If; I Class. Book. L^ THE CHRISTIAN ELEMENT IN PLATO AND THE . PLATONIC PHILOSOPHY. \ THE CHRISTIAN ELEMENT U PLATO PLATONIC PHILOSOPHY, UNFOLDED AND SET FORTH BY DE. C. ACOBMANN, ARCHDEACON AT JENA, L TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BY SAMUEL RALPH ASBURY, B.A. WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY WILLIAM G T. SHEDD, D.D. BBOAVN PBOFESSOB IN ANDOVEB THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38, GEORGE STREET. LONDON : HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO. DUBLIN : JOHN ROBERTSON. MDCCCLXI. MURRAY AND GIBB, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH. TRANSLATOR'S NOTE. The translator deems it right to supply what many Christian readers will probably regard as a deficiency in the representa- tion given in the treatise of Ackermann, concerning the Chris- tian element in the writings of Plato. It has respect to that part of the representation which bears on the doctrine of the atonement, and which the author exhibits as 'the summit of the Platonic, as of the Christian wisdom and knowledge ' (p. 249). But in this he seems to identify atonement with re- demption, and to make no account of the substitutionary cha- racter of the sufferings of Christ, or of the atonement, ordi- narily and strictly so called. The following passage from the Lectures of the late Archer Butler presents, in this respect, the proper complement to the representation of Ackermann : c There runs through all the views of Plato a want of any distinct ap- prehension of the claims of Divine justice in consequence of human sin. Even in his strongest references to punishment, it is still represented mainly, if not entirely, under the notion of a purificatory transition, a severe but beneficial fcdOapais. This arises partly from his conception of the Divine character, partly from his theory of the human soul itself. From the former, inasmuch as he considers the attribute of indignant wrath, or its results, inapplicable to Deity ; — from the latter, because in considering the soul essentially in its higher elements divine, he could only look upon the misfortunes of its bodily connection as incidental pollutions which might delay, but could not ulti- mately defeat, its inalienable rights. He must be a very un- 1 V (1 2 TRANSLATOR'S NOTE. candid critic who can censure Plato severely for these miscon- ceptions ; but he would be a very imperfect expositor who would not mention them as such. There is probably no single point in the moral relations of the creation, for which we are so entirely indebted to revelation, as this of the enormity of sin and the severity of Divine judgment. Thus instructed, it is pos- sible that the demands of Divine justice may be demonstrated accordant with the antecedent notices of the moral reason ; but there is a wide difference between proving a revealed principle, and discovering it before it is revealed. We are not, then, to blame Plato severely for overlooking that mystery of Divine righteousness, which even the reiterated and explicit intimations of inspiration can scarcely persuade ourselves practically to realize. But we are to censure those who labour by unwar- rantable glosses to dilute into the disciplinary chastenings of a wise benevolence the stern simplicity with which the Scriptures declare the awful anger of a rejected God. These teachers have abounded in every age, and in one remarkable era of our English church history were so closely and avowedly connected with Platonism (especially in its later and more mystical forms) as to have thence derived their ordinary title. Gifted with extraordinary powers of abstract contemplation, and a solemn grandeur of style, they abound with noble thoughts nobly ex- pressed ; but they are all marked with the characteristic defect of Platonized Christianity, — a f orgetfulness, or inadequate com- memoration of the most tremendous proof this part of the uni- verse has ever been permitted to witness of the reality of the Divine hatred of sin — the fact of the Christian atonement' (vol. ii., p. 306-8). With this may be compared the briefer, but substantially coincident expression of thought and feeling, uttered in earlier times by Augustine, Confes. L. viii. c. 21 : Quoniam Justus es, Domine, nos autem peccavimus, etc. INTRODUCTORY NOTE. The treatise of Ackermann, upon i The Christian Element in Plato/ contains within a brief compass the best account that has yet been given of this very interesting phase of the philo- sophy of the Academy. It does not profess to exhibit the speculative and metaphysical aspects of Plato's system, although its incidental representations in this reference are profound and trustworthy, but aims to present the special points of con- tact between it and Christianity. It is occupied chiefly with those features in Platonism which have affinity with Revelation, and are favourable to the evangelical scheme. At the same time, the delineation is discriminating. The author perceives with a clear eye the points of difference and of antagonism between the best philosophical system which the unassisted reason of man has been able to construct, and the wisdom of God in the Christian mysteries. He shows that, at the very utmost, Platonism could only awaken aspirations, and create a hunger and thirst. It could not satisfy the im- mortal longing; it could not supply the bread and water of life. The reader will find, for example, in the fifth chapter of the Second Part of the work, an exceedingly accurate and striking account of humanity as it is by sin, and of the utter impossibility of its regeneration by philosophy. The work is thus an instructive treatise upon the relations of natural and revealed religion, or of ethics and the gospel ; and this not in an abstract manner, but as illustrated in the 4 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. principles and speculations of an actual system of human philo- sophy. As such, it will prove of much value, particularly to the theologian and the preacher, in an age when it is of great importance to distinguish justly between human reason and Divine revelation, in such a manner that the former shall not be vilified, and the latter shall maintain its pre-eminence and paramount authority. The translator has performed his task with fidelity and good taste, and I am confident that all his readers will feel under lasting obligation to him for introducing them to an unusually suggestive volume. WILLIAM G. T. SHEDD. Andover Theological Seminary, June 26, I860. PEEFACE. Amid the extraordinary wealth of literature on Plato, Platonism and Christianity, there is yet no work. which discusses, in a manner corresponding to the present condition of science, the subject of the present treatise. For in the writings on this theme which appeared in former centuries, it has received a too superficial and empirical treatment. In view, therefore, of its great importance to theology and philosophy, and the very general interest with which it is favoured, I held it to be as necessary as suitable at this time to subject it anew to a careful treatment ; more urged to it, I acknowledge, by a decided in- clination, than sufficiently capacitated by a rich and profound knowledge of it. I have laboured on this work, which I have had in view for many years, with great and constant delight and affection ; but I cannot say, now that it lies completed before me, that I regard it with a feeling of unmingled gratification. For I perceive how far, notwithstanding all my efforts, it has fallen short of my conception of it. And how could it be otherwise 1 Platonism and Christianity are of far too great magnitude, for even the most capable person, who seeks to determine their relation to each other, to believe that he has fully succeeded in doing so. I shall consider my labour, in attempting such a determination, amply rewarded, if it be the occasion of new and more profound investigations and more perfect presentations. The critic of my work will find much in it that he may 6 PREFACE. justly expose, much to call attention to that is overlooked or erroneously apprehended : for every truly instructive and well- meant criticism, I am beforehand heartily thankful. Much also — how could it possibly be otherwise ? — will be misunderstood, distorted, or incorrectly applied. For if, as we are daily re- minded, even the most intimate acquaintances and friends, in simple conversation on everyday matters, frequently misunder- stand each other, and call in question their mutual statements, merely because they have not taken the trouble to apprehend clearly what has been said, we certainly cannot wonder at the multitude of misconstructions and distortions of sense which an author has to suffer from the public. The thought, as written and read, is helpless, as Plato says ; it cannot defend itself, give itself in another form, and set forth more prominently its mis- taken side, when it is wronged or falsely apprehended; and what is there to protect it from the swift condemnation of those w T hose personal or party interest requires them to find it inad- missible 1 ? Readers and critics, who really do the author the kindness of going out of themselves, and at least for so long a time as they are concerned with him, leaving their own way of regarding things, and placing themselves on the author's stand- point, are, for intelligible reasons, exceedingly rare. Every one prefers the convenient to the inconvenient ; and so every reader would rather remain at home, than allow himself to be con- ducted by the author in paths which are not to his taste, and he assures the latter that he can see all that he has to show him from his own parlour window. But if I cannot prevent all the misunderstandings which my work will produce, I will at least endeavour on some points, which might give occasion for them, to render myself intelligible to my benevolent readers. Many thoughts, as it has occurred to me on reviewing my book, are expressed too boldly and briefly, and may therefore be easily abused, by a very slight application of wit. When, for instance, on p. 135, it is said, t All real intellectual freedom PREFACE. < takes a concrete form from a passive state/ — this sentence might be represented, without much trouble, as one worthy of censure, if the main emphasis were laid on passive. Bat the accent is on real; and not freedom in and of itself is here meant, but that which appears in the phenomenal w T orld, and manifests itself historically therein. Many conceptions, propositions, and intimations recur fre- quently in the course of the examination. I must request that this be not everywhere regarded and blamed as unnecessary repetition. To one who ascends a mountain, the view of the country spread out beneath him is presented more than once. To the cursory glance, the recurring landscape appears always the same, but the attentive observer recognises new forms and lights in it from each new point of observation. The examination itself is of so high and genuine human interest, that I thought myself under obligation, to procure even for those who are not by profession theologians or philosophers, the possibility of participating in it. Hence I have sought to preserve in the text a language intelligible to every educated person, and have put into the notes that which more particularly concerns the professional scholar. The philological branch of Platonic study has, besides, gained little or nothing by the present treatise, since I am not philologist enough to promote the cultivation of it to any special extent. The notes themselves certainly need indulgence, particularly in respect of their form. It is exceedingly difficult, and especially so for the author concerned, to make good notes on the subject treated of, which will afford with accurate brevity that which is most important and essential of the accumulated materials. That I frequently quote, directly after each other, authors of opposite or widely divergent views, need not be immediately construed against me as clumsy syncretism or eclecticism. I will not conceal that I have still a living faith in the calm and extended power of truth, by which often the apparently most heterogeneous tendencies are inwardly held to 8 PKEFACE. gether ; for which reason also it gives me great pleasure to seek out and to discover in all the phenomena, in the sphere of the physical or intellectual, that which is related or homogeneous. I know that there is great danger in this endeavour, and that it is therefore disapproved and carefully shunned by many. Thinkers and observers in general may be divided, in this re- spect, as Goethe well remarks (Posthumous Works, 10. p. 203), into two classes ; the one addicted more to the synthetic, the other to the analytic method. The former like to comprehend the manifold in certain unities, the latter cannot too sharply and finely distinguish from each other things which are similar ; and this inward opposition in the manner of thinking and judging, appears only too frequently also in violent reciprocal contention. But must then the inevitable conflict, for the most part very conducive to truth, ever result only in the com- plete annihilation of the opposite method of regarding things ? Cannot the opponents, notwithstanding all the errors which they prove in each other in particulars, acknowledge to each other the correctness of their general course of thought? Cannot they rise to the recognition of the fact, that each is necessary and excellent of its kind, and that both demand, presuppose, and complement each other, and, in case they are carefully used, perform equally essential service to science 1 Some philosophers will perhaps take offence at the Christian theological colouring in which Platonism appears here, and will be inclined to charge me too hastily with misrepresentation, be- cause they, indeed, when they read Plato, or quote from him, regard and make use of him from an entirely different point of view, and for entirely different ends. I admit the strictly phi- losophical and scientific bearing and character of the Platonic philosophy are far behind its practical religious tendency in my representation. But to throw most light on this very side, and to render it most prominent, was indeed my object and task ; and in seeking to acquit myself of this task, I neither deny that the Platonic philosophy may be regarded from another point PREFACE. 9 somewhat otherwise than it here appears, by developing new and here unconsidered traits ; nor do I even maintain that the point of view adopted in this work is absolutely the most com- prehensive, or that which" alone secures the most correct judg- ment of Platonism as a whole. If the theologians should object to me, that in the fifth chapter I have not developed the conception of the Christian element as I should in their opinion have done, in a biblico- exegetical way ; but, as they will perhaps say, have allowed my- self to be led to it by a half -poetic consideration of life, I would ask them if they mean that this happened so only by chance, or perhaps only to gratify a sudden fancy, and whether the signi- ficance and necessity of exactly this course of thought have not become evident to them, both from the nature and the treatment of the whole matter. But I have most fear that many will take up the present work with false expectations and claims, in respect of the ap- prehension and solution of its main problem, and, because these are not satisfied in it, will consider themselves justified in pass- ing a sharp and bitter judgment on the work. I think it quite possible that many will conceive of the con- tents of a work on the Christian element in Plato as profoundly speculative, discussing the main problems of theology and the philosophy of religion. They may even be of opinion that the problem cannot be apprehended, and still less can be solved, in any other than the designated sphere. For in what other department, they will say, than in that of speculative theology, can that be embraced, which Plato, the most theological of all heathen philosophers, manifests in his spiritual affinity with Christian revelation, whose loftiest and most essential doctrine should unquestionably be regarded as that of God and His rela- tion to the world ? Now, those who promise themselves much excitement and satisfaction of this kind from my work, will probably not feel themselves much interested by it, and will especially find the 10 PREFACE. two principal ideas in the fifth and sixth chapters far below their intensely metaphysical expectations. I should be sorry if some of my readers felt themselves moved to complain of a deception of this kind ; but I could, in truth, give them the assurance that I am entirely innocent of it, and that they only needed to have taken my promise fairly and strictly, to have spared themselves the unpleasant feeling. I wished to illustrate and set forth the Christian element in Plato, not the relation and affinity of his theology to that of Chris- tianity. The Christian element of the Platonic philosophy, as such, is by no means identical with the Christian spirit of his speculative doctrine of God ; his theology is related to his Christianity only as the particular to the general ; it is only one of the various forms in which the Christian element in him makes itself known. As I think I have shown that the essence of Christianity is contained not in its doctrine of salvation, but in its saving efficiency, so, of course, I could not seek the Christian element in Plato in his doctrine of the Being of God, but only in his believing consciousness of the salvation which the Divine power and goodness purpose and effect in the world. Far, therefore, from acknowledging as well founded the cen- sure of those who perhaps, for the reason mentioned, are dissa- tisfied with the manner in which I have performed my task, I, on the contrary, think myself able to lay claim to a species of commendation ; for not having fallen into the error, so near at hand, of a speculative theological mode of treating my subject, and for having sought to apprehend the Christian element, not where it was not to be met with, in a single branch, but rather in the whole stock, and in the root. I should have to write a treatise, and not a preface, if I should enter on a further explanation of the topic here hinted at. A thorough public discussion and explanation of it were, however, highly desirable and timely. For the old habit, which for obvious reasons still adheres to us all more or less, of think- ing immediately, or even exclusively, of something doctrinal, PREFACE. 11 when the Christian element or Christianity is spoken of, is still a prolific source of obstinate errors and controversies. The very plainness of the two principal ideas in the fifth and sixth chapters, which will be offensive to many of those who, under the name of Plato, have in mind all sorts of sublime and difficult theological ideas, may, it seems to me, serve as a not wholly insignificant token that I have taken the right course in this investigation. For the Christian element, as it actually exists — with which I have had principally to do in this examination — like the Gospel, appears always plain and out- wardly mean. The speculative grandeur which it has within it is not properly developed till after it is transplanted into the purely speculative region of philosophical theology. Perhaps, if God gives me time and strength, I may hereafter attempt to draw a parallel also in this respect between Platonism and Christianity. And now may He, whom in truth all powers serve, even those who neither know nor desire it, permit the present work to form a slight contribution to the furtherance of His kingdom, and to this end accompany it with His Spirit and blessing as it goes forth into the tumultuous world ! Jena, February 1835. CONTENTS. I. THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY, CHAPTER I. PAGR Early Recognition of a Christian Element in Plato, . ... 17 High regard of Plato by the Church fathers ; in the Greek, in the Latin Church. — Opposite judgments of the Church fathers concerning philosophy in general. — Admirers of Plato in the Middle Ages, and in modern times. CHAPTER II. The Proximate Reason of this Recognition. — Passages and Doc- trines in Plato's Writings which have a Christian tone, . 30 On the genuineness of Plato's works. — Minor passages from Plato parallel with New Testament passages. — Resemblances be- tween Platonic and Mosaic ordinances. — Other longer passages from Plato which breathe a Christian spirit. — Comparison of important doctrines of the Platonic theology and ethics with related Christian dogmas. — Resemblance between Platonism and Christianity in some formal points. — Small value of all these particulars in a strictly scientific respect. 14 CONTENTS. II. THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. CHAPTER I. PAOK Removal of False Views and Opinions concerning Plato. — Rela- tion of Plato to the New Platonists, and to Aristotle, . 69 False representations of Plato diffused both by his admirers and his opponents ; alleged encouragement of extravagant feelings by him ; Plato's low estimate of f eeling demonstrated ; on the so-called Platonic Love. — Whether Plato was an enthusiastic idealist. — Plato accused of Syncretism, decried as a Phantast. — Distinction of New Platonism from Platonism. — Low opinion of Aristotle of the Platonic philosophy ; disputes between the Platonists and Aristotelians ; reason for the misunderstanding between Plato and Aristotle in the intrinsic and necessary dif- ference of their intellectual tendencies. CHAPTER II. Hints for a Living Perception of Plato's greatness, . . .107 The first impression from Plato's works is seldom a satisfactory one ; why ? — By what means the ill-humour of the readers of the Platonic writings is gradually removed. — Fire of the Pla- tonic intellect ; finished presentation ; irony ; organic unity of his works ; the harmonious constitution of the soul and mind of their author ; his strength in severe thinking. CHAPTER III. Principal Forms of Ancient Greek Philosophy, and its Position with respect to Life, . . . ... . . . 131 History of the development of philosophy generally ; the most favourable conditions for this existed in Greece. — Ionicism. — Eleaticism. — Pythagorism and the Sophists. — Significance of Platonism in and for the history of philosophy. — Influence of Socrates on Plato. — Apparent similarity, real difference, be- tween the ancient and modern philosophy. — Probable objec- r tions to this discussion. CONTENTS. 15 CHAPTER IV. PAGE The Principles of the Platonic Philosophy, . . . .151 Starting-point of the thinker, the question of Being. — Original identity of being and thinking, relative separation and re-union of the two. — The Becoming and its power. — The right relation between existence and non-existence. — The Being of existence. — Ideas. — Reference of ideas to the Becoming ; Life.— God the original of the universe and life. — Departure of the world and man from God.— Deceptive appearance. — Unhappiness. — Philo- sophy as sajiour. — Dialectics : its relation to Ethics and Physics. — Harmony in the great and the small ; the reason and end of the world as a Divine work. — The germs of Plato's system. — Esoteric and exoteric doctrines. — Significance of the dialogal form for the Platonic philosophy. — Indications for a correct apprehension of the three main conceptions in Platonism : Science, the Good, and the Ideas. CHAPTER V. Definition of the Christian Element, . . . . .188 The point at which the essential feature of Christianity is most surely perceived. — Fundamental impulse of life. — Difference between the lif e of nature in the great whole, and the natural life of man ; the latter relatively more hateful than the former. — The deep degradation of humanity as developed without higher influence. — Life recognises its evil to be its guilt. — The life of Christ that which will alone procure salvation. — Corrobo- ration of the conception thus obtained of the Christian element from the Bible, and by the organic development of all its prin- cipal ideas from one. — The perception of the Jewish and heathen elements which is connected with this. CHAPTER VI. That which is clearly Christian in Plato and his Philosophy, . 231 The most expressive conception of this offers itself unsought. — Proof that it embraces all that is essential to it. — Teleolo- gical character of Platonism ; the relation of this to Plato's theology. — The Platonic way of regarding the world and man, like the Christian ; the Platonic striving to enlighten and bless 16 CONTENTS. PAGE mankind and the world, like the Christian ; the Platonic faith in the historical existence of a Divine power of redemption, a truly Christian one. CHAPTER VII. Non-Christian and Unchristian Elements in Plato ; Conclusion, . 252 Opposers of the Platonic Christianity. — Single unchristian and non-Christian elements in Plato's works. — The Pantheistic ele- ment in his theology. — The chief difference between Platonism and Christianity ; development of all the other deviations from this. — Incomparably high value of Christianity. APPENDIX. Translation of some Passages from Plato referred to in the Sixth Chapter, 269 ist of Authors referred to, 279 THE CHRISTIAN ELEMENT* IN PLATO AND THE PLATONIC PHILOSOPHY. I. TfflB SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. CHAPTER I. EARLY RECOGNITION OF A CHRISTIAN ELEMENT IN PLATO. It has been at all times felt and remarked, that there are some Christian elements in Plato, more indeed than in any other one of the ancient classical authors and philosophers. There has long been a disposition to apply to Plato what our Lord said to the Pharisee, ' Thou art not far from the kingdom of God.' (Mark xii. 34.) Plato stood high in the regard of the ancient Christian Church, especially so long as the Greek Church Fathers were peculiarly the formers and leaders of theology. This was in- duced, partly by the custom of the times of deriving philo- sophical instruction principally from Plato, and they attached 18 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. themselves to him in preference to any other, partly from con- viction, because they found in him more Christian elements than in Aristotle. The remark of Patricius is, in the main, cor- rect, that the elevation of Aristotle by scholasticism and the University of Paris, was in exact opposition to the reigning view concerning him in the ancient Christian Church. i The Platonic dogmas,' says Justin Martyr, l are not foreign to Christianity. If we Christians say, that all things were created and ordered by God, we seem to enounce a dogma of Plato, and between our view of the Being of God and his, the article alone appears to make a difference.' It is not difficult to conceive how Justin arrived at this way of thinking concerning the relation of Christianity to Platonism. He was, indeed, as he himself relates, 1 an enthusi- astic admirer of Plato, before he found in the Gospel that full satisfaction which he had sought earnestly, but in vain, in the other. And, though the Gospel stood infinitely higher in his view than the Platonic philosophy, yet he regarded the latter as a sort of preliminary stage to the former. In the same way did the other apologetic writers express themselves concerning Plato and his philosophy, especially the most spirited and phi- losophically most important among them, Athenagoras, whose Apology is one of the most admirable works of Christian an- tiquity. It was certainly not merely their general knowledge and reverence for the Platonic philosophy which influenced these men in making reference to it so frequently in their de- fences, and in quoting whole passages from Plato's writings ; they were also induced, by the special object of their apologies, which they believed would be best attained by this means. What could seem to them more adapted to gain the favour of the heathen magistrates and emperors for Christianity, than the indication of the many coincidences of Christian and Platonic doctrines ? 1 ApoL.2, 96, d. Dial. c. Tr. 103, d. etc. EARLY RECOGNITION OF A CHRISTIAN ELEMENT IN PLATO. 19 The striking resemblance between them the church fathers sought to explain principally by the acquaintance which Plato made in his journey to Egypt, in part with learned Jews, and. in part with the Jewish Scriptures. Justin was not the first who derived the Platonic Theology and Ethics from this source ; the Jewish historian Josephus, 2 and the Jewish Peripatetic Aristobulus, 3 had already done this, and even the Platonist Numenius had called Plato directly an ' Atticising Moses." 4 It was a prevalent opinion in the Christian Church, that Plato and the heathen writers generally, had stolen the best and most beautiful parts of their writings from the Bible, especially the prophetical books. The heathen followers of the divine Plato cast this reproach back on the Christians. Celsus says that Christ took His most renowned sayings from Plato, and that the whole system of Christian doctrine consists really of Platonic dogmas, in part misunderstood and in part perverted. 5 How- ever erroneous these opinions were, they certainly afford a strong proof of the general feeling among the ancients, that Platonism and Christianity were nearly related. This relation, Justin, and those church fathers who were not disinclined to the heathen philosophy, sought further to ex- plain on another foundation than that already adduced, viz., the universal and long existing light of divine revelation. God's entire act of revelation was connected by them, as is well known, with the idea of the Logos, and this, moreover, was conceived of by them more in the sense of Philo than in that of John. To the divine Logos corresponded, in their view, the Logos or rational spirit in man. The fullest glory of the eternal Logos, they taught, appeared to the world in Christ ; but long before this appearance, he had already operated in the world, and scat- 2 Joseph, c. Apion. 2, 1079, ecL Haverc. 3 Euseb. Praep. Evang. 13, 12. 4 Clem. Al. Strom. 1, 251, b. Cf. Euseb. Praep. Evang. 11, 10, p. 527, ed. Yiger. 5 Orig. c. Cels. 6, 640. c ; 641, 644. c ; 7, 714, a. etc. (Ed. Delar). 20 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. tered everywhere single rays of His light ; not merely the pious patriarchs of the old covenant, were enlightened and blessed by a believing hope in the day of the Lord, but also among the heathen sages the rational spirit had, through the ever active power of the eternal Logos, obtained single perceptions of the truth. Hence Justin had no hesitation in numbering them among Christians on earth and among the blessed in heaven. It was especially Clement of Alexandria, who sought to de- rive the true and beautiful in Greek philosophy, particularly in Plato, from the original source of highest wisdom. 6 He was a decided Platonist, although he called himself an Eclectic. His writings are full of quotations from Plato, and of compari sons between Platonic and Christian doctrines. He regarded faith as the foundation of theology, as w r ell as of Christian life, and attached to it accordingly a high value ; yet, we must not, he says, with respect to science, be satisfied with simple faith ; we must rather seek to develop it by a careful process of rea- soning, to elevate it and transform it into a real scientific know- ledge (Gnosis). As a consequence of this view r he held true philosophy and true religion to be identical. Their philosophy, though deficient, served to the Greeks, like the law to the Jews, for a schoolmaster or leader to Christ, yea, even for a sort of Christ through whom they might be justified before God. Accordingly he was also inclined to regard Christianity as Platonism raised to perfection and brought out into life and activity. A view which he is indeed careful not to enounce plainly, but which he held in common with many others, and which is still apparent even in the strict Augustine. 7 His Platonico-Christian way of thinking, and the endeavour to represent Platonism and Christianity as friendly to each other, Clement handed down to his spirited and fertile pupil, Origen, 6 The principal passage is Strom. 1. 104, a. Cf. 7, 505, and 7, 526, c. sq. 7 Aug. c. Acad. 3, 20. Cf. Civ. Dei. 8, 8, and especially Eetractt. 1, 13 EARLY RECOGNITION OF A CHRISTIAN ELEMENT IN PLATO. 21 to whom also Platonism came from another source, namely, from Ammonius Saccas, his instructor in philosophy. There are, indeed, in Origen fewer single passages than in the other Church Fathers, in which he mentions the Christianity of Plato with commendation, he often comes out even in decided opposi- tion to it. 8 But, notwithstanding this, Origen must be accounted one of the greatest admirers of Plato, in the Christian Church. His Platonising is seen less in the details than in the whole of his teaching, which is organically penetrated with Platonic ideas, and in part rose out of them. A Church Father of the first centuries, speaking generally, did not easily escape the influence of Platonism ; even in the doctrinal views of the ' ecclesiastically dogmatic ' Irenaeus, Platonic elements break through here and there. None, how- ever, instituted so thorough a comparison between Platonic and Christian dogmas, and brought out the harmonious relation of Platonism to Christianity, so industriously as Eusebius of Caesarea. He calls Plato ' the only Greek who has attained the porch of (Christian) truth,' 9 and the 11th, 12th, and 13th books of his Evangelical Preparation have at bottom no other aim than to prove this proposition. As he designates the points in which Christ and Plato agree, he is also not silent concern- ing those in which they differ. And thus, at last, is manifested in him, as in all the church fathers, the lofty superiority which Christianity possesses above even the highest and best heathen philosophy. Theodoret also labours to show this in his interesting work on ' The healing of the Grecomania.' In this work, he gives the Platonic philosophy preference above every other, because it comes nearest to the chief doctrines of Christianity. Hence also, it exercised, according to his view, an influence preparatory for Christianity, but did not possess inward energy sufficient to penetrate and reform the world. 8 C. Cels. 6, 630, a , 7, 724, c. etc. 9 Praep. Evang. 13, 14. 22 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. It is well known, and as easily understood, in how com- mendatory and appreciative a manner the great Augustine ex- presses himself concerning Plato and his philosophy, especially in his celebrated work, 'De civitate Dei,' which a modern investigator calls ' the ripest fruit of the inward union of Christian and Platonic wisdom.' He, like Justin, had been a zealous adherent of the Academy before he had recognized in Christ the fulness of light and life, and though, as a Christian, he took up arms against his former associates, yet he always confessed that the Platonists were the most Christian among all the heathen, and, ' that they only needed to change their words and opinions a little to become true Christians.' A passage in his Confessions is especially noteworthy in this connection, where he thanks God that he became acquainted with Plato's writings first, and with the Gospel afterwards, for, if the case had been reversed, he might have been drawn away from the firm foundation of his piety, or have taken up the opinion, that having even these books alone, one could attain to Christian piety. 10 By the side of this expression of Augustine may be placed the opinion of Bellarmine, which he gave to Pope Clement VIIL, when the latter proposed to introduce the Platonic phi- losophy formally into the higher course of instruction. Bellar- mine gave his counsel against this procedure, on the ground that the Platonic philosophy comes nearest to Christian theology, and hence, is most adapted to attract those minds which are seeking Christianity, and thus to prevent their further advance. Philosophy was less loved in the Western than in the Eastern Church ; the former apprehended rather the practical earnestness of Christianity, the latter was more inclined to view it from its speculative side. Hence violent invectives against the old heathen philosophy are not rare in the w T ritings of the other Latin Fathers ; and they often express themselves even 30 Confess. 7, 20. EARLY RECOGNITION OF A CHRISTIAN ELEMENT IN PLATO. 23 concerning Plato with a certain contemptuousness. Especially must be mentioned the glowing Tertullian. To him the whole heathen philosophy is hateful ; obscurity and conceit seem to him its primal elements, 11 and Platonism, he regards, as the most eminent source of all heresies and perversions of the Gospel. We meet with similar views and expressions in Jul. Firmicus, Arnobius, and Lactantius. 12 The witty Hermias also stands, as regards his contempt of philosophy, on the side of the Latins. Yet so strict a separation of the church fathers into a right and left side with respect to their views of philosophy and Platonism, as is usually made, and may appear to have been undertaken in what has been said above, cannot be carried out and justified. If we would see our way clearly through the apparently great contradictions which the church fathers afford with respect to their estimate of Platonism, we must seek an entirely different point of view from that usually and most easily adopted. We must before all things be con- vinced of the decided position of all the church fathers within Christian or evangelical truth, and recognize their deep and enthusiastic reverence for it. Nothing, not the glory of the world, nor the splendour of merely human wisdom, was able to make them falter, or to draw them from the position which they had honestly chosen. They do not stand together before the Gospel and philosophy with unbiassed minds ; and when they declare for the Gospel, choose it in consequence of an intelligent appreciation and examination of it ; much rather is the elective determination of the mind long since past, and they are captivated by the glory of the Lord and in favour of the Gospel ; and however variously and in opposition to each other they may express themselves concerning the value of 11 Apol. 46, 47. Adv. Herm. 8, c. haer. 7, de an. 23, Cf. 55. 12 Jul. Firm, de error, prof. rel. 2, 1, etc. Arnob. Adv. 9. 2, 10, 11, and especially 50. Lact. Inst. 3. 3, 19, 21, etc. Cf. Theoph. ad Ant. 3, 390, b; 381, esq. 24 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. philosophy and its relation to Christianity, all these expressions recur to the one fundamental view common to all of them on this subject ; Philosophy was of little value to them, as such, and their estimation of it, whether slight 13 or high, had respect only to its agency as preparatory to Christianity and as con- ducive to the development of Christian faith. Their com- mendation of Plato did not proceed from a heart divided between Plato and Christ ; their whole ardour and enthusiasm was ever unalterably directed to the Lord ; and when they pointed, with commendation, to Plato, this was only because he seemed to them to point to Christ, and because, in their opinion, if he had lived till the time of Christ, he would have fallen in homage before the Lord Jesus, and would have beheld with joy the realization of his ideals in and through Him. They valued and reverenced the Platonic philosophy therefore, merely on account of its relation of ministry to the great work of Redemption, — a relation appointed by God Him- self ; outside of this connection, and in so far as the New Platonist endeavoured to give to the philosophy an entirely different meaning and value from that above designated, it appeared to them a vain and objectionable thing, and its pre- tension to pass for something in and of itself they considered an assumption which was not by any means to be tolerated. By this it can be explained, that we find so often in the same church fathers contradictory expressions concerning philosophy and Platonism, and hence it is, that the philosophy-hating Arnobius and Lactantius frequently designated philosophers as participating in Christian truth, while Origen, who* was full of love and admiration for Plato, becomes at times a most violent opponent of philosophy and Plato ! Facts of this kind must, of course, be weighed against each other, if we would arrive at a just view of the much discussed and questioned Platonism of the church fathers. 13 Just. Ap. 1, 46. Dial, c Tr. 102, a. A particularly beautiful pas- sage in Athen. leg. p. 288, b. sq. Clem. Al. Strom. 1, 217 ; 6, 465, etc. EARLY RECOGNITION OF A CHRISTIAN ELEMENT IN PLATO. 25 There was, in general, in Christian antiquity, a great and decided disposition to bring Plato within the circle of the Gospel, and to represent his teaching as similar to the evan- gelical. Hence the younger Apollinaris made the remarkable attempt to re-cast the New Testament into Platonic dialogues ! Hence, also, the legend arose, and became widely diffused, that Plato came into immediate contact with Christ on His descent into hell, and was by Him redeemed and raised to heaven. In the middle ages and in modern times, there has not been wanting a due acknowledgment of the Christian element in Plato. The ancient reverence for Plato did indeed decrease on the rise of the scholastic philosophy, and that for Aristotle took its place ; their ignorance of Greek also kept the school- men far from Plato, since translations of his works were less widely diffused than of those of Aristotle. Yet the usual view of the Platonic philosophy maintained its ground even in scholasticism, though, in some cases, only as a reminiscence, not as a living product of independent study. There were two cir- cumstances especially, which ensured the continuance of this view in the middle ages, the accordance of Plato and Aristotle in all essential points, which had been expressed in antiquity, and was very generally accepted by the schoolmen, but chiefly the tendency to mystical theology, which had become strong since the fifth and sixth centuries, and was increased by schol- asticism. The so-called Areopagite Dionysius has long passed for the father and founder of this theology ; and his theological system was nothing else but New Platonism translated into Christian phraseology. The publication and diffusion of the writings of Dionysius was zealously promoted by the Platonizing Scotus Erigena. The all-revered Augustine also contributed not a little to the spread and high estimation of Platonico-Christian ideas in the middle ages. The Platonico-Augustinian views appear most prominently in the celebrated Anselm of Canterbury ; but even in Abelard, who was, in certain respects, his complete opposite, 26 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. the rigorous Bernard of Clairvaux found this especially blame- worthy, that he laboured so zealously to prove the Christianity of Plato. Yet Bernard himself, on account of his mystical principles, was not incorrectly declared to be a Platonist, — for what he teaches of the contemplative life and of self-denying love, is certainly Platonic. In proportion as the mystic was victorious over the scholas- tic theology, Plato regained that high consideration which he had formerly enjoyed without a rival in the Christian Church. Even if the mystics did not call attention, in express words to the Christian elements of the Platonic philosophy, yet their very appearance furnishes a speaking testimony in its favour ; for their Christianity is (so to speak) only the developed and manifested Christianity of Platonism. And here the profound and spiritual Tauler deserves especial mention. Plato, however, became the object of a particularly enthusi- astic admiration at the revival of classical literature in Italy. In the house of the Medici, in Florence, and under the leader- ship of Ficinus, who, as is well known, wrote a work on the theology of Plato, was instituted a formal Platonic Academy ; the birth-day festival of the great master, which had not been celebrated since the death of Porphyry, was restored, and it was passages from Plato's works which Cosmo de Medici com- mended, even on his death-bed, for their Christianity and con- soling power. Single testimonies for the Christian character of the Platonic philosophy, may also be drawn from the period of the Eeforma- tion. The classically-educated Erasmus, 14 especially, did not neglect to call attention to this. The revered Melancthon also delivered an excellent panegyric on Plato, 15 although in spite of his friend Luther's anti- Aristotelian sentiments, he was much more inclined to Aristotelianism than to Platonism. The times after the Reformation were not adapted to aid the 14 Eras. Adhort. ad Christ, phil. studium. (Opp. Basle. 1540, iv. p 119). 15 Melancth. Oratt. t. 2. p. 347, sq. EARLY RECOGNITION OF A CHRISTIAN ELEMENT IN PLATO. 27 Protestant theologians to a calm and appreciative view of Plato. Yet a number of writings might be mentioned of the 16th, as well as the 17th and 18th centuries, principally, however, by Catholics, of which some have, for their sole object, to compare the Platonic with the Christian doctrines, and to show the con- nection between them, while others indicate the relationship only incidentally and in passing. Those who maintained the agree- ment of Platonism with Christianity, were, of course, attacked by opponents, both numerous and violent, particularly among the Protestants. Some of the most important friends of the Platonic philo- sophy in this period were Steuchus Eugubinus, 16 Franciscus Patricius, 17 and Petrus Calanna. 18 Patricius enumerates forty- three propositions, in which Plato harmonizes with the Christian theology, but Aristotle does not. Nor less did Mornseus, in his Apology 19 for the Christian religion, Vieri, 20 Pansa, 21 and Gale, 22 labour to procure the recognition of the Christian spirit of Platonism. But this theme was treated most at large, in an extensive work by Livius Galantes, which, however, can lay little claim to real scientific and philosophical importance. 23 We may also consider, as a recommendation of the Platonic philosopheme, on the side of its Christianity, the copious and well known work of Cudworth, the ' Intellectual System,' 24 the value of which has been considerably increased by the editing 16 Steuch. Eugub. de nerenni philosophia. Bas. 1542. 17 Fr. Patricius Aristoteles exotericus, in the Appendix to his Nova de universis philos. Ferr. 1591, fol. 18 Petr. Calanna, Philosophia seniorum, sacerdotia et Platonica. Panorm. 1599. 19 Mornseus de verit. vel. christianse. Antwerp, 1580. 20 Fr. de Vieri Compendium doctrinae plat, quatenus cum Christ fide con- spirat. 1517. 21 Pansa. de consensu ethnicse et Christ, philosophise. Marburg. 1605. 22 Gale, Atrium Gentilium. Oxford. 1672. 23 Liv. Galantes de Christ, theologise cum Platonica comparatione. Bol. 1627, fol. 24 Ealph Cudworth. Systema intellectuale. Jena. 1733 fol. ZO THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. of that thorough investigator, Mosheim. Reactions, however, from the threatening preponderance of Platonism, did not fail to make their appearance also in England. In later and most recent times, the Christian element of the Platonic philosophy has not been treated or demonstrated in any great work devoted exclusively to this subject. Not a few references to it, however, occur in theological and philosophical works. The able writings of Bautain 20 and Degerando, 26 es- pecially, contain such hints and observations : the short history of Platonic philosophy also, by Combes-Dounous, may be men- tioned here. The Dane Luxdorph wrote on the margin of his Plato, the parallel passages from the Bible which seemed ap- propriate to him, and he found many such, both in the Old and New Testaments. Since his death, this collection of passages has been published with notes by Worm. Wettstein has drawn similar parallels between Christian and Platonic sentences, in his well-known edition of the New Testament, which has a general reference to ancient classical literature. Among German philosophers, Jacobi, whom Schelling justly calls the spiritual kinsman of Plato, is the principal one, who has perceived and called attention to the inclination of the Platonic to the Christian theology ; 27 and among German theologians, Staudlin has done most service in promoting the investigation of this subject. He rightly places Plato near to Christianity, but may have erred, in that he is inclined with Augustine to believe, that Plato would have acknowledged Jesus as his Lord and Redeemer, if it had been granted to him to have lived till His appearance on earth. Grotefend, in his valuable prize- essay, expresses himself more correctly and more 25 Bautain La morale de l'evang. comparee a la mor. des philosophes. Strasbourg, 1828. 26 Degerando Hist, comparee des systemes de philos. 2° Ed. Paris. 1822. 27 Jacobi Sammtl. Wke. (Leipzic 1815) 2, 123, etc., Schelling vom Ich. S. 40. EARLY RECOGNITION OF A CHRISTIAN ELEMENT IN PLATO. 29 cautiously, on the friendly understanding which, in part, really exists between Platonism and Christianity, and which in part is only apparent. 28 A few cursory indications only have been adduced from the history of philosophy and theology, to establish the main pro- position of this chapter, that the Christian element in Plato was early noted and spoken of. But these few indications are un- questionably quite sufficient to prove and corroborate this as- sertion. 28 See List of authors in the Appendix. 30 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. CHAPTER II. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. — PASSAGES AND DOCTRINES IN PLATO'S WRITINGS WHICH HAVE A CHRISTIAN TONE. Having now seen that Plato was considered almost universally, and, from early times, the most Christian of all the heathen, the question next presses itself upon our attention ; wherein lies the ground for this judgment, or what is it that has earned this acknowledgment in Plato's favour? And whither should we turn to obtain an answer to this question rather than to his writings ? But before we investigate these, we must seek to gain at least some degree of certainty with respect to their genuineness. Plato's renown being so great, it was certain that many writings would be introduced to the world under his name, which did not proceed from him. Hence even the ancients distin- guished between the genuine writings and those which had been forged in his name, to attract attention. But they were not generally so severe in their criticism as the moderns, and hence allowed many dialogues to pass for genuine productions of Plato, which have been detained by modern critics, and after careful examination rejected as spurious. JSTo doubt, this severity has been excessive, especially in the case of Socher, 1 who will not even allow the dialogues, — Sophist, Statesman, and Parmenide^, to be Plato's. The treatment of the excellent i s ee list of authors in the Appendix. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 31 Ast 1 is indeed milder, but, doubtless, too severe also is the sen- tence of rejection which he pronounces on Meno, Theages, the Apology, and the Laws. Ritter 1 decides most fairly, and cer- tainly most correctly, when he attributes to Plato most of the dialogues lately attacked, but declares them to be unimportant with respect to their spirit and contents. He rightly desig- nates the Epistles, Theages, Hipparchus 1, and Alcibiades 1, as spurious writings, but having the Platonic way of think- ing. This is not the place to enter more particularly into these criticisms, nor is it necessary for our object. In order to dis- cover the Christian element in Plato's philosophy, we shall rely principally on his undoubtedly genuine writings, — Phsedrus, Pro- tagoras, Gorgias, Phsedo, Parmenides, the Sophist, Thesetetus, Philebus, Cratylus, the Banquet, the Statesman, the Republic, Timaeus, and Critias ; and if we take others into consideration, it is on account of such passages and thoughts as have an un- mistakeable Platonic stamp, though Plato himself may not have indited them. This is especially the case with the Laws. Plato can hardly have been their author. But setting aside certain digressions and feeblenesses, they are composed so entirely in his spirit, that they might be presented with as much justice under his name as Deuteronomy under that of Moses. If now we take a survey of Plato's writings, we think we shall soon be able to discover the reason of this recognition, by Christians, with which he has been favoured. We meet with not a few places which strikingly remind us of passages in the Holy Scriptures, and have even a surprising verbal resemblance to these. In the Phaedo, for instance, the destiny of men after death is described. It is there said of the tormented : ( they call on those whom they injured, and entreat and implore them to suffer them to go out into the lake, and to receive them,' etc. — just as 1 See list of authors in the Appendix. 32 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. Jesus relates of the rich man who was in hell and torment. 2 1 To be very rich and good at the same time,' it is said in the Laws, 'is impossible;' 3 Jesus said, i a rich man shall hardly enter into the kingdom of heaven' (Matt. xix. 23.) In the Banquet, i a cutting off of hands and feet is spoken of in the same sense in which Jesus speaks of it.' 4 (Matt. v. 30, xviii. 8.) As Jesus said to His disciples : 6 Fear not them that kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul,' etc. (Matt. x. 28), so Plato represents Socrates as declaring before his judges, that he feared and shunned acting unjustly and disobeying God more than death. 5 c I must obey God rather than you, men,' says Socrates in the same passage, 6 just as the Apostles, when for- bidden to preach, gave this same answer to the Council in Jerusalem. (Acts v. 29.) In fact Socrates regarded his business to instruct and better men, with the same earnestness, as having been committed to him by God, with which the Apostles did the proclamation of the Gospel. 7 The simple truth : i He is just and well-pleasing to God, who acts justly and piously towards the gods,' s is found in almost the same words in John. (1 Jno. iii. 7.) The passage in the Republic, 9 where the State within men is spoken of, reminds us of the beautiful saying of our Lord, ' the kingdom of heaven is within you.' ' No man can serve two masters,' says our Lord, i to honour riches,' maintains Plato, i and at the same time practise temperance is impossible, since either the one or the other must necessarily be neglected.' 10 What Paul writes of those ( who run in a race,' etc. (1 Cor. 2 Phaedo (Ed. Steph) 114, a. [i. p. 123] cf. Luke xiv. 23. The refer- ences to Plato's "Works in brackets will be throughout to the English Trans- lation pub. by H. G. Bohn, in six voll. London, 1854, etc. 3 Legg. 5, 742, e. [v. p. 1811]. Celsus maintained that Jesus took this saying from Plato. Origen, c. Cels. 6, 641. 4 Conv. 205, e. [iii. p. 540]. 5 Apol. 29, b. [i. p. 16]. 6 Apol. d. [i. p. 17]. 7 lb. 30. a. [i. p. 17]. 8 Gorg. 507, b. [i. p. 210] 9 Luke xvii. 21. Eep. 9, 591, e. [ii. p. 282]. 10 Luke xvi. 13. Rep. 8, 555, c. [ii. p. 245] THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 33 ix. 21 ; 2 Tim. iv. 7). Plato also expresses, with not less emphasis, when he says, l But such as are true racers, arriving at the end, both receive the prizes and are crowned ;' n and he concludes his work on the Republic in the following elevated and truly Chris- tian manner : u ( But if the company will be persuaded by me ; considering the soul to be immortal, and able to bear all evil and good, we shall always persevere in the road that leads up- wards, and shall by all means pursue justice in unison with prudence, that so we may be found both to ourselves and the gods, both while we remain here and when we afterwards re- ceive its rewards, like victors assembled together ; and so, both here and in that journey of a thousand years which we have de- scribed, we shall be happy.' To whom does not this passage re- call those beautiful words, 'Set your affections on things above,' etc. ; and ' our conversation is in heaven' etc. (Col. iii. 2 ; Phil, iii. 20) ? And does not the description which is given of Love in the Banquet, 13 correspond in many points with that which Paul gives of it ? 1 Cor. xiii. 3, seq. Love, it is said, i is he who divests us of all feelings of alienation, and fills us with those of intimacy ; introducing mildness and banishing a harsh- ness of manners ; the friendly giver of good- will, the non-giver of enmity ; gracious to the good ; looked up to by the wise, ad- mired by the gods,' etc. So the condition of the blessed is presented with almost the same features in the Phaedo 14 as in Rev. xxi. 4 ; and when, in the 10th book of the Laws, 15 the im- possibility of escaping the judgments of God is set forth, this seems like a complete parallel to Ps. cxxxix. 1, sqq. The saying of Paul also, < All things work together for go^.d to them that love God' (Rom. viii. 28), finds its perfect counterpart in Plato. In the 10th book of the Republic 16 it is said, < And shall we not 11 Rep. 10, 613, c. [ii. p. 304]. ** lb. 621, c. [ii. p. 312]. 13 Conv. 197, d. [iii. p. 524]. " Phaed. 81, a. [i. p. 84]. 15 Legg. 10, 905, a. [v. p. 445]. The resemblance between the two passages is very great at first sight, but is diminished, as Worm correctly remarks, on closer consideration. 16 Rep. 10, 612. e. [ii. p. 303]. 3 M THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. agree that as to the man, who is beloved of the gods, whatever comes to him from the gods, will all be the best possible. Cer- tainly we are then to think thus of the just man, that, if he happens to be in poverty, or in disease, or in any other of these seeming evils, these things issue to him in something good, either whilst alive or dead.' -\ Especially striking is the similarity between single Platonic and Mosaic commands and institutions, which explains in part the title of <• Atticising Moses,' which was given to Plato. The abuse of the Divine name, and invoking God with a falsehood, are forbidden by the Platonic as by the Mosaic laws. 17 Every one — so prescribe the Laws, 18 must honour his parents in word and deed. The Fifth Commandment occurs, connected with its religious motive, in the 11th book of the Laws ; ' Let not then any one, whose father or mother, or the fathers or mothers of these, lie in his house, like a deposit, worn down with old age, ever conceive, that while he has such a possession at his hearth and in his house, there will be ever a statue more powerful, if only the possessor ministers to it in a proper manner.' 19 Like Moses, Plato also forbids most strictly private altars and private divine worship ; and even, for the same reasons, because private worship endangers both the purity of the public religion and the firm- ness of political unity. 20 No Greek was permitted to hold a Greek in slavery. So the Israelites were to let the Hebrew servant go free in the seventh year. 21 The displacing of land- marks is forbidden as expressly as in the Pentateuch ; 22 thieves are required to restore the stolen property ; 23 children are not to 17 Exod. xx. 7 ; Legg. 11, 916, e. 917, b. [v. p. 462-3]. 18 Lev. xix. 32 ; Legg. 9, 879, c. [v. p. 397-8]. 19 Legg. 11, 931, d. [v. p. 487]. 20 Legg. 10, 909, d. [v. p. 453] Cf. Lev. xvii. 1-9 ; Deut. xii. 13, xvi. 5. 21 Eep. 5, 469, c. [ii. p. 469]. Cf. Euseb. Praep. ev. 12, 37. 22 Legg. 8, 842, e. [v. p. 337]. Cf. Deut, xix. 14; Euseb. Praep. Ev. 12, 38. 23 Legg. 9, 864, d, e. [v. p. 371] Cf. Exod. xxii. 1, 2 ; Euseb. Pr. ev. 12, THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 35 expiate the transgressions of their parents ; 24 domestic animals by which men have been killed, are to be killed in return, etc. 25 The prolix ordinances with regard to homicide and woundings, have generally very much in common with the Mosaic ordinances on this point. 26 Plato also, like Moses, 27 institutes religious festivals, which were to be at the same time national festivals ; and the church fathers have not allowed it to pass unnoticed, 28 that in most of -his institutions he refers, like Moses, to heavenly types, or copies, and arranges according to these. They also call attention to the same division of the people into twelve tribes by Plato and Moses. 29 Besides the passages in Plato which correspond to biblical texts of similar purport, the half of which can scarcely be mentioned here, — since our object does not require their com- plete enumeration, — there are not a few passages which, though not in single words and phrases, yet in their whole tone and spirit, have a Christian assonance. How beautifully and how much in accordance with Chris- tianity, is the divinely imparted grandeur and dignity of man presented in the Timseus % c But with respect to the highest and most leading part of our souls, we should conceive as follows : — that the Deity assigned this to each as a daemon, — that, namely, which we say, and say correctly too, resides at the summit of the body and raises us from earth to our cognate place in heaven : — for we are plants, not of earth, but 40. Luxdorph calls attention to the prohibition of usury by Plato as by Moses, Lev. xxv. 35 ; Legg. 5, 610 (ed. Fie.) [v. p. 182]. 24 Legg. 9, 856, e. [v. p. 358] Cf. Dent, xxiv. 16 ; Ezek. xviii, 19, 20. 25 Legg. 9, 873, e. [v. p. 388] Cf. Ex. xxi. 18 ; Euseb. Praep. Ev. 12, 42. 26 Legg. 9, 865 to the end [v. p. 372, etc.] Cf. Exod. xxi. 12, sq. 27 Legg. 8, 828, sq. [v. p. 313] Cf. Lev. xxiii. ; Deut. xvi. 28 Clem. Al. Strom. 4, p. 395, 5, 425 ; Euseb. 12, 19, etc. 29 Legg. 6, 760, b. [v. p. 205]. Euseb. Praep. Ev. 12, 47. But in Attica this division existed as far back as the time of Cecrops (Strabo 9). A similar institution to the Levirate marriage occurs also in Plato, according to the Luxdorphiana. Deut. xxv. 5 ; Legg. 11 (679, ed. Fie.) 924, e. [v. p. 476]. 3(5 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. heaven ; 30 and, from the same source whence the soul first arose, a divine nature raising aloft our head and root, directs our whole corporeal frame/ etc. Thoughts of this kind generally were not strange to the Greeks. Even Paul, as is well known, borrowed the beautiful sentence, ' for we are his offspring,' from a Greek poet. 31 (Acts xvii. 28). Can the Christian thought that man must not be perplexed in his faith in Divine Providence and Goodness by single dis- turbing impressions, since the imperfection of the individual is the necessary condition of the perfection of the whole, be ex- pressed more worthily and clearly than it is in the tenth book of the Laws? 32 'Let us persuade the young man by our reasonings, that by him, who takes care of the universe, with a view to the safety and excellence of the whole, everything has been arranged, each part of which, as far as possible, suffers and acts what is suited to it ; and that over each of these parts rulers have been appointed with reference even to the smallest portion of action and passion, having worked out an end to the, ultimate distribution ; of which parts, even thy portion, O miserable man, is one, and although it is very small, it is con- tinually stretching its view to the whole. But this very thing has lain hid from you, that all generation is for the sake of the whole, in order that the existence of the universe may be happy in its life, and not for the sake of you ; but that you exist for the sake of the universe,' etc. It might easily be shown further, if this were the place for it, that this thought is only the philosophical development of a heroic disposition natural to the antique life, in consequence of which, the negation of the individual as opposed to a great whole, as e.g., the state, was accomplished without difficulty or hesitation. In our modern life individuality and personality have obtained a wholly differ- ent significance ; hence also is so frequent among us the striv- 30 Tim. 90, a. [ii. p. 406]. 31 Arat, Phaen. v. 5 ; Cleanth. hymn, in Jov. v. 5. 32 Legg. 10, 903, b. [v. p. 440]. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 37 ing of the individual to subordinate the objective to himself, instead of subordinating himself to the objective. What a profound thought is that, and with what a holy earnestness does Plato express it by the mouth of Socrates in the Theaetetus, 33 where he mentions the fatal blindness and confusion of those who suppose that it is marvellously well with them, while yet they are continually advancing towards perdition. c Theod. — If, Socrates, you could persuade all men of what you say, as you have me, there would be more peace and less evil among men. Socr. — But it is not possible, Theo- doras, that evil should be destroyed ; for it is necessary that there should be always something contrary to good ; nor can it be seated among the gods, but of necessity moves round this mortal nature and this region. Wherefore we ought to en- deavour to fly hence thither as quickly as possible. But this flight consists in resembling God as much as possible ; and this resemblance is the becoming just and holy with wisdom. But, my excellent friend, it is not very easy to persuade men, that not for the reasons for which most men say we ought to flee from vice and pursue virtue, ought we to study the one and not the other, namely, that a man may not seem to be vicious, but may seem to be good, for these are, as the saying is, the drivellings of old women, as it appears to me. But let us describe the truth as follows : God is never in any respect unjust, but as just as possible, and there is not anything that resembles Him more than the man amongst us who has like- wise become as just as possible. And on this depends the true excellence of a man, and his nothingness and worthlessness : For the knowledge f this is wisdom and true virtue ; but the not knowing it is manifest ignorance and vice. It is then by far the best not to allow him who acts unjustly, and who speaks or acts impiously, to excel by reason of his wickedness ; for they delight in this reproach, and think they hear that they 33 Theaet. 176, b. sq. [i. p. 411]. 38 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. are not valueless, mere burdens on the earth, but men such as they ought to be, who will be safe in a city. The truth, there- fore, must be spoken, that they are so much the more what they think that they are not, from not thinking that they are such. For they are ignorant of the punishment of injustice, of which they ought to be least of all ignorant : for it does not consist in what they imagine, stripes and death, which they sometimes suffer who do not commit injustice, but in that which 'it is impossible to avoid. Theod. — What do you mean? Socr. — Since, my friend, there are two models in the nature of things, one divine and most happy, the other ungodly and most miserable, they, not perceiving that this is the case, through stupidity and extreme folly unknown to themselves, become similar to the one by unjust actions, and dissimilar to the. other. Wherefore they are punished by leading a life suited to that to which they are assimilated. 34 But if we should tell them, that unless they abandon this excellence, that place which is free from all evil will not receive them when dead, but here they 1 will always lead a life resembling themselves, and there will associate with evil, these things, as being altogether shrewd and crafty, they will listen to as the extravagances of foolish men.' The Apostle, with similar meaning, addressed the be- guiled disciples, 6 Be not deceived — what a man soweth that shall he also reap ' (Gal. vi. 7) ; and Fichte still more exactly expresses the thought of Plato, in the deeply significant words, ' What thou lovest, that thou art, and that thou livest.' This reminds us of another powerful passage in Plato, 35 where he describes the doings and practices of those, to whom, as Paul says (Phil. iii. 19), ' their belly is their God ;' or who are always asking : i What shall we eat ? and, What shall we drink?' etc. (Matt. vi. 31). 'Such then as are unacquainted with wisdom and virtue, and are always conversant in feastings, and 34 Cf. the parallel passage. Legg. 5, 728, ab. [v. p. 154-5], and for the elucidation of the thought, Phaed. 83, d. [i. p. 87]. 35 Rep. 9, 586, a. sq. [ii. p. 276, etc]. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 39 tilings of that kind, are carried, as it appears, to the below, and back again to the middle ; and there they wander during life : but as they never pass beyond this, they do not look towards the true above, and are not carried to it ; nor are they ever really filled with real being ; nor have they ever tasted solid and pure pleasure ; but after the manner of brutes looking always downwards, bowed towards earth and their tables, they live feeding and coupling ; and from a lust for such things, they kick and push at one another as with iron horns and hoofs ; and perish through their own in satiety just like those who are filling with unreal being, that which is no real being, nor friendly to themselves.' With this is connected the description of those in whom the animal part of man is strengthened and becomes predominant, while the divine, on the other hand, is stunted and subdued. 36 ' Let us form now the figure of a creature, various and many- headed, having all around heads of tame creatures, and of wild, •and having power in itself of changing all these heads, and of breeding them out of itself. This is the work, said he, of a skil- ful modeller ; however, as the formation is easier in reasoning than in wax, and such like, let it be formed. Let there be now one other figure of a lion, and one of a man ; but let the first be by far the greatest, and the second be the second in bulk. These are easy, said he, and they are formed. Unite now these three in one, so that they may somehow co-exist. They are united, said he. Form now around them the exter- nal appearance of one of them, that of the man ; so that to one who is not able to see what is within, but who perceives only the external covering, the man may appear one creature. It is formed all round, said he. Let us now tell him who asserts that it is profitable for this man to do injustice, but to do justice unprofitable, that he asserts nothing else, than that it is profit- able for him to feast the multiform creature, and to make it 36 Rep. 9, 588, c. sq. [ii. p. 279]. 40 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. strong ; and likewise the lion, and what respects the lion, whilst the man he kills with famine, and renders weak so as to be dragged whichever way either of those drag him ; and that he will also find it advantageous never to accustom the one to live in harmony with the other, nor to make them friends, but suffer them to bite one another, and to fight and devour each other. He, said he, who commends the doing of injustice undoubtedly asserts these things. And does not he again, who says it is advantageous to act justly, say that he ought to do and to say such things by w T hich the inner man shall come to have the most entire command of the man, and, as a tiller of the ground, should -take care of the many-headed creature, cherishing the mild ones, and nourishing them, and hindering the wild ones from growing up, taking the nature of the lion as his ally, and, having a common care for all, make them friendly to one another, and to himself, and so nourish them % He who com- mends justice undoubtedly says such things as these. In all respects, then, he who commends justice would seem to speak the truth, and he who discommends it speaks nothing genuine ; nor does he discommend with understanding w T hat he discom- mends. Not at all, said he, as appears to me at least. Let us then in a mild manner persuade him (for it is not willingly he errs), asking him, O blessed man ! Do we not say that the maxims of things beautiful and base become so upon such ac- counts as these ? Those are good wdiich make the brutal part of our nature most subject to man, or rather perhaps to that which is Divine, while those are evil which enslave the mild part of oar nature to the brutal: — will he agree with us, — or how ? He will, if he be advised by me, said he. Is there then any one, said I, whom it avails, from this reasoning, to take gold unjustly, supposing something of this kind to happen, if, while taking the money, he at the same time subjects the best part of himself to the worst ? Or, if taking gold, he should enslave a son or daughter, and that even to savage or wicked men, shall we not say this would not avail him, not though he THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 41 should receive for it a prodigious sum ? But if lie enslaves the most divine part of himself to the most impious and most pol- luted part, without any pity, is he not wretched ? And does he not take a gift of gold to his far more dreadful ruin, than Eriphyle did when she received the necklace for her husband's life ? ' Manifestly herein lies the Christian thought : { What is a man profited, if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?' etc. (Matt. xvi. 26; Luke ix. 25). How seductive injustice or sin is, in that it seems at the same time to e: .sure advantage and pleasure, and to be able, by cunning and various arts, to escape all punishment, is described in an exceedingly lively manner in the 2d book of the Re- public. 37 Here and there in this representation, one fancies himself transported to the times of the Reformation, and listen- ing to Luther's powerful polemics against monk- and priest- craft ; for the account which Plato gives of the soothsayers and hypocrites who travelled through the country, as well as of their offerings and expiations, whereby they pretended to de- liver the souls of the dead in suffering for their crimes from all punishment and pain, might be applied perfectly well to the quackish promises of the Indulgence-hawkers, and to the pre- tensions of the Catholic priests, that by their masses for souls they were able to liberate those who were doing penance in purgatory. Not less evangelical and Christian is the sense and purpose of the parable, by which Plato seeks to set forth the necessity and the difficulty of turning men from the pretence, which they take for the truth, and of leading them to that which is alone true. BS This passage deserves, in more than one respect, a closer consideration : it is as follows : ' After this then, said I, compare our nature as respects education, or the want thereof, to a condition such as follows : — Behold men, as it were, in an 37 Rep. 2, 364, b. sq. [ii. p. 43]. Cf. Luther against the Indulgences. Ed. Walch xviii. 534. sq. 33 Rep. 7, 514, a. sq. [ii. p. 202]. 42 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. underground cave-like dwelling, having its entrance open to- wards the light and extending through the whole cave, — and within it persons, who, from childhood upwards, have had chains on their legs and their necks, so as, while abiding there, to have the power of looking forward only, but not to turn round their heads by reason of their chains, their light coming from a fire that burns above and afar off, and behind them ; and between the fire and these in chains is a road above, along which one may see a little wall built, just as the stages of conjurers are built before the people in whose presence they show their tricks. I see, said he. Behold then, by the side of this little wall, men carrying all sorts of machines rising above the wall, and statues of men and other animals wrought in stone, wood, and other materials, 39 some of the bearers probably speaking, others proceeding in silence. You are proposing, said he, a most absurd comparison and absurd captives also. Such as resemble ourselves, said I ; — for think you that such as these would have seen anything else of themselves or one another except the shadows that fall from the fire on the opposite side of the cave ? How can they, said he, if indeed they be through life com- pelled to keep their heads unmoved ! But w T hat respecting the things carried by them : — is not this the same ? Of course. If then they had been able to talk with each other, do you not suppose they would think it right to give names to what they saw before them ! Of course they would. But if the prison had an echo on its opposite side, when any person present were to speak, think you they would imagine anything else addressed to them, except the shadow before them ? No, by Zeus, not I, ■ said he. At all events then, said I, such persons would deem truth to be nothing else but the shadows of exhibitions. Of course they would. Let us inquire then, said I, as to their liberation from captivity and their cure from insanity, such as it may be, and whether such will naturally fall to their lot : — 39 Cf. Rep. 5, 476. b. eq. [ii. p. 163]. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 43 were a person let loose and obliged immediately to rise up, and turn round his neck and walk, and look upwards to the light, and doing all this, still feel pained, and be disabled by the dazzling, from seeing those things, of which he formerly saw the shadows : — what would he say, think you, if any one were to tell him, that he formerly saw mere empty visions, but now saw more correctly, as being nearer to the real thing, and turned towards what was more real, and then, specially pointing out to him every individual passing thing, should question him, and oblige him to answer respecting its nature : — think you not he would be embarrassed, and consider that what he before saw was truer than wdiat was just exhibited? Quite so, said he. Therefore, even if a person should compel him to look to the light itself, would he not have pain in his eyes and shun it, and then, turning to what he really could behold, reckon these as really more clear than what had been previously pointed out ? Just so, replied he. But if, said I, a person should forcibly drag him thence through a rugged and steep ascent without stopping, till he dragged him to the light of the sun, would he not while thus drawn be in pain and indignation, and when he came to the light, having his eyes dazzled with the splendour, be unable to behold even any one thing of what he had just alleged as true ? No, he could not, at the moment at least, said he. He would require, at least then, to get some degree of practice, if he would see things above him : — and first, indeed, he would most easily perceive the shadows, and then the images of men and other animals in the water, and after that the things themselves ; — and after this he would more easily behold the things in heaven, and heaven itself, by night, looking to the light of the stars and the moon, than after daylight to the sun and the light of the sun. How else ? Last of all, then, methinks, he might be able to perceive and contemplate the nature of the sun, not as respects its images in water or any other place, but itself by itself in its own proper station. What then, when a man re- members his first habitation and the wisdom therein residing, 44 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. and his fellow-captives also, — think you not, that he would con- gratulate himself on the change and pity the rest ? And con- sider this, said I, whether in the case of such an one going down and again sitting in the same place, his eyes would not be blinded in consequence of coming so suddenly from the sun % As for those shadows again, if he were compelled to split straws, and dispute about them with those persons who had been in constant captivity, while yet he was in darkness before the establishment of his sight (and his time of getting habituated would not be short), would he not excite ridicule ; and would it not be said of him, that after having once ascended, he had come back with his eye-sight destroyed, and should not even try to ascend again ; and as for any one that attempted to liberate him and lead him up, they ought to put him to death if they could get him into their hands % ' To whom, in connection with this passage, do not occur those texts of the Bible which speak of the light of life, which shines into the darkness, but the darkness comprehends it not % and of the opening of the eyes, that men may turn from the darkness to the marvellous light of the Lord ? John i. 8, iii. 19, viii. 12, xii. 46; Acts xxvi. 18, etc. But the resemblance between Plato and the Bible is not con- fined to single passages and thoughts, it is also manifest, and this very generally, in their dogmatic and ethical systems. And it is this side of Plato's philosophy in particular, which has been treated of with a certain degree of completeness by some of the theologians mentioned in the first chapter. Here we can call attention only to the most important and striking relations be- tween the Platonic and Christian systems. As regards Plato's theology, it approximates very closely to the Christian theology, in the doctrines of the Existence, Essence, Name, Attributes, and Works of God ; in the etlrical part of his philosophical views, the homogeneousness with the Christian is often surprizingly manifest with respect to the doctrines of the nature and worth of the soul, the nature and THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 45 agency of sin, the nobility and nature of virtue, and of future existence and retribution after death. A formal proof of the Divine existence the Bible does indeed nowhere institute; for good reasons, which unfortunately, so many teachers of religion and authors of books of religious in- struction seem still unable to comprehend ; but yet it indicates frequently and distinctly the data from which Christian theology (and for the completeness of its apparatus such demonstrations are certainly necessary) has since constructed its cosmological proof. (Heb. iii. 4. ' For every house is builded by some one, but He that built all things is God.' Ps. xix. 2, sq. civ. 2, sq. ; Bom. i. 19, etc.). So Plato derives his principal reasons for conviction of the divine existence, from nature, and its regula- tion according to laws, and he especially concludes, from the con- stant mobility of nature, the necessity of an originating, moving, principle; 40 as in general, the idea of motion is of great significance in his philosophy. We should err, however, if we attributed the Platonic argumentation to any other than a popular aim and custom ; Plato's belief in God rested no less than that of the biblical writers, on an intuitive certainty of His existence. Plato also no more gives a definition of the Divine nature than does the Bible ; for, according to him, we can only know the Divine essence by w T ay of approximation and comparison. 41 The highest conceptions are, according to Plato, those of Exist- ence and the Good ; but even these are inadequate for the con- ception of the Godhead ; the proper essence of God, as he expressly remarks, 42 lies still beyond them. Yet we come nearest 40 Legg. 10. 893, b. sq. [v. p. 421-2]. Aristotle argues in a very similar manner, Phys. 7. 1. Met. 11. 6. etc. — cf. the beautiful passage in Cicero. N. D. 2, 2, 9. 21, and especially Qu. Tusc. 1. 28. 41 The principal passage on the difficulty of knowing God is Tim. 28, c. [ii. p. 332]. No passage was so frequently cited. by the church fathers, now with praise and now with censure, according as they understood it. (Cf. Exod. xxxiii. 20 ; John i. 18 ; 1 Tim. vi. 16, and Exod. xxxiii. 11 ; Numb. xii. 8, etc.] 42 Rep. 6, 509, b. [ii. p. 198.] So also it is said, Phileb. 22, c. [iv. p. 27] 46 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. the conception of the Godhead when we rightly apprehend the idea of the Good; 43 and if one wonld lay an intuition by the senses as the basis of a living comprehension of this, let him only behold the sun; the sun is the son and image of the Good. 44 In like manner, say the Scriptures, ' God is love' (1 John iv. 16), and 'the Father of lights' (Jas. i. 17). As Eitter justly remarks, would that Plato's pupils and the later Platonists had only remained true to their great master in this respect, and had imitated his wise abstinence from any attempt to discover the idea of God or goodness in its supra-substantial or supra-scientific unity ! Believing that philosophy could and should proceed further on this point, they fell into many errors and extravagances. But although Plato renounced the idea of attaining and establishing an exhaustive scientific conception of God, yet he did not therefore consider the Deity a subject in nowise appertaining to philosophy, and to be entirely separated from science, as such. On the contrary, the Deity was really the starting-point and the goal of his philosophy ; and it was not merely the pious disposition of Plato which led him to this, but also, and much more, the severely scientific spirit of his entire thinking. Science, in the true sense of the word, was to him inconceivable without the idea of the Godhead. The clear conception in the mind of this idea, he considered the basis and condition as well as the summit and perfection of all time knowing. Hence, also, he denominated Deity the Begin- ning and the End, and the Measure of all things. 45 His pupil that the expression vovg is not wholly appropriate to the Godhead. Cf . Cic. Tusc. i. 27. Aristot. Met. 12, 8. 43 Eep. 7, 517, b. [ii. p. 205.] 44 Rep. 6, 506, e, 508, b [ii. pp. 195, 197]. Could Plato indicate the so-called extra- and supra-mundaneity of God, or His essential difference from the universe, more strongly and distinctly than he has done in these passages ? Justin, indeed (Coh. ad. Gr. 10, d.), maintains that Plato attri- buted materiality to the Godhead, and held it to be a fiery substance ; but in this he is plainly in error, as it is now generally acknowledged. 45 Legg. 4, 715, e, 716, e [v. pp. 139, 140]. It was especially an axiom of Protagoras, that man is the measure of things. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 47 Aristotle also, though less theologically disposed than he, made theology the highest and most important branch of all philoso- phical inquiry. 46 To the nature of God pertains his (numerical and meta- /$ physical) unity. That Plato was a Monotheist, and spoke of \ /> gods (in the plural) only in accommodation to the then reigning use of language, scarcely admits of a doubt. The most striking ^ passages in proof of the acquaintance of heathen antiquity with Monotheism, have, for the most part, been long since and fre- quently brought forward ; and it would be easy to show, if this were the place for it, that the expression gods is frequently taken now in a sense quite different from that in which it was under- stood at the time. This was pointed out even by Augustine ; 47 and the church fathers generally, with the exception of a few fanatics, made no hesitation in declaring the educated heathens to be Monotheists. It is true, they supposed the heathen Mono- theism to have been derived from a source, namely, the Bible, from which it could not have come, at least so immediately as they imagined. It is a circumstance of great weight in favour of Plato's Monotheism, that he declares Monarchy to be the best, most per- fect, and most rational form of political life. 48 For, in Plato's view, the state is a microcosm, a type and copy of the great uni- verse ordered and ruled by God. But Plato also, in several passages of his works, speaks unambiguously enough of the unity of the Divine nature ; 49 and, in particular, sets forth clearly the essential difference between the One, eternal, true God, and the 46 God is the ground of all existence. Hence the first philosophy- was called theology. Arist. Met. 6, 1 ; 11, 7. Cf. Enseb. Praep. Ev. 11, 3sq. 47 Aug. Civ. Dei. 4, 24. 31. Cf. lb. 9, 23. 48 Polit. 302, e. [iii. p. 264]. For in Plato scarcely a single expression is single and isolated. All have the closest reference to each other and the whole. 49 Polit. 270, a. [iii. p. 211]. Tim. 31, a [ii. p. 335]. Cf. Euseb. Praep. Ev. 11, 13. Athen. leg. p. 284, b. c. 48 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. subordinate deities (intermediate between God and men), His assistants in the work of creation. 50 In the names which Plato gives to the Godhead, he fre- quently coincides with biblical expressions. He frequently calls God, Father, 51 Father of the universe, Father of the gods ; and it was in part this name, but still more the frequently recurring expressions, vovs and \6yos, whereby Plato designates the spiri- tual nature and activity of the Deity, which gave rise to the unfounded opinion of the church fathers, that the Platonic theology contained the first lines of the Christian doctrine of the Trinity. 52 The name Creator also, which Plato frequently uses, 53 has been often misunderstood and taken in a more Chris- tian sense than is warranted by the Platonic mode of think- ing concerning God and the world. A somewhat more correct supposition is, that the idea which lies at the base of the sig- nificant name Jehovah, is expressed in the predicate of sole, uncreated, self -existence, which Plato attributes to the Supreme Being. 54 The Platonic titles, King, Ruler, Governor of the 60 Tim. 28, a. 34, a. 39, d. sq. 41, a. etc. [ii. pp. 332, 338, 342, 345]. It cannot moreover be denied, that Plato did not keep his theology quite pure from admixture of the physical and spiritual. In his views of the stars, all sorts of old natural-philosophical views recur ; and that his demonology was closely" connected with the Egyptian, scarcely admits of a doubt. A new and thorough handling of the heathen demonology is urgently needed, even for New Testament exegesis. Cf . on other points of Plato's theology. Crat. 397, d. [lii. p. 309]. Legg. 10, 899, a. sq. 904, e. 909, e. [v. pp. 431, 442, 453]. Epin. 984, e. 977, a. 985, b. etc. [vi. pp. 22, 9, 23]. 51 Tim. 28, c. 37, c. 41. a. etc. [ii. pp. 332, 340, 345]. 52 Tim. 29, a. 47, e. [ii. pp. 333, 353]. Phil. 30, c, d. [iv. p. 41-2]. Epin. 986, e. etc. [vi. p. 26]. Eusebius (Praep. Ev. 11, 14. 20) maintains most decidedly that the Christian Trinity is intimated in Plato, Augustine more qualifLedly. Civ. Dei. 10, 29. Cf. Just. Apol. 1, p. 79, b. Clem. Al. Strom. 5, 436, d. Or. de princip. 1, 3, etc. The Fathers rest their view mainly on the mysterious passages in the Epp. 2, 312, e. Cf. 6, 323, d. [iv. pp. 482, 497]. 55 Tim. 28, c. 41, a. [ii. pp. 332, 345]. Soph. 265, b. c. [iii. p. 180]. 54 Tim. 37, e. 27, d. [ii. pp. 341, 332]. Cf. Exod. 3, 14, and Euseb. Prsep. Ev. 11, 9. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 49 World, 55 etc., seem, however, to accord most with the Christian names of God ; but, we must not forget here, that even the Platonic idea of God had not entirely freed itself from that op- pressive restriction 56 which, as Absolute Necessity or Iron Fate, exercised a destructive influence on the entire belief of heathen antiquity in the Divine existence ; although Plato, in this respect also had struggled up to a greater elevation than any other heathen. There is no slight resemblance between the biblical and Platonic theology with respect to the Divine attributes. They are nearly the same, except that Plato does not seem to mention the Divine Omnipresence and Holiness. God is eternal, 51 i.e., according to Plato, without beginning and end, above and be- yond all Becoming ; all relation to time and space, all that is sensuous and successive is expressly denied to Him. He is the cause and source of all motion, 58 and all life, eternally moving Himself. 59 With supreme Power, He unites supreme Wisdom; His almighty will holds together the universe, which He has ordered in the wisest manner. 60 He is not merely 55 Legg. 10, 904. a. Oat, 396. a. [v. p. 441-2, iii. p. 307]. 56 Cf. the passages Tim. 68. d, e. Polit. 270. a. sq. [ii. p. 379, iii. p. 211], and especially Epin. 982. b. [vi. p. 19]. 57 The principal passage is Tim. 27, d. Cf. lb. 38, a. 52, a. [ii. pp. 332, 341, 358]. 58 Tim. 34. e. sq. [ii. p. 338]. Legg. 10, 894. c. [v. p. 421]. 59 "With Aristotle, on the other hand, the unmoved causality of all move- ments is the chief conception of the Divine nature. Met. 12. 7 ; 14, 8. 60 Tim. 68. d. [ii. p. 379]. Power and wisdom united with goodness, Legg. 10, 902. c. [v. p. 439]. The Plat, conception of Divine omnipotence is learned principally from Tim. 32, c. 33. a. [ii. p. 336]. God has bound all matter and all forces in one unity dissoluble only by Himself ; the crea- tive power, therefore, goes forth without resting, into the work of creation, but without being thereby exhausted, since the sum of all things remains included in and dependent on the willing-power of its author. Plato did not and could not have the conception of an unlimited omnipotence, as even Galen remarked. De us. part. 12, 14. Cf. besides on the Plat, doctrine of omnipotence, Tim. 41. a. [ii. p. 345], where the important intimation is given, that the mighty will of God is no less manifest in the preservation than in the creation of the world. 4 50 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. wise, 61 He is Omniscient, nothing escapes Him, nothing re- mains hidden from Him ; 62 while He surveys the whole, He sees also every individual. With the most perfect insight, which He possesses, is connected His integrity and veracity ; He is a God of truth, who hates falsehood, and to whom all desire of deception and shifting pretence remains eternally strange. 63 He is both just and benevolent. 64 He allows no wickedness to go unpunished, no virtue unrewarded. 6 ' 5 His peculiar nature consists in His benevolence, which desires the welfare of All, does good to All, and is never the cause of evil ; 66 and since true and eternal Goodness ever has in itself complete sufficiency, the purest happiness must ever dwell with the Godhead. 67 This attribute of blessedness excludes not only all pain and longing, but also every affection and passion. In this Plato's theological terminology differs from that of the Bible. The Bible does not avoid speaking of a divine re- pentance, anger, 68 etc. ; but Plato will nowhere tolerate such conceptions and expressions, conceiving them unworthy of the Godhead and injurious to true piety ; and their frequent oc- currence in the poets was one of the chief reasons of his severity towards this class of persons. 69 The reverence and adoration of God which Plato requires, corresponds with the worthy con- ception which he had formed of the Godhead. He requires, we might say, a worship of God in spirit and in truth (John iv. 24) ; that is, with pious feeling and upright conduct. God is not 61 Phaedr. 278. d. [i. p. 359]. Parm. 134. c. [iii. p. 415], etc. 62 Legg. 10, 901. d. [v. p. 438]. Ps. xciv. 6. 63 Rep. 2, 382. e. [ii. p. 64]. Cf. Eom. xv. 8 ; Tit. i. 2 ; Heb. vi. 18; Deut. xxxii. 4 ; Jer. x. 10, etc. 64 Phaed. 80. d. Prot. 344, c. [i. pp. 83, 274]. Cf. Luke xviii. 19. 65 Legg. 4, 716. a. 6, 757. b. [v. pp. 139, 200]. 66 Rep. 2, 379. c. [ii. p. 60], etc. Cf. James i. 13, 17. 67 Phil. 20. d. 33. b. [iv. pp. 23, 47]. Phaed. 247. a. [i. p. 323], etc. 68 Gen. vi. 6 5 2 Sam. xxiv. 16 *, Jer. xviii. 8, 10; Exod. xxii. 24 ; John iii. 36, etc. 69 Rep. 2, 380. a. sq. [ii. p. 61]. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 51 honoured by ceremonies, prayers, and sacrifices, 70 the profligate may offer these without being able to bribe God with them, or to obtain His favour by flattery ; but by an earnest striving after virtue, and by pure and deep piety. 71 When we pray, we must never forget that God knows what is for our peace better than we do ; and hence, we must always leave it to His wisdom what, as the best for us, He will grant or deny. The teaching of Plato concerning the works of God affords many points of comparison with Christian doctrine ; fewer, how- ever, with reference particularly to the Creation, 72 than to the preservation and government of the world. It has been often but incorrectly supposed, that the dogma of Creation out of nothing is to be found in Plato. The principal occasion for this error was given by the well-known Platonic formula of the c non-existent,' whereby he designated everything material, to which he allowed a constantly changeable becoming, but no real being. On the other hand, however, those have gone too far who attribute to Plato the crude thought that matter is equally eternal with God, and, as it were, opposite to Him. Plato holds firmly, with almost all philosophers, both that the world exists by God, and that the existence of God cannot be conceived of without the existence of the world. Since the world is the work of God, a Being without envy and most perfect, it must also necessarily possess perfect beauty and order; it is the success- ful copy of the most glorious original in the Divine Mind ; 73 Plato expresses himself just as does Moses, concerning the sublime . satisfaction with which the Creator beholds His completed work. 74 70 Rep. 2, 364. c. sq. [ii. p. 43]. Ale. 2, 149. e. sq. [iv. p. 395-6]. Cf. Isa. i. 11, 16 ; Ps. 1. 8, sq. ; Mic. vi. 6, etc. 71 Euthyphr. 7. a. sq. 8, d. 12. e. sq. [i. pp. 464, 466, 471]. Cf. Luke i. 75 ; Acts ii. 27 ; 1 Tim. ii. 8, etc. 72 Eusebius (Praep. Ev. 11, 29) especially maintains the agreement cf the Christian and Platonic doctrines concerning the creation of the world, and bases this agreement principally on Tim. 28. c. [ii. p. 332]. Cf, Heb. iii. 4. 73 Tim. 92. c. [ii. p. 409]. Cf. Phil. 28, c, d. etc. [iv. p. 38]. 74 Tim. 37. c. [ii. p. 340]. Gen. i. 31. 52 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. In the world itself, since it is a divine and perfect image, there is no ground for its destruction or annihilation; 75 though such might be conceived of as proceeding from God, for only the original author of this harmonious connection of all parts in one great whole, could dissolve it again. But what should move Him to this ? He is, by virtue of His wisdom and goodness, too much a friend of all that is beautiful and excellent not to desire the eternal continuance of His work. But God does not merely preserve the world, He regulates and governs it also. An all- comprehending Providence 76 disposes and watches over the universe ; it knows no difference between great and small ; even that which is apparently the smallest is not too minute and worthless in its view, and it cares not less for this than for the great and the whole. 77 The existence of moral and natural evil in the world proves nothing against the Divine Providence and Goodness ; 78 for the most of so-called evils dissolve on closer ex- 75 Tim. 33. a. 38. c. [ii.'pp. 336, 341]. Plato taught, in opposition to other and subsequent opinions, that there is only one world. Cf . particularly Plutarch de orac. dei p. 423, sq. and Orig. de princip. 2, 3. The chief ground for the imperishability of the world lies, according to Plato, in the mundane soul, as its immortal principle. It was Plato's thorough convic- tion, not only that every soul exists prior to the body, but also that this body is its image and product. Wholly divergent as this doctrine appears from the Christian view of the world, there is yet one point which approxi- mates to it. The Platonic mundane soul takes the place of the Christian omnipresence of God. This conception insinuated itself, moreover, into the Christian church. Baumgarten-Crusius, D. G. 915. 76 Trpovoia, Tim. 30. b. [ii. p. 334] (Wisdom 12, 13) introduced mainly by Plato into religious use. Yet Cf. Herod, 3, 202. Phaed. 62, b. [i. p. 59]. Cf. Legg. 4, 709, b. [v. p. 128]. Not dhoyov lvuoc t uis rules the world, but Qpouyois: Phil. 28. d. sq. [iv. p. 38]. 77 Legg. 10, 900. c. [v. p. 434]. Cf. Matt. x. 30. 78 The chief passages concerning Plato's doctrine of Moral Evil are Tim. 47. d, e. 69. a. sq. [ii. pp. 353, 379]. Polit. 268, e. 269, b. 273, d. [iii. pp. 208, 209, 217]. Legg. 10, 896. e. 903, b. [v. pp. 426, 440. Plato desig- nates matter the seat of evil ; it comes neither from God, nor is in Being, for true Being is as such also the Good (Cf . August. Conf . 7, 18. 19) but it unfolds itself in the Becoming, and inheres, as a necessary limitation, in the creature. Similarly Leibnitz in his Theodicee. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 53 animation into mere seeming ; and the bad will no more trouble or mislead him, who has raised himself to the heights of true perception, and from thence has comprehended its necessity and inevitableness, as well as its beneficial agency in enhancing and involuntarily promoting the good. 79 With the consideration of the Platonic theology is intimately connected the question : Whence did Plato obtain his insight into the Divine existence and works ? Was it purely from him- self and his own reason ? This he nowhere says, but rather the contrary. All religious convictions he traces back to a double origin, — tradition, and life with God. Whenever he lays down */ a doctrine of faith, he refers either to ancient, sacred traditions, 80 — which he speaks of with reverence as authentic sources of theo- logy, — or he derives it from the ante-temporal existence of the soul, when the soul, being with God, knew intuitively the True and Eternal. 81 What the prophets of the Old Testament are to the Apostles and Evangelists, that the ancient inspired singers are to Plato 3 he quotes them often in his writings, 82 and lays the same weight on such sayings of the poets and oracles as, in the New Testament, is laid on Moses and the prophets. It is well known how fond he is of using myths for clothing his religious ideas ; to him, however, the mythical and the fictitious are by no means synonymous terms. He frequently assures us, with entire earnestness, that the contents of this or that myth are the deepest and purest truth. 83 We must not then at all suppose in Plato an a priori production and construing of re- ligious perceptions. Far from yielding up any of the granted 79 Legg. 10, 906. a. sq. [v. p. 445]. Theaet. 176. a. sq. [i. p. 411]. Rep. 10, 613. a. [ii. p. 304]. 80 Legg. 4, 715. [v. p. 139]. Phaed. 70. c. [i. p. 69]. Conv. 177. a. [iii. 483]. Tim. 29. d. [ii. p. 333], etc. So also Aristotle (e.g. De coelo. 6). 81 Principal passage, Phaedr. 247. d. sq. [i. p. 323]. 82 Rep. 2, 366. b. Tim. 40. e. [ii. pp. 46, 345]. Cf. Men. 81. b. [iii. p. 19]. Phil. 16. c. [iv. p. 14]. 83 Gorg. 523. a. [i. p. 227], etc. 54 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. and positive value of religious truth, he reflects on it constantly and diligently. The material part of religion is to him some- thing objective throughout, arising from without and from above, namely, from life and history, and from God and His eternal, invisible world. In accordance with this, we cannot refuse to place Plato, in this respect also, by the side of the biblical authors and Christian theologians, in that he founds his theology, not on the subjectivity of individual thinking, but on the objectivity of the Divine existence and operation, as presented to the per- ceptive faculty, or in revelation, There are three things princi- pally in the consideration of his theology, which involuntarily call forth this thought : (1.) The position and significance of the idea of God in his philosophy ; since he not only makes the whole of human knowledge, and all truth in general, dependent on this, and maintains that all knowledge springs from the original source of wisdom, 84 but desires to have the eternal existence of this idea recognised and comprehended in its living fulness and absolute sublimity, thus entirely otherwise than, e.g. by Aristotle, with whom the Godhead receives the highest place, not so much for His own sake, as rather in consequence of and as required by scientific thinking : (2.) The demonstrable connection of the Pla- tonic religious doctrines with the original stock of the religions of antiquity ; since, when we inquire into the origin of this or that religious idea of Plato, it is assigned not to his subjective thinking as wholly independent of his predecessors, but just the reverse, to the communications and influences of the past ; and however far we pursue this inquiry, we never come to a single subjective mind as the originator of such views, but to the general spirit of the world's history, whether this be regarded as, so to speak, a spiritual atmosphere, breathed by nations and individuals, or as an original revelation : (3.) The elements, which are mani- fest in Plato's writings, of a kind of theory of inspiration ; since Plato not only speaks often and willingly of the original heavenly 84 Eep. 6, 505. a. 508, e. 7, 517. be 532, a. [ii. pp. 193, 198, 205, 222]. Phaed. 97. c. [i. p. 103], etc. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 55 light, 85 and its beams which enlighten the spirit of men, bnt also repeatedly and directly maintains that God discloses and vouch- safes the highest ideas only to the highest inspiration. 86 From these intimations it will be easy to conclude how near or how remote Plato's belief in a revelation is from the Christian faith in these three particulars. Plato based the ethical part of his teaching, like a true follower of Socrates, on Psychology. For Socrates held com- pliance with that solemn exhortation : know thyself ! to be the chief task of human life. 87 The Scriptures render prominent a certain threefold division of human nature ; they distinguish between mind, soul, and flesh, or sense. We may compare this biblical trichotomy with that of Plato. He also considers the nature of man as con- sisting of a purely spiritual and a purely sensuous vital prin- ciple ; and the two are connected together by a mediating soul- life, 88 as he generally, when he meets with antagonisms in nature and mind, designates ideas or powers which are adapted to undertake the office of mediator.^ But the comparison between the Platonic and biblical trichotomy must not be extended too far, if it is to remain allowable or practicable. It is certain that Plato, like the Bible, declares decidedly against all ma- terialism. 89 In his writings also, as in those of the Bible, the 85 Rep. 6, 507. e. sq. [ii. p. 197]. 86 Phil. 63. e. [iv. p. 103]. Phaedr. 244, a. sq. [i. p. 319]. Men. 99. d. [iii. p. 47], etc. An apparent depreciation of inspiration, Tim. 71. e. 86, b. [ii. pp. 383, 402], But Plato distinguishes a higher and an inferior mania. Phaedr. 265. a, b. [i. p. 343-4]. (The well-known passage Tim. 72. a. sq. [ii. p. 384] has been frequently used to explain 1 Cor. xiv. 3, sq. An unrnistakeable Platonic thought is expressed in 2 Pet. i. 19). 87 Patricius and others make the dialogue Alcib. 1, the foundation of all the rest, because it treats of self-knowledge. 88 Tim. 69. c. sq. 72. d. sq. Rep. 4, 431. d. sq. 435. b. sq. [ii. pp. 380, 384; 115, 119]. The irrational or sensuous soul has two principal faculties, the irascible or combative, and the covetous. The higher part of the soul is designated the rational part. 89 See the beautiful passage, Soph. 246. d. sq. [iii. p. 149]. 56 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. opposition is everywhere prominent between the visible and the invisible, the sensuous and the spiritual, the temporal and the eternal ; 90 and he ever subordinates the former to the latter, and attributes to this the higher rank and value, 91 but desires, as little as the Bible, a complete extirpation and annihilation of the other. For even the sensuous in the Platonic and Chris- tian view, has value and significance, when it is restricted within its proper limits, and does not attain the preponderance. Plato, like Christ, loves to unite the higher to the lower, and to rise in his dialogues and inquiries from the sensuous to the spiritual. 92 The soul of man, according to the Platonic and Christian doctrine, is in its nature different throughout from the sensuous and material ; it belongs to the higher kingdom of spiritual and eternal entities. 93 In his view r of the absolutely eternal life of the soul, its pre-existence, its transmigration after the death of the body, etc., 94 Plato, indeed, diverges widely from the ex- pressions and intimations of the Scriptures ; but when he calls the body a grave of the soul, 95 when he traces the soul's condi- tion of being sunk in the body to its own fault, and represents this as a kind of apostacy, he furnishes herein points of analogy 90 Phaed. 79. a. sq. [i. p. 81]. Cf. Polit. 285. e. sq. [iii. p. 235]. Tim. 52. a. [ii. p. 358], etc. 91 Legg. 5. 727. d. sq. [v. p. 154]. Cf. Matt. vi. 19, 25, sq. 92 See ex. gr. Conv. 210. a. sq. [iii. p. 550]. 93 According to Plato, the soul belongs to the class of Ideas, i.e., of things truly existent. Phaed. 77. a. [i. p. 78-9]. He assumes also, a fixed number of souls, which can be neither increased nor diminished, Eep. 10, 611. a. [ii. p. 301]. This eternity of the soul in and of itself was ex- ceedingly offensive to the church fathers : Souls, said they, are not im- mortal by birth, but by the grace of God. Just., Dial. c. Tryph. 107. b. But especially Arnob. adv. G. 2, 14-19. 94 The transmigration of souls is founded, in the case of Plato as in that of the Jews, on the conviction of the necessity of an expiation and purification of the soul, which has become material by sensual lusts. Phaed. 81. c. sq. [i. p. 84]. Tim. 42. b. c. [ii. p. 346-7]. 96 Crat, 400. c. [iii. p. 315]. Gorg. 492. e. [i. p. 191]. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 57 to the expressions and descriptions of the Bible ; and thus, when an intimation of the Fall had been found in his writings, it was not difficult for the Christian friends of Plato to discover and call attention to a Paradise there also. 96 Of the worth of the soul-life Plato speaks unquestionably in a biblical and Christian manner. He, like the Gospel, designates care for the salvation of the soul the highest and most important of human concerns. And he renders it as expressly prominent as does the Bible, that this care is so much the more necessaiy, the greater and more various are the dangers which threaten the soul-life from the world, and the sin reigning therein. 97 It has been often maintained and also disputed, that Chris- tianity can only be rightly comprehended on the basis of a true conception of sin ; because, by regarding the nature and work- ing of sin, both the necessity of Christianity and its value and purpose will be correctly recognized. However this may be, this is certain, no book in the world speaks so much of sin as the Bible, and nowhere, on the whole, is it spoken of so little as in the heathen authors. 98 In this regard Plato is an exception. A tolerably complete doctrinal statement might be gathered from his works of the origin, nature, and effects of sin, and his doctrine appears to diverge but little from the Chris- tian. Sin or wickedness consists in deviation from the Divine law, 99 in disobedience to the higher and better, to the rational 96 Euseb. Praep. Ev. 12, 11. Plat. Conv. 203. b. [iii. p. 534]. 97 See the excellent passage on the corrupting influence of the world. Rep. 6, 492. a. sq. [ii. p. 178-9]. Cf. Ale. 1, 132. a. [iv. p. 364]. 98 The heathen sacrificial worship springs by no means exclusively or chiefly from a feeling of sin. That the Christian doctrine of sin was en- tirely strange to classic heathendom is clearly evinced by its violent and sarcastic polemics against ' the poor sin-religion.' See e. g. Orig. c. Cels. 3. p. 486. sq. (Ed. Delar). 99 The fundamental idea of u, k u,a.proi.vuu among the heathen is physical, viz., to leave the right direction, to miss a mark, to make a failure ; then metaphysical, to wander ; hence u.y.a.pricx, — error (of the understanding). See 58 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. spirit, and in renouncing the more noble in favour of the low and base. There are scarcely any traces in him and some other classic authors, 100 that they accept the doctrine of innate depravity ; on the contrary, the goodness of human nature was a prevalent presupposition of heathen antiquity. Plato desig- nates as chief sources of sin and crimes, in the Gospel sense, bad education, 101 riches and luxury, 102 error and lack of judg- ment, which is blinded by appearances, and confounds the agreeable with the good, 10 ' 3 self-love and selfishness, 104 seduc- tion and bad company, unbelief, pride, and godlessness. 105 It is to his honour that he has fully recognized and clearly ex- pressed the close connection between unbelief and immorality. The effects of sin he considers as afflictive as corrupting ; for he says, that sin renders the soul sick and ugly, 106 and reduces it especially Arist. Eth. Mo. 2, 6. Error (intellectual) is also the predomi- nant signification in the Platonic (kpotprikvziv. Eep. 5, 477. e. [ii. p. 165], Euthyd. 281. c. [iii. p. 64]. Ale. 2, 146. a. [iv. p. 388-9], etc. The fol- lowing passages are of special importance with regard to the Plat, doctrine of sin. Eep. 7, 519. a. sq. [ii. p. 207]. Cf. Legg. 9, 863. e. sq. [v. p. 370-1], where sin is represented as that relation between the higher and lower impulses of the soul, which is opposed to nature and to God ; that, namely, when the latter rule and the former obey. Rep. 1, 351. d. sq. [ii. p. 29, 30]. Cf. Legg. 1, 644, a. sq. [v. p. 31] where sin appears as an inward want of harmony, or disunion, which is manifest outwardly in civil discords, wars, etc. 100 Plato traces most sins to the influence of the body on the soul. Phaed. 66. c. sq. [i. p. 65]. By this may be explained his ordinances, so offensive to us, respecting the procreation of children. Rep. 5, 460. b. sq. [ii. p. 144]. 101 Tim. 86. e. [ii. p. 402]. Legg. 6, 766. a. [v. p. 215]. 102 Legg. 4, 716. a. [v. p. 139]. 103 Men. 77. c. [iii. p. 14]. Cf. Gorg. 466. d. [i. p. 159], etc. 104 Legg. 5, 731. c. [v. p. 160]. The counterpart to this passage is Arist. Eth. Nio. 9, 8. Cf. Cic. fin. 5, 9. 105 Legg. 10, 908. c. Cf. lb. 9, 863. e. [v. pp. 451, 370-1]. Grotefend is wrong when he says, Plato nowhere connects faith with virtue, Comm. p. 48. 1C6 Rep. 4, 444. c. [ii. p. 130]. The soul of the profligate is full of scars. Gorg. 524. d. [i. p. 229]. THE PKOXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 59 to slavery ; 107 it robs man of his fairest joys here 108 and of heavenly bliss hereafter ; the impure and unholy cannot come to God ; 109 whoever has not here, in his earthly life, become free from sin, must suffer the penalty for it after death. 110 The .best cure for the sin-sickness of the soul is found in a good education, in punitive justice, 111 and in philosophy. 112 It might be expected that with such views of the world and of life, and with the holy earnestness of his theological prin- ciples which pervades his entire philosophy, Plato would form no other than an exceedingly worthy and elevated doctrine of virtue. And this is in fact the case. The Christian beauty of his Ethics proper, scarcely needs to be specially demonstrated or discussed, since it has long enjoyed universal recognition as the fairest flower of the Socratic school. Virtue, says Plato, is likeness to God, 113 hence the virtu- ous are God's friends and children. 114 But virtue is also health, 107 Rep. 9, 579. d. sq. [ii. p. 268]. Cf. John viii. 34. See further, Phaed. 83. d. [i. p. 87]. Legg. 9, 863. e. [v. p. 370-1]. Cf. Rom. vi. 19, sq. For an incomparable description, applicable to our own times, of the unbounded lawlessness, which is taken for freedom, but really leads to most disgraceful bondage and tyranny, see Rep. 8, 562. b. sq. [ii. p. 252]. Cf. on the other hand Legg. 6, 762. e. [v. p. 210]. Ep. 7, 354. e. [iv. p. 543] with 1 Cor. vii. 22 ; Eph. vi. 6, l etc. 108 Rep. 9, 586. b. [ii. p. 277]. 109 Phaed. 69. c. [i. p. 68] where is also a parallel to Matt. xxii. 14. 110 Gorg. 525. b. [i. p. 229]. Hence these also are called expiable sins. Cf. Phaed. 113. e. [i. p. 122-3]. 111 Gorg. 476. e. 478. d. 525. b. [i. pp. 172-3, 175, 225]. Cf. Heb. xii. 5, sq. Hence also the earnest warning against the desire of transferring all guilt from one's self to others and to circumstances. See the beautiful passage, Legg. 5, 727. c. [v. p. 154]. Cf. 1 John i. 8. 112 Tim. 87. b. sq. [ii. p. 403]. Soph. 230. a. sq. [iii. p. 125]. 113 Theaet. 176. a. [i. p. 411]. Human life the most beautiful picture. Rep. 6, 501. b. c. [ii. p. 189]. Cf. Matt. v. 48. 114 Legg. 4, 716. c. 5, 739. c. Cf. 12, 941. b. c. [v. pp. 140, 175, 499]. This expression designates, for the most part, in Plato Heroes or sacred poets. Tim. 40. e. [ii. p. 345]. 60 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. beauty, 115 and harmony of soul/ 16 yea, it is the true life of the soul itself. When Plato describes the virtuous life of the truly moral man, we almost think we behold that which the New Testament, and especially John, calls the eternal life, the life of the soul in and with God. 117 Virtue is fundamentally but one; yet it may be divided, according to Plato, into four main branches. — Courage, Mo- deration, Justice, Wisdom. 118 Plato frequently mentions also a fifth, Piety ; and this as indeed the most excellent of all. 119 But he usually places true Wisdom highest, and speaks of it as Christ does of the precious pearl, to gain which, a man must give up all else. 120 The strife of man with himself Plato de- scribes and requires as do the Lord's Apostles, 121 and his re- 115 Eep. 4, 444. e. Cf. 1, 353. b. c. [ii. p. 130, and 31-2]. Taken some- what differently Men. 78. b. [iii. p. 15]. 116 Gorg. 482. b. [i. p. 180]. This harmony arises from joyful obe- dience to the rational, divine part of the soul. Legg. 3, 689. d. [v. p. 99]. Virtue, i.q., harmony, the Pythagorean definition. Arist. Eth. Mo. 2, 6. Diog. La. 8, 33. Hence the high estimation of music by the Pythagoreans and Platonists. Plato considered music the best means of education. 117 Kep. 6, 490. b. [ii. p. 176]. The description which Plato here and elsewhere, Kep. 6, 485. d. [ii. p. 171], gives of the nature, way of think- ing, and life of the true philosopher, corresponds, in many points, with the descriptions by which the church fathers sought to portray the life and character of a true Christian. Cf. Clem. Al. Paed. 1. p. 101. Just. M. ad. Diogn. 326, etc. Athen. Leg. p. 288, etc. Not the mental acquire- ments, but the sentiments, are the essential thing with Plato ; he loves to identify true philosophy and true nobility of soul. Cf. the beautiful pas- sage in Plot. 6, 9, 9, with John xvii. 3, etc. 118 Eep. 4, 442. c. ; 443. d. [ii. pp. 128-9]. Cf. Lach. 199. b. sq. Charm. 164. d. [iv. pp. 177, 128]. Theaet. 176. c. [i. p. 411]. 119 Prot. 324. e.' 329. c. [i. pp. 253, 258]. Epin. 989. b. [vi. p. 30]. Cf . also in respect of Plato's piety, the interesting religious ordinances con- cerning blasphemy, etc. Legg. 10, 907. d. sq. (9, 854, e. 10, 885. b.) [v. pp. 450, 354, 405]. Cf. Levit. xxiv. 14, sq. 120 Matt. xiii. 46. Phaed. 69. a, b. Piot. 352. be. [i. pp. 68, 283]. Cf. Wisdom 6, 12, sq. ; 7, 17, sq. 121 Legg. 1, 626. e. Cf. 6. 47. e. [v. pp. 4, 37]. Euseb. Pr. Ev.12, 27 ; Prov. xvi. 32 ; Rom. vii. 22. Cf. also Hor. Epist. 1, 2, 62. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 61 quirement that man love and strive after the good purely for its own sake, and not for any advantage it may peradventure procure, can, with equal reason, be denominated no other than Christian. 122 He also demands an immutable fidelity to the good, even when this fidelity threatens to bring danger and death. 123 For it is worse to commit injustice than to suffer, 124 wherefore also we must never return evil for evil. 125 In accord- ance with this view, Plato gives, in several passages of his writings, a description of a just man suffering, which corre- sponds, almost line for line, with the picture which the Gospels draw of the persecution and condemnation of the Saviour; even the blow on the cheek, which the noble Sufferer had to endure from the rude soldiers, is not forgotten. 126 Plato was constrained, by his whole way of thinking, to regard the free- will of man as the author of all moral action, and there are not wanting passages which intimate this, 127 although he has nowhere developed and presented a proper doctrine of the free- dom of the will. There is one remarkable passage in the Meno, where, in accordance with biblical principles, he appears to 122 See the beautiful passage against those who recommend virtue for the sake of its rewards. Rep. 2, 362. e. sq. [ii. p. 41]. Gorg. 500. a. [i. p. 201]. 123 Apol. 30. b. [i. p. 17]. Rep. 2, 364. d. [ii. p. 43]. Cf. Matt, vii. 13. i 24 Gorg. 479. e. Cf. 507, c. [i. pp. 177, 210]. Rep. 4, 445. a, b. [ii. p. 130], etc. 125 Crito 49. c. [i. p. 38]. Cf. Rom. xii. 17 ; Euseb. Praep.' Ev. 13, 7. Celsus maintained that Jesus took His doctrine of suffering .injustice from Plato. Orig. c. Cels. 7, p. 735. 120 Gorg. 486, a. so. [i. p. 183-4]. Rep. 2, 361. b. sq. [ii. p. 40]. Cf. Euseb. Praep. Ev. 12, 10. (Heb. xi. 37). 12 < Legg. 10, 904, b. [v. p. 442]. Cf. Rep. 10, 617. e. [ii. p. 308]. Remarkable is the frequently recurring thought in Plato, ' that no one is voluntarily bad.' Tim. 87. b. [ii. p. 403]. Men. 78. b. [in. p. 15]. Prot. 145. d. [i. p. 275?] It is plain what prejudicial consequences to the doctrine of freedom may be drawn from this thought, and these Aristotle does not fail to censure. Eth. Nio. 3, 1. ./ 62 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. represent virtue as the work of Divine grace. 128 He was un- questionably convinced that all the beauty and grandeur of earthly life must be traced back to the Divine control and volition, and for this reason laboured to represent his State as founded on God, and his laws as proceeding from God. 129 That he not only described and preached virtue, but also himself practised it, and left to his neighbours the lofty model of a pure moral life, is a statement which no malicious calumnies of his enemies are sufficient to cast a doubt upon. Virtue has indeed, as Plato teaches, its reward in itself, 130 and we can hardly blame his ethical doctrine of Eudaemonism ; yet he does not omit to mention also the blessed consequences which are infallibly connected with the exercise of virtue in this, as in the future life. 131 Plato teaches and maintains not merely the immortality of the soul, but also recompense beyond the grave, and in degrees proportioned to guilt and merit ; 132 and he does not omit to call attention to the terrible- ness of the thought of a future judgment, especially in the last hours of life. 133 It is well known what respect and in- fluence the Platonic eschatology has had in the Christian Church, on account of its resemblance to the Christian doc- 128 Men. 99. e. [iii. p. 47]. Clem. Al. (Strom. 5, p. 429. b.) takes the passage in all earnestness in a Biblico- Christian sense. Another view is that of Justin M. Coh. p. 31. a. 129 Legg. 4, 712. b. ; 713. a. ; 1, 624. a. [v. pp. 133-4 and 1]. 130 Rep. 10, 612. a. [ii. p. 302]. Cf. Gorg. 507. c. [i. p. 210]. 131 Rep. 1. 351. a. [ii. p. 29], etc. 132 Legg. 12, 959. b. [v. 'p. 529 7 30], where the same phrase occurs as in Rom. xiv. 12. On the future judgment see Gorg. 526. b. sq. [i. p. 231]. Rep. 10, 614. c. [ii. p. 305]. Cf. Matt. xxv. 33. 133 Rep. i. 330. d. [ii. p. 6]. It seems as if Plato wished to portray, in this passage, the unrest of the awakened conscience. Grotefend, however, maintains that Plato teaches nothing of the conscience, not even in Rep. 9, 578. a. sq. [ii. p. 266-7]. It would certainly be erroneous to find an intimation of it in the Daemon of Socrates, Theag. 128, d. [iv. p. 403] ; but it can hardly be denied that the heathen generally, and Plato in particu- lar, correctly apprehended and described the conscience. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. G3 trine. His proofs for our continued existence after death, 134 certainly do not proceed from Christian thoughts and truths ; but the tone and spirit in which he everywhere treats of the Athanasy of the true Self in man, and the weight which this doctrine has in and upon his whole system, may, without doubt, be designated as truly Christian. His Phaedo will ever be sure of the deep impression which it has always made on susceptible minds. Besides these resemblances between Platonic and Christian thoughts and doctrines, many others strike us on a continued consideration, which exist principally between some historical circumstances, by which we see the Gospel and Platonism accompanied. We may indicate first, the similarity which seems to be presented with respect to the immediate celestial origin of Plato, and the incarnation of our Saviour. But the Christian Church from the first, has rightly declined most decidedly to make comparisons of this sort ; 135 and in the most modern times it has been fully proved, that not even the incarnations of the Indian mythology can be brought into comparison with the Gospel history of the birth of Jesus, 134 There are three main thoughts from which Plato develops his proof of immortality : 1. The physical and moral indestructibility of the substance of the soul. The soul has being and goodness by its very essence ; and good- ness is here equivalent to indestructibility. The bad is related to the soul ; not as the rust to the iron, which it corrodes, but only as the slime and sand which covers a shell in the sea, and which may be removed. Rep. 10, 609. d. 611. d, e. [ii. pp. 299, 302], etc. 2. The recollection of what was be- held in a previous state of existence. Man, while on earth, could hardly attain to the apprehension of the True and Good, if it had not been im- printed on his soul long before his birth, in heaven, etc. All learning is only a recalling of what was known before, etc. Phaed. 56. a. [i. p. 75]. Men. 81. c. [iii. p. 20]. Cf. Cic. Tusc. 1, 24. 3. The thought of independ- ent and constant motion. The soul must be immortal, because it may be proved to move constantly and of itself. Phaedr. 245. c. [i. p. 321]. Cf. Cic. Tusc. 1, 23. etc. On the hope of reunion after death. Cf. Phaed. 63. b. 68. a. [i. pp. 61, 66]. 135 Orig. c. Cels. 1. p. 30 (Ed. Delar.), ffier. adv. Jov, [iv. p. 186, ed. Par]. Huet. Dem. Ev. 9, 9, 4, etc. 64 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. though, apparently, these have a greater relationship to it than have the Hellenic legends of this kind. It might, perhaps, have been considered more appropriate if we had made the remark before, when reflecting on the manner of clothing ideas in the Gospel and in Plato, that Plato makes use of the myths with a similar view and for a similar purpose, to those with which Christ uses the parables. 136 Christ wishes, by His parables, as well to conceal as to reveal His doctrines : He wishes, on the one hand, to render them plain to the senses and impressive; and, on the other, to soften their sharp spiritual definiteness, and allow one to fall back on their pleasing envelope. The myths in Plato were intended to have, and do have, the same significance. Does not Plato, as an author, in so far as he wishes to exhibit and magnify Socrates, appear to have a certain resemblance to the Evangelist John ? It is well known, from the account in Eusebius, what was John's opinion with regard to the three first Gospels ; and that his purpose, in his picture of our Lord's life, was to set forth clearly the higher and divine part of His nature. A like object probably lies at the base of the Platonic representation of Socrates. Plato, at least, has conceived and portrayed Socrates in an entirely different and far more noble and significant manner than Xenophon in his Memorabilia has done. But a still closer parallel than the above may be drawn in reference to the intellectual warfare which was carried on by Plato, as by Christ, against a certain pernicious class of men. As Christ with the Pharisees, so Plato contends with the Sophists, and through his whole life with the same energy and with the same noble indignation. And Pharisaism and Sophistry are, in fact, very much alike, not merely in their unwholesome influence, but in their whole spirit and character. Obscurity and conceit are the basis of both ; both are less 136 Matt. xiii. 11, sq. Cf. Arist. Met. 1, 2. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 65 concerned with being than with seeming and pretence : both impose on the undiscerning multitude, i hold the truth in un- righteousness ' (Rom. i. 18), and hinder it from what it should and would be and accomplish. In these parallels we should certainly observe those points also in which the difference between the Sophists and Pharisees is seen ; and this is mani- fest chiefly in certain religious and moral principles of the Sophists, which we do not meet with in the teaching of the Pharisees. The distinction between good and evil, between right and wrong, did not, according to the Sophists, exist in and of itself, but is entirely a product of conventional life, 137 as also religion is only an invention of fear and a useful political instrument. And who is not involuntarily reminded by the Platonic Republic of the Christian Kingdom of Heaven ? Does not the former, like the latter, rest on a genuine religious and moral basis ? Is not the former, like the latter, a representation of that dominion which belongs to the Divine in the life of man, and to which life owes its purest happiness and its highest dignity ? Does not the former, like the latter, desire to awake and render effev :ive the great thought of an inward brotherhood of the different ranks and individuals (at least among all the Hellenic races) ! ' 138 Plato certainly did not stand on that lofty eminence from which our Lord and Saviour took in view His holy aim, yet it must not be ignored or denied that a similar object stood obscurely before the enthusiastic soul of the pious heathen, when he created, con amore, that admirable picture of a State sanctified by piety and virtue. 139 Even the church fathers were not disinclined to place his Republic at least near to, and to compare it with, the Theo- 137 Gorg. 483. a. sq. [i. p. 181]. Rep. 1, 338. c. sq. [ii. p. 15]. 138 Rep. -3, 415. a. 9, 590 d. [ii. pp. 98, 281]. 139 Assimilation not merely of the individual, but of the species, of humanity, to God — this is the great fundamental thought and aim of the Platonic Republic. Cf. the beautiful passage, Cic. de legg. 1, 7. 5 66 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. cracy of Moses. 140 Plato could hardly have wished his state to be considered an unattainable ideal. Having now, in this manner, found in Plato's writings in no inconsiderable number of passages, doctrinal statements and views which accord more or less with the Bible and Christianity, we might suppose that in these passages we had obtained that which, in the accomplishment of our task, we were seeking. Of this opinion were most of the church fathers and theo- logians, when they praised the Christianity of Plato. We should do wrong, however, if we rested content with the details which satisfied them ; we should err if we thought that the asserted Christianity of Plato is or can be proved by such passages. They really prove nothing but the highest proba- bility that the Christian element in Plato's philosophy will actually be found on closer examination ; they are not the fruits of the examination itself, but only a layer cropping out into the daylight, which incites us to scraping and digging, by giving reason to the supposition, that if we follow its lead, we shall meet with a rich bed of ore. It is not difficult to understand why such collections of passages have no real scientific value, do not furnish a clear insight into themselves even, nor a proper basis for a safe judgment. The correct comprehension of each thought can proceed only from its organic connection with the others, which belong to it. By the dislocation of a sentence from its conditioned and conditioning passages its sense will be more or less shifted, and always so much the more, the more fresh and genial is the productiveness of the author from whom we take our single passages. In the case of those who glue together and mechanically compose their whole from single parts, this taking out of single parts may be done and may be instructive ; but with those authors whose ideas and works grow up like trees, a correct apprehension of the individual part is scarcely 140 Clem. Al. Strom. 1, 251. a. 4, 396. b. Euseb. Pr. Ev. 9, 6, etc. THE PROXIMATE REASON OF THIS RECOGNITION. 67 possible without a living apprehension of the whole. Plato unquestionably belongs to the latter description of authors. For these reasons, it may not be impossible that the pas- sages adduced from Plato do not contain the Christian sense which they seem to do when taken by themselves and torn from their connection ; as frequently the reverse is the case, when passages are brought forward to prove the. unchristian and godless character of an author, which, taken in their true connection, would far rather have produced an entirely op- posite impression. In general, we cannot too strongly call attention to the error which we too readily fall into with regard to the maxims of the ancient Classics. The pleasure which our classically educated minds take in these maxims, rests not seldom on a misunderstanding of them. We do not take them in the sense of the ancients, but introduce, without seeking or knowing it, a modern sense into them, and then rejoice over the agreement we discover between our own young hearts and those venerable reliques of hoary antiquity. The frequency of such descriptions has been very justly remarked by Goethe. 141 Seneca affords a most fitting proof of the above. Jerome had no hesitation in calling him c Our Seneca.' 142 Seneca certainly uses more than any other a Christian language, and yet his fundamental view of God and the world is utterly unchristian. 143 But this fear of a misapprehension, to which a few pas- sages taken out of their connection are so easily subject, is neither the only nor the principal reason which forbids us to suppose that we have already attained our object. The princi- pal idea of the investigation itself still more necessitates its continuance. We wish to grasp the Christian element in Plato, this we have manifestly not done hitherto. The pas- 141 Nachgelass. Werke. (Tub. 1833), 9, p. 109. 142 Hier. c. Jov. 1, 41. Cf. devir. illust. 12. 143 Seneca was a decided Pantheist. Ep. 92. 95. Cf. Nat. qu. 1, praef. (p. 155, ed. bip.). 86 THE SUBJECT VIEWED EMPIRICALLY. sages and doctrines from Plato have as yet afforded us, not the Christian element itself, but what is related to, and resembles it. All such passages, taken together, even if they really have the Christian sense they seem to have, do not constitute the Christian element ; nor is it contained in the doctrines, how- ever closely they may follow the Christian, for the simple reason that that which is peculiarly the Christian element does not lie in the doctrines of Christianity, as will be shown more distinctly below. However elevated and biblical therefore Plato's teachings concerning God and the world, virtue, life and immortality, may sound, we cannot call him Christian, because he had these doctrines, but we must be able to say the converse of this, because he is a Christian, he has these doctrines. Wherein then properly consists the Christian element in Plato? In order to answer this question satisfactorily, we must now take quite a different course from our previous external empirical treatment. REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. G9 II. THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. CHAPTER I. REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS CONCERNING PLATO ; RELATION OF PLATO TO THE NEW PLATONISTS AND TO ARISTOTLE. 6 The knowledge of the causal is the object of science ; we say we know when we perceive the cause of that which exists.' In these words Proclus indicates the genetic mode of apprehension, and in this, and no other, must the course of the following ex- amination be conducted, for it is at the same time the most in- structive and the most interesting method. An inward connection accordingly must unite all the points of our consideration which follow, or an intellectual necessity of leading over our consciousness from the one to the other ; and the main conception of this examination must be manifest in the course of it, not as one formed and introduced by us, but rather as one which has been developed naturally from the subject-matter itself. But if now the essential and Christian elements of the Platonic philosophy are to be unfolded, so to speak, organically, before our eyes, all that must necessarily first be removed which would operate destructively, or as a restriction, on this development. We must seek above all to obtain free space and a clear arena for this grand phenomenon, the consideration of which is to instruct and gratify us. 70 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. And, from the nature of the case, we must first attempt the removal of the prejudices and distorted views which are pre- valent in cultivated circles and in the public opinion, concerning Plato. For we meet with these not so much in literature and in those philosophers who are authors, as in the conversation of the day, and in the thoughts of those, who have neither time nor ability for an independent investigation of classic antiquity. The common opinions concerning Plato, which are in circu- lation among the educated public, could not be less favourable than they are, to him, or to the correct understanding of his peculiarities. This is the case not merely with the view of those who are accustomed to speak mockingly or depreciatingly of him and his philosophy, but also of the usual opinion of his admirers, who commend him enthusiastically. Por, it is just this base and spurious enthusiasm which has most contributed to displace the true point of view for a considerate judgment of Plato, and to diffuse false conceptions of him and of the value of his philosophy. It is often the fate of great men, that their friends injure them far more than their enemies. That which has earned favour for Plato with a large part of the public, is of very doubtful value, and would be adapted to lessen our esteem for him, or to draw just blame on him, rather than to enhance his reputation, if it really existed in such a manner and to so great an extent, as is frequently represented. The representation, as if a certain sentimental, fanciful, idealistic tendency were the characteristic mark of Plato, was long ago so much brought into vogue, that we usually think first of this tendency, whenever the name of Plato is mentioned. But this representation is wrong throughout, and by no means reaches what is essential in Plato. That part of it may be most easily refuted which has refer- ence to sentimentality or extravagance of feeling. How could it have existed in Plato, when it is most generally acknowledged that it was foreign to the whole of classic antiquity ! The predomi- nant character of antique life and of antique art and literature, REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 71 is the plastic ; everywhere sensuously beautiful form and power, clear understanding and certain harmony ; but — to our modern feeling — for the most part also a marble coldness and want of geni- ality. The tearful tenderness or sorrowful blessedness which is so especially peculiar to our sentimentality, is sought in vain among the ancients, not excluding Plato. 1 How could such a sickly fever-glow be produced from his strong and thoroughly sound mind? We do not wish absolutely to condemn sentimentality, but we wish to distinguish a pure, tender, inward, and elevated form of feeling from that moon-struck affectation and disguised ap- petite for dainties, which has been mainly excited and nourished among us by a certain kind of romances. The necessity and value of the former for our modern life, can scarcely be denied ; but just as little can it be mistaken by what beams this flower, in the history of human development, has been called forth and unfolded ; by no other than those which created and glorified the pictures of the virgin mother of God, and yearningly extended upwards the round temple arches. Noble sentimentality is a product of Christianity in its union with Germanic life ; but the whining and base is a product of that flaccidity and weakness of nerves, which would indeed, but cannot. That neither kind could exist at all in Plato, lies in the nature of the case, and is evident enough in his teaching and works. One may convince himself of this in a moment, by taking into consideration Plato's views of the nature and worth of the feelings. He seeks for the origin and seat of the feelings in the mortal and unreasoning part of the soul; 2 feelings are, accordingly, things which are with- out measure or degree ; for we cannot suppose any degree, above which they cannot rise, or below which they cannot sink. 3 The 1 The single passage in Plato which has an almost sentimental appear- ance is Phaedr. 229. a. 230. b. [i. pp. 303-4]. But the sentimentality is far more apparent than real ; the thoroughly poetic, youthful character of the dialogue gives it this appearance. 2 Tim. 69. d. [ii. p. 380]. 3 Phil. 27. e. sq. [iv. p. 37]. 72 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. state of the feelings is not being but becoming ; they are in an everlasting wavering and fluctuation. 4 Hence also their worth- lessness in respect of science and morality. For since both of these have to avail themselves only of being, they ought not to meddle much with the becoming and ever changeable, and should in every way guard against its injurious influence. Especially do the feelings injure, to an important extent, the moral life, by either bribing it with their charms or subduing it by their violence ; 5 yea, so soon as they have taken root as desires and passions, they render the attainment of true virtue almost im- possible. 6 Plato does not indeed throw all the feelings into one class ; he expressly distinguishes from one another the higher and the lower, the noble and the base emotions, and allows a certain value to the former ; 7 but still always a subordinate and conditional value ; and the exercise of the feelings is never reckoned by him a part of the proper life of the spirit, but only of its life in the phenomenal world and in the mortal body. 8 Considering these opinions of Plato, which do not set a high value on the emotions generally, it is certainly not to be wondered at if he propounds principles and approves of regulations which are, to our minds, thoroughly hurtful and even revolting. It has been long since remarked and shown how closely the spirit of his Ethics is related to the spirit of Stoicism ; the Platonic doc- trine of morals is distinguished mainly from that of the Stoics, in that the former allows the senses to afford a contribution to 4 Phil. 53. c. sq. [iv. p. 83]. Tim. 52. d, e [ii. p. 359]. 5 Phaed. 66, c. cf. 83, e. [i. pp. 65, 87]. Kep. 7, 519. b. [ii. p. 207]. Cf. on the corrupting effect of that which natters the senses, Gorg. 464. e. sq. [i. p. 157]. 6 Eep. 8, 559. b. [ii. p. 248]. 7 Phil. 12. d. [iv. p. 6]. The feeling of the beautiful more noble than the common pleasurable feelings, 51, b. sq. [iv. p. 79]. The truest and highest joys are those which are connected with virtue and follow in its train, 63. e. [iv. p. 103]. 8 Cf. Phaed. 79. c. [i. p. 82]. REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 73 the happy life of the wise man, 9 while the latter stedfastly asserts the exclusive and complete adequacy of the reason to happiness, but in its moral requirements the Academy appears throughout with the same hardness and severity as the Stoa, 10 the former forbade as strictly as the latter grief and complaining at the death of beloved relatives, 11 and had no hesitation in approving, on political grounds, the exposure of weakly children. 12 Who would consider such an one sentimental, who pro- pounds such a doctrine of the affections, and makes such re- quisitions ? The assumption of a certain extravagance of feeling in Plato, is indeed so closely connected with an expression which, though resting on a mistake, is universally used, that the assump- tion must fall if the incorrectness of the expression is proved. We hear much and often of Platonic Love, which, in fact, ac- cording to the idea usually connected with the word, is of a truly sentimental character. Now, not a few who use this ex- pression, imagine that this is the kind of love which Plato either himself possessed, or particularly well described, and hence its name. But Plato is perfectly innocent of having had this love baptized under his name. He knows nothing of the kind of love named after him, and it is a pure mistake that tenderest lovers have made him their patron saint. The Banquet of Plato has given the chief occasion to this mistake. In this dialogue occurs the well-known poetical account of the two halves, which, under a powerful mutual attraction are continually seeking each other. 13 The appearance of sentimentality which this expres- 9 Plato says expressly that happiness is a good compounded of wisdom and pure pleasure. Phil. 21. e. sq. [iv. p. 25]. So also Arist. Eth. Nic. 1, 15. Cic. Fin. 4, 25 sq. 5, 26. sq. 10 Rep. 10,605. d, e. [ii. p. 295]. 11 Rep. 3, 387. e. [ii. p. 67]. The in part unnatural disowning of such feelings was generally in high regard among the Greeks. Cf. Plutarch, Pericles, c. 36. 12 Rep. 5,459. d. [ii. p. 143]. 13 Conv. 192. b. sq. Dante and Petrarch were the principal agents in 74 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. sion of the two halves, has, at first view, disappears entirely on a closer consideration of the account. It is the comedian Aris- tophanes in whose mouth the story is put ; and the comical, ironical, and even caricaturist character of this fable is through- out sufficiently evident. Even the beginning of it, drawn after the manner of Hogarth or the Flemish painters, which I can- not transfer hither from the danger of offending delicate senses, is sufficiently adapted to allay, most completely, every sentimental paroxysm in which, perhaps, a genial reader may have ap- proached it. The idea of Platonic love might be referred much more correctly to the remainder of the dialogue than to this delec- table story of the two halves. For the main subject of this dialogue is certainly Love, and the more noble in contradistinc- tion to basely sensual and impure love. But if noble love is here treated of, it is neither the love of sentiment nor even that of sex, which is meant, while it is this exactly in which the nature of the so-called Platonic love consists and is manifested. The love which Plato commends in the Banquet as the chief requisite of a true philosopher, is nothing but a reverence, grounded in the rational spirit, for the truly good and beautiful, and proceeding from it an incessant but dispassionate striving thereafter. Not the slightest traces of the extravagant sweet- ness which dwells in Platonic love is seen in this thoroughly philosophical love ; in the former, the feelings play the principal part ; in the latter, they do not come on the stage at all, the morally thinking spirit being both their author and subject. 14 With what complete absence of sentimentality Plato re- garded and treated of sexual and sentimental love, is sufficiently evident from the Republic. He here not only proposes, with all bringing the so-called Platonic love into honour and regard. Conv. 185 c, d. [iii.p. 500]. 14 In this sense Socrates calls himself a votary of Love, and says, that love is his only science and art. Phaedr. 227. c. 257. a. 248. d. [i. pp. 301, 333, 324]. Conv. 177. d. [iii. p. 485]. REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 75 seriousness a full community of wives/* at least in the warrior- caste, but seems generally to be acquainted with no other point of view or object of the relation between the male and female sexes, than the physical and political. That which he has most at heart in this relation, is the production of children in every respect proper for the State, and he does not, for this reason, in the least regard, not even in so far as the State requires them, the bonds of affection between parents and children. 16 However, falsely then, this representation of a certain ex- travagance of feeling is connected with Plato's name, it would be equally unjust, if, having learnt that the contrary is much more the case with him, we should therefore condemn him or allow him to be lowered in our esteem. This we have no right to do until we have proved the absolute excellence of our senti- mentality, and shown that the want of it is to be charged to his deliberate and intentional hardness of heart. And either of these results it would be difficult to accomplish. But it is easier to prevent his being credited with sentimen- tality than to free him from the pretended highly honourable designation of an Idealist. For this designation originates, as it seems, not so much in the obscure conceptions of ordinary thinking, but rather in the clear conceptions of science and philosophy itself. It is an usual, and generally known scientific classification, in accordance with which all philosophical ten- dencies and systems are brought into two grand divisions, viz., of Realism and Idealism ; and since, for many years, in all treatises and manuals of philosophy and its history, Plato has been placed in the class of Idealists, it is naturally supposed, out- side the schools in common life, that there is sufficient reason for calling him an Idealist. We shall leave undiscussed for the present the correctness of 15 Rep. 5, 457. c. sq. Tim. 18. c. [ii. pp. 141, 320]. An account of a similar community of wives and property among the Atlantides is given in a fragment of a history of Lybia, by Eumolus, found in Crete, in 1821. 16 Rep. 5, 460. b. sq. [ii. p. 144]. 76 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. this classification and title, for we have not to inquire first into the scientific conception of Idealism, but into the representa- tions with which the expression is connected in common life. It is quite possible that science is perfectly correct in designating a certain intellectual striving by the name of Idealism, and yet, that it would be quite wrong to repeat this word and entitle this striving Idealism in common life. For scientific and ordinary thinking are, in general, essentially different both in form and intrinsic value ; and an idealist, in a history of philosophy, is, doubtless, quite a different thing from an idealist who is com- mended in the conversation of the day. Let then Plato be represented as an idealist in the language of the cathedra and the compendium, — we will concede, at starting, the assumption, that there is a rational and tenable idea connected with the word ; but against the general and favourite application of this name to Plato in common life, we must claim most decidedly, that Plato is not at all what is usually under- stood by an idealist. How then is the idealist usually thought of? An enthusi- astic man who loves and makes ideals, i.e., sublime intellectual originals and types, and prefers these unconditionally to the common reality. The conceptions of idea, ideal and idealistic, ideality and idealism are, for the most part, so mingled together in the popular mode of representation, that it is difficult to effect a sharp distinction between them in ordinary thinking. But what renders it especially difficult to oppose or correct the traditional view of Plato's idealism, is the pretty general and passionate admiration of the so-called ideals. Ideals are among us, like the crown-diamonds, of the highest value. It is thought almost everywhere in all seriousness, that men cannot do better than manufacture ideals, and strive after their attainment with all their powers : life would lose all its beauty and nobility if it ceased to look up to the heights where hover its bright ideals ; but, on the other hand, every one who contributes to awaken and diffuse enthusiasm for ideals, deserves well of the world and REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 77 mankind. And it is said to be just this which we are to regard especially as the beautiful and admirable in the Platonic philo- sophy, that it is itself penetrated with this enthusiasm for ideals, and is also able to kindle it in all susceptible natures. He who would meddle with ideals, doubting somewhat their highest value, strikes at the heart of the ideal-loving public, and need not count on acquiescence in his discussions, nay, not even on being calmly heard. But we need not now enter into the controversy proper concerning the nature and value of ideals, we need merely to institute as close a comparison as possible between the thinking and acting of an ordinary idealist and those of Plato, and to judge from this, whether Plato is to be called an idealist or not. The first thing we perceive in ordinary idealists is ill-humour and discontent. They do not turn a friendly countenance on the world, but look down on common life with the expression of pride or contempt. This appears to be the case also with Plato. His contem- poraries reproached him with his ill-humour, his air of superi- ority, and his knitted brows. With what are the idealists discontented ? This they declare with sufficient plainness. It is with that which is and happens in every-day reality. It is not beautiful or good enough for them. Does not our Plato openly say the same % Does he not com- plain often, and sharply and bitterly enough of the common course of things, the ordinary doings and practices of men % 17 With this discontent, is most intimately connected among the idealists, the desire and striving after a better state of things. This is also sufficiently manifest in Plato. 18 , Now, how do the idealists act, in order, according to their abilities, to realize this desire, and to give a better form to the common reality ? They raise themselves in thought from the lower to the higher ■, from that which is, to that which, according 17 Kep. 6, 496. b. Cf. 500. b. [ii. pp. 183, 188]. 18 Phil. 20. d. [iv. p. 23]. Cf. Gorg. 526. e. [i. p. 231], etc. 78 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. to their ideas, ought to be, they project in their minds pure and excellent originals and copies for all the conditions and relations of life, and furnish the same with all conceivable perfections. These ideals they present continually before the world ; they re- quire the world to reflect upon them incessantly, and to copy them as far as possible. Does not Plato do the same ? There is in him, unmistake- ably, the ascending direction of thought; he indubitably raises himself high above all the low and base things of earth, to the contemplation of the eternally beautiful and good in heaven, 19 and not only guides up thither the looks of all his followers, but enjoins it upon them, as a sacred duty, to order all their life and actions in accordance with their perceptions of the most beauti- ful and most perfect. 50 Accordingly, Plato's opinions and procedure agree in all essential particulars with those of the idealists, and, consequently, he is with perfect justice denominated an idealist ! What shall we say to this result ? That Plato's intellectual tendency and that of the idealists appear to be parallel to each other, without, however, being like each other in their inward essence. Even the discontent of Plato with the actual world, is essentially different from that of the self -sufficient idealists. To be discontented with the existing and actual, is in the power of every one ! But the chief point is, has every one a right so to be % This the ordinary idealists presuppose without further consideration ; but the presupposition is grounded usually in nothing else than vanity and obscurity ; Plato, on the other hand, may be justified in the most decided manner for his dissatisfaction with his own times. Should the concern which the actual state of things causes to this or that person, in itself give him the right to set up his 19 See the principal passages on the ideal world, which is also called heaven or the kingdom of truth. Eep. 7, 517. b. 516. b. ; 6, 509. d. [ii. pp. 205, 204]. Phaedr. 248. b. [i. p. 324]. 20 Rep. 6, 500. c. sq. Tim. 90. d. [ii. pp. 188,407]. REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 79 ideals in the place of the things which displease them, then should we look with suspicion on the beauty of the world and the free spirit of life. Then it would be difficult to draw the boundary line between idealists and fools. For how many so- called ideals spring from shallow discontent and perverseness ! Much appears to the ignorant, bad and exceptionable, which, on a more profound investigation, is recognized as good and benefi- cial. That sleeper under the oak tree, who, if he had had the arrangement of the world, would have made pumpkins grow on the oak, has still everywhere Ins parallels, as, e.g., is sufficiently evident in the political ideals and plans of reform of the daily journals. From the Girondist to St Simon and Fourier, what a gallery of ideals from such sources ! Not less numerous is that species of ideals, the formation of which is induced by disordered nerves or in perverseness of heart. Did not even the clear-headed Lessing think, in an irritated mood, that the trees should appear red instead of green, if a landscape is to be ideally beautiful ? To those who, for reasons of this kind form ideals, Plato truly did not belong. His variance with his times was histori- cally, no less than philosophically, well-founded. He who cen- sures his own times, and is desirous of improving them, must first himself be truly better than they; only he who possesses a larger amount of wisdom, virtue and piety than is to be found in real life, may presume to operate on life in arranging and trans- forming it. But, on the one hand, history shows us the gross corruption and inward rottenness of Athenian life in Plato's times, and the moral spotlessness, freshness, and strictness of his character ; and, on the other hand, the study of his philosophy and philosophy in general, enables us to perceive in him a greatness and clear- ness of mind, a fulness and depth of knowledge and insight, which we shall not find so united in any one of his contempo- raries, and scarcely in any other sage of the ancient or modern world. If we add to this his earnest piety, which preserved him 80 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. from the impious improvisation of idealistic attempts at reform, we cannot well doubt that from his nobility of mind and soul he had power to fight with the sword of the spirit against the evil and perishable for the true and eternal. The case is quite otherwise in an intellectual and moral point of view, with our ordinary idealists. They think the good, but they have and do it not. Their thought stands in a melancholy disproportion to their being and w r ill ; it stretches up heaven- wards, it hovers around above the stars, while the rest of the man lies stunted on the earth, and, from its incompleteness and weakness is unable to accomplish its purpose. Hence also their ideals have not the pith and substance, which only a heart divinely animated, and moral integrity, such as Plato had, could give them ; and the reality, however bad and worthless it may appear to such persons, is, in general, much better and more rational than their one-sided and consumptive excogitations. 21 But in still another point is Plato diametrically opposed to our ordinary idealizers ; viz., in his procedure in the formation of ideals. Among the idealists the mode of proceeding is, for the most part, arbitrary and subjective, while in Plato it is objective and necessary. The ordinary idealist imagines all sorts of ideals, such as he desires ; Plato presents none but such ideas as present themselves persistently in his closest course of thinking as the most correct. However high the idealist may raise himself — his ideals are still to be found only within his subjectivity and the images appertaining to it ; they are creatures of his subjec- tive thinking, which do not exist in reality. But Plato's highest endeavour is directed to the knowledge of that, not w T hich he thinks to he, but which is really, true and good ; 22 he is clearly conscious that he has not invented his ideas within his subjec- tivity, but has perceived them beyond this, in their objective and real existence. Plato is consequently not so much a maker 23 21 Eep. 5. 458. a, b. Cf. Rep. 7, 529. a, b. [ii. pp. 142, 218 sq.], where 1 those who gape upwards ' are ridiculed. 22 Conv. 211. a. [iii. p. 551]. 23 Rep. 10, 596. b. [ii. p. 285]. REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 81 as a seer 24 of ideals ; and hence, while the characteristic mark of our ordinary ideals is their non-existence in reality, so the characteristic mark of his consists in just the reverse, their ex- istence and real entity. The probable objection, that it has not been granted to any philosopher to attain to the intuition of the objectively true, does not lessen or alter the above stated differ- ence. However the case may be with the objectivity of know- ledge — this remains beyond dispute, that the ordinary idealists not only themselves confess the unreality of their ideals, but are even accustomed to commend loudly this non-existence as the best proof of the supernatural splendour of their ideals ; while Plato ever labours, with all the powers of his mind, to prove the existence of his originals and their possible realization in real life. It is therefore certain that if Plato is to be called an idealist, it must be in a sense quite different to that usually con- nected with the word ; and that the view still cherished by many is utterly false, according to which this earnest and careful in- quirer is considered an over-heated enthusiast and dreamer. 25 Those who have most frequently called Plato an idealist, have not for the most part desired thereby to disparage, so much as to honour, him. We have deemed it necessary to protest against this kind of honorary recognition, or at least, to allow it to pass only conditionally. But it is not less necessary to turn now also to those who have really misconstrued and disparaged Plato, and to show how unfounded are the representations by which they have injured him in the public opinion. There has proceeded namely, from the declared opposers of Plato, a depreciative judgment concerning the scientific value of his philosophy, which is now pretty firmly established among a large part of the public. A double reproach has been chiefly brought upon it, that it is too syncretic, and that it is too imagi- native. 24 Phaedr. 247. e. [i. p. 324]. 25 See especially Rep. 7, 540. a. sq. [ii. p. 230], on the period necessary to the attainment of the highest ideals. 6 82 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. Even in antiquity, some malevolent persons were so bold as to charge Plato with syncretism and plagiarism. Accordingly, he is said at one time to have brought his wisdom from Egypt and the Egyptian priests ; at another time, they make him out to be a disciple who plundered his master, Pythagoras, 26 or Hera- clitus, or Protagoras, 27 at another, they adduce even Epichar- mus, 28 or some other predecessor, as the source from which he drew, without naming it ; and far from duly recognizing the organic connection throughout the rise and completion of his philosophy, they are indeed so bold as to attribute to it a mixed character, and to regard it as a motley juxtaposition of various elements and parts of systems. Yet, in the history of philosophy and literature, a special at- tention or categorical refutation has never been vouchsafed to such charges. And rightly ! For they bear their intrinsic emptiness too plainly on their front, to render such a refutation necessary. They have, in fact, long since collapsed ; and at the present day, no one any longer seriously believes that Plato de- ceived the world with the splendour of a great light, which he did not himself possess, but purloined from another. The correct view of the matter may be this, that it would be as false to deny to the Platonic philosophy an accession of ma- terials for ideas from without, as it would be unreasonable to depreciate the intellectual greatness of Plato on account of his reception of these materials. That is perfectly correct, and beyond all doubt, which Eitter has especially placed in a proper light, that Plato not only possessed and displayed more originality of mind than any other, but that his philosophy is also a genuine 26 Diog. La. 8, 15. Especially is he said to have plundered the dearly- bought writings of Philolaus. Cf. Gell. Noct. Att. 3, 17. That PlatoPs philosophy is rooted in part in Pythagorean and Heraclitic philosophemes, as also Aristotle (Met. I, 6) says, cannot be denied, but is not prejudicial to his reputation for originality, i I 27 Euseb. Praep. Ev. 10, 3. 28 Diog. La. vit. Plat. The passages which he quotes from Epicharmus, certainly do express quite Platonic thoughts. REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 83 product of Hellenism, and presents most distinctly the character of Hellenism. But we must not consider this originality and Hellenism as absolute limits which separate and exclude all else. The powerful originality of the Platonic mind is rather so to be conceived of, as that Plato, although taking up and working into himself the whole mass of philosophical knowledge and inquiry which preceded him, was by no means a mere follower of his predecessors, but as an independent thinker, uniting these elements with his own ideas in an organic method, created and fashioned a new and peculiar philosophy. And though the Hellenic feeling and spirit may be by far the most predominant in his philosophy, yet the gentle breathing also of another spirit in it cannot be disputed, whose origin was un- deniably in the East. Who then would explain so mechanically the occurrence of the religious philosopheme of the Orient in Plato's works, as though Plato, like a modern scholar, had studied and excerpted all sorts of exotic books ? The Oriental influences on his mind are, on the contrary, to be derived first and chiefly from the intellectual atmosphere of Hellenic life ; for this atmosphere, since the times of Orpheus and Pytha- goras, had been penetrated and fertilized by ideas from the East. Of greater consequence than that old, empty charge, that Plato was a syncretist, is the reproach that he is a phantast. For the former may be considered as almost unknown, but the latter is still loudly expressed and extensively credited. As a legend propagates itself by tradition among a large part of the public, so Plato's reputation is founded not so much on the scientific value and bearing of his philosophy — for, in a scientific regard, it shows many weaknesses and crudities, — but rather on some brilliant peculiarities of his mind and style. Plato is more of a poet than a thinker, 29 more of a genial than a philosophical mind. A severe scientific investigation, a constant, systematic 29 That Plato occupied himself much with poetry in his youth, and attempted all kinds of poetic composition is of course set forth in support of this view. Diog. La. v., etc. Ael. Yar. hist. 2, 30. 84 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. progress in the course of thought, is not his affair. He resigns himself rather to the bold flight of his fiery fancy, which is the most prevailing and most distinguished faculty of his mind. To this faculty he is principally indebted for his richness in ideas, views, ingenious thoughts and images, — the abundance of which is manifest in his works ; and these, in fact, often sublime thoughts and new and surprising flashes of intellect must be considered the chief profit to be drawn from the study of his works ; and that which lends to his writings their special charm, is the brilliant eloquence and classic refinement with which the thoughts are presented. How often do we hear this view expressed as doubtless the most correct by those who know no more of Plato's writings than their titles ! How many of those who are somewhat more intimately acquainted with his works, who always regard him and his philosophy only through these spectacles, and then fearlessly and confidently maintain : i Yes, this in fact is the case with Plato and his philosophy I' But the case is in fact a little different from this. That Plato possesses a rich and lively fancy is certainly not a subject of doubt. But that this renders him more fit for a poet than a philosopher is an error. Of itself, fancy hinders no man in a clear perception of the truth, but only when there is no true equipoise between it and the other powers of the mind, and when the consciousness is unable to maintain its calm circum- spection in the midst of the other mental activities, and its secure dominion over them. There are, of course, feeble minds enough, in which the centre is only too easily overpowered by the excitements and agitations of the periphery, and whose kernel of consciousness does not remain clear and firm under the influence of in-coming thoughts, but is coloured and affected, and even entirely carried away. By such fanciful persons, whose whole thought and action are governed by their exces- sive power of imagination, fancy has come into bad repute, as piety by hypocrites. Such minds are naturally incapable of REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 85 true philosophical inquiry, although, in such exalted mental conditions they not infrequently strike on thoughts as new as they are correct and suggestive. But what they gain and bestow in this manner is not so much logical perceptions and judgments as happy thoughts and combinations. But the Platonic philosophy is certainly not woven of such materials. He must be a bungler in the art of philosophical weaving, who, studying earnestly Plato's philosophy, does not very soon become aware of the exact contrary of this, and who does not with deep reverence recognize the severe strength of his philosophical mind and his dialectic method. In truth, if any one can lay claim to sharp, logical, severely close thinking, it is Plato, as will be clearly evinced in the following chapter. But because Plato, so soon as he has completed his inward in- tellectual labour, and has fully developed the idea of the sub- ject which he wishes to present, and closely grasped it in all its points, does not allow the severity of abstract thinking to govern his presentation, but rather allows that which he has philosophically elaborated, to appear in the poetic form of dialogue, as a light and free play of the thoughts, this mainly has induced not a few to create the suspicion, whether Plato pos- sessed a properly philosophical faculty. Now, in fact, we might thus, in the end, bring into doubt the anatomical skill of the Creator, because, in the most beautiful images of His hand we do not generally discern the skeleton and plan which they have within them and according to which they were formed. Plato a phantast! — he, who not only thoroughly studied the mathematics, but always manifested an unusual strength in mathematical discipline, and urged its cultivation everywhere with the greatest zeal ! 30 The groundlessness of the widely extended prejudice against Plato's imaginative character has really been already frequently proved by careful inquirers ; and not a few passages might be 30 Rep. 7, 527. b, c. [ii. p. 216]. Hence also the much discussed in- scription on his school. Cf. Phil. 66. a. [iv. p. 107]. 86 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. quoted from his works which have attacked and combated this prejudice with sharper weapons than are mine. Yet, perhaps, our opponents would confess no convincing power to such testi- monies and refutations, however they might be accumulated, because, as they would say, they have proceeded, for the most part, from such admirers and friends of Plato as are them- selves abundantly gifted with a lively imagination. And so here only a single competent combatting of this view may be introduced, instead of all others, which proceeds from an inquirer whom no one would think of charging with being gifted with a fiery imagination or predilection for the fanciful, I mean the diligent, honestly dry, and thorough Tennemann, who thus expresses himself concerning Plato and the assorted prevalence of fancy in him : — ' If we regard the talents of Plato . . . he is a single phenomenon of his kind in antiquity, and we shall scarcely find, in modern times, a man who could be placed beside him in his entire individuality. He united in himself peculiarities of mind, which, taken singly, occur here and there in a higher degree, but have never been excelled in their union and beautiful harmony. The first talent, which manifested itself earliest in him, is the power of imagi- nation, distinguished on the side of compass, vivacity, and strength. . . . But he had yet another talent, which was no whit behind the first in pre-eminence, viz., the gift of in- dependent thought, an ever active spirit of inquiry, acuteness, and profoundness of mind in a high degree. With all his strength of imagination, his power of thought was still superior. The latter rules the former, prescribes the limits, the objects, and the manner, for and in which it is to manifest itself. . . . That Plato was no enthusiast, his interest in mathematical science alone proves.' It would be far easier to bring about an understanding concerning the asserted bad influence of Plato's fancy on his philosophical judgment, if strange and distorted conceptions of the value and significance of fancy generally had not insinuated themselves among us. We not only very REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 87 frequently exchange fancy, presentative power and imagination with each other, but we are also accustomed, by wise education from youth up, to give fancy credit for little that is good, and to consider it as a dangerous juggler, who deprives honest people of their little judgment before they are aware. With the word fancy, we connect involuntarily the ideas of falsehood and deceit. We are afterwards confirmed in these sensible thoughts when we hear a lecture on psychology, and learn to distribute the different faculties in elegant order into their respective fobs. And, so the longer we live, the more is this idea fixed in us, and we are even more terrified by the words, 1 the fancy is loose,' than when we are told, ' the devil is loose.' The superabundance of fancy, in some persons, can no more tend to the injury of this mental faculty itself, or lessen its value, than fire loses its value, because children and fools so easily get burnt by it. If we have cause to disapprove of the fancy in this or that individual, we must be cautious of break- ing our rod over fancy in general. We must not imagine that the different faculties of the mind, in different individuals, are all cut out by an uniform pattern, and that hence we may know what the judgment and fancy are in this or that individual, so soon as we have obtained a general idea of what are usually called judgment and fancy. We must never forget that every intellectual power, in every intellectual life, is at the same time conditioning and conditioned, and that hence the possession of fancy by one is and signifies something quite different from its possession by another. We must come to the rational insight, that among all the mental faculties, when the other favourable conditions are secured, none reaches further, or operates more significantly, than fancy, and that the so-called reason raises itself to true rationality and mental clearness only to the degree that it is capable of becoming fancy. All those poor wretches, who live in their blind alleys, from which frequently they do not emerge their whole life long, and make boots and shoes for daily supply and trade, live on and 88 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY. work on that which those have apprehended and laboriously gained, whose fancy they bravely abuse. For the great, solid, substantial and objective, is apprehended and known in no other way than by the lively elevation of fancy in a clear and thoughtful mind. Now, since by this it has come into history, and has been borne by its stream through all sorts of channels of culture, even into the blind alleys, those narrow-minded per- sons boastingly say, that they have searched it out and dis- covered it by their sound common sense ! We found ourselves compelled, in order to render possible a fair and impartial consideration of Plato and his philosophy, to secure him as well from his friends as from his enemies, and to deliver him from the praise of the false enthusiasm of the former and the one-sided and prejudiced criticism of the latter. If we trace that enthusiasm and this criticism to the first and oldest sources from which they have proceeded, we meet with the former in the New Platonists, and with the latter in Aris- totle. Both, though from opposite sides, have much injured the Platonic philosophy and the judgment concerning it ; the former, by setting too high a value on it and corrupting it ; the latter, by misconstruing and decrying it. We must, therefore, seek to render the relation of both to it as clear as possible. New Platonism has been often supposed to be in the closest connection with the philosophy of Plato, as if both were, so to speak, in one continuous line, without perceptible interruption. The former was regarded as a second, more extended and enlarged edition of the latter ; for this view of the relation of the New Platonists to the head and master of their school, appeared to have proceeded from the history of philosophy itself. The observation, namely, obtruded itself, that, especially in the middle ages, all the minds who attached themselves to Plato had been gained for him through New Platonism. Since, therefore, in Plato's disciples, both systems, the Platonic and the New Platonic, existed almost indifferently with and in each other, it was natural that others, who had less interest in REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 89 obtaining an exact knowledge of pure Platonism, were ac- customed to regard it as something not essentially different from New Platonism. Whence much censure, on their part, has been directed against Plato, which ought to have been directed against the New Platonists. More modern inquiries have fully proved the essential difference between them; and so, then, the strict requisition must be laid on every one who would come to, or pronounce a decision concerning Plato, that he do not again mingle things which have been shown not to belong to each other. It is enough for our purpose to indicate a few points from which this difference may be plainly recognized. New Platonism arose, as is well known, in Alexandria, at the end of the second century after Christ. The place and the time of its origin and the polemic tendency which it very soon assumed, are sufficient to lead to the presumption that it must not be considered a reproduction or continued develop- ment of the Platonic philosophy. In Alexandria were mingled not only nations, but opinions. Oriental, Jewish, Greek, Eoman, and Egyptian elements flowed in and through the mental culture of Alexandria. This was a time of universal fermentation and dissolution ; a time, when the old indi- vidualities of the then world -historic nations were almost wholly extinct, when the adoption of foreign ideas and ele- ments no longer took place in the organic method, by assimi- lation, but wholly in the chemical way, by amalgamation. This was eminently the case in Egypt, in general, and in Alexandria, in particular. What else could succeed, in such circumstances, but a forcible combination into one whole of opposing fragments ? New Platonism is a combination of this kind. The New Platonists have been denominated, after the example of the church fathers, Eclectics. This denomination, however, is not quite appropriate. For, with the idea of Eclecticism is always connected the conception of a certain calm, dispassionate taste, 90 THE SUBJECT DEVELOPED GENETICALLY: which selects from different views, placed side by side, those most agreeable to it. But the New Platonists did not form their systems thus. They did not arise in a dry, but a fiery manner. An impassioned fire formed them from the chaotic condition of the then philosophy. The glow of enthusiasm is not only not to be denied to New Platonism, but it was un- questionably its plastic principle. The glowing enthusiasm of the New Platonists was greatly heightened by their contest with Christianity. It must be remembered that New Platonism strove after nothing less than the dominion of the world ; and for this it contended with Christianity. It depended not merely on scientific and phi- losophical importance, but eminently also on religious value and efficiency. It sought, by purifying and renovating heathenism, to procure it the victory over the (to the Hellenes) scanda- lous religion of a Crucified One. It is well known how the Emperor Julian endeavoured to terminate the struggle in favour of New Platonism. The character and culture of this man indicate, besides, that so slight an intellectual value is not to be attributed to New Platonism as is frequently done, by inconsiderately despatching it with a few distinguished phrases, as, 6 productions of heated and over-strained minds,' and others of the same sort. With all its monstrous and fanciful excrescences, there cannot be refused to New Platonism a profound and rich spirituality ; and if we compare the Theologumena of the New Platonists with those of the Christians of that time, it is soon perceived that as much effort and self-command is required to comprehend and belie vingly adopt many of the former as some of the latter, and that the Platonic Theology, as a whole, has a certain intellectual distinction and deportment, a noble strain and tone in advance. of the Christian dogmatics of those times, which, under awkward hands, turned out somewhat massive and clumsy. The Euneads of Plotinus, the most important of all the New Platonists, take a very honourable place in the REMOVAL OF FALSE VIEWS AND OPINIONS. 91 history of the human mind, and give highly original flashes of light as well on divine things as on human endeavours. That winch characterizes New Platonism chiefly on the side of religion, which is the most important for us, is its Theosophy 31 and Theurgy. 32 Both of these apparently had their origin in the East. 33 Every one who is only moderately acquainted with these things knows that this effeminate and voluptuous kind of divine illumination and piety is especially at home in India, and that the formulas of conjuration, by which it is pretended that the divine powers can be made sub- servient to the human will, form a principal constituent of the Asiatic religions. With the Theosophy are connected the Pantheistic and emanational ideas of New Platonism, and the necessary consequence of the Theurgy is an extraordinary cultivation of the doctrine of Daemons. These few indications are sufficient to place us in a con- dition to recognize and designate the essential difference be- es C5 tween Plato and the New Platonist. In Plato there is not the slightest trace of Theurgy and Theosophy, which are most prominent in New Platonism. Plato declaims, in the strongest manner, as we have seen, against the illusion of men, that by various arts they can bring the gods under their will ; repre- senting this delusion, that the gods are to be reached like men, by bribing their passions, as the fruitful source of all irreligion and wickedness. 34 His theology is as free from all dainties 31 Porphyrins relates that Plotinus was, during his life, four times in glorified union with God. Porph. vit. Plot. c. 14. 18. 32 For the TJieurgio writings of Porph., see in Suidas. s. v. Cf. Aug. C. Dei. 10, 9. 10. Jamblichus' work de Myst. -