THE PHILIF^PINKQ. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. GEORGE TURNER, 
 
 OK WASHINGTON, 
 
 SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 Monday, January 22, and Tuesday, January 23, 1900. 
 
 "It is never too late to listen to the dictates of prudence, and it 
 sliould be an easy task when honor points the way." 
 
 PART I. 
 
 "WASHINGTON. 
 1900. 
 
 

 p. 
 
 Cong:. H93ord Off.] 
 
 i-W Oct* ' (Ji 
 
SPEECH 
 
 Of 
 
 HON. GEORGE TURNER. 
 
 Monday, January 22, 1900. 
 
 The Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (S. R. 45) de- 
 claring the purpose of the United States with reference to the Philippine 
 Islands- 
 Mr. TURNER said: 
 
 Mr. President: We have now had at the present session of 
 Congress in this Chamber two deliverances on the Philippine 
 question from an Administration standpoint — one by the Presi- 
 dent in his annual message to Congress, and one by the junior 
 Senator from Indiana [Mr. BeveridgeJ in the speech delivered 
 by him in this Chamber on Tuesday of last week. 1 think it may 
 be presumed that both deliverances were authoritative — that of 
 the President, of coilrse, because it was the utterance of the Presi- 
 dent; that of the Senator from Indiana because we were told by 
 the inspired press that its delivery was determined after consulta- 
 tion with the President, and because the Senator himself told us 
 substantially that its delivery at the then early period in the ses- 
 sion was on account of the general desire of Senators and Mem- 
 bers of the other House to have an expression of his views at the 
 earliest practicable moment. I think it may be presumed also that 
 a discussion of the subject from two such distinguished sources 
 would conclude everything that could be said on that side of the 
 question. Notwithstanding this, I must confess that for one I 
 am still unregeuerate and unconvinced. Neither the stately pe- 
 riods of the President's message nor the fervid oratory of the Sen- 
 ator's address can change the truth of history or metamorphose a 
 proposed course of action, already partially completed, which 
 involves a shocking breach of national faith into an act of policy 
 defensible on grounds of justice, morality, and national duty. I 
 call the Presidents policy a proposed course of action, because, 
 while he is fully committed to it and has endeavored to carry it 
 out so far as lay in his power, the path of honorable retreat is yet 
 open to the American people. The President himself has consist- 
 ently maintained that the ultimate disposition of these islands is 
 for the determination of Congress. Everybody knows who knows 
 anything that the ratification of the treaty of peace with Spain 
 was not intended to cut off or abridge either the right or the oppor- 
 tunity for the fullest range of discussion and decision by the 
 American Congress. Everyone knows, likewise, that that treaty 
 would never have been ratified if there had been an intimation 
 in this Chamber by any person that Congress would be embar- 
 rassed in considering the matter de novo and wholly without 
 4057 3 
 
iTeference to any chanjjed aspect in the legal status of the matter 
 by reason of the ratification of the treaty. 
 
 STKUOOLK FOR LIBEHTY AND INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 Approaching tht^- quostion, then, as if it were still open and nn- 
 concluded, as it in fact is. the first thing that strikes my mind, 
 and which ought to strike every rightly constituted mind, it seems 
 to me, is the breach of I'aith involved in the pretensions put forth 
 by the President and in the resolutions of the Senator from In- 
 diana of a right to absorb and govern the Philiiipine Islands 
 wholly without reference to the consent of the people of those 
 islands. That people alone of all the Asiatic peoples has shown a 
 remarkable aspiration_for liberty and independenc«, and a no less 
 remarkable resolution and courage in the effort to attain those 
 great blessing-^. Fur three hundred years they waged againgt 
 Spain an intermittent warfare for independence, for the right to 
 govern themselves in their own way, under their own laws, and 
 by their own rulers. One of those struggles had only lately ter- 
 minated when our own war witli Spain began, and it had ter- 
 minated on conditions that were honorable and advantageous to 
 the insurrectionists. I shall not stop here to discuss the charge 
 which has been made, that the leaders of the Filipino people in 
 that struggle had sold them out for a moneyed consideration. If 
 true, it argues nothing against what I shall say during the prog- 
 ress of my remarks. The people of the Philip'pine Islands— and 
 I refer now more particularly to those who are engaged in war 
 with our own country — are a brave, resolute, liberty-loving peo- 
 ple, and the struggles which they have made to secure liberty 
 and independence for themselves ought to win them the respect 
 and admiration of every member of the American Senate, 
 
 ENCOURAGED BY ADMINISTRATION OVEHTUHES. 
 
 When our war with Spain began it found these people restless 
 and discontented, it is true. ])ut still generally at peace with their 
 rulers. We induced them to break that peace. Our diplomatic 
 agents hunted up their leaders, then dispersed throughout the 
 world, and induced them to return to their homes and to their 
 people and to foment another insurrection. Our war ships con- 
 veyed those leaders to their native shores and landed them there. 
 Our functionaries, both civil and military, furnished them with 
 money, with arms, ami with munitions of war. When these lead- 
 ers had been landed among their people they told them that the 
 great North American Republic was at war with Spain: that it 
 had invited their assLstan. e and cooperation: that the result would 
 be the expulsion of Sjiain from the Philippines, the extinction 
 of her power in that quarter of the globe, and the realization of 
 their own long-cherished hopes and asjjirations for liberty and 
 independence; and basing their action upon these statements, 
 they appealed to the people of the Philipiiine Islands to again 
 rise in revolt aga nst tlie power of S{)ain. This appeal was re- 
 spunded to promi)tly and with remarkable unanimity, and there- 
 after the war was waged with such ardor and vi<>;or tha when 
 our own land forces had readied the vicinity of Manila they found 
 the interior of the island of Lu/.on entirely cleared of'hostile 
 Spanish forces. Such as were not then i)risoners of war were 
 beleaguered by the insurgents in the city of Manila, and their 
 spirit and their coura^re were so broken by the assaults which 
 they had been compelled to resist on the part of the Filipinos that 
 after a sham battle they surrendcnd themselves and their city 
 
to the American forces. Undoubtedlj' if our forces had delayed 
 their arrival at Manila only a few weeks, the insurgents them- 
 selves would have forced a surrender of the city at the point of 
 the bayonet. 
 
 FACTS NOT IN ACCOUD WITH PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 
 
 These facts are shown to be true beyond any question by docu- 
 ments in our possession. These documents also show that the 
 Filipinos never had any idea from the beginning of their struggle 
 that they were fighting for anything other or less than their own 
 independence from all foreign domination. Yet the President of 
 the United States in his annual message makes the unfounded 
 assertion that the idea of independence on the part of the Filipino 
 people was an afterthought, founded on the sinister ambitions of 
 certain of their leaders. Here is what he says on that subject. 
 After having spoken of the arrival of the commissioners appointed 
 by him to visit the islands, he says: 
 
 But before their arrival at Manila the sinister ambition of a few leaders of 
 the Filipinos had created a situation full of embarrassment for us and most 
 grievous in its consequences to themselves. The clear and impartial prelim- 
 mary report of the commissioners, which I transmit herewith, gives so lucid 
 and comprehensive a history of the present insurrectionary movement that 
 the story need not be here repeated. It is enough to say that the claim of the 
 rebel leader that he was promised independence by any officer of the United 
 States in return for his assistance has no foundation in fact and is categor- 
 ically denied by the very witnesses who were called to prove it. The most 
 the insurgent leader hoped for when he came ijack to Manila was the libera- 
 tion of the islands from the Spanish control, which they had been laboring 
 for years without success to throw off. 
 
 Against this unfounded declaration I appeal to the truth of his- 
 tory as exhibited in the documents submitted to us by the Presi- 
 dent himself and voiiched for as authentic and worthy of credit. 
 The first of these documents to which I wish to call the attention 
 of the Senate is a proclamation issued by the Filipino junta in 
 Hongkong before the departure of Admiral Dewey's fleet to epgage 
 the Spanish fleet in the bay of Manila. This proclamation is found 
 in Senate Document No. 62, part 1, Fifty-fifth Congress, third ses- 
 sion, which document embraces our treaty of peace with Spain, 
 the proceedings of our peace commissioners at Paris, and the tes- 
 timony submitted to them there, and is a part of the testimony 
 which they had under consideration at that time. Now, what 
 does this proclamation say? 
 
 Compatriots: Divine Providence is about to place independence within our 
 reach, and in a way the most free and independent nation could hardly wish 
 for. 
 
 The Americans, not from mercenary motives, but for the sake of human- 
 ity and the lamentations of so many persecuted people, have considered it 
 oppoi'tune to extend their protecting mantle to our beloved country, now 
 that they have been obliged to sever connections with Spain, owing to the 
 tyranny this nation is exercising in Cuba, causing enormous injury to the 
 Americans, who have such large commercial and other intere.sts there. 
 
 At the present moment an American squadron is preparing to sail for the 
 Philippines. 
 
 We, your brothers, are very much afraid that you may be induced to fire 
 on the Americans. No, brothers, never make this mistake. Bather blow 
 your own brains out than fire a shot or treat as enemies those who are your 
 liberators. 
 
 Your natural enemies, your executioners, the authors of your misery and 
 unhappiuess. are the Spaniards who govern you. Against these yon must 
 raise your weapons and odium; understand well, against the Spaniards and 
 never against the Americans. 
 
 Mr. TILLMAN. "What is the date of that proclamation? 
 ' Mr. TURNER. The date is not given in this publication, but 
 it is stated in the puljlication that the proclamation was in ad- 
 
 4037 
 
6 
 
 vance of the sailing of the American squadron for the harbor of 
 Manila. The proc-lumatiou is preceded by the following statement: 
 
 The following is a translation from the Spanish of a proclamation of the 
 rebel leaders in HoiiKkoiif?. sent over to the Philippines in advance of the 
 American squadrtni. 
 
 The next thing that happened was that General Aguinaldo, the 
 leader of the insurgents, appeared in the city of Singapore about 
 the :3yth of April, isus, and there he was sought by Mr. E. Spencer 
 ^ratt. consul of the United States in that city, and after an inter- 
 iew between them the following correspondence passed between 
 .rilr. Pratt and Admiral Dewey. Mr. Pratt telegraphed: 
 
 AjTuiualdo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hongkong arrange with 
 commodore for general cooperation insurgents Manila if desired Telegraph. 
 
 PRATT. 
 
 To which Commodore Dewey replied: 
 
 Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible. _ 
 
 DEWEY. 
 
 What passed between Consul Pratt and Aguinaldo is stated in 
 a publication in the Singapore Free Press of Wednesday, May 4, 
 18'J8, which Consul Pratt incloses in a dispatch to the Secretary 
 of State, and he says in reference to this publication: 
 
 I regret to have to report that the circumstances attending the departure 
 from here of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo to juiu Commodore Dewey, which I had 
 endeavored so hard to prevent lining di-;ckised. were in substance made 
 public in yesterday's edition of the Singapore Free Press, from the inclosed 
 copy of which vou will note, by relerence to my reports Nos. 213 and 213 of 
 the 28th and 30th ultimo, respectively, that though the facts are in the main 
 correctly given, the dates are not quite accurate and a certain amount of 
 conjecture has been indulged in as regards my action in the matter and that 
 of the Commodore. 
 
 Here is what this newspaper says passed between Aguinaldo 
 and Consul Pratt, and which Consul Pratt says is substantially 
 correct: 
 
 During this conference, at which Mr. Bray acted as interpreter. General 
 Aguinaldo explained to the American consul-general, Mr. Pratt, the incidents 
 and objects of the late rebellion, and desi-ribed the present disturbed state 
 of the country. G<-neral Aguinaldo then proceeded to detail the nature of 
 the cooperation he could give, in which he, in the event of the American 
 forces from the squadron landing and takmg possession of Manila, would 
 guarantee to maintain order and discipline amongst the native troops and 
 inhabitants in the same humane way in which lie had hitherto conducted the 
 war, and prevent them from committing outragi>s on defenseless Spaniards 
 beyond the inevitable in fair and honorabU' warfare. He further declared 
 his ability to establish a proper and responsible government on liberal prin- 
 ciijles, and would be willing to accept the same terms for the country as the 
 United States intend giving to Cuba. 
 
 That is what Aguinaldo told Mr. Pratt he expected from the 
 Government of tlu; United States in return for the cooperation of 
 himself and his countrymen. And this is what the same news- 
 paper account reports Consul Pratt as saying and doing in re- 
 sponse to Aguiualdos declaration: 
 
 The consul-general of the United States, coinciding with the general views 
 expressed during the discussion, placed himst'lf at once in telegraphic com- 
 munication wiih A(lmiral Dewey at Hongkong, between whomand Mr. Pratt 
 a frequent interchange of telegrams consequently took place. 
 
 Mr. President, a few days after this interview between Agui- 
 naldo and Cdiisul Pratt, and after Aguinaldo had gone to join 
 Commodore Dewey, the Filipinos then residing at Singapore, 
 e.xiles from thi'ir country, desiring to recognize the interposition 
 of Consul Pratt in favor of their country, gave him a compli- 
 muntary sertMiaiic, which is also reported in the Singapore Free 
 Press, and wliicli he transmits with his di.spatches to the Secre- 
 tary of State of the United States. This report throws further 
 
light upon the relations between this consul and this leader of the 
 insurgents, and shows what the Filipinos had a right to expect 
 from the Government of the United States. At this serenade an 
 address was made to Consul Pratt by Dr. Santos, one of the Filipino 
 refugees, and in the course of that address he said. 
 Mr. SPOONER. From what page is the Senator about to read? 
 Mr. TURNER. From page 351 of this document. He said: 
 Our countrymen at home, and those of us residins: here, refugees from 
 Spanish misrule and tyranny in our beloved native land, hope that tlie United 
 States, your nation, persevering in its humane policy, will efficaciously sec- 
 ond the programnae arranged between you, sir, and General Aguinaldo in 
 this port of Singapore, and secure to us our independence -.iiider the protec- 
 tion of the United States. Our warmest thanks are especially due to you, 
 sir, personally, for having been the first to cultivate relations with General 
 Aguinaldo and arrange for the coopei'ation with Admiral Dewey, thus sup- 
 porting our aspirations which time and subsequent actions have developed 
 and caused to meet with the applause and approbation of your nation. Fi- 
 nally, we request you to convey to your illustrious President and the Amer- 
 ican people, and to Admiral Dewey, our sentiments of sincere gratitude and 
 our most fervent wishes for their prosperity. 
 
 Mr. JONES of Arkansas. When was that? 
 
 Mr. TURNER. On June 8. and it is reported in the Straits 
 Times, of Singapore, of June 9. 
 
 Consul Pratt, in his I'eply, does not deny that he had promoted 
 this arrangement to secure the independence of the Filipino peo- 
 ple under the protection of the United States. On the contrary, 
 his reply tacitly admits it. He says: 
 
 I am thankful to have been the means, though merely the accidental means, 
 of bringing about the arrangement between General Aguinaldo and Admiral 
 Dewey, which has resulted so happily. I can only hope that the eventful 
 outcome will be all that can be desired for the happiness and welfare of the 
 Filipinos. My parting words to General Aguinaldo were, " General, when 
 you have proved yourself great, prove yourself magnanimous," and from the 
 ti'eatment accorded to the recent Spanish prisoners it would appear that he 
 had done so. 
 
 The next document to which I wish to call attention, and all of 
 these documents are appended to the Spauish treaty and were sub- 
 mitted to our commissioners at Paris, is the letter from Aguinaldo 
 to the President, dated June 10, 1898. This letter is found on 
 pages 360 and 861 of Senate Document No. 62: 
 
 Cavite, June 10, 1898. 
 To the President of the Republic of the Great North American Nation. 
 
 Dear and HoNonED Sir: I come to greet you with the most tender effu- 
 sion of my soul and to express to you my deep and sincere gratitude, in the 
 name of the unfortunate Philippine people, for the efficient and disinterested 
 protection which you have decided to give it, to shake off the yoke of the 
 cruel and corrupt Spanish domination, as you are doing to the equally unfor- 
 tunate Cuba, which Spain wishes to see annihilated, i-ather than free and in- 
 dependent, giving her, to quiet her and to cicatrize the deep wounds made 
 in her heart by the iniquities committed upon her children, a false autonomy, 
 of which one bold blow of the Govei-nor-General may deprive her imme- 
 diately, as she has no colonial army to serve as a counterpoise to the almost 
 sovereign powers of that supreme authority. 
 
 At the same time, as I am always frank and open, I must express to you 
 the great sorrow which all of us Filipinos felt on reading in the Times , a 
 newspaper of the greatest circulation and reputation in the whole world, in 
 its issue of the 5th of last month, the astounding statement that you, sir, will 
 retain these islands until the end of the war, and, it Spain fails to pay the 
 indemnity, will sell them to a Euroijean power, preferably Great Britain. 
 
 After going on and arguing against such a course, he concludes 
 in the last paragraph of this letter by stating: 
 
 I close by protesting once and a thousand times, in the name of this people, 
 which knows how- to fight for its honor by means of its improvised warriors 
 and artillery men. against the .statement'published by the Times, mainly for 
 the purpose of casting a blot in history upon its glorious name: a people which 
 trusts blindly in you not to abandon it to the tyranny of Spain, bui; to leave 
 4057 
 
8 
 
 It free and Independent, even if you make peace with Spain, and I offer iiv- 
 vcnt pnivor for the over-increasing prosperity of your i)Owerful nation, to 
 which and to you I shall show nnoounded gratitude, and shall repay with 
 Interest that great obliKatiau. 
 
 The next document to which I call the attention of the Senate 
 is a letter from Consul Wildman to Aguinaldo from Hongkong. 
 The date is not given here, but it is contained in a dispatch to the 
 State Department l)j- Consul Wildman, dated August 7, I see that 
 in the body of the dispatch he says he wrote this letter to Agui- 
 naldo on July 25, 189S. 
 
 If you stand shoiilder to shoulder 
 
 Mr. QUARLES. On what page is that found? 
 
 Mr. TURNER. It is page 83lt. at the bottom of the page. In 
 this letter to Aguinaldo Consul Wildman says: 
 
 If you stand shoulder to shoulder with our forces, and do not allow any 
 small diflfereuces of opinion ar.d fancied slights to keep you from the one set 
 
 Eurpose of freeing your isla7id from the cruelties under which you claim it 
 as ueen groaning for so many huudred years, your name in history will he 
 a glorious one. There are greater prizes in the world than being the mere 
 chief of a revolution. 
 
 Now, mark this language: 
 
 Do not forget that the L'nited States undertook this war for the sole pur- 
 pose of relieviuf; the Ciibmis from the cruelties under which they wore suf- 
 fering, and not for the love of conquest or the hope of gain. Whatever the 
 final ai.-<!iosition of the conquered territory may be, you can trust to the United 
 States that justice and honor will control all their dealing.s with you. The 
 first thing is to throw off the Spanish yoke. Do not let anything interfere 
 with this. 
 
 Now, Mr. President, for the purpose of showing that these 
 representations were brought to the attention of the Department, 
 I refer the Senate to a memorandum made by Secretary J. B. 
 Moore for the information of Secretary Day, dated .Tune 22, 1898, 
 and found iu this publication on page 340. This memorandum 
 says: 
 For the Secretary: 
 
 Here are two dispatches from Mr. Pratt, consul-general at Singapore, 
 respectively numbered 214 and ;?17. 
 
 No. 214 incloses a copy of Mr. Pratt's confidential No. 212, to which you 
 hav« already replied. 
 
 It also incloses a copy of his No. 213, narratiupc his parting interview with 
 General Agniinaldo. Sir. Pratt states that in this interview he enjoined upon 
 CJeneral Aguinaldo the necessity, under Commodore Dewey's direction, of 
 assuming absolute control over his forces iuthe Philippines, since noexcesses 
 on their part would be tolerated by the United States, the President having 
 declared that the present hostilities with Spain were to be carried on in 
 strict conformity with the principles of civilized warfare. Mr. Pratt states 
 that to this injunction General Aguinaldo gave his full assent, assuring him 
 that he intended, and was able, when in the field, to hold his followers, the 
 insurgents, in check and lead them on "a.« our commander should direct." 
 
 General Aguinaldo, as Sir. Pratt re|)orts, "further stated that he hoped 
 the United States would assume protection of the L'bilippines for at least long 
 enough to allow the inhabitants to establish a government of their own, in 
 the organization of which he would desire American advice and assistance." 
 •' These questions," says Mr. Pratt. "I told him I had no authority to discuss." 
 This conHrms Mr. Pratt's statement, in his recent telegram, that he confined 
 his nction to bringing General Aguinaldo and Commodore Dewey together. 
 
 The only intimation in this whole record from beginning to end 
 that the Filipinos or any])ody acting for them ever expressed a 
 •willingness to accept anything less than their independence is 
 contained in a letter addressed by Consul Williams at Manila to 
 Sfcn-tary Day, dated June IG. I'^'.IS. in which he states that in a 
 conversation with Aguinaldo the latter had stated that certain of 
 his leaders had expres.sed a willingness to accept annexation to 
 the United Slates. Yet, Mr. President, Aguinaldo, in the letter 
 to the President which I have already read, dated June 10, 1898, 
 
six days before this supposed conversation between himself and 
 Consul Williams, had notified the President that when peace v.-as 
 finally concluded between the United States and Spain he expected 
 that it would be done upon terms that would concede the inde- 
 pendence of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 AGUINALDO'S ARGUMENT FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Moreover, Aguinaldo, in a letter to Consul Williams, dated 
 August 1, 1898, only one month and fourteen days after this sup- 
 posed conversation between himself and Consul Williams, argued 
 strenuotisly and forcefully in favor of the independence of the 
 Philippine Islands and gives no intimation whatever that in any 
 conversation w-ith Consul Williams he had indicated the willing- 
 ness of anybody connected with the Philippine republic to accept 
 annexation to the United States. This letter is so pathetic and 
 affecting and breathes so high a spirit that it would move the 
 heart of anybody not impervious to generous and magnanimous 
 feelings. I desire to read a few of its passages to the Senate in 
 this connection. It is found in the Senate document before read 
 from, on pages 398 and 399. He says: 
 
 Why do not the American generals operate in conjunction with the Fili- 
 pino generals and, uniting the forces, render the end more decisis'e? 
 
 Is it intended, indeed, to carry out annexation asfainst the wish of these 
 people, distorting the legal sense of that word? If the revolutionary govern- 
 ment is the genuine representative, by right and deed, of tho FiUpino people, 
 as we have proved when necessary, why is it wished to oppress instead of 
 gaining their confidence and friendship? 
 
 It is useless for me to represent to my compatriots the favors received 
 through Admiral Dewey, for they assert that up to the present the Ameri- 
 can forces have shown not an active, only a passive, cooperation, from which 
 they suppose that the intention of these forces are not for the best. They 
 assert, besides, that it is possible to suppose that I was brought from Hong- 
 kong to assume those forces bv my presence that the Filipinos would not 
 make common cause with the Spaniards, and that they have delivered to the 
 Filipinos the arms abandoned by the former in the Cavite arsenal, m order 
 to save themselves much labor, fatigue, blood, and treasure that a war with 
 Spain would cost. . . ^ , ^ „ „ , 
 
 But I do not believe these unworthy suspicions. I have full conhdence m 
 the generosity and philanthropy which shine In characters of gold in the his- 
 tory of the privileged people of the United States, and for that reason, in- 
 voking the friendship which you profess for me and the love which you have 
 for my people, I pray you earnestlv, as also the distinguished generals who 
 represent your country in these islands, that you entreat the Government at 
 Washington to recognize the revolutionary government of the Filipinos, and 
 I, for my part, Will labor with all my power with my people that the United 
 States shall not repent their sentiments of humanity in coming to the aid of 
 an oppressed people. , ^.,. . , ^ ■ j. 
 
 Say to the Government at Washington that the Fihpmo people abominate 
 savagery, that in the midst of their past misfortunes they have learned to 
 love liberty, o'-der, justice, and civil life, and that they are not able to lay 
 aside their own wishes when their future lot and history are under discus- 
 sion Say also that I and my leaders know what wo owe to our unfortunate 
 country, that we know how to admire and are ready to imitate the disinter- 
 estedness, the abnegation, and the patriotism of the grand men of America, 
 among whom stands preeminent the immortal General Washington. 
 
 You and I both love the Filipinos; both see their progress, their prosper- 
 ity and their greatness. For this we should avoid any conflict which would 
 be fatal to the interests of both peoples, who should always be brothers. In 
 this you will acquire a name in the history of humanity and an ineradicable 
 affection in the hearts of the Filipino people. 
 
 Mr. President, can anybody read these documents and say truth- 
 fully "that the idea of independence was an afterthought with the 
 Filipino people? On the contrary, from the very beginnmg, from 
 a period anterior even to the outbreak of hostihties between our 
 Government and Spain, they were advising us m any and every 
 possible way that the stake for which they were fighting and tor 
 which they expected to fight was the independence of their beloved 
 country. Nor is it strictly true, Mr. President, to say that they 
 4057 
 
10 
 
 were never promised their imlepemlence. A fair reading of these 
 letters of Consul Pratt and Consul Williams would induce us to 
 >;ay that they were itrouiised independence by those officials, u not 
 inexpress terms, at least by necessary iinpluation. A reading of 
 the letters from General Anderson, the conimander of our forces 
 at ( avite before the arrival of General Merritt in that country, 
 would also ciirry the same iutimaiion to tluix jieople. I want the 
 Senate to listen to wliat General Anderson said to them at that 
 time. On the 4th dav of July, 1898. General Anderson indited a 
 letter to General Agiiinaldo, and said to him in that letter, among 
 other things: 
 
 Mr. Si'Ov )NER. On what page is that found? 
 
 Mr. TURNER. That letter is found on page 390. General 
 Anderson wrote to Aguinaldo as follows: 
 
 CiENLitAi,: I have the honor to inform you that the inited States of Amer- 
 icft, whose land forces 1 have the honor to command in this vicinity, beins at 
 war with the Ivin^'dom of Spain, hu.-^ entire sympathy and mos>t friendly sen- 
 tiu'.euts for th<> native peojile of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 i-'or these reasons I desire to have the most amicable relations with you, 
 and to have you and your people cooperate with ns in military operations 
 against the Spanish forces. 
 
 In another letter found in this document, at page 391, dated 
 July 6, 1898, General Anderson says to Aguinaldo: 
 
 V"ry soon wo exjx'ct a large addition to our forces, and it must be appa- 
 rent to you a.s a militarv otticer that we will require much more room to 
 •:;amp our soldiers and also storeroom for our supplies. For this I would 
 like to have your excellency's advice and cooperation, as you are best 
 acquai: ted with the resources of this country. 
 
 It must 1)1- apparent to vou that we do not intend to remain here inactive, 
 but to move pr<>ini)tly against our common eiumy: but for a short time we 
 must o;-L"auize ami land sui>plies and also retain a place for storing them near 
 our fleet and transports. „. „ ...,,, ^.. c 
 
 I am solicitous tu avoid any conflict of authority which may result from 
 having two sets of military oflicers exercising command in the same place. 
 
 1 am also an-ious to avoid sickness by taking sanitary precautions. Your 
 own medic.il ollicers have been making voluntary inspections with mine and 
 fear epidemic disease if the vicinity is not made clean. Would it not be 
 well to have prisoners work to this end under the advice of the surgeons? 
 
 I call the attention of the Senate to the fact that we had no pris- 
 oners at that time, but the only Spanish prisoners were those held 
 by the tore-s of the Philippine republic. 
 "Mr. M( LAURIN. Whose letter is that? 
 
 ^Ir. TUJiNER. That is General Anderson's letter to General 
 Aguinaldo. The last letter from General Anderson to which I 
 shall call the attention of the Senate is dated July 23, 1898, and in 
 it he say.-i to Aguinaldo: 
 
 Genkual: VHien I came here three weeks ago I requested your excellency 
 to i^ive wliut a.ssistance you could to procure means of transportation for the 
 American army, as it was to fight in tlie cause of your people. So far we 
 have received no rcsjionse. 
 
 As you rejiresent your peoi)le, I now have the honor to make requisition 
 on you for ^Af) hors^-s and M o.'cen and ox carts. 
 
 If you can not .secure these, I will have to pass you and make requisition 
 directly on the people. 
 
 The cause of these letters and other letters, and acts of a simi- 
 lar character, with which I shall not further weary the Senate, 
 was e.xplained in the testimony of General .Merritt, given before 
 our peace oimniissioners at Paris. That testimony, or so much 
 of it as 1 will read, will be found on page 307 of Senate Document 
 No. 'iJ. Among other things, General Merritt says to the com- 
 missioners: 
 
 B«-fnro that time, rather early after my arrival there at JIanila, 1 liad tele- 
 (friii'lii'd to the War Depart ni-nt of the possible trouble that might arise 
 Willi the ins'.irgontb, and iwkej for instriii tioiiH as to whether I should con- 
 
11 
 
 sider them as enemies and treat them accordinprly in such case. To that re- 
 quest I had no replv, and the consequence was I had to mis diplomacy with 
 force in order to avoid a tilt with tUem. I knew if bloodshed was once had 
 that would be the end of an amicable status there, and to that end I was care- 
 ful only to enforce that which was proper and which I conceived must be 
 executed in order to have my troops fully occupy the ground we had taken. 
 
 Mr. President, when Secretary Day heard of this interview be- 
 tween Ai^uinaldo and Consul Pratt at Singapore and of the letter 
 addressed to Aguinaldo by Consul Wildman at Hongkong he took 
 occasion to write a letter to each of those o.ricials disavowing their 
 course, but he never disavowed, nor did any other official of this 
 Government ever disavow, the course ©f those consuls to Agui- 
 naido or to anybody else„ although we were then in daily com- 
 munication with Aguinaldo in and about the vicinity of Manila. 
 "Why was not this done? The answer is obvious and is indicated 
 in the testimony of General Merritt. We desired the friendly 
 cooperation and assistance of the Filipinos in our war with Spain. 
 We knew that if we disclosed to them our purpose to absorb iheir 
 land and deny their independence, we would not only not have 
 their friendly cooperation and assistance, but we would have their 
 active opposition. We knew that we would be at v.'ar, not only 
 with the Spaniards, but with the Filipinos, from the very moment 
 that we set foot upon the soil of those islands. 
 
 WE SOUGHT AND ACCEPTED FILIPINO ASSISTANCE. 
 
 Mr. President, does not this whole miserable history bear out 
 the statement with which I began, that we owe that to the Fili- 
 pinos, by virtue of what has transpired, which, if we now go on 
 with our pretensions against their liberty and their independence, 
 will be looked on as a gross breach of faith upon the part of the 
 American people? Whatever may be said as to actual promises of 
 independence, it is indisputable, nobody can deny it. that we sought 
 and accepted the assistance of the > ilipinos, knowing that the 
 stake which they fought for was independence, and when they 
 had almost won their independence, when it required but one 
 more effort on their part to clear their soil from the last vestige of 
 Spanish domin:on. we, their professed friend and ally, without 
 any previous intimation of our purpose, stepped into the shoes of 
 Spain and opposed our overwhelming power to the accomplish- 
 ment of their long-cherished hopes and aspirations. Mr. Presi- 
 dent, our conduct then and there has no parallel in the history 
 of the world from the beginning of time down to the present 
 moment. If it be persisted in it will be worse than Punic faith. 
 Beside it Punic faith will hereafter be considered as full observ- 
 ance of honorable obligations. It is indescribable. To the honest, 
 unperverted American mind it is inconceivable. I venture the 
 assertion that there is not one American voter in a hundred 
 who would not have repudiated as perfidious and dishonorable 
 the pretensions put forth by the President of the United States 
 and by the resolutions of the Senator from Indiana [Mr. Bever- 
 idge] , if they had been called upon with full knowledge of all 
 the facts to sanction them in the beginning and before the pres- 
 ent desolating war began. The truth of the matter is that those 
 pretentions have from the beginning and do now constitute a 
 stain on the honor of this nation, which we may atone for if we 
 will, but which can never be entirely wiped out. The man or 
 men who have put us in this position before the world deserve and 
 will receive the condemnation of the American people. That 
 people have a conscience which stings and an honor which repro- 
 
 4057 
 
., ..„ .n,-. ,„ r,.. Ti.t..! l.v their strvants and in 
 
 J, i.,V)lile. Those in high 
 
 {, . ,iK<« lit the dictation of 
 
 Llau«l .-Ai-iu-uc, wi.. i«.4r.. U.Ht fa. t lo their '^^"O^V""^ ]f: 
 fore thu dei.l. -ruble chapter in our natJoual history 18 closea 
 forv%'er. 
 
 I'l-IU-IIAill or THE l'llll.irPI.NK« 
 
 \(, I'r^., i..T,t the Pr»^ident in hi** annual message to Congress 
 ,„ ^'ht in the I'hilij.i'in.-Hon the ground that we had 
 
 d, I j,r..iMiH»sl uotling to th« iuhiibitants of those 
 
 1*1,.. ..is wt.wh i.reolud.-l mh in Honor from ncciuiniig them and 
 
 on t>..- furtht-r ground tluil weha.l loyally j.urchi.s.-d those islamls 
 f, ih.-ir f-rui.-r own. r. and lie derlarf<l. thereioie. that 
 
 t ^ bv cv.rv title of law and equity. I do not believe 
 
 t:, . . ^rr oiim bv eiih-r title. If they were j.rivate posses- 
 
 si. .n^ «nT cort of •<iuity admdicating between ourselves and the 
 Fil • i! . «■ eren Judge Dav hirr!-«!f. in his capacity as a judge ot 
 fi • . lurt of thf III a.linini><tering(Mjuity. would 
 
 {^. .1 to d.'clan- «■• 1 tiiat. instead of being trus- 
 
 ,. ... •;,Hl«»rt. ........ ii.»' Senator from Iniliaua I Mr. 
 
 ] . ' « are. we are in truth and in fact trustees 
 
 ,1. ! the right* of the Filipinos. The suggestio 
 
 falM i»nd ihe suppn-sio v.ri are both there for the purposeof con- 
 str.uting th" e.,uiUble iuriwliction. Nor do 1 beli.veit hesin our 
 inotiih to «av that we hold a leiral title to those islands. Caveat 
 em!>t..r. How coul.l we purchase- fr..m Spain something which 
 
 <:. . . If ...1 . . . ... ...ss? How could ihi; Filipini'sbe bound 
 
 '].'' " n in un.lertaking to sell a sovereignty 
 
 ^T iroin her bythe (iod-given right of reyo- 
 
 Intion.- if »l b«j i»ai.i that while Sj.ain had lost her sovereignty 
 d»> tarto it Rtill exij<te.l de jnre, I say that as to us she had lost 
 h.-r (...V. rriL^nty Ix.th iti law and in fact. We can not be per- 
 mute 1 ;n ativ :..rum. cith.-r of law or ronsc-ipnre. to breathe both 
 \ . . • • •»••• 1 ' ■ "!os. Having assisted them to destroy 
 
 \ we (an not l>e permitted now to turn 
 
 4 . it ifl true that that sovereignty had do- 
 
 pnrl^l >%»> n fa^t. »t biill existed de jure, for the purposeof pui- 
 /.>,ni>«> bv ii«». And I rail the attention of the Senate to the fact 
 ''.^whatever in the Pliilippines, it is by 
 . .'iiiil nothiii'.,' else. At the time of the 
 1. li t'uded the war with Spain, we were 
 i(K>t of territory in the Philiiipines 
 II wrest.d from Spain by the vic- 
 iie rej)ublic. and by them snrren- 
 V to a friend and an ally. Judge 
 • _-ht in a ]ml>li.ation from him 
 !"W we<-ks ago, and in which 
 we tlo possess in the Philip- 
 , and not by conquist. 1 am si>rry 
 .i.d Hatisfactory exjjtession of Judge 
 ! •. It) j.rLScut to the Senate now in connection 
 
 , I. ...... , V xilK I«I,AM)S. 
 
 It may l» a*^ :'i»t any discussion of the status of 
 
 tl.:- I • i;Trv !i iHlands froui a legal sfand])oint is 
 
 i, ■• .lur tu)V«'reignty has been declared by 
 
 x(>il in all our own forums. But is it so 
 
13 
 
 fixed, Mr. President? Neither that instrument nor any other to 
 which the Filipinos were not parties can fix it in the forum of 
 conscience. That forum finds its being in tlie Congress of the 
 United States primarily, with right of appeal to the people of 
 the United States in their collective capacity as the ultimate sov- 
 ereign to whom all questions of conscience must in the end be 
 submitted and decided. That people will determine hereafter, 
 whatever Congress may now do, whether the Philippines "are 
 ours by every title of law and equity." Our people are broad, 
 generous, humane, and magnanimous, and their every instinct is 
 for right and justice. I can not doubt that, when the- matter is 
 submitted to them understandingly, they will render a just and 
 righteous verdict. In the meantime, what a cause and what a 
 forum for an advocate filled with holy zeal for justice and with 
 righteous indignation against wrong perpetrated in high places! 
 Oh, for a Burke, or a Fox, or a Pitt to demand justice for an out- 
 raged people, and to scourge with scorpion whip the cant and 
 hypocrisy that would oppress them under the guise of extending 
 liberty and civilization. 
 
 Mr. President, the Senator from Indiana did not address him- 
 self to our position in the Philippines from the standpoint of right 
 and justice. His address was a rhapsody directed to our interests 
 and our senses; arfd while it was very beautiful, he must pardon 
 me for saying that it lacked that majestic harmony which can be 
 evoked only when the nobler chords are struck. We now know 
 from his address, if we did not before know, that the islands are 
 both rich and beautiful, that their climate is salubrious, their 
 waters healing, their soil fertile, their productions diversified, 
 their position commanding, and that the opportunities to exploit 
 them for our enricluuent are many and manifold; but we do not 
 know by what right Spain, after being expelled from them by 
 their 10,000,000 inhabitants, could sell them and their inhabit- 
 ants to us without the consent of the latter, nor do we know by 
 what right the United States, after having assisted to expel Spain 
 from those islands, could buy them and their 10.000,000 inhabit- 
 ants without the consent of the latter. Nor does the Senator from 
 Indiana tell us, unless he intends us to infer the right from the 
 claim which he makes, that the Filipinos are a barbarous race of 
 people and that the principles of liberty declared by our great 
 political charter were never intended to have application to such 
 a people. But the Senator must pardon me again if I express 
 doubt whether his opportunities have been such as to constitute 
 him an authority on the subject of the capabilities of the Filipino 
 people.* We all know that his ability to travel through the island 
 of Luzon and to mix with its people was much restricted during 
 his recent visit to the Orient, and the same may be said of all the 
 other islands, unless possibly we except that group governed by 
 the Sultan of Sulu. Those islands, I believe, at the time of the 
 visit of the Senator had been won over to friendly consideration 
 by the extraordinary means which that great oriental statesman, 
 Li Hung Chang, advised us to employ in the efforts to pacify all of 
 the islands. But there are others, whose opportunities have been 
 greater than those of the Senator from Indiana, who tell us a dif- 
 ferent story concerning the capabilities of the Filipinos: and I 
 prefer, as I have no doubt the country will prefer, to believe them 
 rather than to accept the version of the Senator from Indiana. 
 
 Admiral Dewey tells us, from observation and experience with 
 4057 
 
14 
 
 the Filipinos, that they are far more capable of self-governmeut 
 than the natives of Cuba. He reiterated this in his views formu- 
 lated for the information of our peace commissioners at Paris. 
 In those vipws, which are published in Senate Document No. G2, 
 on page ;!S:!. I find, among others, this statement from Admiral 
 Dewey. It is very brief: 
 
 In a telegram sent to the Department on June 33 I expressed the opinion 
 tnat ■■ these people are f«r superior m their intelligence and more capaVjle of 
 8olf-soveriimfi:t tlian the nrttivi's of Cuba, anri T am familiar with both 
 ni'-es." Further intercourse with them has (.•onfirmed me in this opinion. 
 
 Mr. TILLMAN. As the Senator is speaking of Admiral Dew- 
 v'-'b testimony in connection with this matter, I should like to ask 
 liira if he has ever found in any official dispatch whether or not 
 .Admiral Dewey made a compact with Aguinaldo as to the condi- 
 tions on which the war should be prosecuted? 
 
 Mr. TURNER. I have found nothing on that subject in the 
 documents published. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. May I ask the Senator a question? 
 
 Mr. TCRNER. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. 1 ask whether there is any evidence that 
 there were any active insurgent's in the Philippine Islands when 
 Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet? The Senator speaks of our 
 assisting the insurgents to take possession of the Philippine 
 Islands. When the news of Dewey's victory went around the 
 world, and when, as the Senator says, we began to assist the insur- 
 gents to take possession of the islands, were there any active in- 
 BuvLcents in all the islands? 
 
 Mr. TURNER. Yes. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. If so. I should be very glad to be informed 
 of it, because I had supposed there were none. 
 
 Mr. TURNER. I shall not take the time to turn to the letter 
 now, but the Senator will find in thisi)ublication a dispatch from 
 Consul Williams, at Manila, to Secretary Day. before the outbreak 
 of liostilities between the United States and Spain, in which Con- 
 sul Williams told Judge Day tliat there were 5,000 armed insur- 
 gents then in and around the city of Manila. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. I have no doubt there were plenty of armed 
 Filipino insurgents at Hongkong, but I have yet tosee any reliable 
 evidence that the insurrection at thai particular time had one par- 
 ticle of vitality in the Philippine Islands. 
 
 Mr. TURNER. Then the Senator has not read this correspond- 
 ence, which I commend to his consideration. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. If tlie Senator will allow me, there were 
 undoubtedly insurgents, inhabitants of the Philippine Islands, 
 with arms which they were ready to use if they were encouraged 
 a 111 assisted, as the Senator says, by the United States, but that 
 the insurrection had any vitality whatever on the day of Dewey's 
 victory I have never believed. 
 
 Mr. TILLMAN. With the ])ermissi()n of the Senator from 
 Washington. I will read from page :!1!) of Senate Doctmient No. 
 0;.'. Fifty-fifth Cong- ess. third session, a letter from Consul Wil- 
 liams, dated February ','3, 18US, in which he says: 
 
 iVace wii«pr<x!hiiini'(l. und since my coming' festivities therefor were held- 
 but there is no pence and has l.cfii none for about two years. Conditions here 
 and in Cuba arc nnicti<-ully alike. War exists, battles are of ahnost daily 
 cxciirnnce. amualances brinjf in many wounded, and hospitals are full. 
 
 That was February 22, 18iW, before we declared war. 
 
 I'liHoners are brought hero and shot witljout trial, and Manila is under 
 marti.-il law. 
 
 4057 
 
15 
 
 The Crown forces have not been able to dislodgre a rebel arrny within 10 
 allies of Manila, and last Saturday, February 19, a battle was there fought 
 and five dead left oh the field, i-iuch of such information is found in my 
 longer dispatch, referred to, and which is at your command. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. If the Senator will allow me, the difficulty 
 is for me to understand, if that be true — and I am not now pre- 
 pared to say that it is not true, although I somf^what doubt it — 
 why Aguinaldo and all the leaders of the rebellion had gone off 
 to Hongkong to enjoy the money of the Spanish Government, 
 which had been agreed to be paid to them as a reason for aban- 
 doning the insurrection. 
 
 Mr. TURNER. Mr. President 
 
 Mr. HOAR. I should like to ask the Senator one question. I 
 inquire if the Senator has formed his opinion on this subject in 
 ignorance of that fact? 
 
 The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Taliai^ekro in the chair)-. 
 The Senator from Washington [Mr. Turner] is entitled to the 
 floor. 
 
 Mr. TILLMAN. With the consent of the Senator from Wash- 
 ington, I will read some additional testimony from Mr. Williams, 
 under date of March 19, 1898, page 330 of the same dociiment. 
 He writes to the Assistant Secretary of State a^ follows: 
 
 Sir: Matters are in a serious state here. I have daily communication by 
 cable and letter with Commodore Dewey, but we pass letters by British and 
 other shipmasters and by private parties, because cables and letters are 
 tampered with. 
 
 Insurrection is rampant; many killed, wounded, and made prisoners on 
 both sides. 
 
 * . * * * * * * 
 
 Rebellion never more threatening to Spain. Rebels getting arms, money, 
 and friends, and they outnumber the Spaniards, residents, and soldiery prob- 
 ably a hundred to one. 
 
 If Mr. Williams was a liar, he ought not to have been there as 
 the consul of the United States. 
 
 Mr. TURNER. Mr. President, to proceed with the tenor of my 
 remarks and to return to the question of the capacity of the Fili- 
 pinos for government, the next document to which I call the 
 attention of the Senate is a dispatch from Consul Williams to the 
 Secretary of State, found on pages 327 and 328, written a very 
 short time after the battle of Manila Bay. It is dated May 13, 
 1898. He says to the Secretary: 
 
 These natives are eager to be organized and led by United States omcers> 
 and the members of their cabinet visited me and gave assurance that all 
 would swear allegiance to and cheerfully follow our flag. They are brave, 
 submissive, and cheaply provided for. 
 
 To show their friendliness for me as our nation's only representative in 
 this part of the world, I last week went on shore at Cavite with British con- 
 sul, m his launch, to sliow the destruction wrought by our fleet. As soon ae 
 natives found me out, they crowded around me, hats off, shouting " Vivalos 
 Americanos," thronged about me by hundreds to shake either nand, even 
 several at a time, men, women, and children striving tu get even a finger to 
 shalje. So I moved half a mile, shaking continuously with both hands. The 
 British consul, a smiling spectator, said he never before saw such an evidence 
 of f rs gndship. Two thousand escorted me to the launch amid hurrahs of good 
 feeling for our nation, hence 1 must conclude— 
 
 And it is these conclusions of Consul Williams to which T wish 
 the particular attention of the Senate: 
 
 First. Our squadron can force surrender in a day. Spaniards are all cooped 
 up in Manila. 
 
 This was before our troops got there at all. 
 
 Second. Spanish ofQcers of native regiments away, these 6,0fi0, together 
 with selections from the 37.000 insurgents, can give us ample land force, and 
 can be well armed with rifles of Spanish •oldiors and from barracks and 
 arsenals. 
 i057 
 
LltiKHKY Ul- LUNUKt^b 
 
 013 903 961 
 
 16 
 
 .' ■ ■ troops will be needed for conquest, and fewer 
 Minn '.f Sii-inluriis naval, civil, military, and 
 r d and <hun;.'r. and civil Rovornmont, crude in 
 •; the jin-sent, will l)eeasvand be well ri'ieived, 
 li there arc many, can fully and with i»>i-fect 
 iH riviuiremout« 80 far a.s present established 
 
 ri • . ; ^- ; : 1 ^ . ■ , , ! ' . ■ . T I . . . 1 . 
 
 Consul Wiili.'ims in tliis letter states to the Secretary of State 
 that til.' Kovomment of those insurprents. while crude in the be- 
 >?inin:i^', would be l>etter tlnm that which was then being admin- 
 iRtore.1 by the Spaniards in that country. Can it be that a people 
 who could administer better government than the Spaniards are 
 capable of adnnuistennK can be truthfully said to be barbarians? 
 
 1 he next evidence to which I shall call the attention of the Sen- 
 ate on th<s subject i.s a letter from General King, very much in 
 line with that of Admiral Dewey. This letter is dated San Fran- 
 cisco June '2-2, ISO'J. It is found published in Senate Document 
 ^o. Go, and is as follows: 
 
 San Francisco, June St, 1899. 
 To thf Editor of the Journal, miuyjuke^. Wis. 
 
 pKAH Sill: TLiuklng over j-onr telotrram and request of June 7. I find mv- 
 S^l^.^V"r ^1 ^'^.^'"■'•f'Si'J- As '*" "Itt'-er of the Army, there arc many rei 
 Bon« why I should u.^t tdve my "viewsof situation in the Philii.pines how 
 oTillan.iL!"*^' '""''>''««'°tmue,and thoughtsng to America's part in futur. 
 
 Til. .M.„ibiHty of the Filipinos for 8.1f-(?overnment can not be doubted. 
 • Arellano, ..^inaluo and many other.s whom I might name are 
 
 ' ^•"- I'lne tenths of the people road and write, all are skilled 
 
 l\. ,.V,Tr^'-,T,i*rV* '•'''■• 'K>'*'"':""'»«t'-'t"'°-fr»snl. temperate, and, 
 
 Ki- -I. H :t.i .start eonld 1.,ok out for themselves iulinitelv better than our 
 P*..ple imuKine. In my oi..n.on, they rauk fur hi^fher than the Cubans or thi 
 uueducated n-^-roo« to w£om we have j^iven the right of suffrage 
 Very truly, yours, '' 
 
 CHARLES KING, 
 ,-,, tirigadier-GentriU. 
 
 /