cess, wrought by himself, advanced by 
 no influence, but earned by labor and 
 study, by patriotism and statesmanship. It is a 
 record creditable throughout, and in it there is no 
 stain, no action that needs to be excused, nothing 
 tliat must be defended, nothing that can be assaulted 
 — a manly, courageous, laborious, serious, earnest, 
 thorough, conscientious life, devoted to the service of 
 his country, and beautified by a devotion to his wife 
 that is as admirable as it is exceptional. Though 
 Major McKinley fought and struggled for every pre- 
 ferment he secured, there is nothing unusual in the 
 advance of a young man in America from humble 
 surroundings to leadership — to the Presidency. But 
 McKinley's career has been so singularly jiatriotic, 
 so constantly opposed, because of the great principle 
 of protection that he advocated, so serious, so clean, 
 so brilliant, and so safe that it is most noteworthy. 
 The distinction just conferred on him was earned. 
 
 Major McKinley's life has not been without its de- 
 feats, its bitterness through misrepresentation, its 
 sorrow because of loss of children and his wife's in- 
 validism, but a full conviction in the propriety, 
 
 09 
 
100 PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 righteousness, and importance of the cause which he 
 has largely represented, as well as a courageous be- 
 lief that the American people would ultimately ap- 
 prove his policy and appreciate his labors, for its 
 maintenance has guided and encouraged him, and now 
 he is about to reap the fruits of his life's labor by 
 election to the Presidency. The first return for his 
 self-sacrifice, for his devotion to country, for his pa- 
 triotism, for his integrity, and for his abilities comes 
 through the nomination just given him. It was 
 a nomination made by the people three years ago 
 when it became evident to all that the election of 
 Grover Cleveland was a serious error, that the cry 
 of tariff reform was a fraud, that the party which 
 desired to destroy protection was a menace. The 
 people, the workmen, the farmers, the merchants, 
 the capitalists — all joined together in a demand that 
 he be nominated. Their earnestness overcame the 
 claims of others, some of them of distinguished 
 merit. It disregarded the services of several men of 
 statesmanship stature and it was obtained in opposi- 
 tion to the wishes and despite the interference of 
 some professional politicians. The people were not 
 satisfied until McKinley was nominated. For sev- 
 eral months before the convention it was apparent 
 that McKinley would be the candidate, though he 
 had competitors of the highest distinction. Those 
 who in his Ohio campaign saw how the people 
 revered him, how they longed for a return to 
 his policy of protection, believed from the time 
 
PEESONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 101 
 
 of these contests that his nomination was inevit- 
 able. 
 
 He is deserving of the distinction given him, and 
 it is undoubted that he has earned the advancement, 
 indisputable that he is able, steadfast, firm, manly, 
 trustworthy, safe, and able. The people insisted upon 
 his nomination and it was made. It is then, without 
 question, a popular choice, the selection by the peo- 
 ple of one of the people to be the people's President. 
 But two other Kepublican Presidential candidates 
 were practically chosen before the convention assem- 
 bled. These were heroes, and each of them men of 
 and from the people. One was Abraham Lincoln, 
 who was without real opposition, chosen for a sec- 
 ond term by a grateful party representing a brave 
 and patriotic people, that honored and revered the 
 man who helped the country through the dark and 
 sad and troublous days of the war with patience, man- 
 liness, and success. The other was Ulysses S. Grant, 
 who was twice nominated with practical unanimity. 
 Grant was a military hero, chosen because of his ser- 
 vices in the field, and not at first by reason of any 
 notable ability as a statesman. Each was a hero, 
 each a patriot, and each in a different Avay. William 
 McKinley is both soldier and statesman. As a boy, 
 before he had left his teens, he was an officer, fighting 
 in the field, enduring privations, and risking his life 
 for the nation. As a man, he developed in intellec- 
 tual force, strengthened by experience and study, in- 
 spired with belief in the truth and necessity of the 
 
102 PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 policy lie advocated, and spurred on by antagonism. 
 McKinley is a patriot. Lincoln freed the slaves. 
 McKiuley will relieve the country from free trade, 
 from poverty, and from depression. 
 
 Mckinley's personality. 
 
 The world knows William McKinley as a public 
 man. His individuality is not understood, though 
 here and there glimpses have been had of his i)erson- 
 ality, which have added to the respect in which he is 
 held. It is not surprising that Major McKinley is 
 not so well known as a private citizen, as a neighbor, 
 and friend. The public has been more concerned 
 with what he has accomplished, with what he repre- 
 sents, and with ^Yhat he has opposed. The other side 
 has not been brought out, except incidentally. 
 
 There is a warmth of feeling, a generosity of spirit, 
 a sincerity, a purity of thought, a domesticity, an 
 affectionate disposition, a depth of character, a vein 
 of humor, a reserve, a patience under difficulties, a 
 devotion to friends, a personal attractiveness and a 
 breadth of character that make him admirable and 
 lovable, that delights and benefits, that charms and 
 wins, that inspires, and never wearies, that pleases 
 and gratifies, and that makes one glad to see him, 
 sorry to leave him, charmed to know him, and jiroud 
 to be his friend. There is a magnetism that is 
 attractive, a sunniness of disposition that is unex- 
 pected at first, an evenness of temper that is unusual, 
 
PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 103 
 
 a resignation that is composed, a reserve that is not 
 often broken, but when it is there is a reward in 
 the manliness, charitableness, friendliness, affection, 
 trustfulness and confidence of the man. 
 
 Though imbued and filled with the imj^ortance of 
 the principles of the party of which he has so long 
 been a leader. Major McKinley is not self-centered, 
 neither is he selfish, for he often sacrifices for others, 
 always ready often to inconvenience himself for the 
 pleasure or benefit of his friends. A man who has 
 had as much admiration, as much flattery, as much 
 success must necessarily understand that he has 
 ability, must be confident of his powers, but in 
 AVilliam McKinley that is not accompanied by con- 
 ceit, for he is diflident, modest almost to bashfulness, 
 but experience has made it jDossible for him to con- 
 trol his tendency to seek obscurity, to enjoy quiet 
 instead of strife. 
 
 Major McKinley did not become a Presidential can- 
 didate because he sought honors, neither did he run 
 for Governor of Ohio because he desired the ofiice. He 
 did not try to continue in Congress because he was 
 anxious to remain in public life. There are those 
 who may be unbelievers in this ; but he did so be- 
 cause he felt he had a duty to f)erform, a mission 
 to accomplish. Were he to follow the inclinations 
 of his wife and of himself he would not be a public 
 man now. He would not be about to go through an 
 exacting campaign. On the contrary, years ago he 
 would have settled down to the life of a lawyer, 
 
104 PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 going liis way quietly and unostentatiously. His 
 entrance into public life was almost a chance. That 
 naturally resulted in his continuance therein. His 
 services to the country have been at the sacrifice of 
 money, for, as a lawyer, he could have earned, even 
 in Canton, far more than he did as Representative 
 or as Governor. 
 
 For ten years, each time Major McKinley has run 
 for office, he did it in hesitation, because of the pro- 
 tests of his wife. To her his public career has been 
 a sacrifice for country. She has felt that he has 
 given far more than he received. On the day following 
 his triumphal re-election to the Governorship of Ohio 
 by a majority of nearly 82,000, Mrs. McKinley was 
 told that her husband would be the next President of 
 the United States. She shook her head firmly, and said 
 he would not, that the Governorship was his last 
 consent to stand for public office. She meant that, but 
 she yielded to the exigencies of the situation, and as 
 a good wife did what she could to aid him, preferring 
 all the while that he should be a private citizen. 
 Naturally Major McKinley is pleased and gratified 
 with his political advancement. He would not be 
 human if he were not, but he looks at it less as a 
 2)ersonal victory than as the success of a principle 
 which he holds most dear, and believes must be re- 
 stored to the statute books, in such form as to suit 
 the existing conditions. 
 
 There is one characteristic in Major McKinley 
 that the newspaper man does not like. He refrains 
 
PERSONAL SIDE OE McKINLEY 105 
 
 from discussing questions for publication ; declines to 
 talk about them. While he was chairman of the 
 Committee on Ways and Means in the Fifty-fii'st 
 Congress, when the tariff bill was before his com- 
 mittee in process of construction, he almost invaria- 
 bly declined to give news of its progress. Possibly 
 he did not know what news was. Certainly he would 
 never tell a man about it. Skillful con-espondents, 
 accustomed to deal with public men, found difficulty 
 in exacting information from him. The better the 
 newsman knew the Major the less he secured, for his 
 questions would be answered fully, but there would 
 be an injunction of reserve that prevented any ad- 
 vantage from being obtained. Major McKinley 
 never sought newsjDaper notoriety. He always 
 shrank from it. 
 
 William McKinley is naturally dignified ; but he 
 himself is a tease, and a persistent one if the per- 
 son made subject of his humor is teasable. It is 
 not exactly mischievousness, but a kindly, friendly, 
 and harmless pleasantry, showing an insight into 
 character that often takes one by surprise. But 
 no one ever takes any liberties with Major McKin- 
 ley. No one ever slapped him on the back without 
 finding that it was not an agreeable act. In fact, 
 the better one learns to know Mr. McKinley the 
 greater is the respect. There is no familiarity per- 
 mitted, and, consequently, no contempt. 
 
 While Major McKinley does not yearn to be 
 made the butt of a joke, he has a keen sense of 
 
106 PEKSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 humor, and can tell a good story as well as he can 
 make a tariff speech. He is delighted, when there 
 are no more serious matters to be considered, to listen 
 to amusing anecdotes and incidents, and has a hearty 
 and appreciative laugh. Nevertheless, he does not 
 like stories that rest for their point upon some vul- 
 garity. He never tells one himself, and has always 
 avoided having to listen to them. McKinley is 
 never profane. He seldom gives expression to irri- 
 tation, but calmly accepts what comes,- patiently over- 
 looking faults and situations that cannot be pre- 
 vented. Many a time, when worn with prolonged 
 campaigning and anxious for rest, something would 
 occur that was aggravating, some arrangement would 
 not be made. On one occasion he had not received 
 his satchel containing a change of linen. Some one 
 had blundered. It was a most provoking occur- 
 rence. The Major inquired whose was the responsi- 
 bility, and contented himself with repeating several 
 times, in a rather reflective way, " Well, that is nice." 
 Then, when the culprit appeared with the valise, 
 there was no complaint ; simjjly thanks for getting it. 
 Major McKinley is always courtly. He is gracious 
 as well. He never forgets that he is a gentleman, 
 and is as dignified and careful of his words and 
 conduct when with intimate friends as he is in pub- 
 lic. He never forgets himself, never lounges, though 
 he will take comfortable positions. He is an invet- 
 erate smoker. He likes strong cigars and enjoys 
 them, and when on a campaign his companions knew 
 
PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 107 
 
 where the cigar-box was in his valise, aud it was per- 
 mitted for any one to go and help himself, and Major 
 McKinley was pleased when he discovered he had 
 been robbed. 
 
 Major McKinley is always careful about his dress. 
 His clothes fit him well, are well made, but not ex- 
 travagant. They are not such as attract attention. 
 He wears a short frock coat, with trousers of the 
 same material. The cloth is generally a black 
 diagonal, though recently he has taken to rougher 
 goods, but always black. A string tie is around his 
 neck, and his watch chain is pretty, but severely 
 plain. He wears a silk hat most of the time, though 
 when traveling frequently puts on a slouch hat, such 
 as is generally styled a Fedora. He makes a point of 
 wearing cloth of American manufacture, and to assert 
 that anything he wore was made abroad was to be 
 met with an instant denial, and the statement that 
 his tailor assured him that the cloth was of Ameri- 
 can make, and it always is good, strong, serviceable 
 goods, that is attractive and satisfactory. 
 
 Cleanliness is one of the traits of the next Presi- 
 dent of the United States. His shoes are always 
 polished and his hands well attended to. Dirt seems 
 to be abhorrent to him. He shaves himself, and can 
 carry on a conversation while cutting off the beard, 
 and do so admirably, while it is not necessary for 
 him to look into a glass to see where the razor goes. 
 He never cuts himself, and shaves very close, seem- 
 ingly dissatisfied until he finds that he can feel no 
 
108 i'ERSOXAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 hair on the face, after running his hands over it 
 several times in different directions. He is smooth- 
 shaven always, and the unbearded face serves to 
 bring out the strong lines, the thought-marks on the 
 forehead and around the eyes, while the mouth shows 
 firm lines, indicating perseverance and definiteness 
 of purjDose. His jaw is rather square and strong. 
 The nose is muscular and indicative of character. 
 The eyes are dark and sometimes obscured by the 
 shagginess of his eyebrows, but when they are lifted 
 up they gleam underneath and fascinate by their 
 brightness, seeming black when brightened by con- 
 versation or earnestness. The Major wears his hair 
 rather long. It is a dark brown, and of recent years 
 gray has scattered through. It is a little thin on the 
 temj^les and at the to]) of his head. It is fine and 
 silky and full of electricity. The ears are small, and 
 the teeth white and strong and well cared for. His 
 is a remarkably refined face, showing great intel- 
 lectual power, with a large head to set it off, and a 
 broad forehead that is pale, as is the face, though 
 exposure gives a brownish color. 
 
 In stature Major McKinley could be classed as 
 medium. He stands perhaps five feet seven inches, 
 just about an inch more than General Harrison. 
 His head is well set on a broad, vigorous, yet grace- 
 ful pair of shoulders. He has a little embonpoint, 
 which the frock coat serves to hide. His legs are 
 stocky, but well turned, and the feet small. In 
 walking McKinley swings his shoulders from side to 
 
PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 109 
 
 side a little, goes with a firm step, the stride being 
 long for one of his stature. He plants his foot firmly 
 and raises it from the ground with a spring. His 
 gait is brisk, active, showing that he does not waste 
 time. He is not much at exercise, but often walks. 
 He prefers to ride where possible, and though in his 
 youthful days considerable of an athlete, he prefers 
 to sit and enjoy the air outside rather than to exert 
 himself by walking. Major McKinley has a deep 
 chest and a broad one, too. He has great lung power, 
 and always breathes deeply. If he were measured 
 it would probably appear that he has a chest expan- 
 sion of five or six inches at least. 
 
 McKinley's disposition is cheerful. He never 
 permits small things to worry him. Defeat never 
 makes him gloomy. Possibly he is a fatalist, but 
 he has such confidence in the ultimate triumph of 
 the principle of protection which he represents that 
 he is never discouraged. Life is serious to him, but 
 that does not prevent him enjoying it. He takes 
 it seriously and studiously, acquiring information 
 constantly by asking questions and studying. He 
 never stops a subject until he knows it thoroughly. 
 When he says a thing is so, it is. He resembles 
 Senator Allison in that respect. 
 
 He is particularly charming to young people. He 
 seems to understand them, and children like him, 
 for he has a way of dealing with them that arouses 
 confidence and then regard. 
 
 Possibly they appeal to him because he lost his 
 
no PEESOKAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 own. The children of his neighbors in Canton are 
 his friends. For them he has always a cheery 
 good morning and a friendly word. With the older 
 people he is deferential. This is particularly notice- 
 able in his treatment of his mother, who is now 
 nearly eighty-eight. He sliows always the most 
 affectionate interest in her welfare, while she looks 
 at him with eyes that are full of pride and love. 
 The Governor's father died a year ago. There was 
 a friendly familiarity between them that was touch- 
 ing. There was devotion on the son's part and 
 admiration from the father. It is in his home life 
 that McKinley is most lovable. To his wife he is 
 always the lover, showing the delicate attentions 
 that are so pleasing to a woman, and particularly to 
 one whose health is infirm. There is a tenderness 
 in his voice when he calls her name that shows he 
 speaks from the heart. When she praises him there 
 is a deprecating look, indicative of satisfaction at the 
 wifely affection, but embarrassment that she should 
 show such admiration. Mrs. McKinley looks upon 
 her husband as the incarnation of all virtues. Her 
 love, after twenty-five years of married life, is as of 
 the honeymoon. 
 
 INCIDENT OF EAELY LIFE, 
 
 After concluding his study of the law with Judge 
 Glidden, William McKinley moved to Canton, where 
 he had been preceded by his sister, Anna, who was 
 up to the time of her death the most successful and 
 
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r.j,>ii.~«» uiinjimniMM TUMjMmj^ 
 
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 w 
 
 H 
 O 
 
 O 
 
 
PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 113 
 
 popular school teacher in the public schools of that 
 city of 38,000 people. Young McKinley stuck u 
 shingle out from a back room of the then public 
 building, a three-story brick structure which stood 
 where the court-house now stands. McKiuley's 
 room was to the rear of the law offices of Judge 
 George W. Belden, who had served many years on 
 the Common Pleas and Circuit bench, and was a 
 leader in his profession in Ohio. One evening the 
 Judge was sick. He stepped back to the office of 
 his new young neighbor and asked him to try a case 
 for him the very next morning. McKinley said he 
 couldn't. He wasn't able. He didn't know enough. 
 He was not familiar with the law in the case and 
 there w^as no time to look it up. The Judge said he 
 himself was sick and McKinley could try the case 
 and must do it. McKinley sat up all night studying 
 the law points and the next day argued the case and 
 won it. As he was finishing his argument he 
 noticed Judge Belden step into the court-room and 
 take a rear seat. There was a twinkle in his eye. 
 But McKinley did not see him again for a week. 
 Then the Judge stepjDed into his humble office. He 
 laid down twenty-five dollars, saying : " Well, Mac, 
 you won the case ; I told you you would." 
 
 " Yes, I won it, but I don't want any pay for it, 
 and if I did, I couldn't take this much." 
 ''' You must take it," replied the Judge. 
 " I couldn't take so much, Judge," responded the 
 young lawyer 
 
114 PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 " But that's all right," rejoined the Judge ; " I get 
 an even one hundred dollars from it, and keep the 
 seventy-five dollars for myself And what is more, 
 I want you for a j^artner." 
 
 Young McKinley relented, and Belden & Mc- 
 Kinley practiced together for several years, until 
 Judge Belden died. They were one of the leading 
 law firms of Eastern Ohio. 
 
 GOVEKNOR Mckinley's money trouble. 
 
 The fact is familiar that Governor McKinley had 
 the misfortune to indorse paper for a friend, and lost 
 so much money that he resolved to abandon public 
 life to earn the sum so far as it was over and above 
 his means. The story was told in the New York 
 World, in explanation of some abusive remarks 
 touching McKinley, in March last, when it was seen 
 that lie was becoming very prominent in the Presi- 
 dential contest. 
 
 On February 17th, 1893, every dollar McKinley 
 possessed was swept away, and he was overwhelmed 
 with an indebtedness of between $90,000 and 
 $100,000. It all came about through the failure of 
 Kobert L. Walker, capitalist, banker, manufacturer, 
 and boyhood companion of Governor McKinley. 
 
 Mr. Walker lived in Youiigstown. He was Presi- 
 dent of tlie Farmers' National Bank, the Girard 
 Savings Bank, a stamping-mill company, a stove and 
 range company, and interested in several coal mines 
 in Western Ohio and Eastern Pennsylvania. Mr. 
 
PE1ISU.\AL SIDE OF McKINLEY Do 
 
 Walker was a potent factor in the community, had 
 the confidence of everybody, and was rated above 
 $250,000. When young McKinley returned from 
 the war and began the study of law and politics, 
 Walker had helped him. When McKinley was 
 elected to Congress he found the campaign expenses 
 heavy, and a mortgage which was due on his wife's 
 property, forced him to negotiate a loan of |2,000 
 from Walker. 
 
 This Major McKinley paid out of his "salary as 
 Congressman within two years. It is probable that 
 similar loans were made and paid afterwards. Mrs. 
 McKinley was an invalid, and as Major McKinley's 
 income was only $5,000 and an occasional legal fee he 
 was never able to save anything. It was only during 
 campaigns that he required these loans, and the 
 money was expended in cam23aign assessments. 
 When he had won fame in Congress he was no 
 longer assessed anything, and in the last ten years 
 of his life in Congress he was able to accumulate 
 $20,000. It was invested in securities and real 
 estate. These securities consisted of stock in 
 various coal mines and undeveloped coal fields. The 
 chief real estate item was the modest home in Can- 
 ton. Early in 1893 Mr. Walker told Major McKin- 
 ley that he was hard pressed for ready money. He 
 asked the Governor to indorse his notes, which he 
 proposed to have discounted. Without investigating 
 or inquiring into the matter Major McKinley in- 
 stantly consented. He only knew that his old friend, 
 
IIG PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 the man who stood by him in early years, wanted 
 assistance, and anything he conkl do to help him he 
 cheerfully did. The notes were made payable in 
 thirty, sixty, and ninety days, and Major McKinley 
 indorsed, as he supposed, about 1 15,000 worth. They 
 were discounted as Walker planned and Major 
 McKinley thought no more of the matter until Feb- 
 ruary 17th, 1893. 
 
 On that date Youngstown and Mahoning Valley 
 was startled by the assignment of Robert L. Walker. 
 A judgment of |12,000 against the Youngstown 
 Stamping Company caused the f^iilure. The stove 
 company, the coal mines and the other enterprises 
 went downi the next day. Then the banks which 
 held the Walker paper began to figure. Major 
 McKinley was leaving his home to go to the banquet 
 of the Ohio Society in New York when he was in- 
 formed of the disaster. He cancelled his New York 
 engagement and took the first train to Youngstown. 
 
 There he learued that instead of being on the 
 Walker paper for $15,000, his liability in that 
 direction was nearly $100,000. He could not under- 
 stand it. Banks all over the State telegraphed him 
 they had some of the paper. He was under the 
 impression the paper had been discounted in but 
 three banks. He held a conference with his friends. 
 He told them he had endorsed a number of notes, 
 but he understood that fully half of them were 
 made out to take up notes which he had first endorsed 
 and which had fallen due. 
 
PERSONAL SIDI^] OF McKlNLEY 117 
 
 A little investigation showed that the old notes 
 were still nnpaid and the new notes had doubled, 
 trebled, quintupled the debt. The Walker liabili- 
 ties were about i|200,000 and the assets not half that 
 sum. 
 
 After the conference with his Youngstown friends 
 Major McKinley said : " I can hardly believe this, 
 but it appears to be true. I don't know what my 
 liabilities are, but whatever I owe shall be paid dol- 
 lar for dollar." 
 
 McKinley was not interested in any of Walker's 
 business enterprises. The connection was simply 
 one of friendship. 
 
 • Mrs. McKinley owned proiDcrty valued at |75,000, 
 left her by her father. On February 22d the Gov- 
 ernor and his wife made an absolute and unqualified 
 assignment of all their property to trustees — H. H. 
 Kohlsaat, of Chicago; Myron T. Herrick, of Cleve- 
 land, and Judge Day, of Canton, Ohio — to be turned 
 over, without j^reference, for the equal benefit of the 
 creditors. 
 
 Friends urged Mrs. McKinley to retain an inter- 
 est in her property, but she refused, and executed a 
 deed to M. A. Hanna, of Cleveland. At this time 
 Major McKinley said : " I did what I could to help 
 a friend who had befriended me. The result is 
 known. I had no interest in any of the enterprises 
 Mr. AValker was carrying. The amount of my in- 
 dorsements is in excess of anything I dreamed. 
 There is but one thing for me to do — one thing I 
 
118 PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 would do — meet this unlooked-for burden as best I 
 can. I have this day placed all my pro23erty in the 
 hands of trustees, to be used to pay my debts. It 
 will be insufficient, but I will execute notes and pay 
 them as fast as I can'. I shall retire from politics, 
 take up the practice of law, and begin all over again." 
 
 The news of the disaster, and the stand taken by 
 McKinley and his wife, created a feeling of sympathy 
 throughout the country. The Chicago Inter-Ocean 
 started a popular fund, and money and offers -of 
 assistance began to pour in. 
 
 McKinley returned the money to the contributors, 
 thanking them for their interest, but refused to accept 
 a dollar. 
 
 Finally a number of personal friends of the Gov- 
 ernor, M. A. Hann:i, of Cleveland ; Philo Armour, 
 Marshal Field, and H. H. Kohlsaat, of Chicago ; 
 Bellamy Storer and Thomas McDougall, of Cincin- 
 nati ; Myron T. llerrick, of Cleveland, and others, 
 decided to subscribe privately to a fund to pay the 
 Walker notes. 
 
 Mr. Kohlsaat, who managed the fund, said to The 
 World correspondent: "One of the chief reasons 
 why the subscription plan was adopted was because 
 a number of subscrij^tions were received anonymously 
 and could not be returned. There were over 4,000 
 subscriptions sent in, and when the last piece of paper 
 was taken up, bearing Major McKinley's name, no 
 more subscriptions were received and some were 
 returned. No list of the subscribers was kept, and 
 
PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY no 
 
 Governor McKiiiley does not know to this day, with 
 the possible exception of four or five names, who 
 contributed the money. 
 
 " When Governor McKinley saw the publication 
 of the subscription scheme he wrote me absolutely 
 declining to receive a dollar. Mr. Hanna and his 
 other friends told him to leave the matter alone, for 
 if his friends wished to assist him they should have 
 the privilege." 
 
 Myron T. Herrick, of Cleveland, was treasurer of 
 the fund and took up the paper as fast as presented. 
 Mrs. McKinley's property was then deeded back 
 to her. She is worth to-day probably |75,000. 
 McKinley has his original $20,000 and a "little more. 
 He saved nothing, it is said, during his second term 
 as Governor. 
 
 The matter lias been referred to as showing a lack 
 of business ability on the part of Governor McKinley. 
 This is hardly justified. George Tod, whose busi- 
 ness ability will not be questioned, says he would have 
 endorsed Robert Walker's paper for half a million 
 dollars the day before his failure. Such being his 
 standing and such the close personal relations between 
 the two men it is not strange that McKinley endorsed 
 for Walker to a large amount. 
 
 This is a perfectly straight story. Major McKinley 
 and his wife were good for tlie money, and resolved 
 to pay all the obligations and returned the first sub- 
 scriptions ; but the final arrangoiient to take up Mc- 
 Kinley's paj^er as fast as presented was so organized 
 
 /^- 
 
120 PERSONAL SIDE OF McKINLEY 
 
 he was constrained to submit to its execution. The 
 whole transaction was one of undue confidence in the 
 business ability, integrity, and standing of a friend, 
 and the initiation of it was in the payment of a debt 
 of gratitude. It is a chapter in the career of a man 
 who has given his labor for the general benefit, 
 paying scant attention to personal interests; and the 
 fact that Governor McKinley was saved for the public 
 service is most creditable to the gentlemen who are 
 responsible for the adjustment, and the action of the 
 Governor himself was in every detail of his contact 
 with it that of a man of absolute probity. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 McKINLEY NOT A MAN OF ONE IDEA. 
 
 His superior distinction as a protectionist has caused him to be erro- 
 neously accused of exclusive devotion to that subject — The 
 great range of his public speeches and addresses — A superb 
 tribute from General Grosvenor, giving a list of subjects. 
 
 THE reputation of Major McKinley as the fore- 
 most champion of the American system of 
 protection has for some years been familiar 
 to all civilized people. He represents the American 
 idea, and is as prominently in the eye of the public 
 in England, France, Germany, and Austria as in his 
 own country, and is in Sj)ain, Italy, Sweden, and 
 Russia a man of mark in all business communities, 
 and of immense conspicuity in all commercial circles 
 and manufacturing towns ; and so far as the Asiatics 
 are interested in the affairs European and American, 
 they are informed of McKinley as the man who 
 stands for the principle that the Americans should 
 diversify their industries and aid home markets with 
 home manufactories, mingling producers and con- 
 sumers on the same soil, aiding the farmers by divert- 
 ing labor to other occuioations than agricultural, and 
 
 />. 
 
132 McKIN^LEY NOT OF ONE IDEA 
 
 causing competition among our own manufacturers 
 in our own markets, by protecting them from foreign 
 intrusion upon conditions unfavorable to our higher 
 and broader interests. There is a curious bitterness 
 of personal hostility abroad to Major McKinley. Ii\ 
 some of the manufacturing districts of Germany, 
 McKinley is regarded as a public enemy — almost a 
 monster. American children in German schools have 
 been astonished, offended, and mortified by these mani- 
 festations of feeling, and of one thing Americans can 
 be sure, and it is that those who make a virtue in 
 England or the Continental countries of Europe, of 
 being hostile to McKinley, are not animated by ap- 
 prehensions that his policy is injurious to the people 
 of the United States. They hold that he is disposed 
 to build up his own country at the expense of Eurojoe; 
 that his statesmanship is American, but not cosmo- 
 politan, and that is not an unreasonable conclusion. 
 It was the earliest fame of McKinley in Congress 
 and as a Republican politician on the stump that he 
 made his protection speeches intensely interesting, 
 and that no one else did so with the same certainty 
 and efficacy ; and it was out of this that the unwar- 
 ranted impression grew that the discussion of the 
 tariff was his sole specialty. In truth no one had a 
 greater range of subjects. Born in a manufacturing 
 town — in his youth up to the time he became a boy 
 soldier, seventeen years of age — one of those in- 
 tently interested in the prosperity of the manufactur- 
 ing industries that demanded the protection that was 
 
McKIXLEY XOT OF ONE IDEA 123 
 
 declared in the first law passed by tlie American 
 Congress, McKinley was a student of this great 
 matter from infancy, and the facts and sentiments 
 of the manufacturing people were for him in the air 
 he breathed ; and he saw and felt the advancing 
 importance of the issues of protection because the 
 world was at last so small that the nations over the 
 sea were our neighbors. Liverpool was, in Henry 
 Clay's time, further from American ports, than Can- 
 ton and Melbourne now are, and the manufacturing 
 districts of England are closer to us, in time and 
 cost of transportation, than Connecticut was at the 
 beginning of the War of States. The same thing 
 may be said of Germany and Massachusetts. 
 
 McKinley grew up with the question and was its 
 master long before he was its expounder fronting the 
 world, and its champion at home. He is popular 
 here for the same reason that he is unpopular 
 abroad. His name has swept the country as a Presi- 
 dential candidate, because of its unquestionable and 
 unexampled significance. The meaning of it is plain 
 to the people, and what it means they want. He 
 has friends who have been ardent and able organ- 
 izers and workers — but they have only handled the 
 material that was abundant and seasoned. The fire 
 was not kindled in green wood — with laborious pains. 
 The woods were ready to burn and the wind was 
 fair. The people have done this thing themselves 
 and they will see it through. They are dissatisfied 
 with the free-trade experiments of Mr. Cleveland. 
 
 
134 McKINLEY NOT OF ONE IDEA 
 
 The Democratic threats to throw down the defenses 
 of American industry were themselves disastrous — 
 and the weariness of uncertainty became an intoler- 
 able misfortune — and the tariff that was neither for 
 protection nor revenue was a blow that seemed, under 
 the circumstances, so unprincipled and wanton, the 
 people resented it as damaging without excuse and 
 insolent without provocation. The Hon. Charles H. 
 Grosvenor, one of the Ohio men who has served 
 long with McKinley in Congress and knew him 
 intimately in personal and public life, has contrib- 
 uted an excellent character sketch of his friend 
 notable for its firmness and accuracy of touch, and 
 breadth and clearness of view, and that has been 
 exceedingly serviceable in making known the variety 
 of the political life of the man who has been so heed- 
 lessly criticised as a statesman with one idea and one 
 speech. General Grosvenor says : 
 
 " Governor McKinley is a man of most attractive 
 personality. He was born and reared from child- 
 hood to manhood among the peoi^le of the country. 
 He learned in the school from which so many 
 graduates have risen to distinction in the United 
 States — the school of adversity and personal en- 
 deavor. 
 
 " He is now fifty-two years of age, in the very 
 prime of a splendid physical and mental manhood. 
 He is not only vigorous mentally and strong from 
 every possible standpoint of manhood, but is con- 
 stantly growing and developing, and it may be said 
 7 
 
McKTNLEY NOT OF ONE IDEA 125 
 
 of him with perfect propriety that he has never 
 occupied a position in private or public life where he 
 did not fill to the fullest measure all the expectations 
 of his friends and constituents. Whether as a soldier 
 in the field — young, radiant with patriotism, buoyant 
 with impassion — or as a young lawyer entering upon 
 the noble profession of his choice, as a Congress- 
 man representing the great interests of his district 
 and State, or as the executive of the great State of 
 Ohio, he has, under all circumstances, risen to the 
 full measure of the opportunity and discharged every 
 duty and every trust v/ith unwavering zeal and pre- 
 eminent success. 
 
 " He has been an ardent student of politics. He 
 left a prosperous and growing professional business, 
 and a flattering career just opening before him, and 
 entered the field of politics — a young man full of 
 enthusiasm as a Republican. He has always been 
 faithful to party duty, and while maintaining his 
 own integrity of conscience, and while criticising 
 party platforms and party movements at times, yet 
 no one is truer to party obligation and party fealty 
 than he. Kindly considerate of his opjionent, always 
 bearing testimony of the good faith of those of other 
 political organizations, he, nevertheless, stands firmly 
 and vigorously for the tenets of his own party. He 
 is a Republican from honest conviction, and does 
 battle for Republican organization and Republican 
 victory from a sense of public duty. 
 
 " His intense Americanism has had much to do 
 
136 McKINLEY NOT OF ONE IDEA 
 
 beyond special matters of political conteution. Be- 
 lieving that this country is and should be for the 
 homes and interests of the American j^eople, he 
 advocates the principles that, in his judgment, best 
 subserve that result. 
 
 " By intense Americanism it must not be supposed 
 that he confines tlie definition of Americanism to the 
 men and principles exclusively of American birth. 
 He does now and always has recognized this country 
 as not only the home of American-born, but also of 
 the truly valuable citizens of other countries who 
 come here and renounce their citizenship and all 
 foreign joowers, and fully assimilate the principles 
 of our government and become loyal to the Constitu- 
 tion, and industrial and faithful citizens of the United 
 States. 
 
 " During Governor McKinley's long service in Con- 
 gress he gave special attention to the subject of the 
 tariff, and as a member of the Ways and Means 
 Committee devoted much of his time to revenue 
 legislation ; but it must not be understood that Gov- 
 ernor McKinley is a man of j)Ower and a man of 
 knowledge upon a single subject. It has been said 
 of him incidentally that he is a statesman upon a 
 single question and a man of learning with a single 
 idea. No greater error could possibly be suggested. 
 
 " Since the expiration of his term in Congress and 
 during his four years in the administration as Gov- 
 ernor of Ohio, he has delivered addresses upon a 
 great variety of questions, and discussed a large 
 
McKINLEY NOT OF ONE IDEA 137 
 
 number of subjects, all outside of his specialty in 
 national politics. He has made many notable 
 speeches upon questions wholly independent and 
 differing from mere political considerations. Among 
 the notable speeches wliicli he made in Congress 
 other than upon the tariff question were : upon the 
 contest against Judge Taylor in the Forty-fourth 
 Congress ; the subject of free and fair elections in 
 the same Congress ; a memorial address on the deatli 
 of Garfield ; payment of jDensions in the Forty- 
 ninth Congress ; the Dependent Pension bill in the 
 same Congress ; the purchase of government bonds 
 in the Fiftieth Congress ; memorial address on the 
 death of John A. Logan ; the question of a quorum 
 in the Fifty-first Congress ; civil service reform in 
 the Fifty-first Congress ; the Direct Tax Refunding 
 bill ; the Hawaiian Treaty ; the Eight-hour law, 
 and the Silver bill. These speeches, which are of 
 the highest order of excellence, covered a wide range 
 of subjects. 
 
 " Outside of Congress his speeches and public utter- 
 ances have covered a still wider range. Among those 
 that might be noted as of special interest are his 
 address, at Atlanta, Ga., before the Piedmont Chau- 
 tauqua Association ; the ' American Volunteer Sol- 
 dier,' Memorial Day address, at New York City ; 
 
 * Prospect and Retrospect,' an address to the pio- 
 neers of the Mahoning Valley; 'The American 
 Farmer,' an address before the Ohio State Grange ; 
 
 * Our Public Schools,' an address at the dedication 
 
 ^H. 
 
138 McKl^LEY NOT OF ONE IDEA 
 
 of a public school building ; ' New England and the 
 Future/ an address before the Pennsylvania New 
 England Society ; * The Tribune's Jubilee,' an 
 address at the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of 
 the New York Tribune ; ' Pensions and the Public 
 Debt,' a Memorial Day address at Canton, Ohio ; 
 * No Compromise with the Demagogue,' at thet)hio 
 Kepublican State Convention of 1891 ; a Fourth of 
 July address, at Woodstock, Conn.; 'The American 
 Workingman,' a Labor Day address at Cincinnati ; 
 the ' State of Ohio,' an address before the Ohio 
 State Republican League ; ' Oberlin College,' an ad- 
 dress before the Cleveland Alumni ; ' Issues make 
 Parties,' an address to the Republican College 
 Clubs at Ann Arbor, Mich.; his notification address 
 to Mr. Harrison ; a Fourth of July oration at Lake- 
 side ; *The Triumphs of Protection,' an address 
 before the Chautauqua Association, at Beatrice, 
 Neb.; ' An Auxiliary to Religion,' an address at the 
 dedication of the Young Men's Christian Association 
 at Youngstown, Ohio; an oration at the dedication 
 of the Ohio Building at the World's Fair at Chicago; 
 a memorial address upon the life and character of 
 Rutherford B. Hayes ; a speech at Minneapolis upon 
 questions of national import ; an address on Wash- 
 ington before the Union League Club, of Chicago, 
 February 22d, 1893 ; an address to the students of 
 the Northwestern University at Chicago on * Citizen- 
 ship and Education;' 'Law, Labor, and Liberty,' 
 a Fourth of July oration before the labor organiza- 
 
McKINLEY NOT OF ONE IDEA 131 
 
 tions of Chicago; addresses before the National 
 Jewish Association at Cleveland ; before the National 
 Ssengerfest at Cleveland ; Grant memorial address at 
 New York ; an address at the dedication of the Grant 
 monument at Galena, 111. ; an address before the Ep- 
 worth League of the United States at Cleveland ; an 
 address before the Christian Endeavorers of the Bap- 
 tist Union, and before the Christian Endeavor Asso- 
 ciation of the United Presbyterian Church at Colum- 
 bus ; an address to the Lutheran Synod at Columbus ; 
 an address at Albany, N. Y., on Abraham Lincoln ; 
 an address before the Chamber of Commerce at 
 Rochester, N. Y., on ' Business and Politics ;' before 
 the State (Ohio) Chamber of Commerce on * Busi- 
 ness and Citizenship ;' before the German Veterans 
 of the United States, at Columbus ; a Memorial Day 
 address at Indianapolis; an address before the Grand 
 Army of the Republic at Pittsburg, and most notably, 
 his splendid oration at the dedication of Chickamauga 
 and Chattanooga Park, and at the Atlanta Exposi- 
 tion his speech upon * Blue and Gray.' 
 
 "A careful perusal of these speeches, orations, and 
 addresses will show that Governor McKinley, while 
 an absolute master of all that relates to the tariff and 
 all phases of governmental revenue, has yet distin- 
 guished himself in these other fields of oratory by 
 the same thoroughness of knowledge and the same 
 beauty of oratorical effect. His oratory is of the 
 choicest character ; phrases and sentences come trip- 
 ping and bubbling forth from him apparently with- 
 
133 McKINLEY NOT OF ONE IDEA 
 
 out preparation, a23parently without effort, forming 
 the most beautiful constellations of oratorical effect 
 and oratorical beauty. 
 
 "It is not an exaggerated statement to say that 
 Governor McKinley has made addresses, orations, 
 and sj^eeches of the very highest order, judged from 
 the point of view of oratory and of thorough knowl- 
 edge of the subjects, upon a more diversified line 
 of subjects than can be justly attributed to many 
 Americans of to-day. Indeed, we are at a loss to 
 recall at this moment any one who has exhibited in 
 this country a wider range of subjects with a more 
 perfect handling of the same. He has addressed 
 more people in the United States upon the various 
 topics upon which he has spoken by far than any 
 other living man, and he has been seen by a greater 
 number of the people of the United States than any 
 other man now living. 
 
 " He is personally exceedingly popular among the 
 masses of the people. It is safe to say that since the 
 untimely death of James G. Blaine no American 
 citizen has drawn to public gatherings anything like 
 the number of men that have flocked to hear Governor 
 McKinley. In the campaign of 1894 he traveled and 
 spoke from platforms and Pullman cars in nearly all 
 the States of the Nation where political contests were 
 raging, and whether in the great Republican State of 
 Ohio, or in the close and doubtful State of Missouri, 
 or in the great crowds which met him in New Orleans, 
 his audiences were absolutely unparalleled. 
 
McKlNLEY NOT OF ONE IDEA 133 
 
 " His nearness to the people, his closeness to the 
 very sympathies and hearts of the masses of the 
 American people, has not been excelled by the 
 experience of any American, within the memory of 
 man. He has had experience in high executive 
 office. For four years he has served as Governor 
 of the great State of Ohio. During that time many 
 events and some serious disturbances have happened 
 in the State which brought out his strong and com- 
 manding executive force." 
 
 The space at command will not permit the repro- 
 duction of the great mass of public utterances by 
 Governor McKinley, but we propose to 25resent 
 enough passages, selected with the view of prefer- 
 ring that which is characteristic and that together 
 will testify the seriousness and searching studies with 
 which he has made himself familiar with a range of 
 topics equal in scope to those that have received the 
 attention of his age and country, and we devote the 
 chapters immediately succeeding this to the addresses 
 in which he has discussed affairs in his characteristic 
 style, showing the wide field of thought with which 
 he is familiar, and in the treatment of which he dis- 
 plays the energy, sincerity, and scholarship that he 
 devotes to the service of the people. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Mckinley on civic patriotism. 
 
 Address at Rochester, N. Y. — Studying conditions of government — 
 Public opinion the basis — Zeal after election— The people's 
 business — Duty of business men — Manufacturing interests — 
 Our best market — An extraordinary spectacle. 
 
 VERY rarely has there been a more powerful 
 statement of the obligations and importance 
 of civic patriotism than that by Governor 
 McKinley, at Rochester, N. Y., before the Chamber 
 of Commerce of that city. It is the more forcible 
 because it is in the simjDlest business language — and 
 the direct association of good citizenship with good 
 business is remarkable and impressive. 
 
 CIVIC PATRIOTISM. 
 GovEENOB McKinley at Rochester, N. Y., Feb. 13th, 1895. 
 
 " Me. President and Gentlemen of the Chamber 
 
 OF Commerce : 
 
 " I cannot forego making grateful acknowledg" 
 
 ment of the honor of the invitation of the Chamber 
 
 of Commerce of the city of Rochester which brings 
 
 134 
 
McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 135 
 
 me here to-night. It would have been more agree- 
 able to me to have been a silent guest at your table, 
 freed from the responsibility of making an address. 
 
 " These are times when the wisest words are wanted 
 and the careless should be unspoken. I wish more 
 than ever in my life for the power to speak the words 
 which, at a crisis like the present, are so much 
 needed. The people throughout the country are at 
 this moment giving more sober consideration to the 
 duties of citizenship than probably at any previous 
 period. They are studying conditions in national, 
 State, and city governments. They are reflecting 
 upon their responsibility and power in relation to 
 these conditions, having uppermost in mind the pos- 
 sibility to improve them. 
 
 " ' What can we do to better them ?' is the inquiry 
 engaging every thoughtful mind, and which comes 
 almost unbidden from every tongue. The power, as 
 well as the responsibility, the people are beginning 
 to realize, rests with them. Their duty they want 
 to know, and knowing it, they are ready to do it. 
 
 " Our government, National, State, and Municipal, 
 rests upon public opinion. Public opinion creates 
 free governments, and upholds them for good or for 
 ill. Public opinion, however good, if indifferent, has 
 no vital force. When aroused, it may check an evil 
 in public administration, but the evil will resume its 
 sway the moment the public sentiment which arrested 
 it lapses into indifference. Public opinion, to secure 
 real reforms and hold them, must not be fitful and 
 
136 McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 
 
 spasmodic ; it must be vigorouSj vigilant, steady, and 
 constant, and as sleepless in its activity as the enemy 
 of right is known always to be. Swift as public 
 judgment sometimes is, and justly is, in tlie condem- 
 nation of public officials and public policies, some- 
 thing more than this is required. Execution of the 
 public will must follow the public judgment. And 
 this is only possible when the same public is alert 
 and determined that its judgment shall not be a cold 
 formality, but a living fact, to be respected and en- 
 forced. 
 
 " Zeal after an election is quite as essential as before. 
 The cause which was successful at the polls demands 
 constant zeal for its practical realization. The best 
 agents of the popular will are made better by the in- 
 cessant watchfulness of their princiiDals. Not watch- 
 fulness alone, but support, reinforcement, and en- 
 couragement are necessary. The battle is only begun 
 when the first line of intrenchments is taken. The 
 army is quite as necessary in the engagements which 
 are to follow. The election only determines public 
 policy. It has then to be carried out. It requires 
 the people co-operating continuously with the public 
 officers to put into the forms of law and administra- 
 tion their declared purpose. The election settles 
 much or little dependent upon how the election de- 
 crees are interpreted and executed. The election 
 only declares the people's purpose. After this 
 must come the fulfillment, for the promises of the 
 ©lection should always be sacredly kept. Here comes 
 
McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 137 
 
 * the tug of war.' Then is not the time for relaxa- 
 tion on the part of the citizen, but for renewed and 
 redoubled effort and vigilance. If then the people 
 become indifferent, you may be sure the public officer, 
 however strong and true and well meaning, will be 
 inadequate for the task. The official is quick to 
 catch the spirit of the people. 
 
 " Lincoln said, as he journeyed to Washington in 
 1861, in response to the address of welcome by Gov- 
 ernor Morton, of Indiana, at the city of Indianapolis : 
 " * In all the trying places in which I may be 
 placed, and doubtless I will be placed in many such, 
 my reliance will be upon you, the people of the 
 United States, and I wish you to remember now and 
 forever that it is your business, not mine alone.' 
 
 " No truth Avas ever more manifest or more sig- 
 nificant, then and now, than that uttered by Mr. 
 Lincoln. 
 
 " Government of the people is the people's busi- 
 ness, and if they neglect it, government and people 
 both suffer. The duty of the citizen does not end 
 when the polls are closed on election day. He has, 
 by the act of voting, performed an important duty, 
 but the 364 days of the year remaining 6ach has its 
 own distinct duty, sometimes quite as important as 
 the one on election day. 
 
 "Interest in public affairs. National, State, and 
 city, should be ever present and active, and not 
 abated from one year's end to the other. No Ameri- 
 can citizen is too great ajid none too humble to be 
 
138 McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATEIOTISM 
 
 exempt from any civic duty, however subordinate. 
 Every public duty is honorable. 
 
 " If the best citizens will not unite to serve the 
 State or city, the worst may and generally will be 
 in control. There is in every State and city a 
 majority in favor of the best government, and when 
 they fail to secure it, it is because the majority is 
 indifferent and without unity of purpose and action. 
 Business men cannot, with safety, stand aloof from 
 political duties. Their success or failure in their 
 own enterprises is often involved in good or bad 
 government. The great danger to the country is 
 iudifferentism. 
 
 " This menace often comes from the busy man or 
 man of business, and sometimes from those possess- 
 ing the most leisure or learning. I have known men 
 engaged in great commercial enterprises to leave 
 home on the eve of an election, and then complain of 
 the result, when their presence and the good influence 
 they might properly have exerted would have secured 
 a different and better result. They run away from 
 one of the most sacred obligations in a government 
 like ours, and confide to those with less interest 
 involved and less responsibility to the community, 
 the duty which should be shared by them. What 
 we need is a revival of the true spirit of popular 
 government, the true American spirit where all — not 
 the few — participate actively in government. We 
 need a new baptism of patriotism ; and suppressing 
 for the time our several religious views upon the 
 
McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 139 
 
 subject, I thiDk we will all agree that the baptism 
 should be by immersion. There cannot be too much 
 patriotism. It banishes distrust and treason, and 
 anarchy flees before it. It is a sentiment which 
 enriches our individual and National life. It is the 
 firmament of our power, the security of the Republic, 
 the bulwark of our liberties. It makes better citizens, 
 better cities, a better country, and a better civilization. 
 " The business life of the country is so closely con- 
 nected with its political life that the one is much 
 influenced by the other. Good politics is good 
 business. Mere partisanship) no longer controls the 
 citizen and country. Men who think alike, although 
 heretofore acting jealously apart, are now acting 
 together, and no longer p)ermit former party associ- 
 ations to keep them from co-operating for the public 
 good. They are more and more growing into the 
 habit of doing in politics what they do in business. 
 Strong as the party tie may be, it is not so strong 
 as the business tie. Men would rather break with 
 their party than break up their business. They 
 prefer individual and National j^rosperity to party 
 supremacy, and a clean public service to party 
 spoils. The business man cannot stand aloof from 
 public afiairs without prejudice to his own business 
 and without neglecting the grave duties which he 
 owes the State. Wholesome political activity in the 
 business world is promotive of the general good. 
 Interest in public affairs by spurts is probably better 
 than no interest at all, but the steady, uninterrupted, 
 
140 MeKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 
 
 every-clay interest is the crying need of the hour 
 and the only path of safety. The best results in free 
 government can be had in no other way. 
 
 " You cannot hope to improve public aifairs by 
 withholding your own good offices. If you would 
 clear and purify the atmosi3here of our political life, 
 you must lend your own energy and virtue and 
 intelligence and honesty to do it. 
 
 " The business men of the country have devolving 
 upon them a grave responsibility. It is no easy task 
 to keep the mighty wheels of industry in operation. 
 Idle wheels mean idle men and idle capital. Both 
 draw upon their accumulations, and each is unprofit- 
 able when the other is unemployed. Think of the 
 vast capital invested in manufactures in this country, 
 and what skill and watchfulness are required to 
 keep it at work ! The manufactures of the United 
 States in 1890, engaged $2,900,735,884 of capital, 
 and the value of the output was $4,860,286,837. 
 The making of these products furnished steady and 
 remunerative occupation to 2,251,134 persons ; and 
 the stupendous sum of $1,221,170,454 poured into 
 the then happy and prosperous homes of the Ameri- 
 can workingmen — nearly four millions of dollars 
 for each working-day, and nearly one-half million 
 dollars for every working-hour of every working-day 
 of the year 1890. Our manufactures have made 
 steady advance from 1865 to 1892 ; nearly one million 
 more persons were employed in the year 1890 than 
 in 1880, and more were employed in 1892 than had 
 
McKT?^LEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 141 
 
 ever been employed in any previous year in our his- 
 tory, and more, it is needless to say, than have been 
 employed since ; and the wages paid in 1890 were 
 more than double the amount paid in 1880. The 
 value of our manufacturing products in 1890 was 
 more than 100 i)er cent, greater than in 1880. I do 
 not think even the business men of this country aj)- 
 preciate — I am sure that the people at large do not 
 appreciate — the full magnitude of the manufacturing 
 interests of the United States, and the wealth which 
 agriculture and manufactures and labor working 
 together have made for the Republic. Our wealth 
 in 1890 was |6 1,469,000,000. In 1880 it was 
 $43,642,000,000. From 1870 to 1890 it increased 
 $31,391,000,000, or almost twice the entire wealth 
 of the Empire of Russia. Take Great Britain, the 
 richest nation in the okl world, with the accumula- 
 tions of centuries, and our wealth exceeds her's in 
 1880 by $276,000,000. 
 
 " In 1880 our wealth was 23.93 per cent, of the 
 wealth of all Europe. Our earnings were 28.01 per 
 cent, of those of Europe, and our increase of wealth 
 was 49.28 per cent, of European increase. From 
 1870 to 1880 the per capita of wealth of Europe 
 decreased nearly 3 per cent., while in the United 
 States there was an increase of nearly 39 per cent. 
 The freight that passed through the St. Mary's 
 Falls Canal in 1890 exceeded by 2,257,876 tons 
 the entire tonnage of all the nations which j)assed 
 through the Suez Canal in 1889. Our home mar- 
 
142 McKIXLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 
 
 xets have consumed heretofore five times as much 
 of our manufactured products as Great Britain ex- 
 ported of hers to all the markets of the world. Our 
 products are carried to our own people and dis- 
 tributed among them with greater facility - and at 
 cheaper rates, taking into account distance, than 
 products are carried in any other country in the 
 world. 
 
 " How are we to get back what we have lost ? 
 How is the vast capital now invested in manufac- 
 tures to be preserved and made profitable ? Only 
 by keeping it busy and constantly at work. Capital 
 scorns idleness ; it loves work if for no other reason 
 than that it loves gain. Capital in manufactories 
 which are shut down is not like money on deposit 
 subject to call, or in the strong box hoarded away, 
 which, while it earns nothing, keeps the principal 
 sum intact and unimpaired. The closed mill depreci- 
 ates the value of machinery and buildings and land 
 and everything connected with it, and it is ever 
 wearing away the cajjital invested in it. This is 
 followed by impoverishment to the owners, injury 
 to the community in which it is located, and desti- 
 tution to those who have been employed. 
 
 " Every business man would, therefore, rather run 
 his factory than close it, because he wants his invest- 
 ment to earn him something. When closed, his 
 capital, so far as any immediate profit is to come, is 
 stopped. It is with him a question whether he can 
 run with as little loss as he can stop. If he can, he 
 
McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 143 
 
 will always run. If lie cannot, he is bound to stop. 
 He cannot run at all if there is no demand for his 
 product. Production requires consumption. Mar- 
 kets are inseparable from manufactures. The manu- 
 facturer must have a market; he wants the best 
 market if he can get it, and he has come to learn 
 where it is and how to get it. He knows, as he 
 never knew before, how he lost it, and he knows how 
 to regain it. We know, and we do not know it any 
 better than our competitors in foreign lands, that 
 the American market — our home market — is the 
 best of all. We not only want to keep our home 
 market, but we want a foreign market for our sur- 
 plus products of manufacture and agriculture. We 
 do not want it, however, at the loss of our home 
 market. I am sure we do not want it when it 
 shall involve the idleness and destitution and degra- 
 dation of our own labor. We want not only to send 
 our products abroad, but we want them to go abroad 
 in our own vessels, sailing under our own flag. We 
 should not depend upon bur commercial rivals for 
 the means of reaching comjDctitive markets. We 
 can well supply, and, for the general good, furnish 
 our own transportation to foreign ports with fair 
 encouragement, and it should not be withheld. 
 Many markets of the world are open to us if we 
 could reach them directly without trans-shipment, 
 with our own ships. 
 
 " The general situation of the country demands of 
 the business men, as well as the masses of the 
 
144 McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATEIOTISM 
 
 people, the most serious consideration. We must 
 have less partisanshi]) of a certain kind, more 
 business, and a better National spirit. We need 
 an aggressive partisanship for country. There are 
 some things upon which we are all agreed. We 
 must have enough money to run the government. 
 We must not have our credit tarnished and our 
 reserve depleted because of pride of opinion, or to 
 carry out some economic theory unsuited to our 
 conditions, citizenship, and civilization. The out- 
 flow of gold will not disturb us if the inflow of gold 
 is large enough. The outgo is not serious if the 
 income exceeds it. False theories should not be 
 permitted to stand in the way of cold facts. The 
 resources which have been developed, and the wealth 
 which has been accumulated in the last third of a 
 century in the United States, must not be impaired 
 or diminished or wasted by the application of theo- 
 ries of the dreamer or doctrinaire. Business expe- 
 rience is the best lamp to guide us in the pathway of 
 progress and prosperity. 
 
 " What a spectacle to behold ! A government, 
 which, in thirty-three years, has passed through the 
 mightiest war in human history, which created a 
 debt to save the Union ; that seemed most appall- 
 ing at the time which, since that time, has paid o& 
 more than two-thirds of that great war debt, and 
 which, in the three years preceding 1893, paid ofl" 
 nearly $300,000,000 of it from the income of the 
 treasury and its surjDlus, which from 1865 has en- 
 
McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 145 
 
 joyed a financial credit witliout a parallel in the 
 world's history, to-day is without sujfficieut money 
 from its own receipts to pay the ordinary expenses, 
 and with a credit, ujDon the authority of the highest 
 officers of the government, is threatened with im- 
 pairment. We cannot longer close our eyes to the 
 situation which affects every home and hearthstone 
 and the government itself. We cannot afford to 
 quarrel over the past ; nor is it profitable to indulge 
 in inquiries as to where the responsibility of the con- 
 dition rests. It is enough for us to know it is here 
 and upon us. Whatever differences we may have 
 had, we must all agree now that the situation is one 
 that requires the highest sagacity in statesmanship, 
 and the broadest patriotism in citizenship. Let us, 
 first of all, keep without stain and above suspicion 
 the credit of our country, which is too sacred ever to 
 be neglected. Let us provide somehow, and in some 
 sensible, practical way, for the collection of enough 
 money annually to pay all our current expenses, in- 
 terest on the public debt, pensions to soldiers, and 
 every other governmental obligation. Until that is 
 done, if we have to borroAV money, that should be 
 done, and the sooner the better, but this will be only 
 a temporary cure and provision. That must be sup- 
 plemented by legislation that will raise in the taxes 
 and tariffs a steady income, full and ample for every 
 government need. The way to stop loans is to stop 
 deficiencies. The reserve is sure to be drained if 
 you cut off the supply. I agree with the President 
 
146 McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 
 
 that a ' predicament ' confronts us, and I am sure 
 tliere is wisdom and patriotism ample in the country 
 to relieve ourselves from that ' predicament ' or any 
 other, and to place us once more at the head of the 
 nations of the world in credit, production, and pros- 
 perity." 
 
 [American Israelite-Jewish Orphan Asylum, July 15th, 1893.] 
 EARLY EDUCATION AND THE JEWISH RACE. 
 
 " When we get out into the busy world with its 
 duties and responsibilities we have little time for the 
 acquisition of more than practical knowledge. 
 
 " It is so often a question of mere sustenance, with 
 little time for earnest study, much less for mental 
 labor. And if the opportunities present at an insti- 
 tution of this character are not improved they are 
 lost to us forever. I enjoin upon you all to make 
 the best use of the great opportunities you enjoy, and 
 in after life you will find how much you have gained 
 and how much embarrassment and blundering you 
 will save yourself. 
 
 "The young men and young women who succeed 
 nowadays must succeed because of superior knowl- 
 edge. This is an age of exactness. What you know 
 you must know well and thoroughly, and to reach 
 prominence you must know it better than anybody 
 else. It will not do to know a thing half any longer. 
 You must know it all, and the man who knows a few 
 things — worthy things, I mean, in science or art or 
 
HON. JOHN SHERMAN. 
 
McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 149 
 
 mechanics or business — better than those around him 
 is the man who will succeed. 
 
 " And the only way to acquire knowledge is to 
 labor. There is no substitute for it. The best time 
 to get it is when you are young. Proxies are not 
 recognized, either in the intellectual or business con- 
 flicts of the present day. To use a homely but 
 expressive phrase, ' You must hoe your own row.' 
 
 " Don't try to master too many things. A few 
 things of which you are thoroughly master give you 
 better equipment for life's struggles than a whole 
 arsenal of half-mastered and half-matured things. 
 You belong to a great race and a great age, and you 
 are citizens of the greatest country on the face of the 
 earth. Every opportunity is open to you as it is to 
 me, and to every citizen, as they have never been 
 opened in any other quarter of the globe. Here is 
 absolute equality of opportunity and of advantage, 
 and those who can win must do so by force and their 
 own merit ; and here what you win you can wear. 
 
 The Jewish people have for centuries been con- 
 spicuous in almost every department of life. In 
 music they have taken the highest rank as com- 
 posers and performers. Mendelssohn, Rubenstein, 
 and Joachim have few equals. As actors they had 
 Rachael and Bernhardt and a long list beside, who 
 have been recognized as stars the world over. 
 Among the philosophers is to be named the great 
 Spinoza ; in medicine, Franke ; in Greek literature, 
 Bernays; while Benfrey was the first of Sanucrit 
 
150 McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 
 
 scholars ; Ricardo, conspicuous in political economy, 
 and Sir Moses Montefiore, the great philanthropist, 
 who died full of honors, a century old, whose memory 
 is cherished the world over. His intellectual and 
 physical faculties were marvelous. He retained his 
 mental faculties until the last. After he was eighty 
 years old, in the interest of his race and humanity, 
 he made four great journeys ; two to Jerusalem, one 
 to Roumania, and one to Russia. He was always 
 doing good. 
 
 " I observe from your souvenir that here in this in- 
 stitution you sacredly observe his memory. He was 
 broad-minded, not bigoted, loving his race and be- 
 lieving in it, and yet helping Gentile as well as Jew. 
 He contributed to build Protestant churches and 
 found hospitals for the Turk and the Catholic, and 
 assisted in every way to the elevation of all races and 
 all colors of men. George Eliot, writing a few years 
 ago about the Jewish race, and, as indicating the 
 rank they had already taken, said : * At this moment 
 the leader of the Liberal party in Germany is a Jew ; 
 the leader of the Republican party in France is a 
 Jew, and the leader of the Conservative party in 
 England is a Jew.' Our own country can furnish a 
 long list of useful and conspicuous men of your race 
 — merchants and bankers, j)hilanthropists and 
 patriots, physicians and lawyers, authors and orators 
 and editors, teachers and preachers — all of them 
 furnishing the young people of this Jewish orphan 
 asylum worthy models to excite their ambition to 
 become worthy successors^ 
 
MgKINLEY on civic patriotism 151 
 
 THE CHARACTER AND TRAINING OF ABRAHAM 
 LINCOLN. 
 
 [February 12th, 1895, at Albany, N. Y.] 
 
 "We meet to-night to do honor to one whose 
 achievements have heightened human aspirations 
 and broadened the field of opportunity to the races 
 of men. While the party with which we stand, and 
 for which he stood, can justly claim him, and with- 
 out dispute can boast the distinction of being the first 
 to honor and trust him, his fame has leaped the 
 bounds of party and country, and now belongs to 
 mankind and the ages. 
 
 " What were the traits of character which made 
 him leader and master, without a rival, in the greatest 
 crisis in our history ? What gave him such mighty 
 power? Lincoln had sublime faith in the people. 
 He walked with and among them. He recognized 
 the importance and power of enlightened public sen- 
 timent, and was guided by it. Even amid the vicis- 
 situdes of war he concealed little from the public re- 
 view and inspection. In all he did he invited rather 
 than evaded examination and criticism. He sub- 
 mitted his plans and purposes, as far as practicable, 
 to public consideration with perfect frankness and 
 sincerity. There was such homely simplicity in his 
 character that it could not be hedged in by the pomp 
 of place nor the ceremonials of high official station: 
 
152 McKT]\TLEY OX CIVIC PATEIOTISM 
 
 He was so accessible to the public that he seemed to 
 take the whole people into his confidence, 
 
 " Here, perhaps, was one secret of his power. The 
 people never lost their confidence in him, however 
 much they unconsciously added to his personal dis- 
 comfort and trials. His patience was almost super- 
 human. And who will say that he was mistaken in 
 his treatment of the thousands who thronged con- 
 tinually about them ? More than once, when re- 
 proached for permitting visitors to crowd upon him, 
 he asked, with pained surprise, * Why, what harm 
 does this confidence in men do me?' Horace 
 Greeley once said : * I doubt whether man, woman, 
 or child, white or black, bond or free, virtuous or 
 vicious, ever accosted or reached forth a hand to 
 Abraham Lincoln and detected in his countenance 
 or manner any repugnance or shrinking from the 
 proffered contact, any assumption of superiority or 
 betrayal of disdain.' Bancroft, the historian, allud- 
 ing to this characteristic, which was never so con- 
 Bpicuously manifested as during the darker hours of 
 the war, beautifully illustrated it in these memorable 
 words: 'As a child, in a dark night, on a rugged 
 way, catches hold of the hand of its father for guid- 
 ance and support, Lincoln clung fast to the hand of 
 the people and moved calmly through the gloom.' 
 
 " His earliest public utterances were marked by 
 this confidence. On March 9th, 1832, when announc- 
 ing himself a candidate for Representative, he said 
 that he felt it his duty to make known to the people 
 
McKINLEY OX CIVIC PATRIOTISM 153 
 
 his sentiments upon the questions of the day. 
 'Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition/ 
 he observed, ' and whether it be true or not I can say 
 for one that I liave no other so o;reat as that of beins; 
 truly esteemed of my fellow men by rendering my- 
 self worthy of their esteem. How far I shall suc- 
 ceed in gratifying this ambition is yet to be de- 
 veloped. I am young and unknown to many of you. 
 I was born and have ever remained in the most 
 humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or popular 
 relatives or friends to recommend me. My case is 
 thrown exclusively upon the independent voters of 
 the county. . . . But if the good people in 
 their wisdom shall see fit to keep me in the back- 
 ground, I have been too familiar with disappointment 
 to be very much chagrined.' 
 
 " In this remarkable address, made when he was 
 only twenty-three, the main elements of Lincoln's 
 character and the qualities which made his great 
 career possible are revealed with startling distinct- 
 ness. We see therein * that brave old wisdom of 
 sincerity,' that oneness in feeling v/ith the common 
 people, and that supreme confidence in them which 
 formed the foundation of his political faith. 
 
 " Among the statesmen of America Lincoln is the 
 true democrat, and — Franklin, perhaps, excepted — 
 the first great one. He had no illustrious ancestry, 
 no inherited place or wealth, and none of the pres- 
 tige, power, training, or culture which were assured 
 to the gentry or landed classes of our own colonial 
 
154 McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATEIOTISM 
 
 times. Nor did Lincoln believe that these classes — 
 respectable and patriotic however they might be — 
 should, as a matter of abstract right, have the con- 
 trolling influence in our government. Instead, he be- 
 lieved in the all-pervading power of public opinion. 
 
 " Lincoln had little or no instruction in the com- 
 mon school ; but, as the eminent Dr. Cuyler has said, 
 he was graduated from ' the grand college of free 
 labor, whose works were the flatboat, the farm, and 
 the backwoods lawyer's office.' He had a broad com- 
 prehension of the central idea of popular govern- 
 ment. The Declaration of Independence was his 
 hand-book ; time and again he expressed his belief 
 in freedom and equality. On July 1st, 1854, he 
 wrote: *Most governments have been based, prac- 
 tically, on the denial of the equal rights of men. 
 Ours began by affirming those rights. They said : 
 * Some men are too ignorant and vicious to share in 
 government.' ' Possibly so,' said we, * and by your 
 system you would always keep them ignorant and 
 vicious. We propose to give all a chance, and we 
 expect the weak to grow stronger, the ignorant wiser, 
 and all better and happier together.' We made the 
 experiment, and the fruit is before us. Look at it, 
 think of it. Look at it in its aggregate grandeur, 
 extent of country, and numbers of population.' 
 
 "His antecedent life seems to have been one of 
 unconscious preparation for the great responsibilities 
 which were committed to him in 1860. Being one 
 of the masses himself, living among them, sharing 
 
McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 155 
 
 their feelings, sympathizing with tlieir daily trials, 
 their hopes, and aspirations, he was better fitted to 
 lead them than any other man of his age. He 
 recognized more clearly than any one else that the 
 plain people he met in his daily life and knew so 
 familiarly were, according to our theory of govern- 
 ment, its ultimate rulers and the arbiters of its des- 
 tiny. He knew this, not as a theory, but from his 
 personal experience. 
 
 "Born in poverty, so great that in America it is now 
 almost impossible to find its like, and surrounded by 
 obstacles on every hand seemingly insurmountable 
 but for the intervening hand of Providence, Lincoln 
 grew every year into greater and grander intellectual 
 power and vigor. His life until he was twelve years 
 old was spent either in a half-faced camp or cabin. 
 Yet amid such surroundings the boy learned to read, 
 write, and cipher, to think, declaim, and speak in a 
 manner far beyond his years and time. All his days 
 in the schoolhouse ' added together would not make 
 a single year.' But every day of his life, from 
 infancy to manhood, was a constant drill in the school 
 of nature and experience. 
 
 " His study of books and newsjiapers was beyond 
 that of any other person in his town or neighbor- 
 hood, and perhaps of his county or section. He did 
 not read many books, but he learned more from 
 them than any other reader. It was strength of 
 body as well as mind that made Lincoln's career 
 possible. Ill success only spurred him into making 
 
156 McKINLEY OX CIVIC PATRIOTISM 
 
 himself more worthy of trust and confidence. Noth- 
 ing could daunt him. He might have but a single 
 tow linen shirt, or only one pair of jeans pantaloons, 
 he often did not know where his next dollar was to 
 come from, but he mastered English grammar and 
 composition, arithmetic, geometry, surveying, logic, 
 and the law. 
 
 " How well he mastered the art of expression is 
 shown by the incident of the Yale professor who 
 heard his Cooper Institute speech and called on 
 him at his hotel to inquire where he had learned 
 his matchless power as a public speaker. The 
 modest country lawyer was in turn surprised to be 
 suspected of possessing unusual talents as an orator, 
 and could only answer that his sole training had 
 been in the school of experience. 
 
 " Eight years' service in the Illinois Legislature, 
 two years in Congress, and nearly thirty years' 
 political campaigning in the most exciting period of 
 American politics gave scope for the development of 
 his powers, and that tact, readiness, and self-reliance 
 which were invaluable to a modest, backward man 
 such as Lincoln naturally was. Added to these 
 qualities he had the genius which communizes, which 
 puts a man on a level, not only witli the highest, but 
 with the lowest of his kind. By dint of patient 
 industry and by using wisely his limited opportu- 
 nities he became the most popular orator, the best 
 political manager, and the ablest leader of his party 
 in Illinois. 
 
McKmLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 157 
 
 " But the best training he had for the Presidency, 
 after all, was his twenty-three years' arduous expe- 
 rience as a lawyer, traveling the circuit of the courts 
 of his district and State. Here he met in forensic 
 contests, and frequently defeated, some of the most 
 powerful legal minds of the West. la the higher 
 courts he won still greater distinction in the impor- 
 tant cases committed to his charge. 
 
 " With this preparation it is not surprising that 
 Lincoln entered upon the Presidency peculiarly 
 well equipped for its vast responsibilities. His con- 
 temporaries, however, did not realize this. The 
 leading statesmen of the country were not prepos- 
 sessed in his favor. They appear to have had no 
 conception of the remarkable powers latent beneath 
 that uncouth and rugged exterior." 
 
 THE PANIC — MONEY — A CONVERT. 
 [East Liverpool, Ohio, October 17th, 1893.] 
 
 "In the midst of unexampled plenty, with no 
 inflation of prices, for prices had never been so low ; 
 with no inflation of money, witli every dollar in cir- 
 culation as good as evei-y other dollar, with no pre- 
 mium on gold, we are struck by business depression 
 from ocean to ocean. AVhat has occasioned this? 
 Is it the money of the country ? We have more 
 money to-day than we ever had in all our history, 
 and we have as good mr ney as we ever had before. 
 Every dollar is worth ] )0 cents and every dollar good 
 
158 McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATEIOTISM 
 
 to pay all debts — private or public. We have every- 
 thing we had last year but prosjierity. We bartered 
 that away for a change of administration. [Terrific 
 trumpeting of tin horns.] If the President were 
 here to-night he would not have to inquire whether 
 we are making tin in the United States. [Laughter 
 and renewed trumpeting.] These tin horns here 
 tell the story, and I doubt not every one of them 
 was made from American tin [applause], which two 
 years ago they said we could not make in the United 
 States. This year we have the same men, same 
 money, same machinery, and the same markets that 
 we had last year, but we have another management. 
 We have the same enterprise, same energy, same 
 magnificent manufacturing plants, but the people 
 last year decided for a change of policy. 
 
 " The money of this country — and I speak to Demo- 
 crats and Republicans alike — should be as fixed and 
 unvarying as human ingenuity can make it. It 
 measures everything you have to sell ; the product 
 of the farm, the merchandise in the store, the labor 
 of your hands and the skill and genius of your 
 brain, and if it is varying in value you never 
 know what you may get for your products when 
 you sell them. Therefore it is but right that 
 you should 023pose any and every attempt to resur- 
 rect the wildcat money of forty years ago. There 
 is not one Southern State that is not in favor 
 of State bank money. Do you know why ? Because 
 they still believe in State sc ^'^ereignty. They don't 
 
McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 159 
 
 seem to 'realize that State sovereignty was shot to 
 death twenty-five years ago. [Applause.] When 
 wool buyers — they come as single buyers now — go 
 around they pay free trade prices, because the Demo- 
 cratic party pledged themselves to make wool free, 
 and they are in power in every branch of the Gov- 
 ernment. They have so declared in their national 
 platform and they even passed free wool through the 
 last House of Representatives, and it should to-day 
 have been a law had it not been for a Eepublican 
 Senate and a Kepublican President. The wool 
 buyer remembers this when he is buying wool, 
 and so he pays free trade prices. This is true of 
 every branch of industry. It is true of every de- 
 partment of labor. But you have still the Protec- 
 tive Tariff they say. Yes, but you are pledged 
 to repeal it, and the man who receives notice that 
 his house is about to be demolished does not wait 
 until the dynamite is put in, but moves out his furni- 
 ture as soon as he can. Now what will start your 
 factories ? [" Hundred thousand majority for Mc- 
 Kinley in November !"] What is lower tariff for ? 
 It is to make it easier for foreign goods to get in the 
 United States, to increase competition from abroad. 
 
 " The peoj^le who voted for a change last fall are 
 not satisfied, and the people who did not vote for a 
 change are not satisfied. We find Democrats petition- 
 ing to have the tariff left undisturbed. There are a 
 good many of them who have loqjjed into it, 
 ["Ikirt?"] Mr. Ikirt, my friend suggests. Your 
 
160 McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 
 
 own fellow-citizen and your Kej^resentative in Con- 
 gress; he too has looked into the ^^ottery industry 
 since last election. He says in his statement that he 
 has given consideration to it. Well, it is better to 
 give it consideration after than not at all ; but it is 
 better always to consider before election if j^ou can. 
 He appears before the Ways and Means Committee 
 and asks them not to disturb the tariff on pottery. I 
 did not expect we would ever get so close — the Doctor 
 and I. I remember he was my competitor for Con- 
 gress once. He was then a free trader, and said pro- 
 tection was a fraud. There is nothing that has done 
 my heart so much good as to find the Doctor down 
 there appealing for the continuance of a tariff of 
 sixty-five per cent, on pottery. It does my heart 
 good to find him down there fighting for a tariff 
 which I had put upon pottery myself. There is a 
 sort of pathos about this statement of the Doctor's. 
 After appealing for the j^ottery industry he says, 
 *To err is human, to forgive divine.* That is a 
 quotation from his speech. I suppose from that that 
 it was human for him to err last year, and we have 
 forgiven him for the errors and we welcome him to 
 us. The only thing left for the Doctor to do is to 
 get leave of absence, come home on election day and 
 vote for me for Governor, and I have no doubt he 
 will, because my competitor believes in fi-ee trade and 
 declares that a Protective Tariff is a fraud, while the 
 Doctor is in favor of sixty-five per cent, of inci- 
 dental * protection. I was one of those who helped 
 
McKINLKY OX CIVIC PATIU0TI8M IGl 
 
 to make that tariff. I did not regard it as incidental 
 nor accidental, I assure you. I helped to put it there 
 to protect the potters of the United States and their 
 labor, and it did it ; and every Democrat in both 
 branches of Congress voted against it — every one of 
 them. Therefore I say it delights my heart to find 
 the Doctor at last won over to the ' robber tariff' that 
 cheats everybody, not only the consumer but the 
 laborer, and is willing to take sixty-five per cent, for 
 pottery. If for pottery, why not for iron and steel, 
 wool, glass, cotton, and woolen goods ?" 
 
 ADDRESS ON THE FIELD OF CHICKAMAUGA. 
 
 September 18th, 1895. 
 
 "The exhibition of high soldierly qualities dis- 
 played by both the blue and the gray will be on every 
 tongue to-day. The battle will be fought over a 
 thousand times in memory between those who lately 
 contended angrily on this field. All that is well. 
 
 " But, after all, my countrymen, what was it all 
 for ? What did it mean ? What was all this strug- 
 gle, all tliis exhibition of heroism, and these appalling 
 sacrifices for? A reunited country makes answer. 
 No other is needed. A union, stronger and freer than 
 ever before, a civilization, higher and nobler than ever 
 before ; a common flag, dearer and more glorious than 
 ever before ; and all, all of them secure from any 
 quarter, because the contestants against each other 
 ou this historic field thirty-two years ago are now 
 
162 McKINLEY ON CIVIC PATRIOTISM 
 
 united, linked in their might forever against any 
 enemy which would assail either union or civilization 
 or freedom or flag. 
 
 " The sacrifice here made was for what we loved, 
 and for what we meant should endure. A reunited 
 people, a reunited country, is the glorious reward. 
 
 " The war has been over thirty-one years. There 
 never has been any trouble since between the men 
 who fought on the one side or the other. The trouble 
 has been between the men who fought on neither 
 side — who could get on the one side or the other, as 
 occasion or interest demanded. The bitterness and 
 resentments of the war belong to the past, and its 
 glories are the common heritage of us all. What 
 was won in that great conflict belongs just as securely 
 to those who lost as to those who triumphed. The 
 future is in our common keeping, the sacred trust of 
 all the people. Let us make it worthy of the glorious 
 men who died for it on this and other fields of the 
 war. 
 
 " It is gratifying to the State that these monuments 
 are hereafter to be in the keeping of the United 
 States Government. The government they preserved 
 should guard them ; that is where they belong. 
 Henceforth these monuments shall be the precious 
 possession of all the j^eople. They show, Mr. Presi- 
 dent, the honor paid by a great commonwealth to 
 the patriotic valor of her sons. They are calculated 
 to encourage patriotic devotion for all time. They 
 are the nation's guarantee that the bond of Union 
 
McKINLEY ON" CIVIC PATRIOTISM 163 
 
 shall not be broken. Their lesson is that the Con- 
 stitution is and shall remain the supreme law over all. 
 "In this great battle some fought to save the 
 Union, others to divide it. Those who fought to save 
 triumphed, and so the Union survived. Slavery was 
 abolished, peace restored, the Union strengthened, 
 and now, hand in hand, all stand beneath the folds 
 of one flag, acknowledging no other, marching for- 
 ward together in the enjoyment of one common 
 country and in the fulfillment of one glorious des- 
 iiny." 
 
 McKINLEY AND OHIo's ANTI-LYNCHING LAW. 
 
 [Governor McKinley's Message to the General Assembly of Ohio, 
 January, 1896.] 
 
 " Within the last year mere have been two at- 
 tempts to lynch prisoners charged with crime who 
 were under arrest and in custody of the officers of 
 the law. In both cases the aid of the military was 
 invoked by the Sheriffs of the counties ; in both cases 
 the law was upheld and the prisoners protected from 
 the lynchers, but, unfortunately in both cases, only 
 after the sacrifice of life. In the case in Seneca 
 County two men were killed before the military had 
 arrived. In the case in Fayette County the military 
 were present, acting under the orders of the Sheriff. 
 The protection of the prisoners in this case, to the 
 deep regret of all concerned, resulted in the loss of 
 a number of lives. The spirit which holds the laws 
 
164 McKIXLEY OK CIVIC PATRIOTISM 
 
 of tlie State and the authority of its chosen officers, 
 acting within the law, in contempt, should not be per- 
 mitted to triumph anywhere in Ohio. This State 
 has boasted, and can justly boast, of the virtue and 
 purity of its courts and the uprightness and fairness 
 of its juries. The spirit of lynching is a reflection 
 upon both courts and juries, and all the legally-consti- 
 tuted authorities of the counties and the State as well. 
 If there be a crime so repulsive that the punishment 
 inflicted by existing law is inadequate, let the pres- 
 ent General Assembly, by law, promptly increase 
 the penalty. I urge the General Assembly to use 
 all the power at its command to frown upon and 
 stamp out this spirit of lawlessness, which is a re- 
 proach upon the State and a shock to our civiliza- 
 tion. Lynching must not be tolerated in Ohio." 
 
WP— ^1^^ 
 
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 itiirffliMiiiilir'i1iiiirirrrii iirr r -■•■•--- ■■^,--:-^^-- . :.'^ 
 
 il 
 
 HON. THOMAS B. REED. 
 
CHAUNCEY M. DEi'EW. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE LESSONS OF HEKOIC LIVES. 
 
 McKinley a patriot —Oration— Piety and patriotism — Lessons ot 
 heroism— Influences of Chautauqua — A fighting patriot — The 
 grand review — A generous eulogy— Illustrious names. 
 
 THE oration before the Chautauqua Assembly, 
 Grand Army Day, Monday, August 26th, 
 1895, is an example of the simplicity and 
 elevation of McKinley on a patriotic theme — and is 
 worthy of study for purity of style and force of ex- 
 pression. 
 
 "Oration before the Chautauqua Assembly, 
 ON Grand Army Day, Monday, August 26th, 
 
 1895. 
 
 " Mr. President, Comrades of the Grand Army of 
 the Republic, Ladies and Gentlemen : It would have 
 given me pleasure to meet this splendid Chautauqua 
 Assembly at any time, but my gratification is the 
 greater because I am invited to participate with you 
 on the day which you have consecrated to country, 
 
 167 
 
168 LESSONS OF HEROIC LIVES . 
 
 the day you have devoted to patriotism and the 
 memories of the past, with all their precious lessons. 
 What could be more fitting on the part of this asso- 
 ciation, whose chief objects are to exalt Christianity 
 and promote sound learning, than to set apart a day 
 to the brave men whose service and sacrifice pre- 
 served unimpaired the liberties we enjoy, for our-' 
 selves and i)0sterity ? Piety and patriotism have 
 always been closely allied. My older hearers will 
 recollect the fervent words, and recall with fond 
 affection the matchless voice of dear old Bishop 
 Simpson, who said in 1861 : ' Nail the flag just below 
 the cross ! That is high enough — Christ and country, 
 nothing can come between nor long prevail against 
 them.' [Applause.] 
 
 " The lessons of heroism and sacrifice are not con- 
 fined to any age or people, nor are they limited to 
 the participants or the survivors, but are for all the 
 people living, or who may come hereafter. Fortu- 
 nately, in the economy of the Most High, the influ- 
 ence of any duty nobly done, or of courage or devo- 
 tion in any good cause, is never lost. It strengthens 
 with the ages, blessing and consecrating as the years 
 recede, and inspiring others to suffer, and, if needs 
 be, die for conscience and country. This was the 
 spirit which animated the soldiers of the Kevolution 
 and the Rebellion, and distinguished both. They 
 battled neither for commerce nor conquest, but for 
 immortal principles, involving alike human rights 
 and the highest welfare of the human race. What 
 
LESSONS OF HEROIC LIVES 169 
 
 was lost to America in the first great struggle was 
 uobly regained in the hist. 
 
 "Tliese patriotic assemblages cannot, therefore, be 
 too frequent, which invite a proper study of the past, 
 not in hatred, passion, or bitterness, but to teach and 
 enforce more plainly the blessings of peace, union, 
 and fraternal love. They bring us closer together, 
 as a reunited and happy people, guided by the ex- 
 ampxe of the Master^ whose life was one of sacrifice, 
 and who is glorified as the Man of Peace and Son of 
 God. 
 
 " It is easy to decry the events and institutions 
 with which we are familiar, but, after all, we have 
 many — very many — patriotic altars, and should have 
 many more national celebrations. All along the 
 pathway of our national life, from Lexington to 
 Appomattox, we breathe the incense of heroism. We 
 are not unmindful of the mighty deeds of the past, 
 nor indifferent to the heroes who achieved them, 
 nor can we be oblivious to the glories of the present, 
 and the bright promise for the future. In a certain 
 sense our churches and schools, our newspapers and 
 literature, are constantly insi^iring us with new and 
 greater love of home and country. The work and 
 influence of such great popular assemblages as this, 
 not only here at Chautauqua, the fountain head of 
 them all, but in other and distant States, are of price- 
 less value to the people. [Aj^plause.] 
 
 " You have builded wise and well. You have not 
 only given to the world's vocabulary a new, beautiful. 
 
r'/O LESSONS OF IIEliOIC LIVES 
 
 and significant name, but to the world itself a new 
 and holy zeal in the good cause of Christianity and 
 scientific and literary study. You are to be congratu- 
 lated that the religious, educational, and fraternal in- 
 fluences of Chautauqua are greater, far greater, than 
 you know, and everywhere, at home and abroad, are 
 beneficial and elevating to mankind. Liberty of 
 thought, speech, and conscience hold full sway on 
 these congenial grounds. Bigotry is neither encour- 
 aged nor tolerated, but, in the true spirit of the 
 fathers, liberty and learning go hand-in-hand. In 
 such an atmosphere American patriotism must burn 
 with full flame, and as a. light to the feet of all. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 For what is patriotism ? Did you ever stop to 
 reflect upon what it embi-aces? There is born in 
 every manly breast the determination to defend the 
 thing he loves. We strike down the enemy who 
 would invade our homes, and guard family and fire- 
 side at the peril of our lives. There is no sentiment 
 so strong as love ; no sacrifice too great for those we 
 love. This is the underlying principle of genuine 
 patriotism ; the foundation of true loyalty to country. 
 The patriot is he who, loving his country, is willing 
 not only to fight, but, if need be, to die for it. It is 
 this sentiment which gives to human governments 
 their strength, security, and permanency. It is this 
 sentiment which nerves the soldier to duty, and gains 
 his consent to service and sacrifice. The strongest 
 and best government is the one which rests upon the 
 
LESSON'S OF IIEEOIC LIVES 171 
 
 reverent affection of its own people; and the nearer 
 the government to the people, and the people to the 
 government, the stronger becomes the sentiment of 
 patriotism, and the stronger becomes the government 
 itself. The laws are of little or no value if they do 
 not have behind them the respect and love of the 
 people. When patriotism is gone out of the hearts 
 of the masses the country is nearing dissolution and 
 death. [Applause.] 
 
 " Did you ever seriously reflect what it means to 
 be a fighting patriot ? Many people preach and pro- 
 fess patriotism, but the true patriot is he who prac- 
 tices it, and he can seldom practice it by proxy. 
 Patriotism is the absolute consecra;cIx>n of self to 
 country ; it is the total abandonment of business ; it 
 is the turning away from plans which have been 
 formed for a life's career. It is the surrendering 
 of bright prospects, and the giving up of ambition 
 in a chosen work. It is the sundering of the ties 
 of home and family, almost the snapping of the 
 heart-strings which bind us to those we love. It 
 may mean disease contracted by exposure or from 
 wounds in battle. It may mean imprisonment, in- 
 sanity or death. It may mean hunger, thirst, and 
 starvation. 
 
 " In our own Civil War it meant all of these. With 
 all these hard conditions there were nearly three 
 million men who so loved liberty and union that 
 they were willing at any cost or hazard to follow our 
 flag. The blood of a half million men was exacted 
 
irg LESSONS OF HEROIC LIVES 
 
 in that fearful couflict to save the country ; and there 
 are to-day tens of thousands who are suffering from 
 disease contracted in the service of the government, 
 and many thousands more bearing wounds from 
 which they suffer every hour in the day, and some of 
 these, alas ! are in distressing poverty. Our asylums 
 contain many more of the poor fellows whose hard ser- 
 vice dethroned reason and unbalanced mind forever. 
 The demands of patriotism meant for many wives 
 widowhood, for many children orphanage. They took 
 from many a mother her whole support, the love of 
 the son, upon whose strong arm she had counted to 
 lean in her declining years. There was nothing per- 
 sonally attractive or promising about any of the 
 features of enlistment in the War of the Eebellion ; 
 it was business of the most serious sort. Every sol- 
 dier took dreadful chances. His offering was noth- 
 ing short of his own life's blood, if his country should 
 require it. This, however, then seemed insignificant 
 in that overmastering love of country, in that burn- 
 ing patriotism which filled the souls of the boys in 
 blue, in that high and noble purpose which animated 
 them all, that they were to save to themselves, to 
 their families, and their fellow-countrymen the freest 
 and best and purest government ever known, and to 
 mankind the largest and best civilization in the 
 world. [Applause.] 
 
 " With that spirit nearly three million men went 
 forth to accept any sacrifice which cruel war might 
 demand. The extent of that sacrifice far exceeded 
 
LESSONS OF HEROIC LIVES 173 
 
 human expectation, but it was offered freely on the 
 altar of their beloved country. Can we ever cease 
 to be debtors to these men ? Is there any reward in 
 reason they should not receive ? Is there any emolu- 
 ment too great for them ? Is there any benefaction 
 too bountiful ? Is there any obligation too lasting ? 
 Is there any honor to these patriotic men which a 
 loving people can bestow that they should not 
 extend ? What the nation is, or may become, we 
 owe largely to them. 
 
 " In the Grand Review, at the end of the war, 
 which stands unchallenged as the greatest ever wit- 
 nessed by human eyes, stretched across the great 
 marble capitol at Washington, greeting the sight of 
 every soldier who passed, was a banner bearing this 
 inscription : * There is one debt which this nation 
 never can pay, and that is the debt it owes the brave 
 men who saved this nation.' That was true then ; 
 it is no less true now. 
 
 " If there is one of those old patriots sick at heart 
 and discouraged, should not the cheerful and the 
 strong, who are to-day the beneficiaries of his valor, 
 comfort and console him ? If there is one who is 
 sick or suffering from wounds, should not the best 
 skill and the most tender nursing wait upon and 
 attend him ? Fortunately, our people have so far 
 never failed in the most generous response to all such 
 demands upon them. 
 
 " We are not a martial nation, but no government 
 of the world can boast a more devoted, self-sacrificing, 
 
174 LESSONS OF HEEOIC LIVES 
 
 or patriotic citizenship than that which has estab- 
 lished and maintained our free institutions for the 
 past one hundred and nineteen years. Nor are we 
 a nation of hero worshipers, but the men who 
 fought and suffered from the Ee volution to the 
 Rebellion for independence, freedom, and union, 
 are devotedly cherished in memory by the Ameri- 
 can people. The soldiers of no other country in 
 the world have been crowned with such immortal 
 meed, or received at the hands of the people such 
 substantial evidences of national regard. Other 
 nations have decorated their great captains and 
 knighted their illustrious commanders ; monuments 
 have been erected to perpetuate their names ; 
 permanent and triumphal arches have been raised 
 to mark their graves. Nothing has been omitted 
 to manifest and make immortal their valorous 
 deeds. 
 
 "In the United States we not only honor our 
 great captains and illustrious commanders — the men 
 who led our vast armies to battle — but we shower 
 honors in equal measure upon all, irrespective of rank 
 in battle or condition at home. Our gratitude is of 
 that grand patriotic character which recognizes no 
 titles, permits no discrimination, subordinates all dis- 
 tinction ; and the soldier or sailor, whether of the 
 rank and file, the line or the staff, infantry, cavalry, 
 or artillery, on land or sea, who fought and fell for 
 liberty and union — indeed, all who served in the 
 great cause — are warmly cherished in the hearts and 
 
LESSONS OF HEROIC LIVES 175 
 
 are sacred to the memories of a great and generous 
 people. [Aj)plause.] 
 
 " From the verj commencement of the Civil AYar 
 we recognized the elevated patriotism of the rank 
 and file of the army, and their unselfish consecration 
 to the country, while subsequent years have only 
 served to increase our admiration for their sj^lendid 
 and heroic services. They enlisted in the army with 
 no expectation of promotion — not for the paltry pit- 
 tance of pay, not for fame or j)opular applause, for 
 their services, limvever efficient, were not to be 
 heralded abroad. i'hey entered the army moved 
 by the highest and j)urest motives of patriotism, 
 that no harm might befall the republic. While 
 detracting nothing from the fame of our matchless 
 leaders, we know that without that great army 
 of volunteers — the citizen soldiery — the brilliant 
 achievements of the war would not have been pos- 
 sible. They, my countrymen, were the great power, 
 the majestic and irresistible force. They stood be- 
 hind the strategic commanders, whose intelligence 
 and individual earnestness, guided by their genius, 
 gained the imperishable victories of the war. 
 
 " I would not withhold the most generous eulogy 
 from conspicuous soldiers, living or dead ; from the 
 leaders — Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Thomas, Meade, 
 Hancock, McClellan, Hooker, Howard, Logan, and 
 Garfield — who flame out the very incarnation of sol- 
 dierly valor and vigor before the eyes of the Ameri- 
 can people, who have an exalted rank in history, 
 
176 LESSOXS OF HEROIC LIVES 
 
 and fill a great 2:)lace in the hearts of their country- 
 men. We need not fear, my fellow- citizens, that 
 the great captains will be forgotten. No retrospect 
 of the war can be had, no history of the war can be 
 written, which shall omit the name of the gallant 
 Sheridan, who made the scene of Stonewall Jackson's 
 stronghold in the Shenandoah Valley his field of 
 glory ; and no contemplation of the war can be had 
 that shall pass unnoticed the name of the illustrious 
 Hancock, whose brilliant achievements at Gettysburg 
 and upon other noted fields covered him with fame. 
 And no history of this war can be written which will 
 omit the name of the glorious Sherman — that grand 
 old soldier who delved into the mountains at Chatta- 
 nooga and came out S2:>lendidly triumphant at the sea. 
 No, we can never forget that majestic triumvirate, nor 
 especially the great captain who commanded all the 
 grand military divisions of the grandest army of the 
 world — for Grant will be remembered forever. That 
 silent, sturdy soldier, who closed his lips on the word 
 * victory' at the Wilderness and refused to speak, but 
 fought it out on that line until the complete sur- 
 render at Appomattox, and who, while looking into 
 his own open grave, summed up in history the 
 matchless work of the Grand Army of the Ee- 
 public wrought under his glorious leadership. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 " Nor can any retrospect of the war be had which 
 shall omit the names of the gallant naval ofiicers who 
 contributed such distinguished service to the Uniorj 
 
LESSONR OF HEROIC LIVES 177 
 
 cause — Porter, Dalilgren, Goldsborough, DupoDt, 
 Foote, Aiumen, Rowan ; and, 
 
 " ' While old Ocean's bioast bears a white sail, 
 
 And God's soft stars at rest j^uide through the gale. 
 Men will ne'er thy name forget, heart of oak, 
 Farragut, Farragut, thunderbolt's stroke.' " 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 McKINLEY AND MONEY. 
 
 Nominated for Governor— The sound mone}^ battle— A full dollar— 
 Not willing to chance it— Two yard-sticks— Struggle against 
 inflation— A high compliment- Opposed to unlimited coinage 
 — Treasury Report. 
 
 IN 1889 James E. Campbell, in the Ohio Guber- 
 natorial race, defeated Joseph B. Foraker, who, 
 against his judgment, yielded to solicitations to 
 run for a third term, and when Campbell's term was 
 waning, he was nominated for re-election on a silver 
 platform. There were some timid people of the Repub- 
 lican persuasion who thought it would be disastrous 
 to nominate McKinley for Governor — he was so 
 "extreme" and "high" a protectionist, and could 
 not win in putting that before the people. McKinley 
 was nominated, however, and then came the crisis of 
 his career as a public man. He had become famous 
 in Congress, and he had to be Governor or step aside. 
 What did he do — evade the money question ? The 
 Democrats had presented themselves as for free and 
 unlimited coinage of silver. Did McKinley fail to 
 meet that issue ? On the contrary, he met it fairly 
 
 178 
 
McKII^LEY AND MONEY 179 
 
 and squarely. His opening speech in tliis campaign 
 of 1891 was at Niles, Ohio (his birthplace), August 
 22d, and he put the money question to the front, 
 saying : 
 
 "The Democratic platform declares for the free 
 and unlimited coinage of the silver of the world, to 
 be coined, as freely as gold is now, upon the same 
 terms and under the existing ratio. The platform of 
 the Republican party stands in opposition to any- 
 thing short of a full and complete dollar. The legis- 
 lation of the last Congress is the strongest evidence 
 which can be furnished of the purpose of the Repub- 
 lican party to maintain silver as money, and of its 
 resolution to keep it in use as part of our circulating 
 medium equal with gold. The law which the Re- 
 publican party put upon the statute books declares 
 the settled policy of the government to be 'to main- 
 tain the two metals upon a parity with each other 
 upon the present legal ratio, or such ratio as may be 
 provided by law.' 
 
 "The free and unlimited coinage of silver, demanded 
 by the Democratic Convention recently held in 
 Cleveland, amounts to this : That all the silver of the 
 world, and from every quarter of the world, can be 
 brought to the mints of the United States and coined 
 at the expense of the government ; that is, that the 
 mints of the United States must receive 41 2 J grains 
 of silver, which is now worth but 80 cents the world 
 over, and coin therefor a silver dollar, which, by the 
 fiat of the government, is to be received by the people 
 
180 McKINLEY AND MONEY 
 
 of the United States, and to circulate among them a» 
 worth a full dollar of 100 cents. 
 
 " The silver producer, whose 41 2 i grains of silver 
 are worth only 80 cents or less in the markets of 
 this country and the world, is thus enabled to 
 demand that the government shall take it at 100 
 cents. Will the government be as kind to the pro- 
 ducer of wheat, and pay him 20 cents more per 
 bushel than the market price? The silver dollar 
 now issued under a limited coinage has 80 cents of 
 intrinsic value in it, so accredited the world over ; 
 and the other 20 cents is legislative will — the mere 
 breath of Congress. That is, what the dollar lacks 
 of value to make it a perfect dollar Congress supplies 
 by public declaration, and holds the extra 20 cents 
 in the Treasury for its protection. The government, 
 buying the silver at its market value, takes to itself 
 the profit between the market value of 412^ grains 
 of silver and the face value of the silver dollar. 
 Now it is proposed to remove the limit and to make 
 the government coin, not for account of the Treasury, 
 but for the benefit of the silver mine-owner. 
 
 " It does not take a wise man to see that, if a 
 dollar worth only 80 cents intrinsically, coined with- 
 out limit, is made a legal tender to the amount of its 
 face value for the payment of all debts, public and 
 private, a legal tender in all business transactions 
 among the people, it will become in time the exclu- 
 sive circulating medium of the country. Gold, which 
 is 20 per cent, more valuable on every dollar, will 
 
McKINLEY AND MONEY iSl 
 
 not be paid out in any transactions in this country 
 when an 80-cent silver dollar will ansAver the pur- 
 pose. ISTor will the greenback be long in returning 
 to the Treasury for redemption in gold. We shall 
 do our business, therefore, with short dollars, rather 
 than with full dollars, as we are now doing. The 
 gold dollar will be taken from the circulating medium 
 of the country and hoarded, and the effect will be 
 that the circulating medium will not be increased, 
 but reduced to the extent of the gold circulating, 
 and we will be compelled to do the business of the 
 country with a silver dollar exclusively — which, 
 under present conditions, is confessedly the poorest — 
 instead of doing our business with gold and silver 
 and paper money, all equal and all alike good." 
 
 Governor McKinley quoted President Cleveland 
 and the Hon. M. D. Harter, a Democratic Kepresen- 
 tative in Congress, and proceeded : 
 
 " My competitor (Governor Campbell) has said in 
 his reported interviews that in sentiment, upon this 
 subject, ' The Democrats of Ohio are very much 
 divided ; that the vote in the convention was a very 
 close one.' This close vote only emphasizes the 
 danger of the free coinage declaration in the minds 
 of a large number of the Democrats in the State, but 
 enjoins the importance and necessity of the friends 
 of honest money standing together, as in all the 
 contests of the past they have been forced to stand 
 together for an honest currency. Governor Campbell 
 declared in one of his interviews that, while he had 
 
182 McKINLEY AND MON"EY 
 
 doubts about it, he was willing * to chance free and 
 unlimited coinage of silver.* I am not willing to 
 * chance ' it. Under present conditions the country 
 cannot afford to chance it. We cannot gamble with 
 anything so sacred as money, which is the standard 
 and measure of all values. I can imagine nothing 
 which would be more disturbing to our credit and 
 more deranging in our commercial and financial 
 affairs than to make this the dumping ground of the 
 world's silver. The silver producer might be bene- 
 fited, but the silver user never. If there is to be any 
 profit in the coinage of silver, it should go to the 
 government. It has gone to the government ever 
 since the Bland- Allison law went into effect. The 
 new declaration would take it from the government 
 and give it to the silver producer. 
 
 " Now, the people know that, if we had two yard- 
 sticks, one three feet in length and the other two and 
 a half feet in length, the buyer would always have 
 his goods measured to him by the shorter stick, and 
 that the longer stick would go into permanent disuse. 
 It is exactly so with money." 
 
 Major McKinley proceeded to argue that the 
 bondholders had been largely paid in 100-cent 
 dollars, and that the pensioners should not be paid 
 in depreciated dollars. He said of the struggle in 
 1867: 
 
 " When the attempt was made at that time by the 
 leaders of the party that now stands in opposition to 
 the Republican party to repudiate the debt to the 
 
Liu:.. .^lATTHEW STANLEY QUAY. 
 
HON. STEPHEN B. ELKINS. 
 
McKINLEY AND MONEY 185 
 
 bondholder, or pay it off in depreciated currency, 
 insisting that we never could pay it in full, the 
 soldiers stood with the party which represents good 
 faith to our creditors and the honorable payment of 
 every obligation, and swept back the tide of inflation 
 and repudiation. They said that the Union which 
 they saved from force should have no stain upon its 
 financial honor, but every debt it had contracted to 
 preserve the Union sliould be paid in the best coin 
 of the Republic, and every obligation should be 
 sacredly kept and observed. They w^ere willing to 
 wait for their pensions until the great money obliga- 
 tion was discharged. The government credit was 
 therefore sustained, and over two thousand millions 
 of that great debt has been paid off, not in a clipped 
 dollar, but in a full dollar. The positions are to-day 
 reversed." 
 
 In concluding this brancb of his subject. Major 
 McKinley spoke for Ohio in these clear and unmis- 
 takable terms, that are as pertinent to-day as then : 
 
 " Ohio has never in the past given her vote for a 
 debased currency, and she will not do so in the 
 future. When the country was wild for inflation — 
 in 1875 — under pressure of hard times (and they 
 were hard), the sober sense of the people of this 
 State, without regard of party, stemmed that awful 
 tide. The people of Oliio had more to do than any 
 other State or constituency of the Union in keeping 
 the nation uj^on the rock of honest finance and honest 
 currency. Thousands of Democrats helped in that 
 
186 McKINLEY AND MONEY 
 
 great struggle — not through their own party organi- 
 zation, hut hy leaving their party and joining with 
 the party which represented good faith and honest 
 dealing with the public creditor. They can take no 
 other course this year. And the j)eople of Ohio will 
 take no backward step." 
 
 In the campaign with Campbell there was a joint 
 debate at Ada, October 8th, when the questions at 
 issue had been thoroughly gone over, and McKinley, 
 describing the issues, said he projDOsed to occupy his 
 time with two of them — the question of silver (giving 
 it the first place again, it will be noticed), and the 
 other question was that of taxation. 
 
 This campaign is especially interesting in a study 
 of the Kepublican candidate for the Presidency, and 
 in view of the prominence given the question of 
 money standards. McKinley had been gerryman- 
 dered out of Congress by a Democratic Legislature, 
 because he was the champion protectionist — one of 
 the highest compliments he ever received. He was 
 decorated with the particular displeasure of the 
 Democracy, and, from their party point of view, de- 
 served it. The people of Ohio took him up for 
 enlarged public service, and the Democratic party 
 adopted a free-silver coinage platform. The greatei 
 distinction of McKinley was as a protectionist, but h^^ 
 met the silver issue forced by the action of the Dem- 
 ocratic party aggressively. At his opening and birth- 
 place speech in this most critical time of his fortunes, 
 he was prompt, thorough, and emphatic in his treat- 
 
McKINLEY AND MONEY 187 
 
 ment of money questions, and his remarks cannot be 
 read by one who understands the history and science 
 of money without admiration for the evidence that 
 McKinley has mastered the subject. He em2")loys 
 the right word every time to express his exact mean- 
 ing, and this precision of phrase is rare in the dis- 
 cussions of the standards. Announcing the matters 
 that were at issue between himself and Governor 
 Campbell, McKinley said there were two prominent 
 points, and " the one relates to the standard with 
 which we shall measure our exchanges and our labor 
 with each other and with the rest of the world, and 
 the other relates to the subject and the method of 
 taxation, by which we shall raise the needed revenues 
 for public purposes. 
 
 " The Hepublicans stood," the Major said, putting 
 the actual money question in one plain sentence, 
 "for a dollar worth one hundred cents," and he 
 added : 
 
 "You can buy to-day 371 i grains of pure silver, 
 which constitutes the silver dollar ; you can buy it 
 in the markets of the world to-day for 76 cents. 
 Free and unlimited coinage invites the silver pro- 
 ducers of the world to bring their 76 cents' worth of 
 silver to the mints of the United States, the govern- 
 ment agreeing to coin that silver into a silver dollar, 
 and by its fiat compels people to take it for 100 cents, 
 and the difference between 76 cents, which is the 
 price of silver to-day, and 100 cents, which is the 
 face value of the silver dollar, goes into the pockets 
 
188 McKINLEY AND MONEY 
 
 of the silver kings of the world ; and if we had had 
 free and unlimited coinage in the last twelve years 
 the $67,000,000, which was the seigniorage or gain 
 to the government, would have been divided among 
 the silver producers of this country and the silver 
 producers of the world. When we sell our labor or 
 our crops, we want to get for it a money that is as 
 good as the thing Ave gave for that money, and we 
 want the thing we get to be unvarying in value — not 
 only good to-day, but good every day of every week 
 of every year ; not only good in the United States, 
 but good where every trade goes. In a word, we 
 want no short dollar, we want no short weight, we 
 want no short measure. When the farmer sells his 
 bushel of wheat he is required to give a full bushel 
 in measure ; when he gets his pay he is entitled to 
 have a full dollar in value." 
 
 But it is said Governor McKinley once thought 
 well of the " double standard." Well, he and Gov- 
 ernor Campbell threshed that over together in their 
 debate, and this is what McKinley said directly upon 
 that subject : 
 
 " In 1877 I voted to reinstate the ancient silver dol- 
 lar a part of the coinage of the United States. Silver 
 had been stricken from our coinage in 1873 — stricken 
 by both political parties, the one just as responsible 
 as the other — and in 1878, being in favor of both 
 gold and silver as money, to be kept at parity one 
 with the other, I voted for the restoration of the 
 silver dollar. When I did it we had but 8,000,000 
 
McKINLEY AND MONEY 189 
 
 silver dollars in circulation. AVlien I did it silver 
 was more valuable than it is to-day. We have 405,- 
 000,000 silver dollars to-day, and that is as much as 
 we can maintain at par with gold with the price of 
 silver that prevails throughout the world. I took 
 every occasion to reinstate silver to its ancient place in 
 our monetary system, because I wanted both metals. 
 I am opposed to free and unlimited coinage, because 
 it means that we will be put upon a silver basis, and do 
 business with silver alone, instead of with gold, silver, 
 and paper money, with which we do the business o£ 
 the country to-day — every one of them as good as gold. 
 
 "I want to tell the workingmen here and the 
 farmers that it takes just as many blows of the 
 hammer, it takes just as many strokes of the pick, it 
 takes just as much digging, just as much sowing, and 
 just as much reaping to get a short dollar as it does 
 to get a full dollar. 
 
 " A one hundred-cent dollar will go out of circula- 
 tion alongside an eighty-cent dollar, which is a legal 
 tender by the fiat of the government. And no class 
 of people will suffer so much as the wage-earner and 
 the agriculturist. If it is the farmer you would 
 benefit, there is one way to do it. Make the bushel 
 measure with which he measures his wheat for the 
 buyer three pecks instead of four, and require the 
 buyer to pay as much for three pecks as he now 
 pays for four. No man knows what the future may 
 be, but in our jDresent condition, and with our 
 present light every consideration of safety require? 
 
190 McKIXLEY AND MONEY 
 
 us to hold our present status until tlie other great 
 nations shall agree to an international ratio." 
 
 There is no sounder, simpler, more wholesome 
 doctrine offered this day by any professional sound 
 money man than this. More than that, there is no 
 public man who speaks from liigher intelligence on 
 this subject. But they say Major McKinley was in 
 favor of the double standard, and we see those words 
 in large type and displayed as if they were criminal. 
 What he meant by the double standard he explained 
 in this luminous passage : 
 
 " I am not in favor of the free and unlimited 
 coinage of silver in the United States until the 
 nations of the world shall join us in guaranteeing 
 to silver a status which their laws now accord to 
 gold. The double standard implies equality at a 
 ratio, and that equality can only be established by 
 the concurrent law of the nations. It was the con- 
 current law of nations that made the double stand- 
 ard ; it will require the concurrent law to reinstate 
 and sustain it. Until then for us to decree free and 
 unlimited coinage of the world's silver would be to 
 ordain that our silver dollars must surely depreciate 
 and gold inevitably go to premium." 
 
 It has been much mentioned, and McKinley speaks 
 of it freely, that he voted to reinstate the ancient 
 silver dollar — and was for it until we had demon- 
 strated by coining four luindred millions and more, 
 that this nation could not alone, ^ind in opposition to 
 the great moneyed nations, reinstate silver Many 
 
McKINLEY AND MONEY 191 
 
 have deuounced this action who should know that if 
 it had not been for the coinage of silver by the 
 hundred millions, and the policy of the parity of the 
 precious metals insisted upon by the Republicans, the 
 silver flood would have broken over all bounds and 
 we should have been on the silver basis long ago. It 
 was the very policy McKinley stood for that pre- 
 vented our money from being Mexicanized. It was 
 right and true and strong then, and right and true 
 and strong now. 
 
 The Treasury report for May gives the following 
 figures of cash in the Treasury of the United States ; 
 
 Gold- 
 Coin $118,644,283 02 
 
 Bars 32,662,859 89 
 
 $151,307,142 91 
 
 Silver — 
 
 Dollars $376,572,499 00 
 
 Subsidiary Coin . 15,637,424 37 
 
 Bars 119,989,914 36 
 
 ■ $512,199,837 73 
 
 This would seem to show that there is a good deal 
 of bimetallism in our country. Of the full legal 
 tender " demonetized " silver dollars we have on 
 hand 376,644,283, forty-seven times the amount of 
 dollars coined under the free silver system in the 
 eighty years that it prevailed. That is the way this 
 precious metal has been refused its right, and rob- 
 bery of the people ensued. The silver storm still 
 rages, notwithstanding tliis demonstration that one 
 nation cannot restore silver except at an expense 
 that would be ruinous. It is clear, however, to the 
 calm and impartial student of our history, that with- 
 
193 McKINLEY AND MONEY 
 
 out this effort to reinstate silver when it stood almost 
 at a parity in the markets at the old ratio with gold, 
 the constant decline of the price of the white metal 
 would have been charged to the omission of the dol- 
 lar from the coinage orders — and all financial troubles 
 charged to the decline, and all the misfortunes of the 
 people traced to the same source — and the result 
 would have^been the overwhelming election of a free 
 silver President and Congress, and we would have 
 been Mexicanized as to money. 
 
 If McKinley did make the mistake in his friendli- 
 ness to silver of overvaluing it, he repeated an error 
 of Alexander Hamilton, who fixed the original ratio 
 in our coinage at 15 to 1. We have heard of the 
 crime of the century in the demonetization of silver. 
 Well, the man who first committed it was Thomas 
 Jefferson, and here is the record : 
 
 " Department of State, May 6, 1806. 
 " To Robert Patterson, Esq., Director of the Mint. 
 "Sir: In consequence of a representation from 
 the Director of the Bank of the United States that 
 considerable purchases have been made of dollars 
 coined at the mint for the purpose of exporting them, 
 and as it is probable that further purchases and ex- 
 portations will be made, the President directs that 
 the silvei coined at the mint-shall be of small denomi- 
 nations, so that the value of the largest pieces shall 
 not exceed half a dollar. I am, etc., 
 
 "James Madison/* 
 
McKINLEY AND MONEY 193 
 
 This was issued by President Jefferson. The coin- 
 age of dollars was stopped on this order for thirty 
 years. Many writers do not seem to have noticed 
 this, to give it full weight and consideration. Silver 
 was exported because it was the best money. 
 
 There was great difficulty also in keeping our gold 
 coin in use, and Thomas H. Benton said on the floor 
 of the Senate in 1834 : 
 
 " The valuation put upon gold has rendered the 
 mint of the United States, so far as the gold coinage 
 is concerned, a most ridiculous and absurd institu- 
 tion. It has coined, and that at a large expense to 
 the United States, 2,262,177 pieces of gold, worth 
 $11,852,890, and where are the pieces now? Not 
 one of them to be seen ! All sold and exported ! 
 And so regular is the operation that the Director of 
 the Mint, in his latest report to Congress, says that 
 the new-coined gold frequently remains in the mint 
 uncalled for, though ready for delivery, until the 
 day arrives for a packet to sail for Europe. He cal- 
 culates that two millions of native gold will be coined 
 annually hereafter, the whole of which, without a 
 reform of the gold standard, will be conducted, like 
 exiles, from the national mint to the seashore and 
 transported to foreign regions." 
 
 This was followed by the law that reduced the 
 quantity of gold li grains to the dollar. It will be 
 observed that we had about as much trouble with 
 gold as with silver coin. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE MONEY STANDARD QUESTIONS. 
 
 Bow t .c! Money Standard Questions have been settled in and by the 
 Republican party -Silver legislation in brief— How tlie country 
 was saved from the silver standard— John Sherman and Wil- 
 liam McKinley have marched together— The Hon, Charles 
 Emory Smith's exposition of this question— The unexampled 
 supply of gold is solving the money questions for the people 
 and abolishing this issue. 
 
 THE money questions have been settled by the 
 Republican party, and the standard of 
 sound money is like the flag of the country, 
 established, and the credit of the nation fixed. There 
 was no compromise in the peace of Appomattox and 
 there has been none in the resumption of specie 
 payments which marked the restoration of the public 
 solvency. Republican policy has provided a national 
 currency of paper, silver, and gold, equal' in volume 
 to the wants of the people, and all good as gold. 
 There was a powerful movement at the close of the 
 war to enlarge the greenback issues and extend the 
 limit of paper of that character to cover all the 
 bonded obligations of the government, but the 
 greenback was made as ^ood as gold, and then th<^ 
 
 194 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 195 
 
 stress of the passionate green paper illusion passed 
 away. 
 
 The silver question took form when the country, 
 under strong and wise guidance, approached resump- 
 tion. It was then ascertained that we had partici- 
 pated so far in an international plan to employ the 
 money of resumption and secure the advantage of 
 uniformity in coin to facilitate the intercourse of 
 nations, as to omit from the mint regulations the 
 coinage of the silver dollar — our only white metal 
 coin of full legal tender value — and there was a for- 
 midable tendency to retain the standing of silver in the 
 mints without limitation. Silver had been " coin," 
 in the meaning of the laws and contracts, through 
 the war, and when the bonds were issued — especially 
 when s})ecie payments had been suspended — and 
 there was an impressive propriety that " gold and 
 silver" should be "coin," when we resumed coin 
 payments, the same as when they were suspended. 
 There was but little variation then between the 
 mint and market value of the two precious metals at 
 their old familiar ratio of 15 J to 1 in Europe and 
 16 to 1 in the United States, and the matter did not 
 seem to be momentous. The fall of silver had set 
 in, caused by the sale of silver in Germany, to estab- 
 lish the gold standard, and the enormous silver pro- 
 duction in Nevada. The general judgment — at least 
 of those who had not been profound students or 
 business experts in money — was that if we replaced 
 silver at the mints the value of the metal in the 
 
196 THE MONEY STA^^DARD 
 
 markets would advance to our ratio. This view of 
 the case was at first taken by Major McKinley, but 
 he supported the Allison amendment of the Bland 
 bill, which was not to have " free " coinage of silver 
 dollars, but forced — commanded — coinage, not less 
 than two or more than four millions per month. 
 Unquestionably this movement, originating with Mr. 
 Allison in the Senate and supported by Mr. McKin- 
 ley in the House, saved the country from the free 
 coinage of silver, and, therefore, the silver standard ! 
 John Sherman was Secretary of the Treasury, and 
 coined the minimum sum — two millions a month. 
 He advised against the veto of the measure by Presi- 
 dent Hayes, suggesting that he should allow the bill 
 to become a law without his approval, as he had 
 conscientious scruples against attaching his signature. 
 The bill was passed over the President's veto, and 
 the continued fall of silver — while we coined over 
 four hundred millions of white dollars — was an 
 object lesson most convincing that the United 
 States could not alone restore silver as a standard 
 money of the world. 
 
 We reached the point that it was necessary to stop 
 the free coinage of silver or accept the silver standard, 
 and we stopped, pledging ourselves to maintain the 
 parity of the two money metals, and there we are 
 now, and, like France, the great bimetallic country, 
 we uphold silver as a money metal by the limitation 
 of the coinage and the direct application of the 
 public credit. 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 197 
 
 Major McKinley has stood with Secretary and 
 Senator John Sherman with unfaltering courage and 
 unshaken fidelity throughout this contest, and was 
 conspicuous in it for his perfect understanding of the 
 general situation, his intelligence as to the principles 
 involved and applied, and his exact information in 
 details. There is no better record for honest dealing 
 with all the people on all the questions of sound 
 money, first and last, than his. 
 
 One of the most frank, instructive, and luminous 
 discussions of the silver question has been supplied 
 by the Hon. Charles Emory Smith, of Philadelphia, 
 and is as follows : 
 
 What is Free Coinage? 
 
 BY HON. CHARLES EMORY SMITH. 
 
 "We meet again the demand for independent, free, 
 and unlimited coinage without regard to other nations. 
 To this demand I now address myself What is free 
 coinage? The standard silver dollar is now worth 
 about fifty cents. Free coinage means that the govern- 
 ment shall receive all the silver which may be pre- 
 sented, and upon every fifty cents' worth put the 
 stamp of one dollar. As nobody, however, expects it 
 to be coined, it really means that the government shall 
 issue its note for one dollar in exchange for fifty 
 cents' worth of bullion, and that this note which the 
 favored bullion owner gets for fifty cents' worth of 
 his commodity shall be made a legal tender for one 
 
198 THE MONEY STANDAED 
 
 dollar in current circulation. Now, what would be 
 the result? It would be a forced circulation of a 
 dollar worth one half its face. It would be the 
 debasement of the unit of value, and so the violent 
 disturbance of all values. It would be the destruc- 
 tion of stability, and so the overthrow of confidence, 
 security, and prosperity. 
 
 Let me be entirely frank. I know the advocates 
 of free coinage claim that their measure would raise 
 (Silver to the standard of gold, or perhaps they would 
 prefer to put it, reduce gold to the standard of silver 
 — that, in a word, it would establish parity. They 
 point to the fact that the silver or silver certificates 
 already in circulation have been kept at par at the 
 ratio of 16 to 1, notwithstanding a far different market 
 ratio. This is true, because we have limited the coin- 
 age or purchase, because we have maintained the 
 gold reserve, because we have pledged the whole 
 credit and power of the government to sustain parity. 
 But when we enter upon unlimited coinage, under 
 present conditions, we embark upon a new and danger- 
 ous sea. The free silver champions contend that our 
 silver policy has failed, because we haven't gone far 
 enough, and they insist that free coinage would bridge 
 the divergence and remove the disparity of the two 
 metals. There is no other pretense upon which it 
 can be defended for a single instant. If it does not 
 establish the equivalence of gold and silver at the 
 determined ratio it is rank repudiation and dishonor. 
 It is the willful adoption of the debased standard 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 199 
 
 and the compulsory circulation of a depreciated 
 dollar, with its robbery of labor, its unsettlemeut of 
 ail values, its derangement of all finance and trade, 
 and its incalculable wrong and dangers in every 
 direction. 
 
 But what possible hoj)e can there be, in the light 
 of the facts already before us, that free coinage will 
 re-establish parity ? It was claimed just as confi- 
 dently that the Purchase Act of 1890 would do it. 
 What was the fact ? Its first temporary effect was to 
 raise silver so that the bullion value of a dollar 
 which was 74 cents in 1890 advanced for a short 
 time to 84 cents ; but it soon dropjDcd back to 72 
 cents, and has been falling ever since. We were 
 then buying pretty nearly the entire silver product 
 of this country. It must be remembered, too, that 
 India, the great sink of silver in the East, was still 
 under free coinage. While we were coining or 
 purchasing nearly $600,000,000 of silver India was 
 coining over |G00,000,U00, and during all this time, 
 and in spite of this great market, silver kept on fall- 
 ing. India has since stopped her free coinage, and 
 how, then, can we hope to do alone what the two to- 
 gether could not do ? 
 
 Do you realize what free coinage by the United 
 States alone itivolves ? It involves one of two things 
 — either the lifting up of the entire volume of silver 
 in the world to the standard of gold, or else the 
 dragging down of the United States to the single 
 standard of silver. There is no possible escape from 
 
200 THE MONEY STAND AED 
 
 one horn or the other of this dilemma. The visible 
 stock of silver in the world is about $4,000,000,000. 
 Europe has over $1,000,000,000. The product of 
 the United States in 1893 was 60,000,000 ounces. 
 The annual product of the world has grown from an 
 average of 40,000,000 ounces, between 1860 and 1870, 
 to an aggregate of 160,000,000 ounces. For the 
 United States alone to enter upon free coinage means 
 that we must stand ready to buy all of this vast stock 
 that may be attracted by our open hand and open 
 mint, and that, while it is now at a ratio of 32 to 1, 
 we must undertake the stupendous and impossible 
 task of lifting it to equivalence with gold at the ratio 
 of 16 to 1. It means not only that we shall stimu- 
 late and inflate our own product, but that Europe 
 will dump its surplus silver on us. I know the silver 
 extremists deny this truth. I know they allege that 
 the silver of Europe is in use as coin and that it 
 could not be sent here without a loss. But this answer 
 will not bear examination, as a moment's considera- 
 tion will show. 
 
 Ever since bimetallism was abandoned Europe has 
 been struggling for gold. With the adoption of in- 
 dependent free coinage in this country that struggle 
 would gain new force, because it would be notice that 
 the re-establishment of bimetallism had been indefi- 
 nitely postponed. The Bank of France has $250,- 
 000,000 of silver, not in circulation, but locked up 
 in its vaults. The Bank of Germanv has over 
 $150,000,000. The Bank of Spain has about $50,- 
 
HON. CHAS. EMORY SMITH 
 (Ex-Minister to Russia.) 
 
HO.N. LK\'L P. MOKTOxN. 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 203 
 
 000,000, the Bank of the Netherlands $35,000,000, 
 and others varying amounts. There are over $450,- 
 000,000 stored in nine banking houses. This silver 
 is worth nothing to them beyond its bullion value. 
 It serves as a part of the metallic reserve for their 
 paj3er money ; but they could better sustain more 
 paper on gold, and if they could make the substitu- 
 tion by sending this silver to the United States and 
 exchanging it for gold, why wouldn't they do it ? 
 Let me give you commanding authority. Henry 
 Cernuschi is the ablest champion in Europe of the 
 restoration of silver and the recognized leader of the 
 bimetallists. In his pamphlet on " The Great 
 Metallic Powers " he says : "As soon as the coinage 
 of silver by the United States was free, Europe 
 would act toward the United States just as Germany 
 acted toward France, so long as France coined silver. 
 Euroj^e would demonetize large masses of silver and 
 send them to Philadelphia to get them made into 
 dollars, with which dollars she would get gold 
 dollars despatched to her." And again : " Why 
 is not the coinage of silver free in France? 
 Because, were the coinage free, all the gold 
 would emigrate, and France, deprived of gold, 
 would no longer have a monetary medium, either 
 with England, or with Germany, or with the 
 United States. Very venturesome would be 
 those who should recommend the United States 
 of America to undertake single-handed what 
 France will undertake only triple-handed." Wis© 
 
£04 THE MONEY STANDARD 
 
 counsel and admonition from the greatest of the 
 friends of silver ! 
 
 Let me add another impressive warning. And in 
 order to make it specific will you pardon a personal 
 allusion, and a statement which I have never publicly- 
 made before, and in making which at the present 
 time I hoj^e I am not altogether indiscreet. In 1890 
 when the bill for the free coinage of silver was pend- 
 ing in the United States Seuate, I had the honor of 
 being the American Minister at St. Petersburg. The 
 E-ussian Minister of Finance was Mr. Vishnegradski, 
 who died a few days since — a statesman of extra- 
 ordinary capacity, and perhaps the ablest Finance 
 Minister in Europe at the time. I had occasion one 
 day to call upon him, and I found him with a copy 
 of the American free coinage silver bill, then under 
 debate in the Senate, lying open on the table before 
 him. His first expressions revealed his profound in- 
 terest in the subject. He had studied the details of 
 the bill to the minutest particular. He did not hesi- 
 tate to pronounce it a most remarkable measure, in- 
 volving a most disastrous policy, which, as a friend of 
 the United States and of safe finance, he hoped she 
 would not undertake. He inquired carefully after 
 its prospects, and then in earnest words came the 
 pregnant climax, which, as others were involved, I 
 shall not in this public declaration venture to repeat 
 in as specific a form as he gave it in that more confi- 
 dential talk. But he said in substance : " If this bill 
 becomes a law the United States will expose herself 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 205 
 
 to dangers of which she has perhaps little idea ; there 
 is a great deal of silver in Europe ; we have some in 
 Kussia ; already the proposition has been made to me 
 to join in a movement, in the event of the American 
 adoption of free coinage, to unload a part of Europe's 
 silver on the United States ; but I believe this measure 
 and this action would bring calamity, and I hope the 
 United States will make no such mistake." It was 
 the clear vision and the weighty remonstrance of a 
 statesman looking on with the truer perspective of 
 distance, and speaking with direct personal knowl- 
 edge of dangers which the silver extremists profess 
 to scout and deride. 
 
 With free coinage the surplus silver of the world 
 would flow toward our shores as infallibly as the 
 dropping apple seeks the ground. It would flow here 
 because this would be its one great market at a price 
 not offered anywhere else. Eealizing the danger of 
 this deluge, some of the silver radicals have proposed 
 to limit free coinage to the American product. But 
 none of the free coinage bills has ever embraced that 
 limitation. And if you tried it how could you do it ? 
 With a temporary artificial and exaggerated price 
 here, how could you prevent foreign silver from 
 finding its way across our borders, as it has done in 
 the past ? Besides, suppose it were possible to suc- 
 ceed in such a restriction, that would not be free 
 coinage at all. It would not lift silver in the 
 markets of the world ; it would not remove the dis- 
 parity between the two metals ; it would not. there- 
 
206 THE MONEY STANDAED 
 
 fore^ carry the only condition upon which free coin- 
 age could possibly be justified ; it would simply 
 enable anybody who has fifty cents' worth of silver 
 bullion to take it to the mint and have it stamped 
 one hundred cents, or take it to the Treasury, which 
 would issue its note for it and force you and me to 
 receive it for a dollar. Are the American people 
 ready for that amazing folly ? 
 
 Free coinage, I repeat, means that we must be pre- 
 pared to buy the silver of the world. What would 
 be the effect ? Gold coinage would immediately stop. 
 Who would bring gold to be coined when it was 
 undervalued one half? We should pay for the great 
 influx of domestic and foreign silver in notes redeem- 
 able in coin. The notes would be presented and gold 
 demanded. If gold were paid by the Treasury, how 
 long under this great demand would the reserve last ? 
 If gold were refused we should be instantly on the 
 silver basis, and the Treasury notes and the whole 
 circulation of the United States would fall to the 
 silver level. Under such conditions gold and silver 
 would not circulate side by side. Gold would go to 
 a premium. Every dollar would be locked up or 
 exported. The government, stripped of its gold, 
 would be forced to pay its creditors in silver, and 
 that payment would reduce us at once to the silver 
 standard. There is thus, under free coinage, no 
 escape from one of the two alternatives, either 
 that we must by our action alone raise the silver 
 of the world to the gold standard, which is mani- 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 207 
 
 festly impossible, or we must drop to the silver 
 standard. 
 
 This, then, being clear, we come to the next ques- 
 tion. What does the silver standard mean and what 
 would be its effect ? This question involves such 
 broad considerations and such tremendous conse- 
 quences that time will permit me to touch on only a 
 few of them. The silver dollar is now intrinsically 
 worth fifty cents. It passes for a dollar because, by 
 limited coinage and full exchangeability, the gov- 
 ernment has kept it at par with gold. Under free 
 coinage it would be worth whatever the world should 
 rate the silver in it as worth. It might be fifty 
 cents ; it might be more ; it might be less. It would 
 follow all the fluctuations of a varying commodity, 
 going up with the demand and going down after the 
 deluge. It would still be called a dollar, but only 
 because the real dollar unit of value had been ex- 
 pelled ; and it would be a dollar in fact just as much 
 as if we were to lock up all the present yard-sticks 
 and were to make a new unit of length consisting of 
 a foot and a half, and were to assume that calling it 
 a yard would make it a yard. If it takes ten yards 
 of cloth now to make a robe, ten yards under the 
 new unit would leave the costume decidedly decollete! 
 Wage-earners might receive as many nominal dollars 
 as before, but the purchasing power of the dollar 
 would measurably be cut in two. The Mexican 
 dollar contains more silver than the American dollar : 
 y«t the American silver dollar will buy twice as 
 
208 THE MOXET STANDARD 
 
 much in Mexico as the Mexican silver dollar. The 
 American silver dollar is quoted in London at 100 
 cents and the Mexican silver dollar at about 50 
 cents. Why? Because Mexico has free silver 
 coinage and we have not ; because Mexico is on the 
 silver basis and we are not. But the free coinage 
 advocates would put us there, and so put our dollar 
 down to the level of the Mexican dollar. 
 
 The serious menace of such a change would bring 
 on a great financial convulsion, and its accomplish- 
 ment would involve a complete economic revolution. 
 It was the a^^prehension of going to the silver stand- 
 ard that largely caused the monetary panic of 1893, 
 and any real impending danger of such a catastrophe 
 would produce a financial cataclysm that is appalling 
 to contemplate. It would excite alarm at home and 
 abroad ; it would tumble our American securities 
 back upon us ; it would dry up the springs of credit, 
 restrict loans, paralyze enterprise, cripple trade and 
 industry, halt investments, and repeat on a larger 
 scale the bitter experience of that disastrous crisis of 
 two summers ago. Even if the silver standard pre- 
 sented the advantages which some extremists profess 
 to think, the pathway to it would be strewn with too 
 many wrecks and darkened with too much sorrow 
 and sadness to be prudently undertaken. 
 
 But suppose, running these risks and making these 
 sacrifices, we had plunged to the silver standard, 
 what then ? Practical object lessons are more vivid 
 and convincing than theoretical discussions. Let ua 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 209 
 
 take a few ol)ject lessons. The amount of deposits in 
 the savings banks of the United States is |l,747,- 
 961,280, and the number of depositors 4,777,687. 
 The average to each dej)Ositor is $365.86. The silver 
 standard means that on an average every one of these 
 nearly five million people deposited |365, each dollar 
 worth 100 cents in gold, and would draw out |365 
 in silver, each worth 50 cents. The savings of the 
 working people of Pennsylvania go largely into 
 building and loan associations. Nevertheless, there 
 are in this State 248,244 saving bank depositors, with 
 an aggregate deposit of |66,025,821, and an average 
 individual deposit of $265.97. The silver standaid 
 means that every one of these 248,244 Pennsylva- 
 nians put in 265 hard-earned 100-cent dollars, and 
 would draw out 265 50-cent dollars. 
 
 Pennsylvania has 1,239 building associations, 
 with assets amounting to $103,943,364, and a total 
 membership of 272,580. All of these members are, in 
 their organized capacity, lenders, and each is in turn 
 a borrower. Each is a capitalist, and belongs to the 
 much-denounced " creditor class " to the extent of 
 $381. These associations received last year $43,432,- 
 686, and divided $12,933,970. The whole system 
 depends on the value of the assets in the shape of 
 mortgages, and collapses unless that is sustained. 
 On the silver basis these 272,580 persons, all wage- 
 earners, would find their $103,943,364 cut in two, 
 and the only persons who would get any compen- 
 sation would be the fraction of borrowers at that 
 
210 THE MONEY STANDAED 
 
 particular time. Take another illustration. The 
 aggregate pension disbursements last year were 
 $140,772,163.78, and the number of j)ensioners 
 969,544, of whom 754,382 are the gallant invalid 
 veteran defenders of their country, and 215,162 
 are the widows or orphans of Union soldiers. The 
 payment to each pensioner thus averaged $144. 
 The number of pensioners on the roll of the pen- 
 sion office at Philadelphia is 57,749, and at Pitts- 
 burg 45,774, a total of 103,523 — nearly a ninth of 
 the whole number in the Union. Under the silver 
 standard the $144 going on an average to each of 
 these nearly million pensioners would be 50-cent 
 dollars, Avorth 72 real dollars. 
 
 Take still another and impressive illustration. 
 On January 1st, 1894, the life insurance policies in 
 this country numbered 7,505,817, representing insur- 
 ance of $5,291,824,900, and assets of $919,310,131. 
 Considering wealth and population together, at least 
 an eighth of this insurance is held in Pennsylvania, 
 or say 1,000,000 policies — sometimes more than one 
 for the same person — representing $650,000,000 of 
 insurance and $120,000,000 of assets. The average 
 amount of a policy is $700, and so the great mass of 
 policy-holders are persons of moderate means. The 
 security for the ]3ayment of this vast insurance is 
 two-fold : first, existing assets, either mortgages or 
 shares and bonds, and their value or income would 
 be cut in two by going to the silver basis ; second, 
 fixed annual premium payments, and their purchash 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 811 
 
 ing power in investments would be halved, since the 
 amount was fixed on the gold basis and would be 
 paid on tlte silver basis. On life insurance assets 75 
 per cent, are mortgages or shares and bonds, and 
 this colossal contract for the future, involving in 
 Pennsylvania alone nearly 1,000,000 policies and 
 $650,000,000 of insurance, would, by the silver stand- 
 ard, be depreciated one-half in value. 
 
 There is yet another and momentous danger. 
 The amount of American securities owned abroad is 
 generally placed at about $2,000,000,000. Speaking 
 in the House of Commons in 1893 of the volume of 
 British investments outside of the United Kingdom 
 Mr. Gladstone said: "One thousand million pounds 
 would probably be an extremely low and inade- 
 quate estimate. Two thousand millions — that is, 
 in round numbers, ten thousand million dollars — 
 or something even more than that, is very likely to 
 be nearer the mark." Burdett's Official Intelli- 
 gencer for 1894 places the aggregate of foreign secu- 
 rities held by British investors, based on the income 
 tax returns, at $3,819,035,000. The United States has 
 one-half the railroads and telegrajohs of the world, 
 and it has a fifth of the British foreign trade. It 
 is, therefore, a reasonable presumption that some 
 fraction between a fifth and a half of the British 
 foreign holdings are American — some figure between 
 $800,000,000 and $1,900,000,000. Add other Euro- 
 pean holdings and the aggregate will reach $2,000,- 
 000,000 or over, on which from $60,000,000 to 
 
213 THE MONEY STANDAED 
 
 $100,000,000 are annually paid in dividends and 
 interest. This amount is now paid in dollars, worth 
 in London 100 cents. On the silver basis it would 
 be i^aid in dollars, worth in London 50 cents. Under 
 such circumstances, how long would it be before 
 these securities would be jorecipitated uj^on our 
 market with all the consequences of such a move- 
 ment? 
 
 The stock of the Pennsylvania Railroad aggre- 
 gates $129,289,000. Of this amount forty-six per 
 cent., or about $60,000,000, is held abroad. Imagine 
 the effect of having even a half of this vast propor- 
 tion or a quarter of all the shares of the Pennsylvania 
 thrown on tlie market ! This would be inevitable 
 unless the dividends were paid in gold, and to do 
 that would require either doubling the amount set 
 apart or halving the dividends. Not a few bonds are 
 made specifically payable in gold. In every such 
 case it would take just as much money to j^ay the 
 premium on gold as would be available for the divi- 
 dend or interest. The effect on all railroads may be » 
 shown by a single illustration. The Illinois Central 
 pays five per cent, dividends. This takes $2,500,000. 
 Last year the road had $2,963,275 available, leaving 
 a surplus of $463,275. Of the stock about forty per 
 cent, is held abroad. To pay the foreign stock- 
 holders requires $1,000,000. If they are paid in 
 gold $2,000,000 would be required, and so the whole 
 dividend must be cut down. If they are paid in 
 silver the value abroad will be cut in two and the 
 
THE MONEY ST^^'\>AKD 213 
 
 foreign holder will sell. How can such a situation 
 fail to bring a crash ? 
 
 These are a few illustrations of what ia"^]ated free 
 coinage and the silver standard involve. But it is 
 claimed that if we were on the silver basis we should 
 enjo}'' great advantages in foreign commerce and 
 command the trade of the silver countries. We 
 should, indeed, 2>ut ourselves financially ui^on the 
 level of Mexico, and China, and India, but with what 
 result ? The imports of the gold standard countries 
 amount to over $8,000,000,000 a year, and those of 
 the silver standard countries to less than $1,000,- 
 000,000. Tlie exports of the gold standard countries 
 reach annually $7,000,000,000, and those of the silver 
 standard countries only $1,000,000,000. AVhy should 
 we abandon the advantages of the former in a struggle 
 for the latter ? 
 
 During the last fiscal year our exports to Europe 
 amounted to $690,000,000, and our imports te 
 $274,600,000. Here was a balance in our favor of 
 $415,000,000, which was paid or credited to us ii! 
 gold value. During the same time our exports tc 
 the silver countries amounted to $42,000,000 and 
 our imports to $170,000,000, Here was a balance 
 against us of $128,000,000. We should continue 
 to pay this sum in silver, or its equivalent, as we 
 do now ; but why should we be so idiotic as to 
 put ourselves on the silver basis in order that Europe 
 may pay us $415,000,000 a year in silver values in- 
 stead of gold values ? Why should we upset our 
 
214 THE MONEY STANDARD 
 
 monetary medium with the great commercial nations, 
 and subject our commerce to the incalculable tax and 
 burden and depression of a constantly uncertain and 
 fluctuating exchange ? 
 
 We liear men t.alk loosely of the debtor class and 
 the creditor class, and flippantly reason that so- 
 called " cheap money " would help debtors at the 
 expense of creditors. AVho are the debtors and 
 who are tlie creditors ? The creditors are every 
 depositor in a savings bank, every member of a 
 Building Association, every pensioner, every holder 
 of an insurance policy, every workingman who has 
 saved anything out of his earnings and put it into 
 institutions or investments, dependent upon public 
 security and honesty. Borrowing requires credit. 
 It is the well-ofl", not the poor, who borrow most. 
 The borrowers will be found more on the stock- 
 market than on the farm or in the workshop. If a 
 man seeks loans for legitimate enterprise or needed 
 development, he is most interested in maintaining 
 the public credit and confidence, which makes easy 
 terms and low rates. What he wants is not cheap 
 money, but cheap loans. Repudiation is most costly 
 to borrowers. It multiplies the risks and hardens 
 the conditions. Depreciate the unit of value and 
 you cheat every member of the industrial classes. 
 Tlie great body of workingmen would be the worst 
 sufferers. Prices on a silver basis would advance, 
 because they would be paid in debased money, but 
 the last thing to rise would be the wages of labor, 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 215 
 
 and the sons of toil, to whom the false appeal is most 
 cunningly made, should be the most determined to 
 resist and reject it. 
 
 The depreciated currency, which is called '' cheap 
 money," but which, in reality, is the de^irest, is the 
 most insidious and deadly of all public perils. It 
 deceives and deludes the unwary. It comes in at- 
 tractive guise. It is, as has been said, like the cub 
 of the lioness, described by the Greek poet, which 
 was rashly taken by the hunter into liis house. 
 When it was young it was fondled by the chiklren ; 
 but when it grew and felt its strength it deluged the 
 house with blood. There are those who unthink- 
 ingly fondle this young financial folly ; but let it de- 
 velop, and it will fill the country with sorrow and 
 ruin. The dangers of the silver delusion are so 
 clear that some of the extremists recoil from the 
 abyss. They tell us they have not advoc^ated indp- 
 pendent free coinage. I do not wonder that they 
 shrink from their own conclusion. But their record 
 confronts them. They have voted for free coinage. 
 They have sustained and upheld those v»"ho voted for 
 it. They have denounced those who did not accept 
 it. Their argument means free silver coinage, or it 
 means nothing. If they renounce the conclusion let 
 them renounce the contention. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL BIMETALLISM. 
 
 What, then, is the true remedy ? To find the 
 remedy we must find the cause. The fiee coinage 
 
216 THE MOJ^TEY STA^DAED 
 
 extremists mistake the one, and so misapply the 
 other. They begin wrong, argue wrong, and end 
 wrong. They charge the fall of silver to the Act of 
 1873, which is said to have demonetized it, and they 
 say it has not been restored to its position because 
 we have not done enough for it. But the Act of 
 1873 had no more to do with the fall of silver .than 
 the last eclipse of the moon. We hadn't any silver 
 to demonetize. We had coined only 8,000,000 
 silver dollars from the foundation of the govern- 
 ment, and for a quarter of a century before 1873 
 there hadn't been a dollar in circulation. As to 
 our subsequent treatment of silver, I have shown 
 that since 1873 we have done seventy-two times 
 as much for the silver dollar as we did in all our 
 previous history, and in spite of this silver kept on 
 falling. 
 
 What has caused the great monetary dislocation 
 of the past twenty years? It was not the demone- 
 tization of silver in the United States, but the over- 
 throw of bimetallism in Europe. We had practi- 
 cally no silver coinage, and our act had no effect. 
 Europe had $1,000,000,000 of silver coinage, and 
 her proscription of silver and the stoppage of her 
 demand brought the derangement. For nearly two 
 hundred years gold and silver had maintained a prac- 
 tically steady ratio. The production of the t-wo 
 metals had fluctuated in the most remarkable degree. 
 During the first forty-five years of this century the 
 output of silver enormously exceeded that of gold. 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 317 
 
 During the next twenty-five years the conditions 
 were reversed, and the output of gold enormously 
 exceeded that of silver. Within the quarter of a 
 century following 1850 the mines of the world 
 poured forth as much gold as during the entire pre- 
 ceding three centuries and a half from the discovery 
 of America by Columbus. 
 
 Yet through these extraordinary changes in the 
 relative quantity of gold and silver there was sub- 
 stantially no change in their relative value. The 
 steadying influence was the bimetallic system. Not 
 all of the nations, indeed, had bimetallism. Eng- 
 land had the gold standard ; Germany and Austria 
 had the silver standard ; France and her associates 
 of the Latin Union had the bimetallic standard ; and 
 with Germany's silver balancing England's gold, 
 France and the nations of the Latin Union served as 
 what Walter Bagehot called "equalizing machines," 
 and upheld the monetary equilibrium. Li 1871, 
 two years before our much-abused and unimportant 
 Act of 1873, Germany abandoned the silver and 
 adopted the gold standard, and began to accumulate 
 gold and sell her silver coin. AVithin seven years 
 she sold 1150,000,000 worth, which flowed across the 
 borders of France and Belgium. France and the 
 Latin Union became alarmed and closed their mints 
 to silver. Holland and other nations followed. The 
 European outlet for silver was cut ofl". At the same 
 time the imports of silver into India fell from 100,- 
 000,000 rupees a year to 30,000,000. While the 
 
218 THE MONEY STAN"DARD 
 
 demand was thus largely reduced the supply was 
 largely increased. The annual production of silver 
 was more than doubled just as this restriction of its 
 use began, and it kept on until it was more than 
 quadrupled. 
 
 Here then is the cause of the monetary disturb- 
 ance and here lies the remedy. The uniformity in 
 the relative value of gold and silver prior to 1873 
 was maintained by the bimetallic system ; it was 
 broken by the general abandonment of that policy ; 
 and it can only be reinstated by a general return. 
 The restoration of silver must come through the 
 concurrent action of the commercial nations. The 
 enlightened opinion of the world recognizes these 
 truths. The entire twelve members of the British 
 Gold and Silver Commission agreed that it was the 
 bimetallic system which preserved the stable ratio 
 between gold and silver down to 1873. The six 
 gold monometallist members agreed that bimetallism 
 is practical and desirable for other nations though 
 they hesitated to recommend it for England. The 
 remaining six members declared themselves unre- 
 servedly for bimetallism by international agreement. 
 Germany, perceiving the great mistake she made in 
 1871, has declared for an international conference. 
 England, impelled by the distress among her pro- 
 ducing classes, is advancing toward this policy. 
 France has been for it from the beginning. The 
 depression of Europe urges it. 
 
 The palpable advantages of bimetallism are gain- 
 
MARK HANNA. 
 
HON. C. H. GROSVENOR. 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 221 
 
 ing ground for it every day. It broadens the mone- 
 tary basis of credit and enlarges the stock of available 
 sound money. It establishes monetary unity. It 
 makes an approximately fixed par of exchange be- 
 tween gold and silver countries. It promotes stability 
 of values. It minimizes the evils of an appreciating 
 metal on the one hand or of a depreciating metal on 
 the other. The restoration of this system is the 
 restoration of silver, and as its collapse was inter- 
 national so its rehabilitation must be international. 
 
 What is our true American policy ? We do not 
 want to rest upon gold alone or upon silver alone. 
 We want the joint use of the two metals upon con- 
 ditions which will make every dollar as good as every 
 other dollar in the pockets of the people, and in the 
 markets of the world. We want the re-establisli- 
 ment on a broader scale of that bimetallic system 
 which for seventy years, through the severest strains, 
 through periods when the silver output was three 
 times as great in value as the gold, and through 
 periods when the gold output was nearly five times 
 as great as the silver, still kept them at a stable ratio 
 and maintained the monetary equilibrium of the 
 nations. To accomplish this result it is our duty to 
 set our faces like adamant against the independent 
 free coinage which would indefinitely postpone bi- 
 metallism and simply jDlunge us upon the silver 
 basis. We ought to learn from our own experience. 
 We have done more to promote the growth in Europe 
 of a demand for international bimetallism since w© 
 
223 THE MONEY STAKDAED 
 
 stopped the purchase of silver in 1893 than we did 
 during all the years when we were buying $600,- 
 000,000 of silver. So long as we alone were carrying 
 the burden Europe smiled and remained passive. 
 When we had sense enough to stop Europe began to 
 be aroused to the necessity of action. 
 
 Let us emphasize that lesson. Let us say to 
 Europe by our acts as well as by our words : " We 
 desire international bimetallism ; we believe the 
 business of the world will be better for the broadest 
 use of both metals, but the initiative now rests with 
 you." 
 
 INCREASED DEMAND FOR GOLD. 
 
 Bad as the present situation is, we can stand it as 
 long as you can. We know the German agricultur- 
 ists are crying out for relief. We know the Lan- 
 cashire cotton-spinners are in distress and all th^e 
 Indian exchanges are in confusion. We are ready 
 to join you in an international agreement for the 
 restoration of bimetallism ; but if you are not ready 
 and if it is to be a struggle for gold we are going to 
 meet you on that ground. Your London market 
 was shaken when Mr. Vishnegradski boldly went in 
 and bought $70,000,000 of gold to build up Russian 
 credit. You were watchful and solicitous when 
 Austria began to buy gold to rehabilitate her 
 finances. You replaced that treasure by drawing on 
 US. We know that France has wisely acquired 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 223 
 
 1200,000,000 of gold while we have foolishly parted 
 with that aiuouiit. But we are richer and strouiier, 
 more self-sustaining and more powei-ful in resources 
 than the greatest of your nations; and if you are 
 not j)repared for bimetallism and if it is to be a con- 
 test for the accumulation of gold, then we give notice 
 that we are going into the markets of the world to 
 buy 1100,000,000 or $500,000,000 if necessary, in 
 order to take care of ourselves. Such a notice 
 would settle the question inside of six months. 
 Europe would seek a conference and international 
 agreement would follow. That is tlie solution of the 
 question. Independent free coinage is the pathway 
 to the single silver basis and to untold calamity. 
 The restoration of bimetallism through international 
 agreement is the pathway to honor, safety, and pros- 
 perity. 
 
 A DANGEROUS HERESY. 
 
 I am not wishing to raise any personal issue ; but 
 I desire from a profound sense of public duty, to 
 resist a false and dangerous policy, and to sound a 
 solemn warning against any attempt to commit our 
 own people to a course of dishonor and disaster. It 
 is not the first time there has been a proposal that 
 we should falter in our devotion to honest money 
 and true public faith. There was an hour when 
 the delusion of inflated and depreciated paper seized 
 upon some minds, as the delusion of inflated and 
 depreciated silver seizes upon them now. It was 
 
224 THE MONEY STAXDAED 
 
 kindred in motive and inspiration and peril. There 
 were men then as now who were disposed to palter 
 with it. But a distinguished leader of Republican- 
 ism boldly met the heresy on the platform and the 
 integrity and rectitude of our people were preserved. 
 Let us confront and confound the present heresy 
 and danger with the same determination and fidelity. 
 Let us stand inflexibly for the honest money which 
 lies at the foundation of all business security and in 
 which every dollar, whether of gold or silver or 
 paper, shall have full exchangeable equality with 
 every other dollar. 
 
 The admirable historical summary and argument 
 of Mr. Smith may be fitly supplemented by the state- 
 ment that the statistics of gold production empha- 
 size all that he has said respecting the influences that 
 affect the value of precious metals, and the difficulties 
 and limitations of bimetallism. The production of 
 gold has reached the enormous and unprecedented 
 sum of $200,000,000 a year. The truth is the in- 
 creased demand for gold in the richest and most ad- 
 vanced nations has, according to the ancient irre- 
 futable precepts and irrepealable laws of political 
 economy, augmented the supply, so that it is only not 
 improbable, but almost certain, that there will be of 
 new gold added to the money of the world during the 
 McKinley administration of four years one thousand 
 million dollars. The peculiarity of the golden 
 inflation, as was seen in California good times, is that 
 it harms no one and helps everybody. It cheers, bii< 
 
THE MONEY STANDARD 225 
 
 does not inebriate. It is wliolesonie inspiration and 
 advancement, and there is no depression, no reaction. 
 While we maintain the existing standard, resisting 
 all extremists, disregarding factions, supporting with 
 the credit of the nation the parity of the white and 
 yellow money metals at the ratio familiar in our 
 affairs, we shall follow the example of bimetallic 
 France and close the mints firmly to the coinage of 
 legal tender silver. We have all of that sort of 
 money we can make good. There is to be no more 
 free coinas^e of silver — that is fundamental. The 
 tendency of the gold production is to the settlement 
 of the silver questions according to the operation of 
 the laws and economics of nature, leaving less and 
 less to be determined by the legislative wisdom found 
 in the government. We have only to stand solidly, 
 as we are, for honesty and economy, to find the very 
 soil of controversy removed, and our feet on the 
 rocks that have resisted the billows of the oceans 
 and the stormy skies for all the millenniums of which 
 there are records of men. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 WILLIAM McKINLEY AS A CAMPAIGNER. 
 
 Speaking to fifteen millions of people — Making one thousand 
 speeches— Constitution of iron — Wondrous vitality — Magnetic 
 power — Excellent memory — Good listener — Making converts — 
 Policy of Protection the hope of America. 
 
 IN tlie past six years William McKiuley lias been 
 constantly in battle. There has been no rest 
 for him. It has been a continued campaign, 
 in which he was the central figure. Beginning with 
 the impossible contest for re-election to Congress in 
 the gerrymandered district and continuing through 
 the gubernatorial canvass of 1891, the Congressional 
 campaign of 1892, the second fight for the governor- 
 ship in 1893, the great Congressional contest of 1 894, 
 the Ohio campaign of 1895, and the preliminary 
 struggle of 1896, Major McKinley has been under 
 an increasing strain. 
 
 In that period he has probably spoken to more 
 than fifteen millions of people, and shaken hands 
 with a million and a half more, and made a thou- 
 sand speeches, averaging an hour in length. Such 
 was a task to make any man shrink, to test the nerve, 
 
 226 
 
McKINLEY AS CAMPAIGNEE 237 
 
 the physical endurance, and the vocal powers ; but 
 Major McKinley went through it all without the 
 least symptom of illness, though he was often wearied 
 and worn. The ex-Governor has a constitution of 
 iron, great recui)erative powers, the ability to sleep 
 under uncomfortable conditions, to eat without care 
 all sorts of food at all hours, and to digest it well, to 
 drink waters that are ordinarily unhealthy without 
 disastrous results. He has a surprising power, that 
 comes to his rescue when it would seem as if he could 
 do nothing more. He has a wondrous vitality, ex- 
 cellent lungs, and great vocal power. Instead of 
 breaking from constant use his voice seems to gain 
 in strength and volume. 
 
 It is interesting to note the way he begins a speech. 
 The hall is always filled when he is booked to talk. 
 It usually happens that it is difficult to get him into 
 the hall, because of the crowds on the outside. The mo- 
 ment he appears on a platform is a signal for prO' 
 longed and vehement cheering. His face flushes a little 
 and his eyes flash. He breathes quickly and compresses 
 his lips, the lines around the mouth taking promi- 
 nence. He brushes the hair back from his forehead 
 with a nervous hand. Though outwardly composed, 
 it appears to those who know him that he is a little 
 anxious and a bit apprehensive, possibly almost 
 alarmed. It is worthy of note when he steps on a 
 platform and is greeted with enthusiasm, he bows low 
 and waves his hands from side to side. The silk hat 
 is always in the right hand, the brim firmly grip^Dcd. 
 
228 McKINLEY AS CAMPAIGNEE 
 
 This is generally ruffled, for at the moment he forgets 
 that it gets pressed. The bowing continues until the 
 fury of the reception shows a sign of abatement. For 
 the last four years almost every chairman of a meet- 
 ing has introduced him as " the next President." To 
 those who campaigned with him this became some- 
 what of a joke, and there were bets made, the odds 
 being always two to one that would be the introduc- 
 tion. Now the chairman of a political meeting is 
 generally a man of consequence in tlie neighborhood 
 where the meeting is held. The opportunity of in- 
 troducing such an orator as McKinley does not come 
 often, and every chairman takes advantage of it. It 
 is amusing to note the expression of McKinley's face 
 when the introduction is prolonged. He frowns 
 almost imperceptibly. Only one who has studied 
 his countenance would notice it. There follows a 
 look of weariness and then of impatience. He moves 
 his feet a little and is restless. The strain is becoming 
 painful to hear and the compliments dreary. They 
 have been repeated probably twice before on the 
 same day, and it is not often that anything of keen 
 interest is said. When the inevitable " next Presi- 
 dent" comes the Major's face is impassive. One 
 would not know from his attitude that the refer- 
 ence was to him. He does not seem to hate it, but 
 would as leave it was omitted. 
 
 Finally the chairman has come to the " Fellow cit- 
 izens, I have the great pleasure, etc.," and McKinley 
 steps forward and there are cheers. The speaker 
 
McKINLEY AS CA]\rPAIGXER 229 
 
 clasps his hands behind him and bows right and 
 left, to the pit and to the gallery. He moves his 
 hand to still the enthusiasts and begins. He has 
 discovered whether there are women present and 
 then in a voice almost inaudible says, " Ladies and 
 Gentlemen. My fellow citizens." The opening sen- 
 tence is always a striking one. It is spoken in a low 
 tone. Someone in the rear of the hall or at the 
 edge of the crowd says " Louder ! " and there are 
 many sounds of " Shu !" McKinley pays no atten- 
 tion to the interruption except to wave one hand 
 again. The voice of the orator becomes stronger 
 and in ten sentences the words ring and reach every 
 corner of the hall. The audience is leaning forward 
 eager to catch every word. 
 
 As he proceeds the Major warms. He gesticu- 
 lates with both hands. He hits the air a little to 
 emphasize a point and while his attitude is unstudied 
 it is graceful. He owns the crowd now. It is hyp- 
 notized by his eloquence. His hair grows damp 
 with perspiration. Possibly a dark lock will stray 
 over his forehead. It is imiDatiently brushed back 
 and the sweep of a handkerchief cools the brow. 
 His eyes are flashing fire. His breast heaves with 
 the storm. His voice rushes from between his teeth 
 and his lips are compressed as he finishes a word. 
 His tones are 2')itched in a higher key. There is a 
 metallic tone in the voice nnd yet it is musical. His 
 bearing is impassioned. He has forgotten self and 
 is regardless of everything but his sul)ject. One 
 
230 McKIN^LEY AS CAMPAIGNEE 
 
 perceives that he is sincere in what he says. Every 
 one sees that he is in deadly earnest, that this is no 
 sham passion but the real thing. His words pierce 
 the air defiantly and it is astonishing any creature 
 can fail of conviction. The audience has grown in- 
 tense in its interest. Many forget to cough or move. 
 They are absorbed and their little selfishnesses are 
 neglected. Every now and then some deep voice 
 says " That is so !" or utters an "Amen." His com- 
 panions who have heard him a hundred times are as 
 interested as those who are hearing him for the first 
 time. There is no resisting the earnestness of the 
 orator, for all his soul aixl strength are in the speech. 
 There will be nothing more serious in the sound of 
 the last trumj^et. Some one may interrupt to ask a 
 question, to try to " stump him," to catch him un- 
 awares. McKinley is so discussing his subject that 
 he fails to hear what is said. He stops and looks in 
 the direction of the ground and then says shar^Dly, 
 " What's that ?" The audience cries " Put him out." 
 " No, no," says McKinley, " let him ask his question. 
 Never put any one out." Probably the question is 
 repeated. There is no hesitancy in the answer. 
 The Major is ready. He turns a laugh on the ques- 
 tioner by his flashing reply. He takes no mean 
 advantage, but answers the question frankly. Gen- 
 erally his reply is ei^igrammatic. It always is com- 
 plete. 
 
 Major McKinley has dramatic power and a mag- 
 netism as a speaker. In describing scenes he pictures 
 
McKINLEY AS CAMPAIGNER 231 
 
 realistically. The old soldiers are always im^jressed 
 when he refers to them. Again and again he has 
 brought tears to the eyes of the veterans when lie 
 has told of the horrors of war. Old men sob like 
 children and there is scarcely a dry eye in the multi- 
 tude. There is a sincerity in his tributes to soldiers 
 that is convincing. He has been there. He knows 
 what he is talking about. Though of any one else 
 his talk of the war might be called stagey, that criti- 
 cism is never made of McKinley. No one would 
 dare to do so, because it would be untrue. It would 
 be impossible to find a speaker who has a better 
 grasp of the subject, whether finance, protection, 
 arbitration or foreign affairs. His talk is always 
 illustrative and comprehensible and instructive. It 
 is serious. There are no anecdotes to amuse. The 
 orator does not convince by raising laughs, but rather 
 by the indisputability of statements. It is a grave 
 matter this campaigning with him. It is a mission, 
 not a jest; an attempt to convert, not to please. 
 Neither does he arouse ^^assion or opposition by 
 assaults or trivial personalities. He assumes that 
 those who disagree with him are sincere, as he is, and 
 seeks to relieve them of their error. 
 
 When he has finished, no matter how hot the day, 
 McKinley puts on two overcoats, one light and the 
 other of gray cloth, without sleeves, but with a cape. 
 He buttons these around him to keep from catching 
 cold. He thinks it well to let the perspiration flow 
 freely for a while and then when he gets privacy 
 
232 MeKIXLEY AS CAMPAIGNER 
 
 rubs himself well and puts on dry clothes. Exposed 
 as he is in campaigns to all sorts and conditions of 
 weather, he must have a care not to get a chill, and it 
 is recorded that he was never incapacitated from 
 speaking by bronchial troubles. 
 
 Major McKinley remembers faces well. He gen- 
 erally recalls a name, and when on a campaign he is 
 certain to meet old friends, and the result is pleasing 
 to both. He talks easily and freely with them and 
 is entirely without assumption of superiority. He is 
 approachable always. It is the custom when a cam- 
 paign is made for the speaker to be assigned to the 
 best hotel, or to go to some private house — it being 
 preferable to lodge at a hotel. There is always a 
 committee of reception of citizens who have done 
 such good service to the party as deserves that honor, 
 or whose position in the community makes it well to 
 recognize them. Such a committee meets McKinley 
 at the station and of course there is a band. When 
 the campaign is in such a State as Ohio, the band in 
 the smaller towns is a great institution. It is the 
 pride of the community. Unfortunately the bands 
 pay more attention to securing uniforms and keeping 
 their instruments glistening than they do to har- 
 mony. The result is sometimes not alluring. They 
 often play the same tunes. An air has a sudden 
 popularity and the band must j^lay it. The sounds 
 they make and the repetition of them add to the 
 labors of the campaigners. Major McKinley, who 
 has a good ear for music, always displays great self- 
 
Mcivi:>LEY AS l'AMrAKJXi:U 233 
 
 control. He never winces, no matter how hard the 
 music tires him. Of course he would say nothing 
 about it, unless some one would mention — say a 
 citizen of the community who had supported the 
 band — " It is a pretty good band." Tiie Major then 
 smiles as if in assent, but he never commits liimself 
 further. If he nods it is sufficient and the band ia 
 held in higher esteem than ever. 
 
 It is interesting in campaigning to observe how 
 anxious McKinley is for information. When he 
 comes to a town he listens to the talk of the politi- 
 cians, to their statements of crop conditions, and of 
 local affairs. Then information is drawn out regard- 
 ing their industries. McKinley never cross-ques- 
 tions his informers. He simply listens, and he is a 
 mighty good listener. He says only wliat is neces- 
 sary to keep the stream of talk flowing. At the 
 meeting held immediately afterward it would be seen 
 that the talk had been digested — that the orator had 
 gained from the conversation much to use to give a 
 touch of local color, and to make plain his general 
 arguments. 
 
 It has been the custom of those who choose to op- 
 pose Major McKinley, or to belittle him, to say he 
 can only make one speech. This is as far as possible 
 from the trutli. If he is arguing on the tariff, 
 in a campaign, he must do so. The basis of the 
 speech is necessarily the same. The language and 
 the illustrations are varied. He continually adds 
 ideas and arguments, new epigrammatic phrases, and 
 
234 McKINLEY AS CAMPAIGNEE 
 
 makes the theme constantly interesting, even to com- 
 panions in the cam23aign. It was always instructive 
 to notice how he develops thought — builds around it, 
 and makes it effective. 
 
 The Major never seemed to get tired, no matter 
 how trying the toil. He outlasts those who accom- 
 pany him. He is always the first up in the morning, 
 though often the last to retire ; cheerful and patient, 
 accepting what was set before him with gratitude. 
 He seems somehow to have the knack of making 
 everybody around him at home, and is accessible to 
 everybody. 
 
 When traveling on a train he would naturally 
 meet the brakemen and conductors, and they seemed 
 to feel that he was one of them. They approach him 
 with friendly familiarity. They sit down by him, 
 crowd the aisles to talk with him, and go away proud 
 of having met the great protectionist. It is seldom 
 that one of them fails to thank him for his services 
 to the industries of the country, or to wish him good 
 luck. When waiting for a train he talks with the 
 baggage man or station agent, or with those who 
 waited to see him off, always gaining knowledge of 
 existing conditions, and it was the better because 
 from those who gained it by personal experience. 
 He knew what the workingmen thought as he did 
 what the idea of the business men was. 
 
 On one occasion, early in the campaign of 1893 
 in Ohio, the Governor and the newspaper men who 
 accompanied him came to a small, unprepossessing 
 
McKINLEY x\S CAMPAIGNER 235 
 
 place. It was raining when the party arrived. The 
 arrangements were poor, and there was only one car- 
 riage, and the committee, to be with the Governor, 
 got in with him. The other members of the party 
 had to walk. 
 
 The Governor happened to overhear some of his 
 party complaining rather angrily of the treatment 
 accorded them. Quietly calling them aside, he said : 
 " Well, suppose you are dissatisfied ; the committee 
 did the best it could. The hotel is the best in town ; 
 we have been treated as well as the people could. 
 Remember that they do not understand that what 
 they have done is not pleasing. Remember that 
 wherever we go we will get the best that the com- 
 munity affords. AVhat more can you expect?" 
 Thereafter there were no complaints, the lesson had 
 been a wholesome one. Major McKinley, in cam- 
 paigning, always had an eye to the feelings of the 
 people. In one campaign the party came to a town 
 on the border of Indiana. The people are religiously 
 inclined. While waiting for the meeting there was 
 nothing to do, so some of the party set about to 
 amuse themselvesby playing "horse." McKinley sent 
 for them, and told them the effect it was having, and 
 they stopped. A campaign is a serious thing for 
 him. Cordial and friendly, and even jovial at times, 
 he would permit nothing that looked like levity 
 touching serious things. Once something detained 
 him while his party was on the stand waiting for the 
 meeting to begin. One of the gubernatorial crowd 
 
236 McKINLEY AS CAMPAIGNER 
 
 had a habit of pushing himself forward, securing the 
 most conspicuous place. The members of the press 
 assigned to follow the Governor in the camjDaign 
 had noticed this, and the opportunity seemed to 
 have arrived for a little fun at the exjjense of the 
 pusher. A cry was started for him to speak. Soon 
 the people on the stand caught on, and the cry 
 increased in volume. Just then McKinley came, 
 and as he stepped to the front he turned and asked 
 sternly, "Who did this?" It w^as explained that 
 the forward one had ex]3ressed a wish to S23eak, and 
 that the opportunity seemed to have been afforded 
 him, but the Major was not appeased. In campaigns 
 there are many glee clubs. There is one at almost 
 every meeting. The songs w^hich rang with his 
 name never seemed to displease the Governor. He 
 wauld beat time and nod his head, and his silk hat 
 got hard treatment. 
 
 In the campaign of 1893 in Ohio and that of 
 1894, which the Governor made in sixteen States in 
 a month and a half, he was always finding new con- 
 verts to Republicanism, made so by Democratic in- 
 competence and tariff tinkering. Never was he so 
 pleased as when such a convert would grasp his hand 
 and pledge his support to the Republican party. To 
 McKinley the policy of protection is the hope of 
 America, and everything that shows a growth in its 
 favor delights him. The convert was always asked 
 to give the point that converted him, and it w^as 
 used by McKinley in his next speech. 
 
HON. GEORGE F. HOAR. 
 
HON, W. B. ALLISON. 
 
McKINLEY AS CAMPAIGNER 239 
 
 li is iiard enough to deliver a sjDeecli. It is suf- 
 Stjiently wearying to go through the muscular jDart 
 of it ; it is trying on the nerves to be constantly keyed 
 up to the point necessary to such speeches as Mc- 
 Kinley makes ; but worse is the haud-sliaking that 
 follows, which, if the speaker be popuhir — and of 
 course McKinley suffered more through this than 
 in any other way. He shook hands Avith at least four 
 hundred people every day during the Ohio campaign 
 of 1893. He -seemed to enjoy it, but it wore on him. 
 It became necer;sary to stop often. The members of 
 the audience would clamber on a platform and fairly 
 mob the Governor in attem])ting to shake his hand. 
 Sometimes a scheme was worked, but not often. A 
 friend would stand behind the governor and thrust 
 his hands under McKinley 's arms. The Governor 
 would hold his at his side, and the friend take the 
 cruel grip of those who in their enthusiasm forgot 
 how strong they really were. After trying this once 
 or twice McKinley declined to permit " such a fraud 
 to be practiced." It was always hard to get McKin- 
 ley to bed. He would get into a talk with friends 
 after a meeting, and he would not dismiss them, for 
 he was too polite. The only thing that could be done 
 was to go to his room, open one's watch and say, 
 " Governor, you have to get up at five, and it is now 
 midnight." That sent the crowd awayi The most 
 noticeable thing about McKinley as a campaigner is 
 his indefatigability." He makes two speeches of an 
 hour and a half each and two others of from five to 
 
I 
 
 240 McKINLEY AS CAMPAIGNEE 
 
 ten minutes, day in and day out. In his earnestness, 
 his enthusiasm, his versatility, liis eloquence, his 
 magnetic power over an audience, and his dramatic 
 force, he stands unequaled. 
 
CHAPTEK XII. 
 Mckinley's advice to boys. 
 
 Tbe enterprising boy— Interviewing Major McKinley — ^Boys* own 
 account of it — Painting up the town — Looks like Napoleon- 
 Fatherly advice — An important question. 
 
 A 
 
 FEW weeks ago an errand-boy in the New 
 York World became interesting through liis 
 anxiety to become a great man, and to find 
 out how to do it by talking with great men and gaining 
 instruction with a view to his education, the man- 
 aging editor liad a hapj^y thought that the boy 
 might become an interviewer, and sent him, accom- 
 panied by a reporter, to the most accessible of great 
 men, Mr. Chauncey Depew. After the conversation 
 it turned out there was no occasion for the reporter's 
 notes or his literary skill. The memory of the boy 
 was perfect, and he had a quaint, simple way of put- 
 ting things that was attractive. The boy was a suc- 
 cess, and he was sent to interview Major McKinley, 
 and the result is a beautiful picture of the Repub- 
 lican candidate in his home, and a talk from him 
 
 that every boy in America should read many times, 
 
 241 
 
248 McKINLEY'S ADVICE TO BOYS 
 
 and that is worthy to go into the school-books as a 
 marvel of manly talk to a boy. 
 
 The boy went out to McKinley's home in Canton, 
 O., from New York City, was received cordially, and 
 the statesman gave more than a half hour of his time, 
 Nvliile a half dozen politicians stood on the piazzs 
 clamoring for admittance. 
 
 The boy's report of his half hour with Mr. Mc- 
 Kinley follows : 
 
 " I have been down to Ohio to see Mr. McKinley, 
 the big Kepublican. As I have visited many men 
 wlio are great, and as Mr. McKinley seems to be the 
 greatest of all at present, I wanted to see him bad, so 
 I took a call on him at Canton, Ohio, the town he 
 lives in. 
 
 " When a man gets big like him he ought to be 
 able to tell boys how to become great to, so I thought 
 It would pay me to go down there and ask of him 
 some advice on How a young boy can start in life and 
 become a great man. 
 
 " Canton isn't as big a town as New York, and 
 everybody in the place knows Mr. McKinley and the 
 family. 
 
 " It isn't easy to ask Major McKinley things for 
 tlie newspapers, I knew that before I started, so I 
 found Mr. Boyle, his private secretary, and told him 
 I was the boy reporter for the Sunday World, and all 
 the boys wanted to hear about Mr. McKinley, and 
 would he please fix it so I could see him. Mr. Boyle 
 was a newspaper man and he knew all about it, so I 
 
]\TcKTXLEY'S ADYTCT: TO BOYS 2-13 
 
 told him I didn't want to talk politics, and that I 
 wanted to ask Mr. McKinlej how I or other boys 
 could get to be as famous as he was. 
 
 " Tiien Mr. Boyle laughed, and said that Major 
 McKinley was a very busy man all the time, but as 
 he liked boys awful well, I might call around to his 
 house and see him in the morning. As I had come 
 all the way from New York, and wanted to do so, so 
 much. 
 
 " Then I was glad. So when morning came I got 
 up early and started for Mr. McKiuley's house, one 
 thing struck me awfully funny on the road their it 
 was that they were painting all the telegraph poles, 
 and everything else in the town v^^hite and blue, they 
 seemed tickled about something by the way they 
 were slapping the paint all over the street, and I 
 guess paint is cheap in Ohio, so I asked a man what 
 they we painting up for, and he said they're getting 
 ready to celebrate McKinley's nomination. 
 
 " So I know everybody in Canton liked the big 
 Kepublican, and I hurried on. His house is a 
 pretty one, made of wood and painted white, on a fine 
 broad street, and there wasn't any basements or steps, 
 like we see in New York Houses. 
 
 " It's a fine place to live in, and I'd like to live 
 there myself. 
 
 "I knew right away that it was where Mr. McKinley 
 and his wife Mrs. McKinley lived, for Mr. Boyle had 
 told me what it looked like, he said there were two 
 big earns painted white standing in the big lawn in 
 
244 McKINLEY'S ADVICE TO BOYS 
 
 front of the house. They weren't anything but two 
 big flower-pots, as big as I am. 
 
 " I went up to the door and pressed the button, and 
 inquired as to see Mr. McKinley, its an electric bell, 
 and I suppose it will be worn out soon, if there's as 
 many callers come every day as come and wanted to 
 see him as while I was there. 
 
 *'A young man who was an other private secretary 
 came to the door, Major McKinley has two private 
 secretaries. 
 
 " * Come right in,' says he and he took my card, 
 and went into a room right by the door. I asked 
 for Mr. Boyle, but the young man took my card to 
 a large man, in the front room, and when he came 
 out and said, 'step right in here and sit down.' I 
 walked in, and there was a big man sitting in the 
 corner. I knew him right off as soon as I seen him, 
 and I sat there in a rocking chair, sizing him up 
 and the room I w^as in. 
 
 " It was Major McKinley. 
 
 "I seen he had a round head with not much hair 
 on the top, and I knew it was him, because he 
 looked like the pictures of Napoleon at the elevated 
 stations, which the newspaper artists make him look 
 like. 
 
 " He wore eye-glasses and a black coat, and had 
 awful big eye-brows, and he didn't look like as if he 
 was in a great hurry, and I hoped he'd talk to me a 
 good deal. 
 
 " He was at a little desk looking over some letters. 
 
MeKINLEY'S ADVICE TO BOYS 245 
 
 " I liked Iiiin right off, and then I looked at the 
 room. It was his library and he uses it as his office, 
 it is very large with plenty of book shelves, which 
 are full of his favorite authors, Grant, Lincoln and 
 himself 
 
 " Pictures were hanging on the walls of Grant, 
 Lincoln, and a lot of other great men and also a 
 large beautiful picture of his wife Mrs. McKinley 
 and himself. 
 
 "Then I looked at Mr. McKinley again, and I 
 seemed to be getting almost afraid to talk to him for 
 I thought he was such a big man, wise and great, but 
 I thought to myself that there wasn't any use for me 
 to come all the way from New York and not talk to 
 him. 
 
 " So I got my senses together and just then Mr. 
 Boyle came down stairs and stepped over to the 
 Major, and said right off that there was a boy there 
 to see him. Mr. McKinley got right up from his 
 chair and stared at me with a very pleasant smile on 
 his face. 
 
 " * this is Harry Wilsoja,' said Mr. Boyle, * who has 
 come from New York to see you.' 
 
 " ' Fm pleased to see you,' said Mr. McKinley, and 
 he gave me his hand for to shake, and I liked him 
 more than ever, because he acted as if he was real 
 pleased to see me. 
 
 " ' Sit down,' said he, and he pointed to my rocking 
 chair, and then he F/at down in front of me in one of 
 them chairs that whirl around like the Editor's chair. 
 
246 MeKINLEY'S ADVICE TO BOYS 
 
 "And I said to him, *Mr. McKinley I am more 
 than 2)leased to meet yon, as I think that not more 
 than one of a thousand boys could see you and talk 
 with you, and I'm proud.' 
 
 " Then I told him at once what I had come for, be- 
 cause I didn't want to keep him from his work, 
 writing letters and such things. 
 
 " ' Mr, McKinley,' I said, ' I come to ask you if 
 you would give me some advice as to how a young 
 boy i^n start in life and become a great man ; I 
 thought you could tell me.' 
 
 " I wondered what he was going to say, as I've 
 asked a lot of big men like Chauncey Depew and 
 Alderman Muh the same thing. He sat still for a 
 moment holding his eye-glasses with his right hand, 
 and pushing the black bead on the cord with his 
 other hand. I saw he wears a gold ring on the left 
 hand and a pair of great big cuff buttons, not link 
 buttons, like the swells wear ; I guess his wife must 
 have given them to him. 
 
 " He thought a long time, and then talked very 
 slowly, and his voice was deep. 
 
 " 'Well,' he said, 'first a boy must be a good boy, 
 honest, always do what is right, pay attention to what 
 he is doing, and be a student ; he must go to school 
 all he can, learn all his lessons, and he mustn't be 
 afraid to study.' 
 
 " Then I thought to myself what Mr. McKinley 
 had said Avas perfectly right ; then I paused for a 
 moment, thinking what I should ask him next. I 
 
McKINLEY'S ADVICE TO BOYS 2\1 
 
 had never been far outside of New York before, and 
 Canton looked like a very small town to nie, and I 
 wondered if it was a good i)lace to make smart men in. 
 
 " ' Mr. McKinlej,' I said, * will you please tell me 
 do you think a boy has as much chance to study and 
 make a great man out of himself in a small place 
 like this as the boys in great cities like New York 
 have V 
 
 " That made him smile, but he said right off, ' A 
 boy can make anything out of himself that he pleases, 
 and he has just as much chance to do it in the 
 country as in the city ; there are good colleges in 
 small places, just the same as in New York, and a 
 boy, if he wants to, can make what he will out of 
 himself.' 
 
 " He was beginning to get warmed up and was 
 beginning to talk fast. He went on : 
 
 " ' It don't make so much difference where It is or 
 how great the part he plays, but it's the way he plays 
 it. The other night I saw a play at the theatre called 
 " The Rivals." Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. Drew and 
 Mrs. Drew, and Mrs. Tabor, and Mr. Crane and 
 Goodwin, the Holland brothers, and Francis Wilson, 
 played the parts ; every one of them was great, and 
 used to be stars, but they were content to take some 
 parts that were very small in " The Rivals," but they 
 played them just as well as if they had been big. 
 
 " * That is the way with boys and men ; it isn't so 
 much to be great as to do whatever you have to do 
 well, that is being great.' 
 
248 McKII^LEY'S ADVICE TO BOYS 
 
 " I began to feel as if I was hearing a sermon, and 
 tlie Major McKinley looked very sober. 
 
 " Then he got in a good word for Canton. * It 
 isn't such a small place,' he said, ' and it's a very 
 nice town to live in. Some of the best farms are out 
 this way. Before you go back to New York you 
 had better take a good look around.' 
 
 " But I wasn't through with him yet. I said, ' Mr. 
 McKinley, would you please be so kind as to tell me 
 when a boy should go into politics V 
 
 " Then he laughed again and looked at his secre- 
 tary, Mr. Boyle, who looks a good deal like Mr. 
 McKinley. Mr. Boyle was going to say something, 
 when Mr. McKinley suddenly sprang from his chair 
 into the hall, and came in in a few moments with a 
 lady leaning on his arm. 
 
 " It was Mrs. McKinley, and she was very sweet- 
 looking, and I was delighted to see her, and I think 
 she would make folks comfortable if she lived in the 
 AVhite House at Washington. 
 
 " Mr. McKinley is very fond of her, I am sure, and 
 he escorted her to the carriage, and she was going 
 out for a morning ride, 
 
 " Then he came back and sat down with a smile on 
 his face. When he was about to begin to talk to me 
 he was called away again, and stayed away a few 
 moments and then came in again and sat down and 
 then laughed, and began to ask me questions before 
 T could ask him some more. 
 
 " * How old are you ; how long have you been work- 
 
McKTXLEY'S ADVICE TO BOYS 219 
 
 ing ?' I tlieii told him and lie wanted to know how 
 long I had been reporting. I said ' eight months.' 
 
 " He then said to me, ' Harry, I believe you must 
 have a great deal of good advice by this time,' and 
 the Major laughed. So did all the rest in the room. 
 
 " I said ' If I could follow all I've been told I'd be 
 a great man pretty quick.' 
 
 " Mr. McKiuley is very fond of his mother, who is 
 eighty-seven years old, and lives near him, so I said, 
 * Can a boy neglect his mother and get along and be 
 great, Mr. McKinley ?' 
 
 " He looked very grave and sad, and then said : 
 
 " ' Harry, a boy should always be good to his 
 mother and do everything in the world he can and 
 love her. He must comfort her, be kind and gentle 
 to her, and not only do all he can to make her 
 happy, but he should make opportunities to try and 
 do everything he can do.' 
 
 "That's just the Major McKinley 's words, because 
 I wrote them down when I came out of the home. 
 
 " * A boy cannot expect to succeed if he isn't good 
 to his mother,' the Major says. ' A boy should do 
 all the work for her because when the time comes 
 that she has got to leave for a greater world than this 
 and if he has done what is right towards her, all the 
 time, then when the time comes for her to go he will 
 never regret the good he has done towards her.' 
 
 " Then I said ' I have done everything in the world 
 [ can do for my motlier,' and then he said, 
 
 " 'That's right, Harry, do all you can at all times,' 
 
250 McKINLEY'S ADVICE TO BOYS 
 
 " Then I stoped for a moment and says ' If every 
 boy would follow the advice which you have given 
 me, he never will feel sorry for the good work he has 
 done for her when the end comes.' 
 
 "Then I stoped a moment and thought that Mr. 
 McKinley hadn't told me when a boy should go into 
 politics, and I said, 
 
 " ' Mr. McKinley, will you tell me when a boy 
 ought to study j^olitics.' 
 
 " He then stoped a moment, and then said to me, 
 
 " ' Harry, first a boy should study the History of 
 his country, and learn all the political history of the 
 country. He should learn what the leaders have 
 done for their country, so that when the time comes 
 for him to vote he will be able to do so intelligently.' 
 
 " Then some more people came in to see him, and 
 the Major McKinley went out into the hall again, 
 and I knew he was in a hurry, so I said that I wished 
 to ask one more thing. I remembered I had nearly 
 forgotten one of the most important questions. 
 
 "I then said after he had returned from outside 
 of the hall, 'Mr. McKinley I have just one more 
 question, and it is an important one.' 
 
 " I then said ' would you tell me how you earned 
 your first dollar ?' 
 
 " He sank back in his chair and looked as if that 
 wasn't what he expected me to ask him, then he put 
 his hand up to the side of his head, as if to recall 
 the years which had passed by, and then with a smile 
 said : 
 
■^^(•KIXLFA'"8 ADYTCE TO BOYS 351 
 
 "'Really I can't recall the first dollar that I 
 earned,' he keeped on thinking, and I tried to make 
 him think a little harder. 
 
 "Then I said, 'did you have to saw wood, did you 
 have to drive oxes all day long, or did you have to 
 work in the field all day, can't you remember what 
 you used to do to earn money.' 
 
 "He then said to me, ' why Harry I did anything 
 a boy would do around the house. When I was a 
 boy money was very scarce, and you had to work 
 hard for what little money you got. But I can't 
 remember the first dollar. You have to ask me 
 something easy,' 
 
 " What kind of books should a boy who wants to 
 be great read ?" 
 
 " ' Ah ! now I have to refer you to my private sec- 
 retary, he has a lecture which he sjDcaks on the 
 stage that tells all that and much more.' 
 
 " So then I knew my talk was over with him. I 
 felt very sorry to say good-bye, but I said : 
 
 " * Mr. McKinley, I want to thank you, for it was 
 very good in you to stop to talk to a boy, and I am 
 very grateful.' 
 
 " ' And I am very glad that you came to see me,' 
 says he. ' I'm always glad to talk with boys. I like 
 them and like to be with them. What is there in 
 all the world nicer than a boy, except a sweet young 
 girl? Come again, Harry, and I hope you'll have 
 the best of luck and do some good in the world with 
 your work. Send me a paper.' 
 
253 McKINLEY'S ADVICE TO BOYS 
 
 " Then we shook hands again, and Mr. Boyle went 
 out on the porch with me, and there was a lot of big 
 men — polictitians, I guess — and I think Mr. McKin- 
 ley was very nice to talk to me and keep them wait- 
 ing so long. 
 
 " I guess all the boys who know Mr. McKinley 
 like Mr. McKinley as well as he likes them, because 
 the boys of Canton, O., have already formed a drum 
 core. Its the first campaign club in the country, 
 and the boys are very proud of it. I'd join if I 
 lived in Canton. The boys all wear white suits and 
 drill, and are going to march for McKinley. 
 
 "Harry Wilson." 
 
 Harry Wilson has beaten all the accomplished 
 reporters, and his photograph of McKinley at home 
 is perfect. It is valuable, for it is true all through, 
 and the wholesome, serious, earnest, kindly, loving, 
 genuine man, McKinley, stands revealed — symmetri- 
 cal, strong, and genial. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE CONTRASTED CONDITIONS. 
 
 Between Republican protection and prosperity and Democratic 
 meddling, disorganizing industry and forcing hard times, 
 displayed in speeches by McKinley in 1892 and in 1895 — A 
 plea in Boston for protection and prosperity. 
 
 GOVERNOR McKINLEY, on October 4th, 
 1892, in American Hall, Boston, addressed 
 the people, beginning then, as he might 
 now, saying : 
 
 " This year we have two great questions. The 
 contention of the Republican party is for the indus- 
 tries and the labor and the prosperity of the 
 country. The second contention of the Republican 
 party is for an honest currency with which to meas- 
 ure the exchanges of the people." 
 
 He proceeded to make a speech most pertinent to 
 these times, and put to the front the leading ques- 
 tions. His remarkably forcible speech is now just 
 as it was reported for the press. We quote : 
 
 " The Democratic contention, no matter what Mr. 
 Hill may have said in his Brooklyn speech, no mat- 
 ter what Mr. Cleveland may have said in his recent 
 
 253 
 
254 CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 letter of acceptance — the contention of the Demo- 
 cratic party is for free trade and for a debased, 
 worthless currency. If this is disputed, the history 
 of the most unfortunate Cleveland adminstration 
 proves it. [Applause.] The leaders of the Demo- 
 cratic party have been financially unsound for more 
 than thirty years. [Applause.] This unsoundness 
 has not always taken on the same form, but its effect 
 has always been the same — to corrupt the currency 
 of the country. You will remember its opposition 
 to the greenback currency, its opposition to the 
 national bank currency, its opposition to the resump- 
 tion of specie payments, its declaration in favor of 
 the inflation of the currency without limit in value 
 and irredeemable. You will remember its declara- 
 tion for the free and unlimited coinage of silver. 
 These have been the positions of the Democratic 
 party in every national contest for the past thirty 
 years, one or the other, and driven from the one they 
 have taken up the other. Their last was the free 
 and unlimited coinage of silver. Driven by the 
 party exigency, by the near approach of a Presiden- 
 tial campaign, they abandoned the free and unlim- 
 ited coinage of silver, put in nomination a candidate 
 in opposition to the free and unlimited coinage of 
 silver, and when they did that they had to break 
 out in some other place. [Applause.] And so they 
 declared in their platform of 1892 for the abolition 
 of the ten per cent, tax on State bank circulation, 
 the only object of such a declaration being to restore 
 
HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
HON. K. PROCTOR. 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 257 
 
 such State bauk circulation, and the ouly effect of 
 such restoration would be the retirement of the 
 national money of the country, 
 
 " This is the worst form of financial unsoundness 
 that has ever emanated from the Democratic leaders, 
 and I purpose for a few minutes, and only a few 
 minutes, to call the attention of this audience to what 
 the return to State bank circulation means — means 
 to every business in the country, means to every 
 interest of the country, means to every wage-earner 
 of the country, means to every dollar of invested 
 capital in the country — a proposition to go away 
 from the national bank and the greenback and the 
 treasury note currency to the wildcat currency of 
 thirty years ago. [Applause.] 
 
 " You will remember that in 1866 the Congress 
 of the United States imposed a tax on State banks. 
 The purpose of that tax was to retire State bank 
 circulation, and to substitute in its place national 
 money, and it had the desired effect. State bank 
 money went out and national currency came in. 
 And we had to do it. We had a nation to save and 
 we had to have national agencies to save it. State 
 agencies would not do. 
 
 " Now, it isproposed to go back to that, when we have 
 got the best currency in the world. And I want to read 
 you the condition of the banks of this country prior to 
 1860. I have lying on this table the old Bank Note 
 Detector^ which every business man had to have to 
 know whether the money he was receiving was 
 
258 CONTEASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 genuine or whether it was counterfeit. Here is the 
 old document, dated the first day of December, 1859. 
 Now, what does it show ? It shows that this country 
 at that time had 1,590 State banks of issue, exclusive 
 of what were called ' State banks and their branches ' 
 — 1,590 of them, and the notes of but fifty of those 
 banks were at par. The notes of the 1,540 other 
 banks were at a discount. There was not a bank in 
 the State of Massachusetts that was quoted at par in 
 the city of Philadeljohia. There was not a note issued 
 by any State bank in Ohio, or in any State bank in 
 Pennsylvania, or any State bank in Illinois that was 
 current at par outside of the jurisdiction and limits 
 of the State. The money was fairly good within the 
 State, but when you stepped across the State lines 
 then the holder of that currency had to look out for 
 the speculator and the shaver and stand a discount. 
 And that was the kind of money with which we did 
 the business of this country. And no man when he 
 got some of that paper was certain that before morn- 
 ing came the bank would not fail. [Laughter.] And 
 then there were 890 broken, failed, and worthless 
 banks, in addition to the 1,590, scattered throughout 
 every State of the Union, whose notes had been put 
 in circulation, had been taken by the people of this 
 country, value given for such paper money, which 
 proved to be worthless in the hands of the people, 
 and of no more account than the paper upon which it 
 was printed. The Republican party is against the re- 
 turn to the State bank circulation. [Great apj)lause.] 
 
COXTHASTED CONDITIONS 25i) 
 
 ** Daniel AVebster, away back in 1832, said in this 
 city, and I cannot do better than to quote his words, 
 upon this very subject of State banks : 
 
 " * These State banks, lying under no restraint from 
 the General Government or any of its institutions, 
 issued paper money corresponding to their own sense 
 of their immediate interests and hopes of gain. . . . 
 I believe, gentlemen, "the experiment" must go 
 through — the experiment of State bank money. I 
 believe that every part and every portion of our 
 country will have a satisfactory test of what they call 
 the " better currency." I believe we shall be blessed 
 again with the currency of 1812, when money was 
 the only uncurrent species of property. We have 
 amidst all the distress that surrounds us men of 
 power who condemn the national bank in every 
 form, maintain the efficacy and efficiency of State 
 banks for domestic exchange, and, amidst all the 
 sufferings and terrors of " the experiment," cry out 
 that they are establishing " a better currency." * The 
 experiment,' says Mr. Webster — 'the experiment 
 upon what ? The experiment of one man upon the 
 happiness, the well-being, and, I may also say, upon 
 the lives of 12,000,000 human beings '—63,000,000 
 to-day is what the experiment would mean ; it was 
 17,000,000 then — ' the experiment that found us in 
 health, the experiment that found us with the best 
 currency on the face of the earth, the same from the 
 North to the South, from Boston to St. Louis, and 
 possessing the unlimited confidence of foreign coun- 
 
260 CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 tries, and which leaves us crushed, ruined, without 
 gain at home and without credit abroad. The Gov- 
 ernment of the United States stands chargeable, in my 
 opinion, with a gross dereliction from duty in leav- 
 ing the currency of the country entirely at the mercy 
 of others without seeking to exercise over it any con- 
 trol whatever. The means of exercising this con- 
 trol rests in the wisdom of Congress. ... It is a 
 power that cannot be yielded to others with safety to 
 the country and with credit to them. The Govern- 
 ment may as well give up to the States the power of 
 making j^eace or war, leave the twenty-six inde- 
 pendent States to select their own foes, raise their 
 own troops, and conclude their own terms of peace. 
 It might as well leave the States to impose their 
 own duties and regulate their own terms of trade and 
 commerce as to give up control over the currency in 
 which the whole nation is interested.' [Applause.] 
 
 " That was the language of Daniel Webster in 1832, 
 and every word of it applies to the situation to-day. 
 It is proposed by the leaders of the Democratic party 
 to give up the national currency, which is the best 
 in the world, and go back to this unstable and unsat- 
 isfactory and worthless currency which Mr. Webster 
 characterized as unfit to do the business of this great 
 country. We have to-day gold and silver and paper 
 money, each the equal of the other — equal in debt- 
 paying and in legal-tender power ; good not only at 
 home, but good in every business corner of the 
 world ; worth 100 cents on the dollar every week of 
 
CONTRASTED COXDITIONS 261 
 
 every month of every year. [Applause.] Tliere is 
 uot a man in this great audience who has a national 
 bank note in his purse to-night who knows where 
 that note was issued. He does not know the city or 
 the town or the county or the State from whence it 
 came. He does not know whether it was issued in 
 Maine or whether it was issued in California, and he 
 does not care [great applause], because it is good 
 wherever it was issued ; because the government of 
 the United States stands behind it [applause], and 
 that government has for its security the bonds of the 
 United States, which sell at a premium in every 
 money centre of the world. [Kenewed a23plause.] 
 Every dollar we have got, because the government 
 stands behind it, is as good as every other dollar. 
 There is one thing the people of this country have 
 no business to trifle with, and that is the money of 
 the country, which measures the products of your 
 land and your labor, the products of your energy 
 and your skill. [Applause.] That should be fixed 
 and unalterable and unchangeable, and that is its 
 situation to-day. The currency of this country 
 should be as national as its flag. [Applause.] It 
 should be as unsullied as the national conscience 
 and as sound as the government itself. [Applause.] 
 And there is not a business man or workingman, no 
 matter to what political party he belongs, if he will 
 honestly vote his convictions, who will not vote 
 against the party that proposes to re-establish a sys- 
 tem under which this country lost millions upon 
 
262 CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 millions of dollars. [Applause.] We have had all 
 of the Confederate currency we want. [Loud cheers.] 
 We are for United States currency in some form for 
 all time in the future. [Applause.] And we are not 
 only opposed to Confederate currency, but we are 
 opposed to British political economy. We not only 
 fight for our industries and our labor, that they may 
 be prosperous and well paid, but we insist that when 
 they have earned their money they shall be paid in 
 a dollar worth one hundred cents. [Great cheer- 
 ing.] When a workingman gives ten hours a day 
 to his employer — ten full hours — he is entitled to 
 be paid in a dollar worth full one hundred cents. 
 [Applause.] Free trade shaves down his labor first, 
 and then scales down his pay by rewarding him in 
 a worthless and a depreciated State currency. [Ap- 
 plause.] The one reduces his wages, and the other 
 cheats him in the pay. [Applause.] And that is 
 the Democratic platform of 1892. [Applause.] No 
 man can escape it. Mr. Hill undertook to do it in 
 his Brooklyn speech, but Mr. Hill undertook to do 
 in that speech what the National Democratic Con- 
 vention had declared by solemn vote it would not 
 do. [Applause.] And then, besides, if I may be 
 permitted to speak with the greatest respect of Mr. 
 Hill and in perfectly parliamentary language, Mr. 
 Hill is hardly in a position to make a platform for 
 the Democratic party which the Democratic con- 
 vention rejected when he himself was rejected by 
 the same party. [Prolonged cheers.] He says it is 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 2G3 
 
 true that protection is unconstitutional, but he is 
 willing for the good of the country to take it in 
 small quantities [great laughter], even of the un- 
 constitutional article. He says protection is a fraud, 
 but he is in favor of incidental protection — that is, 
 he is in favor of an incidental fraud. A fraud by 
 accident he does not object to. A fraud by a 
 casualty he sees no objection to, or a fraud by inci- 
 dent; but protection plain and simple, says Mr. 
 Hill, although he tries to fix up a new platform, is 
 a fraud upon the American people. And he says it 
 is unconstitutional. Protection unconstitutional ? 
 I know of but one constitution which it violates and 
 that is the constitution of the Confederate States. 
 [Long applause and cheers.] It is iu direct viola- 
 tion of that instrument. But we are not operating 
 under it. [Laughter.] That instrument went down 
 before the resistless armies of Grant and Sherman 
 and Sheridan [cheers], and the Constitution of 
 Washington and Lincoln was sustained. [Applause.] 
 And that is the Constitution under which we are 
 operating to-day — the Constitution of "Washington 
 and of Lincoln and of Grant. [Cheers.] 
 
 " Unconstitutional ? That is the last objection of 
 the Democratic leaders. [Laughter.] It usually 
 precedes immediate acquiescence and surrender. 
 [Laughter.] It comes after they have tried every 
 other objection. They do not seem to know that the 
 man who made the first Protective Tariff law we ever 
 bad, in X789 — the men who made the first Protective 
 
264 CONTEASTED CONDITIOlSrS 
 
 Tariff law— made tlie Constitution of the United 
 StateSe [Loud cheers.] James Madison, a member 
 of the Constitutional Convention, and who afterward 
 became President of the United States, reported that 
 bill to Congress. It passed the House of Represen- 
 tatives, composed as that body was largely of members 
 of the Constitutional Convention ; it passed that body 
 unanimously, and passed the Senate of the United 
 States by a vote of five to one, and in that body were 
 a large number of men who made the Constitution 
 itself. And that Protective Tariff law was finally 
 signed by George Washington, the President of the 
 United States, [Applause.] 
 
 " That is not all. I have always liked the fathers, 
 for they had a blunt, plain way of saying what they 
 meant. They put into that first protective law what 
 has never appeared in a Protective Tariff law since. 
 They put into the preamble of that law exactly what 
 they meant. What did they say ? They said, ' We 
 levy these duties to raise money to pay the debts of 
 the government; to provide money for the expenses 
 of the United States, and to encourage and j^rotect 
 manufiictures in the United States.' [Enthusiastic 
 cheering.] There is not a historic Democrat, from 
 Jefferson down to Cleveland — excluding Mr. Cleve- 
 land — who lias not always sustained the constitution- 
 ality of a Protective Tariff. Jefferson sustained it, as 
 did Jackson and Madison and Wright and Benton 
 and Buchanan, and dozens and dozens more of names 
 c<rell known in the political history of our country, 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 265 
 
 Is Grover Cleveland a better constitutional lawyer 
 than Thomas Jefferson ? [Shouts of * No.'] Is 
 Adlai Stevenson a better constitutional lawyer than 
 James Madison ? [Laughter.] Is Governor Rus- 
 sell a safer expounder of the Constitution than Daniel 
 Webster ? [Applause and cries of ' No.'] Is Henry 
 Watterson safer than Henry Clay? [Shouts of 
 ' No.'] Are all of them combined as safe to be relied 
 upon as the Supreme Court of the United States, 
 which, over and over again, has sustained the consti- 
 tutionality of a Protective Tariff? [Applause and 
 cries of ' No.'] Have Mr. Cleveland and the other 
 Democratic leaders forgotten that within twelve 
 months the Supreme Court of the United States has 
 put its judicial sanction upon the tariff law of 1890? 
 [Applause.] And if that is not a Protective Tariff 
 law [great laughter] it is the result of accident and 
 not design. [Long applause and cheers.] 
 
 Protective tariffs are not only constitutional, but 
 in our own ex|)erience they have proved wholesome to 
 the great body of the American people. [A|)plause.] 
 No nation in the world has done so well as ours ; 
 not one. Match it if you can under any circum- 
 stances the world over. [Applause.] We are the 
 youngest nation on the face of the earth, and yet we 
 have reached the first rank in mining, in manu- 
 facture, and in agriculture of all the nations the 
 wide world over. [Applause.] But they said your 
 protective tariffs, and especially the law of 1890, 
 would build a Chinese wall around this country, and 
 
266 CONTEASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 that you could neither get out or come in. [Laugh- 
 ter.] That is what they said in 1890. That is what 
 they said in 1891. And if results did not overtake 
 predictions, the Democratic party would be the gTeat- 
 est party of the world. [Laughter.] If that party 
 could be only unembarrassed by facts ! [Great ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 Keep us out of the home market ? I said in Tre- 
 mont Temple a little more than a year ago that 
 this Protective Tarijff law would vindicate itself. 
 You believed it then — you know it now. [Loud 
 applause and cheers.] Shut us out from our for- 
 eign trade? Why, the last twelve months, under 
 the operation of the new law, we have had more 
 foreign trade than we ever had in any twelve months 
 of our national history. [Applause.] Our foreign 
 trade amounted last year to $1,890,000,000, a point 
 never reached before in the history of the United 
 States. [Great applause.] They called the Fifty- 
 first Congress, which was Re^^ublican — the Congress 
 over which the Czar presided [tremendous cheer- 
 i'^g] — ^l^^y called it a billion-dollar Congress. 
 More than that — it was a billion-and-eight- 
 hundred-and-ninety-million-dollar Congress. We 
 sent more American products to Europe in the 
 last twelve months in volume and in value than 
 we ever sent in any twelve months since the govern- 
 ment began. One billion and thirty million dollars 
 of American products went to Europe, $849,000,000 
 of European products came to the United States, and 
 
OOXTTJASTKl) CONDITION'S 267 
 
 Europe paid us |240,000,000 in gold to settle the 
 l:)alauce of trade in favor of the American j)roducer. 
 [Applause.] We never had so good a business at 
 home as we have got now, and we never had so large 
 a business abroad as we have got now. And I 
 noticed in the Evening Pod, or the 3Iorning Post, of 
 the city of Boston, a leading, double-leaded editorial, 
 telling how prosperous the Commonwealth of Massa- 
 chusetts and the city of Boston are to-day. I don't 
 know what the politics of that paper are [great 
 laughter], and I don't care, because there are no 
 politics iu facts. [Cheers.] Ah ! but they say, if 
 you had not the Protective Tariff things would be a 
 little cheaper. Well, whether a thing is cheap or 
 whether it is dear depends upon what we can earn 
 by our daily labor. Free trade cheapens the product 
 by cheapening the producer. Protection cheapens 
 the product by elevating the producer. [Applause.] 
 Under free trade the trader is the master and the 
 producer the slave. Protection is but the law of 
 nature, the law of self-preservation, of self-develop- 
 ment, of securing the highest and best destiny of the 
 race of man. [Cheers.] 
 
 " Grover Cleveland says, strangely, in his letter : 
 * We must consult morals as well as maxims.' 
 [Laughter.] I suppose he means by that that pro- 
 tection is immoral. Immoral ! Why, if protection 
 builds up and elevates 03,000,000 of people, the 
 influence of those 63,000,000 of people elevates the 
 rest of the world. [Great applause.] We cannot 
 
268 CONTEASTED COKDITIOKS 
 
 take a step in the pathway of progress without bene- 
 fiting mankind everywhere. Well, they say, ' Buy 
 where you can buy the cheapest.' That is one of 
 their maxims. Buy where you can buy the cheap- 
 est. Of course, that applies to labor as to everything 
 else. Let me give you a maxim that is a thousand 
 times better than that, and it is a protection maxim : 
 ' Buy where you can pay the easiest.' [Great ap- 
 plause.] And that spot of earth is where laboi- 
 wins its highest rewards. What has this Protective 
 Tariff law of 1890 done ? Why, it has increased 
 factories all over the United States. It has built 
 new ones, it has enlarged old ones. It has started 
 the pearl button business in this country. [Laugh- 
 ter.] We used to buy our buttons made in Austria 
 by the prison labor of Austria. We are buying our 
 buttons to-day made by the free labor of America. 
 [Applause.] We had 11 button factories before 
 1890; w^e have 85 now. We employed 500 men 
 before 1890, at from $12 to $15 a week ; we employ 
 8,000 men now, at from $18 to $35 a week. 
 [Cheers.] The value of the output before 1890 was 
 less than $500,000; it is $3,500,000 to-day. We 
 are making some of the finest cotton and woolen 
 goods that can be made anywhere in the world. 
 You are making them in Massachusetts. They 
 are being made all over New England. Why, 
 we are making lace in Texas, the home of 
 Mills. [Laughter.] We are making velvets and 
 plushes in Philadelphia. When I was hers, a 
 
CONTRASTED CUNDJTIOXS 269 
 
 little over a year ago, the complaint in every 
 Democratic newspaper was that the tariff law of 
 1890 had put the tariff up on plushes, the garment 
 that the poor girl and woman wore. Well, it is true 
 that we did put the tariff up on plushes, but the 
 price has come down. [Applause.] And we are 
 making them in this country, giving employment to 
 hundreds and thousands of workingmen. And we 
 are making tin plate in the United States. [Loud 
 cheers.] We have made in the last fifteen months 
 13,000,000 pounds. Ah ! but they say, you import the 
 black sheets from abroad. Well, we have, some, but 
 we have made 5,000,000 of tin plates from black sheets 
 made in American steel mills by American working- 
 men. [Applause.] Supposing we did import some 
 of the steel sheets and do the tinning — that gives em- 
 ployment to labor. But what they said was that we 
 could not tin the sheet steel. That was the objection 
 originally to this tin plate tariff. Why, I saw within 
 the last three weeks, in the State of Indiana, in the 
 city of Ellwood, one of the most magnificent tin 
 plate mills in the world, manned by American work- 
 ingmen, and I saw them make tin plate from the 
 rolled steel down to the bright and shining plate — 
 plate as bright and shining as was ever made in 
 Swansea, Wales. [Applause.] Cannot make tin 
 plate? Why, we can make anything we want to 
 make. [Great cheering.] We could not make it 
 under a Democratic revenue tariff, of course. [Ap- 
 plause.^ 
 
270 CONTRASTED COXDITIOXS 
 
 *' Well, but they said this tariff law of 1890 was 
 going to increase the price of the necessaries of life, 
 and was going to diminish the wages of labor. It 
 has done neither. The necessities of life are cheaper 
 to-day than they were eighteen months ago. The 
 commodities that go into the household of every man 
 and woman are cheaper to-day than they were 
 eighteen months asfo, and the price of labor has in- 
 creased to some extent, as shown by the report of the 
 Senate Committee, consisting of three Republicans 
 and two Democrats, as shown by the reports of the 
 Commissioners of Labor of Indiana, of Massachusetts, 
 of Michigan, and of the State of New York. [Ap- 
 plause.] These reports came so thick and fast that 
 they confused the leaders of the Democi-atic party, 
 and they have resorted to extraordinary proceedings 
 to break their force. Tliey have gone into the courts. 
 They are persecuting poor Peck. [Laughter.] The 
 whole National Committee is on his back. 
 
 " We are just now two years, day after to-morrow, 
 from the passage of this law of 1890. We were just 
 two years in the national campaign of 1844 from the 
 passage of the protective law of 1842. Mr. Polk 
 got in under false pretenses that the Democratic 
 party would not destroy the tariff. When he got in 
 his party did destroy it. Look out for false prophe- 
 siers. Men must stand on their platforms made by 
 their national })arties. [Applause.] No man is 
 higher than his party. Every man must obey the 
 law of the convention that nominates him. [Ap- 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 271 
 
 plause.] Aye, did you remember that historical 
 incident? The trial of this year is between the 
 Republicans and the Democrats on the line of pro- 
 tection and free trade. They can't get away from it 
 if they would. They mean free trade and nothing 
 else. Ah ! listen. Let me just read one more word 
 that Mr. Webster says. He describes how the mills 
 of Lowell have been closed up ; in your own State, 
 way back in 1848, how 800 men vvere thrown out of 
 employment, how 3,000 in another place in your 
 own State, how 3,000, 4,000, 5,000 in the State of 
 Pennsylvania were dismissed from employment 
 under the tariff of 1846, and then he characterizes 
 this free trade. He says : ' The imports of iron since 
 the new tariff are enormous, . . . and here the in- 
 crease is in articles of the highest manufacture — that 
 is, articles in which the greatest quantity of labor is 
 incorporated, for there seems to be in this policy ' — 
 listen to his words — * there seems to be in this policy 
 a bloodhound scent to follow labor and to run it down 
 and to seize it, and strangle it wherever it may be 
 found.' " 
 
 RESULT OF THE REPUBLICAN DEFEAT IN 1892. 
 
 Set forth by Mr. McKinle.y in Hartford, Conn., April 9th, and Spring- 
 field, 6., September 10th, 1895. 
 
 [Hartford, April 9th.] 
 
 " We resumed specie payments in 1879. From 
 that time up to March 4th, 1893, the yearly average 
 of greenback notes presented for redemption wsls 
 
273 CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 about $3,000,000. In 1892 the amount o-f green- 
 backs presented for redemption was $5,352,243, 
 and during the same year $3,773,600 in treasury 
 notes were presented for redemption. In 1893, 
 after the change in administration, there were 
 presented for redemption $55,319,125 in green- 
 backs and $46,781,220 in treasury notes, or a 
 total of $102,100,345. Thus there was presented 
 for redemption in the first year paper money 
 aggregating nearly three times the volume of all 
 that had been presented in the previous fourteen 
 years. What was the occasion for this sudden de- 
 sire of the holders of greenbacks and treasury notes 
 to have them redeemed in gold ? Was it not a lack 
 of confidence? Was it not from the known fact 
 that the proposed legislation of the Democratic party 
 would tend to destroy our prosperity at home, and 
 probably result in a failure to collect enough money 
 to meet the current expenses and obligations of the 
 government ? 
 
 " Was it not from the fact that the revenues had 
 fallen short in meeting the expenditures of the gov- 
 ernment by $117,000,000, and that the treasury had 
 been compelled to borrow that vast sum, and has 
 since been compelled to borrow $62,000,000 more ? 
 During the previous years the people had been so 
 strong in their faith in the government that they 
 were satisfied with any kind of money issued by the 
 government. The government had been able to pro- 
 duce such a financial equilibrium that the people 
 
GAEBET A. HOBAT ' 
 
SENATOR WILLIAM E. MASON. 
 
CO^^TRASTED CON^DITIONS 275 
 
 were utterly iiidiftereiit whether they were given 
 gold, silver, or paper. Even during Mr. Cleveland's 
 first administration, confidence was unshaken because 
 there was no Democratic Congress to disturb Repub- 
 lican legislation or overthrow or disturb the sound 
 financial policy, which was established by the Ke- 
 publican party. There had been no change in the 
 status of the greenbacks or the treasury notes ; there 
 had been no financial legislation, except the repeal 
 of the purchase clause of the Sherman Act which 
 simply stopped the buying of silver. 
 
 " It was the same government. There had been 
 simply a change of administration of the affairs of 
 the government. One pledged to a new policy had 
 been given power and hence came the universal lack 
 of confidence ; not a lack of confidence in the people, 
 or in our institutions, but a lack of confidence in 
 those charged with the administration to conduct 
 the government with safety and success. From 
 March 4th, 1881, down to March 4th, 1893, thanks 
 to the Funding Act of Hayes, Sherman, and Win- 
 dom, the government of the United States had been 
 calling in its bonds and paying them off from the 
 surplus revenue in the treasury. Instead of the 
 people demanding gold for their greenbacks the 
 government was engaged in paying off the bonded 
 indebtedness of the government in gold. The same 
 work went on during Mr. Cleveland's first adminis- 
 tration, but not without opposition from him. It 
 will be " embered that the public debt which his 
 
276 C0NTBA8TEI) COXDITIOKS 
 
 administration paid off was paid from the revenues 
 •of the government collected under Republican legis- 
 lation. President Harrison paid off $296,000,000 
 of the public debt and turned over to Mr. Cleve- 
 land's administration |124,000,000 surpluF. There 
 was not a moment from the inauguration of Presi- 
 dent Harrison to the second inausfuration of Mr. 
 Cleveland in which we did not collect for every day 
 of every year sufficient revennes to pay. every demand 
 and obligation of the government. 
 
 " President Harrison's administration was a bond- 
 paying, not a bond-issuing administration. The 
 latest bond issue of President Cleveland, of $63,- 
 000,000, was made in secret with the gi-eat financiers 
 of Europe, through their agents in the United States. 
 It was made out of the sight of the public ; made 
 upon terms which were harsh and humiliating to the 
 great government of the United States ; made at a 
 lower price than the existing bonds of the govern- 
 ment were being sold in the open markets of this 
 country and the great commercial centres of the 
 world, and made at a higher rate of interest than that 
 paid on bonds sold six months before. The bonds 
 under contract to-day are selling in advance of the 
 price received by the government, both in this 
 country and in England. The President sold the 
 bonds at 104J, the syndicate sold tliem at 112J, a 
 gain of 71, and the subscribers to the syndicate are 
 now selling their bonds at from 116 to 120. 
 
 " It was a hard bargain for the government, but it 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 377 
 
 is not the only hard bargain we have had to bear. 
 There have been a long series of them. The hard- 
 bargain business commenced in November, 1892, and 
 the bargains have been getting harder and harder 
 ever since. Out of it all, however, we get some faint 
 ray of satisfaction. It must be gratifying to every 
 American citizen to observe that the people of our 
 own country and of England both place a higher 
 estimate upon the bonds of the United States than do 
 those who are temporarily administering its govern- 
 ments We ought to realize by this time that we 
 should not do our work nor make our loans in 
 Europe. Let us place what options we have with 
 our own capitalists, and our orders with our own 
 manufacturers, who, in the past, have been always 
 abundantly able to meet every need and demand o^ 
 the government and of the people. 
 
 " The people have before them in the near future a 
 greater and broader contest to wage, which will give 
 the control of the government, as I believe, back to the 
 Republican party. Until then we can do nothing 
 but wait, as patiently as we can, and submit to the 
 inevitable, hard as it is. 
 
 " If anybody thinks that our wage-earners, our 
 farmers, our trades-people, and the great masses of 
 our countrymen, in common with them, are going to 
 be satisfied permanently with the adjustment of their 
 wages and prices, business and markets, to the present 
 Democratic standard, they will very soon discover 
 their fatal error. 
 
278 CONTEASTED COXDITIOXS 
 
 " The people believe in the industrial policy which 
 promotes, not retards, American enterprises, and dig- 
 nifies, not degrades, American labor, and they will 
 take power away from any party that stands in the 
 way of the success of that policy. [Applause.] They 
 believe in protection and reciprocity, and will give 
 power to the party which wisely and fearlessly main- 
 tains them, and will take power away from the party 
 which has weakened or destroyed them. They be- 
 lieve that we should produce our own sugar, make 
 our own tin plate, and Ave mean to do both. They 
 believe we should do all our other work at home 
 without being forced to pay honest labor starvation 
 wages. [Great applause.] They do not propose to 
 give up permanently anything they have gained in 
 the industrial vforld in the last thirty years, and 
 they would rather hold it by retaining a Protective 
 Tariff than to hold it by reducing wages below the 
 true American standard. [Prolonged applause.] 
 
 " We want, above all, to be Americans, in the 
 truest and best sense ; and why should not Ameri- 
 cans legislate for themselves? Whose country is 
 this, anyhow ? [Tremendous applause and laughter.] 
 We want neither European policies engrafted into 
 our laws, nor European conditions forced upon our 
 people; and we will have neither the one nor the 
 other. It is often said that we want enough money 
 to meet the needs of business, but just now the thing 
 we need most is business itself, and rest assured, the 
 more business we do the more money we will have." 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 270 
 
 Mr. Miliiei', of Plainfield— " Amen." 
 
 " We know just what we want, for we have had it 
 before. [Apphiuse.] We know when we lost it, 
 and how we lost it [laughter] ; and knowing this, we 
 know just how to get it back again. [Renewed 
 laughter ; applause.] 
 
 *' Here is a case were knowledge is power ; and I 
 have never known the people quite so eager to vote 
 with their new information and recent business ex- 
 perience to guide them. Rest assured when at length 
 they do have an opportunity they will vote back into 
 power that great party of protection which encom- 
 passes in its legislation and policies the good of all 
 the section and of all the people of the whole 
 country. [Tremendous applause.] And that policy 
 will come back to stay. 
 
 " What we want in this country is a general re- 
 sumption of business. We want the restoration of 
 prosperity and confidence which we enjoyed before 
 the change. Business at home will bring it, and it 
 will bring good money, too, in abundance, and neither 
 will come in any other way. You will not restore 
 active business and good wages by a policy which 
 transplants any part of our established business to 
 Europe. No matter what kind of a currency we 
 have it will not rekindle idle furnaces and employ 
 idle men so long as we go abroad for our products 
 which can be made at home because of the cheaper 
 labor prevailing there. If we do our work at home 
 our labor at home will be employed, and the wages 
 
280 CON"TEASTED CONDITIO^^S 
 
 paid at home will be spent at home. This is the 
 philosophy of protection, and it cannot be abandoned, 
 amended or abated." 
 
 [Springfield, 0., September 10th, 1895.] 
 
 "My friends, there is one objection to the law, if 
 there were no others, which must make its perma- 
 nency impossible. It fails to raise the needed reve- 
 nues for the daily expenses of the government. 
 That would condemn it in the judgment of the 
 American people whatever differing views they 
 might have on the question of protection and fi-ee 
 trade. The law from the date of its enactment to 
 the present time — and it is now a year old — has not 
 raised enough money from customs duties and inter- 
 nal revenue combined to meet the necessary expenses 
 of the government. The result has been a monthly 
 deficiency. No law like that can be approved by 
 the American people, for they j)r6fer Protective 
 Tariffs to an increased and increasing bonded in- 
 debtedness, and they would rather have a safe bal- 
 ance in the treasury than a deficiency, and even a 
 surplus, to a tainted public credit. 
 
 " The operation of that law in respect to its reve- 
 nues alone, independent of any other consideration, 
 is vitally important in this discussion. It is worth 
 while to know from official sources the revenue-rais- 
 ing power, both of the law of 1890 and that of 1894. 
 The people themselves know from their own experi- 
 ence the difference between the two laws in respect 
 
CONTEASTED CONDITION'S 281 
 
 to their own incomes and the general business of the 
 country. It is unjustly charged that the R,e[iublican 
 law of 1890 was incapable of supplying the needed 
 revenues for the government, and that the deficien- 
 cies in the treasury, which have occurred since the 
 incoming Cleveland administration, were directly 
 traceable to it. The Republican tariff law went 
 into effect in October, 1890. The receipts under it 
 for the first nine months, commencing October 1st, 
 
 1890, to July 1st, 1891, were : From customs, $153,- 
 287,831.47 ; from internal revenue, $106,436,500.01 ; 
 tlie receipts from miscellaneous sources were $22,- 
 118,356.21. The total receipts for that period were 
 $281,842,687.69. The expenditures for that period 
 of nine montlis, from October 1st, 1890, to July 1st, 
 
 1891, were $280,710,748.34. The receipts, there- 
 fore, exceeded the expenditures by $1,131,939.35. 
 There was no deficiency up to this time. The re- 
 ceipts under the Kepublican law of 1890, from July 
 1st, 1891, to July 1st, 1892, were : From customs, 
 $177,452,964.15; from internal revenue, $153,971,- 
 072.57 ; the receipts from miscellaneous sources were 
 $23,513,747.52 ; total receipts, $354,937,784.24. 
 The total expenditures of the government for that 
 year were $345,023,330.58, showing an excess of 
 receipts over expenditures of $9,914,453.66. There 
 was no deficiency up to this time. The receipts 
 under the Republican tariff law for the fiscal year 
 commencing July 1st, 1892, and ending July 
 Xst, 1893, were: 'From customs, $203,355,016.73; 
 
282 CONTEASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 from internal revenue, $161,027,623.93 ; the receipts 
 from miscellaneous sources were, $21,436,988.12 ; 
 total receipts for fiscal year of 1893, $385,819,628.- 
 78. The total expenditures for that year were $383,- 
 477,954.49, an excess of receipts over expenditures 
 of $2,341,674.29. There was no deficiency up to 
 this time. 
 
 " Now, in that year, 1893, on March 4th, the 
 present Democratic administration came into jiower, 
 pledged to reverse the protective policy of the gov- 
 ernment, which had existed for more than thirty 
 years. Then there were distrust and consternation 
 in every business circle. No business man knew 
 what to do, for he could not predict what the party in 
 power would do. Business colla]3sed. Panic and fail- 
 ures followed. Then the receipts commenced to fall 
 off, as I will show you. The receipts from July 1st, 
 1893, to July 1st, 1894, during all of which period 
 the Cleveland administration was in control of every 
 branch of the government, were : From customs, 
 $131,818,530.62; from internal revenue, $147,111,- 
 232.81 ; the receipts from miscellaneous sources were 
 $18,792,255.82 ; total receipts $297,722,019.25. 
 The total expenditures during that period were 
 $367,525,279.83. Here occurs the first deficiency. 
 Here is the first time that the receipts fell short of 
 the expenditures of the government, the deficiency 
 being$69,803,260.58. Is it any wonder that there was 
 a deficiency when we consider the condition of panic, 
 poverty, and business paralysis which prevailed at that 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITION'S 283 
 
 time and which immediately followed the restoration 
 to full power of the Democratic party ? The law con- 
 tinued in operation until August, 1894, and for the 
 months of July and August, 1894, the receipts from 
 customs were: |26,828,o95.47 ; from internal rev- 
 enue, $25,252,094.89 ; the receipts from miscel- 
 laneous sources were $2,715,971.13 ; total receipts, 
 $54,796,661.49. The total expenditures for those 
 two months were $68,305,219.38, a deficiency of 
 $13,508,557.89. On August 28th, 1894, the Brice- 
 Gorman Act went into operation. The receipts 
 under that law from September 1st, 1894, to September 
 1st, 1895, were : From customs, $161,391,367.76 ; 
 from internal revenue, $115,877,954.01 ; the receipts 
 from miscellaneous sources were $15,089,503.98; 
 total receipts for that year, $292,358,825.75. The 
 expenditures during this first year were $358,953,- 
 315.23, an excess of expenditures over receipts for 
 the first year of this Democratic Tariff Act of $Q6,- 
 594,489.48. During the first year, under the Brice- 
 Gorman law, the receij)ts from customs and internal 
 revenue were $276,269,321.77. During the first 
 fiscal year, under the Republican Tariff law, receipts 
 from customs and internal revenue were $331,424,- 
 036.72, a difference in favor of the Republican law 
 of $55,000,000. Under the Republican law sugar 
 was free; under the Democratic law sugar is taxed. 
 Even in the last fiscal year when the Republican law 
 was in operation, with universal distress throughout 
 the country, there was more money collected from 
 
284 CONTEASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 customs duties and internal revenue than was col- 
 lected during the first year under tlie Democratic 
 Brice-Gorman Tariff law. 
 
 "The statement of the condition of the United 
 States Treasury, on the 31st day of August 1895, 
 shows an excess of expenditures over receipts for the 
 month of August of |3,693,103.30, 
 
 " Durins: the first nine months of the Tariff" law of 
 1890 the receipts from customs and internal revenue 
 equaled within $17,000,000 the total receipts from 
 customs and internal revenue of twelve months un- 
 der the Brice-Gorman law. The average monthly 
 receipts from customs and internal revenue, under 
 the Bepublican law, for the first nine months, was 
 over $28,000,000, and under the Brice-Gorman law 
 was $33,000,000. 
 
 " The average monthly receipts from customs duties 
 during the operation of the Bepublican Tariff law 
 were $17,066,774.67 ; the average monthly receipts 
 from customs duties under the Democratic Tariff law 
 of 1894 were $13,167,533.63— a difference in favor 
 of the Republican law of $3,899,241.04 per month. 
 One thino; must not be for2;otten — that at no time 
 froin the passage of the Republican Tariff law of 
 1890 down to the close of Presiden' Harrison's ad- 
 ministration did that law fail to raise all the revenue 
 needed to meet every expense of the general gov- 
 ernment, and during no part of tliat period did the 
 gold reserve fiill below $100,000,000. The revenue- 
 raising power of the Bepublican Tariff Itiw wrjs only 
 
CONTRASTED ^0^^"DTTION■S 1^^> 
 
 crippled and impaired after tlic country liad })lace(l 
 in power a full Democratic administration 2)ledged to 
 overthrow it. 
 
 " It is loudly ^^^oclaimed through the Democratic 
 press that prosperity has come. I sincerely hope 
 that it has. Whatever prosperity we have has been 
 a long time coming, and after nearly three years of 
 business depression, a ruinous panic, and a painful 
 and widespread suffering among the people, I pray 
 that Tve may be at the dawn of better times and of 
 enduring prosperity. I have believed it would come, 
 in some measure, with every successive Kepublican 
 victory. I have urged for two years past that the 
 election of a Republican Congress would strip the 
 Democratic party of power to further cripple the 
 enterprises of the country, and w^ould be the begin- 
 ning of a return of confidence, and that general and 
 permanent prosperity could only come when the 
 Democratic party was voted out of power in every 
 branch of the national government, and the Repub- 
 lican party voted in, pledged to repeal their destruc- 
 tive and un-American legislation, which has so 
 sei-iously impaired the prosperity of the people and 
 the revenues and credit of the government. 
 
 " It is a most significant fact, however, that the 
 activity in business we have now is chiefly confined 
 to those branches of industry which the Democi-atic 
 party was forced to leave with some protection, 
 notably, iron and steel. There is no substantial im- 
 provement in those branches of domestic industry 
 
286 CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 Yv'here the lower duties, or no duties of the Demo- 
 cratic tariff, have sharpened and increased foreign 
 competition. These industries are still lifeless ; and 
 if not lifeless are unsatisfactory and unprofitable, 
 both to capital and labor. 
 
 "There is a studied eifort in cei-tain quarters to 
 show that the apparent 23rosperity tliroughout the 
 country is the result of Democratic tariff legislation. 
 I do not think that those who assert this honestly and 
 sincerely believe it. It is worth remembering, and 
 "can never be forgotten, that there was no revival of 
 business, no return of confidence or gleam of hope in 
 business circles until the elections of 1894, which, by 
 uni^recedented majorities, gave the 2:>opular branch 
 of Congress to the Republican party, and took away 
 from the Democratic party the power to do further 
 harm to the industries of the country and the occu- 
 pations of the people. This w^as the aim, meaning, 
 and purpose of tliat vote. With the near and certain 
 return of the Republican party to full possession of 
 power in the United States, comes naturally and 
 logically increased faith in the country and an assur- 
 ance to business men that for years to come they will 
 have rest and relief from Democratic incompetency 
 in the management of the industrial and financial 
 affairs of the government. Whatever prosperity w^e 
 are having (and just how much nobody seems to know) 
 and with all hoping for the best, and hoping that it 
 may stay and increase, and yet all breathless with sus- 
 pense, is in spite of Democratic legislation, and not be- 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 287 
 
 cause of it. You would suppose in reading some of the 
 Democratic newspapers and Democratic literature of 
 the country that there has been a wonderful increase 
 of wages, and the Democratic leaders are claiming it 
 as the direct result of Democratic tariff legislation. It 
 is true there has been an increase in wages in some 
 branches of industry, but a careful analysis will show 
 that wherever the increase has been had, it has been 
 in those departments of industry where protection 
 was not wholly withdrawn or the least withdrawn, 
 or where the home markets are secure from foreign 
 competition; and where there is the most protec- 
 tion there will be found the best wages. Consider- 
 ing the condition in which the country has been for 
 two years and a half, any amount of work resumed, 
 no matter how little; any increase in the demand 
 for labor, no matter how insignificant, would mean 
 more and better wages. For two years and a half 
 wages were not only abnormally low, but employ- 
 ment was so scarce and em^^loyes so plenty that they 
 could be had upon any terms and at any price. It 
 was not a question of wage ; it was a question of 
 work ; and men, rather than accept charity, and in 
 order that they might give their families even scanty 
 support, were ready to work at any price and at 
 any employment. It must be remembered also 
 that in the fewest branches of industry, if any, the 
 wage scale has been restored to what it was in 1892, 
 The increase of wages in 1895, much as it may be 
 and gratifying as it is, does not equal the decrease of 
 
288 CONTEASTP]D CONDITIONS 
 
 wages from 1892 to 1895 ; and there is yet a vast 
 difference, as every workingnian realizes, between the 
 price paid labor now and the price paid labor before 
 the Democratic party took control, in March, 1893. 
 This difference represents much, very much, to the 
 workingmen of the country, and deprives many fire- 
 sides of the comforts they enjoyed before 1893. 
 Moreover, not only are the wages less now than in 
 1892, but a vast number of men employed then are 
 out of employment now. I do not propose to make 
 comparisons between the wages paid labor now and 
 the wages paid labor prior to 1893. That is unnec- 
 essary. Every man who labors in this country 
 knows whether he is employed now as satisfactorily 
 and steadily as then, and whether he is paid as well 
 now as he was when Republican policies' were in 
 operation during Kepublican administrations. Every 
 workingman knows what his pay-roll is now, and 
 knows what his pay-roll was then ; and he knows it 
 better than anybody can tell him ; and he knows 
 better than anybody else the exact measure of differ- 
 ence between the wages he receives now and the 
 wages he received then. Nor is he in doubt as to 
 the cause of this difference. He knows when he lost 
 it and how he lost it ; and he v/ill vote at every 
 opportunity in opposition to the pai'ty whose policy 
 he believes produced it. This subject, therefore, can 
 well be left with the laboring men of the country. 
 
 " No one can observe the shrinkage of the wool pro- 
 duction in the United States without being pro- 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 389 
 
 fbundly impressed witli the injustice and criiiK of 
 tliat part of the tariff law of 1894, which places wool 
 upon the free list. Among the heaviest losses since 
 1893 are those of Pennsylvania, which has fallen 
 from 9,823,296 pounds to 5,899,867 pounds ; Texas, 
 from 30,341,857 i)Oundsto 22,669,809 pounds ; AVest 
 Virginia, from 4,627,887 pounds to 2,149,393 pounds ; 
 Ohio, from 21,893,625 pounds to 18,534,610 pounds ; 
 Michigan, from 16,370,536 pounds to 12,140,524 
 pounds; California, from 26,808,444 pounds to 23,- 
 153,956 pounds; and New York, from 9,328,300 
 pounds to 6,250,392 pounds. The total product of 
 the United States for 1893 was 348,538,138 pounds. 
 In 1894, 325,210,712 jDounds, and in 1895, 294,296,- 
 726 pounds. It is no wonder that the wool-growers 
 of Ohio, in their convention at Columbus, last 
 Wednesday, September 4th, unanimously adopted 
 ihe following resolution : 
 
 " ' Resolved, That the singling out of wool among 
 «jo-called raw materials for sacrifice by the late Con- 
 gress, while the " less important ones were cared for 
 and protected, was an outrage upon agriculture, in- 
 volving far greater evils than 2:)arty perfidy and party 
 dishonor," and should be resented at the polls and 
 elsewhere in every proper way/ 
 
 " Mr. Brice will not be long in discovering that the 
 farmers of the State of Ohio do not accept the law 
 of the trusts and combinations as the final settlement 
 of this great economic question. This subject can 
 well be left with the intelligent farmers of Ohio. 
 
290 CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 They will have the opportunity at the coming elec- 
 tion to directly commend or condemn our junior 
 Senator in striking down one of their greatest in- 
 dustries and chief sources of revenue. They will no-t 
 forget that our candidate for Senator, ex-Governor 
 Foraker, is opposed to free wool, but favors full and 
 just protection to this most important industry." 
 
 THE TWO PARTIES ON SILVER. 
 
 The two skeleton maps show lai- more impressively 
 than any array of figures could how the two parties 
 stand on the question of free-silver coinage and honest 
 money. On the Republican map all the States in 
 which the Republican party is for free coinage, and 
 also all the States in which it is doubtful on the sub- 
 ject and has dodged or straddled it, are shaded 
 The figures on each State show the number of elec- 
 toral votes to which it is entitled, the delegates in 
 National Convention being double that number. At 
 a glance it is seen that the battle has been fought 
 and won in all the great States of the North and 
 West as far as the western line of the Dakotas and 
 Kansas, and also in Oregon, Wyoming, and Wash- 
 ington, and that Kentucky, Tennessee, and Alabama, 
 iron and coal-producing States, have broken through 
 the centre of the South, while West Virginia and 
 South Carolina have also joined the right side. 
 
 But the Southern States are not needed to elect a 
 President. The solid body of Northern States be- 
 
SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAVIS. 
 
SENATOR HENRY C. LODtiJL 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 203 
 
 tween the Atlantic and the western border of the 
 J)akotas and Kansas, now all Republican, including 
 Missouri, West Virginia, and Kentucky, are of one 
 mind on the silver question. They cast, including 
 Wyoming, 302 electoral votes, or more than two- 
 thirds of the wliole, without any from the South or 
 the Pacific Coast. In all these States the Republi- 
 cans had at the last election a plurality, and in. all 
 except Kentucky, Missouri, and Nebraska, which 
 have thirty-eight votes, it had a clear majority over 
 Democrats, Populists, and Silver men added together. 
 The Democratic map presents a vast dark body 
 with a few white spots. The States that have de- 
 clared against free-silver coinage are white — namely, 
 the eleven Eastern States, Minnesota, Michigan, and 
 South Dakota. The States which have not yet de- 
 clared or have evaded the question are half shaded — 
 namely, Wisconsin, North Dakota, and Louisiana. 
 All the other States are fully shaded, the Democratic 
 party in each of these States having declared in con- 
 vention or by choice of delegates for free-silver 
 coinage. Including all the undecided and doubtful, 
 the anti-silver Democrats might muster over a third 
 of the delegates in Convention, but far short of a 
 majority. No man of practical sense can look on 
 the map and imagine that the almost solid Democ- 
 racy of the West and South is going to yield its pas- 
 sionately-cherished opinions to the small fraction of 
 the party at the East. 
 
394 CONTRASTED CONDITIONS 
 
 The figures do not quite tell the whole story. For 
 generations the seat of power in the Democratic 
 party, its home and its citadel, has been the South. 
 The Democrats of the North and West have been a 
 subject race, from boyhood educated to obey the dic- 
 tation of Southern leaders, to accept and fight for 
 their theories, and to take without flinching the 
 popular disfavor and the annual beating which sup- 
 port of such theories involved in most Northern 
 States. It is past concej^tion that a Northern or 
 Eastern Democrat should hope to defy and resist the 
 power which has ruled the party for more than half 
 a century. The great body of its electoral votes has 
 always come from the South, far more than half its 
 votes in Congress, nearly all of its experienced men 
 and practiced leaders in either House. But the 
 home and citadel of the Republican party has always 
 been the free North, originally the Eastern and Cen- 
 tral States, between the Atlantic and the Mississippi, 
 including later their many children of the West. In 
 that region the convictions of the Republican party 
 are formed, its electoral votes are secured, and most 
 of its votes in Congress. The opinions of the East 
 and Central North are as certain to shape the action 
 of the Republican as the opinions of the South are 
 to sliaj^e the action of the Democratic party. 
 
 Let business men throughout the country contrast 
 these two pictures, and it will not take them long to 
 judge which party they can trust in any question of 
 money or finance. The ideas of the South are those 
 
CONTRASTED CONDITION'S 295 
 
 of the plantation. The Republican ^arty is of 
 necessity, as it ever has been, the instrument by 
 which the millions of wage-earners and of business 
 men have defended and promoted their interests. 
 The North tests every question of money by the 
 needs of the wage-earners and the business men. 
 For more than thirty years they have been perpetu- 
 ally assailed and often imperilled by the theories 
 and crazy notions of the Democratic party, never 
 more unreasoning or more dangerous than now, 
 when it has gone mad over free coinage of silver. 
 To intrust power to such a l)arty was the height of 
 folly in 1892, when its destructive capacity had not 
 been tested. To-day it would be for wage-earners 
 and business men an act of impossible madness. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 SOME ♦VIEWS ON PUBLIC QUESTIONS. 
 
 Humorous speeches— The feeder of Great Britain— A leap in the 
 dark— Give the officials scope— Importance of agriculture- 
 Arbitration — Respect and retrospect— Let England take care 
 of herself. 
 
 T T will be interesting to quote a few paragraphs 
 I from the humorous speeches made by Governor 
 ^ McKinley. In support of the tariff commis- 
 sion in 1882 he aroused the attention of the country, 
 and indicated to old politicians that a new force was 
 arising in national politics, and that it was well to 
 watch the career of William McKinley. In the 
 House he said then : 
 
 " Who has demanded a tariff for revenue only, 
 such as is advocated by our friends on the other 
 side ? What portion of our citizens ? What part 
 of our population ? Not the agriculturist ; not the 
 laborer; not the mechanic; not the manufacturer; 
 not a petition before us, to my knowledge, ask- 
 ing for an adjustment of tariff rates to a revenue 
 basis. England wants it, demands it — not for our 
 good, but hers; for she is more anxious to main- 
 
 296 
 
PUBLIC QUESTIONS 297 
 
 tain lier old position of supremacy than she is to pro- 
 mote the interests and welfare of the people of this 
 republic, and a great party in this country voices her 
 interests. Our tariffs interfere with her profits. 
 They keep at home what she wants. We are inde- 
 pendent of her ; not she of us. She Avould have 
 America the feeder of Great Britain, or, as Lord 
 Sheffield put it, she would be 'the monopoly of our 
 consumption and the carriage of our produce.' She 
 would manufacture for us, and permit us to raise 
 wheat and corn for' her. We are satisfied to do the 
 latter, but unwilling to concede to her the monopoly 
 of the former. 
 
 " Manufacturers, farmers, laboring men, indeed all 
 the industrial classes in the United States, are sever- 
 ally and jointly interested in the maintenance of the 
 present or a better tariff law which shall recognize in 
 all its force the protection of American producers and 
 American productions. Our first duty is to our own 
 citizens. 
 
 " Free trade may be suitable to Great Britain and 
 its peculiar social and political structure, but it has 
 no place in this republic, where classes are unknown, 
 and where caste has long since been banished ; where 
 equality is a rule ; where labor is dignified and hon- 
 orable ; where education and improvement are the 
 individual striving of every citizen, no matter what 
 may be the accident of his birth, or the poverty of 
 ills early surroundings. Here the mechanic of to-day 
 Is the manufacturer of a few years hence. Under 
 
298 PUBLIC QUESTIONS 
 
 such conditions, free trade can have no abiding place 
 here. We are doing very well ; no other nation has 
 done better, or makes a better showing in the world's 
 balance sheet. We ought to be satisfied with the 
 progress thus far made, and contented with our out- 
 look for the future. We know what we have done 
 and what we can do under the policy of protection. 
 We have had some experience with a revenue tariff, 
 which neither inspires hope, nor courage, nor confi- 
 dence. Our own history condemns the policy we 
 oppose, and it is the best vindication of the policy 
 which we advocate. It needs no other. It furnished 
 us in part the money to prosecute the war for the 
 Union to a successful termination ; it has assisted 
 largely in furnishing the revenue to meet our great 
 public expenditures and diminish with unparalleled 
 rapidity our great national debt ; it has contributed 
 in securing to us an unexampled credit ; it has de- 
 veloped the resources of the country and quickened 
 the energies of our people ; it has made us what the 
 nation should be, independent and self-reliant ; it has 
 made us industrious in peace, and secured us inde- 
 pendence in war ; and we find ourselves in the begin- 
 ning of the second century of the republic without a 
 superior in industrial arts, without an equal in com- 
 mercial prosperity,with a sound financial system, with 
 an overflowing treasury, blest at home and at peace 
 with all mankind. Shall we reverse the policy which 
 has rew^arded us with such magnificent results ? Shall 
 we abandon the policy which pursued for twenty 
 
PUBLIC QUESTIONS 399 
 
 years, has produced such unparalleled growth and 
 prosperity ?" 
 
 The Morrison tariff bill, wliich proposed a hori- 
 zontal reduction of the Act of 1883, was under dis- 
 cussion in the House on April 30th, 1884, and in 
 closing his speech in opi30sition. Representative 
 McKinley said in conclusion : 
 
 " Every one of the leading industries of this 
 country will be injuriously affected by this proposed 
 change, and no man can predict the extent of it. The 
 producers of cottons and woolens, of iron, steel, and 
 ghxss, must suffer disastrously if this bill is enacted 
 into ]aw ; and the proprietors of these establishments 
 are neither robbers nor highwaymen, as the free- 
 traders love to characterize them. They have been 
 real benefactors, and while some of them liave grown 
 opulent, in the main they do not represent the rich 
 classes of the country. Their entire capital is in 
 active employment. Many of them are large bor- 
 rowers. Your proposed action will affect the values 
 of their plants, unless except for the purposes em- 
 ployed, will diminish the value of their invested 
 capital, will decrease their sales and the ability of 
 their customers to buy, and in many cases result in 
 total overthrow and bankruptcy. You can do this, 
 if you will. You have the power in this House to 
 accomplish this great wrong ; but let me beg you to 
 pause before you commence the work of destroying 
 a great economic system under which the country 
 has grown and prospered far in advance of every 
 
300 PUBLIC QUESTIOI^S 
 
 other nation of the world. A system established b}* 
 tlie founders of the government, recognized by the first 
 Congress which ever sat and deliberated in council 
 in this nation, sanctioned in the second Act ever 
 passed by Congress, upheld by our greatest states- 
 men, living or dead, vindicated by great results and 
 justified by all our experience, achieving industrial 
 triumphs without a parallel in the world's history. 
 Its maintenance is yet essential to our progress and 
 prosperity. The step proposed is a grave one. No 
 man on this floor can determine its consequences or 
 predict its results. 
 
 " It is a leap in the dark. No interest is press- 
 ing it. No national necessity demands it. No 
 true American wants it. If it is a party neces- 
 sity to enforce Democratic doctrines and disci- 
 pline a little segment of the party, you can afford 
 to wait, or clear your decks of mutineers in some 
 other way : let the ship be saved, and punish your 
 insubordinate associates without endangering great 
 interests temporarily confided to your care. The 
 interests of this great people are higher and greater 
 than the ambitions or interests of any party. The 
 free-traders have already demonstrated that they are 
 in control of the Democratic party, and they are a 
 large majority of that political organization ; but 
 they are -happily in the minority in this country. 
 They may dictate the policy here by party caucus, 
 they may disturb the business of the country while 
 yet in power, but they Avill not, under the policy 
 
PUBLIC QUESTIONS 301 
 
 tliey are now pursuing, be long permitted to dominate 
 the popular branch of Congress, happily the only 
 branch of the government which they now control." 
 
 On July 14tli, 188G, there was under discussion a 
 resolution from the Ways and Means Committee 
 directing the Secretary of the Treasury to pay a i>kvt 
 of the surplus — which had given Grover Cleveland so 
 much trouble, but wliich has not existed in his 
 present administration — on the public debt. Major 
 McKinley made an extended speech on the subject 
 wliich teemed with figures. His remarks then are 
 particularly important now, showing as they do that 
 he did not believe the hands of the President 
 should be tied ; in other words were he in Congress 
 now he would be active in opposition to the Demo- 
 cratic and Populistic proposition to repeal the author- 
 ity to issue bonds. The Major said, among other 
 things : 
 
 " I believe it to be a judicious thing to give the 
 officers charged with the management of the finan- 
 cial affiiirs of the government, charged by the people, 
 the power to call the bonds or withhold a call for 
 bonds whenever the condition of the treasury will 
 permit the one or the other. The hands of the 
 President and Secretary should not be tied ; they 
 should have full power to act under the laws as they 
 are, and then be held to the highest responsibility 
 and strictest accountability. Therefore, Mr. Chair- 
 man, unless the amendment I offered at the begin- 
 liing of this discussion, and another amendment 
 
302 PUBLIC QUESTIONS 
 
 which will be offered by the gentleman from Maine 
 (Mr. Reed), and still another which will be pre- 
 sented by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. 
 Long), shall be adopted by this house, I shall feel 
 constrained to glv'3 a negative vote on the resolution 
 presented b}'^ the Committee on Ways and Means. 
 Of course, we caiuiot help, I cannot help, no gentle- 
 man on this side can help, the Democratic party 
 voting to-day a want of confidence in its own admin- 
 istration. We cannot prevent you from passing a 
 vote of condemnation on the President of the United 
 States and his Secretary, and that is what this reso- 
 lution means if it becomes a law, and that is what 
 you are doing when you vote for it." 
 
 Major McKinley has always appreciated the im- 
 portance of tl].e agriculturist in our national life. 
 He delivered a most eulogistic speech before the 
 Ohio State Grange, on December loth, 1887, of 
 which the foil owing are extracts : 
 
 " Farmers could manage to exist rather generously, 
 if not luxuriously, without us, but we could not well 
 «xist withoy.t them. 
 
 " Agric^ilture may fairly be classed as the founda- 
 ioD of all industries ; it is intimately related to 
 Wfirj field of labor. No matter what our employ- 
 .Yient, we must draw our life every day afresh from 
 the soil, and our daily necessities can be supplied 
 from no other source. All trade, all commerce, all 
 business is but the result, direct or remote, of the 
 industrial pursuit in which you are engaged. Our 
 
PUBLIC QUESTIONS 303 
 
 city, in its earlier ami later progress, is peculiarly the 
 offspring of agriculture. From it lias been drawn 
 our chief income ; it has been the source of our reve- 
 nue. We have been doing little else for thirty years 
 but meeting the demands and supplying the wants 
 of the farmers. 
 
 " Tell me how the land is held, and I can tell you 
 ahnost to a certainty the political system of the 
 country, its form of government, and its political 
 character. When land is divided into small farms, 
 the property, as a rule, of those who till them, there 
 is an inducement, ambition, and facility for inde- 
 pendence, for progress, for wider thought and higher 
 attainments in individual, industrial life. Over such 
 a population no government but a free one, under 
 equal laws and equal rights, with equal opportuni- 
 ties, can exist for any length of time. The small 
 f\irm, thoroughly worked, was the ancient model, 
 commended by the early sages and philosophers ; as 
 old Vergil put it, 'Praise a large farm, cultivate a 
 small one.' We must avoid in this country the hold- 
 ing of large tracts of land by non-resident owners 
 for speculative purposes, and set our faces like flint 
 against alien land-holding in small or large tracts. 
 Our public domain must be re-dedicated to our own 
 people, and neither foreign syndicates nor domestic 
 corporations must be permitted to divert it from the 
 hallowed purpose of actual settlement by real farm- 
 ers. 
 
 " One of the great lessons of history is that agri- 
 
304 PUBLIC QUESTIONS 
 
 culture cannot rise to its highest 2)ertection and reach 
 its fullest development without the aid of commerce, 
 manufactures, and mechanical arts. All are essential 
 to the healtliy growth and highest advancement of 
 the others ; the progress of one insures the prosperity 
 of another. There are no conflicts, there should be 
 no antagonisms. They are indispensable to each 
 other. Whatever enfeebles one is certain to cripple 
 the rest, 
 
 "Let us accept the advice of the fathers of the 
 Republic, heed their patriotic counsels, walk stead- 
 fastly in their faith, preserve the mutual helpfulness 
 and harmonies of the industries, and maintain our 
 independence, national, industrial, and individual, 
 against all the world, and thus advance to the high 
 destiny that devolves upon us and our posterity. I 
 bespeak for you a pleasant and proiiLable meeting, 
 and, with thanks and best wishes to all, bid you 
 good-night." 
 
 To the laboring interests and to employers as well 
 it is important to know what Major McKinley's 
 views are on. arbitration. They are shown in the 
 closing paragraph of his speech on that subject in 
 the House of Representatives, on April 2d, 1886 : 
 
 " I believe, Mr. Chairman, in arbitration, as in 
 principle ; I believe it should prevail in the settle- 
 ment of international differences. It represents a 
 higher civilization than the arbitrament of war. I 
 believe it is in close accord with the best thought 
 and sentiment of mankind; I believe it is iiie true 
 
rnUJC QUESTIONS 305 
 
 way of settling differences between labor and capital; 
 I believe it will bring both to u better inulcr«tanding, 
 uniting tliem closer in interest, and promoting better 
 relations, avoiding force, avoiding unjust exactions 
 and oppression, avoiding the loss of earnings to 
 labor, avoiding disturbances to trade and transporta- 
 tion ; and if this House can contribute in the small- 
 est measure, by legislative expression or otherwise, 
 to these ends, it will deserve and receive the grati- 
 tude of all men who love peace, good order, justice, 
 and fair i^lay." 
 
 The Kepublican Presidential candidate delivered 
 a speech on " Prospect and Retrospect," on Septem- 
 ber 14th, 1887, before the Mahoning Valley Pioneer 
 Association, of which this is a striking paragraph : 
 
 " We can hardly conceive that the next generation 
 will be so rich in fruitage, so prolific in invention, so 
 marvelous in achievement, so wonderful in its work ; 
 but who can tell ? There seem to be a brain and a 
 conscience and a manhood always ready to rise up 
 and discover, at the appropriate moment, the forces 
 and elements necessary in the onward march of man- 
 kind. The things you and I have seen, great as they 
 are, may be insignificant contrasted with the things 
 unseen and yet to be developed. The ax and the 
 rifle, the courage and the conscience, the brain and 
 the braW'U, the f\dth in God of the pioneer, lay the 
 foundations of the splendid institutions which m^ke 
 possible our matchless achievements. The New Eng- 
 land school-house, which came simultaneous with his 
 
306 PUBLIC QUESTIONS 
 
 cabin and stockade, was our flaming torch, wliich, 
 carried grandly tlirougli the century, has filled the 
 whole world with its light." 
 
 The Home Market Club, of Boston, invited Major 
 McKinley to address them on February 9th, 1888. 
 At that time he spoke regarding free raw materials. 
 The following selection from that speech, in view of 
 the events since it was made, is most striking : 
 
 "A revenue reformer who had recently visited 
 your State, said to me a few days ago, that Massa- 
 chusetts had already received all the benefits she 
 could from protection, and that now her interests as 
 well as her inclinations lay in the other direction — 
 that of free trade. Enlarging upon it he was forced 
 to confess that the manufacturing thrift and activity 
 everywhere seen in your commonwealth, the high 
 rank you had taken, and the perfection reached in 
 production, were the outcome of the system of Ameri- 
 can protection ; but now free trade, or its equivalent 
 or approximation, would place you in a position of 
 coinniaiiding advantage over those portions of the 
 country marked with less industrial development. 
 If I were to admit the truth of my friend's discourse 
 — which I do not — the situation would, in simple 
 language, be this : Massachusetts owes her proud 
 industrial position to a Protective Tariff, which she 
 has enjoyed by the help of other States not so far 
 advanced in mnnufactures, and which have neither 
 so long nor so advantageously enjoyed its benefits. 
 Now she does not need it for herself, and is unwill- 
 
PUBLIC QUESTIONS 307 
 
 ing that any of her sister States shall profit by its 
 assistance and enjoy its blessings. She nsed it to 
 attain her high commercial position and manufactur- 
 ing development. The newer States are now moving 
 upward on the ladder which carried her before and 
 above them. Now, as my friend would have it, she 
 is ready to push the ladder down with all that is 
 upon it. [Laughter.] This I know to be a base and 
 ungenerous reflection upon Massachusetts, which 
 her industrial people will be quick to resent, and 
 which nothing in her behavior in the past would 
 justify." 
 
 On this same occasion Major McKinley delivered 
 these additional gems of thought : 
 
 " But if free wool will secure cheaper clothing to 
 the people, by the same process of reasoning, cloth, 
 duty free, and untaxed ready-made clothing will 
 diminish the price still further, and give to the con- 
 sumer the very consummation of low prices and 
 cheap wearing apparel. If every consideration but 
 the mere cheapness of the fabric be discarded, then 
 no reason can be found why, with free wool, there 
 should not come free cloth and free clothing. [Ap- 
 plause.] Things, however, are sometimes the dear- 
 est, when nominally they are the cheapest. The 
 selling price of an article is not the only measure ; 
 the ability to buy, the coin with which to purchase, 
 is an important and essential element, and must not 
 be dismissed from our consideration. If a man is 
 without means an^ witho'?^ employment, and there 
 
SOS PUBLIC QUESTIONS 
 
 is none of the latter to be had, everything is dear to 
 him. The price is of the smallest, consequence, 
 however cheap, if it is beyond his reach. If my 
 only means is my labor, and that is unemployed, 
 whether things are cheap or dear is of little moment 
 to me. 
 
 "The manufacturers of New England, and more 
 particularly the skilled labor employed by them, 
 need a Protective Tariff, and require it equally 
 with the industries and labor of other States. It is 
 imperatively demanded, not only here, but in every 
 section of the Union, if the present price of labor 
 is to be continued and maintained. Your industries 
 cannot compete successfully, even in this market, with 
 the industries of England, France, Belgium and Ger- 
 many, without a tariff, so long as the price paid labor 
 here exceeds the price paid labor there from 50 to 75 
 per cent. This inequality can only be met by a tariff 
 upon the products of cheap labor, high enough to 
 compensate for the difference. You cannot compete 
 except upon equal conditions and with like cost of 
 the competing product. Free trade will either 
 equalize the conditions by reducing your labor 
 to that of the rival laborer on the other side, 
 or it will close your factories and workshops and 
 destroy, home production and competition. 
 
 " Free trade means cheap labor, and cheap labor 
 means diminished comforts — diminished capacity to 
 buy, poor and enfeebled industries and a depend- 
 ent condition generally. And every step taken in 
 
& ANDREW CARNKGIE. 
 
HOa. flAZEN S. PIN GEEK 
 
PUBLIC QUESTIONS 3il 
 
 the direction of free trade, beginning with free raw 
 material, is an advance, and a very long one and 
 a very straight one, in the direction of reduced wages 
 and a changed condition of the American working- 
 man, not confined to the labor engaged in preparing 
 raw materials for use, but will widen, and in the end 
 enter every department of labor and skill. 
 
 " I would secure the American market to the 
 American producer [applause], and I would not 
 hesitate to raise the duties whenever necessary to 
 secure this patriotic end. [Applause.] I would not 
 have an idle man or an idle mill or an idle spindle 
 in this country if, by holding exclusively the Ameri- 
 can market, we could keep them employed and run- 
 ning. [Applause.] Every yard of cloth imported 
 here makes a demand for one yard less of American 
 fabrication. 
 
 "Let England take care of herself; let France 
 look after her interests ; let Germany take care of 
 her own people, but in God's name let Americans 
 look after America ! [Loud applause.] Every ton 
 of steel imported diminishes that much of home pro- 
 duction. Every blow struck on the other side upon 
 an article which comes here in competition with 
 like articles produced here, makes the demand for 
 one blow less at home. Every day's labor upon the 
 foreign products sent to the United States takes one 
 day's laboi- from American workingmen. I woul.d 
 give the day's labor to our own, first, last, and all the 
 time, and that policy which fails in this is opposed 
 
312 PUBLIC QUESTION^ 
 
 to American interests. To secure this is the great 
 purpose of a Protective Tariff. Free-traders say, 
 give it to the foreign worlvman, if ours will not jyer- 
 form it at the same price and accept the same wages. 
 Protectionists say no, the workingmen say no, and 
 justly and indignantly resent this attempted degra- 
 dation of their labor, this blow at their indej)endence 
 and manhood. 
 
 "The party that tries to lead us back will be 
 buried beneath popular indignation. [Ajjplause.] 
 From whom does this complaint come ? It comes 
 from the scholars, so-called [laughter], and the j)oets, 
 from whom we gladly take our poetry, but whose 
 political economy we must decline to receive ; from 
 the dilettanti and would-be diplomatists, the men of 
 fixed incomes ; it comes from the men wdio ' toil not, 
 neither do they spin ' [great applause], and from 
 those who * do not gather into barns ' [laughter], 
 who have no investments except in bonds and mort- 
 gages, who want everything cheap but money, every- 
 thing easy to secure but coin, who prefer the customs 
 and civilization of other countries to our own, and 
 who find nothing so wholesome as that which is im- 
 ported, whether manners or merchandise, and want 
 no obstructions in the sha])e of a tariff jj^^^^^^ upon 
 the free use of both. [Applause and laughter.] 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 LIBERTY AND LABOR. 
 
 "The hope of the Republic is in a citizenship that is faithful to home 
 and family and devotedly loyal to country." 
 
 " Mr. President, Members of the Illinois State Fed- 
 eration of Labor, of the Trade and Labor Assembly of 
 Chicago, and 3Iy Felloio- ^ Citizens : I am glad to join 
 with you in observing this, our one hundred and 
 nineteenth National anniver ary, that we may gather 
 fresh inspirations in the cause of human freedom 
 and equality and dedicate ourselves anew, in com- 
 mon with our fellow-citizens everywhere, to the good 
 work of maintaining the free Government which our 
 fathers inaugurated more than a century ago. No 
 city in America has a better right or a better reason 
 to rejoice at its majesty and strength than Chicago, 
 and no citizens of any city in any State should cele- 
 brate it with more zeal and joy than her working 
 people, who have done so much to make Chicago the 
 great inland metropolis of our country, whose mar- 
 velous progress is the admiration and wonder of the 
 world. 
 
 " We are a Nation of working people ; some one 
 
 318 
 
314 LIBERTY AND LABOE 
 
 has said that Americans are born busy, and that 
 they never find time to be idle or indolent. We 
 glory in the fact that in the dignity and elevation of 
 labor we find our greatest distinction among the 
 nations of the earth. The United States possesses 
 practically as much energy or working power as 
 Great Britain, Germany, and France combined, so 
 that the ratio of working power falling to each 
 American is more than that of to two people of any 
 other nation. But with our improved and superior 
 machinery each American laborer is enabled to 
 accomplish, relatively, still more than his European 
 competitor. The American laborer not only does 
 more and better work, but there are more skilled, 
 intelligent, and capable artisans here now in propor- 
 tion to the total population than in any other coun- 
 try of the world. No other country can boast of so 
 great a j^ercentage of producers among her instructed 
 poj^ulation, and none other can point to so large a 
 number of enlightened and educated citizens. The 
 census statistics of 1890 place the number of our 
 citizens over ten years of age engaged in gainful 
 occupations at 22,735,000, while Sir Michael G. Mul- 
 hall, the noted English statistician, refers to the fact 
 that no other civilized country could ever before 
 boast of 41,000,000 instructed citizens. Indeed, we 
 may find in the able review of the industrial activi- 
 ties of our country recently published by this distin- 
 guished authority many striking texts for patriotic 
 contemplation. He states very frankly : 
 
LIBERTY AND LABOR 315 
 
 " * If we were to take a survey of mankind in 
 ancient or modern times as regards the physical, 
 mechanical, and intellectual force of nations, we find 
 nothing to compare with the United States in this 
 present year of 1895. The physical and mechanical 
 power which has enabled a community of wood- 
 cutters and farmers to become in less than one hun- 
 dred years the greatest Nation in the world is the 
 aggregate of the strong arms of men and women, 
 aided by horse-power, machinery, and steam-power 
 applied to the useful arts and sciences of every-day 
 life. The power that traces a furrow in the prairie, 
 sows the seed, reaps and threshes the ripe grain ; the 
 power that converts -wheat into flour, that weaves 
 wool or cotton into textile stuffs and garments ; the 
 power that lifts the mineral from the bowels of the 
 earth, that forges iron and constructs railroads ; the 
 power that bull :1s up towns and cities — in a word, 
 whatever force is directed for the production, con- 
 veyance, or distribution of the necessaries, comforts, 
 or luxuries of life, may be measured at each 
 National census with almost the same precision as 
 that with which the astronomer indicates the dis- 
 tances of the heavenly bodies.' 
 
 " We shall not enter upon such a computation or 
 study, interesting as it might be, but you are to be 
 congratulated upon the fact that in every field of 
 progress and development Chicago has always been 
 to the front and borne a most conspicuous part. 
 Upon this proud record I feel that you are to be es- 
 
316 LIBERTY AKD LABOR 
 
 pecially congratulated, for I am sure that to no class 
 of her citizens is this great city so much indebted for 
 her marvelous growth as to her wage-earners, arti- 
 sans, and working people. It can truthfully be said 
 that no other city in the country has been so shin- 
 ing a light, so truly an example and model in enter- 
 prise and energy for so many people in so many 
 States as Chicago. Her people have set the pace for 
 the great Northwest, now chasing other j)arts of the 
 country in the race of progress and supremacy. It 
 is fitting that they should rejoice, and above all most 
 appropriate that they should select this glad anni- 
 versary as the occasion for such jubilations. 
 
 "This day, forever the most illustrious in our 
 history, is crowded with patriotic memories. It 
 belongs to history, and celebrates that only wliich is 
 grand and inspiring in history. Every memory, 
 every tradition, every event about it must inspire 
 every patriot with true homage to country and with 
 hope, courage, and confidence for the future. It is 
 the baptismal day of freedom ; the day when the 
 hearts of Young America are proud and glad and 
 the hearts of the old are young again. It celebrates 
 the grandest act in the history of the human race — ^the 
 Declaration of American Independence, and a ring- 
 ing protest against usurpation and tyranny in that 
 age and every other. It has no rival ; Lincoln's im- 
 mortal Proclamation of Emancipation was but its 
 fitting supplement and actual fulfillment. Yorktown 
 pointed the way, but it was Appomattox that marked 
 
..TBETJTY A^T^) LABOK 317 
 
 the completed, unquestioned, glorious realization of 
 both. 
 
 " The Fourth of July calls us back to the most 
 heroic era of American annals, and I can conceive 
 of nothing more profitable than a consideration of 
 the origin and meaning of our National anniversary 
 and a brief notice of some of the patriotic leaders who 
 made its celebration possible. The day records the 
 event which gave birth to the Nation, that glad event 
 to humanity out of which has arisen the great Na- 
 tional fabric that we now enjoy, and the preservation 
 and advancement of which should be our highest and 
 most sacred concern. We cannot study the early 
 history of the country without marveling at the 
 courage, the foresight, the sagacity, and the broad- 
 mindedness of the men who promulgated the Decla- 
 ration of Independence and who subsequently 
 launched a new government under a written Consti- 
 tution. The men who framed the Declaration and 
 Constitution seem now to have been inspired for 
 their great work, to have been raised up by Jehovah, 
 like His prophets of old, especially for the supreme 
 duties and grave responsibilities He placed upon 
 them. 
 
 " Both instruments were in part the work of the 
 same men, and never was the spirit and impulse of a 
 preliminary document more apparent in the com- 
 pleted act. What illustrious men constituted the 
 Continental Congress of 1776 — and most of them 
 were young mea. whose subsequent careers were as 
 
31§ LIBERTY A^^D LABOR 
 
 distinguished and useful as their first great work in- 
 dicated they would become ! Every American can 
 proudly call that roll of honor without reservation, 
 apology, or omission. From Virginia came Jeffer- 
 son, its author; Harrison, Nelson, AVythe, the Lees, 
 and Braxton, all famous in the annals of the State, 
 and all freely risking life and fortune for their be- 
 loved country. From Massachusetts came John 
 Hancock, * the outlawed but uncompromising Presi- 
 dent ;' John Adams, ' the Colossus of Independence,' 
 and his equally patriotic kinsman, Samuel Adams, 
 Hhe Father of the Revolution.' Near them sat 
 Benjamin Franklin, the resourceful and wise philos- 
 opher, the eloquent Edward Butledge, of South 
 Carolina, and those tireless and talented advocates 
 of freedom and union, Thomas McKean and Caesar 
 Rodney, of Delaware. In another group, perhaps, 
 were the four brave men who in later years sat with 
 "Washington to frame and sign the Constitution — 
 Roger Sherman, of Connecticut; George Read, of 
 Delaware, and George Clymer and James Wilson, 
 of Pennsylvania. Near them were those sweet- 
 spirited and able counselors and orators, Arthur Mid- 
 dleton, of South Carolina, and Richard Henry Lee, 
 of Virginia. Then there were John Witherspoon, of 
 Princeton College, a disciple of Christ and the Chris- 
 tian doctrine of civil liberty ; John Penn, the sturdy 
 patriot of North Carolina ; Lyman Hall, of Georgia ; 
 Chase, Paca, and Stone, of Maryland ; Bartlett and 
 Whipple, of New Hampshire ; Floyd and Living- 
 
LTBET^TY AXD LABOT? 319 
 
 ston, of New York ; Hopkins and Ellery, of Rhode 
 Island, and the young and ardent Charles Carroll, 
 of Carrollton. 
 
 " Nor must we omit to mention two of this dis- 
 tinguished body of patriots — Dickinson, the eloquent 
 ' Pennsylvania Farmer,' and his colleague, Kobert 
 Morris, ' the Financier of the Kevolution,' whose 
 energy, self-sacrifice, and devotion were as unbounded 
 as his integrity and probity were unimpeachable. It 
 is related that after he had already involved himself 
 to the extent of $1 ,500,000 in behalf of the Govern- 
 ment, he said to a Quaker friend : ' I want money 
 for the use of the army.' 
 
 " * What security can thee give V 
 
 " ' My word and my honor,' replied Morris. 
 
 " ' Robert, thou shalt have it,' was the prompt 
 reply. 
 
 " Equally as useful and perhaps as influential as 
 most of the members was the efficient Secretary of 
 the Continental Congress, Charles Thompson, who for 
 fifteen years was the faithful recorder of all its pro- 
 ceedings, and who both witnessed and directed the 
 signing of the Declaration. To him we are indebted, 
 perhaps, more than to any other, for the enrollment 
 and preservation of the historic parchment itself. 
 
 " These were the men and men like them, who 
 founded our Government. It has always seemed to 
 me most fortunate that they were a truly represen- 
 tative body, not only as to the States and sections of 
 the country, but in the character of their callings 
 
320 LIBEETY AND LABOE 
 
 and pursuits in life. The country was new and but 
 little developed, yet these men were familiar with 
 and represented in themselves every condition of 
 American life and society. Many of them were men 
 of great experience in public affairs, ' the architects 
 of their own fortunes,' who generally had risen 
 despite great odds, and were in no sense adventurers 
 or hot-headed revolutionists. 
 
 " They built, not for themselves alone, but for pos- 
 terity. Their plans stretched far out into the future, 
 compassing the ages and embracing mankind. Not 
 alone for the present were their sacrifices and 
 struggles, but for all time thereafter. Not for 
 American colonists only, but for the whole human 
 race, wherever men and women are struggling for 
 higher, freer, and better conditions. It was as the 
 yearning of the soul for emancipation. It was the 
 cry of humanity for freedom — freedom to think, 
 speak, and act within the limitations of just and 
 pi'oper laws, which should be .of their own making. 
 If it should prove ineffectual, all was lost, and tyr- 
 anny and oppression would be perpetual. It was 
 the mighty struggle of the ages for the freedom of 
 m^n, for the equal opportunity of all mankind. It 
 involved those ' inalienable rights, life, liberty, and 
 the pursuit of happiness ;' and it was no fault of 
 its author that the shackles of slavery were left upon 
 any human being in the Kepublic. What it fell 
 short of he fully comprehended, and he wrote as he 
 designed, intending that the Declaration should be 
 
LIBERTY AND LABOR 331 
 
 forever the protest of a Nation against every form 
 of tyranny, oppression, and bondage known to men. 
 " Liberty and conscience triumphed, and because of 
 that triumph we have enjoyed for now more than a 
 century the freest and best government in the world. 
 The liberty which was secured by so great a sacrifice 
 was not the liberty of lawlessness, not the liberty of 
 licentiousness, but liberty for law, and law always for 
 liberty, and both for all the people. It was not 
 liberty for a class merely, but liberty and political 
 equality for all the people ; not a struggle for landed 
 proprietors, for men of wealth and gentle birth, but 
 liberty for the masses, the poor as well as the rich, 
 the low as well as the ' high. It was not a victory 
 easily won — indeed, the wonder is that it was won at 
 all. It was a contest waged by weak and struggling 
 colonies, beset by enemies at home, as well as opposed 
 by the most powerful government in the world, * the 
 proud mistress of the seas,' their old Mother 
 Country, strongly intrenched in power, and with the 
 wealth of centuries at command. 
 
 " It took seven years of war to make the Declara- 
 tion of Independence respected as more than the idle 
 words of a few restless leaders. Yet that great 
 proclamation of freedom fell short of what Jefferson 
 intended that it should contain. It is an interesting 
 fact that the author of the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence and some of those associated with him deeply 
 deplored the slave trade which was then actively en- 
 gaged in by several of the Colonies. It is a fact 
 20 
 
322 LIBERTY AND LABOR 
 
 worth cherishing that iu the original draft by Jeffer- 
 son he charged the king with willful participation in 
 the slave trade. Here is the passage which was 
 omitted, and it is certainly one of the most striking 
 of the wonderful document : 
 
 " ' He [King George] has waged cruel war against 
 human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights 
 of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people 
 who never offended him, captivating and carrying 
 them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur 
 miserable death in their transportation thither. 
 This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel 
 powers, is the warfare of the Christian king of 
 Great Britain, Determined to keep open the 
 market where men should be bought and sold, he 
 has prostituted his negative for suppressing every 
 legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this 
 execrable commerce. And that this assemblao-e of 
 horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he 
 is now exciting those very peoj^le to rise in arms 
 among us and purchase that liberty of which he has 
 deprived them by murdering the people on which he 
 also obtruded them ; thus paying off former crimes 
 committed against the liberties of one people with 
 crimes which he urges them to commit against the 
 lives of another.' 
 
 " This, alas, was left out of the otherwise perfect 
 Declaration of Independence. What a world of 
 trouble and sorrow it would have saved to posterity 
 had it remained ! What a blot it would have spared 
 
LIBERTY AND LABOR 323 
 
 the fair fiiiiie of this Republic, and what tliousands 
 of precious lives would have been saved if that great 
 truth had become a part of the Charter of our Lib- 
 erties, and its spirit have been ingrafted upon the 
 Constitution in 1787 ! It is doubtful whether the 
 Declaration could have been adopted if it had not 
 been eliminated. Some of the Colonies would 
 doubtless have withheld their assent, because some 
 of them, or some of the people dwelling therein, were 
 engaged themselves in the unholy traffic. It was the 
 best and all that could be done at the time ; more 
 was not required then, and need not be deeply de- 
 plored now. Jefferson reluctantly yielded the point, 
 but the passage remains as a permanent record not 
 only to his broad philanthropy and exalted patriot- 
 ism, but to his marvelous sagacity and foresight as 
 one of the ablest and noblest of American statesmen. 
 We can but reflect that what was in the hearts of 
 Jefferson and many of his associates more than one 
 hundred and nineteen years ago continued to stir the 
 hearts of mankind, and that men could not slumber 
 until slavery w^as totally extinguished. It took 
 nearly a hundred years of national agitation and 
 finally a war which cost the country hundreds of 
 thousands of brave men and millions of the public 
 treasury to put into the Constitution of the country 
 what Jefferson wanted to put from the first into the 
 Declaration of Independence. 
 
 " It is interesting to note what seemed the almost 
 insuperable obstacles to the final victory which 
 
334 LIBERTY AND LABOR 
 
 inaugurated free government on this continent. In 
 the limitations of an address like this it is impossible 
 to give them even a casual review. There was one 
 great menace, however, that seems to have received 
 little attention at the time which impresses me deeply, 
 and may possess some interest to you, since it brings 
 into prominence the noble character of Washington 
 and his agency in securing the blessings we now 
 enjoy. It was after hostilities had ceased, although 
 no public proclamation of peace had yet been made. 
 Washington had been urged to accept a kingship, 
 but had sternly rebuked every suggestion of dictator- 
 ship on his part. The army was at Newburgh with- 
 out pay, almost without food, and suffering in rags. 
 Washington best describes its condition in a letter to 
 the Secretary of War, from which I read : 
 
 " * Under present circumstances, when I see a 
 number of men goaded by a thousand stings of re- 
 flection on the past and anticipations of the future, 
 about to be turned on the world, forced by penury 
 and by what they call the ingratitude of the public, 
 involved in debt, without one farthing to carry them 
 home, after spending the flower of their days and 
 many of their patrimonies in establishing the free- 
 dom of their country and suffering everything this 
 side of death — I repeat that when I consider these 
 irritating circumstances, without one thing to soothe 
 their feelings or dispel their prospects, I cannot 
 avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow 
 of a very serious and distressing nature. You may 
 
LIBERTY AND LABOR 325 
 
 rely upon it, tlie patriotism and long suffering of this 
 Army is well-nigh exhausted, and there never was 
 so great a S2)irit of discontent as at j^resent.' 
 
 " He stood between the Army and Congress, sym- 
 pathizing deeply with his brave comrades in tlieir 
 deplorable condition, and yet in their presence, and 
 in all his relations with them, upholding Congress 
 and finding good excuses for its failure to provide 
 for the Continental Army. The greatest discontent 
 was prevalent, and a manifesto was issued and cir- 
 culated among the officers and men which was well 
 calculated to move tliem to acts of disorder and vio- 
 lence. This was its strong language : 
 
 " * Faith has its limits as well as its temper, and 
 there are points beyond which neither can be 
 stretched without sinking into cowardice or plunging 
 into credulity. If this be your treatment while the 
 swords you wear are necessary to the protection of 
 your country, what have you to expect from peace, 
 when your voice shall sink and your strength dissi- 
 pate by division, when those very swords, the instru- 
 ments and companions of your glory, shall be taken 
 from your sides and no remaining mark of your 
 military distinction is left but your infirmities and 
 Bears ? Can you consent to retire from the field and 
 grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt ? 
 Can you consent to wade Ihrough the vile mire of 
 despondency and owe the remnant of that life to 
 charity which has hitherto been spent in honor? 
 If you can, go, and carry with ycu the jest of Tories, 
 
[526 LIBERTY AND LABOR 
 
 the scorn of Whigs, and, what is worse, the pity of 
 the world. Go, starve, and be forgotten.' 
 
 " ' Suspect the man,' it continued, referring directly 
 to Washington, ' who would advise to more modera- 
 tion and longer forbearance. Tell Congress that 
 with it rests the responsibility of the future ; that if 
 peace returns nothing but death shall separate you 
 from your arms, and that if the war continues you 
 will retire to some unsettled country to smile in turn 
 and mock when their fear cometh.' 
 
 " This was the situation that confronted Washing- 
 ton. These words of discontent and mutinous im- 
 port were easily caught up by many of the bi-ave 
 but suffering men, the heroic men whom he had 
 borne on his great heart for seven long years. He 
 declared this to be the darkest day of his life ; no 
 defeat in all the years of the Revolution had borne 
 so terrible an aspect. He beheld the half-naked, 
 starving Army about to be led into mutiny, and per- 
 haps, all the horrors of a bloody and desperate civil 
 war, whose chief incentives would be rapine and 
 plunder. What was he to do in this great emer- 
 gency ? 
 
 " A meeting was called without his knowledge or 
 consent to take action. He appreciated its gravity ; 
 he realized the meeting was fraught with the direct 
 consequences to the Army and the country. It 
 might destroy all that had been accomplished in the 
 long struggle. He quickly determined his course. 
 He issued a peremptory order postponing it for four 
 
SENATOR E O. WOLC'OTT. 
 
 ^ 
 
HON. JOHN WANAMAKER. 
 
LIBERTY AXD LABOR 329 
 
 days, and prepared an address that for force of utter- 
 ance, lofty patriotism, and unselfish devotion to the 
 cause for which they had jointly fought has to me 
 scarcely an equal in the literature of the Revolu- 
 tion. He attended the meeting ; it was held on 
 March 15th, 1783. It was the trying moment of 
 his life, as well as a crucial test in the fate of the 
 new and unsettled Government of the Republic. 
 He had for those brave men, as he looked upon them 
 assembled in the Temple, only love, gratitude, and 
 sympathy. He unrolled his manuscript — forgetting 
 for the moment his spectacles, which had become in- 
 dispensable to him — but, pausing, he took them from 
 his pocket, and before adjusting them remarked, in 
 words full of emotion : 
 
 " ' These eyes, my friends, have grown dim and 
 these locks white in the service, yet I never doubted 
 the justice of my country.' 
 
 " Referring to the manifesto, he said : 
 " ' My God, what can this writer have in view in 
 recommending such measures ? Can he be a friend 
 of the country and the army ? No ! He is plot- 
 ting the ruin of both. Let me conjure you in the 
 name of our common country, as you value your own 
 sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, 
 as you regard the military or national character of 
 America, to express your utmost horror and detesta- 
 tion of the man who wishes, under any specious 
 pretense, to overturn the liberties of our country, 
 and who wickedly attempts to open the flood-gates 
 
330 LIBERTY AND LABOR 
 
 of civil discord and deluge our rising empire in 
 blood.' 
 
 "After urging them to exhibit the same unselfish 
 patriotism, the same devotion to duty that had always 
 characterized them, and await with patience justice 
 from the country they had served so faithfully, he 
 said : 
 
 " ' By thus determining and acting you will pursue 
 the plain and direct road to the attainment of your 
 wishes ; you will defeat the insidious designs of our 
 enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force 
 to secret artifice, and you will give one more distin- 
 guishing proof of unexampled patriotism and patient 
 virtue rising superior to the most complicated suffer- 
 ings, and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, 
 afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking 
 of the glorious example you have exhibited to man- 
 kind : " Had this day been wanting, the world had 
 never seen the last stage of perfection to which 
 human virtue is capable of attaining." ' 
 
 " Such an appeal from such a man could not be 
 unavailing. The effect was instant; his inspired 
 words were magical. His address finished, he walked 
 out of the Temple alone, leaving his words of wisdom 
 with them for such unrestrained consideration and 
 action as they might see fit to take. The ofiicers at 
 once adopted rasolutions of thanks, reciprocating the 
 affectionate expressions of their Commander-in- 
 Chief and indignantly repudiating the wicked mani- 
 festo. Civil war was at that moment averted, and 
 
LTRERTV AND LABOR 331 
 
 did not again so seriously confront the country for 
 nearly eighty years. 
 
 " This, I repeat, is a day of patriotic memories, 
 and, perhaps, another allusion to the War for Inde- 
 13endence may prove of some interest to you. On 
 April 18th, 1783, a little more than a month after 
 the scene just described, AVashington issued his 
 order announcing that hostilities had ceased. Let 
 me read it to you : 
 
 " * Headquarters, Newburgh, April 18th, 1793. 
 
 "'The Commander-in-Chief orders the cessation 
 of hostilities between the United States of America 
 and the King of Great Britain to be publicly read 
 to-morrow at twelve o'clock, at the New Building, 
 and the proclamation, which will be communicated 
 herewith, to be read to-morrow evening at the head 
 of every regiment and corps of the army. After 
 which the chaplains with the several brigades will 
 render thanks to Almighty God for all His mercies, 
 particularly for His overruling the wrath of man to 
 His own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease 
 among the nations.* 
 
 " We can well pause, even at this distant day, and 
 offer our thanksgiving to that same power for His 
 mercies to us, and for the singular manner in which 
 He has preserved this Government from then until 
 now against the * wrath of man to His own glory * 
 and our most glorious advancement. 
 
 " Following this order there was a great demon- 
 stration of joy among the soldiers, and even the gal- 
 
332 LIBEETY AND LABOR 
 
 lant officers, who but a few weeks before had been 
 filled with such great discontent, now alike joined 
 in singing with excited and jubilant air that grand 
 old anthem, ' Independence,' then so popular, but 
 long since forgotten and lost : 
 
 " * The States, O Lord, with song and praise, 
 Shall in Thy strength rejoice ; 
 And, blest with Tliy salvation, raise 
 
 To heaven their cheerful voice, 
 And all the continent shall ring, 
 Down with this earthly king ; 
 No king but God.* 
 
 "Interesting as these incidents may be to all who 
 would, by a correct understanding of the past, wisely 
 improve the future, we can review them no further. 
 The past is secure ; the present and the future are 
 our fields of oj^i^ortunity and duty. Those who have 
 gone before did well their part. Shall we be less 
 brave and patriotic in the performance of our duty ? 
 
 " What a mighty nation has been erected upon the 
 immortal principles of the great Declaration, the 
 signing of which we celebrate to-day ! We have 
 increased from thirteen to forty-four States; from 
 3,000,000 to nearly 70,000,000 people. We have 
 arisen from slavery to freedom ; from what some 
 men believed a mere confederacy of States, to be 
 dissolved at pleasure, to a mighty, eternal Union of 
 indivisible, indestructible States; from an agricul- 
 tural community to the foremost Nation of the world 
 in all the arts and sciences, in manufactures, in agri- 
 
LIBERTY AXD LABOR 333 
 
 culture, and in mining. Liberty, labor, and love 
 have accomj^lislied it all. Labor has been dignified 
 and has vindicated the truth that tlie best citizen of 
 any community is its most useful citizen. All men 
 have equal rights guaranteed by our Constitution 
 and laws, and that equality nmst be forever pre- 
 served and strengthened and everywhere recognized. 
 We are all Americans, we are all sovereigns, equal 
 in the ballot, and that citizen is the best who does 
 his best ; who follows the light as God gives him to 
 see the light ; who concedes to all the races of man- 
 kind what he claims for himself; who rigidly 
 respects the rights of others ; who is ever willing 
 and ready to assist others ; who has the best heart, 
 the best character, the greatest charity and sympa- 
 thy, and who withholds from none of his fellow-men 
 the respect, privileges, and protection he claims for 
 himself. This is the citizenship that is the need of 
 every age and to which we must educate ourselves 
 and those who are to come after us. This is the 
 citizenship that is the hope of the Eepublic, its 
 security and permanency, which is the hope of man- 
 kind, our own best hope ; a citizenship that is faith- 
 ful to home and family, devotedly loyal to country, 
 that encourages the truest and broadest national 
 spirit, the most thorough and genuine Americanism, 
 that is ever moving onward and upward toward the 
 highest ideals of modern civilization ; a citizenship 
 that respects law and constituted authority, that 
 loyally upholds, guards, and supports the Govern- 
 
334 LIBEETY AND LABOE 
 
 ment of which it is a part, in whose administration 
 it has a voice, and that rests upon the free choice 
 and consent of a majority of the people. These 
 were the characteristics which possessed the souls of 
 the men who landed in the ' Mayflower,' who resisted 
 British oppression, who promulgated the immortal 
 Declaration of Independence. These are the 
 elements of character which gave us a Patrick 
 Henry, a Franklin, a Washington, a Jefferson, an 
 Adams, a Jackson, a Grant, and which produced a 
 Lincoln, whose name has enriched history, and 
 whose great Emancipation Proclamation has blessed 
 mankind and glorified God. 
 
 " It was this character of citizenship, and the aim 
 to secure it, that animated the men who fought all 
 the battles of the Pepublic from the Pevolution to 
 the great Civil War ; that struck slavery from the 
 Constitution of the United States, that obliterated 
 caste and bondage and made freedom universal in 
 the Republic. The greatest battle which the Nation 
 has fought has been to secure to labor the right to do 
 with its skill, energy, and industry what it chooses, 
 through lawful pursuits and by peaceable means, 
 ever obedient to law and order, and respectful of the 
 rights of all ; that has given labor the unquestioned 
 right to use wliat it earns in its own way in the 
 elevation of home and family ; that has taught 
 labor to give conscience its full sway, and that 
 has inspired labor to improve wisely every oppor- 
 tunity which makes possible the realization of the 
 
LIBERTY AND LABOR 335 
 
 highest hopes and best aspirations of the human 
 race. 
 
 " Peace, order, and good will among the people, 
 with patriotism in their hearts ; truth, honor, and 
 justice in the executive, judicial, and legislative 
 branches of the Government, municipal. State, and 
 National ; all yielding respect and obedience to law, 
 all equal before the law, and all alike amenable to 
 law — such are the conditions that will make our 
 Government too strong ever to be broken by internal 
 dissensions and too powerful ever to be overturned 
 by any enemy from without. Then will the Govern- 
 ment of the people, under the smiles of heaven, 
 bless, prosper, and exalt the people who sustain and 
 support it ! 
 
 " In America no one is born to power ; none 
 assured of station or command except by his own 
 worth or usefulness. But to any post of honor all 
 who choose may aspire, and history has proved that 
 the humblest in youth are frequently the most hon- 
 ored and powerful in the maturity of strength and 
 age. It has long been demonstrated that the philos- 
 ophy of Jefferson is true, and that this, the land of 
 the free and self-governed, is the strongest as well as 
 the best Government in the world. We accept no 
 governmental standards but our own ; we will have 
 no flag but the glorious old Stars and Stripes. 
 
 " AVorkingmen of Chicago, let me abjure you to 
 be faithful to the acts, traditions, and teachings of 
 the fathers. Make their standard of patriotism and 
 
336 LIBERTY AND LABOE 
 
 duty your own. Be faithful to tlieir glorious exam- 
 ple. Whatever the difficulties of the present, or 
 problems of the future, meet them in the same spirit 
 of unflinching loyalty to country, the same devotion 
 and love for home and family, the same acknowledg- 
 ment of .dependence upon God that has always char- 
 acterized those grand men. Therein rests your great- 
 est prosperity and happiness and the surest attainment 
 of your best and dearest ambitions. Have confidence 
 in the strength of our free institutions and faith in 
 the justice of your fellow-citizens, for as Lincoln 
 often said ' there is no other hope in the world equal 
 to it.' 
 
 " In conclusion, let me offer the advice and ex- 
 hortation of one who spoke on an occasion somewhat 
 similar to this in the Centennial year 1876 in the 
 city of Boston, the venerable Robert C. Winthrop, 
 of Massachusetts, in his masterly Fourth of July 
 oration and one of his last great public addresses. 
 He had lived through nearly the whole period of our 
 National existence and had been an active partici- 
 pant in public affairs and a close student of our his- 
 tory and people for many years. With this training 
 and all the wisdom of experience and age, he pro- 
 foundly observed : 
 
 " * If I could hope without presumption that any 
 humble counsels of mine on this hallowed anniver- 
 sary would be remembered beyond the hour of their 
 utterance and reach the ears of my countrymen in 
 future days, I could not omit certainly to reiterate 
 
LIBEETY AND LABOR 337 
 
 the solemn obligations which rest on every citizen 
 of this Republic to cherish and enforce the great 
 principles of our Colonial and Revolutionary fathers 
 — the principles of liberty and law, one and insepar- 
 able — the principles of the Constitution and the 
 Union. I could not omit to urge every man to re- 
 member that self-government politically can only be 
 successful if it be accompanied by self-government 
 personally ; that there must be government some- 
 where ; and that if the people are indeed to be sov- 
 ereigns they must exercise their sovereignty over 
 themselves individually as well as over themselves 
 in the aggregate — regulating their own lives, resist- 
 ing their own temptations, subduing their own pas- 
 sions and voluntarily imposing upon themselves 
 some measure of that restraint and discipline which, 
 under other systems, is supplied from the armories 
 of arbitary power — the discipline of virtue, in the 
 place of the discipline of slavery. I could not omit 
 to caution them against the corrupting influences of 
 intemperance, extravagance, and luxury ; I could 
 not omit to call upon them to foster and further the 
 cause of universal education ; to give a liberal sup- 
 port to our schools and colleges; to promote the 
 advancement of science and art in all their multi- 
 plied divisions and relations, and to encourage and 
 sustain all those noble institutions of charity which 
 in our own land, above all others, have given the 
 crowning grace and glory to modern civilization.' 
 " It would to me be an honor beyond any other to 
 
338 
 
 LIBEETY AND LABOR 
 
 have been the author of these sublime sentiments. 
 I can and do adojDt them, and beg you to heed, 
 cherish, and teach them, as a rule of action to your- 
 selves and to your children. American citizenship 
 thus molded will perpetuate freedom, exalt the free- 
 man, and distinguish the Ilej)ublic beyond its past 
 glorious achievements." 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME. 
 
 The great Protectionist's Wife — Strong despite physical weakness^ 
 Shares all her husband's burdens — "Ever happy when sur- 
 rounded by friends, children, and roses." 
 
 [Sketch by Miss H. D. Hallmark.] 
 
 •' T AM very glad to meet you," she said, as I 
 
 I 11 eared her chair. 
 
 ^ A tone is the index which gives you the page 
 
 where a character is written. Tlie moment the sen- 
 tence was finished I knew Mrs. William McKinley 
 belonged to the sincerely gracious type of women. 
 
 It only needed her face and outstretched hand to 
 verify the classification. 
 
 Governor McKinley had brought me in to meet 
 his wife through a group of politicians and friends 
 who were sitting on the terrace and wide veranda at 
 his house at Canton, O. As we walked through the 
 shadowy, spacious hall toward the sitting-room the 
 laughter and hum of feminine voices reached me. 
 
 "I will not disturb Mrs. McKinley if she is en- 
 tertaining callers, Governor," I said. 
 
 339 
 
340 MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME! 
 
 "Then 1 very much fear you would never see 
 her," he answered. "It is the penalty of her 
 geniality that she gladly pays. She is ever happy 
 when surrounded by friends, children, and roses." 
 
 And in that atmosphere I found her. She had 
 visitors of the gentler sex from California and Ver- 
 mont — friends whom she had made in Congressional 
 days. Roses were everywhere. One seemed turned 
 loose in a conservatory. 
 
 Two tiny chairs waited occupancy. The Governor 
 turned to pick up a chubby-faced, yellow-ringleted 
 three-year-old who came with hands full of flowers 
 and lips ready to be kissed by " Auntie McKinley." 
 
 " That is my name to every acquaintance under 
 ten years of age," said Mrs. McKinley, " It used to 
 be my boast that I knew every child in Canton. I 
 fear the town grows beyond me now ; but reciprocity 
 is great, and the children seem drawn to me because 
 they know I love them so." 
 
 HER LOVE OF CHILDREN. 
 
 If Mrs. McKinley were asked " What are your 
 preferences ?" the first answer would be " Children." 
 
 Twenty-three years ago she lost the two little ones 
 that came to bless the sunny house at Canton. The 
 first was born on Christmas Day and the second on 
 April 1st. 
 
 Since the music of the two thiy voices died aw:iy 
 from her ears forever Mrs. McKinley has found that 
 
MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME 341 
 
 her heart throbs quicker at the prattle of a cliiki than 
 aught else, and that her love is wide enough to cover 
 all small lives, whether they be the offspring of poet 
 or peasant, king or beggar. 
 
 By the side of her great reception chair stand two 
 little rockers. One belonged to their first born and 
 the other was the infant throne of Mrs. McKinley 
 herself when she was " Baby Saxton," and all Can- 
 ton loved her. 
 
 For while the branches of Mrs. McKinley's life 
 have spread far and wide, giving shade, shelter, fra- 
 grance, and sweetness to many other lives, the roots 
 are firmly established in that thriving little Western 
 town. 
 
 Twenty-six years ago Ida Saxton was Canton's 
 belle and heiress. Her father was a business man — 
 rich beyond the order for those times. Houses, lands, 
 and banks were his. 
 
 Of sturdy old Presbyterian stock, he brought up 
 his children after the way they should go, studying 
 the Westminster Confession of Faith, and commit- 
 ting the Shorter Catechism to memory. 
 
 He was a man of influence in his county, and all 
 homage was given to the pretty young daughter who 
 came home after graduating at Media, Pa., and made 
 her bow to the social circles of Canton. Her father, 
 however, had his own ideas about girls, and it was not 
 all to be " bangs and beaux " with his daughter. 
 
 " Girls should learn to do something that will 
 bring them in money if fortune should be fickle," he 
 
342 MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME 
 
 argued. And the pretty daughter was put into his 
 
 own bank at Canton for a year to prove that Media 
 
 had taught her something besides " a little Latin." 
 
 " And the prospect looked quite dreary to me/' 
 
 said Mrs. McKinley, in talking it over, " for all the 
 
 other girls had brothers to take them out, and my 
 
 one was only a wee lad. But," she added, with a 
 
 twinkle in her great gray eyes, " every man in town 
 
 promised to be a brother to me, and, oh ! I did have 
 
 such a good time." 
 
 " And the Governor ? Was he a childhood's 
 
 sweetheart, as I have heard?" I asked. 
 
 " Not at all. He ran away to the army when he 
 was sixteen, and served along with President Hayes. 
 That was the strong bond between them. After that 
 he began his law practice in Canton, and — why then 
 the other brothers dropped off one by one. Every- 
 one approved of the match, my father most of all — 
 and so we were married." 
 
 Where Mrs. McKinley lives now the Governor 
 brought her home a bride. For twenty-five years 
 the house on North Market Street has remained un- 
 altered, and the Governor and his wife dearly love 
 every picture on its walls and every rose that climbs 
 over the terrace. 
 
 The First Presbyterian Church, a fine piece of 
 3tone architecture, was dedicated by the Saxton-Mc- 
 Kinley wedding. The builders hurried the prepa- 
 rations to completion that this wedding might be 
 the very first event inside its walls. 
 
MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME 343 
 
 All the Saxton's are yet ardent members aud sup- 
 porters of it, but Mrs. McKiiiley usually goes with 
 her husband to the Methodist Church, of which he 
 is an enthusiastic supporter. 
 
 As Ida Saxton was Canton's belle a quarter of a 
 century ago, so Mrs. William McKinley is the most 
 popular woman there to-day. No honors of State 
 or nation's capital have spoiled her. She inherited 
 sterner stuff than that. She is just as gracious to 
 some old beaux whose lives have come to nothing as 
 she is to an illustrious executive. 
 
 She has a keen interest in people. They are more 
 to her than position. It is the individual, not the 
 class, for which she cares. 
 
 As the Governor said, it would be hard to see 
 Mrs. McKinley when she didn't have callers. The 
 house is always open. The neighborly spirit which 
 rules in smaller towns exists in Canton to a great 
 degree, but the neighborliness to the McKinleys 
 comes from all points of the Union. 
 
 During the day I spent with them there were no 
 fewer than fifty friendly formal callers, and yet the 
 day was not a gala one. 
 
 The favorite house-corner of the Governor's wife 
 is the great triple bow window of the long western 
 sitting-room. 
 
 Here she sits for hours, talking to friends, playing 
 with children, or watching the passers-by on wheels, 
 foot, and carriage ; for North Market Street is a 
 fashionable thoroughfare and the town authorities 
 
344 MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME 
 
 wish to shortly change the name to the more signifi^ 
 cant and euphonious one of McKinley Avenue. 
 
 I say she " sits " there, for misfortune laid a heavy 
 hand on Mrs. McKinley twenty-three years ago, and 
 the muscles of her limbs are too weak to allow her 
 to walk. 
 
 For twenty-three years, therefore, she has never 
 stood upright or walked without assistance. 
 
 By her side always rests a strong mahogany cane 
 with a great gold top, and a friend's arm serves for 
 the other support. 
 
 That is the only sign of invaldism. Women with 
 far slighter physical troubles have worn weaker 
 faces. Mrs. McKinley is a tall, well-rounded, strong- 
 faced, clear-eyed woman, who needs must point to 
 the staff and say, as she does, smilingly to every 
 stranger — " You see I'm not strong," before there 
 comes a suspicion that she cannot walk and ride 
 and wheel and do aught that strong women do. 
 
 For she looks so vital. 
 
 She is about medium height, with a full, straight 
 figure. The face has strong cheek bones, a wide 
 brow, not very high, from which her short, soft, 
 gray hair divides in broad parting and waves back 
 to the collar. 
 
 This coiffure is not one of Mrs. McKinley's choos- 
 ing, but her luxuriant hair had to be cut, as she did 
 not feel quite strong enough to bear the hairpins and 
 braids through the unflagging duties as wife of a 
 public man. 
 
HON. LYMAN J. GAGE. 
 
HON. JOHN D. LONG. 
 
MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME 347 
 
 However, it is exceedingly becoming to her. Her 
 brow, hair, and eyes reminded me singularly of those 
 of Elizabeth Stuart Phelps. 
 
 Mrs. McKiniey's eyes are her telling point. Had 
 the mouth been weak the eyes would have redeemed 
 it. But its strength says to the eyes, " We are one 
 in purpose." 
 
 They are magnetic eyes. 
 
 In them one sees the discipline of suffering, the 
 heritage of common sense, the graciousness of a 
 kindly woman, the tenderness of a wife who loves 
 wisely and well. 
 
 But behind even that one who watches sees the 
 steel badge of courage ; the squareness of judgment 
 which looks a world straight into the face ; and some- 
 where, away down in a spot no bigger than the small 
 end of a wine funnel, the determination to be bigger 
 than anything than can happen to her. 
 
 With such a woman fate has no victory, circum- 
 stance no sting, and chance would have made her an 
 invalid ; herself defeated it. 
 
 THE GOVERNOK's DEVOTION. 
 
 Her physical weakness is no skeleton in a closet. 
 She speaks of it to all acquaintances — never in a 
 desire to use the first person singular, but as an ex- 
 planation that she doesn't do more as a hostess, 
 although every one knows that she accomplishes 
 more than many a healthy, selfish woman. 
 
348 MES. McKINLEY AT HOME 
 
 She was speaking of it in tlie reception room dur- 
 ing the afternoon, saying to an enthusiastic biker 
 that wheels were a subject where she didn't have to 
 fight for the merits of her chosen one, for bicycling 
 was quite beyond her forever, "As I can't even walk," 
 she added. 
 
 A young girl quickly sighed. 
 Mrs. McKinley turned to her with that wonderful 
 tenderness on her face that comes to a girl's mouth 
 and eyes when her lover is mentioned, and said: 
 " But, my child, I have the great love of a noble 
 man." 
 
 And who could sigh after that ? 
 The devotion of Governor McKinley to his wife 
 is party history. Were it private talk only it would 
 be indelicate to mention it, but everyone who has 
 ever come in friendly contact with this couple know 
 of it. 
 
 He is too keen a man not to know that the strong 
 face of his wife shows a woman of sound judgment, 
 of wide-mindedness, of a good insight into men and 
 affairs and the causes that condition both, for him 
 not to make her his confidante and helpmate. 
 
 That cool-headed judiciousness in judging the 
 world, which was transmitted into her veins by her 
 clear-minded father, comes not amiss in the states- 
 man's wife. The person worth observing is observed 
 by Mrs. McKinley. 
 
 The advantages she has been given as wife of a 
 public man and the advantages fate gave her of 
 
MKS. ]\rcKl.\LKV AT HOME 34;) 
 
 remaining quiet and not wasting lier vitality in flit- 
 ting to and fro, have developed that inborn trait to 
 a wonderful degree — to an alarming degree, I should 
 say, to the person who wished to gain by deceiving her. 
 
 HER WINNING PERSONALITY. 
 
 But this knowledge of the world does not tend in 
 the smallest to harden the face. It gives firmness to 
 sweetness, purpose to tenderness, power behind at- 
 traction. 
 
 Between the level, black eyebrows that divide the 
 two color lines of gray eyes and gray hair, there is 
 not a wrinkle or frown. Nothing but disposition 
 has done this thing. 
 
 She is temperamentally inclined not to worry, and 
 the sign is there on the smooth, white forehead. 
 The absence of any line is a special conundrum to 
 those whose grievances have been slighter, perhaps, 
 but whose command over self has been less. 
 
 I asked an old friend of Mrs. McKinley's if the 
 latter's temper was always as equable as that day. 
 It had been severely tried. 
 
 The day was hot, callers had been constant since 
 eleven in the morning, and it was then five, a good 
 dozen of visitors from out of town had remained to 
 luncheon, among whom were Mark Hanna, ex-Sec- 
 retary Proctor, from Vermont ; Judge and Mrs 
 Speers, from California; and several other equallv 
 talked-of personages, at which table Mrs. McKinley 
 had presided. 
 
350 MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME 
 
 " Yes," said the friend, " I've never seen lier pet- 
 tish in my life. That slie sometimes gets exceed- 
 ingly weary goes without saying, but she seemed to 
 have schooled herself out of that common heritaae 
 of woman — the desire to be cross and unreasonable 
 when tired." 
 
 "AVhy, even Avlien I get a cold in my head," said 
 
 the wife of an army officer, "I get simply snappish, 
 
 just as all other women do, and my husband says 
 
 warningly, ' Remember Mrs. McKinley, dear,' and I 
 
 at once am ashamed of myself." 
 
 HER FAVORITE IS^OOK. 
 
 I spoke of the favorite place in the McKinley 
 home. It is around a great window that looks on a 
 neighbor's house and the side terrace, while the two 
 French windows in front open on the wide veranda 
 which leads down to a spacious terrace. 
 
 Mrs. McKinley 's chair is drawn near the bow 
 window. The nearby table is a feature of the room. 
 It is the one exhibited at the World's Fair in the 
 Ohio Building, made of handsome Ohio woods, and 
 afterward presented to the Governor and his wife. 
 
 It is exceedingly large and beautifully carved, 
 with great claw feet. On it lie the periodicals of 
 the day, the mounted and framed photograph of the 
 Governor's horse, " Midnight," cabinets of beautiful 
 women and sandwiched everywhere, bowls and vases 
 of glorious roses. 
 
 I should not say the roses were " sandwiched," 
 
MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME 351 
 
 for all else were pushed aroinul to iniike room for 
 the splendid June beauties tliat friends keep this 
 corner abundantly supplied with. 
 
 One great vase of them was sent by the fair grad- 
 uates to whom the Governor had presented diplomas 
 the night before. And one massive jar of the most 
 superb red ones were just unpacked, sent by a Phila- 
 delphia florist, asking that they might have the 
 honor of being named " the Mrs. McKinley," as 
 they were a new variety. 
 
 This room is furnished in simple but artistic taste. 
 This is more of a living room than a sitting room. 
 
 The pictures are mostly of femily and friends. 
 Mr. and Mrs. McKinley, Sr., are there, and Mr. and 
 Mrs. Saxton. President and Mrs. Hayes in a double 
 frame are mounted on an easel, and Mrs. McKinley 
 pointed out to me the small daguerreotypes of the wee 
 one that died, and of her husband and herself when 
 they began life in an unpretentious way, but even 
 then with " dreams of future greatness in the eye." 
 
 Autograph pictures of great artists in the literary 
 and musical world dot the cosily papered walls, and 
 the fine piano — also rose-covered — shows the mu- 
 sical taste of the hostess. 
 
 Behind this sitting-room is Mrs. McKinley's sleep- 
 ing apartment. It is furnished daintily in old Chip- 
 pendale and brass couch with hangings of French 
 cretonne. The toilet table is loaded with lovely 
 silver articles and long windows open out on more 
 green grass. 
 
352 MRS. McKINLEY AT HOME 
 
 III truth, there is no outlook in summer from the 
 McKinley home where the eye doesn't meet verdure 
 and flowers. 
 
 As to the dining-room, one glance at the long 
 dining- table verifies what Fred, the colored major- 
 domo of the Governor, would tell you, that " the 
 family is two, but the table is set for twelve." 
 This shows the hospitality of the home. 
 If Mrs. McKinley becomes mistress of the White 
 House, I don't believe any exigencies in the social 
 life will be too nuicli for her, accustomed, as she is, 
 to constant entertaining. And her entei'taining, 
 mind you, is not confined to their Canton home. 
 Mrs. McKinley goes everywhere the Governor goes, 
 and all over America she has boundlessly entertained 
 and been entertained. 
 
 Some one spoke of her possible White House duties. 
 She shook her head and laughed. 
 
 " I've tried that once," she said, " and have ever 
 since said I never wanted any longer duration of it. 
 I was Lady of the White House for two weeks dur- 
 ing Mrs. Hayes's absence. 
 
 " Mrs. Hayes and I had always been on most 
 cordial terms, and I was as often at the AVliite House 
 as she at our hotel. So she persuaded me to stay 
 there during a fortnight of unavoidable absence on 
 her part during the season. And I repeat, the posi- 
 tion is no slight tax." 
 
 Mrs. McKinley is an excellent hostess. She was 
 either born with — although I don't believe anybody 
 
MRS. McKINLEY AT 11 0:\1E 353 
 
 is — or she has leuriied the gift of listening and of 
 bringing the guests out. And you ivnow if one 
 proves that you are clever you are convinced of the 
 cleverness of the one who does so. 
 
 So people go away from the Governor's wife with 
 a snug, comfortable conviction about the region of 
 the heart that they have proved themselves most 
 entertaining persons. 
 
 Wonderful gift, isn't it ? 
 
 But no one would laugh more at the suggestion of 
 such a trait on her part than Mrs. McKinley. " But, 
 my dear, I am really so interested," she would say. 
 
 HER woman's rights. 
 
 When I said good-by to her I almost told her 
 how charming she was. I hope my eyes told it to 
 her. 
 
 In the secret recesses of my better sense I knew I 
 had been lured into staying too long, and yet her 
 parting graciousness was such that my sub-coating 
 of conceit was gratified. That is auotlier straw which 
 shows her ]30wer of making friends. 
 
 Going down the terrace, where the men portion of 
 the callers sat on garden chairs, taking their ease 
 while they talked on matters of quivering import- 
 ance, I turned back to get a last glimpse of the 
 favorite corner. 
 
 The setting sun touched the rose petals into pris- 
 matic colors and glinted on the yellow curls of a 
 baby caller seated in one of tlie little chairs 
 
354 MES. McKINLEY AT HOME 
 
 Mrs. McKinlej sat in her large chair ; in her firm 
 white hand she held a great-heui'ted crimson rose ; 
 on her shoulder was lightly laid the hand of the man 
 of the hour ; back of her stood several powers in the 
 affairs of the nation. 
 
 And I knew that whatever the political creed of 
 those men, they believe in woman's rights — the right 
 of their chivalry and tenderness and loyalty and de- 
 votion and homage to such a wide-minded, great- 
 hearted, fine-souled lady. 
 
 Of such is the kingdom of woman. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION. 
 
 The organization and speeches of the presiding oflicers — Tlie plat- 
 form — The nominating speeches and ballots nominating the 
 candidates for President and Vice-President. 
 
 THE delegates to the Kepublican National 
 Convention of 1896, assembled at St. Louis 
 certain that the nomination of the President 
 had been made by their constituents. William 
 McKinley, of Ohio, was manifestly the choice of the 
 people, because he was, more than any other man, 
 identified with the protection of American industry. 
 His opponents had agitated the money question — 
 whether the Convention should declare for a gold 
 standard by way of diversion, and as it was doubtful 
 whether the explicit use of the word " gold " would 
 be approved, interest centered temporarily upon that 
 issue. The gathering of the delegates only increased 
 the McKinley sentiment, and there were doubts 
 whether the nomination for the great office would 
 not be forced by acclamation. However, it was de- 
 termined to make the record. The high compliment 
 of the Temj^orary Chairmanship of the Convention 
 
 355 
 
356 ST. LOUIS CONVENTIOJ^ 
 
 was conferred upon C. W. Fairbanks, of Indiana, a 
 Republican long of prominence in that State and 
 of steadily increasing importance. His speech, upon 
 taking the chair, was full of telling passages We 
 find space for some of them especially forcible : 
 
 " Under the operation of honest tariff and honest- 
 money Republican laws the country grew in wealth 
 and power beyond precedent. We easily outstripped 
 all other Powers in the commercial race. On No- 
 vember 8th, 1892, there was work for every hand 
 and bread for every mouth. We had reached high- 
 water mark. Labor received higher wages than 
 ever, and capital was profitably and securely em- 
 ployed. The national revenues were sufiicient to 
 meet our obligations and leave a sur23lus in the 
 treasury. Foreign and domestic trade were greater 
 in volume and value than they had ever been. 
 Foreign balances were largely in our favor. 
 European gold was flowing toward us. But all of 
 this is changed. The cause is not hard to see. A 
 reaction began when it was known that the legisla- 
 tive and executive branches of the government were 
 to be Democratic. . . . The imperilled interests of 
 the country watched and waited through the long, 
 and anxious months for some settlement of the im- 
 portant question. They wanted an end of uncer- 
 tainty. At length the Wilson bill was adoi^ted, and 
 it was characterized by a Democratic President as 
 the child of ' perfidy and dishonor.' It was so bad 
 that he would not contaminate his hand by signing it 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 357 
 
 "This important law was wuiitiiig in the primary 
 purpose of a revenue measure, for it failed to pro- 
 vide adequate revenue to meet the requirements of 
 the Government. The deliciency thus far amuunts 
 to some $95,000,000. The end is not yet, for the 
 deficiency grows day by day. This leaves the Treas- 
 ury and public credit in constant peril. Our foreign 
 credit is impaired, and domestic capital feels insecure. 
 
 " The bill struck down reciprocity, one of the 
 highest achievements in American statesmanship. 
 No measure was ever enacted which more directly 
 advanced the interests of the American farmers and 
 manufacturers than reciprocity. With its d-estruc- 
 tion fell advantageous commercial agreements, under 
 which their products were surely finding larger and 
 profitable foreign markets, and without the surren- 
 der of their own. The substitution of ad valorem 
 for specific duties has opened the way for systematic 
 wholesale frauds upon the Treasury, and producers 
 and employers of the country. 
 
 " Having attempted to reverse the tariff policy of 
 the United States with such lamentable results, the 
 Democratic party now proposes to reverse the cur- 
 rency policy. It turns to the currency as the ]'>arent 
 of our ills. Its effort to shift the responsibility will 
 deceive no one. Its attacks upon the tariff, its 
 record of inefficiency and insincerity, are a part of 
 the unfortunate history of the Republic. 
 
 " The present currency system is the fruit of Re- 
 publican wisdom. It has been adequate to all our 
 
358 ST. LOLLS COWEXTION 
 
 past necessities, aiul if uncorrupted, will meet our 
 I'uture requirements. Our greatest prosperity was 
 attained when Ile]-.ublican currency laws were in full 
 operation. ' Wlien tiie Eepublican party was in 
 power our currency was good ; it was made as good as 
 the best on tlie globe. We made sound money ; and 
 we also made an honest protective tariff to go with 
 it. Sound money and an honest protective tariff go 
 hand in hand together, not one before the other. 
 
 " The very foundation of a sound currency system 
 is a solvent Treasury. If the people doubt the in- 
 tegrity of the Treasury they will question the 
 soundness of the currency. Recognizing this funda- 
 mental fact, the Republican party always provided 
 ample revenue for the Treasury. When in the last 
 half-century of our history did the Democratic party 
 advocate a financial policy that was in the best in- 
 terests of the American people ? Look at its ante- 
 bellum currency record, consider its hostility to the 
 currency rendered necessary by the exigency of war, 
 and later, its effort to inflate the currency in a time of 
 peace by the issue of greenbacks. Witness its oppo- 
 sition to the efforts of the Re2:)ublican party to resume 
 specie payments. But four short years ago it declared 
 for a retui-n to the old discredited bank currency." 
 
 On the second day of the Convention the Hon. 
 John M. Thurston was chosen Permanent Chairman, 
 with a Vice-President from each State. The address 
 by the Permanent Chairman was one of the marked 
 features of the Convention. 
 
ST. LULIS L'U.W'KN riOxH 359 
 
 He said : 
 
 ''Gentlemen of the Convention: The happy 
 memory of your kindness and confidence will abide 
 in my grateful heart forever. My sole ambition is 
 to meet your expectations, and I ])ledge myself to ex- 
 ercise the important powers of this higli office with 
 absolute justice and impartiality. I Ijcspcak your 
 cordial co-operation and support, to the end that our 
 proceedings may be orderly and dignified, as befits 
 the deliberations of the supreme council of the 
 Republican party. 
 
 " Eight years ago I had the distinguished honor 
 to preside over the Convention which nominated the 
 last Republican President of the United States. 
 To-day I have the further distinguished honor to 
 preside over the Convention which is to nominate 
 the next President of the United States. This o-en- 
 eration has had its object lesson, and the doom of the 
 Democratic party is already pronounced. The 
 American people will return the Republican [)ar{y 
 to power because they know that its administration 
 will mean : 
 
 " The supremacy of the Constitution of the United 
 States. 
 
 "The maintenance of law and order. 
 
 " The protection of every American citizen in his 
 right to live, to labor, and to vote. 
 
 "A vigorous foreign policy. 
 
 "The enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine. 
 
 " The restoration of our merchant marine. 
 
360 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 " Safety under the Stars and Strij^es on every sea, 
 in every port. 
 
 " A revenue adequate for all governmental ex- 
 penditures and the gradual extinguishment of the 
 National debt. 
 
 " A currency ' as sound as the Government and 
 as untarnished as its honor,' whose dollars, whether 
 of gold, silver or paper, shall have equal purchasing 
 and debt-paying power with the best dollars of the 
 civilized world. 
 
 " A protective tariff which protects, couj^led with 
 a reciprocity which reciprocates, securing Ameiican 
 markets for American ^^roducts and o^^ening Ameri- 
 can factories to the free coinage of American muscle. 
 
 " A pension policy just and generous to our living 
 heroes, and to the widows and orphans of their dead 
 comrades. 
 
 "The government supervision and control of 
 transportation lines and rates. 
 
 " The protection of the people from all unlawful 
 combinations and unjust exactions of aggregated 
 capital and corporate j^ower. 
 
 " An American welcome to every God-fearing, lib- 
 erty-loving, Constitution-respecting, law-abiding, 
 labor-seeking, decent man. 
 
 " The exclusion of all whose birth, whose blood, 
 whose conditions, whose teachings, whose practices 
 would menace the permanency of free institutions, 
 endanger the safety of American society, or lessen 
 the opportunities of American labor. 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 3G1 
 
 " The abolition of sectionalism — every sta/ in tlio 
 flag shining for the honor and welfare anJ happiness 
 of every conmionwealth and of all the people. 
 
 " A deathless loyalty to all that is truly American 
 and a j^atriotism eternal as the stars." 
 
 The first trial of strength between the supporters 
 of McKinley and his opponents was on the ordering 
 the previous question on the report of the Committee 
 on Credentials. McKinley affirmative and th« op- 
 position negative — the States voting : 
 
 States. 
 
 Yeas. 
 
 Nays. 
 
 States. 
 
 Yeas. 
 
 Nays. 
 
 Alabama, . 
 
 . . 19 
 
 3 
 
 New Jersey, . . 
 
 20 
 
 — 
 
 Arkansas, 
 
 . . . 16 
 
 — 
 
 New York, . . . 
 
 18 
 
 52 
 
 California, 
 
 . . . 7 
 
 10 
 
 North Carolina, . 
 
 m 
 
 H 
 
 Colorado, 
 
 . . . — 
 
 8 
 
 North Dakota, . . 
 
 
 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 , . — 
 
 12 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 46 
 
 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 . . . — 
 
 — 
 
 Oregon, . . . . 
 
 — 
 
 8 
 
 Florida, . 
 
 . . . 7 
 
 1 
 
 Pennsylvania, . 
 
 5 
 
 59 
 
 Georgia, . 
 
 . . . 20 
 
 6 
 
 Rhode Islar.d, . 
 
 — 
 
 8 
 
 Idaho, . . 
 
 . . . — 
 
 6 
 
 South Carolina, . 
 
 18 
 
 — 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 . . . 30 
 
 18 
 
 South Dakota, . 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 Indiana, . 
 
 . . . 27 
 
 3 
 
 Tennessee, . . . 
 
 23 
 
 1 
 
 Iowa, . . 
 
 . . . — 
 
 26 
 
 Texas, 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 Kansas, . 
 
 . . 20 
 
 — 
 
 Utah, 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 . . . 23 
 
 3 
 
 Vermont, . . . 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 . . 11 
 
 5 
 
 Virginia, . . . . 
 
 22 
 
 1 
 
 IMaine, . . 
 
 . . — 
 
 12 
 
 Washington, . . 
 
 8 
 
 — 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 . . — 
 
 16 
 
 West Virginia, . 
 
 12 
 
 — 
 
 Massachuset 
 
 ts, . 2 
 
 28 
 
 Wisconsin, . . . 
 
 24 
 
 — 
 
 Michigan, 
 
 . . 28 
 
 — 
 
 Wyoming, . . . 
 
 6 
 
 — 
 
 Minnesota, 
 
 . . 18 
 
 — 
 
 Arizona, . . . . 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 . . 12 
 
 6 
 
 New Mexico, . . 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 Missouri, . . 
 
 . . 20 
 
 14 
 
 Oklahoma, . . . 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 Montana, . 
 
 . . 1 
 
 5 
 
 Indian Territory, 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 Nebraska, . 
 
 . . 16 
 
 — 
 
 Dist. of Columbia, 
 
 — 
 
 2 
 
 Nevada, . . 
 
 . . 1 
 
 5 
 
 Alaska, . . . 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 New Hamp? 
 
 hire, — 
 
 8 
 
 Totals, . . . 
 
 545i 
 
 359J 
 
362 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 The decisive day of the Convention Vy'as the third, 
 Thursday, the 18th. The platform was approved 
 and the candidates nominated in the course of one 
 session. The Rev. John B. Scott, a colored man, 
 prayed briefly, beginning : " Father of all, from 
 whose hands the centuries fall like grains of sand, 
 we meet to-day united, free, loyal." He asked a 
 blessing on the Convention and its work, and 
 closed with the recital of the Lord's Prayer. His 
 gift in prayer was deeply felt by the Convention. 
 
 Senator-elect Foraker, of Ohio, Chairman of the 
 Committee on Kesolutions, read the platform in a 
 clear voice. 
 
 THE PLATFORM. 
 
 The Republicans of the United States, assembled by 
 their representatives in National Convention, appeal- 
 ing for the popular and historical justification of their 
 claims to the bitter fruits of four years of Democratic 
 control, as well as the matchless improvements of 
 thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and con- 
 fidently address themselves to the awakened intelli- 
 gence, experience, and conscience of their countrymen 
 in tlie following declaration of facts and principles : 
 
 For the first time since the Civil AVar the American 
 people have now witnessed the calamitous conse- 
 quences of full and unrestricted Democratic control 
 of the government. 
 
 It has been a record of unparalleled incapacity, dis- 
 honor, and disaster. In the administrative manage- 
 ment it has ruthlessly sacrificed indispensable reve- 
 
GENERAL LEW WALLACE. 
 
EX-SECRETARY OF slAlJi VaY. 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 366 
 
 nue, eked out ordinary current running expenses 
 with borrowed money, piled up the public debt 
 $262,000,000 in time of peace, forced an adverse 
 balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging 
 over the redemption fund for pawned American 
 credit to alien syndicates, and reversed all the meas- 
 ures and results of successful Republican rule. In 
 the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, 
 blighted industry and trade with prolonged depres- 
 sion, closed factories, reduced work and wages, halted 
 enterprise, and crippled American production while 
 stimulating foreign production for the American 
 market. Every consideration of public safety and 
 individual interest demands that the government shall 
 be rescued from the hands of those who have shown 
 themselves incapable of condueting it without disaster 
 at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be restored 
 to the party which for thirty years administered it 
 with unequaled success and prosperity. 
 
 We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the 
 policy of protection as the bulwark of American 
 industrial independence and the foundation of 
 American development and prosperity. This true 
 American policy taxes foreign products and encour- 
 ages home industry ; it puts the burden of revenue 
 on foreign goods ; it secures the American market 
 for the American producers; it upholds the American 
 standard of wages for the American workingman; 
 it puts the factory by the side of the farm, and makes 
 the American farmer less dependent on foreign de- 
 
366 ST. LOULS CONVENTION 
 
 mand and price ; it diffuses general thrift and founds 
 the strength of all on the strength of each. In its 
 responsible application it is just, fair, and impartial, 
 equally opposed to foreign control and domestic 
 monopoly, to sectional discrimination and individual 
 favoritism. 
 
 We denounce the present Democratic party as sec- 
 tional, partisan, and one-sided, and disastrous to the 
 Treasury and destructive of business enterprise, and 
 we demand such an equitable tariff on foreign im- 
 ports which come into competition with American 
 products as will not only furnish adequate revenue 
 for the necessary expenses of the government, but 
 will protect American labor from degradation and 
 the wage level of other lands. We are not pledged 
 to any particular schedule. The question of rates is 
 a practical question, to be governed by the condition 
 of the times and of production. The ruling and un- 
 compromising principle is the protection and develop- 
 ment of American lab6r and industry. 
 
 The Republican party renews its pledge for the 
 protection of all American industries against foreign 
 competition, and declares its faith that the supremacy 
 of the United States among the nations is the re- 
 sult of such a policy. Wc l^^lieve in liberal reci- 
 procity and just relation, and demand the applica- 
 tion of the golden rule of commerce to all fu*»**e 
 legislation affecting the tariff and the foreign trade. 
 We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangement 
 negotiated by the last Republican administration was 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 367 
 
 a national calamity, and demand their renewal and 
 extension on such terms as will equalize our trade 
 with other nations, and remove the restrictions that 
 now obstruct the sale of American products in the 
 ports of Europe and secure new markets for the 
 products of our farms, forests, and factories. 
 
 "We favor restoring the early American policy of 
 discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our mer- 
 chant marine and the protection of our shipping 
 in the foreign carrying trade, so that American ship- 
 ping, the product of the American labor employed in 
 American shipyards, sailing under the stars and 
 stripes, and manned, officered, and owned by Ameri- 
 cans, may regain the carrying of our foreign com- 
 merce. 
 
 The Republican party is unreservedly for sound 
 money. It caused the enactment of the law pro- 
 viding for the resumption of specie payments in 
 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as 
 gold. We are unalterably opposed to every meas- 
 ure calculated to debase our currency or impair the 
 credit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed 
 to the free coinage of silver, except by international 
 agreement with the leading commercial nations of 
 the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, 
 and until such agreement can be obtained, the ex- 
 isting gold standard must be preserved. All our 
 silver and paper currency now in circulation must 
 be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all 
 measures designed to maintain inviolably the obliga- 
 
3(>8 ST. LOUIS CONVEI^TION 
 
 tioiis of the United States and all our money, whether 
 paper or coin, at the present standard — the standard 
 of the most enlightened nations of the earth. 
 
 JUSTICE TO VETERANS. 
 
 The veterans of the Union armies deserve and 
 should receive fair treatment and generous recog- 
 nition. Whenever practicable they should l)e given 
 the preference in the matter of employment, and 
 they are entitled to the enactment of such laws as 
 are best calculated to secure the fulfillment of the 
 pledges made to them in the dark days of the 
 country's peril. We denounce the practice in the 
 Pension Bureau, so recklessly and unjustly carried 
 on by the present Administration, of reducing 
 pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from the 
 rolls, as deserving the severest condemnation of the 
 American people. 
 
 Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, 
 vigorous, and dignified, and all our interests in the 
 Western hemisphere carefully watched and guarded. 
 The Hawaiian Islands should be controlled by the 
 United States, and no foreign power should be per- 
 mitted to interfere with them ; the Nicaragua Canal 
 should be built, owned, and operated by the United 
 States, and, by the purchase of the Danish Islands, 
 we should secure a proper and much-needed naval 
 station in the West Indies. 
 
 The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep 
 sympathy and just indignation of the American 
 
ST. LOUIS COXVENTION 3tit) 
 
 people, and we believe that the United States should 
 exercise all the influence it can properly exert to 
 bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey American 
 residents have been exposed to the gravest dangers, 
 and American property destroyed. There, and 
 everywhere, American citizens and American prop- 
 erty must be absolutely protected at all hazards and 
 at any cost. 
 
 We reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full ex- 
 tent, and we reaffirm the right of the United States 
 to give the doctrine effect by responding to the ap- 
 peals of any American State for friendly interven- 
 tion in case of Euroi^ean encroachment. We have 
 not interfered, and shall not interfere, with the 
 existing possessions of any European Power in this 
 hemisphere, but those possessions must not, on any 
 pretext, be extended. We hopefully look forward 
 to the eventual withdrawal of the European Powers 
 from this hemisphere, and to the ultimate union of 
 all of the English-speaking part of the continent by 
 the free consent of its inhabitants. 
 
 From the hour of achieving their own indepen- 
 dence, the people of the United States have regarded 
 with sympathy the struggles of other American 
 peoples to free themselves from European domination. 
 We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic 
 battle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and op- 
 pression, and our best hopes go out for the full suc- 
 cess of their determined contest foi- libertv. The 
 government of i^pnin, hnving 1«.«1 <-(Mifrol of Cuba, 
 
370 
 
 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 and being unable to protect the property or lives of 
 resident American citizens, or to comply with its 
 treaty obligations, we believe that the government 
 of the United States should actively use its influence 
 and good offices to restore peace and give indepen- 
 dence to the island. 
 
 The peace and security of the republic, and the 
 maintenance of its rightful influence among the 
 nations of the earth, demand a naval power commen- 
 surate with its position and responsibility. We there- 
 fore favor the continued enlargement of the navy 
 and a complete system of harbor and seacoast de- 
 fenses. 
 
 For the protection of the equality of our American 
 citizenship and of the wages of our workingmen 
 against the fatal competition of low-priced labor, we 
 demand that the immigration laws be thoroughly 
 enforced and so extended as to exclude from en- 
 trance to the United States those who can neither 
 read nor write. 
 
 The Civil Service law was placed on the statute 
 book by the Republican party, which has always 
 sustained it, and we renew our repeated declarations 
 that it shall be thoroughly and honestly enforced 
 and extended wherever practicable. 
 
 We demand that every citizen of the United 
 States shall be allowed to cast one free and unre- 
 stricted ballot, and that such ballot shall be counted 
 and returned as cast. 
 
 We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the 
 
ST. J.Ul IS COWKX'! .ON 371 
 
 uncivilized and barbarous practices well known as 
 lynching or killing of human beings, suspected or 
 charged with crime, without process of law. 
 
 We favor the creation of a National Board of 
 Arbitration to settle and adjust differences which 
 may arise between employers and emj^loyed engaged 
 in intestate commerce. 
 
 We believe in an immediate return to the free 
 homestead policy of the Republican party, and urge 
 the passage by Congress of the satisfactory fi-ee 
 homestead measure which has already passed the 
 House and is now pending in the Senate. 
 
 We favor the admission of the remaining Terri- 
 tories at the earliest practicable date, having due 
 regard to the interests of the people of the Terri- 
 tories and of the United States. All the Federal 
 officers appointed for the Territories should be selected 
 from bona fide residents thereof, and the right of 
 self-government should be accorded as far as prac- 
 ticable. 
 
 AVe believe the citizens of Alaska should have 
 representation in the Congress of the United States, 
 to the end that needful legislation may be intel- 
 ligently enacted. 
 
 We symjDathize with all wise and legitimate efforts 
 to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and 
 promote morality. 
 
 The Republican party is mindful of the rights 
 and interests of women. Protection of American 
 industries includes equal opportunities, equal pay 
 
3T2 ST. LUULS COxVVENTlON 
 
 for equal work, and protection to the home. We 
 favor the admission of women to wider spheres of 
 usefuhiess, and welcome their co-operation in rescuing 
 the country from Democratic and Populistic mis- 
 management and misrule. 
 
 Such are the principles and policies of the Repub- 
 lican party. By these principles we will abide, and 
 these policies we will put into execution. We ask 
 for them the considerate judgment of the American 
 people. Confident alike in the history of our great 
 party and in the justice of our cause, we present our 
 platform and our candidates in the full assurance 
 that the election will bring victory to the Republican 
 party and prosperity to the people of the United 
 States. 
 
 Senator Teller's retirement was ceremonious and 
 he had a good deal to say. Tlie reply of Foraker 
 was to move to lay Teller's substitute on the table, 
 The substitute was : 
 
 " We, the undersigned members of the Committee 
 on Resolutions, being unable to agree with that part 
 of the majority report which treats of the subjects 
 of coinage and finance, respectfully submit the fol- 
 lowing paragraph as a substitute therefor : 
 
 " ' The Republican jiart}^ favors the use of both 
 gold and silver as equal standard money, and pledges 
 its power to secure the free, unrestricted, and inde- 
 pendent coinnge of gold and silver at our mints at 
 the ratio of 16 parts of silver to 1 of gold.' " 
 
 This was laid on the table by the following vote: 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 r>'.'> 
 
 States 
 Alabama, 
 Arkansas, 
 California, 
 Colorado, . 
 Connecticut, 
 Delaware, 
 Florida, . 
 Georgia, . 
 Idaho, . . 
 Illinois, 
 Indiana, . 
 Iowa, . . 
 Kansas, . 
 Kentucky, 
 Louisiana. 
 Maine, . . 
 Maryland, 
 Massachusetts, 
 Michigan,, 
 Minnesota, 
 Mississippi, 
 Missouri, . 
 Montana, . 
 Nebraska, 
 Nevada, 
 New Hampshire, 
 
 Totals, . . 
 
 Ayes. 
 15 
 15 
 3 
 
 12 
 6 
 6 
 
 23 
 
 47 
 30 
 26 
 16 
 20 
 16 
 12 
 16 
 30 
 27 
 18 
 18 
 33 
 
 16 
 
 Nay* 
 7 
 1 
 15 
 
 States. 
 New .lersey, . . 
 New York, . . . 
 North Carolina, • 
 North Dakota, . 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 Rhode Island, . 
 South Carolina, . 
 South Dakota, . 
 Tennessee, . . . 
 
 Texas, 
 
 Utah, 
 
 ^'ermont, .... 
 Virginia, . . . . 
 WaH'.iingtoii, . . 
 "W^st Virtiinia, . 
 AViscon^in, . . . 
 "Wyoming, . . . 
 Arizona, . . . 
 New Mexico, . . 
 Oklahoma, . . . 
 Indian Territory, 
 Dist. uf Columbia, 
 Alaska, 
 
 Ayes. 
 20 
 72 
 
 6 
 46 
 
 8 
 64 
 
 8 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 23 
 30 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 24 
 
 Nays, 
 
 Hi 
 
 818J 105J 
 
 The financial plank was adopted by the same vote. 
 
 This was followed by a solemn protest and the seces- 
 sion of the extremists. 
 
 The silver delegates who retired from the hall 
 were Congressman Hartman, of Montana ; Senator 
 Cannon, Congressman Allen and Delegate Thomas 
 Kearns, of Utali ; Senator Pcttigrew, of Sontli 
 Dakota; Delegates Cleveland and Strother, of Ne- 
 vada. From Idaho the entire delegation of six, 
 
374 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 headed by Senator Dubois ; from Colorado, the 
 entire delegation of eight, including Senator Teller. 
 They carried with them their standard marking 
 their position in the hall. The total number of 
 those who " bolted " was twenty-one, including four 
 Senators and two Representatives. 
 
 These gentlemen represented those who have been 
 holding up Congress for some time to force their 
 silver scheme as a rider. Senator Mantle, of Mon- 
 tana, remained, and said : 
 
 " We reserve the right to the Republicans of the 
 State of Montana to accept or reject at such time 
 and in such manner as they may determine the 
 platform and the candidates put before them by this 
 Convention." 
 
 Senator Brown, of Utah, said : 
 
 ^^Mr. Chairman : The delegation from Utah does 
 not bolt. [Cheers.] We do not believe that the 
 Republican party is the oppressor of the people, but 
 the guardian of liberty and the protector of honest 
 government. [Applause.] Three of our delegation 
 have gone, and I am here to express our sorrow at 
 their departure. We have asked them to remain ; 
 and we shall never cease to regret their departure. 
 [Cries of ' Good !' and cheers.] We have three dele- 
 gates left and three alternates — Messrs. Rogers, 
 Green, and Smith — all true to the old party, and 
 Avho are as loyal to its principles and as fixed as the 
 everlasting mountains where we live. [Cheers.] 
 
 " In saying this, we still remain true to the prin- 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 375 
 
 ciples of free gold and free silver at the old rates. We 
 do not believe this qnestion can be settled by votes 
 in a Convention. The test of time can only settle 
 it, and we believe when it shall be settled in this 
 way it will be for the reinstatement of silver as the 
 constitutional money. But I i)romised not to speak 
 on this subject. There is one greater issue before 
 the American people, one to which the Republican 
 party was pledged years and years ago. You luive 
 promised to the people of the United States an 
 American tariff [cheers], an American issue. [Re- 
 newed cheers.] You must send })rotection to every 
 shipowner and every shipmaker. You must send pro- 
 tection to the farmer, to the manufacturer, and I say 
 to you that Utah, or at least a part of it, will en- 
 deavor to help you in that cause." [Cheers.] 
 
 Senator Brown finished by asking that the three 
 alternates he had named be allowed to sit in the 
 Convention in place of the delegates who had left. 
 
 The Chairman said unless objection was made this 
 would be ordered. 
 
 No dissenting voice being raised, the three alter- 
 nates — Lyndsey Rogers, Web Green, and A. Smith 
 — were seated as delegates from Utah. 
 
 . The Chair next recognized Mr. Burleigh, of 
 Washington. 
 
 Mr. Burleigh, speaking from the platform said: 
 "The young State of Washington yields her place 
 for patriotic devotion and loyal allegiance to this 
 Government and the tenets of this party to none. 
 
37(] 
 
 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 We did not come here for inspiration on the silver 
 question. We brought our insiDiration with us. We 
 believe in the single gold standard because we be- 
 lieve that the money which pays the banker in 
 Wall Street his interest is none too good to pay the 
 laborer in Montana." Then he added that with 
 Protection, Reciprocity, and the chosen standard- 
 bearer, William McKinley, Washington would give 
 a good account of herself in November. This was 
 the first time McKinley's name had been publicly 
 mentioned in the proceedings, and it was received 
 with cheers. 
 
 The States were then called for the choice of mem- 
 bers of the National Committee, and the following 
 names were sent up : 
 
 Alabama — William Young- 
 blood. 
 
 Arkansas — Powell Clayton. 
 
 California— J. D. Spreckels. 
 
 Colorado — Not elected. 
 
 Connecticut — Samuel Fessen- 
 den. 
 
 Delaware— James H. Wilson. 
 
 Florida— John G. Long. 
 
 Georgia — J. W. Lyons. 
 
 Idaho— Not elected. 
 
 Illinois -T. N. Jamieson. 
 
 Indiana— W. T. Durbin. 
 
 Iowa— W. B. Cummings. 
 
 Kansas— Cyrus Leland, Jr. 
 
 Kentucky — J. W. Yerkes. 
 
 Louisiana — A. T. Wilberly. 
 
 Maine — .Joseph H. Manley. 
 
 Maryland — George L. Wel- 
 lington. 
 
 Massachusetts— George H. Ly- 
 man. 
 
 Michigan — George L. Maltz. 
 
 Minnesota — L. F, Hubbard. 
 
 Mississippi — ^J. Hill. 
 
 Missouri— R. C. Kerens. 
 
 Montana — Charles R. Leonard. 
 
 Nebraska — John M. Thurston. 
 
 Nevada— Not elected. 
 
 New Hampshire — Person F. 
 Cheney. 
 
 New Jersey — Not elected. 
 
 New York— F. S. Gibbs. 
 
 North Carolina — James E. 
 Boyd. 
 
 North Dakota— W. H. Rob* 
 inson. 
 
 Ohio — Charles L. Kurtz, 
 
 Oregon — George A. Steele. 
 
 Pennsylvania — M. S. Quay. 
 
ST. L0U1« CONVENTION 377 
 
 Rhode Island— General C. R. ' Wisconsin — Henry C. Payne. 
 Brayton. I Wyoming — Willis Vandeveii' 
 
 South Carolina — E. A. Webster. 
 South Dakota— A. B. Kittredge. 
 Tennessee — Elects after the 
 
 convention adjourns. 
 Texas — John Grant. 
 Utah— 0. J. Saulsbury. 
 Vermont. — Geor<re T. Childs. 
 Virginia— George E. Bowden. 
 Washinjiton— P. C. Sullivan. 
 
 ter. 
 
 District uf Columbiii — Di^'adluck. 
 
 Arizona — Postponed until Ter- 
 ritorial Convention. 
 
 New Mexico — Elects after the 
 convention. 
 
 Oklahoma— Henry E. Asp. 
 
 Indian Territory— Leo E. Ben- 
 nett. 
 
 West Virginia- B. N. Scott. ' Alaska— Deadlock. 
 
 The first name presented for nomination was that 
 of Senator Allison by B. M. Baldwin, oC Council 
 Bluffs. He said : 
 
 "J/r. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention : 
 There is one, but only one, of those whose names 
 will be presented to this Convention who can claim 
 that there has been placed for him in history's 
 golden urn an estimate of his character and worth 
 made by him on whom Nature stamped her royal 
 seal ; God exhibited as His greatest design of Amer- 
 ican manhood, genius, statesmanship, and patriot- 
 ism ; who now in Heaven wears a crown of death- 
 less praise, and whose great soul is a portion of 
 eternity itself, James G. Blaine. Blaine writing to 
 Garfield, said: 'Then comes Allison. He is true, 
 kind, reasonable, fair, honest, and good. He is 
 methodical, industrious, and intelligent, and would 
 be a splendid man to sail along with smoothly and 
 successfully.' 
 
 •'Complying with the request of the Iowa delega- 
 tion, I rise to propose to this Convention the nom- 
 
■^7S ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 iuatiou of him to whom this heritage was be- 
 queathed, William B. Allison, and to ask you to 
 make it on the Old and New Testament of Repub- 
 licanism. 
 
 " It takes a big man to represent the State of Iowa 
 in the Congress of the United States for thirty-five 
 years, but Senator Allison is that man. With the 
 most perfect knowledge of the details of all our 
 political laws and their histories, with that states- 
 manlike judgment which distinguishes the essential 
 from the accidental and the immutable from the 
 transitory, * with every look a cordial smile, every 
 gesture a caress,' yet with the spirit of such firm 
 mold and purpose that no bribe or feast or palace 
 could awe or swerve, he has, for thirty-five years, 
 upon the floor of the House and Senate been fight- 
 ing for the interests of the people, carrying onward 
 and upward the Nation's legislative work ; turning 
 cranks out of place, unsphering the culminating 
 stars of Democracy, unmasking hidden purposes of 
 corrupt measures, until now he holds the place of 
 ungrudged supremacy in the legislative halls of that 
 most splendid of Capitols." 
 
 This speech was a very clever presentation of 
 public policy. 
 
 Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts, presented the 
 name of the Hon, T. B. Reed, saying ; 
 
 " Four years ago we met as we meet now, repre- 
 senatives of the great Republican party. Prosperity 
 was in the land. Capital was confident and labor 
 
ST. LOUIS COWKNTIO.V ;):!i 
 
 employed. There was the good day's wage for tlie 
 good day's work, and the spirit of American enter- 
 prise was stirring and bold. The treasury was full, 
 the public revenues ample for the public need. We 
 were at peace with all the world, and had placed a 
 prudent hand on the key of the Pacific. Foui- short 
 years have come and gone. Look about you now. 
 The treasury is empty. Our credit is impaired. Our 
 revenues are deficient. We meet the public needs, 
 not with income, but by borrowing at high rates and 
 pledging the future for the wants of the present. 
 Business is paralyzed. Confidence has gone. En- 
 terprise has folded its eagle wings and mopes and 
 blinks in the market-place. Our mills are idle and 
 our railroads crippled. Capital hides itself and 
 labor idly walks the street. There is neither a good 
 day's wage nor a good day's work. We have met 
 with slights abroad and have curious differences with 
 other nations. The key of the Pacific has slipped 
 from nerveless hands. Foreign troops have been 
 landed in this hemisphere. Our own boundaries 
 have been threatened in Alaska. The trouble was 
 the Democratic party had been in power." 
 
 The Senator continued : 
 
 " The Democrats deceived the peoj^le by promising 
 them the millennium, and the miserable results of 
 those lying promises are all about us to-day. We 
 have no promises to make. We pledge ourselves 
 only to that which we believe we can perform. We 
 will do our best. That is all. And as in 1860 we 
 
•ISO ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 saved the Union and abolislied slavery, so now in 
 1893 we will deal with this Democratic legacy of 
 bUmders, bankruptcy, and misfortune. 
 
 " We are gathered here to choose the next Presi- 
 dent of the United States. That we will win in the 
 election no man doubts. But let us not deceive our- 
 selves with the pleasant fancy that the campaign is 
 to be an easy one. It will be a hard battle ; it can- 
 not be otherwise when so much depends on the result. 
 Against the Republican party, representing fixed 
 American policies, strength, progress, and order, will 
 be arrayec^ not only that organized feature, the 
 Democratic party, but all the wandering forces of 
 political chaos and social disorder. 
 
 " We want a President who, on the 5th day of 
 next March, will summon Congress in extra session, 
 and, refusing to make appointments or to deal with 
 patronage, will say that all else must wait until Con- 
 gress sends to him a tariff which shall put money in 
 the Treasury and wages in the pockets of the American 
 workingmen. We want a President who will protect 
 at all hazards the gold reserves of the Treasury ; who 
 will see to it that no obligation of the Government 
 is presented which is not paid in whatever coin the 
 creditor chooses to demand, and who will never for- 
 get that the nation which pays with honor borrows 
 with ease. 
 
 " We want a man who' will guard the safety and 
 dignity of the Nation at home and abroad, and 
 who will always and constantly be firm in dealing 
 
HON. WILLIAM P. FEYE. 
 
S. p. DOLE, EX-PRESIDENT HAWAIIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 3«3 
 
 with foreign nations, instead of suddenly varying 
 a long course of weakness and indifference with a 
 convulsive spasm of vigor and patriotism. Above 
 all, we want a man who will lead his party and act 
 with it, and who Avill not, by senseless quarrels 
 between the Wliite House and the Capitol, reduce 
 legislation and execution alike to imbecility and 
 failure." 
 
 The Senator said of Mr. Reed : 
 
 "I have seen him with a maddened opposition 
 storming about him carry through that great reform 
 which has made the House of Representatives the 
 strong and efficient body it is to-day. I have seen 
 him during the last winter guide a great majority so 
 that they have met every demand put upon them, 
 and made no errors which could burden the Repub- 
 lican party in the campaign before us. 
 
 " Before the people and in the House he has ever 
 been the bold and brilliant champion of the great 
 Republican policies which, adopted, have made us 
 prosperous, and abandoned, have left ruin at our 
 doors. He is a thorough American, by birth, by 
 descent, by breeding ; one who loves his country, 
 and has served it in youth and manhood, in war and 
 in peace. His great ability, his originality of thought, 
 his power in debate, his strong will are known of all 
 men, and are part of the history of the last twenty 
 years. His public career is as spotless as his private 
 character is pure and unblemished. He is a trained 
 statesman, fit for the heaviest tasks the country can 
 
384 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 impose upon liim. He coramauds the confidence of 
 his party and his country. He is a leader of men. 
 We know it because we have seen him lead. To 
 those who have followed him he never said ' Go,' 
 but always * Come.' He is entirely fearless. We 
 know it, for we have seen his courage tested on a 
 hundred fields. He has been called to great places, 
 and to great trials, and he has never failed nor 
 flinched." 
 
 Mr. Depew's nomination of Governor Morton was 
 a fine stroke of literary work. Mr. Depew said : 
 
 "No party, no matter however glorious its achieve- 
 ments or how brilliant its successes, can rely upon 
 the past. Its former triumphs are only its certificates 
 of character, which must be met by continuing effort 
 as beneficent and wise as anything of which it boasts. 
 The party which is to permanently govern a country 
 and is secure in its past must not only be equal to 
 the present, but must forecast and provide for the 
 future. 
 
 " We meet to take up the broken cord of National 
 development and ha|)piness and link it once more to 
 the car of progress. Our industries stagnant, our 
 manufactures paralyzed, our agriculture disheartened, 
 our artisans unemployed, our finances disordered, our 
 Treasury bankrupt, our credit impaired, our position 
 among the nations of the world questioned, all look 
 to this Convention and call upon its wisdom for hope 
 and rescue. 
 
 "The whole country, North, South, East, and 
 
ST. LOUIS eO.NVl'lX'noN' 385 
 
 We.st, witliuut any division in our lines, or out ul* 
 lliem, stands, after what has happened in the last 
 three years, for the protection of American indus- 
 tries, for the principle of reciprocity, and for America 
 for Americans. But a compact neighborhood of great 
 commonwealths, in which are concentrated the ma- 
 jority of the population, of the manufactures, and 
 of the industrial energies of the United States, has 
 found that business and credit exist only with the 
 stability of sound money. 
 
 *' It has become the fashion of late to decry busi- 
 ness as unpatriotic. We hear much of the ' sordid 
 considerations of capital,' * employment,' ' industrial 
 energies,' and ' prosperous labor.' The United 
 States, differing from the mediaeval conditions which 
 govern older countries, differing from the militarism 
 which is the curse of European nations, differing 
 from thrones which rest upon the s^vord, is pre-emi- 
 nently and patriotically a commercial and a business 
 nation. Thus commerce and business are synony- 
 mous with patriotism. When the farmer is afield 
 sowing and reaping the crops which find a market 
 that remunerates him for his toil ; when the laborer 
 and the artisan find work seeking them and not 
 themselves despairing of work ; when the wage of 
 the toiler promises comfort for his family and hope 
 for his children ; when the rail is burdened with the 
 product of the soil and of the factory ; when the 
 spindles are humming and the furnaces are in blast ; 
 when the mine is putting out its largest product 
 
3S€ ST. LOUIS CONVEKTION" 
 
 and the national and individual wetilth are aoiistantly 
 increasing; when the homes owned, unmortgaged, 
 by tlie people are more numerous day by day and 
 month by month ; when the schools are most crowded, 
 tlie fliirs most frequent, and happy conditions most 
 universal in the nation, then are the promises fulfilled 
 which make these United States of America the home 
 of the oppressed and the land of the free. 
 
 " It is to meet these conditions, and to meet them 
 with a candidate who represents them and about 
 whom there can be no question, that New York pre- 
 sents to you for the Presidency, under the unanimous 
 instructions of two successive Republican State Con- 
 ventions, the name of her Governor, Levi P. Morton." 
 
 Mr. Depew said of Mr. Morton : 
 
 " He is the best type of the American business man 
 — that type which is the ideal of school, the academy, 
 and the college ; that type which the mother presents 
 to her boy in the AVestern cabin, and in the Eastern 
 tenement, as she is marking out for him a career by 
 which he shall rise from his poor surroundings to 
 grasp the prizes which come through American 
 liberty and American opportunity, 
 
 " You see the picture. The New England clergy- 
 man on his meagre salary, the large family of boys 
 and girls about him, the sons going out with their 
 common schovol education, the boy becoming the 
 clerk in a store, then granted an interest in the busi- 
 ness, then becoming its controlling spirit, then claim- 
 ing the attention of the great house in the city and 
 
ST. L0UT8 COXVEXTIOX 387 
 
 called to a partuershii), then himself the master of 
 great affairs. Overwhelmed by the incalculable con- 
 ditions of Civil War, but with undaunted energy 
 and foresight, he grasped again the elements of 
 escape out of bankruptcy and of success, and with 
 the return of prosperity he paid to the creditors who 
 had com})romised his indebtedness every dollar, prin- 
 cipal and interest, of what he owed them. The best 
 type of a successful business man, he turns to politics, 
 to be a useful member of Congress ; to diplomacy, to 
 be a successful minister abroad ; to the executive 
 and administrative branches of government, to be 
 the most popular Vice-President and the presiding 
 officer of that most august body, the Senate of the 
 United States. 
 
 " Our present deplorable industrial and financial 
 conditions are largely due to the fact that while we 
 have a President and a Cabinet of acknowledged 
 ability, none of them have had business training or 
 experience. They are persuasive reasoners upon in- 
 dustrial questions, but have never practically solved 
 industrial problems. They are the l^ook farmers 
 who raise wheat at the cost of orchids and sell it at 
 the price of wheat. With Levi P. Morton there 
 would be no deficiency to be met by the issue of 
 bonds, there would be no blight on our credit which 
 would call for the services of a syndicate, there 
 would be no trifling with the delicate intricacies of 
 finance and commerce which would paralyze the 
 operations of trade and manufacture. 
 
388 ST. LOUIS COXVENTION" 
 
 " Whoever may be nominated by this Convention 
 will receive the cordial support, the enthusiastic ad- 
 vocates of the Republicans of New York, but in the 
 shifting conditions of our Commonwealth, Governor 
 Morton can secure more than the party strength, and 
 without question in the coming canvass, no matter 
 what issues may arise between now and November, 
 place the Empire State solidly in the Republican 
 column." 
 
 In placing McKinley in nomination, ex-Governor 
 and Senator-elect Foraker said : 
 
 " Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : 
 It would be exceedingly difficult, if not entirely im- 
 possible, to exaggerate the disagreeable situation of 
 the last four years. The grand aggregate of the 
 multitudinous bad results of a Democratic National 
 Administration may be summed u]) as one stupen- 
 dous disaster. It has been a disaster, however, not 
 without, at least, this one redeeming feature — that it 
 has been fair ; nobody has escaped. [Loud laughter.] 
 
 " It has fallen equally and alike on all sections of 
 the country and on all classes of our people, the just 
 and the unjust, the Republican and the Democrat, 
 the rich and the poor, the high and the low have 
 suffered in common. Poverty and distress have 
 overtaken business; shrunken values have dissipated 
 fortunes ; deficiencies of revenue have impoverished 
 the government, while bond issues and bond syndi- 
 cates have disci-edited and scandalized the country. 
 
 " Over against that fearful penalty is, however, to 
 
ST. LOLLS COW LXrioX ;j8!J 
 
 be set down out* great, blessed eompeiisatory result 
 — it bas destroyed tlie Democratic party. [Clieers 
 and laugbter.] The proud colunuis vvbieli SAvept tbe 
 country in trluinjib in 1892 are broken and Jiopeless 
 in 1896. Tiieir boasted principles wben put to tbe 
 test have proved to be dehisive fallacies, and tlieir 
 great leaders luive degenerated into Avarring clileftains 
 of petty and irreconcilable factions. Tbeir approach- 
 ing National Convention is but an approaching 
 National nightmare. No man pretends to be able to 
 predict any good result to come from it. And no man 
 is seeking the nomination of that Convention except 
 only the limited few who have advertised their un- 
 litness for auy kind of a public trust by proclaiming 
 their willingness to stand on any sort of a platform 
 that may be adopted. [Laughter.] 
 
 " The truth is, the party which would stand up 
 under the odium of human slavery, opi)Osed to the 
 war for the j^reservation of the Union, to emancipa- 
 tion, to enfranchisement, to reconstruction and to 
 specie resumption is at last to be overmatched and 
 undone by itself. It is writhing in the throes and 
 agonies of final dissolution. No human agency can 
 prevent its absolute overthrow at the next election, 
 except only this Convention. If we make no mistake 
 here, the Democratic })arty Avill go out of jioAver on the 
 4tli day of March, 1897 [applause], to remain out of 
 power until God, in His infinite wisdom, mercy, and 
 goodness shall see fit once more to chastise His people. 
 [Loud laiighter and applause.] 
 29 
 
390 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 "So far we have not made any mistake. We 
 have adopted a platform which, notwithstanding 
 the scene witnessed in this hall this morning, meets 
 the demands and expectations of the American people. 
 
 " It remains for us now, as the last crowning act 
 of our work, to meet again that same expectation 
 in the nomination of our candidates. What is that 
 expectation ? What is it that the people want ? They 
 want as their candidate something more than ' a 
 good business man ' (an allusion to Mr. Depew's 
 characterization of Governor Morton). They want 
 something more than a popular leader. They want 
 something more than a wise and patriotic statesman. 
 They want a man who embodies in himself not only 
 all these essential qualifications, but those, in addi- 
 tion, which, in the highest possible degree, typify in 
 name, in character, in record, in ambition, in pur- 
 pose, the exact opposite of all that is signified and 
 represented by that free-trade, deficit-making, bond- 
 issuing, labor-assassinating, Democratic administra- 
 tion. [Cheers.] 
 
 [Twenty-five minutes were occupied by the au- 
 dience at this point cheering for McKinley.] 
 
 Resuming, the orator eulogized the champions of 
 Republicanism (Mr. Blaine with the greater em- 
 phasis), with great fervor and closed: 
 
 " But, greatest of all, measured by present require- 
 ments, is the leader of the House of Representatives, 
 the author of the McKinley bill, which gave to labor 
 its richest awards. No other name so compietely 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 3!) J 
 
 meets the requirements of tlie occasion, and no other 
 name so absolutely commands all hearts. The shafts 
 of envy and malice and slander and lihel and detrac- 
 tion that have been aimed at him lie broken and 
 harmless at his feet. The quiver is empty, and he is 
 untouched. That is because the people know him, 
 trust him, believe in him, love him, and will not 
 permit any human power to disparage him unjustly 
 in their estimation. 
 
 " They know that he is an American of American- 
 ists. They know that he is just and able and brave, 
 and they want him for President of the United States. 
 [Applause.] They have already shown it — not in 
 this or that State, nor in this or that section, but in 
 all the States and in all the sections from ocean to 
 ocean, and from the gulf to the lakes. They expect 
 of you to give them a chance to vote for him. It is 
 our duty to do it. If we discharge that duty we will 
 give joy to their hearts, enthusiasm to their souls, 
 and triumphant victory to our cause. [Applause.] 
 And he, in turn, will give us an administration 
 under which the country will enter on a new era of 
 prosperity at home and of glory and honor abroad, 
 by all these tokens of the present and all these 
 promises of the future. In the name of the forty- 
 six delegates of Ohio, I submit his claim to your 
 consideration." [More applause.] 
 
 Senator Thurston, of Nebraska, was recognized by 
 Temporary Chairman Hepburn, and seconded the 
 nomination of McKinley. He spoke as follows • 
 
392 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 "J/r. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conven- 
 Hon: This is the year of the people. They are 
 conscious of their power ; they are tenacious of their 
 rights ; they are supreme in this Convention ; they 
 are certain of victory now in November. 
 
 " Tliey have framed the issue of this campaign. 
 What is it? Money? Yes, money! Not that 
 which is coined for the mine-owner at the Mint or 
 clipped by the coupon-cutter from the bond, but that 
 which is created by American muscle on the farms 
 and in the factories. The Western mountains clamor 
 for silver and the Eastern seashore cries for gold, 
 but the millions ask for work — an opportunity to 
 labor and to live. 
 
 STANDS FOR ALL THE STATES. 
 
 " The prosperity of a nation is in the employment 
 of its people, and, thank God ! the electors of the 
 United States know this great economic truth at last. 
 The Republican party does not stand for Nevada or 
 New York alone, but for both ; not for one State, but 
 for all. Its platform is as broad as the land, as 
 national as the flag. Republicans are definitely com- 
 mitted to sound currency ; but they believe that in a 
 government of the people the welfare of men is 
 paramount to the interests of money. Their shib- 
 boleth for this campaign is ' Protection.' From the 
 vantage-ground of their own selection, they cannot 
 be stampeded by Wall Street panics or free-coinage 
 cyclones. Reports of international complications 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION ;39;3 
 
 and rumors of war pass them liglitly by ; they know 
 that the real enemy of American prosperity is free 
 trade and the best coast defense is a protective tariff. 
 They do not fear the warlike preparations of Europe, 
 but they do fear its cheap manufactures. Their real 
 danger is not from foreign navies carrying guns, but 
 from foreign fleets bringing goods. 
 
 " This is the year of the people. They have risen 
 in their might. From ocean to ocean, from lake to 
 gulf, they are united as never before. We know 
 their wishes and are here to register their will. 
 They must not be cheated of their choice. They 
 know the man best qualified and equipped to fight 
 their battles and to win their victories. His name 
 is in every heart, on every tongue. His nomination 
 is certain, his election sure. His candidacy will 
 sweep the country as a prairie is swept by fire. 
 
 THE YEAR OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 " This is the year of the people. In their name, 
 by their authority, I second the nomination of their 
 great champion, AVilliam McKinley. Not as a fa- 
 vorite son of any State, but as the favorite son of the 
 United States. Not as a concession to Ohio, but as 
 an added honor to the Nation. 
 
 " When this country called to arms, he took into 
 his boyish hands a musket and followed the flag, 
 bravely baring his breast to the hell of battle, that 
 it might float serenely in the Union sky. For a 
 quarter of a century he has stood in the fierce light 
 
394 ST. LOUIS CO>;VEXTION 
 
 of public place and liis robes of office are spotless as 
 the driven snow. He has cherished no higher 
 ambition than the honor of his country and the 
 welfare of the plain people. Steadfastly, courage- 
 ously, victoriously, and with tongue of fire he has 
 pleaded their cause. His labor, ability, and perse- 
 verance have enriched the statutes of the United 
 States with legislation in their behalf. All his con- 
 tributions to the masterpieces of American oratory 
 are the outpourings of a pure heart and a patriotic 
 purpose. His God-given powers are consecrated to 
 the advancement and renown of his own country and 
 to the uplifting and ennobling of his own country- 
 men. He has the courage of his convictions and 
 cannot be tempted to woo success or avert defeat by 
 any sacrifice of principle or concession to popular 
 clamor. 
 
 STEADFAST IN THE HOTJR OF GLOOM. 
 
 " In the hour of Republican disaster, when other 
 leaders were excusing and apologizing, he stood 
 steadfastly by that grand legislative act which bore 
 his name, confidently submitting his case to the 
 iudsment of events, and calmlv waiting for that 
 triumphal vindication whose laurel this Convention 
 is impatient to place upon his brow. 
 
 " Strengthened and seasoned by long Congressional 
 service, broadened by the exercise of important ex- 
 ecutive powers, master of the great economic ques- 
 tions of the age, eloquent, single-hearted, and sincere, 
 
ST. L0U1« CONVENTION 396 
 
 h« stands to-day the most conspicuous and oom- 
 manding character of this generation, divinely or- 
 dained, as I believe, for a gr*---*^. mission, to lead this 
 people out from the shad.^^: >f adversity into the 
 sunshine of a new and enduring prosperity. 
 
 " Omnipotence never sleeps. Every great crisis 
 brings a leader. For every supreme hour Providence 
 finds a man. The necessities of '96 ai-e almost as 
 great as those of '61. True, the enemies of the 
 Nation have ceased to threaten with the sword, and 
 the Constitution of the United States no longer tol- 
 erates that shackles shall fret the limbs of men, but 
 free trade and free coinage hold no less menace to 
 American progress than did the armed hosts of 
 treason and rebellion. If the voice of the people is 
 indeed the voice of God, then William McKinley is 
 the complement of Abraliam Lincoln. Yea, and he 
 will issue a new Emancipation Proclamation to the 
 enslaved sons of toil, and they shall be lifted up 
 into the full enjoyment of those privileges, advan- 
 tages, and opportunities that belong of right to the 
 American people. 
 
 THE FLAG WILL NEVER BE HAULED DOWN. 
 
 " Under his Administration he shall command the 
 respect of the nations of the earth ; the American 
 flag will never be hauled down ; the rights of Ameri- 
 can citizenship will be enforced ; abundant revenues 
 provided ; foreign merchandise will remain abroad ; 
 our gold be kept at home ; American institutions 
 
;396 ST. LOULS C'ONVEXTION 
 
 will be cherished and upheld ; all governmeutal ob- 
 ligations scrupulously kept, and on the escutcheon 
 of the Republic will be indelibly engraved the 
 American policy — 'Protection, Reciprocity, and 
 Sound Money.' 
 
 " My countrymen, let not your hearts be troubled ; 
 the darkest hour is just before the day ; the morning 
 of the twentieth century will dawn bright and clear. 
 Lift up your hopeful faces and receive the light ; the 
 Republican party is coming back to power, and 
 William McKinley will be President of the United 
 States. 
 
 " In an inland manufacturing city, on election 
 night, November, 1894, after the wires had confirmed 
 the news of a sweeping Republican victory, two work- 
 ingmen started to climb to the top of a great smoke- 
 less chimney. 
 
 " That chimney had been built by the invitation 
 and upon the promise of Republican protective 
 legislation. In the factory over which it towered 
 was employment for twice a thousand men. Its 
 mighty roar had heralded the prosperity of a whole 
 community. It had stood a cloud by day and a 
 pillar of fire by night for a busy, industrious, happy 
 people. Now bleak, blackened, voiceless, and dis- 
 mantled, like a grim spectre of evil, it frowned down 
 upon the hapless city, where poverty, idleness, stag- 
 nation, and want attested the complete disaster of 
 the free-trade experiment. 
 
ST. LOi:iS CO.WEXTION 397 
 
 UNFURLED THK KMJiLKM OF HOPE. 
 
 « 
 
 "Up and up niul u[> they climbed, watched ]\v the 
 breathless multitude below. Up nnd up and up, un- 
 til at last they stood upon its summit ; and there in 
 the glare of the electric lights, cheered by the 
 gathered thousands, they unfurled and nailed an 
 American flag. Down in the streets strong men 
 wept — the happy tears cf hope — and mothers, lifting 
 up their babes, inyoked the blessing of the Hag ; 
 and then impassioned lips burst forth in song — the 
 hallelujah of exulting hosts, the mighty psean of a 
 people's joy. That song, the enthusiastic millions 
 yet sing. 
 
 " Hurrah ! Hurrah ! we bring the jubilee ; 
 
 Hurrah ! Hurrah ! the flap that makesa ns free ; 
 
 So we sing the chorus from the mountains to the sea ; 
 
 Hurrah for McKinley and Protection. 
 
 " Oyer the city that free flag wayed, caressed by 
 the pa.ssing breeze, kissed by the silent stars. And 
 there the first glad sunshine of the morning fell 
 upon it, luminous and lustrous with the tidings of 
 Republican success. 
 
 " On behalf of those stalwart workmen, and all the 
 vast army of American toilers ; that their employ- 
 ment may be certain ; their wages just, their dollars 
 the best in the civilized world : on behalf of that 
 dismantled chimney, and the deserted factoiy at its 
 base ; that the furnaces may once more flame, the 
 
398 «T. L0U18 CONVENTION 
 
 mighty wheels revolve, the whistles scream, the an« 
 vils ring, the spindles hum ; on behalf of the thou- 
 sand cottages round about, and all the humble 
 homes of this broad land ; that comfort and con- 
 tentment may again abide, the firesides glow, the 
 women sing, the children laugh ; yes, and on behalf 
 of that American flag and all it stands for and rep- 
 resents ; for the honor of every stripe, for the glory 
 of every star ; that its power may fill the earth and 
 its splendor span the sky, I ask the nomination of 
 that loyal American, that Christian gentleman, 
 soldier, statesman, patriot, William McKinley." 
 
 Governor Hastings, of Pennsylvania, nominated 
 Senator (]uay. The Governor said : 
 
 " Pennsylvania comes to this Convention, giving 
 you the cordial assurance that, whoever may be our 
 National standard-bearer, he will receive of all the 
 States in the Union the largest majority from the 
 Keystone State. There have been no faltering foot- 
 steps in Pennsylvania when the tenets of Repub- 
 licanism have been at stake. 
 
 " Pennsylvania comes to this Convention and, with 
 great unanimity, asks you to name a standard-bearer 
 who will represent not only the principles and con- 
 ditions, but the brightest hopes and aspirations of 
 the Republican party ; a man who has been a loyal 
 supporter of its every great movement; a potent 
 factor in its councils from the day of its birth and 
 baptism on Pennsylvania soil to the present time ; a 
 man whose every vote and utterance has been upon 
 
tfUBAT HALSTEAB. 
 
THE PRESIDENT AND HIS CABINET. 
 ^t T.on^ CoDvriKhted 1897 by Purdy of Boston ) 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 401 
 
 the side of sound money, fair protection, and a strong 
 and patriotic Americanism. 
 
 " Called to lead a forlorn hope in the great cam- 
 paign of 1888, he wrought a task equal to the six 
 labors of Hercules. He organized the patriotism 
 and Republicanism of the country for victory. He 
 throttled the Tammany tiger in his den, and, forcing 
 an honest vote and an honest count in the strong- 
 hokl of the most powerful and corrupt political or- 
 ganization in the land, rescued the country from the 
 heresies of Democracy. Having thus made himself 
 too powerful and too dangerous to the enemy, the 
 order went forth to assassinate him, but the poisoned 
 arrows of slander and vituperation, thrown in bitter 
 and relentless hatred, fell broken at his feet. He 
 turned to the people among whom he lived and 
 whose servant he was, and his vindication at their 
 hands was a unanimous re-election to the Senate of 
 the United States. 
 
 "There, representing imperial Pennsylvania and 
 her interests, he stood like a rock, resisting the com- 
 bined power of a free-trade President and party, 
 until the deformity known as the Wilson bill was 
 altered and amended so as to save at least some of 
 the business interests of his State and country from 
 entire and utter ruin. We welcome the issue — 
 American protection, American credit, and an 
 American policy. Let the people in the campaign 
 which this Convention inaugurates determine w^iether 
 they are still willing to live through another free- 
 
402 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION" 
 
 trade panic. Let the wage-earner and the wage- 
 payer contemplate the bitter experiences which 
 brouoht hiiiisfcr to the home of one and financial 
 ruin to the other. Let the American farmer com- 
 pare farm-product prices with free-trade promises. 
 Let him who has saved a surplus and him who 
 works for a livelihood determine, each for himself, 
 if he craves to be paid in American dollars disgraced 
 and depreciated to half their alleged value. Let 
 him who fought for his country's flag ; let the widow, 
 the orphan, and the loving j^arent who gave up that 
 which was as precious as life, behold that flag, and 
 all it stands for, pawned to a foreign and domestic 
 joint syndicate to raise temporary loans for the 
 purpose of postponing the final financial disaster, 
 and answer whether they want the shame and 
 humiliation repeated. Let the sovereign voice be 
 heard in the coming election declaring that the 
 only government founded on the rock of free- 
 dom, blessed with every gift of nature and crowned 
 with unmeasured possibilities, shall not be de- 
 throned, degraded, paujDcrized by a pai'ty and a 
 policy at war with the very genius of our National 
 existence. 
 
 " Nominate him who I now name, and this coun- 
 try will have a President whose mental endowments, 
 broad-minded statesmanship, ripe experience, mar- 
 velous sagacity, unassuming modesty, knightly 
 courage, and true Americanism are unexcelled. 
 Nominate him and he will elect himself. I name 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 403 
 
 to you tlie soldier and the statesman, Pennsylvania's 
 choice — Matthew Stanley Quay." 
 
 THE VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 StJiTBH. 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 Arkansas, 
 
 California, 
 
 Colorado, . 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 Florida, 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 Idaho, . 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 Iowa. 
 
 Kansas, 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine, . . 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 ^lassachusetts 
 
 Michigan, 
 
 Minnesota, 
 
 Mis;?issippi, 
 
 ^Ii?souri, 
 
 ♦Montana, 
 
 Nebraska, 
 
 Nevada, . 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 New York, 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 North Dakota, 
 
 Ohio, .... 
 
 Oregon, . . . 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 16 
 3 
 
 19 
 17 
 
 m 
 
 6 
 46 
 
 18 
 
 9 . 
 
 2 
 
 CAM" 
 McKiNLKY. Morton. Quay. Keed Allison, ekon. 
 
 10 1 — 2 — — 
 
 16 — — — — — 
 
 18 — — — — — 
 
 7 — — 5 — — 
 
 6 2 — — — — 
 
 22 2 
 
 46 — — 
 
 30 — — — — 
 
 — — — — 26 
 20 — — — — 
 26 — — — — 
 11 — * 4 I 
 
 — — — 12 — 
 15 — — 1 — 
 
 1 — — 29 — 
 
 28 — — — — 
 
 18 — — — — 
 
 17 — 1 — — 
 
 34 — — — — 
 
 
 8 — 
 1 — 
 
 — — 2h 
 
 
404 
 
 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 MCKINLEY MOETON. QUAY. REED. 
 
 States. 
 
 South Dakota, 8 
 
 Tennessee, 24 
 
 Texas, 21 
 
 . . 3 
 
 , . . 8 
 
 ... 23 
 
 . . 8 
 
 . . 6 
 
 . . 12 
 
 , . . 24 
 
 , . . 6 
 
 . . 5 
 
 , . . 4 
 
 . . 6 
 
 Cam< 
 
 ALLia(»7. EBON. 
 
 Utah, 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 Washington, . . . . 
 
 Arizona, 
 
 West Virginia, . . . 
 
 Wisconsin, 
 
 Wyoming, 
 
 New Mexico, . . . . 
 Oklahoma, .... 
 Indian Territory, • . 
 District of Columbia, 
 Alaska, 
 
 Totals, 661J 
 
 
 — — 1 
 
 
 58 
 
 * Blank— 4. 
 
 Necessary for choice, 454. Total number delegates present, 906. 
 
 8 — 
 8 — 
 
 6U 84J 35^ 
 
 THE COMMITTEE OF NOTIFICATION. 
 
 Alabama— C. D. Alexander. 
 Arkansas — H. M. Cooper. 
 California — Frank Miller. 
 Colorado— Bolted. 
 Connecticut — George Sykes. 
 Delaware — Henry C. Morse, 
 
 H. A. Dupont. 
 Florida — Dennis Eagan. 
 Georgia— M. B. Morton, M. J. 
 
 Doyle. 
 Idaho— Bolted. 
 Illinois — C. H. Deere, E. L. 
 
 Wood 
 Indiana — Hiram Brownlee, 
 
 Jesse Weeks. 
 Iowa— Calvin Manning, 0. M. 
 
 Junkin. 
 Kansas — Nathaniel Barnes. 
 
 Kentucky — J. P. McCartney. 
 Louisiana — Walter S. Cohen. 
 Maine — C. E. Townsend. 
 Maryland — Wm. F. Airey. 
 Massachusetts — M. V. B. Jef- 
 ferson, W. J. Hale. 
 Michigan— T. J. O'Brien. 
 Minnesota — Monroe Nichols, 
 
 A. E. Davidson. 
 Mississippi — W. D. Frazee. 
 Missouri — T. B. Haughawout, 
 
 B. F. Leonard. 
 Montana — Unorganized. 
 Nebraska — John T. Beessler. 
 Nevada — J. H. Bressler. 
 
 New Hampshire — William D. 
 
 Sawyer. 
 New Jersey — F. W- Roebling. 
 
ST. LOUIS CONVENTION 
 
 405 
 
 New York — Fnink Iliscock, 
 Lispenaid Stewart, 
 
 Noura Cakolina — L. M. Ber- 
 nard, John H. Ilanna. 
 
 NouTn Dakota— Deferred. 
 
 Oirio— M. A. Hanna. 
 
 Okegox— Charles Hilton. 
 
 Pkxnsylvania — Theodore I, 
 Flood, H. S. Denny. 
 
 Rhode Island— John C. San- 
 born. 
 
 South Carolina — Edmund H. 
 Deas, C. J. Pride. 
 
 SoirrH Dakota— W. Sniedc. 
 
 Tennessee —Ernest Cold well. 
 
 Texas— J. W. Butler. 
 
 Utah — Lindsay Rodgers. 
 
 Vermont — James W. Brock. 
 
 ViR(iiNiA— J. S. Browning, H. 
 T. Hubbard. 
 
 Washington — Henry L. Wil- 
 son. 
 
 West Virginia— U. N. Lynch, 
 T. E. Houston. 
 
 Wisconsin— M. C. Ring, J. E. 
 Rt)ehr. 
 
 Wyomino— H. C. Nickerson. 
 
 DisTKirr OF Columbia — Dead- 
 lock. 
 
 Arizona — John W. Dorrington. 
 
 New jNIexico — Pedro Pera. 
 
 Oklahoma — John A. Buckler. 
 
 Indian Territory — Joseph R. 
 Faltz. 
 
 Al^vska — C. S, Johnston. 
 
 Where one name occurs in the above list of the 
 members of the Notification Committee, the repre- 
 sentative acts on both committees. When two names 
 occur the first will visit the Presidential nominee 
 and the second the nominee for Vice-President. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 McKINLEY ON THE DAY OF HIS NOMINATION. 
 
 His good nerve and thoughtful courtesies — He was quiet through the 
 storm and gave the good news with kisses to his wife and 
 mother. 
 
 JUNE 18tli, 1896, was an ideal June day at Can- 
 ton ; the air full of golden sunshine. The ex- 
 pectation and strain of excitement of the people, 
 who have a passionate admiration and affection for 
 Major McKinley, were unmistakable, but they waited 
 with the supreme dignity of confidence. 
 
 Major McKinley was awakened rather early from 
 a sound sleep by the clicking of the telegraph in- 
 struments in his office making an unusual clamor 
 that penetrated the walls, but his eye glowed with 
 energy, there was a fiery spark under his dark, 
 shaggy brows, and the fine, strong lines of his mouth 
 were accentuated. The day was not far advanced 
 when a group of newspaper men gathered on the 
 shady porch of the Major's residence, which seems 
 to be in the midst of a vast park, adorned with 
 pleasant homes, standing in glossy lawns and amidst 
 lovely trees. 
 
 406 
 
DAY OF NOMINATION 407 
 
 There was keen competition between the Western 
 Union and Postal Telegraph Companies and the 
 Long Distance Telephone, transmitting the Con- 
 vention news to the Major, and he was quietly seated 
 in a rocking-chair, slowly swinging and chatting, 
 and as the telegrams were handed him, he coolly 
 scanned them, repeated their substance — often the 
 exact words — in unconcerned tones explained them 
 upon inquiry, and, after elucidation, passed them on 
 to otliers. It was noticeable that he frequently re- 
 ceived confidential messages — and, of course, did not 
 share them with his visitors. 
 
 The intervals were filled with conversation, in 
 which the Major related anecdotes of the National 
 Conventions, and of Mr. Blaine and the great Ke- 
 pnblicans of other days, and the newspaper veterans 
 drew from him old recollections. 
 
 He followed intently the story of the silver seces- 
 sion, recognizing the parliamentary situation point 
 by point, and concisely explaining the entanglement. 
 
 His fiice was very serious and stern when listening 
 to the account of the retirement of some of the silver 
 States, and broke into a smile, winning as the glance 
 of a boy, as the announcement was made of the alter- 
 nates taking the places of the fugitives ; and there 
 was an expression of pleasure from him when the 
 Montana man stood up and stuck to the Convention, 
 and spoke for his State in terse and ringing terms. 
 
 There were many callers, and the Major was atten- 
 tive to all, remembering the names of acquaintances. 
 
408 DAY OF NOMINATION 
 
 asking apt and incisive questions, and commending 
 every sign of patience and the presence of a spirit 
 of conciliation in the Convention. He forgot noth- 
 ing that was courteous and appropriate, and was as 
 hearty and thoughtful as if holding a reception of 
 inconsiderable im^^ort. 
 
 The enthusiasts of the early business hours of the 
 eventful day were flitting about in the forms of de- 
 lightful young ladies, wearing breezy and bright 
 spring suits, and they had joyous faces and walked 
 as if to dancing music. They were the people who 
 had no doubts of the fortunes of the day. 
 
 As the Major rocked on his porch, enjoying the 
 freshness of the air that was balmy, though touched 
 with fire, the carriages that clattered down the broad 
 street filled with people, all contained persons who 
 recognized the hero of the day, and he returned their 
 salutes with his accustomed urbanity and manner, at 
 once graceful and stately. 
 
 Ladies of the family came up the walk from the 
 street to the house, with serious faces, and as the 
 Major rose to greet them he asked, " Is mother com- 
 ing up to-day?" And the answer was, "Yes, she 
 will be here." 
 
 All old friend near the Major appeared to be dis- 
 turbed at the protracted discussions, as it seemed, of 
 the silver and gold question, and the Major said, 
 " Why, Judge, you seem to be impatient. If you 
 show so much anxiety I shall have to console you." 
 The Major did not allow any word that was tinged 
 
PAY OF XOMIXATIOX 409 
 
 with fault-liiuliiig- relating to proceedings at St. Louis 
 to pass witliout dissent, and remarked the Conven- 
 tions were all, in many ways, alike; and he acted up 
 constantly to the spirit of his last words to Mark 
 Hanna as that succe^^sful man was setting forth, 
 conquering and to conquer, for St. Louis — the 
 Major's final woi'd \vas: "Your duty now is one of 
 conciliation." This has been the policy of McKinley 
 throughout. 
 
 About one o'clock a carriage drove up and three 
 ladies descended, the Major hastening forward to greet 
 them. The venerable woman, with Roman features, 
 was the Major's mother, and with her were his sisters. 
 
 About tAvo o'clock there was lunch, Mrs. 
 ]\IcKinley at the head of the table. She has, 
 happily, improved in health, and her conversation 
 sparkled with a sweet and pensive but pronounced 
 personality. She has not been in favor of the Presi- 
 dential business. Of course, she wants her husband 
 to win now, but she would rather he had not been 
 drawn into the stream of events that is bearing him 
 on to higher destinies, for the tendency of the great 
 office will be to absorb the Major's attention, so that 
 she can hardly, however great his devotion, have all 
 the time in his society she would fondly claim as her 
 own. 
 
 Daring luiieli the telegrams continued to come, and 
 one from an ohl friend was full of congratulations by 
 anticipation, and called attention to two texts of 
 Scripture. 
 
410 
 
 DAY OF DOMINATION 
 
 There was at once curiosity to read the passages, 
 and Mrs. McKinley's Bible was brought. A gentle- 
 man at the table said that, of course, Mr. McKinley's 
 Bible could be known to him only by the cover, 
 as he was too busy a man to get acquainted with the 
 inside. Mrs. McKinley said, in a spirited way, " He 
 does, indeed, know the inside of his Bible — no man 
 better, I assure you ; and I speak that which I do 
 know." 
 
 The texts that had been solemnly called to the 
 Major's attention were the following: 
 
 Jeremiah xx, 11 : " But the Lord is with me as a 
 mighty terrible one ; therefore my persecutors shall 
 stumble, and they sh^ll not prevail ; they shall be 
 greatly ashamed, for they shall not prosper ; their 
 everlasting confusion shall never be forgotten." 
 
 Psalms xlvii, 6 : " Sing praises to God, sing praises ; 
 sing praises unto our King, sing praises." 
 
 These remarkable passages were read by a lady 
 and their fitness to the occasion commented upon by 
 the guests. The Major was silent, but he no doubt 
 thought his persecutors were stumbling and would 
 not prevail and should be greatly ashamed. 
 
 It had been the jirevalent presumption up to this 
 time that there would be a recess after the platform 
 was adopted, and that the nominating speeches spun 
 out so as to throw the nomination into the night. 
 
 But lunch had hardly been concluded when the 
 St. Louis news, through the long distance telej^hone 
 and both wires simultaneously told that the fight was 
 
DAY OF NOMINATION 411 
 
 on to a finish — that the rush of events had been has 
 tened, and the crisis was close at hand. 
 
 McKinley's office, to which he now repaired, is 
 adorned with i)ortraits of Lincohi and Grant and 
 Mrs. McKinley, a fine scene of a battery in a hot 
 engagement, and some personal friends. 
 
 When it was announced that the nominating- 
 speeches were about to be made, the Major took his 
 seat in a heavy arm-chair, beside his working desk, 
 with a pad of paper in his left hand and a pencil in 
 his right. Behind him was the telephone ap2:)aratus 
 with an expert, connected direct with the Convention 
 Hall. Thus there were three avenues of lightning- 
 line service between the Major's office and the Con- 
 vention Hall — the Postal and Western Union, and 
 the Long Distance Telephone. 
 
 The Major's face was grave. There were deep 
 fires in his eyes, and his intellectual pallor, always 
 noticeable, now gave his features the stern grac-e of 
 carved marble. It is a fancy founded on fact that 
 Major McKinley looks like. Napoleon, but to-day he 
 looked marvelously like Daniel AYebster. 
 
 The warm reception of Senator Lodge by the 
 Convention elicited an expression of sympathy from 
 the Major, who expressed his sense of the wonderful 
 fact that, though so far from the Convention, we 
 were yet so near, and knew absolutely as mucli of 
 the j)roceedings, precisely as they occuri-ed, as if we 
 were bodily present. I mentioned to the INIajor that 
 my experience warranted the observation that I fe new 
 
4n DAY OF XOMINATION 
 
 more of the Convention in the seat by his side than 
 when in a reporter's seat in Convention Hall. 
 
 Suddenly there came word almost at the same 
 moment through the three wires, that Ohio had 
 been called and that Foraker making his way to 
 the platform and was received with tremendous 
 cheering, also that the hall was flooded with sun- 
 shine, welcoming the soldier-bo}'- son of Ohio, about 
 to nominate another soldier-boy and son of the mod- 
 ern mother of Presidents. The two boy-soldiers 
 were famous ex-Governors of their State. 
 
 The word came in a moment that Foraker was 
 about to speak. IMcKinley was asked Avhether For- 
 aker's speech w-as probably prepared, and the Major 
 said it was not, he suj^posed, written, but Foraker 
 knew very well the main things he was about to say, 
 and was a keen, brilliant man, who knew how to 
 make the best of the opportunities on the spot. The 
 occasion for the inquiry as to the preparation For- 
 aker had made was that one of the correspondents 
 present had seen several of the nominating speeclies 
 in type and gave interesting information as to their 
 length and character. 
 
 The young ladies in the parlor across the hall from 
 the office had a look in wdiich glee and distress were 
 comically mingled, and the Major walked up to 
 them, saying with gayety, " Are you young ladies 
 getting anxious about this affair?" 
 
 They admitted that they were really nervous. 
 The^ Major reassured them, and took his big chair, 
 
 ■•-JiCSr. 
 
DAY OF NOMINATION 413 
 
 placing his silk hat on an adjacent table, and *relaps- 
 ing into meditation. For a minute his pale, fixed 
 features showed he was thinking, i)erliaps as much of 
 the far-off i)ast as of the near and rising future, and 
 no one disturbed his day dream. This was just as 
 Foraker was waiting for the storm of apjilause that 
 greeted him to subside, so as to be allowed to go on 
 with his speech. 
 
 It was at 3.21 o'clock, according to all the watches 
 in the Major's room, when word came that at that 
 moment Foraker pronounced the name of McKinley, 
 and then came the tornado of applause, which lasted 
 for nearly half an hour. There w^as a pause at our 
 end of the wire, and the Major joined in exchange 
 of recollections with the veterans about the contests 
 in cheering that distinguished the Convention of 1880 
 at Chicago, between the supporters of Grant and those 
 of Blaine — the most celebrated of all the contests in 
 cheering. 
 
 The Major stepped to the telephone and listened to 
 the roar of the Convention at St. Louis. He heard 
 it distinctly, and, following his example, we could 
 make out a vast tumult, struck through witli sliril! 
 notes. It was like a storm at sea, with wild, fitful 
 shrieks of wind. 
 
 As time passed, and Foraker could not still the 
 tempest he had raised, some one said he might not 
 be able to regain the thread of his speech, and the 
 Major remarked it was hard on a speaker to be held 
 up in that way — it was like stopping a race liorso in 
 
414 DAY OF NOMINATION 
 
 full career. But the Major said Foraker would come 
 out of such a scene in triumph, and referred with 
 warm admiration to his " gem of a speech " at the 
 late Republican State Convention. 
 
 The monotony of waiting was broken by a telegram 
 from an unknown source, giving McKinley assur- 
 ance that he " would be nominated on the first 
 ballot. " This raised a laugh, but the Major only 
 smiled, and made a suggestion as to the happening 
 of the unexpected and the marvels of disappoint- 
 ment. " You may all, after all, find yourselves 
 much mistaken at last," said the Major, gravely, 
 as if in warning not to tempt Providence by being 
 too sure. 
 
 Telegrams poured in, and the Major read them 
 and directed they should be given to those outside 
 the house — where were a dozen very old friends and 
 twice that number of members of the press. The 
 Major at this supreme hour directed the placing of 
 chairs for new arrivals, and had greater self-com- 
 mand than anybody else. He showed his training 
 in war and peace— and as he held up telegrams in 
 one hand to read, there was not a flutter of the thin 
 sheets to tell a tale of nervousness. 
 
 The message came, " Foraker is trying to resume 
 his speech," and at this there was a smile. In an- 
 other minute the telephone expert repeated Foraker's 
 Vfords about McKinley when he resumed. "You 
 seem to have heard of him before." 
 
 "Ah," said the Major, "that is like him. He 
 
 1 
 
DAY OF X0MIXATl(3X 415 
 
 knows vyhat he is doing, and is all ?-iglit. The inter- 
 ruption will not shake his s|)eech." 
 
 The Ohio men with the Governor laughed im- 
 mensely at the stories hy the tri[)le wires of Mark 
 Hanna and Bushnell and Grosvenor and Foraker 
 hugging and fanning eacli other and yelling like 
 maniacs. Surely mercy and ^^eace have kissed each 
 other, and the year of jubilee has come ! 
 
 There was a laugh over Depew's humorous illus- 
 tration of the famous saying, touching the silver 
 secessionists, of the celebrated phrase, " erring sis- 
 ters, depart in peace." 
 
 There was some levity about the effort of Penn- 
 sylvania to make a noise over Quay's presentation 
 equal to that which welcomed McKinley's name, but 
 the face of the Major — which was growing earnest as 
 the moment approached for the call of the roll of 
 States for the ballot — gave no encouragement to per- 
 sonal reflections. Wlien it was mentioned that Gov- 
 ernor Hastings had spoken, some one said to the tele- 
 plione expert : " Ask how long the Quav applause 
 lasted." 
 
 *' No, no !" said the Major. " Do not ask that ques- 
 tion," and it was not asked. 
 
 There were a few minutes in which it was known 
 that the call of the roll for balloting was the immi- 
 nent order of exercises, and the air in McKinley's 
 office grew sultry and still. There was heat and 
 silence. McKinley picked up his 2)ad and pencil, 
 and proposed to heep an account of the vote. He 
 
416 DAY OF NOMINATION 
 
 evidently then in fancy floated far away, and was in 
 solitude, and hummed for a few moments the air 
 of an old song. It was so soft and low that few 
 heard it, and then it was no more and was like a 
 dream within a dream — something quaint, almost 
 mystical, an echo of music, perhaps, of the long ago. 
 It did not occur to me at the moment what it was, 
 but it is interesting that it was the Scotch war song 
 that Burns ennobled and immortalized in his Ban- 
 nockburn, " Scots whom Bruce has often led." 
 
 Moments passed, and then the Major whistled 
 two or three bars two or three times, quietly, un- 
 consciously. Suddenly the silence was abruptly 
 broken by the announcement: Alabama, 18 for 
 McKinley." 
 
 Then figures came thick and fast, and challenges 
 followed of the votes of several States. 
 
 Two or three present did not know what that 
 meant, and the Major, clearly and carefully, with 
 perfect command of every point raised, stated the 
 situation. 
 
 " But why," the question was asked, " do they 
 challenge the votes of States whose votes are not 
 contested ?" 
 
 " It is necessary," the Major explained, " that gen- 
 tlemen should go upon the record if tliey care to do 
 so," and he added, " there are disputes between the 
 deleo-ates and the chairmen of delegations who 
 announce the figures, and it can only be settled by 
 polling tk-^ vote of the State." 
 
I MILITARY HEROES OF SANTIAGO AND POKXO UICO. 
 
 Pteo of Roosevelt Copyrighted bv Rockwood.) 
 PliiO Of Shafter Copyrighted by Chas. Parker.) 
 
NAVAL HEROES OF SANTIAGO. 
 (Photo of Hobson Copyrighted by Falk.) 
 
DAY OF NOMINATION 4l9 
 
 The voice of the Major was not heard, a profound 
 silence ensued, when the telephone gave forth, " the 
 Alabama vote sustained." The Major smiled, and 
 then, as the votes for him swelled into hundreds, he 
 kept the count without a change of countenance — 
 not even when the Ohio man next to him said r 
 " The Ohio vote, now to be thrown in two or three 
 minutes, w^ill nominate you with a margin of a dozen, 
 and that will please Ohio." 
 
 The recording angel, in the guise of a beautiful 
 young lady in the hall, claimed that the Major's vote 
 was more than it had been represented, and he 
 quickly responded: "Be careful what you claim. 
 We must have a fair count." 
 
 One of the veterans asked, repeatedly : " AYhere 
 is Idaho ?" and there were inquiries for other Statas. 
 
 The Major explained that some of the States had 
 gone out, and there might be cases not covered by 
 alternates. 
 
 " Possibly, Sam," said the Major to the telephonist, 
 " Idaho went out," and so on to the last, the Major 
 was clear-headed, composed, cool, and decided. Not 
 a tremor in hand or voice, the figures his pencil 
 traced were well formed, his voice low and even, but 
 his pale, strong face seemed to grow in grandeur and 
 to take on an august expression of conscious, lofty 
 fortune, and fearful responsibility. 
 
 With firm fingers the Major wrote on his tab the 
 fateful ballots, and the mishty vote of Ohio, 46 
 strong, rolled in. The Major put that down, too, 
 
430 
 
 DAY OF NOMINATION 
 
 and did not look up or seem to be aware of all it 
 exactly and conclusively meant. 
 
 The Ohio man next him threw down his pencil, 
 saying : " There, that settles it, no more figures for 
 me." 
 
 The Major looked up with an air of curiosity, say- 
 ing : *' Why are you no longer interested ?" 
 
 The reply was : " Because the thing is done ; let 
 the boys cipher. The majority will be 1)ig enough. 
 Major, I congratulate you. God bless you and give 
 you all good gifts; and now you have just a quarter 
 of a minute, before you are mobbed, to greet your 
 wife and mother." 
 
 He quickly crossed the hall to the parlor, 
 crowded with ladies, and, as his wife and mother 
 were seated side by side, stooped low to kiss them 
 and clasp their eager hands, the wife responding 
 with a bright smile and a sweet exaltation in her 
 eyes, as he told her that the vote of Ohio had given 
 him the nomination, and the grand old mother, 
 placing a trembling hand on her son's neck, and her 
 eyes streaming with tears, brighter even than smiles, 
 whispered to her illustrious boy some holy words for 
 him alone. 
 
 At this moment the bells rang, the whistles blew, 
 the cannon thundered, and beautiful Canton went 
 stark, gloriously mad. The city, under a strong 
 pressure, had kept quiet. There was a determina- 
 tion that there would be nothing done prematurely. 
 Now the city blazed with bunting. There were 
 
DAY OF NOMINATION 421 
 
 whii-riiig carriages, galloping horses, wheel men and 
 women swift as the wind ! There seemed to have 
 been an organization, inchuling all the men, women, 
 and children, to demonstrate instantly the moment 
 the momentons signal was given. 
 
 As I hastened to the telegraph office there was a 
 vast nmltitnde precipating themselves in a gigantic, 
 ungovernable procession upon Governor McKinleyns 
 house, and there, with wife and mother at the win- 
 dow with him, he acknowledged his gratitude to his 
 neighbors first of all, and to his countrymen for their 
 personal kindness, nnd liis voice had the fine tone of 
 resolution and sincerity that all who know him 
 know, and that they hear with joyful confidence that 
 heaven has sent a man of such manliness to serve 
 his country in her great office, and help her upward 
 and forward to her incomparable destiny. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 MAJOR MCKINLEY ACKNOWLEDGES AND ACCEPTS HIS 
 NOMINATION. 
 
 THE letter of Major McKinley, accepting his 
 nomination for the Presidency by the National 
 Republican Convention, was delivered by him 
 to the press for publication on the evening of August 
 26. It read as follows : 
 
 Canton, 0., August 26, 1896. 
 Hon. John M. Thurston and others, members of the 
 
 Notification Committee of the Republican National 
 
 Convention : 
 
 Gentlemen : — In pursuance of the promise made to 
 your committee when notified of my nomination as 
 the Republican candidate for President, I beg to sub- 
 mit this formal acceptance of that high honor and to 
 consider in detail questions at issue in the pending 
 campaign. 
 
 Perhaps this might be considered unnecessary in 
 view of my remarks on that occasion and those I 
 have m.ade to delegations that have visited me since 
 the St. Lous Convention, but in view of the momen- 
 tous importance of the proper settlement of the issues 
 
 422 
 
McKIM.KYS ACCEPTANCE 423 
 
 preyt'iited un our rutuic prosperity and istaiiding us a 
 luilioii, and con. ^^^ide ring only tlie welfare and happi- 
 ness ol" our people, 1 could not be content to omit 
 again calling attention to the questions which in my 
 opinion vitally all'ect our strength and position among 
 the governments of the world and our morality, in- 
 tegrity and patriotism as citizens of that Republic 
 which for a century past has been the best hope of 
 the world and the inspiration of mankind. 
 
 We nmst not now prove false to our own high 
 standards in government nor unmindful of the noble 
 example and wise precepts of the fathers, or of the 
 confidence and trust which our conduct in the past 
 has always inspired. 
 
 For the first time since 1868, if ever before, there 
 is presented to the American people this year a clear 
 and direct issue as to our monetary system, of vast 
 importance in its effects, and upon the right settle- 
 ment of which rests largely the financial honor and 
 prosperity of the country. 
 
 It is proposed by one wing of the Democratic party 
 and its allies, the People's and Silver parties, to in- 
 augurate the free and unlimited coinage of silver by 
 independent action on part of the United States at a 
 ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one ounce of gold. 
 
 The mere declaration of this purpose is a menace 
 to our financial and industrial interests and has 
 already created universal alarm. It involves great 
 peril to the credit and business of the country — a 
 peril so grave that conservative men everywhere are 
 
424 McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 breaking away from their old party associations and 
 uniting witli other patriotic citizens in emphatic pro- 
 test against the platform of the Democratic National 
 Convention as an assault upon the faith and honor 
 of the Government and the welfare of the people. 
 We have had few questions in the lifetime of the 
 Republic more serious than the one which is thus 
 presented. 
 
 The character of the money which shall measure 
 our values and exchanges, and settle our balances 
 with one another and with the nations of the world, 
 is of such primary importance and so far-reaching in 
 its consequences as to call for the most painstaking 
 investigation, and, in the end, a sober and unpreju- 
 diced judgment at the polls. We must not be mis- 
 led by phrases nor deluded by false theories. 
 
 Free silver would not mean that silver dollars were 
 to be freely had without cost or labor. It would 
 mean the free use of the mints of the United States 
 for the few who are owners of silver bullion, but 
 would make silver coin no freer to the many who are 
 engaged in other enterprises. 
 
 It would not make labor easier, the hours of labor 
 shorter, or the pay better. It would not make 
 ^arming less laborious or more profitable. It would 
 not start a factory or make a demand for an ad- 
 ditional day's labor. It would create no new occu- 
 pations. It would add nothing to the comfort of the 
 masses, the capital of the people or the wealth of the 
 nation. 
 
It seeks to introduce a new measure of value, but 
 would add no value to the thing measured. It 
 would not conserve values. On the contrary, it 
 would derange all existing values. It would not re- 
 store business confidence, but its direct effect would 
 be to destroy the little which yet remains. 
 
 The meaning of the coinage plank adopted at 
 Chicago is that anyone may take a quantity of silver 
 bullion now worth fifty-three cents to the mints of 
 the United States, have it coined at the expense of 
 the Government, and receive for it a silver dollar 
 which shall be legal tender for the payment of all 
 debts, public and private. 
 
 The owner of the silver bullion would get the 
 silver dollar. It would belong to him and to nobody 
 else. Other people would get it only by their labor, 
 the products of their land, or something of value. 
 
 The bullion owner on the basis of present values 
 would receive the silver dollar for fifty-three cents' 
 worth of silver, and other people would be required 
 to receive it as a full dollar in payment of debts. 
 The Government would get nothing from the trans- 
 action. It would bear the expense of coining the 
 silver and the community would suffer loss by its 
 use. 
 
 We have coined since 1878 more than 400,000,000 
 silver dollars, which are maintained by the Govern- 
 ment at parity with gold and are a full legal tender 
 for the payment of all debts, public and private. 
 
43G McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 How are the silver dollars now in use different from 
 those which would be in use under free coinage ? 
 
 They are to be of the same weight and fineness ; 
 they are to bear the same stamp of the Government. 
 Why would they not be of the same value ? I an- 
 swer : The silver dollars now in use were coined on 
 account of the Government, and not for private ac- 
 count or gain, and the Government has solemnly 
 agreed to keep them as good as the best dollars we 
 have. 
 
 The Government bought the silver bullion at its 
 market value and coined it into silver dollars. Hav- 
 ing exclusive control of the mintage, it only coius 
 what it can hold at a parity with gold. The profit, 
 representing the difference between the commercial 
 value of the silver bullion and the face value of the 
 silver dollar, goes to the Government for the benefit 
 of the people. 
 
 The Government bought the silver bullion con- 
 tained in the silver dollar at very much less than its 
 coinage value. It paid it out to its creditors, and 
 put it in circulation among the people at its face value 
 of one hundred cents, or a full dollar. 
 
 It required the people to accept it as a legal ten- 
 der, and is thus morally bound to maintain it at a 
 parity with gold, which was then, as now, the recog- 
 nized standard with us and the most enlightened 
 nations of the world. 
 
 The Government havinor issued and circulated the 
 silver dollar must in honor protect the holder from 
 
.McIvIXl.EVS ACCKI'TAXCI-: 427 
 
 loss. This obligation it has so far sacredly kept. 
 Not only is there a moral obligation, but there is a 
 legal obligation, expressed in public statute, to main- 
 tain the parity. 
 
 These dollars, in the particulars I have named, are 
 not the same as the dollars which would be issued 
 under free coinage. They would be the same in form, 
 but different in value. 
 
 The Government would have no part in the trans- 
 action except to coin the silver bullion into dollars. 
 It would share in no part of the profit. It would 
 take upon itself no obligation. It would not put the 
 dollars into circulation. 
 
 It could only get them as any citizen would get 
 them, by giving something for them. It would de- 
 liver them to those who deposited the silver, and its 
 connection with the transaction there end. 
 
 Such are the silver dollars which would be issued 
 under free coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. 
 Who would then maintain the parity ? What would 
 keep them at par with gold ? 
 
 There w^ould be no obligation resting upon the 
 Government to do it, and if there were, it would be 
 powerless to do it. The simple truth is we would be 
 driven to a silver basis — to silver monometallism. 
 
 These dollars, therefore, would stand upon their 
 real value. If the free and unlimited coinage o( 
 silver at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one 
 ounce of gold would, as some of its advocates assert, 
 make fifty-three cents in silver worth one hundred 
 
i38 McKIXLEY'8 ACCEPTANCE 
 
 cents, and the silver dollar equal to the gold dollar, 
 then we would have no cheaper money than now, and 
 it would he no easier to get. 
 
 But that such would be the result is against reason 
 and is contradicted by experience in all times and in 
 all lands. It means the debasement of our currency 
 to the amount of the difference between the coui- 
 mercial and coin value of the silver dollar, which is 
 ever changing, and the effect would be to reduce pro- 
 perty values, entail untold financial loss, destroy con- 
 fidence, impair the obligations of existing contracts, 
 further impoverish the laborer and producers of the 
 country, create a panic of unparalleled severity, and 
 inflict upon trade and commerce a deadly blow. 
 
 Against any such policy I am unalterably opposed. 
 
 Bimetallism cannot be secured by independent 
 action on our part. It cannot be obtained by opening 
 our mints to the unlimited coinage of the silver of the 
 world at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to one ounce of 
 gold when the commercial ratio is more than thirty 
 ounces of silver to one ounce of gold. 
 
 Mexico and China have tried the experiment. 
 Mexico has free coinage of silver and gold at a ratio 
 slightly in excess of sixteen and a half ounces of sil- 
 ver to one ounce of gold, and while her mints are 
 freely open to both metals at that ratio, not a single 
 dollar in gold bullion is coined and circulated as 
 money. 
 
 Gold has been driven out of circulation in these 
 countries and they are on a silver basis alone, 
 
McKINLF.Y'S ACCEPTANCE ^29 
 
 Until international agreement is had, it is the plain 
 duty oi' the United States to maintain the gold stand- 
 ard. It is the recognized and sole standard of the 
 great commercial nations of the world, witli which 
 we trade more largely than any other. 
 
 Eighty-four per cent, of our foreign trade for the 
 fiscal year 1895 was with gold standard countries and 
 our trade with other countries was settled on a gold 
 hasis. 
 
 Chiefly by means of legislation during and since 
 1878 there has been put in circulation more than 
 $024,000,000 of silver or its representative. This 
 has been done in the honest effort to give to silver, if 
 possible, the same bullion and coinage value, and 
 encourage the concurrent use of both gold and silver 
 as money. Prior to that time there had been less 
 than 9,000,000 of silver dollars coined in the entire 
 liistory of the United States, a period of eighty-nine 
 years. 
 
 This legislation secures the largest use of silver 
 consistent with financial safety and the pledge to 
 maintain its party with gold. We have to-day more 
 silver than gold. This has been accomplished at 
 times with grave peril to the public credit. 
 
 The so-called Sherman law sought to use all the 
 silver product of the United States for money at its 
 market value. From 1890 to 1893 the Government 
 purchased 4,500,000 ounces a year. Tliis was one- 
 third of the product of the world and practically all 
 of this country's product. 
 
430 McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 It was believed by those who then and now favor 
 
 free coinage that such use of silver would advance its 
 bullion value to its coinage value, but this expectation 
 was not realized. In a few months, notwithstanding 
 the unprecedented market for the silver produced in 
 the United States, the price of silver went down very 
 rapidly, reaching a lower point than ever before. 
 
 Then, upon the recommendation of President Cleve- 
 land, both political parties united in the repeal of the 
 purchasing clause of the Sherman law. We cannot 
 with safety engage in further experiments in this 
 direction. 
 
 On the 22d of August, 1891, in a public address, I 
 said : " If we could have an international ratio, which 
 all the leading nations of the world would adopt, and 
 the true relation be fixed between the two metals, 
 and all agree upon the quantity of silver which 
 should constitute a dollar, then silver would be as 
 free and unlimited in its privileges of coinage as gold 
 is to-day. 
 
 But that we have not been able to secure, and with 
 the free and unlimited coinage of silver adopted in 
 the United States at tlie present ratio we would be 
 still further removed from any international agree- 
 ment. We may never be able to secure it if we enter 
 upon the isolated coinage of silver. 
 
 The double standard implies equality at a ratio, 
 and that equality can only be established by the con- 
 current law of nations. It was*- the concurrent law 
 of nations that made the double standard ; it will re- 
 
.McKIMJ'lYS ACC'Kl'TANCE VM 
 
 quire the concurrent law of nations to reinstate and 
 sustain it. 
 
 The Republican party has not been, and is not 
 now, opposed to tlie use oi' silver money, as its record 
 abundantly shows. It has done all that could be 
 done lor its increased use with safety and honor by 
 the United States acting apart from other govern- 
 ments. Tliere are those who think that it has al- 
 ready gone beyond the limit of financial prudence. 
 Surely we can go no further, and we must not permit 
 false lights to lure us across the danger line. 
 
 We have much more silver in use than any country 
 in the world, except India or China ; $500,000,000 
 more than Great Britain; $150,000,000 more than 
 France; $400,000,000 more than Germany; $325,- 
 000,000 less than India, and $125,000,000 less than 
 China. 
 
 The Republican party has declared in favor of an 
 international agreement, and if elected President it 
 will be my duty to employ all proper means to pro- 
 mote it. 
 
 The free coinage of silver in this country would 
 defer, if not defeat, international bimetallism, and 
 until an international agreement can be had every 
 interest requires us to maintain our present standard. 
 Independent free coinage of silver at a ratio of six- 
 teen ounces of silver to one ounce of gold would in- 
 sure the speedy contraction of the volume of our cur- 
 rency. It would drive at least fivehundred millions 
 of gold dollars, which we now have, permanently 
 
433 McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 from the trade of the country and greatly decrease 
 our per capita circulation. 
 
 It is not proposed by the Republican party to take 
 from the circulating medium of the country any of 
 the silver we now have. On the contrary, it is pro- 
 posed to keep all of the silver money now in circula- 
 tion on a parity with gold by maintaining the pledge 
 of the Government that all of it shall be equal to 
 gold. 
 
 This has been the unbroken policy of the Repub- 
 lican party since 1878. It has inaugurated no new 
 policy. It will keep in circulation and as good as 
 gold all of the silver and paper money which is now 
 included in the currency of the country. It will 
 maintain their parity. It will preserve their equality 
 in the futute, as it has always done in the past. It 
 will not consent to put this country on a silver basis, 
 which would inevitably follow independent free coin- 
 age at a ratio of sixteen to one. It will oppose the 
 expulsion of gold from our circulation. 
 
 If there is any one thing which should be free 
 from speculation and fluctuation it is the money of a 
 country. It ought never to be the subject of mere 
 partisan contention. 
 
 When we part with our labor, our products, or our 
 property, we should receive in return money which 
 is as stable and unchanging in value as the ingenuity 
 of honest men can make it. Debasement of the cur- 
 rency means destruction of values. 
 
 No one suffers so much from cheap money as the 
 
McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 433 
 
 farmers and laborers. They are tlie first to feel its 
 bad efifects, and the last to recover from them. This 
 has been the uniform experience of all countries, and 
 here, as elsewhere, the poor, and not the rich, are 
 always the greatest sufferers from every attempt to 
 debase our money. 
 
 It would fall with alarming severity upon invest- 
 ments already made ; upon insurance companies and 
 their policyholders; upon savings banks and their 
 depositors; upon building and loan associations and 
 their members; u[)on the savings of thrift; upon 
 pensioners and their families, and upon wage-earners 
 and the purchasing power of their wages. 
 
 The silver question is not the only issue affecting 
 our money in the pending contest. Not content with 
 urging the free coinage of silver, its strongest cham- 
 pions demand that our paper money shall be issued 
 directly by the Government of the United States. 
 
 This is the Chicago Democratic declaration. T!ie 
 St. Louis People's declaration is that '•' our national 
 money shall be issued by the General Government 
 only, without the intervention of banks of issue, be 
 full legal tender foi the payment of all debts, public 
 and private," and be distributed '^ direct to the people 
 and through lawful disbursements of the Govern- 
 ment." 
 
 Thus, in addition to the free coinage of the world's 
 silver, we are asked to enter upon an era of unlimited 
 irredeemable paper currency. The question which 
 was fouji'lit out from 18G5 to 1879 is thus to be re- 
 
434 McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 opened, with all its uncertainties and cheap money 
 experiments of every conceivable form foisted upon us. 
 
 This indicates a most startling reactionary policy, 
 strangely at variance with every requirement of sound 
 finance ; but the declaration shows the spirit and 
 purpose of those who by combined action are contend- 
 ing for the control of the Government. 
 
 Not satisfied with the debasement of our coin which 
 would inevitably follow the free coinage of silver at 
 16 to 1, they would still further degrade our currency 
 and threaten the public honor by the unlimited issue 
 of an irredeemable paper currency. 
 
 A graver manace to our financial standing and 
 credit could hardly be conceived and every patriotic 
 citizen should be aroused to promptly meet and eifec- 
 tually defeat it. 
 
 It is a cause for painful regret and solicitude that 
 an effort is being made by those high in the counsels 
 of the allied parties to divide the people of this 
 country into classes and create distinctions among us, 
 which, in fact, do not exist and are repugnant to our 
 form of government. 
 
 These appeals to passion and prejudice are beneath 
 the spirit and intelligence of a free people, and 
 should be met with stern rebuke by those tliey are 
 sought to influence, and I believe they will be. Every 
 attempt to array class against class, " the classes 
 against the masses," section against section, labor 
 against capital, "" the poor against the rich," or interest 
 
McK1mj:y\s acceptance 435 
 
 against interest in the United States is in the highest 
 degree reprehensible. 
 
 It is opposed to the national instinct and interest, 
 and should be resisted by every citizen. Wo are not 
 n nation of classes, but of sturd}-, free, independent 
 and honorable people, despising the demagogue, and 
 never capitulating to dishonor. 
 
 This ever-recurring effort endangers popular govern- 
 ment and is a menace to our liberties. It is not a 
 new campaign device or party appeal. It is as old 
 as government among men, but was never more un- 
 timely and unfortunate than now. 
 
 Washington warned us against it, and Webster said 
 in the Senate, in words which I feel are singularly 
 appropriate at this time : " I admonish the people 
 against the object of outcries like these. I admonish 
 every industrious laborer of this countrj- to be on his 
 guard against such delusion. I tell him the attempt 
 is to play off his passion against his interest, and to 
 prevail on him, in the name of liberty, to destroy all 
 the fruits of liberty." 
 
 Another issue of supreme importance is that of 
 protection. The peril of free silver is a menace to be 
 feared ; we are already experiencing the effect of par- 
 tial free trade. The one must be averted ; the other 
 corrected. 
 
 The Republican party i."s wedded to the doctrine of 
 protection and was never more earne;>t in its support 
 and advocacy than now. If argument were needed 
 to strengthen its devotion to " the American System/' 
 
436 McKlNLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 or increase the hold of that system upon the party 
 and people, it is found in the lesson and experience 
 of the past three years. 
 
 Men realize in their own daily lives what before 
 was to many of them only report, history or tradition. 
 They have had a trial of both systems and know what 
 each has done for them. 
 
 Washington, in his Farewell Address, September 
 17, 1796, 100 years ago, said : " As a very important 
 source of strength and security, cherish puplic credit. 
 One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly 
 as possible; avoiding the accumulation of debt, not 
 only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigor- 
 ous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts 
 which unaviodable wars may have occasioned, not 
 ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden 
 which we ourselves ought to bear." 
 
 To facilitate the enforcement of the maxims which 
 he announced he declared : " It is essential that you 
 should practically bear in mind that toward the pay- 
 ment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have 
 revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be 
 devised which are not more or less inconvenient or 
 unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment insepar- 
 able from ""he selection of the proper objects (which 
 is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive 
 motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the 
 Government in making it ; and for a spirit of acquies- 
 cence in the measures for obtaining revenue which 
 the public exigencies may at any time dictate." 
 
.MiKI\"[J:VS ArCKPTAXCE 437 
 
 Animated by like sentiment^, the peo[)le of the 
 country must now face the conditions whicli beset 
 them. " The pubHc exigencies " demand prompt pro- 
 tective legislation, which will avoid the accumulation 
 of further debt by providing adequate revenues for 
 the expenses of the Government. 
 
 This is manifestly the requirement of duty. If 
 elected President of the United States, it will be my 
 aim to vigorously promote this object and give that 
 ample encouragement to the occupations of the Amer- 
 ican people, which, above all else, is so imperatively 
 demanded at this juncture of our national affairs. 
 
 In December, 1892, President Harrison sent his 
 last message to Congress. It was an able and ex- 
 haustive review of the condition and resources of the 
 country. It stated our situation so accurately that I 
 am sure it will not be amiss to recite his official and 
 valuable testimony. 
 
 '• There never has been a time in our history," said 
 he, "when work was so abundant, or when wages 
 were so high, whether measured by the currency in 
 which they are paid or by their power to supply the 
 necessaries and comforts of life. The general average 
 of prices has been such as to give to agriculture a fair 
 participation in the general prosperit3^ The new 
 industrial plants established since October 6, 1890, 
 and up to October 22, 1892, number 345, and the ex- 
 tension of existing plants, 108. The jiew capital in- 
 vested amounts to $40,446,060, and the number of 
 additional employees, 37,285. 
 
438 McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 '• During the first six months of the present calendar 
 year 135 new fiictories were built, of which 40 were 
 cotton mills, 48 knitting mills, 26 woolen mills, 15 
 silk mills, 4 plush mills and 2 linen mills. Of the 
 forty cotton mills 21 have been built in the Southern 
 States." 
 
 This fairly describes the happy condition of the 
 country in December, 1893. What has it been since, 
 and what is it now ? 
 
 Tlie messages of President Cleveland from the be- 
 ginning of his second administration to the present 
 time abound with descriptions of the deplorable indus- 
 trial and financial situation of the country. While 
 no resort to history or official statement is required 
 to advise us of the present condition and that which 
 has prevailed during the past three years, I venture 
 to quote from President Cleveland's first message, 
 August 3, 1893, addressed to the Fifty-third Congress, 
 which he had called together in extraordinary session. 
 
 " The existence of an alarming and extraordinary 
 business situation," said he, "involving the welfare 
 and prosperity of all our people has constrained me 
 to call together in extra session the people's repre- 
 sentatives in Congress, to the end that through the 
 wise and patriotic exercise of the legislstive duties 
 with which they solely are charged, the present evils 
 may by mitigated and dangers threatening the future 
 averted. 
 
 " Our unfortunate financial plight is not the result 
 of untoward events, nor of conditions related to our 
 
M.KIXI.KVS AC("i:i"rAXCE 439 
 
 natural resources. Nor is it traceable to any of the 
 afllictioiis which frequently check national growth 
 and prosperity. 
 
 '' With plenteous crops, with abundant promise of 
 remunerative production and manufacture, with un- 
 usual invitation to safe investment, and with satis- 
 factory assurances to business enterprises, suddenly 
 financial distrust and fear have sprung up on every 
 side. 
 
 " Numerous nionied institutions have suspended 
 because abundant assets were not immediately avail- 
 able to meet the demands of frightened depositors. 
 Surviving corporations and individuals are content to 
 keep in hand the money they are usually anxious to 
 loan and those engaged in legitimate business are 
 surprised to find that the securities they offer for 
 loans, though heretofore satisfiictory, are no longer 
 accepted. 
 
 " Values, supposed to be fixed, are fast becoming 
 conjectural and loss and failure have invaded every 
 branch of business." 
 
 What a startling and sudden change within the 
 short period of eight months, from December, 1892 to 
 August, 1893 ! 
 
 What had occurred ? A change of administration ; 
 all branches of the Government had been entrusted 
 to the Democratic party, which was committed against 
 the protective policy that had prevailed uninterupt- 
 edly for more than thirty-two years and brought 
 unexampled prosperity to the country and firmly 
 
440 McKIXLEY'S ACCEPTAN^CE 
 
 pledged to its complete overthrow and the substitu- 
 tion of a tariff for revenue only. The change having 
 been decreed by the elections in November, its effects 
 were at once anticipated and felt. 
 
 We cannot close our eyes to these altered condi- 
 tions, nor would it be wise to exclude from contem- 
 plation and investigation the causes which produced 
 them. 
 
 They are flicts which we cannot as a people dis- 
 regard, and we can only hope to improve our present 
 condition by a study of their causes. In December, 
 1892, we had the same currency and practically the 
 same volume of currency that we have now. It ag- 
 gregated in 1892, $2,372,599,501 ; in 1893, $2,323^ 
 000,000; in 1894, |2,323,442,362, and in December, 
 1895, 12,194,000,230. 
 
 The per capita of money has been practically the 
 same during this whole period. The quality of the 
 money has been identical — all kept equal to gold. 
 There is nothing connected with our money, there- 
 fore, to account for this sudden and aggravated indus- 
 trial change. Whatever is to be depreciated in our 
 financial system it must everywhere be admitted that 
 our money has been absolutely good and brought 
 neither loss nor inconvenience to its holders. A de- 
 preciated currency has not existed to further vex the 
 troubled business situation. 
 
 It is a mere pretence to attribute the hard times to 
 the fact that all our currency is on a gold basis. Good 
 money never made times hard. Those who assert 
 
McKIXLEY'S ACC^KPTAXCE 441 
 
 that our present industrial and financial depression is 
 the result of the gold standard have not read Amer- 
 ican history aright or been careful students of the 
 events of recent years. 
 
 We never had greater prosperity in this country, 
 in every field of employment and industry, than in 
 the busy years from 1880 to 1892, during all of whic^i 
 time this country was on a gold basis and employed 
 more gold money in its fiscal and business operations 
 than ever before. We had, too, a protective tariff, 
 under which ample revenues were collected for the 
 Government and an accumulating surplus which was 
 constantly applied to the payment of the public debt. 
 
 Let us hold fast to that which we know is good. 
 It is not more money we want ; what we want is to 
 put the money we already have at w^ork. When 
 money is employed men are employed. Both have 
 always been steadily and remuneratively engaged 
 during all the years of protective tariff legislation. 
 
 When those who have money lack confidence in 
 the stability of values and investments they will not 
 part w'ith their money. Business is stagnated — th* 
 life-blood of trade is checked and congested. We can- 
 not restore public confidence by an act which would 
 revolutionize all values or an act which entails a de- 
 ficiency in the public revenues. 
 
 We cannot inspire confidence by advocating repu- 
 diation or practicing dishonesty. We cannot restore 
 confidence either to the Treasury or to the people with- 
 out a change in our present tariff legislation. 
 
442 McKIXLEY"S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 The only measure of a general nature that aflfected 
 the Treasury and temperaments of our people passed 
 by the Fifty-third Congress was the general tariff act, 
 which did not receive the approval of the President. 
 Whatever virtues may be claimed for that act there 
 is confessedly one whicli it does not possess. 
 
 It lacks the essential virtue of its creation — the 
 raising of revenue sufficient to supply the needs of the 
 Government. It has at no time provided enough 
 revenue for such needs, but it has caused a constant 
 deficienc}' in the Treasury and a steady depletion in 
 the earnings of labor and land. 
 
 It has contributed to swell our national debt more 
 than $262,000,000, a sum nearly as great as the debt 
 of the Government from Washington to Lincoln, in- 
 cluding all our foreign wars from the Revolution to 
 the Rebellion. 
 
 Since its passage work at home has been dimin- 
 ished ; prices of agricultural products have fallen, 
 confidence has been arrested and general business de- 
 moralization is seen on every hand. 
 
 The total receipts under the tariff act of 1894 for 
 the first twenty-two months of its enforcement, from 
 September, 1894, to June, 1896, were $557,615,328, 
 and the expenditures, $640,418,363, or a deficiency 
 of $82,803,035. 
 
 The decrease in our exports of American products 
 and manufactures during the first fifteen months of 
 the present tariff, as contrasted with the exports of 
 
McKlNLKYS ACCEPTANCE 443 
 
 the first fifteen months of the tariff of 1890, was $220,- 
 353,320. 
 
 The excess of exports over imports during the first 
 fifteen months of the tariff of 1890, was $213,972,- 
 968, but only $50,758,023 under the first fifteen 
 months of the tariff of 1894, a loss under the latter 
 of $157,214,345. 
 
 The net loss in the trade balance of the United 
 States has been $196,983,007 during the first fifteen 
 months' operation of the tariff of 1894, as compared 
 with the first fifteen months of the tariff of 1890. 
 
 The loss has been large, constant and steady, at 
 the rate of $13,130,000 per month, of $500,000 for 
 every business day of the year. 
 
 We have either been sending too much money out 
 of the country or getting too little in, or both. We 
 have lost steadily in both directions. Our foreign 
 trade has been diminished and our domestic trade has 
 suffered incalculable loss. 
 
 Docs not this suggest the cause of our present de- 
 pression and indicate its remedy? Confidence in 
 home enterprises has almost wholly disappeared. Our 
 shops are closed, or running at half time at reduced 
 wages and small profit, if not actual loss. 
 
 Our men at home are idle, and while they are idle 
 men abroad are occupied in supplying us with goods. 
 Our unrivaled home market for the farmer has also 
 greatly suffered, because those who constitute it — the 
 great army of American wage-earners — are without 
 the work and wages they formerly had. If thoy can 
 
444 
 
 McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 not earn wages, they cannot buy products. They can- 
 not earn if they have no employment and when they 
 do not earn the formers' home market is lessened and 
 impaired, and the loss is felt by both producer and 
 consumer. 
 
 The loss of earning power alone in this country in 
 the past three years is sufficient to have produced our 
 unfortunate business situation. If our labor was well 
 employed and employed at as remunerative wages as 
 in 1892, in a few months every farmer in the land 
 would feel the glad change in the increased demand 
 for his products and in the better prices which he 
 would receive. 
 
 It is not an increase in the volume of money which 
 is the need of the time, but an increase of the volume 
 of business ; not an increase of coin, but an increase 
 of confidence ; not more coinage, but a more active 
 use of the money coined ; not open mints for the un- 
 limited coinage of the silver of the world, but open 
 mills for the full and unrestricted labor of American 
 workingmen. 
 
 The employment of our mints for the coinage of 
 the silver of the world would not bring the neces- 
 saries and comforts of life back to our people. This 
 will only come with the employment of the masses, 
 and such employment is certain to follow the re- 
 establishment of a wise protective policy which shall 
 encourage manufacturing at home. 
 
 Protection has lost none of its virtue and impor- 
 tance. The first duty of the Republican party, if 
 
McKIXLEY'S ACXM-:PTAXT0E 445 
 
 restored to power in the country, will be the enact- 
 ment of ;i tariir law which will raise all the money 
 necessary to conduct the Government, economically 
 and honestly administered, and so adjusted as to give 
 preference to home manufactures and adequate pro- 
 tection to home labor and the home market. 
 
 We are not committed to any special schedules or 
 rates of duty. They are, and should be, always sub- 
 ject to change to meet new conditions, but the prin- 
 ciple upon which rates of duty are imposed remains 
 the same. Our duties should always be high enough 
 to measure the difference between the wages paid 
 labor at home and in competing countries, and. to 
 adequately protect American investments and Ameri- 
 can enterprises. 
 
 Our farmers have been hurt by the changes in our 
 tariff legislation as severely as our laborers and manu- 
 facturers, badly as they have suffered. 
 
 The Republican platform declares in favor of such 
 encouragement to our sugar interests " as will lead 
 to the production on American soil of all the sugar 
 which the American people use." 
 
 It promises to our wool and woolen interests the 
 " most ample protection," a guaranty that ought to 
 commend itself to everj^ patriotic citizen. Never 
 was a more grievous wrong done tlie farmers of our 
 country than that so unjustly inflicted during the 
 past three years upon the \vool growers of America. 
 Although among our most industrious and useful 
 citizens, their interests have been practically de 
 
446 McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 stroyed and our woolen affairs involved in similar 
 disaster. 
 
 At no time within the past thirty-six years, and, 
 perhaps, never during any previous period, have so 
 many of our woolen factories been suspended as now. 
 The Republican party can be relied upon to correct 
 these great wrongs if again entrusted with the con- 
 trol of Congress. 
 
 Another declaration of the Republican platform 
 that has my most cordial support is that which favors 
 reciprocity. The splendid results of the reciprocity 
 arrangements that were made under authority of the 
 taj'iff law of 1890 are striking suggest! ves. 
 
 The brief period they were in force, in most cases 
 only three years, was not long enough to thoroughly 
 test their great values, but sufficient was shown by 
 the trial to conclusively demonstrate the importance 
 and the wisdom of their adoption. 
 
 In 1892 the export trade of the United States 
 attained the highest point in our history. The aggre- 
 gate of our exports that year reached the immense 
 sum of 11,030,278,148, a sum greater by $100,000,- 
 000 than the exports of any previous year. 
 
 In 1893, owing to the threat of unfriendly tariff 
 legislation, the total dropped to $847,665,194. Our 
 exports of domestic merchandise decreased $189,000,- 
 000, but reciprocity still secured us a large trade in 
 Central and South America, and a larger trade with 
 the West Indies than we had ever before enjoyed. 
 
 The increase of trade with the countries with 
 
McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 447 
 
 which we had reciprocity agreements was $3,560,515 
 over our trade in 1892, and $16,440,721 over our 
 trade in 1891. The only countries with which the 
 United States traded that showed increased exports 
 in 1893 were practically those with which we had 
 reciprocity arrangements. 
 
 The reciprocity treaty between this country and 
 Spain, touching the markets of Cuba and Porto Rico, 
 was announced September 1, 1891. The growth of 
 our trade with Cuba was phenomenal. In 1891 we 
 sold that country but 114,441 barrels of tlour ; in 
 1892. 366,175; "in 1893, 616,406; and in 1894, 
 622,248. 
 
 Here was a growth of nearly 500 per cent, while 
 our exportations of flour to Cuba for the year ending 
 June 30, 1895 — the year following the repeal of the 
 reciprocity treaty — fell to 379,896 barrels, a loss of 
 nearly half our trade with that country. 
 
 The value of our total exports of merchandise from 
 the United States to Cuba in 1891 — the year prior to 
 the negotiation of the reciprocity treaty — was $12,- 
 224,888; in 1892, $17,953,579; in 1893, $24,157,- 
 698; in 1894, $20,125,321, but in 1895, after the 
 annulment of the reciprocity agreement, it fell to only 
 $12,887,661. 
 
 Many similar examples might be given of our in- 
 creased trade under reciprocity with other countries, 
 but enough has been shown of the efficacy of the 
 legislation of 1890 to justify the speedy restoration 
 of its reciprocity provisions. 
 
448 McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 In my judgment, Congress should immediately re- 
 store the reciprocity section of the old law with such 
 amendments, if any, as time and experience sanction 
 as wise and proper. 
 
 The underlying principle of this legislation must, 
 however, be strictly observed. It is to afford new 
 markets for our surplus agricultural and manufac- 
 tured products without loss to the American laborer 
 of a single day's work that he might otherwise procure. 
 
 The declaration of the platform touching foreign 
 immigration is one of peculiar importance at this time, 
 when our own laboring people are in such distress. 
 I am in hearty sympathy with the present legislation 
 restricting foreign immigration and favor such exten- 
 sion of the laws as will secure the United States from 
 invasion by the debased and criminal classes of the 
 Old World. 
 
 While we adhere to the public policy under which 
 our country has received great bodies of honest, in- 
 dustrious citizens, who have added to the wealth, pro- 
 gress and power of the country, and while we wel- 
 come to our shores the well-disposed and industrious 
 immigrant who contributes by his energy and intelli- 
 gence to the cause of free government, we want no 
 immigrants who do not seek our shores to become 
 citizens. 
 
 We should permit none to participate in the ad- 
 vantages of our civilization who does not sympathize 
 with our aims and form of government. We should 
 receive none who comes to make war upon our institu- 
 
McKIXLEY'S ACCKPTAXCE 449 
 
 tions and profit by public disquiet and turmoil. 
 Against all such our gates must be tightly closed. 
 
 The soldiers and sailors of the Union should neither 
 be neglected nor forgotten. The Government which 
 they served so well must not make their lives or con- 
 dition harder by treating them as suppliants for relief 
 in old age or distress, nor regard with disdain or con- 
 tempt the earnest interest one comrade naturally 
 manifests in the welfare of another. 
 
 Doubtless there have been pension abuses and 
 frauds in the numerous claims allowed by the Govern- 
 ment, but the policy governing the administration of 
 the Pension Bureau must always be fair and liberal. 
 No deserving applicant should ever suffer because of 
 a wrong perpetrated by or for another. 
 
 Our soldiers and sailors gave the Government the 
 best they had. They freely ofifered health, strength, 
 limb and life to save the country in the time of its 
 greatest peril, and the Government must honor them 
 in their need as in their service with the respect and 
 gratitude due to brave, noble and self-sacrificing men 
 who are justly entitled to generous aid in their in- 
 creasing necessities. 
 
 The declaration of the Republican platform in favor 
 of the upbuilding of our merchant marine has my 
 hearty approval. The policy of discriminating duties 
 in favor of our shipping, which prevailed in the early 
 years of our history, should be again adopted by Con- 
 gress and vigorously supported until our prestige and 
 supremacy on the seas is fully attained. 
 
450 McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 
 
 We should no longer contribute directly or indi- 
 rectly to the maintenance of the colossal marine of 
 foreign countries, but provide an efficient and com- 
 plete marine of our own. 
 
 Now that the American navy is assuming a position 
 conmiensurate with our importance as a nation, a 
 policy I am glad to observe the Republican platform 
 strongly indorses, we must supplement it with a mer- 
 chant marine that will give us the advantages, in both 
 our coastwise and foreign trade that we ought natu- 
 rally and properly to enjoy. 
 
 It should be at once a matter of public policy and 
 national pride to repossess this immense and prosper- 
 ous trade. 
 
 The pledge of the Republican National Convention 
 that our civil service laws " shall be sustained and 
 thoroughly and honestly enforced and extended wher- 
 ever practicable " is in keeping with the position of 
 the party for the past twenty-four years, and will be 
 faithfully observed. 
 
 Our opponents decry these reforms. They appear 
 willing to abandon all the advantages gained after so 
 many years of agitation and effort. They encourage 
 a return to methods of party favoritism which both 
 parties have often denounced, that experience has 
 condemned and that the people have repeatedly dis- 
 approved. 
 
 The Republican party earnestly opposes this reac- 
 tionary and entirely unjustifiable policy. It will take 
 
.Melv 1 .\ LE Y ';S AL'CKi'TANCE 451 
 
 no backward step upon this question. It will seek to 
 improve but never degrade tlie public service. 
 
 There are other important and timely declara- 
 tions in the platform which 1 cannot here discuss. I 
 must content myself with saying tliat they have my 
 approval. 
 
 If, as Republicans, we have lately addressed our 
 attention with what may seem great stress and earn- 
 estness to the new and unexpected assault upon the 
 financial integrity of the Go\'ernment, we have done 
 it because the menace is so grave as to demand espe- 
 cial consideration, and because we are convinced that 
 if the people are aroused to the true understanding 
 and meaning of this silver inflation movement they 
 will avert the danger. 
 
 In doing this we feel that we render the best service 
 possible to the country, and we appeal to the intelli- 
 gence, conscience and patriotism of the people, irre- 
 spective of party or section, for their earnest support. 
 
 We avoid no issues. We meet the sudden, danger- 
 ous and revolutionary assault upon law and order and 
 upon those to whom is confided by the Constitution 
 and laws the authority to uphold and maintain them 
 which our opponents have made with the same cour- 
 age that we have faced every emergency since our 
 organization as a party, more than forty years ago. 
 
 Government by law must first be assured; every- 
 thing else can wait. The spirit of lawlessness must 
 be extinguished by the tires of an unselfish and lofty 
 patriotism. 
 
452 McKINLEVS ACCEPTANCE 
 
 Every attack upon the public faith and every sug- 
 gestion of the repudiation of debts, public or private, 
 must be rebuked by all men who believe that honesty 
 is the best policy, or who love their country and 
 would preserve unsullied its national honor. 
 
 The country is to be congratulated upon the almost 
 total obliteration of the sectional lines which for many 
 years marked the division of the United States into 
 slave and free territory and finally threatened its 
 partition into two separate governments by the dread 
 ordeal of civil war. 
 
 The era of reconciliation, so long and earnestly de- 
 sired by General Grant and many other great leaders, 
 North and South, has happily come, and the feeling 
 of distrust and hostility between the sections is every- 
 where vanishing, let us hope never to return. 
 
 Nothing is better calculated to give strength to the 
 nation at home than to increase our influence abroad 
 and add to the permanency and security of our free 
 institutions than the restoration of cordial relations 
 between the people of all sections and parts of our 
 beloved country. 
 
 If called by the suffrages of the people to assume 
 the duties of the high office of President of the United 
 States, I shall count it a privilege to aid, even in the 
 slightest degree, in the promotion of the spirit of frat- 
 ernal regard which should animate and govern the 
 citizens of every section. State or part of the Republic. 
 
 After the lapse of a century since its utterance, let 
 us, at length and forever hereafter, heed the admoni- 
 
McKINLEY'S ACCEPTANCE 453 
 
 tion of Washington, "There should be no North, no 
 South, no East, no West, but a common country." 
 
 It shall be my constant aim to improve every op- 
 portunity to advance the cause of good government 
 by promoting that spirit of forbearance and justice 
 which is so essential to our prosperity and happiness 
 by joining most heartily in all proper efforts to restore 
 the relations of brotherly respect and affection which 
 in our early history characterized all the people of all 
 the States. 
 
 I would be glad to contribute toward binding in 
 indivisible union the different divisions of the country, 
 which, indeed, now " have every inducement of sym- 
 pathy and interest" to weld them together more 
 strongly than ever. 
 
 I would rejoice to see demonstrated to the world 
 that the North and the South and the East and the 
 West are not separated or in danger of becoming 
 separated because of sectional or party differences. 
 
 The war is long since over; "we are not eneinies, 
 but friends," and as friends we will faitlifully and 
 cordially co-operate, under the approving smile of 
 Him who has thus far so signally sustained and 
 guided us, to preserve inviolate our country's name 
 and honor, of its peace and good order, of its con- 
 tinued ascendancy amongst the greatest governments 
 on earth. 
 
 WILLIAM M'KINLEY. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 SALIENT EXTRACTS FROM MAJOR McKINLEY's ADDRESSES 
 TO REPRESENTATIVE DELEGATIONS. 
 
 EVEN before the date of the publication of his 
 brilliant letter of acceptance, and thence on 
 to the day of his triumphant election, Major 
 McKinley was called upon daily — almost hourly — to 
 address various visiting delegations upon the supreme 
 issue of the campaign. His speeches were always to 
 the point, pungent in phrase, and pregnant with fact. 
 As in his letter of acceptance, so in his speeches, he 
 multiplied the resources of the campaign for sound 
 money, and gave convincing arguments for an honest 
 standard of value. 
 
 Three days prior to his acceptance of the nomina- 
 tion, he addressed a body of 500 farmers, and made an 
 earnest appeal for an honest currency. In the 
 course of his address he said : 
 
 "Can the farmer be helped by free coinage of 
 silver ? 
 
 " He cannot be helped because if the nominal price 
 of grain were to rise, through an inflation of the 
 currency, the price of everything else would rise 
 
 454 
 
McKlX LEY'S ADDK'KSSKS 455 
 
 also, and the farmer would be relatively no better 
 ofi' than he was before. 
 
 " He would not get any more real value for his 
 grain than he gets now, and would sufl'er from the 
 general demoralization which would follow the free 
 coinage of silver. You cannot help the farmer by 
 more coinage of silver. lie can only be helped by 
 more consumers for his products. You cannot help 
 him by free trade, but, as I have shown, he can be 
 hurt, and seriously hurt, by the free introduction of 
 competing products into this country. 
 
 " Better a thousand times enlarge the markets for 
 American products than to enlarge the mints for the 
 silver products of the world. You might just as 
 well understand now that you cannot add value to 
 anything by diminishing the measure of the value 
 with which the thing is sold or exchanged. 
 
 "If you can increase the value by lowering the 
 measure of value, and you want to benefit the 
 farmer, then make the bushel smaller, the pound 
 lighter and declare a legal dozen less than twelve. 
 
 " The home market is the best friend of the farmer. 
 It is his best market. It is his only reliable market. 
 It is his own natural market. 
 
 " Prosperity of manufiicturers is inseparable from 
 the prosperity of agriculture. Set all our wheels in 
 motion, set all our spindles whirling, set all our men 
 at work on full time, start up the idle workshops of 
 the country, bring back confidence and business, and 
 the farmer will at once feel the influence in the 
 
456 McKINLEY'S ADDEESSES 
 
 greater demand for his products and in the better 
 prices he would receive. When the farmer has 
 found a market for his goods, he wants his pay for 
 what he sells in such unquestioned coin that he will 
 know it is good not only to-day, but will be certain 
 to be good every day of the year and in all countries 
 of the world. 
 
 " Free silver will not cure over-production or under- 
 consumption. Free silver will not remove the com- 
 petition of Russia, India and the Argentine Republic. 
 This competition would remain if you would coin all 
 the silver of the world. Free silver will not increase 
 the demand for your wheat or make a single new con- 
 sumer. 
 
 " You don't get consumers through the mints. You 
 get them through the factories. You will not get 
 them by increasing the circulation of money in the 
 United States. You will only get them by increasing 
 the manufacturing establishments in the United 
 States." 
 
 Again, he said to the Chicago Commercial M'Kinley 
 Club on x\ugnst 29 th : " If there is one kind of money 
 that is good in every civilized world and another that 
 passes in only some parts of the world, the people of 
 the United States will never be content with anything 
 short of the best. 
 
 " We have been doing business on that basis since 
 January 1, 1879. We will continue that policy so 
 long as we have a just regard for our honest obliga- 
 ^iions and high standing as a nation. 
 
McKlXLKVS ADDKESSES 457 
 
 " Free silver at a ratio of 16 to 1, or about half its 
 true bullion valuo, is not a full dollar. Good money 
 never made times hard. And poor money never 
 made times good. 
 
 " My fellow-citizens, our contest this year is for the 
 country's honor and prosperity. The need of the 
 hour is work for willing hands, work and wages for 
 the unemployed and a chance to earn the good dollars 
 which are now idle and are only waiting in their hid- 
 ing places for a restoration of confidence. 
 
 " Our contest is for the good faith of the nation and 
 the welfare of the people, and we can proc^'^^n with 
 confidence the same supreme faith in the people which 
 upheld Lincoln in every trial of the war. As he said, 
 * Intelligence and patriotism and a firm reliance in 
 Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are 
 still competent to adjust in the best way all our pre- 
 sent difficulties.' In tliis faith we submit our conten- 
 tion to the great tribunal of the people." 
 
 ANTE-ELECTION SPEECHES. 
 
 It is not easy to comprise within the compass of 
 this volume even brief extracts from a few of the 
 leading ante-election addresses delivered by Major 
 M'Kinley, but we cull the following : 
 
 To the Colored Ritlemen of Cleveland : " I con- 
 gratulate you, gentlemen, upon the splendid progress 
 that your race has made since emancipation. You 
 have done better, you have advanced more rapidly 
 than it was believed possible at that time: you havQ 
 
458 MeKINLEY'S ADDRESSES 
 
 improved greatly the educational advantages wliich 
 you have had. Your people everywhere, No»-th and 
 South, are accumulating property and to-day you 
 stand as among the most conservative of the citizens 
 of this great Republic. 
 
 " We are now engaged in a political contest and 
 your presence in such vast numbers here to-day 
 evidence the interest which you have in the public 
 questions that are now engaging the attention of the 
 American people. We have a great country and we 
 must keep it great. 
 
 " The post which the United States must occupy 
 both in wages and industries, and in the integrity of 
 its finances and currency, must be at the head of the 
 nations of the earth. To that place of honor the 
 people of the country must restore it this year. They 
 have the opportunity that they have wished for since 
 1892. Will they meet it this year? 
 
 " We want in the United States neither cheap 
 money nor cheap labor. We will have neither the 
 one nor the other. We must not forget that nothing 
 is cheap to the American people which comes from 
 abroad when it entails idleness upon our own laborers." 
 
 To 3,000 Pennsylvania workingmen (on Labor 
 Day) : " When a man is out of a job he is usually out 
 of money, and to live he must draw upon his savings 
 if he has any. If not upon his savings then upon his 
 credit. What the idle morkingman wants is a job 
 that means money to him. The mints, if they were 
 thrown wide open to the coinage of every character 
 
McKINLEY'S ADDRESSES 459 
 
 of metal and were multiplied 100 fold in capacity, 
 would neither furnish the workingman a job nor 
 supply his exhausted savings or give him credit. 
 Nothing will accompish that but work. Work at fair 
 wages, and that will only come through confidence 
 restored by a wise financial and industrial policy. 
 
 " And there is another thing we ought to remem- 
 ber, that free silver at a ratio of 16 to 1, or any other 
 ratio, will not repeal the great law of supply and de- 
 mand. It is a great error to suppose that you can 
 enhance values by diminishing the value of money — 
 that you can increase the value of anything by chang- 
 ing its measure. You can no more do that than you 
 can increase quantity by lowering the bushel measure. 
 Garfield uttered a great truth when speaking for the 
 redemption of specie payments he said : ' In the 
 name of every man who wants his own when he has 
 earned it, I demand that he do not make the wages 
 of the poor man to shrivel in his hands after he has 
 earned them. But that his money shall be made bet- 
 ter and easier until the plowholder's money shall be 
 as good as the bondholder's money. Until our stand- 
 ard is one, and there is no longer one money for the 
 rich and another for the poor.' 
 
 " I thank you, my countrymen, for this generous 
 and gracious call here to-day. One of the great 
 sources of comfort to me in this great campaign is the 
 feeling that I have behind me the workingmen of the 
 United States. It will give me pleasure now to meet 
 and greet each and every one of you." 
 
460 McKINLEY'S ADDRESSES 
 
 To a delegation from Vermont : " A people who 
 could tax themselves most heavily to equip and main- 
 tain the armies and navies of the Union, and continue 
 the most extensive and expensive war in history, will 
 not turn their backs upon the soldiers of that war, 
 nor seek to pay their pensions in dollars worth only 
 half their face value. 
 
 " A people who emerged from that war with an in- 
 terest-bearing debt of $2,382,000,000, or $70 per capita 
 for our entire population in 1865, will not now, after 
 having honestly paid three-fourths of that great debt, 
 ever seek directly or indirectly to repudiate one dollar 
 of it or cheapen the coin of payment. 
 
 " A people, I say, who proceeded in good faith to 
 pay off that debt with such unparalleled rapidity 
 that, it was estimated in 1888, up to that time they 
 had paid $123 for every minute of every day of every 
 year from 1865 to 1888, will not now falter, bargain 
 or scheme to defraud any creditor of the Government, 
 whoever or wherever he may be." 
 
 To G. A. R. veterans of Ohio : " You were good 
 citizens before you went to the war ; you were good 
 soldiers in the war ; you have been good citizens ever 
 since, standing by the same old flag, no matter where 
 you are. 
 
 Let me point to you a picture ! 
 
 See a million soldiers there, 
 Flushed with triumph, and with weapons 
 
 Flashing keen and bright and bare. 
 
 Vanished ! Wondrous transformation ! 
 Where is now that mighty band ? 
 
McKlNLEY'S ADDRESSES 4G1 
 
 Do they roam, a vast banditti, 
 Pillaging their native land ? 
 
 No, we point to field and workshop ; 
 Let the world the moral see. 
 
 There, beneath the dust of labor, 
 Toil the veteran soldiery. 
 
 Ye, who, mightiest in the battle. 
 On the mountain and the plain 
 
 Wrought, jes, wrought your greatest triumph 
 When ye sought your homes again. 
 
 Sought j'our home, 'mid peace and quiet, 
 Grasping with your strong right hand 
 
 Implements of" honest labor, 
 ToiUng to rebuild the land. 
 
 " You were patriots then ; you are patriots to-day. 
 You know no politics in your Grand Army posts, but 
 you do know patriotism when you see it." 
 
 To the steel workers of Braddock, Pa. : " From the 
 hour it was determined by the American people that 
 the Republican party which with but a single inter- 
 ruption had been in control of the Government for 
 thirty years, was to go out of power and another 
 party with a different policy was to come in, that 
 moment every business man of the country assumed 
 an attitude of anxious waiting and of fear and anxiety. 
 
 " While business men were waiting to know what 
 legislation was to be, business was languishing from 
 one end of the country to the other, and labor was 
 without work. Then we commenced living from hand 
 to mouth, and we have been living from hand to 
 mouth ever since. And, as an old comrade said to 
 me the other day, the distance seemed to be getting 
 greater with every succeeding year. 
 
462 McKINLEY'S ADDEESSES 
 
 " According to a census recently taken by a news- 
 paper in New York, it appears that in July, 1892, 
 577 employers of labor in the United States that year 
 gave work to 114,231 hands. How was it in July, 
 1896 ? The same emplojers gave work to 78,700 
 hands; 35,531 men who liad been employed in 1892 
 were thrown out of employment in 1896 and put in 
 a state of idleness, resulting in a loss of more than 30 
 per cent, to labor. 
 
 "In July, 1892, the wages paid to the 114,231 
 hands amounted to $3,927,000; in July, 1896, the 
 earnings of the 78,700 hands amounted to only $2,- 
 469,712, a loss to labor in a single month in these 
 establishments of $1,457,000, a decrease or loss to 
 labor of 40 per cent." 
 
 To delegates from Indiana : •' I believe in America 
 for Americans, native born and naturalized. I be- 
 lieve in the American pay roll. And I don't believe 
 in diminishing that pay roll by giving work to any- 
 body else under another flag while we've got an idle 
 man under our flag. 
 
 " Four years ago the laborer was agitating the ques- 
 tion of shorter hours. We then had too much to do. 
 I have heard no discussion of that kind for four years. 
 And I never heard a laboring man discussing the de- 
 sirability of having shorter dollars. 
 
 '' The cause of complaint of our opponents is, first, 
 that we have not enough money, and, second, that 
 our money is too good. 
 
 " To the first complaint, I answer that the per 
 
McKINLEY'S ADDRESSES 463 
 
 capita of circulating medium of this country has been 
 greater since the so-called 'crime of 1873' than it 
 ever was before, and that it has been greater in the 
 past five years than it ever was in all our history. 
 
 " We have not only got the best money in the 
 world, but we've got more of it than most of the 
 nations of the world. We've got more money than 
 the United Kingdom per capita. We've got more 
 money than Germany per capita. We've got more 
 money than Italy per capita. We've got more money 
 than Switzerland, Greece, Spain, Roumania, Servia, 
 Austria, Hungary, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Rus- 
 sia, Turkey, Mexico, and the Central and Southern 
 American States, and more than Japan or China per 
 capita. 
 
 " So that some other reason than the lack of volume 
 of money must be found to account for the present 
 condition of the country." 
 
 To Buffalo, N. Y., real estate men : '• The courts 
 which interpret and execute the law- must be pre- 
 served on that exalted plane of purity and incorrupt- 
 ibility which have so signally characterized the 
 American judiciary. These courts must be upheld 
 for the safety and defense of the citizen. When the 
 law and those whose constitutional duty it is to exe- 
 cute them are assailed the Government itself is as- 
 sailed. 
 
 " If there are those who would break down law 
 and disturb the peace and good order of society, then 
 those who value these safeguards as essential to our 
 
464 McKINLEY'S ADDRESSES 
 
 liberty must sacredly guard and defend them by their 
 ballots. This they will do with the same earnest pa- 
 triotism that they have always displayed in every 
 great emergency in the life of the nation. 
 
 " To strike at the credit of the country is to deal a 
 blow at its prosperity. It destroys confidence, and, 
 v/hen that is gone business stops and the currents of 
 trade are dried up. Confidence, in a measure, and in 
 a very great measure, is the capital of the world. 
 Destroy confidence and you invite ruin to every en- 
 terprise in the land. 
 
 "Absolute integrity of payment in all transactions, 
 public and private, lies at the foundation of confi- 
 dence, and, when confidence is once firmly estab- 
 lished, there is scarcely any limit to capital. This is 
 the universal experience of both government and in- 
 dividual. 
 
 "A tainted credit is a constant embarrassment to 
 government and citizens, and, when it once fastens 
 itself upon either, it is hard for them to recover. A 
 limping credit attracts no capital and inspires no con- 
 fidence." 
 
 To tin-plate men : "I submit to all of you, no 
 matter what may have been your politics in the past, 
 whether you would not prefer to have that tin-plate 
 factory in your county, and in your State than to 
 have it in Wales. The more factories you can have 
 in any community the better will be the general in- 
 dustrial conditions and the better will be the market 
 for the farmer who produces food products. But it 
 
McKINLEY'S ADDRESSES 465 
 
 is not my purpose to address you on political ques- 
 tions." 
 
 To Indiana railroad men : " Why, talk about the 
 creditors of this country ! Our opponents animad- 
 vert against them. Who are the creditors of this 
 country ? They are the men who labor in this 
 country. 
 
 " The greatest creditors of this country are its 
 workingmen. Aside from what is due them on in- 
 vestments and savings, their current wages make 
 them the largest credit class in the United States. 
 
 "The employers of this country owe their em- 
 ployees every thirty days in good times more than 
 the whole debt of the bonds of the United States, 
 while nearly five hundred millions of dollars are paid 
 out annually to the railroad employees alone." 
 
 To a delegation from Centre county. Pa. : " I have 
 often wondered if Pennsylvania's powerful influence 
 for stability, conservatism and prosperity in the 
 Union and its great strength and self-supporting ca- 
 pacity as a Commonwealth in that Union were prop- 
 erly appreciated. Her agriculture, commerce and 
 manufacturing, while independent in one sense, have 
 always been mutually inter-dependent, beneficial and 
 helpful. The whole community has profited by each 
 and all of them. 
 
 " This has been the case ever since its settlement 
 in pioneer days, and under its wise system of politi- 
 cal economy, not created or fostered by the creed of 
 visionaries, but that of plain, sensible, practical men. 
 
4G6 McKT^^LEY'S ADDRESSES 
 
 *' No other similar reward of husbandry is pre- 
 sented anywhere, and I make no apology, my fellow- 
 citizens, for your getting a like policy everywhere or 
 for having always endeavored to the extent of my 
 efforts to continue this wise system under which you 
 have such splendid results in the State of Pennsyl- 
 vania. 
 
 ■'Call it the Pennsylvania system, if you will; it 
 only does honor to Pennsylvania and her statesman- 
 ship, for it benefits all our laborers and farmers in all 
 parts of the American Union. Why should we not 
 do all our work and spend all our own wages at home, 
 giving to both farmers and workingmen the richest 
 rewards for their labor of any country under the sun ? 
 Answer that, my fellow-citizens." 
 
 To miners from Clarion county, Pa. : " There is 
 one thing which I think we are sometimes too apt to 
 forget. We are too apt to forget what is behind us, 
 and too apt to be heedless of our own experience. 
 We can hardly realize that from 1873 to 1893 we re- 
 duced the public debt from $2,333,331,308 in 1866 
 to $570,000,000. We paid off during those twenty 
 years $1,623,581,673 of the public debt. And we 
 were under a protective and sound money system 
 when we were making the large payments. Two- 
 thirds of that great debt has disappeared, and while 
 we were paying it off we were building in this coun- 
 try the most splendid industrial enterprises, giving 
 steady employment to American labor at fair wages, 
 and giving to the farmers of the country a just reward 
 
McKINLEY'S ADDRESSES 467 
 
 for their toil and labor. During the period, for the 
 greater part of the time, we were selling more gold 
 abroad than we were buying abroad. And the bal- 
 ance of trade was, therefore, in our favor, and the 
 balance of trade, settled as it was in gold, gave us the 
 good yellow money from the other side of the ocean. 
 No, my fellow-citizens, four years ago the people of 
 this country determined to change that policy, and 
 they did change it." 
 
 To the iMcKinley Club, of Goodland, Ind. : " The 
 idea that the Government can create wealth is a mere 
 myth. There is nothing that can create wealth ex- 
 cept labor. 
 
 " Now the best way to get this money is one of the 
 questions in this campaign. Is it easier to raise it 
 by direct taxation, by taxing the people in their oc- 
 cupations, on their property and on their lands, or is 
 it not better to raise it by putting the tax upon the 
 foreign products that come into this country to seek 
 a market in the United States? 
 
 " The latter is the policy and purpose of the Re- 
 publican party. The Republican party believes that 
 the great bulk of the money required to pay the ex- 
 penses of the Government should be raised by put- 
 ting a tax upon the foreign products that come into 
 this country to compete with American products. If 
 we could create money by merely starting our mints 
 running, then there would be no necessity of taxes." 
 
 To the United Italian Republican Club, of Pitts- 
 burg : " We are a nation of working people j we rec- 
 
468 McKIXLEY'S ADDEESSES 
 
 ognize no caste and will tolerate none beneath our 
 flag. (A voice : ' We know it,' and great applause.) 
 The voice of one citizen is as potent as the voice of 
 another, and the united voice when constitutionally 
 expressed is the law of the land. The great Englisli 
 statistician, Mr. Mulhall, declares that no other civ- 
 ilized country but the United States could boast of 
 41,000,000 instructed citizens in a total population 
 of less than 70,000,000, all of whom are equal bene- 
 ficiaries of the advantages and blessings and opportu- 
 nities of free government. 
 
 " The issues of this campaign cannot be overstated 
 in their nnportance. What are they ? First, shall 
 we sustain law and order and uphold the tribunals of 
 justice, which in all the trying times of the past 
 have been our greatest safety and our pride ? Shall 
 we do this, men of Italian birth and descent ? Shall 
 we continue a financial policy which is safe and sound, 
 and gives to us a money with which to do a business 
 that is stable in value and which commands respect, 
 not only at home, but in every commercial nation of 
 the world ? 
 
 '' Shall we restore the industrial policy by which 
 this nation has become mightier than all the other 
 great commercial, manufacturing, mining and farm- 
 ing nations of the world ? 
 
 "On these questions there should be no two opin- 
 ions ; and I believe this year the people of this coun- 
 try of every nationality, of every race and clan, loyal 
 as they are to this Government jf their adoption, 
 
McKINLEY'S ADDRESSES 469 
 
 will unitedly sustain the authority of law and the 
 Constitution. Continue an honest financial system 
 which will share work and wages and employment 
 and comforts for labor, good mai'kets fur the farmers, 
 in which all the people will participate." 
 
 To miners and oil men of McDonald, Pa. : " We 
 can truthfully claim as Americans that our na- 
 tional administrations in all the years of the past, 
 whether Federal or Democratic or Whig or Republi- 
 can, have for the most part conducted the Govern- 
 ment with credit, honor and efficiency. To our 
 credit, be it said, that not one of these administra- 
 tions, whatever may have been their mistakes and 
 failures, ever suggested, much less attempted, the 
 repudiation, directly or indirectly, of a single dollar, 
 or cent, honestly due to a citizen of this or any other 
 country of the globe, nor counseled the establishment 
 of a money for the uses of the people tainted with 
 the slightest dishonor. 
 
 " Shall we now consent or seem to consent by 
 our votes to lower that high standard or reverse 
 the proud policy which this Government has pur- 
 sued from its beginning ? Shall we tolerate now a 
 policy that would cheat any of our creditors, whoever 
 or wherever they may be ? 
 
 " Shall we tolerate a policy that would deprive 
 the brave men living, or their widows or orphans, 
 of a farthing in the pensions that a grateful Gov- 
 ernment has granted them ? How could we recall 
 their patriotic services, or the heroic services of 
 
470 McKIXLEY'S ADDEESSES 
 
 Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln and 
 Grant, if we were to stoop to shave one dollar 
 either from the money credit of the Government, or 
 those of her creditors of the Government who were 
 willino" to give their lives to save the Union?" 
 
 To a Tennessee delegation : " Tennessee can justly 
 boast that she has been the birthplace and home 
 of many of the eminent men of our country. She 
 has given to the Presidency three of her distin- 
 guished citizens — Jackson, Polk and Johnson. She 
 gave to the Lone Star Republic of Texas that sturdy 
 old patriot, Sam Houston, one of its early Presi- 
 dents. She has given to the nation such splendid 
 patriots, statesmen and upright public servants, 
 among whom are Hugh L. White, John Bell, Felix 
 Grundy, David Crockett, Admiral Farragut, David 
 Givin, of California, and that distinguished journalist 
 of Kentucky, Henry Watterson. 
 
 " The record this year of Tennessee should be 
 in keeping with the principles emblazoned on her 
 State seal. Agriculture, Manufacture and Commerce. 
 With prosperity in these fields of human activity, 
 she can always advance ; without it, she must in- 
 evitably recede and decline. 
 
 "Men of Tennessee, do you stand by the prin- 
 ciples enunciated by the immortal Jackson? Do 
 you favor a protective tariff and honest money ? I 
 am glad to be assured by your voices that you do, 
 and that you have not forgotten the force and merit 
 of his great example. Do you believe in his decla- 
 
McKINLEY'S ADDKESSES 471 
 
 ration for the enforcement and the majesty of public 
 law? Are you willing to 'compromise' the great 
 principles he so steadfastly upholds in defense of 
 the Constitution, the courts and the citizen ? " 
 
 To the thousands of visitors on '' Illinois Day " 
 (Oct. 21st) : " You have the immortal Lincoln. 
 That's enough for one State. You have the mighty 
 Grant, who filled the world with his fame as he joru- 
 neyed in the pathway of the sun. Then you had 
 Logan. Then you have Oglesby — grand old Dick 
 Oglesby, and you have Tanner. 
 
 '' Your farm products have reached $270,000,000 
 in a single year, and some people seem to think you 
 would produce more if you had free silver; or more 
 than |5 an acre for every acre of land. Now that 
 the price of wheat is going up and silver is going 
 down, and your crops have been exceptionally good, 
 I cannot see how even the most pessimistic can con- 
 vince you, or themselves, that our present gold stand- 
 ard, which we have had since 1879, can be of the 
 least possible detriment to you. 
 
 " It was announced from this platform that you 
 had made the largest registration of any State in the 
 American Union ; and that ought to mean the largest 
 majority of any State in the American Union for 
 sound money and protection. What will be your 
 answer to the open challenges to be made for public 
 honesty and public morals? 
 
 '' You can never permanently advance or prosper 
 under any systejn of false finance or false political 
 
472 McKi:n^ley'S addresses 
 
 economy that was ever devised by the will of man. 
 You can only prosper upon honest principles, honest 
 purposes, honest laws, public and private honor. 
 
 '•Agriculture will be prostrated, commerce will 
 languish, mining will decrease and manufactures di- 
 minish, if, to the misery of partial free trade, you add 
 the heresy of free silver, which in this contest means 
 the violation of the existing contracts and the utter 
 disregard of good faith and the absolute repudiation 
 in whole or in part of our public or private obliga- 
 tions. Disguise the issues as you may, the bold, 
 cold, hard facts remain, and no amount of chicanery 
 or sophistry will hide them." 
 
 To his neighbors and fellow-citizens of Canton : 
 '' The American people will never take so rash and 
 wicked a step as to invalidate or impair the value of 
 their own government obligations. They will never 
 consent by popular vote or otherwise to the repudia- 
 tion of one farthing of their national debt. They 
 will never brook the thought of not looking the 
 whole world in the face and challenging any nation 
 to point to a more honorable or creditable record 
 than ours." 
 
 To some 150 or more college students coming from 
 over thirty institutions in couples and trios : " ' Study 
 the Constitution of the United States thoroughly; 
 contrast its teachings with the doctrines of the poli- 
 tical parties of the day, and vote with the one you 
 then believe will do the most for your country.' " 
 
 " The Republican party can well afford to submit 
 
to that test ; it never has shrunk from the severest 
 tests of the past and has never suffered thereby. But 
 in the alignment of parties to-day and in the vital 
 questions at issue between them, it especially and 
 cheerfully invites comparison and contrast. It has 
 no aim but the public good and the honor of the 
 American name, and confidently submits its conten- 
 tion, not to a class or a section, but to the whole 
 American people. 
 
 " Daniel Webster always stood for America, and I 
 can recall no grander words in any oration than the 
 ringing, truthful and touching sentences in which, 
 after paying his own State grand and well-deserved 
 tribute, he in terms of endearment claimed Washing- 
 ton, Henr}^, Marshall, Jefferson, Madison and other 
 distinguished Southerners as just as much his country- 
 men as any of the noble patriots of New England. 
 
 " He expressed in that wonderful speech the true 
 sentiment of this campaign, the dominant, moving 
 force of the present national contest. This is the 
 spirit that should animate every young man in the 
 country, in college and out, everywhere to-day — a 
 national spirit — a broad and comprehensive patri- 
 otism, a genuine Americanism. 
 
 '' If I could give the young men of the United States 
 a message that I would have them hear and heed, it 
 would be ' Stand up for America; devote your life to 
 its cause ; love your own homes and prove as worthy 
 of our cherished free institutions as they are worthy 
 of your allegiance and services.' 
 
474 McKmLF.Y'S ADDRESSES 
 
 " Let not the high standard of national honor raised 
 by the fathers be lowered by their sons. Let learn- 
 ing, liberty and law be exalted and enthroned. 
 
 " You come from the great educational institutions 
 of the land, and I dare say love to contemplate with 
 me their great and increasing importance. Each is 
 for his own, but proud of all, and there are none but 
 would give honor to the great public school system 
 of the country. 
 
 " In addition to the great outlay by the nation upon 
 common schools, America has just reason to be proud 
 of the private benefactions which our philanthropic 
 citizens are constantly making to our colleges and 
 universities. They have fallen off, it is true, in the 
 last three years, and they will be still more reduced 
 if we are ever so unwise as to enter upon the project 
 of free silver as now proposed, or any other sctieme 
 of false finance." 
 
CHAPTER XXL 
 
 Mckinley's inaugural address. 
 
 A lofty appeal to all patriotic Americans for tlie prompt solution of 
 the great ami pressing problems of tlie National Government. 
 
 FELLOW-CITIZENS: In obedience to the will 
 of the people and in their presence by the 
 authority vested in ine by them, I must be both 
 "sure we are right" and " make haste slowly." 
 
 K, therefore, Congress in its wisdom shall deem it 
 expedient to create a commission to take under con- 
 sideration the revision of our coinage, banking and 
 currency laws, and give them that exhaustive, care- 
 ful and dispassionate examination that their impor- 
 tance demands, I shall cordially concur in such 
 action. 
 
 If such power is vested in the President, it is ray 
 purpose to appoint a commission of prominent, well- 
 informed citizens of diffen^nt parties, who will com- 
 mand public confidence both on account of their 
 ability and special fitness for the work. 
 
 Business experience and j>ul)lic traininp; may thus 
 be combined, and the patriotic / 'til of the friends of 
 the country be so directed that siicli a report will be 
 made as to receive the support of all parties, and our 
 
 475 
 
476 McKINLEY'S I¥AUGITEAL ADDEESS 
 
 finances cease to be the subject of mere partisan 
 contention. 
 
 The experiment is, at all events, worth a trial, 
 and, in my opinion, it can but prove beneficial to the 
 entire country. 
 
 The question of mternationai bimetallism will 
 have early and earnest attention. It will be my con- 
 stant endeavor to secure it by co-operation with the 
 other great commercial Powers of the world. 
 
 Until that condition is realized, when the parity 
 between our gold and silver money springs from and 
 is supported by the relative value of the two metals, 
 the value of the silver already coined, and of that 
 which may hereafter be coined, must be kept con- 
 stantly at par with gold by every resource at our 
 command. 
 
 The credit of the Government, the integrity of its 
 currency and the inviolability of its obligations must 
 be preserved. This will be the commanding verdict 
 of the people, and it will not be unheeded. 
 
 Economy is demanded in every branch of the Gov- 
 ernment at all times, but especially in periods like 
 the present of depression in business and distress 
 among the people. The severest economy must be 
 observed in all public expenditures, and extravagance 
 stopped wherever it is found, and prevented wherever 
 in the future it may be developed. 
 
 If the revenues are to remain as now, the only re- 
 lief that can come must be from decreased expendi- 
 tureg, 
 
' McKINLEY'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS 477 
 
 But the present must not become the permanent 
 condition of the Government. 
 
 It has been our uniform practice to retire, not in- 
 crease, our outstanding obhgations, and this policy 
 must again be resumed and vigorously enforced. 
 
 Our revenues should always be large enough to 
 meet with ease and promptness not only our current 
 needs, and tiie principal and interest of the public 
 debt, but to make proper and liberal provision for that 
 most deserving body of public creditors, the soldiers 
 and sailors, and the widows and orphans, who are 
 the pensioners of the United States. 
 
 The Government must not be permitted to run be- 
 hind, or increase its debt, in times like the present. 
 Suitably to provide against this is the mandate of 
 duty ; the certain and easy remedy for most of our 
 financial difficulties. 
 
 A deficiency is inevitable so long as the expen- 
 ditures of the Government exceed its receipts. It 
 can only be met by loans, or an increased revenue. 
 
 While a large annual surplus of revenue may invite 
 waste and extravagance, inadequate revenue creates 
 distrust and undermines public and private credit. 
 Neither should be encourao-ed. 
 
 Between more loans and more revenue, there ought 
 to be but one opinion. We should have more re- 
 venue, and that without delay, hindrance, or post- 
 ponement. 
 
 A surplus in the Treasury created by loans is not 
 a permanent or safe reliance. It will suffice while it 
 
478 McKmLEY'S mAUGUEAL ADDRESS 
 
 lasts, but it cannot last long while the outlays of the 
 Government are greater than its receipts, as has been, 
 the case during the past two years. 
 
 Nor must it be forgotten that, however much such 
 loans may temporarily relieve the situation, the 
 Government is still indebted for the amount of the 
 surplus thus accrued, which it must ultimately pay, 
 while its abiUty to pay is not strengthened but weak- 
 ened by a continued deficit. 
 
 Loans are imperative in great emergencies to pre- 
 serve the Government or its credit, but a failure to 
 supply needed revenue in time of peace for the main- 
 tenance of either has no justification. 
 
 The best way for the Government to maintain its 
 credit is to pay as it goes — not by resorting to loans, 
 but by keeping out of debt — through an adequate in- 
 come secured by a system of taxation, external or in- 
 ternal, or both. 
 
 It is the settled policy of the Government, pursued 
 from the beginning and practised by all parties and 
 Administrations, to raise the bulk of our revenue from 
 taxes upon foreign productions entering the United 
 States for sale and consumption, and avoiding, for 
 the most part, every form of direct taxation except 
 in time of war. 
 
 The country is clearly opposed to any needless ad- 
 ditions to the subjects of internal taxation, and is 
 committed by its latest popular utterance to the sys- 
 tem of tariff taxation. 
 
 There can be no misunderstanding, either, about 
 
McKIXLEY'S lx\ AUGURAL ADDRESS 479 
 
 the principle upon which this tariff taxation shall be 
 levied. Nothing has ever been made plainer at a 
 general election than that the controlling principle in 
 the raising of revenue from duties on imports is zeal- 
 ous care for American interests and American labor. 
 The people have declared that such legislation should 
 be had as will give ample protection and encourage- 
 ment to the industries and the development of our 
 country. 
 
 It is, therefore, earnestly hoped and expected that 
 Congress will, at the earliest practicable moment, en- 
 act revenue legislation that shall be fair, reasonable, 
 conservative, and just, and which, while supplying 
 sufficient revenue for public purposes, will still be 
 signallj^ beneficial and helpful to every section and 
 every enterprise of the people. 
 
 To this policy we are all, of whatever party, firmly 
 bound by the voice of the people — a power vastly 
 more potential than the expression of any political 
 platform. 
 
 The paramount duty of Congress is to stop deficien- 
 cies by the restoration of that protective legislation 
 which has always been the firmest prop of the Trea- 
 sury. The passage of such a law or laws would 
 strengthen the credit of the Government both at 
 home and abroad, and go far towards stopping the 
 drain upon the gold reserve held for the redemption 
 of our currency, which has been heavy and wellnigh 
 constant for several years. 
 
 In th« revision of the tariff, special attention should 
 
480 McKmLEY'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS 
 
 be given to the re-enactment and extension of the re- 
 ciprocity principle of the hiw of 1890, under which so 
 great a stimulus was given to our foreign trade in 
 new and advantageous markets, for our surplus agri- 
 cultural and manufactured products. 
 
 The brief trial given this legislation amply justifies 
 a further experiment and additional discretionary 
 power in the making of commercial treaties, the end 
 in view always to be the opening up of new markets 
 for the products of other lands that we need and can- 
 not produce ourselves, and which do not involve any 
 loss of labor to our own people, but tend to increase 
 their employment. 
 
 The depression of the past four years has fallen 
 with especial severity upon the great body of toilers 
 of the country, and upon none more than the holders 
 of small farms. Agriculture has languished and labor 
 suffered. The revival of manufacturing will be a re- 
 lief to both. 
 
 No portion of our population is more devoted to the 
 institutions of free government, nor more loyal in 
 their support, while none bears more cheerfully or 
 fully its proper share in the maintenance of the 
 Government, or is better entitled to its wise and lib- 
 eral care and protection. Legislation, helpful to pro- 
 ducers, is beneficial to all. 
 
 The depressed condition of industry on the farm 
 and in the mine and factory has lessened the ability 
 of the people to meet the demands upon them, and 
 they rightfully expect that not only a system of re- 
 
McKINM;VS INAUUUKAL AUDllESS 481 
 
 I 
 venue shall be established that will secure the largest ^ 
 
 income with the least burden, but that every means 
 
 will be taken to decrease, rather than increase, our i 
 
 public expenditures. 
 
 Business conditions are not the most promising. It 
 will take time to restore the prosperity of former years. 
 If we cannot promptly attain it, we can resolutely 
 turn our faces in that direction and aid its return by 
 friendly legislation. 
 
 However troublesome the situation may appear, 
 Congress will not, I am sure, be found lacking in di- 
 sposition or ability to relieve it, as far as legislation 
 can do so. 
 
 The restoration of confidence and the revival of 
 business, which men of all parties so much desire, de- 
 pend more largely upon the prompt, energetic, and 
 intelligent action of Congress than upon any other 
 single agency affecting the situation. 
 
 It is inspiring, too, to remember that no great em- 
 ergency in the 108 years of our eventful national life 
 has ever arisen that has not been met with wisdom 
 and courage by the American people, with fidelity to 
 their best interests and highest destiny, and to the 
 honor of the American name. 
 
 Those years of glorious history have exalted man- 
 kind and advanced the cause of freedom throughout 
 the world and immeasurably strengthened the pre- 
 cious, free institutions which we enjoy. The people 
 love and will sustain these institutions. 
 
 The great essential to our happiness and prosperity 
 
488 McKlNLEY-S IJ^AUC4URAL ADDRESS 
 
 is that we adhere to the principles upon which the 
 Government was established and insist upon their 
 faithful observance. Equality of rights must pre- 
 vail and our laws be always and everywhere respected 
 and obeyed. 
 
 We may have failed in the discharge of our full 
 duty as citizens of the great Republic, but it is con- 
 soling and encouraging to realize that free speech, a 
 free press, free thought, free schools, the free and un- 
 molested right of religious liberty and worship, and 
 free and fair elections are dearer and more universally 
 enjoyed to-day than ever before. 
 
 These guarantees must be sacredly preserved and 
 wisely strengthened. The constituted authorities 
 must be cheerfully and vigorously upheld. 
 
 Lynching must not be tolerated in a great and 
 civilized country like the United States ; Courts — not 
 mobs — must execute the penalty of the law. 
 
 The preservation of public order, the right of dis- 
 cussion, the integrity of courts, and the orderly ad- 
 ministration of justice must continue forever the rock 
 of safety upon which our Government securely rests. 
 One of the lessons taught by the late election, which 
 all can rejoice in, is that the citizens of the United 
 States are both law-respecting and law-abiding people, 
 not easily swerved from the path of patriotism and 
 honor. This is in entire accord with the genius of 
 our institutions, and but emphasizes the advantages 
 of inculcating even a greater love for law and order 
 in the future. 
 
McKlNLEY'S INAUaURAL ADDRESS 483 
 
 Immunity should be granted to none who violates 
 the laws, whether individuals, corporations, or com- 
 munities ; and as the Constitution imposes upon the 
 President the duty of both its own execution and of 
 the statutes enacted in pursuance of its provisions, I 
 shall endeavor carefully to carry them into effect. 
 
 The declaration of the party now restored to power 
 has been in the past that of " opposition to all com- 
 binations of capital organized in trusts, or otherwise, 
 to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our 
 citizens," and it has supported "such legislation as 
 will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress 
 the people by undue charges on their supplies or by 
 unjust rates for the transportation of their products 
 to market." 
 
 This purpose will be steadily pursued, both by the 
 enforcement of the laws now in existence and the re- 
 commendation and support of such new statutes as 
 may be necessary to carry it into effect. 
 
 Our naturalization and immigration laws should be 
 further improved to the constant promotion of a safer, 
 a better, and a higher citizenship. A grave peril to 
 the Republic would be a citizenship, too ignorant to 
 understand or too vicious to appreciate the great value 
 and beneficence of our institutions and laws, and 
 against all who come here to make war upon them 
 our gates must be promptly and tightly closed. 
 
 Nor must we be unmindful of the need of improve- 
 ment among our own citizens, but with the zeal of 
 our forefathers encourage the spread of knowledge 
 
 32 
 
484 McKINLEY'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS 
 
 and free institutions. Illiteracy must be banished 
 from the land, if we shall attain that high destiny as 
 the foremost of the enlightened nations of the world, 
 which, under Providence, we ought to achieve. 
 
 Reforms in the civil service must go on. But the 
 changes should be real and genuine, not perfunctory, 
 or promoted by a zeal in behalf of any party, simply 
 because it happens to be in power. 
 
 As a member of Congress I voted and spoke in 
 favor of the present law, and I shall attempt its en- 
 forcement in the spirit in which it was enacted. 
 
 The purpose in view was to secure the most efficient 
 service of the best men, who would accept appoint- 
 ment under the Government, retaining faithful and 
 devoted public servants in office, but shielding none 
 under the authority of any rule or custom, who are 
 inefficient, incompetent, or unworthy. The best in- 
 terests of the country demand this, and the people 
 heartily approve the law wherever and whenever it 
 has been thus administered. 
 
 Congress should give prompt attention to the re- 
 storation of our American merchant marine, once the 
 pride of the seas in all the great ocean highways of 
 commerce. 
 
 To my mind few more important subjects so im- 
 peratively demand its intelligent consideration. The 
 United States has progressed with marvellous rapidity 
 in every field of enterprise and endeavor until we 
 have become foremost in nearly all the great lines of 
 inland trade, commerce, and industry. 
 
 I 
 
McKINLEY'8 INAUGUUAL ADDRESS 485 
 
 Yet, while this is true, our American merchant 
 marine has been steadily declining until it is now 
 lower both in the percentage of tonnage and the num- 
 ber of vessels employed than it was prior to the Civil 
 War. 
 
 Commendable progress has been made of late years 
 in the upbuilding of the American navy, but we must 
 supplement those efibrts by providing as a proper con- 
 sort for it a merchant marine amply sufficient for our 
 own carrying trade to foreign countries. The ques- 
 tion is one that appeals both to our business neces- 
 sities and the patriotic aspirations of a great people. 
 
 It has been the policy of the United States since 
 the foundation of the Government, to cultivate rela- 
 tions of peace and amity with all the nations of the 
 world, and this accords with my conception of our 
 duty now. 
 
 We have cherished the policy of non-interference 
 with the affiiirs of foreign Governments, wisely in- 
 augurated by Washington, keeping ourselves free from 
 entaglement either as allies or foes, content to leave 
 undisturbed with them the settlement of their own 
 domestic concerns. 
 
 It will be our aim to pursue a firm and dignified 
 foreign policy, which shall be just, impartial, ever 
 watchful of our national honor, and always insisting 
 upon the enforcement of the lawful rights of Ameri- 
 can citizens everywhere. 
 
 We want no wars of conquest ; we must avoid the 
 temptation of territorial aggression. War should 
 
486 McKINLEY'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS 
 
 never be entered upon until every agency of peace 
 has failed ; peace is preferable to war in almost every 
 contingency. 
 
 Arbitration is the true method of settlement of in- 
 ternational, as well as local or individual differences. 
 It was recognized as the best means of adjustment of 
 differences between employers and employees hy the 
 Forty-ninth Congress, in 1886, and its application 
 was extended to our diplomatic relations by the 
 unanimous concurrence of the Senate and House of 
 the Fifty-first Congress in 1890. 
 
 The latter resolution was accepted as the basis of 
 negotiations with us by the British House of Com- 
 mons, in 1893, and upon our invitation a treaty of 
 arbitration between the United States and Great 
 Britain was signed at Washington and transmitted 
 to the Senate for its ratification in January last. 
 
 Since this treaty is clearly the result of our own 
 initiative ; since it has been recofrnized as the leadina; 
 feature of our foreign policy throughout our entire 
 national history — the adjustment of difficulties by 
 judicial methods rather than force of arms — and 
 since it. presents to the world the glorious example of 
 reason and peace, not passion and war, controlling 
 the relations between two of the greatest nations of 
 the world, an example certain to be followed by 
 others, I respectfully urge the early action of the 
 Senate thereon, not merely as a matter of policy but 
 as a duty to mankind. 
 
 The importance and moral influence of the ratifi- 
 
iMcKINLKVS IXAUCiTHA'. ADDRESS 487 
 
 cation of such a treaty can hardly be overestimated 
 in the canse of advancing civilization. It may well 
 engage the best thought of the statesmen and people 
 of every country, and I cannot but consider it fortu- 
 nate that it was reserved to the United States to 
 have the leadership in so grand a work. 
 
 It has been the uniform practice of each President 
 to avoid, as fjir as possible, the convening of Congress 
 in extraordinary session. It is an example which, 
 under ordinary circumstances, and in the absence of 
 a public necessity, is to be commended. 
 
 But a failure to convene the representatives of the 
 people in Congress in extra session when it involves 
 neglect of a public duty places the responsibility of 
 such neglect upon the Executive himself. 
 
 The condition of the public Treasury, as has been 
 indicated, demands the immediate consideration of 
 ConQ:ress. 
 
 It alone has the power to provide revenues for the 
 Government. Not to convene it under such circum- 
 stances I can view in no other sense than the neglect 
 of a plain duty. 
 
 I do not sympathize with the sentiment that Con- 
 gress in session is dangerous to our general business 
 interests. Its members are the agents of the people, 
 and their presence at the seat of government in the 
 execution of the sovereign will should not operate as 
 an injury, but a benefit. 
 
 There could be no better time to put the Govern- 
 ment upon a sound financial and economic basis than 
 
48$ McKINLEY'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS 
 
 now. The people have only recently voted that this 
 should be done, and nothing is more binding upon 
 the agents of their will than the obligation of imme- 
 diate action. 
 
 It has always seemed to me that the postponement 
 of the meeting of Congress until more than a year 
 after it has been chosen deprived Congress too often 
 of the inspiration of the popular will, and the coun- 
 try of the corresponding benefits. 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that to postpone action in 
 the presence of so great a necessity would be unwise 
 on the part of the Executive because unjust to the 
 interests of the people. 
 
 Our actions now will be freer from mere partisan 
 considerations than if the question of tariff revision 
 was postponed until the regular session of Congress. 
 We are nearly two years from a Congressional elec- 
 tion, and politics cannot so greatly distract us as if 
 such contest was immediately pending. We can ap- 
 proach the problem calmly and patriotically without 
 fearing its effect upon an early election. 
 
 Our fellow-citizens who may disagree with us upon 
 the character of this legislation prefer to have the 
 question settled now, even against their preconceived 
 views, and perhaps settled so reasonably — and I trust 
 and believe it will be — as to insure greater perma- 
 nence, than to have further uncertainty menacing 
 the vast and varied business interests of the United 
 States. 
 
 A-gain, whatever action Congress may take will be 
 
McKlNLEY'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS 489 
 
 given a fair opportunity for trial before the people are 
 called to pass judgment upon it; and this I consider 
 a great essential to the rightful and lasting settle- 
 ment of the question. 
 
 In view of these considerations, I shall deem it my 
 duty as President to convene Congress in extraordin- 
 ary session on Monday, the 15th day of March. 
 
 In conclusion, I congratulate the country upon the 
 fraternal spirit of the people and the manifestations 
 of good-will everywhere so apparent. The recent 
 election not only most fortunately demonstrated the 
 obliteration of sectional or geographical lines, but to 
 some extent also the prejudices which for years have 
 distracted our councils and marred our true greatness 
 as a nation. 
 
 The triumph of the people, whose verdict is car- 
 ried into effect to-day, is not the triumph of one sec- 
 tion, nor wholly of one party, but of all sections and 
 all the people. 
 
 The North and the South no longer divide on the 
 old lines, but upon principles and policies; and in 
 this fact surely every lover of the country can find 
 cause for true felicitation. Let us rejoice in and cul- 
 tivate this spirit; it is ennobling, and will be both a 
 gain and blessing to our beloved country. 
 
 It will be my constant aim to do nothing, and per- 
 mit nothing to be done, that will arrest or disturb 
 this growing sentiment of unity and co-operation, this 
 revival of esteem and affiliation which now animates 
 so many thousands in both the old antagonistic sec- 
 
490 McKmLEY'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS 
 
 tions, but I shall cheerfully do everything possible to 
 promote and increase it. 
 
 Let me again repeat the words of the oath admin- 
 istered by the Chief Justice, which, in their respec- 
 tive spheres, so far as applicable, I would have all 
 my countrymen observe : 
 
 " I will faithfully execute the office of President 
 of the United States, and will, to the best of my 
 ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States." 
 
 This is the obligation I have reverently taken be- 
 fore the Lord Most High. To keep it will be my 
 single purpose ; my constant prayer — and I shall 
 confidentl}^ rely upon the forbearance and assistance 
 of all the people in the discharge of my solemn re- 
 sponsibilities. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 PRESIDENT Mckinley's later days. 
 
 Elected and Inaugurated President a Second Time— Triumphal Tour 
 Through the South and the West, ended by Mrs. McKinley'a 
 Illness. 
 
 THE Republican National Convention of 
 1900, held in Philadelphia from June 19 
 to 21, unanimously nominated President 
 McKinley as the standard bearer of the party. 
 The hearty action of the Convention was the 
 grandest possible endorsement of the President's 
 first administration. For the second place on the 
 ticket Theodore Roosevelt of New York was 
 nominated. 
 
 The campaign that followed the nomination 
 was valiantly fought because of the tactics em- 
 ployed by the opposition. In spite of the heroic 
 efforts of the Democratic party, led by Mr. Bryan, 
 President McKinley carried nearly every northern 
 and western state, receiving a larger popular 
 majority than that of four years before. This 
 
 491 
 
%\ 
 
 492 McKINLEY'S LATER DAYS. 
 
 was a magnificent attestation of his popuia:. / 
 among the people. 
 
 In a Httle pavilion midway of the main c: ': 
 door of the capitol and the heroic figm-e of Wasi- 
 ington which faces the great building, Wiiliam 
 McKinley, on the 4th of March, 1901, for the 
 second time took the oath of office as President 
 of the United States. As with uplifted hand he 
 repeated the formal vow to support the consti- 
 tution of the repubfic he looked into the face of 
 Chief Justice Fuller, whose snowy locks and heavy 
 black silk gown made him a statuesque figure in 
 the ceremonial edifice. 
 
 Grouped about the President just without the 
 pavihon were the members of the cabinet, foreign 
 diplomats, United States senators, representa- 
 tives, governors and the distinguished statesmen 
 of the period. The ceremony was performed 
 quickly, however, and before the throng that 
 surged toward the plaza could comprehend what 
 was going on the President became his own suc- 
 cessor and was reading his inaugural address. 
 This was marked by a strong patriotic policy and 
 was well received by the nation. The address 
 comprised a reiteration of the policy of his first 
 administration. 
 
 A few weeks after the inauguration a tour by 
 the President and his party was planned for the 
 south and far west. As originally planned the 
 
McKINLEY S LATER DAYS. 493 
 
 President was to go from Washington to New 
 Orleans, stopping at several cities in the south on 
 the way. Thence to Texas, making short visits 
 at Dallas and Galveston, and possibly stopping at 
 other small cities. The trip across western Texas, 
 New Mexico, Arizona and southwestern California 
 was to be hurried, the first important stopping 
 place on the Pacific coast being Los Angeles. 
 
 From Los Angeles the party was to go to San 
 Francisco, there to remain several days participat- 
 ing in the launching of the battle-ship Ohio and 
 festivities which had been planned on an elaborate 
 scale. On the north Pacific coast the President 
 was to go to Portland, Seattle and Tacoma. After 
 leaving Puget Sound he was to stop at one or two 
 of the smaller cities in Washington, possibly in 
 Idaho, and then proceed to Helena and Butte in 
 Montana. Thence to the Yellowstone park, enter- 
 ing it on the north and reentering his train on the 
 south side of the park. 
 
 The President had never been in the great na- 
 tional park of the country and he was therefore 
 to explore it as thoroughly as he could in two or 
 three days. He was then to be whisked off to Salt 
 Lake City, thence to Denver and Colorado Springs; 
 thence to Topeka and Kansas City. Without 
 making any stops of importance, his train was to 
 be hurried to Duluth, where the President was to 
 embark for a trip down the great lakes for Buffalo. 
 
494 McKINLEY'S LATER DAYS. 
 
 On the way down he was to stop for some hours 
 at Detroit and at Cleveland, and arrive at Buffalo 
 some time between the 10th and 15th of June, 
 where he was to be the guest of the city and par- 
 ticipate in the exercises at the Pan-American ex- 
 position on President's day. 
 
 The itinerary was begun in the spring as plan- 
 ned, Mrs. McKinley accompanying the President. 
 The President was heartily received throughout 
 the South, gala days being held wherever he 
 stopped. 
 
 On reaching the Pacific coast Mrs. McKinley 
 became seriously ill, and for some days her life 
 was in danger. This ended the itinerary, and as 
 soon as she could be safely moved the Presidential 
 party returned home by special train. A rest at 
 the family home in Canton so improved Mrs. 
 McKinley' s health that she was able to accom- 
 pany the President to the Pan-American exposi- 
 tion in September and be present on President's 
 Day at the exposition. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 PRESIDENT Mckinley's assassination. 
 
 President's Visit to the Pan-American Exposition— His Great Speech 
 — Shot by Anarchist Leon Czolgosz — A Weelc in the Balance. 
 
 PRESIDENT McKlNLEY left Washington 
 about the middle of August . He was worn 
 out by the cares of state and through 
 worry over Mrs. McKinley's health, and went to 
 his home in Canton for a brief rest. There he 
 spent much of his time out of doors, driving 
 about the country, visiting his farm and walking, 
 and soon regained his old-time strength and vigor. 
 Mrs. McKinley also improved rapidly, and on 
 Wednesday, Sept. 4, accompanied by his wife, 
 the Misses Barber, and Miss Sarah Duncan, his 
 nieces, he left Canton for Buffalo to attend the 
 Pan-American Exposition. They arrived in Buf- 
 falo the same evening and were taken at once to 
 the north gate of the exposition grounds. 
 
 There an immense crowd gathered to welcome 
 the nation's Executive. The people shouted, can- 
 
 495 
 
496 MCKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 nons boomed, whistles screeched, and everybody 
 and everything seemed to vie in their expressions 
 of joy over the arrival of the beloved President. 
 A few minutes later the President, with Mrs. 
 McKinley leaning on his arm, and surromided by 
 the Reception Committee, left the train and took 
 carriages for a drive through the grounds. No 
 ruler, either ancient or modern, ever received a 
 more fervent welcome than did President McKinley 
 on this occasion. The President acknowledged 
 the cheerings and salutations of the crowds by 
 bowing and raising his hat. Mrs. McKinley, who 
 looked remarkably well after the tiresome jour- 
 ney, smiled happily. It was a happy city and a 
 happy President that night. 
 
 About 9 o'clock the party was driven to the 
 home of John G. Milburn, President of the Ex- 
 position company, where it was to be entertained 
 during the stay in Buffalo. 
 
 The day following, Thursday, September 5, had 
 been set aside on the Pan-American Exposition 
 calendar in the President's honor. It was the red 
 letter day in the exposition's history. All Buffalo 
 and thousands from all parts of the United States 
 turned out to celebrate. The President was re- 
 ceived at the exposition with all the ceremonial 
 honors, civil and military, due his office. At the 
 entrance of the grounds he was met by detach- 
 ments of the United States marines, the Seacoast 
 
McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 497 
 
 Artillery, and the Sixty-fifth and Seventy-fourth 
 New York Regiments. A President's salute of 
 twenty-one guns was fired. 
 
 The President was at once escorted to the stand 
 erected in the esplanade. There was almost ab- 
 solute quiet when President Milburn arose and 
 introduced the President as follows: 
 
 ^^ Ladies and Gentlemen: The President." 
 The great audience broke out with a mighty 
 cheer, which continued as President McKinley 
 arose, and it was some minutes before he was able 
 to proceed. When quiet was restored he spoke 
 as follows: 
 
 President Milburn, Director General Buchahan, Commis- 
 sioners, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am glad to be again in tlie 
 city of Buffalo and exchange greetings with her people, to 
 whose generous hospitality I am not a stranger and with whose 
 good will I have been repeatedly and signally honored. Today 
 I have additional satisfaction in meeting and giving welcome 
 to the foreign representatives assembled here, whose presence 
 and participation in this exposition have contributed in so 
 marked a degree to its interest and success. To the commis- 
 sioners of the Dominion of Canada and the British colonies, 
 the French colonies, the Republics of Mexico and of Central 
 and South America and the commissioners of Cuba and Porto 
 Rico, who share with us in this undertaking, we give the hand 
 of fellowship and felicitate with them upon the triumphs of 
 art, science, education and manufacture which the old has 
 bequeathed to the new century. 
 
 Expositions are the time-keepers of progress. They 
 record the world's advancement. They stimulate the energy, 
 enterprise and intellect of the people and quicken human 
 
498 McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 genius. They go into the home. They broaden and brighten 
 the daily life of the people. They open mighty storehouses of 
 information to the student. Every exposition, great or small, 
 has helped to some onward step. Comparison of ideas is 
 always educational, and, as such, instructs the brain and hand 
 of man. Friendly rivalry follows, which is the spur to indus- 
 trial improvement, the inspiration to useful invention and to 
 high endeavor in all departments of human activity. It exacts 
 a study of the wants, comforts and even the whims of the 
 people and recognizes the efficacy of high quality and low 
 prices to win their favor. The quest for trade is an incentive 
 to men of business to invent, improve and economize in the 
 cost of production. Business life, whether among ourselves 
 or with other people, is ever a sharp struggle for success. It 
 will be none the less so in the future. Without competition 
 we would be clinging to the clumsy and antiquated processes 
 of farming and manufacture and the methods of business of 
 loncy ago, and the twentieth would be no further advanced than 
 the eighteenth century. 
 
 The Pan-American Exposition has done its work thoi. 
 oughly, presenting in its exhibits evidences of the highest 
 skill and illustrating the progress of the human family in the 
 western hemisphere. This portion of the earth has no cause 
 for humiliation for the part it has performed in the march 
 of civilization. It has not accomplished everything; far from 
 it. It has simply done its best, and without vanity or boast- 
 fulness, and, recognizing the manifold achievements of others, 
 it invites the friendly rivalry of all the powers in the peaceful 
 pursuits of trade and commerce, and will cooperate with all in 
 advancing the highest and best interests of humanity. The 
 wisdom and energy of all the nations are none too great for the 
 world's work. The success of art, science, industry and in- 
 vention is an international asset and a common glory. 
 
 After all, how near one to the other is every part of ttrc 
 
McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 499 
 
 world! Modern inventions have brought into close relation 
 widely separated peoples and made them better acquainted. 
 Geographic and political divisions will continue to exist, but 
 distances have been effaced. Swift ships and fast trains are 
 becoming cosmopolitan. They invade fields which a few years 
 ago were impenetrable. The worlds products are exchang- 
 ed as never before, and with increasing transporation facilities 
 comes increasing knowledge and trade. Prices are fixed with 
 mathematical precision by supply and demand. The world's 
 selling prices are regulated by market and crop reports. We 
 travel greater distances in a sliorter space of time and with 
 more ease than was ever dreamed of by the fathers. 
 
 Isolation is no longer jpossible or desirable. The same 
 important news is I'ead, though in different languages, the 
 same day in all Christendom. The telegraph keeps us advised 
 of what is occuring eveiywhere and the press foreshadows, 
 with more or less accuracy, the plans and purposes of the na- 
 tions. Market prices of pi'oducts and of securities are hourly 
 known in every commercial mart and the investments of the 
 people extend beyond their own national boundaries into the 
 remotest parts of the earth. Vast transactions are conduct- 
 ed and international exchanges are made by the tick of the 
 cable. Every event of interest is immediately bulletined. 
 The quick gathering and transmission of news, like rapid tran- 
 sit, are of recent origin and are only made possible by the 
 genius of the inventor and the courage of the investor. 
 
 It took a special messenger of the government, wath every 
 facility known at the time for rapid travel, nineteen days to 
 go from the city of Washington to New Orleans with a mes- 
 sage to General Jackson that the war with England had ceased 
 and a treaty of peace had been signed. How different now! 
 We reached General Miles in Porto Rico by cable and he was 
 able through the militar}^ telegraph to stop his army on the 
 firing line with the message that the United States and Spain 
 
500 McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 had signed a protocol suspending hostilities. We knew almost 
 instantly of the first shot fired at Santiago, and the subsequent 
 surrender of the Spanish forces was known at Washington 
 within less than an hour of its consunamation. The first ship 
 of Cervera's fleet had hardly emerged from that historic har- 
 bor when the fact was flashed to our capital and the swift de- 
 struction that followed was announced immediately through 
 the wonderful medium of telegraphy. So accustomed are we 
 to safe and easy communication with distant lands that its 
 temporary interruption even in ordinary times results in loss 
 and inconvenience. 
 
 We shall never forget the days of anxious waiting and 
 awful suspense when no information was permitted to be sent 
 from Pekin, and the diplomatic representatives of the nations 
 in China, cut off from all communication inside and outside of 
 the walled capital, were surrounded by an angry and misguided 
 mob that threatened their lives; nor the joy that thrilled the 
 world when a single message from the government of the 
 United States brought through our minister, the first news of 
 the safety of the besieged diplomats. 
 
 At the beginning of the nineteenth century there was not 
 a mile of steam railroad on the globe. Now there are enough 
 miles to make its circuit many times. Then there was not 
 a mile of electric telegraph ; now we have a vast mileage travers- 
 ing all lands and all seas. God and man have linked the na- 
 tions together. No nation can longer be indifi'erent to any 
 other. And as we are brought more and more in touch with 
 each other the less occasion is there for misunderstandings 
 and the stronger the disposition, when we have differences, to 
 adjust them in the court of arbitration, which is the noblest 
 forum for the settlement of international disputes. 
 
 My fellow citizens, trade statistics indicate that this 
 country is in a state of unexampled prosperity. The figures 
 are almost appalling. They show that we are utilizing our 
 
McKINLEYS ASSASSINATION. 501 
 
 fields and forests and mines and that wo are furnishing profit- 
 able employment to the millions of workingmen throughout 
 the United States, bringing comfort and happiness to their 
 homes and making it possible to lay by savings for old age and 
 disability. That all the people are participating in this great 
 prosperity is seen in every American community and shown by 
 the enormous and unprecedented deposits in our savings banks. 
 Our duty is the care and security of these deposits, and their 
 safe investment demands the highest integrity and the best 
 business capacity of those in charge of these depositories of 
 the people's earnings. 
 
 Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously and 
 our products have so multiplied that the problem of more 
 markets requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a 
 broad and enlightened policy will keep what we have. No 
 other policy will get more. In these times of marvelous busi- 
 ness energy and gain we ought to be looking to the future, 
 strenghtening the weak places in our industrial and commercial 
 systems, that we may be ready for any storm or strain. 
 
 By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt 
 our home production we shall extend the outlets for our in- 
 creasing surplus. We must not repose in fancied security that 
 we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If 
 such a thing were possible it would not be best for us or for 
 those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers 
 such of their products as we can use without harm to our in- 
 dustries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of 
 our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy 
 now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic 
 consumption must have a vent abroad. The excess must be 
 relieved through a foreign outlet and we should sell every- 
 where we can and buy wherever the buying will enlarge our 
 sales and productions and thereby make a greater demand for 
 home labor. 
 
502 
 
 MCKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 The period of exclusiveness is past. Ttie expansion of 
 our trade and commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial 
 wars are unprofitable. A policy of good will and friendly 
 trade relations will prevent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties are 
 in harmony with the spirit of the times; measures of retaliation 
 are not. 
 
 If, perchance, some of our tariflfs are no longer needed 
 for revenue or to encourage and protect our industries at home, 
 why should they not be employed to extend and promote our 
 markets abroad? Then, too, we have inadequate steamship 
 service. New lines of steamers have already been put in com- 
 mission between the Pacific coast ports of the United States 
 and those on the western coasts of Mexico and Central and 
 South America. These should be followed up with direct 
 steamship lines between the eastern coast of the United States 
 and South American ports. One of the needs of the times is 
 direct commercial lines from our vast fields of production to 
 the fields of consumption that we have barely touched. Next 
 in advantage to having the thing to sell is to have the conven- 
 ience to carry it to the buyer. 
 
 We must encourage our merchant marine. We must have 
 more ships. They must be under the American flag, built and 
 manned and owned by Americans. These will not only be 
 profitable in a commercial sense ; they will be messengers of 
 peace and amity wherever they go. 
 
 We must build the Isthmian Canal, which will unite the 
 two oceans and give a straight line of water communication 
 with the western coasts of Central and South America and 
 Mexico. The construction of a Pacific cable cannot be longer 
 postponed. 
 
 In the furtherance of these objects of national interest and 
 concern you are performing an important part. This exposi- 
 tion would have touched the heart of that American statesman 
 whose mind was ever alert and thought ever constant for a 
 
McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 503 
 
 larger commerce and ti truer fraternity of the republics of the 
 new world. His broad American spirit is felt and manifested 
 here. He needs no identification to an assemblage of Ameri- 
 cans anywhere, for the name of Blaine is inseparably associat- 
 ed with the Pan-American movement which finds this practical 
 and substantial expression and which we all hope will be firm- 
 ly advanced by the Pan-American congress that assembles this 
 autumn in the capital of Mexico. 
 
 Upon the conclusion of his address a large num- 
 ber of people broke through the lines around the 
 stand and the President held an impromptu i:e- 
 ception for fifteen minutes, shaking hands with 
 thousands. The carriages were then brought to 
 the steps of the stand and the President, accom- 
 panied by the diplomatic corps and specially in- 
 vited guests made a tour of the Exposition 
 grounds. 
 
 Mrs. McKinley left the stand at the conclusion 
 of the speech-making and was taken to the Wo- 
 man's Building, where she was entertained by the 
 women managers. 
 
 In the evening Mr. and Mrs. McKinley visited 
 the Exposition grounds to view the illumination 
 and fireworks. 
 
 On the following day, Friday, September 6, 
 President and Mrs. McKinley, escorted by Presi- 
 dent Milburn, of the Exposition, and several dis- 
 tinguished guests, visited Niagara falls. It was the 
 second day of the President's visit and was to 
 have been the last. The programme for the day 
 
504 
 
 McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 included only the visit to the falls, a public recep- 
 tion at the Temple of Music, a quiet dinner party 
 and the start for Washington. 
 
 A special train carried the party to Niagara, and 
 from the suspension bridge the President and his 
 party viewed the mighty cataract for some time. 
 Carriages were at hand and the party drove to the 
 International Hotel, where lunch was served, and 
 soon afterward, in high spirits, the guests re- 
 entered the train and whirled back to Buffalo. 
 
 Mrs. McKinley, tired by the day's outing, did 
 not return to the Exposition grounds, but was 
 driven to the Milburn residence. The President was 
 driven direct to the Temple of Music, where the re- 
 ception was to be held. A great throng was gath- 
 ered in and around the building. On the eastern 
 side of the building was a dais on which stood the 
 great organ. During the wait for the President's 
 appearance an organ recital was given, and the 
 applause had scarcely died away when a ringing 
 cheer from the outside announced the arrival of 
 the President. A narrow lane was' forced in the 
 crowd and through it the President, leaning on the 
 arm of President Milburn and followed by Secre- 
 tary Cortelyou and half a dozen secret service 
 operatives, passed quickly to the little platform 
 and took his stand near the organ. 
 
 On his right stood Mr. Milburn and on his left 
 Secretary Cortelyou. Close at hand stood the se- 
 
McKINLEYS ASSASSINATION. 505 
 
 cret service detectives forming the President's 
 bodyguard. 
 
 To this reception the general pubhc had been 
 invited. No man, woman, or child, no matter of 
 what color, birth, or pohtical belief, was refused 
 admission. The President had been introduced to 
 the great crowd which had thronged the Temple 
 of Music, and all came forward in a line for a per- 
 sonal greeting. 
 
 Among those in hne was Leon Czolgosz, whose 
 right hand was wrapped in a handkerchief. 
 Folded in the handkerchief was a thirty-two cali- 
 ber revolver. So carefully was the weapon con- 
 cealed, however, and so deftly had the handker- 
 chief been arranged that no suspicions were 
 aroused in the detective who stood close by the 
 President to guard against any such emergency. 
 The hand simply had the appearance of having 
 been wrapped up to cover some sore or bruise. 
 
 A little girl was led up by her father, and the 
 President shook hands with her. As she passed 
 along to the right the President looked after her 
 smilingly and waved his hand in a pleasant adieu. 
 
 Next in line came a boyish-featured man about 
 twenty-six years old, preceded by a short Italian, 
 who leaned backward against the bandaged hand 
 of his follower. The officers who attended the 
 President noted this man, their attention being 
 first attracted by the Italian, whose dark, shaggy 
 
506 McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 brows and black mustache caused the professional 
 protectors to regard him with suspicion. 
 
 The man with the bandaged hand and innocent 
 face received no attention from the detective be- 
 yond the mental observation that "his right hand 
 was apparently injured, and that he would present 
 his left hand to the President. 
 
 The Italian stood before the palm bower. He 
 held the President's hand so long that the officers 
 stepped forward to break the clasp and make 
 room for the man with the bandaged hand, who 
 extended the left member towards the Presi- 
 dent's right. 
 
 The President smiled and presented his right 
 hand in a position to meet the left of the ap- 
 proaching man. Hardly a foot of space intervened 
 between the bodies of the two men. Before their 
 hands met two pistol shots w^ere fired, and the 
 President turned slightly to the left and reeled. 
 The tall, innocent-looking young man had fired 
 through the bandage without removing any por- 
 tion of the handkerchief. 
 
 The first bullet struck the sternum in the Pres- 
 ident's chest, deflected to the right, and traveled 
 beneath the skin to a point directly beneath the 
 right nipple. The second bullet penetrated the 
 abdomen, pierced both walls of the stomach, and 
 lodged in the back. Only a superficial wound was 
 caused by the first bullet, and within five minutes 
 
McKTXLEY'S ASSASSINATlOx\. 507 
 
 after the physicians had reached the President's 
 side it had heen removed. The second bullet — 
 the fatal one — was never found. 
 
 On receiving the first shot President McKinley 
 hfted himself on liis toes with something of a gasp. 
 His movement caused the second shot to enter 
 just below the navel. With the second shot the 
 President doubled shghtly forward and then sank 
 back. Detective Geary caught the President in his 
 arms and President Milburn helped to support him. 
 
 When the President fell into the arms of Detec- 
 tive Geary he coolly asked: "Am I shot?" 
 
 Geary unbottoned the President's vest, and, 
 seeing blood, replied: "I fear you are, Mr. Presi- 
 dent." 
 
 It had all happened in an instant. Almost be- 
 fore the noise of the second shot sounded Czolgosz 
 was seized by S. K. Ireland, United States secret 
 service man, who stood directly opposite the Presi- 
 dent. Ireland hurled him to the floor, and as he 
 fell a negro waiter, James B. Parker, who once 
 worked in Chicago, leaped upon him. Soldiers of 
 the United States artillery detailed at the recep- 
 tion sprang upon them and he was surrounded by 
 a squad of exposition pohce and secret service de- 
 tectives . Meanwhile Ireland and the negro held the 
 assassin, endeavoring to shield him from the 
 attacks of the infuriated artillerymen and the 
 blows of the poUcemen's clubs. 
 
508 McKINLEYS ASSASSINATION. 
 
 Supported by Detective Geary and President 
 Milburn, and surrounded by Secretary George B. 
 Cortelyou and half a dozen exposition officials, 
 the President was assisted to a chair, where he 
 sank back with one hand holding his abdomen, the 
 other fumbling at his breast. His eyes were open 
 and he was clearly conscious of all that had trans- 
 pired. He was suffering the most intense pain, 
 but true to his noble nature his first thought was 
 of others — one other in particular, his wife. 
 
 He looked up into President Milburn's face 
 and gasped: "Cortelyou." The President's secre- 
 tary bent over him. "Cortelyou," said the Presi- 
 dent, "my wife, be careful about her. Don't let 
 her know." 
 
 His next thought was of the cruel assassin who 
 had struck him down. Moved by a paroxysm he 
 writhed to the left, and then his eyes fell on the 
 prostrate form of Czolgosz, lying on the floor 
 bloody and helpless beneath the blows of the 
 police, soldiers, and detectives. 
 
 The President raised his right hand, red with 
 his own blood, and placed it on the shoulder of his 
 secretary. "Let no one hurt him," he gasped, 
 and sank back in his chair, while the guards carried 
 Czolgosz out of his sight. 
 
 The ambulance from the exposition hospital 
 was summoned immediately, and the President, 
 still conscious, sank upon the stretcher, and in 
 
MeKINLEYS ASSASSINATION. 509 
 
 nine minutes after the shooting the President was 
 waiting the arrival of surgeons, who had been 
 summoned from all sections of the city and by 
 special train from Niagara Falls. 
 
 On the way to the hospital the President said 
 to Mr. Milburn: "I am sorry to have been the 
 cause of trouble to the exposition." 
 
 Within ten minutes after he received his wounds, 
 stricken with pain as he was, the President had 
 given expression to three thoughts. First, and 
 most natural, that the news should be kept from 
 his invahd wife ; second, that the would-be assassin, 
 worthless as his hfe was, should not be harmed ; 
 and third, regret that the tragedy might hurt the 
 exposition and interfere with the pleasure of 
 others. 
 
 Six doctors were at the President's side within 
 thirty seconds after his arrival — Dr. E. W. Lee of 
 St. Louis, Dr. Storer of Chicago, Dr. Van Peyms 
 of Buffalo, and Dr. Hall, Dr. Ellis, and Dr. Mann, 
 Jr., of the exposition hospital stafi. The nurses 
 were equally prompt, for they had made ready for 
 the task of the surgeons while the ambulance was 
 coming from the Temple of Music. 
 
 The President was stripped and placed on an 
 operating table where the surgeons might see his 
 wounds. The first assistance was rendered by 
 Dr. Lee, who was the medical director of the 
 Omaha exposition. The President recognized him 
 
T( 
 
 510 McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 and ;said: "Doctor, do whatever is necessary." 
 
 The hospital stewards were busy removing the 
 President's apparel when Dr. Herman Mynter ar- 
 rived. The surgeons consulted and hesitated 
 about performing an operation. The President 
 reassured them by expressing his confidence, but 
 no decision was reached until Dr. Matthew D. 
 Mann of the exposition hospital staff arrived. 
 After another consultation Dr. Mann informed 
 the President that an operation was necessary. 
 
 "All right," repUed the President. "Go ahead. 
 Do whatever is proper." 
 
 Dr. Mann performed the operation. His first 
 assistant was Dr. Mynter. His second assistant 
 was Dr. John Parmenter. His third assistant was 
 Dr. Lee. Dr. Nelson W. Wilson noted the time 
 of the operation and took notes. Dr. Eugene 
 Wasdin of the Marine Hospital gave the anaes- 
 thetic. Dr. Kixey, the President's personal phy- 
 sician, arrived at the latter part of the operation 
 and held the hght. Dr. Koswell Park, who had 
 been summoned from Niagara Falls, arrived at the 
 close of the operation. 
 
 The operation lasted almost an hour. A cut 
 about five inches long was made. It was found 
 necessary to turn up the stomach of the Presi- 
 dent in order to trace the course of the bullet. 
 The bullet's opening in the front wall of the stom- 
 ach was small, and it was carefully closed with 
 
McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 511 
 
 sutures, after which a search was made for the 
 hole in the back wall of the stomach. 
 
 This hole, where the bullet left the stomach, 
 was larger than that in the front wall of the stom- 
 ach, in fact, it was a wound over an inch in diame- 
 ter, jagged and ragged. It was sewed up in three 
 layers. 
 
 In turning up the stomach, an act performed by 
 Dr. Mann with rare skill, the danger was that 
 some of the contents of the stomach might go into 
 the abdominal cavity, and cause peritonitis. It 
 so happened that there was little in the President's 
 stomach at the time of the operation. Moreover, 
 subsequent developments showed that this feature 
 of the operation was grandly successful and none 
 of the contents of the stomach entered the abdomi- 
 nal cavity. 
 
 The anaesthetic administered was ether, and for 
 two and a half hours the President was under its 
 influence. He came out of the operation strong, 
 with a good pulse and steady heart action. 
 
 The operation over, arrangements were made to 
 remove the President to the Milburn house before 
 any reaction might set in. The shooting occurred 
 shortly after 4 o'clock and at 7 :25 the ambulance 
 backed up to the hospital door to remove the 
 President. The people had been told previously 
 that the operation was over and that the President 
 was in a critical condition. They fell back to a 
 
512 McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 respectful distance while tlie body was being placed 
 in an ambulance. All heads were bare until the 
 wagon drove out of sight. 
 
 As sooji as the President had been removed 
 from the Temple of Music to the hospital, Director 
 General W. I. Buchanan started for the Milburn 
 residence, where Mrs. McKinley was resting. He 
 went to forestall any information that might reach 
 her by telephone or otherwise. The Misses Barber 
 and Miss Duncan, the President's nieces, and Mrs. 
 Milburn were also at the house. Mr. Buchanan 
 informed the nieces as gently as possible and con- 
 sulted Mrs. Milburn as to the best course to pursue 
 in telhng Mrs. McKinley of the tragedy. It was 
 decided that on her awakening from her nap Mr. 
 Buchanan should see her, if, in the meantime Dr. 
 Eixey had not arrived. 
 
 Mrs. McKinley awoke at 5:30 o'clock, and, feel- 
 ing much rested, took up her crocheting. When 
 it became dusk and her husband did not return 
 she began to worry and made inquiries of the 
 family as to the probable reason for his tardiness. 
 By this time Dr. Eixey had arrived, and it was 
 decided that he should break the news to her. As 
 to just how he informed her of the mishap to her 
 husband reports differ. 
 
 However, she was informed by Dr. Eixey, the 
 physician who has attended her for some time, 
 who went to her and said simply: "The Presi- 
 dent has been hurt." 
 
McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 513 
 
 ''How was he hurt?" asked Mrs. McKinley. 
 
 " Well, a man shot at him and one of the shots 
 took effect, but we do not think he is badly hurt, 
 and we think he will recover." 
 
 Mrs. McKinley was excited, but she did not 
 lose her self-control. She immediately asked to be 
 told all the particulars. 
 
 "Tell me all," she said. "Do not keep any- 
 thing back. I will be brave." 
 
 And she was brave throughout the long days 
 and nights of worry. She asked to see her hus- 
 band as soon as he was brought to the Milburn 
 house, but when told that it would be injudicious 
 she became reconciled. As soon as he began to 
 • mend she was allowed to see him every day for a 
 short time. 
 
 The President was taken to a large bed-room on 
 the second floor. Everything had been quietly 
 arranged for him before his arrival from the hos- 
 pital. Every medical apphance was within easy 
 reach, the professional nurses were in waiting, 
 and quarters were arranged for the doctors. 
 
 The President passed the first night after the 
 shooting fairly comfortably. His temperatm-e 
 increased from 100° to 100.6° between 1 and 3 a. 
 m., and fears were entertained that peritonitis 
 might set in. The doctors chosen to care for 
 the case, P. M. Eixey, M. B.Mann, Eoswell Park, 
 H. Mynter, and Eugene Wasdin, were in attend- 
 
514 McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 ance at the President's bedside all night, watching 
 carefully each symptom. 
 
 At 10 :40 p. m. the doctors issued this bulletin : 
 " The President is rallying satisfactorily and is 
 resting comfortably. Temperature, 100.4° ; pulse, 
 124; respiration, 24." 
 
 At 1:30 a. m. the bulletin read: " The Presi- 
 dent is free from pain and resting well. Tempera- 
 ture, 100.2°; pulse, 120; respiration, 24." 
 
 At 3:15 a. m. the bulletin read: ''The Presi- 
 dent continues to rest well. Temperature, 101.6° ; 
 pulse, 110; respiration, 24. 
 
 Saturday, the day following the shooting, was 
 one of grave anxiety. The President, while hold- 
 ing his own, was approaching, so the doctors said, 
 a crisis. It was thought that Sunday would 
 decide what effect the shots fired by Czolgosz 
 would be. Dr. Eixey gave it as his opinion that 
 the President would recover. The other physi- 
 cians refused to commit themselves, saying that 
 they could not make promises until further de- 
 velopments. 
 
 An X-ray apparatus was brought from Thomas 
 A. Edison's laboratory with which it was intended 
 to locate the bullet which lodged in the back. It 
 was not used. On Sunday morning at 5 o'clock 
 the physicians issued this bulletin: "The Presi- 
 dent has passed a fairly good night. Pulse, 122; 
 temperature, 102.4°; respiration, 24." 
 
XcKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 515 
 
 Sunday proved a rather uneventful day. The 
 anticipated crisis did not materiahze. The news 
 was good throughout the day. The President's 
 temperature on Sunday evening was a degree lower 
 than it was .during the morning, the pulse was 
 slower, and the respiration easier. Dr. Charles 
 McBurney of New York, one of the most noted 
 surgeons in the world, arrived during the day and 
 held a consultation with the other doctors at 3 
 o'clock Sunday afternoon. 
 
 Immediately following the consultation this bul- 
 letin was issued: " The President, since the last 
 bulletin (3 p. m.) has slept quietly, four hours 
 altogether, since 9 o'clock. His condition is satis- 
 factory to all the physicians present. Pulse, 128; 
 temperature, 101°; respiration, 28." 
 
 The President improved so rapidly on Monday 
 that his friends declared he would be able to attend 
 the duties of his office within a month. The 
 worst danger was regarded as past, peritonitis 
 seemed no longer probable, and the only cause for 
 fear was the possibility of a sinking spell. 
 
 The bulletins throughout Monday were hopeful. 
 One said the President had passed a somewhat 
 restless night, sleeping fairly well; and another 
 declared the President's condition was ''becoming 
 more and more satisfactory," and adding that 
 "untoward incidents are less likely to occur." 
 One is at 3 p. m. stated: "The President's 
 
516 McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 condition steadily improves and he is comfortable, 
 without pain or unfavorable symptoms. Bowel 
 and kidney functions normally performed." 
 
 The last bulletin for the day, issued at 9 :30 p.m., 
 said: "The President's condition continues favor- 
 able. Pulse, 112; temperature, 101°; respira- 
 tion, 27." 
 
 Mrs. McKinley felt so encouraged that she took 
 a drive during the afternoon. 
 
 News from the bedside on Tuesday was more 
 favorable stiU. The danger point was regarded as 
 past, and fast recovery was the general prediction. 
 The doctors had only two services — aside, of 
 course, from careful watching — to perform. One 
 was to open in part the President's outside wound 
 to remove some foreign substances, and the other 
 was to give him food for the first time. It de- 
 veloped that a portion of the President's clothing 
 had been carried into the wound by the bullet, and 
 this had not all been removed at the first opera- 
 tion. As slight irritation was caused by the cloth, 
 the surgeons removed it. The operation caused 
 no harm, and httle annoyance to the patient. 
 
 The President felt so well that he asked for 
 some newspapers to read. The request was denied. 
 The President enjoyed the food given him — beef 
 extract. At 10:30 o'clock on Tuesday night the 
 physicians issued this bulletin: "The condition of 
 the President is unchanged in all important par- 
 
McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 517 
 
 tioulars. His temperature is 100.6°; pulse, 114; 
 respiration, 28." 
 
 Wednesday was another day full of hopeful 
 signs. The President continued to show remark- 
 able recuperative powers and passed the day with- 
 out the slightest unfavorable symptom. He was 
 able to retain food on his stomach, and surprised 
 and amused his doctors by asking for a cigar. He 
 was not allowed to smoke, but he was placed in a 
 new bed. He was also given a bath. His highest 
 temperature on Wednesday was 100.4. That was 
 at 10 o'clock in the evening. The highest point 
 reached by his pulse was 120 — at 6 a. m. — and his 
 respiration remained normal at 26. 
 
 It was on Thursday, just six days after the 
 shooting, that the President suffered a relapse. 
 Everybody was still full of hopes until 8.30 o'clock 
 in the evening, when the physicians announced 
 officially that the President's condition was not so 
 good. The problem of disposing of the food in the 
 stomach was becoming a serious one, and the 
 danger of heart failure increased. At midnight 
 the situation was critical. Calomel and oil were 
 given to flush the bowels and digit aHs to quiet the 
 heart. The bowels moved soon afterwards, and 
 the patient improved. The pulse dropped to 120, 
 and the prospect was regarded as brighter. 
 
 Shortly after 2 o'clock Friday morning, the 
 physicians and nurses detected a weakening of the 
 
518 
 
 McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 
 
 heart action. The pulse fluttered and weakened 
 and the President sank toward a collapse. The end 
 appeared at hand. Eestoratives were applied 
 speedily, but they did not at once prove effective. 
 It was then decided to send for the other physi- 
 cians, relatives, members of the Cabinet and close 
 personal friends of the President. 
 
 The full corps of doctors were soon on the scene 
 and all set to work as they never worked before. 
 About 6 a. m. the President ralhed and seemed to 
 have a fighting chance. At 6:30 o'clock he was 
 thought to be dying. At 7 o'clock it was an- 
 announced by Abner McKinley, brother of the 
 President, that he was sleeping quietly, watched 
 closely by his physicians. 
 
 At 8:40 o'clock Mr. Milburn told a friend who 
 called to see him that they were encouraged by 
 the developments of the last half hour and that 
 they thought the President had a fighting chance. 
 
 About 9 a. m. the following bulletin was issued: 
 "The President's condition has improved some- 
 what during the last few hours. There is a better 
 response to stimulation. He is conscious and free 
 from pain. Pulse, 128; temperature, 99.8." 
 
 The remaining hours of the day were spent in 
 hoping against hope, and in a vain fight on the 
 part of the doctors. Members of the Cabinet and 
 others near to the President, came and went at 
 frequent intervals during the day, deeply moved 
 over the situation. 
 
McKINLEY'S ASSASSINATION. 519 
 
 At 12 :30 the following bulletin was issued : 
 
 "The President's physicians report that his con- 
 dition is practically unchanged since the 9 o'clock 
 bulletin. He is sleeping quietly." 
 
 At 2.30 in the afternoon this bulletin was given 
 to the public : 
 
 "The President has more than held his own, 
 and his condition justifies the expectation of fur- 
 ther improvement. He is better than yesterday 
 at this time. Pulse, 123; temperature, 99.4." 
 
 At 4 p. m. came this bulletin: 
 
 "The President's physicians report that he is 
 only slightly improved. Since the last bulletin 
 the pulse and temperature remain the same as at 
 that hour." 
 
 This was followed by another at 5 :48 as foUows : 
 
 "The President is suffering from extreme pros- 
 tration. Oxygen is being given. He responds to 
 stimulation but poorly. Pulse, 125; respiration, 
 40." 
 
 At 6:15 this was followed by another, reading: 
 
 "In spite of vigorous stimulation the President's 
 depression continues and is profound. Unless it 
 be relieved the end is but a question of time." 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 DEATH OF PRESIDENT McEINLEY. 
 
 Dies Peacefully at 2:15 a. m., Saturday, September 14— Fond Farewell 
 of Husband and Wife — Last Words, "Nearer, My God, to 
 Thee." 
 
 PEACEFULLY and gentty like the faint flick- 
 ering of a burned-out candle, President 
 McKinley breathed his last at 2:15, Sat- 
 urday morning, September 14, 190L Words of 
 consolation to his wife were the last that passed 
 his lips, and they came after a general " good-by " 
 said to the American people, whom he had loved 
 all his life. 
 
 Those present in the room when the President 
 died were: Dr. Rixey, Abner McKinley, Mrs. 
 Sarah Duncan, Miss Helen McKinley, Miss Mary 
 Barber, Miss Sarah Duncan, Lieutenant James F. 
 McKinley, W. C. Duncan, T. M. Osborn, Colonel 
 Webb C. Hayes, Comptroller Charles G. Dawes, 
 Colonel W. C. Brown, Secretary Cortelyou, John 
 Barber, three nurses and three orderlies. Mrs. 
 McKinley was not present. She had taken her 
 
DEATH OF McKINLEY. 
 
 last farewell from her kusband and had been in- 
 duced to retire. 
 
 Before 6 o'clock the evening before, it was clear 
 to those at the President's bedside that he was 
 dying, and preparations were made for the last 
 sad offices of farewell from those who were near- 
 est and dearest to him. Oxygen had been ad- 
 ministered steadily, but with little effect in keep- 
 ing back the approach of death. 
 
 The President came out of one period of uncon- 
 sciousness only to relapse into another. But in this 
 period, when his mind was partially clear, occurred 
 a series of events of profoundly touching charac- 
 ter. Down stairs, with strained and tear-stained 
 faces, members of the Cabinet were grouped in 
 anxious waiting. They knew the end was near 
 and that the time had come when they must see 
 him for the last time on earth. 
 
 This was about 6 o'clock. One by one they as- 
 cended the stairway — Secretary Root, Secretary 
 Hitchcock and Attorney General Knox. Secre- 
 tary Wilson also was there, but he held back, not 
 wishing to see the President in his last agony. 
 There was only a momentary stay of the Cabinet 
 officers at the threshold of the death chamber. 
 Then they withdrew, the tears streaming down 
 their faces and the words of intense grief choking 
 in their throats. 
 
 At 7:55 o'clock the President recovered con- 
 
DEATH OF McKINLEY. 
 
 sciousness, and realizing that the end was at hand 
 he asked for Mrs. McKinley. She was taken into 
 the room and to her husband's bedside. All left 
 the room, save one nm^se, and the husband and 
 wife were practically alone. The strong face of 
 the dying man lighted up with a smile as their 
 hands were clasped. 
 
 The President was able to speak faintly as his 
 wife bent over him. What he said only he and 
 she know. Those who know how tenderly and 
 constantly he has cared for her and how great his 
 anxiety has been for her ever since he was stricken 
 down by the anarchist's bullet can hardly speak of 
 that pitiful scene without almost breaking down 
 at the thought of it. 
 
 Just before the President lost consciousness 
 Mrs. McKinley knelt at his side. He knew her 
 and said: " Good-by, all; good-bye. It is God's 
 way; not our will, but Thine be done." And then 
 he said faintly, speaking to no one in particular, 
 '' Nearer, my God, to Thee." It was a long leave- 
 taking, and, finally, they carried her half fainting 
 to her room. They watched over her anxiously. 
 They feared the effect of the severing of bonds 
 which were so close and upon which she was so 
 dependent. News of what was happening went 
 down stairs and out into the street. It was 
 received everywhere with tears. 
 
 "They are saying good-bye to each other," pec- 
 
DEATH OF Mckinley. 523 
 
 pie whispered in the streets, all along those 
 crowded blocks near the house. Every one was 
 thinking of what the life of these two had been, 
 of the intense, beautiful devotion each to the 
 other, of what a tender, chivalrous lover-husband 
 he had been. 
 
 It was impossible to think of this and then of 
 the scene in that room upon which the thoughts 
 of the whole world were centered, without feehng 
 the eyes grow hot under the lids and a lump come 
 into the throat. In that room it was, for the 
 moment, not the head of the mightiest nation on 
 earth who was dying, it was a husband and lover 
 standing by the dark river and giving the last 
 look of love to that sad, lonely invalid woman, to 
 whom his smile and cheerful words were literally 
 the breath of life. 
 
 As the news spread, the hush that was always 
 upon the hundred or more people within the ropes 
 seemed to become deeper. It was like the solemn 
 stillness of a church, so far as those nearest the 
 house were concerned. The only sound was the 
 swift clicking of the telegraph instruments as the 
 news was rushed away to all parts of the country. 
 
 The President continued in an unconscious con- 
 dition to the end. Dr. Rixey remained with him 
 until death came. The other doctors were in the 
 room at times, and then repaired to the front 
 room, where their consultations had been held. 
 
524 DEATH OF McKINLEY, 
 
 About 2 o'clock Dr. Rixey noted the unmistak- 
 able signs of dissolution, and the immediate mem- 
 bers of the family were summoned to the bedside. 
 Mrs. McKinley was asleep, and it was deemed 
 desirable not to awaken her for the last moments 
 of anguish. 
 
 Silently and sadly the members of the family 
 stole into the room. They stood about the foot 
 and sides of the bed where the great man's life 
 was ebbiijg away. 
 
 In an adjoining room sat the physicians, includ- 
 ing Drs. McBurney, Wasdin, Park, Stockton, and 
 Mynter. 
 
 It was now 2:05 o'clock, and the minutes were 
 slipping away. Only the sobs of those in the 
 circle about the President's bedside broke the 
 awe-like silence. 
 
 Five minutes passed, then six, seven, eight — 
 
 Now Dr. Rixey bent forward, and then one of 
 his hands was raised, as if in warning. The flut- 
 tering heart was just going to rest. A moment 
 more and Dr. Rixey straightened up, and with 
 choking voice said: 
 
 ^'The President is dead!" 
 
 Secretary Cortelyou was the first to turn from 
 the stricken circle. He stepped from the chamber 
 to the outer hall, and then down the stairway to 
 the large room where the members of the Cabinet, 
 Senators, and distinguished officials were assem- 
 
DEATH OF McKINLEY. 525 
 
 bled. As his tense, white face appeared at the 
 doorway a hush fell upon the assemblage. 
 
 "Gentlemen, the President has passed away," 
 he said. 
 
 For a moment not a word came in reply. Even 
 though the end had been expected, the actual 
 announcement that William McKinley was dead 
 fairly stunned these men who had been his closest 
 confidants and advisers. Then a groan of anguish 
 went up from the assembled officials. They cried 
 outright like children. All the pent-up emotions 
 of the last few days were let loose. They turned 
 from the room and came from the house with 
 streaming eyes. 
 
 Leaving the stricken circle Secretary Cortelyou 
 left the house and walked down to the ropes 
 where the waiting correspondents stood ready to 
 send the sad news on lightning's wings to the 
 people who had always been uppermost in the 
 thoughts and deeds of the dead President. 
 
 "Gentlemen," he said, "the President passed 
 away at 2:15." 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 BURIAL OF PRESIDENT McKINLET. 
 
 Private Funeral Services — Lying in State at Buffalo and Washington- 
 Interment at Canton. 
 
 AS THE daily life of William McKinley 
 was marked by the greatest simplicity, 
 so were the last rites and services over 
 his casket. 
 
 The private funeral services were held at the 
 Milburn residence, Sunday, September 15, at 
 eleven o'clock in the morning. The casket had 
 been placed in the library, with the silken folds 
 of an American flag draped about it. Red roses, 
 white chrysanthemums and wreaths of purple 
 violets lay at the foot of the bier. 
 
 Two hundred cards had been issued and shortly 
 before the appointed time the invited few began 
 to arrive. Senator Hanna was among the first. 
 President Roosevelt arrived just before the ap- 
 pointed time for the services. The immediate 
 members of the McKinley family gathered in a 
 
BURIAL OF McKINLEy. 
 
 room adjoining the library. Mrs. McKinley was 
 not with them. Surrounded by Mrs. Barber, Miss 
 Barber, Mrs. Garret Hobart and Dr. Rixey, she 
 was seated in the upper hallway where every Vv^ord 
 pronounced over the casket that contained all 
 that she held dear in the world could reach her. 
 
 Senator Hanna was the first man of national 
 prominence to enter the library. He was followed 
 by the Cabinet members, w^ho took places on the 
 left of the casket. As President Roosevelt entered 
 everyone rose. He walked gravely tolthe head of 
 the casket. For a moment he gazed on the face 
 of McKinley. Turning, he spoke in a low voice 
 toi Secretary Long, who stood next. He evidently 
 requested that cabinet precedence be observed, 
 for there was an immediate change in the positions 
 of the Cabinet members. 
 
 When the funeral services were held at the Mil- 
 burn house Mrs. McKinley was unable to come 
 down stairs. Sedatives had been given her and 
 the President's remains had been taken away 
 without her knowing of their removal. 
 
 At this moment Rev. Dr. Charles Edw^ard Locke 
 of the Delaware Avenue Methodist Episcopal 
 Church, son of that Dr. Locke who for many years 
 was the McKinley pastor at Canton, entered the 
 room. 
 
 The quartette of the First Presbyterian Church, 
 made up of Miss Kate Tyreil, Mrs. Clara Barnes 
 
528 BURIAL OF McKINLEY. 
 
 Holmes, Raymond O. Rietpeister and George C. 
 Sweet, had been standing in the dining room, and 
 with the sweet strains of that favorite hymn of the 
 late President, ^'Lead Kindly light," the services 
 were begun. 
 
 As the last strains died away Dr. Locke began 
 reading the chapter in the I. Corinthians, that, 
 from its sad associations, has become so familiar. 
 In a low but clear voice he read it to its conclusion. 
 
 There was a moment's pause after he had fin- 
 ished, and then the quartet sang the four verses 
 of that other hymn, so dear to the man above 
 whose bier the mourners stood, that as he passed 
 into the last unconsciousness, his lips formed its 
 words after the strength to speak had gone. 
 
 Silently the assembled men and women framed 
 with their lips the words of ''Nearer, my God, to 
 Thee," as the choir sang it through. Dr. Locke 
 raised his hands as the music died away. He 
 made this eloquent appeal: ''Let us pray: 
 
 O God, our help in ages past, 
 
 Our hope for years to come, 
 Our shelter from the stormy blast 
 
 And our eternal home. 
 
 We, Thy humble servants, beseech Thee for manifesta- 
 tions of Thy favor as we come into Thy presence. We laud and 
 magnify Thy holy name and praise Thee for all Thy goodness. 
 Be merciful unto us and bless us as, stricken with overwhelm- 
 ing sorrow, we come unto Thee. 
 
 In this dark night of grief abide with us till the dawning. 
 Speak to our troubled souls, God, and give to us in this hour 
 
BURIAL OF McKINLEY. 52J 
 
 of unutterable grief the peace and quiet which Thy presence 
 only can afford. We thank Thee that Thou dost answer the 
 sobbing sigh of the heart and dost assure us that if a man die 
 he shall live again. We praise Thee for Jesus Christ, Thy 
 Son, our Savior and elder brother; that He came "to l)ring life 
 and immortality to light," and because He lives we shall live 
 also. We thank Thee that death is victory, that ' 'to die is gain. " 
 
 Have mercy upon us in this dispensation of Thy proW- 
 dence. We believe in Thee — we trust Thee — our God of love, 
 "the same yesterday, to-day and forever." 
 
 "We thank Thee for the unsullied life of Thy servant, our 
 martj'i'ed President, whom Thou hast taken to his coronation, 
 and we pi'ay for the final triumph of all the divine principles 
 of pure character and free government for which he stood 
 while he lived, and which were baptized by his blood in his 
 death. 
 
 Hear our prayer for blessings of consolation upon all 
 those who were associated with him in the administration of 
 the affairs of the government; especially vouchsafe Thy presence 
 to Thy servant who has been suddenly called to assume the 
 holy responsibilities of our chief magistrate. 
 
 God, bless our dear nation, and guide the ship of state 
 through stormy seas. Help Thy people to be brave to fight 
 the battles of the Lord, and wise to solve all the problems of 
 freedom. 
 
 Graciously hear us for comforting blessings to rest upon 
 the family circle of our departed friend. Tenderly sustain 
 Thine handmaiden, upon whom the blow of this sorrow most 
 heavily falls. Accompany her, God, as Thou has promised, 
 through this dark valley and shadow, and may she fear no evil, 
 because Thou are with her. 
 
 May the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God, 
 the father, and the communion of the Holy Spirit be with us 
 all evermore. Amen. 
 
530 BURIAL OF McKINLEY. 
 
 As Dr. Locke began repeating the Lord's pray. )i: 
 the mourners joined with him, and all bowed low 
 their heads as he pronounced the benediction. 
 
 Then a man, who seemed suddenly to have 
 grown old, rose from his seat beside Governor 
 Odell and slowly walked alone past the line of cab- 
 inet officers and to the side of the new President. 
 
 His hands clasped behind his back, his head 
 bent down on his great chest, Senator Hanna 
 stood and gazed for the last time on the face of 
 the man he loved. It seemed to the mom^ners that 
 he stood there looking down at his dead friend's 
 face for fully five minutes. In reality it was 
 nearly two minutes before he turned, and slowly, 
 sadly retraced his steps across the room. 
 
 As Senator Hanna sat down the casket was 
 closed and the soldiers and sailors advanced from 
 the points where they had been stationed. Lift- 
 ing it gently they slowly began their solemn march 
 to the hearse, which stood waiting outside. Close 
 behind the casket followed President Eoosevelt, 
 with Secretary Root on his left and the other mem- 
 bers of the cabinet following. Slowly, very slowly, 
 they took their way into the hall, out the front 
 door, down the steps and down the walk to the 
 hearse, while a band posted across the street 
 softly played ''Nearer, My God, to Thee." 
 
 As the funeral cortege passed slowly down Del- 
 aware avenue the httle host that had Ustened to 
 the services, filed quietly out of the house. 
 
BURIAL OF McKTNLEY. 531 
 
 Mrs. McKinley did not accompany the cortege 
 from the house. As the services were nearing an 
 end she exhibited marked signs of exhaustion and 
 Dr. Rixey and her other companions gently hfted 
 her from her seat and led her to a room. 
 
 Then they closed the door that she might not 
 hear the rhythmic tread of the marching soldiers 
 as they escorted the casket from the house. She 
 was utterly worn out and within a few seconds had 
 lapsed into slumber. 
 
 The funeral cortege left the Milburn house at 
 11:45 o'clock. Slowly and solemnly, in time to 
 the funeral march, it moved between two huge 
 masses of men, women and children, stretching 
 away two miles and a half to the city hall. Nearly 
 two hours were required to traverse the distance. 
 
 During the afternoon and night the President's 
 body lay in state in the city hall. Such a sponta- 
 neous outpouring of people to show their regard 
 for a man whom they had admired and loved from a 
 distance was never equaled on this earth under 
 like circumstances. 
 
 The hours during which the pubhc was to be 
 permitted to view the remains had been set from 
 1 to 6 o'clock. More than twice as many as could 
 hope to get through the lines in that time came 
 from all over western New York until fully 200,000 
 were massed during the morning. In the face of 
 such a concourse the hmit was extended, but the 
 
532 BURIAL OF McKIx^LEY 
 
 patient thousands did not know it. They merely 
 stayed on through the storm and hoped. 
 
 For nearly ten hours they streamed through the 
 city hall corridor where the President lay, passing 
 in two lines which formed faster than they melted. 
 Ten thousand an hour flowed past until weather 
 and physical collapse wore out other thousands and 
 the thin line ended at 11 o'clock at night. 
 
 In the afternoon Mrs. McKinley begged to be 
 taken to her husband. When told that the body 
 had been carried to the city hall, where the people 
 were to have an opportunity to see it, she de- 
 manded that it be brought back to her. He was 
 her husband, she had a right to him. The people 
 had all his best years, his strength, his life. In 
 death he was hers, and she would have her rights. 
 
 Hysterically she cried aloud for him again and 
 again. A council of the family was hastily called, 
 and some favored sending for the remains of the 
 President in order to calm the anguish of the widow 
 with the soothing sense of possession. But at 
 this moment Mrs. Hob art, widow of the Vice 
 President, succeeded in convincing Mrs. McKin- 
 ley that it was her duty to let the people see the 
 face of their beloved President. 
 
 Thanks to the strong influence which Mrs. 
 Hobart has always exerted over her friend, Mrs. 
 McKinley was finally calmed and induced to lie 
 down and try to sleep. Dr. Rixey prepared an- 
 
BURIAL OF McKINLEY. 533 
 
 other glass of medicine and the crisis was momen- 
 tarily over. 
 
 Later in the day the unhappy woman again 
 demanded the body of her husband, but for the 
 second time she was comforted by her loving 
 I friends. 
 
 Mrs. McKinley's anguish over her loss was the 
 'Saddest and most pathetic demonstration in the 
 awful tragedy. 
 
 After lying in state at the Buffalo city hall the 
 remains of President McKinley were brought to 
 Washington by special train, September 16. The 
 route was 420 miles long, passing through dense 
 masses of people in every city, town and hamlet. 
 Everywhere were signs of deepest mourning. The 
 train drew into the depot at Washington at 8:38 
 in the evening, and the body was taken to the 
 White House, where it was guarded during the 
 night by veterans of the Civil War. 
 
 At 9 o'clock on the following day the funeral 
 parade formed at the White House and started for 
 the rotunda of the capitol where the funeral ser- 
 vices were held. These were opened by the choir of 
 the Metropolitan M. E. church, where Mr. Mc- 
 Kinley had been a worshiper, singing "Lead, Kind- 
 ly Light." The Rev. Henry R. Naylor offered the 
 invocation and Bishop Andrews dehvered the fun- 
 eral address. This was followed by the choir ^ .ng- 
 ing "Some Time We'll Understand." The oene- 
 
534 BURIAL OF McKINLEY. 
 
 diction was prononnced by the Rev. W. H. Chap- 
 man. Following this came one of the most dra- 
 matic incidents of the ceremony. The choir 
 began to softly syllable the first lines of the 
 hymn "Nearer, My God, to Thee." For several 
 hnes the choir alone followed the melodion in 
 the time. Then the volume of the song was 
 audibly increased. A few of the audience, unable 
 to restrain themselves, had joined their voices with 
 those of the chosen singers. Their example was 
 followed timidly by others until the dome rang 
 with the notes of the solemn and beloved song. 
 
 President Roosevelt murmured the words of the 
 song along with the other auditors. The lines of his 
 face, which had been hard with the rigidity of the 
 trial and grief, softened into an expression of the 
 tenderest sympathy as his lips moved in singing the 
 hymn. Grover Cleveland, the very embodiment 
 of stately dignity, seemed even more dignified as 
 his lips parted with a barely perceptible motion in 
 response to the rhythm of the hymn. Officers of 
 the army and navy, who had seen death in its worst 
 form without a tremor and possibly who had not 
 sung a church hymn for many years, hummed the 
 tune when they could not remember the words. 
 All eyes were streaming with tears. 
 
 A respectful silence followed the end of the hymn 
 which marked the conclusion of the funeral services. 
 A few moments elapsed and then the rotunda was 
 
ita 
 
 1 
 
 
534 BURIAL OF McKINLEY. 
 
 diction was pronounced by the Rev. W. H. Chap- 
 man. Following this came one of the most dra- 
 matic incidents of the ceremony. The choir 
 began to softly syllable the first lines of the 
 hymn "Nearer, My God, to Thee." For several 
 Hnes the choir alone followed the melodion in 
 the time. Then the volume of the song was 
 audibly increased. A few of the audience, unable 
 to restrain themselves, had joined their voices with 
 those of the chosen singers. Their example was 
 followed timidly by others until the dome rang 
 with the notes of the solemn and beloved song. 
 
 President Roosevelt murmured the words of the 
 song along with the other auditors. The lines of his 
 face, which had been hard with the rigidity of the 
 trial and grief, softened into an expression of the 
 tenderest sympathy as his lips moved in singing the 
 hymn. Grover Cleveland, the very embodiment 
 of stately dignity, seemed even more dignified as 
 his lips parted with a barely perceptible motion in 
 response to the rhythm of the hymn. Ofiicers of 
 the army and navy, who had seen death in its worst 
 form without a tremor and possibly who had not 
 sung a church hymn for many years, hummed the 
 tune when they could not remember the words. 
 All eyes were streaming with tears. 
 
 A respectful silence followed the end of the hymn 
 which marked the conclusion of the funeral services. 
 A few moments elapsed and then the rotunda was 
 
BURIAL OF Mckinley. 535 
 
 cleared for the body to lie in state to be viewed by 
 the great multitude who were crowding the steps 
 ready to pass through in double file on either side 
 of the coffin. The flag was draped back from the 
 head of the casket, the velvet-covered hd was re- 
 moved and the President's face was exposed to the 
 light which poured in through the upper windows 
 of the dome. 
 
 In the evening the body was removed by special 
 train to the McKinley home in Canton. All along 
 the route were evidences of the deepest mourning. 
 Everywhere people had gathered to catch a glimpse 
 of the train that was bearing away forever all that 
 was earthly of their beloved President. 
 
 The funeral services at Canton were held Thurs- 
 day, September 19. The removal of the remains 
 from the old homestead to the First Methodist 
 Church, where the services were held, levied the 
 hardest tribute upon the sorrow and love of the 
 people of Canton. Mrs. McKinley lingered by 
 the bier up to the moment it was lifted to be borne 
 from the house to the hearse. She wept hyster- 
 ically and refused to be comforted when led away 
 to her room. She did not attend the church ser- 
 vices or the ceremonies at the receiving vault in 
 the cemetery. 
 
 The casket was covered with purple orchids and 
 white roses. Every head within a block of the 
 residence was bared when the hearse, drawn by 
 
536 BURIAL OF McKINLEY. 
 
 four black horses, and under heavy escort, led the 
 way to the church. 
 
 The pulpit was a wilderness of flowers, purple 
 predominating. There were forty-six large pieces 
 on the platform, 200 in the vestibules. A small 
 portrait of the dead President was placed at the 
 head of the bier, which was spread with the 
 national colors and caught in a knot of black cord 
 at the corner. 
 
 Just above the pulpit was a panel of red roses 
 with a harp made of white immortelles. At the 
 right of the platform was a mammoth shield worked 
 in roses and bearing the letters ''G. A. K.," and 
 on the opposite wing of the platform was a wreath 
 of white and purple roses bearing the inscription 
 " Our Comrade." This was presented by the late 
 President's old regiment, the Twenty-third Ohio. 
 All the floral decorations were caught with white 
 and purple ribbons. The balconies were festooned 
 with graceful curves of black cashmere, while the 
 vestibules were a solid mass of black. 
 
 All was hushed when the great church organ 
 played Beethoven's '' Funeral March." Some of 
 the auditors wept, others strained their eyes to- 
 ward the sable vestibule where it was expected 
 the casket would enter. Still others looked rue- 
 fully at the old pew of President McKinley, which 
 was entirely covered with black cloth. This pew 
 is four seats from the front in the left center sec- 
 
BURIAL OF Mckinley. 537 
 
 tion of the churoh. It was not occupied during 
 the services. 
 
 While the fingers of the organist still lingered 
 over the keys, a band without played "Lead, 
 Kindly Light," and the flower-laden casket con- 
 taining the remains of the late President was borne 
 into the church and laid on the bier. President 
 Koosevelt led the funeral party. He was ushered 
 into the second pew from the front of the right 
 central section. 
 
 After the casket was placed the organ rendered 
 ''Nearer, My God, to Thee." Eev. 0. B. Milhgan, 
 pastor of the Canton Presbyterian church, offered 
 prayer. A ladies' quartet then rendered an orig- 
 inal hymn, entitled " The Beautiful Isle of Some- | 
 where." A mixed quartet sang ''Lead, Kindly I 
 Light." This was followed by a scriptm-e reading ^ 
 from the nineteenth psalm, by Dr. John A. Hall, 4 
 pastor of Trinity Lutheran church. Eev. E. P. | 
 Herrick, pastor of the Trinity Eeformed church, 7^ 
 read from Corinthians xv, 41-58. | 
 
 Eev. C. E. Manchester, pastor of the church, } 
 
 dehvered the funeral sermon. No text was j 
 
 announced. The purpose of the speaker was to I 
 
 pay a tribute to his friend and parishoner. The ' 
 
 sermon abounded in personal anecdotes illustrating ;^ 
 
 the Christian character of the illustrious dead. a 
 
 At the close of the sermon Bishop L. W. Joyce, ,1 
 
 of Minneapolis, offered a fervent prayer. " Nearer, 1 
 
538 BURIAL OF McKINLEy. 
 
 My Grod, to Thee " was sung again. It was the 
 benediction to a notable service. A moment's 
 silence, a word of prayer and the guard again bore 
 aloft the casket. The funeral was over. 
 
 Through a parted sea of humanity extending 
 more than two miles the funeral car of the dead 
 President was drawn to its long home in Westlawn 
 cemetery. With measured tread and slow stride 
 Lieutenant General Miles headed the file of army 
 and navy officers who walked at the right of the 
 hearse. 
 
 President Eoosevelt could be seen through the 
 open windows of his carriage, but his face was as 
 expressionless as alabaster, save for the expression 
 of sorrow Vv^hich overcast the features of all. 
 Chopin's funeral march was the prevailing strain 
 in the band music, while minute guns played from 
 the crest of Westlawn cemetery as the solemn 
 column wound its way westward and northward. 
 
 As the funeral party neared the approach to the 
 cemetery the way was strewn with sweet peas, which 
 had been sent in large quantities to Canton by the 
 school children of Nashville, Tenn. Members of 
 the Twenty-third Ohio, McKinley's old regiment, 
 wept as they picked up the pretty flowers and 
 tucked them away in the lapels of their coats. 
 
 The mausoleum where the body of the dead 
 President will await the great monument that will 
 be erected in his memory was a bower of roses. 
 
BURIAL OF McKINLEY. 539 
 
 When the funeral party reached the receiving 
 vault the casket was received by the old guard of 
 regulars and jackies and borne to the vault be- 
 tween two lines. President Eoosevelt was the 
 first to move towards the vault. He was escorted 
 by Colonel Bingham and took a position at the 
 right of the mausoleum door, Secretary Eoot 
 standing at the head of the left line. The mem- 
 bers of the cabinet were disposed on both sides of 
 the pathway leading to the vault, with the army 
 chiefs on the right and navy officials on the left. 
 
 As the flower-laden casket reached the portals 
 of its resting place a salvo of artillery was fired. 
 Abner McKinley, the President's brother, and his 
 wife followed the remains to the door and were 
 succeeded by other members of the family. 
 
 Bishop Joyce read the Methodist burial service, 
 consisting of the chapter in Eevelations describing 
 the vision of the holy city, and offered a brief 
 prayer. Secretary Wilson wept as the preacher 
 spoke the solemn Hnes: "Earth to earth, ashes 
 to ashes, dust to dust." 
 
 After the relatives had returned to their car- 
 riages, taps were sounded by eight buglers of the 
 G. A. B. As the last silvery note of the bugles 
 died away sentries were posted at the door of the 
 receiving vault and the party turned to go. The 
 beloved fellow citizen had been laid to his final 
 rest amid the weeping of a nation. 
 
^^P'^BPSilPPSPiP*..,^ . ^.■it^.irii'jfjjft.w^iia i aif^pM^ 
 
 540 BURIAL OF McKINLEY. 
 
 On the day of the funeral services at Cant on j 
 business was suspended throughout the country 
 and the doors of every business house of any 
 respectable pretentions were closed. Memorial 
 services were conducted in the churches and me- 
 morial parades were held in the larger cities. For 
 five minutes after 2:30 o'clock there was absolute 
 silence and quiet in the cities, except the tolhng 
 of church bells. Parades stopped and stood at 
 attention, street cars stopped while the men con- 
 ducting them stood with bared heads, telegraph 
 instruments ceased clicking, and railway trains 
 wherever they were stopped. Never before in the 
 history of the nation had there been such a general 
 demonstration of sorrow and such an outward 
 exhibition of respect for the illustrious dead. 
 
J. 
 

 J 
 
SEP -1 !9^3