4 72, 
 
.1 
 
GENERAL GRANT, 
 
 SEEVICES TO THE COUNTRY 
 
 HIS QUALIFICATIONS 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 Presidency of the United States 
 
 CONSIDEEED IN 
 
 ^ 1ST ADDRESS 
 
 DELIVERED BY 
 
 HON. HOOPER C. VAN VORST, 
 
 BEFOKE THE NATIONAL CLUB OF NEW YOKE CITY, 
 ON THE 12th DAY OF OCTOBER, 1868. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY DIRECTION OF THE CLUB. 
 
 NEW YOEK: 
 
 Howard & Stoteb, Printers, 42 & 44 Nassau Stbeet. 
 
 18 68. 
 
.V&8 
 
 Co" 
 
 National Club House, 
 
 No. 30 Union Square, 
 New York, October 13th, 1868. 
 
 Hon. Hooper C. Van Vorst, 
 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 It gives me great pleasure to communicate to 
 you a Resolution passed by The National Club, 
 last evening, at the close of your truly admirable 
 Address. On motion of Ethan Allen, Esq., seconded 
 by Ex-Judge Charles A. Peabody : " Resolved 
 " that the thanks of this Club are hereby tendered to 
 " the Hon. Hooper C. Van Vorst, for his able and 
 "eloquent Discourse; and that he be requested to 
 " furnish a copy of the same for publication." 
 
 Will you be kind enough, in accordance with 
 the terms of the Resolution, to send me a copy of the 
 Address, in order that it may be immediately placed 
 in the hands of the printer. 
 
 I am, dear sir, very respectfully yours, 
 
 WM. HENRY ANTHON, 
 
 Chairman. 
 61505 
 
 '05 
 
A_ D DRESS. 
 
 In the order of events, the election of Washington as 
 the first President of the United States was in every 
 respect a logical necessity. The minds of all people 
 instinctively turned to him as the proper person, at that 
 era in the history of the country, to fill this office. 
 While the affections of the people gave their cordial 
 assent, their judgment approved the choice; and the 
 wisdom of the American people in making this selection 
 commended itself to the approval of the woi Id. 
 
 This result was produced no less by the acknowledged 
 fitness of Washington for the proper discharge of the 
 duties of the office, in the midst of the untried emer- 
 gencies upon which the nation was about to enter, than 
 by a just appreciation of and a sense of gratitude for the 
 great military services whi^h he had rendered the coun- 
 try, and which had covered the arms of this young peo- 
 ple with heroic renown. And our experience as a nation 
 up to the present day, as we look back and consider his 
 firm and intelligent administration of affairs, teaches us 
 that the choice then made was eminently wise ; for. dis- 
 tinguished as the first President was in the deliberate 
 council of war, and in the field amid the din and confu- 
 sion of arms, his civil administration was marked with 
 all the distinguishing elements of a great success. 
 
 Washington was wise in the selection of persons to 
 fill the principal offices under him, both as General and 
 President. He always selected tried and able men, 
 adapted to the duties to be performed. When President, 
 such experienced statesmen as Hamilton, versed in ques- 
 tions of finance, was called to the Treasury, and Jeffer- 
 son, exercised in matters of domestic and foreign policy, 
 was called to the State Department. 
 
The learned John Jay was appointed to the Chief 
 Justiceship of the Supreme Court, and in his jurispru- 
 dence laid the foundation for the great fame to which 
 that court has justly attained. 
 
 Wisely and well, in the firm and just conduct of pub- 
 lic affairs by Washington, was laid the foundation of a 
 prosperous state. 
 
 The American people are again called upon to select 
 a chief executive officer of the nation, and the crisis 
 demands that the choice should be made with the same 
 wisdom and patriotism which guided our fathers. Upon 
 the result of the present determination the future of the 
 country depends. There are some circumstances in 
 which the position of the present represents the condi- 
 tion of the country when the first President was chosen. 
 We had not then, as we have not now, been long emerged 
 from a bloody war ; the first waged to secure the indepen- 
 dence of the nation, and to give it a distinct place and name 
 among the great powers of the earth ; the second to 
 preserve the unity of the States, the binding force and 
 integrity of its Constitution, under the wise provisions 
 of which the Republic had attained to real greatness. 
 The last war was to determine the question whether the 
 Republic founded by Washington and his compatriots was 
 to live or not. Its life was dependent on the issue. For, 
 had the rebellion succeeded, the unity, strength and 
 vitality of the nation were gone forever. The elements 
 could never have been reunited. Then, as now, over 
 the land, were visible the sad traces which war makes. 
 There had been losses of property ; there had been pre- 
 cious blood shed ; there was widowhood and orphanage ; 
 there were accumulated domestic griefs, which time 
 alone can assuage ; and there was then, as now, a large 
 public debt impending, incurred by the war, bringing 
 with it taxes and duties. 
 
 The war of the Revolution had been long and tedious, 
 and had been attended with various success. There had 
 
been great discouragement, and men's hearts had often 
 failed them; and in the midst of arms, there had been 
 earnest advocates of a peace involving the surrender of 
 the great principle out of which the contest had arisen, 
 and for the maintenance of which the war was waged. 
 And so, too, during the war brought on by the slave- 
 holders' rebellion, there were days of darkness and 
 despondency ; our commerce was in jeopardy; our arms 
 .sustained many defeats; our Capital was often belea- 
 ugered and in imminent peril ; and there were then too, 
 in our very midst, many advocates of peace upon any 
 terms, who made use of the very embarrassment which 
 their efforts created to sow dissension and doubt in the 
 minds of the people, and to discourage the prosecution 
 of the war. 
 
 And as the heart of Washington had remained firm 
 and unshaken amidst all the trials and defeats and dis- 
 contents by which he was at times environed, so too, 
 the heart of our Grant remained at all times immovablv 
 fixed on the great end which he had in view — the sup- 
 pression of the rebellion, the preservation of the life of 
 the nation — and expressed itself in these immortal 
 words : " I will fight it out on this line, if it takes all 
 Summer." 
 
 And as the eye of the people, following the impulses 
 of its grateful heart, turned to Washington as the per- 
 son, in the eternal fitness of things, to be the first Presi- 
 dent of the Republic which he had by the success of his 
 arms founded, so too, the affections of this people turn 
 to Grant as the one to preside over the country which 
 he has saved. 
 
 The men of the present day are in judgment, in feel- 
 ing and impulse, as their fathers were. Nor will it be 
 found now, as it was not then, that this Republic is 
 ungrateful. 
 
 Washington did not desire this great office. His 
 2 
 
biographers admit that he had no ambition for the 
 place. To his most intimate friends he expressed him- 
 self as decidedly averse to assuming the cares, duties 
 and responsibilities of such a trust. He desired repose. 
 He could well rest upon the great military reputation to 
 which he had attained ; it was enough to satisfy any 
 desire of fame, as it filled the world, and was rendered 
 the more conspicuous by his disinterested patriotism and 
 native modesty. 
 
 Washington yielded to the public demands, and con- 
 sented to take the office. He never withstood or 
 opposed the call of his countrymen. In the whole laud 
 there was found no person of sufficient hardihood to 
 appeal - and contest with him for the prize. The fruit 
 uncoveted by others, not sought for by himself, fell 
 ripened in his hands. 
 
 The election of Washington was unanimous! 
 
 And why should not Grant be the unanimous choice 
 of the Electoral Colleges as President of the United 
 {States ? 
 
 Three States are said to oppose his election — Ken- 
 tucky, Maryland and Delaware ! all formerly slave 
 states! It would be well for these States to pause 
 before deciding this question. In no way could their 
 people do more to atone for their feeble loyalty during 
 the progress of the war, or advance the interests of the 
 seceding States, than by casting their electoral votes for 
 Grant. 
 
 Great as were the services of Washington for his 
 country, those of Grant were none the less so. It was 
 the military genius of Grant, and which has justly 
 given him the cognomen of the Great Captain of the 
 present day, aided by the courage and perseverance of 
 the army and the patriotism of the people, to which we 
 are indebted for the existence of our united Republic 
 to-day, and for the distinction in which it is held. 
 
 It is true that Grant does not, as Washington did not 
 
desire the office. It is true that he has done nothing to 
 
 procure his nomination for the place, and makes no 
 effort to render his success certain. It is true that, pre- 
 vious to his nomination, he declared that ho did not 
 desire the office ; that he preferred the place which he 
 already held; and that since his nomination he has for- 
 bidden General Howard, who, in charge of the Freed- 
 mau's Bureau, was about to make a tour of the South- 
 ern States, to advocate his claims to the office. It is 
 true with him, as it was with Washington, that he has 
 no ambition tor the honor, power and patronage which 
 the office would confer on him. Still Grant possesses 
 in an eminent degree all trie qualities which the proper, 
 wise and just administration of the office demands. 
 
 It is the quality of true greatness to be allied with 
 modesty. In Washington this was conspicuous, and in 
 Grant it is no less so. Each observed carefully the 
 object to be attained and the difficulties to be overcome. 
 Each noiselessly, without parade, but firmly, adjusted 
 the means, collected and disposed the forces for the 
 undertaking; and when success came, although its 
 importance was profoundly understood, it was quietly 
 announced. Irving, the graceful biographer of Wash- 
 ington, says of him : 
 
 " The character of Washington may want some of the 
 " poetical elements which dazzle and delight the multi- 
 " tude ; but that it possessed prudence, firmness, saga- 
 " city, moderation, an overruling judgment, courage 
 " that never faltered, patience that never wearied." 
 
 How much of this language is justly applicable to 
 Grant ! In him you find the same firmness, moderation, 
 sagacity, judgment and courage ! 
 
 General Dix, an excellent judge of men and character, 
 and who has had large experience in public affairs, both 
 military and civic, thus writes of him : 
 
 " I have thought for a year that Grant should be 
 u President. The prestige of his name will enable him 
 
•' to do more than any other man to heal the national 
 " dissensions, which seem to me to be as far from and 
 factory solution as ever. Then he is honest both 
 " from instinct and habit; and he has good sense, per- 
 '• severance, and a modest estimate of his own capabili- 
 " ties. I have no doubt that he would call able men to 
 " his councils, and listen to their advice ; and I believe 
 " that he would be a firm, conservative and successful 
 " chief magistrate." 
 
 There are points of correspondence between these 
 two leading men — the one of the eighteenth and the 
 other of the nineteenth century — correspondence in 
 character, and in the circumstances which gave each 
 prominence ; the one living in the infancy, the other in 
 in the early manhood of the nation. They are, and 
 will in the future continue to be, the marked and distin- 
 guished men of their times. 
 
 Washington had no competitor for the Presidential 
 office, but Grant, all unsought as the office is to him, 
 has. 
 
 Now, under the circumstances, it would seem that a 
 person to enter the lists against such a candidate should 
 have greaat merits and great qualifications. It will not 
 answer to compare little things with great — they suffer 
 sharply by the contrast. The opposing candidate, 
 unfortunately for him, has no claims and no marked 
 fitness for the place, and is in all respects the 
 very opposite of Grant. He has neither military or 
 civic fame, nor a record of illustrious service to the coun- 
 try, to commend him. He has no just reliance on the 
 gratitude of the Republic. 
 
 When a person suffers himself to be named for a 
 great public office, his wdiole public life is a fair subject 
 of comment and comparison with that of the opposing 
 candidate, and his claims and qualifications may be 
 fairly canvassed. Mr. Seymour's private character is 
 unsullied; his social standing is without reproach. 
 
9 
 
 Unlike Grant, he is ambitious for place and office, and 
 the power it confers. Unlike Grant, he is a politician. 
 He professed not to desire the office ; but all know, as 
 the Romans knew when Cesar seemed to put aside the 
 crown, that he greatly desired it, and that his seeming- 
 rejection was but to blind the ignorant and to spur the 
 zeal of his advocates. 
 
 His nomination to the office had not been expected, 
 nor was it in truth desired by his party. It was accom- 
 plished by the adroit management of his adherents in 
 the Democratic Convention. And its announcement 
 bad a chilling effect upon the country. The nomination 
 of Chief Justice Chase had been anticipated by the mass 
 of the party in the Eastern States, as was that of Mr. 
 Pendleton by the Western Democrats. Such manage- 
 ment is never approved by the country, and is rarely 
 rewarded with success. 
 
 It is not claimed by his advocates that Horatio Sey- 
 mour has done anything for the public service in the 
 battle field. He has not personally exposed himself to 
 danger, or waged war in behalf of his country. 
 
 His claims, then, if he has any, must be of a civic 
 nature. The question then presents itself, and it is 
 sharp and pungent, what has he done to entitle him to 
 the suffrages of the people for this high office, or to 
 qualify him for the discharge of its duties ? Is he a dis- 
 tinguished patriot, or has he suffered for the public 
 weal? Has he rendered great and marked public ser- 
 vice in any department of the state? 
 
 It is not claimed that military service alone is to be 
 honored or held in grateful remembrance by a people, 
 or to be by them rewarded. Jefferson, Adams and 
 Madison were each civilians. Cotemporaries of Wash- 
 ington, and ardently enlisted in the cause of their coun- 
 try, they had earnestly struggled for its independence 
 and nationality. But until the people had determined 
 3 
 
10 
 
 The position of Washington in the new Republic, they 
 and their adherents were content to remain silent. 
 Ench of them, while Washington was in the field, sym- 
 pathized deeply with him and with his brave troops. 
 They exulted in all his victories, and followed him in his 
 retreats with anxious and expectant hearts. They advo- 
 cated the cause of their country in convention and in 
 the halls of congress, and did all in their power to sus- 
 tain the courage of the soldiers and the credit of the 
 nation. Their loyalty was unquestioned. Neither of 
 them could or would have rejoiced to have said that he 
 had not invested one dollar in the bonds of his coun- 
 try; but, on the contrary, each of them did pledge " his 
 fortune, his life and his sacred honor' 1 on the issue of 
 the war. 
 
 Each of them attained to the Presidency, and they 
 have been followed by other men who have rendered 
 conspicuous service to the Republic. 
 
 There were Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison and Taylor, 
 and last in the great catalogue, Lincoln, the martyr 
 President. 
 
 Each of these men, before their accession to the Presi- 
 dential office, had served their country. But the ques- 
 tion recurs, what has Horatio Seymour done to merit 
 this distinction ! What marked service has he rendered 
 to the country f What distinguished aptitude and fit- 
 ness does he possess for the discharge of the duties of 
 this office ? What great experience in the affairs of 
 state does he possess? 
 
 It is claimed for him by his advocates that he is a 
 statesman, and that Grant is not. 
 
 Horatio Sevmour has lived in times of great interest. 
 There have been important questions of state discussed 
 and decided since he entered public life. Questions 
 have arisen involving the life of the nation and the 
 preservation of its Constitutional power over all the 
 States. There have been discussions as to the morality 
 
11 
 
 and legality of human bondage, which prevailed in our 
 very midst; and there has been legislation as to its con- 
 servation, extension or abolition. 
 
 This question of slavery had given great concern to 
 the founders and fathers of the Republic. They appre- 
 hended a day would come when they would be called 
 upon to dispose of it finally, as it did when the slave- 
 holder's rebellion forced the issue upon us. Washington 
 himself had said : "I never mean to possess another slave 
 by purchase; it being among my first wishes to see 
 some plan adopted by which slavery may be abolished 
 by law. It might save much difficulty." 
 
 Horatio Seymour has never been a representative in 
 the National Congress. His experience has been con- 
 fined to the Legislature and Governorship of New York. 
 He has delivered many public addresses, and in this way 
 sought to teach and advise the people of his views on 
 public affairs, and to apprise them of their duties and 
 responsibilities. He has also been a conspicuous mem- 
 ber of the great political conventions of his party, hav- 
 ing presided over their deliberations in 1S64 and 1868. 
 
 But in all this public experience upon which his 
 claim to statesmanship is based, what great measure has 
 he originated for the public good ! what conspicuous act 
 has he accomplished for the general welfare? 
 
 We have had statesmeu amongst us who have not 
 blinked, but have met and discussed the questions of the 
 hour. Such men as Webster and Clay, and Wright, 
 and Benton, Seward and Douglas. Their long and hon- 
 orable senatorial service, their ripened experience, their 
 splendid career in the state and other departments of the 
 Government, their familiarity with foreign and domestic 
 affairs, their identification with questions of finance, of 
 agriculture and manufacture, and in fact with all mat- 
 ters which concern the welfare, happiness and glory of 
 the Republic. These were statesmen indeed, who 
 clung to their country, and who, when they spoke, gave 
 
\'2 
 
 o doubtful utterance. But I appeal to you this night 
 lO tell me, if you can, what the position of this Demo- 
 cratic statesman is on the financial question, which he 
 is so anxious to " have pushed." He has adopted and 
 stands upon a platform in direct opposition to his last 
 utterance, in respect to the currency in which the pub- 
 lic debt should be paid. 
 
 Like the oracle of Apollo, he is susceptible of a double 
 interpretation. 
 
 And again, what position has he taken on the slavery 
 question? As has been observed, it has been an im- 
 pending, ever present question. His great effort appears 
 to have been to avoid it. In the discussions which have 
 grown out of this question, the great statesmen from the 
 days of Jefferson to the present have participated. This 
 social and political evil has been removed and destroyed, 
 and the country in our day relieved. Has Horatio Sey- 
 mour contributed anything by word or influence to 
 bring about this great consummation? He does not 
 appeal- to have come up to or comprehended the dimen- 
 sions or importance of this question. He has no part or 
 lot in the glory of the enfranchisement of the 4,000,000 
 souls from bondage. Jefferson did not hesitate to con- 
 demn it, and Van Buren and Wright and Douglas 
 opposed its extension ; but the record of Horatio Sey- 
 mour is all that the advocates of the system could desire 
 in a Northern candidate for the Presidency. 
 
 Can you find that he ever questioned the policy even 
 of the passage of the fugitive slave law, that enormity 
 in legislation in the nineteenth century in an enlight- 
 ened Republic, by which a Northern man, who abhorred 
 slavery, was obliged, under heavy penalties, to aid in the 
 recapture and return to servitude of a slave escaping for 
 his freedom? Did you ever learn that he has at any 
 time expressed any disapprobation of the legislation of 
 the country when his party was in power, made in the 
 interests of slavery, and tending to remove all Congres- 
 
13 
 
 sional restraints over its introduction in the Territories 
 Did he protest against the efforts made for its extension 
 and perpetuity f 
 
 What was the position of Horatio Seymour, when, 
 on the election ot Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, 
 the Southern States seceded, and attempted to destroy 
 the nation, when they trampled on the flag of their 
 fathers, and waged against the North a fierce and 
 bloody war? This statesman hesitated, faltered, and 
 finally occupied the same position that President 
 Buchanan did. He raised no voice in condemna- 
 tion of the acts of the seceding States. He would par- 
 ley and treat. He doubted first the power of the Gov- 
 ernment to coerce a State, and then its ability to over- 
 throw the rebellion by force of arms, and would have 
 found a solution of the difficulty in a compromise and 
 adjustment with traitors in arms. And who doubts 
 that, if such compromise had been effected, slavery 
 would have survived, or that the suggestion of compro- 
 mise was other than in its interest and that of the Dem- 
 ocratic party. And it is reported of him, on the most 
 unquestioned authority, that he greatly admired the 
 Constitution of the so-called Confederate States, adopted 
 at Montgomery, and thought that the difficulty between 
 the Government and the rebels could be adjusted by the 
 North accepting it. What a degradation that to the 
 North ! 
 
 A large number of the Democratic party differed with 
 Mr. Seymour, and, governed by patriotic motives, nobly, 
 from the outset, sustained the Government in its efforts 
 to overthrow by force of arms the rebellion. All honor 
 to them. They left their party organization, and joined 
 with the friends of the administration to uphold it in its 
 efforts. 
 
 But Mr. Seymour remained and aided in keeping up 
 an organization at the North whose utterances often 
 
14 
 
 gave hope to the rebels, nod to which their eyes were 
 directed in the expectation of aid and favor, especially 
 by creating a diversion for peace and adjustment. 
 
 During a period of gloom and disaster to our army, 
 Horatio Seymour was elected Governor of the State of 
 New York over the noble General Wadsworth, the 
 opposing candidate. The question presents itself, was 
 his administration marked by true statesmanship and 
 enlarged patriotism f Can it be claimed that he was in 
 hearty accord with measures for the earnest and effect- 
 ive prosecution of the war ? He occupied such a posi- 
 tion in the State, as its chief executive officer, as to have 
 given to the nation unquestioned proofs of his entire 
 loyalty to the cause and his hearty co-operation in 
 effective measures for the overthrow of the rebellion; 
 and it was hoped lie would. The question is, how did 
 he stand? True loyalty is not doubtful. 
 
 During his administration, the fearful and bloody riots 
 occurred in the city of New York, in which the mob 
 had complete control and sway of the city, and its reign 
 was marked by tenor, fire, pillage and murder. This 
 constitutes a dark page in the history of the times. 
 
 It was his duty as a statesman and Governor to have 
 apprehended the danger, to have prepared to meet and 
 quiet it at its first appearing. He should have been the 
 guardian of the public safety. He knew that the draft 
 to supply the depleted armies of the country was 
 impending. He knew, too, that much hail been done 
 by the organs and speakers of his party to render the 
 measure distasteful. Objection and quibbles had been 
 raised as to the right on the part of the Federal Govern- 
 ment to enforce it, and as to the proportion of men to 
 be furnished by the State. There was much excitement, 
 and the fire had been fanned to a flame, ready to break 
 out at any moment. 
 
 Governor Seymour had been in New Y T ork on the 4th 
 day of July, and had made a speech. He believed the 
 
15 
 
 war to be a failure. In opening his address, he alluded 
 in adroit terms to the failure and the want of the prom- 
 ised victories. Instead of bringing words of encourage- 
 ment and hope, his speech is replete with despondency 
 and gloom. He says : 
 
 " When I accepted the invitation to speak with others 
 at this meeting, we were promised the downfall of 
 Vicksburgh, the opening of the Mississippi, the probable 
 capture of the Confederate Capital, and the exhaustion 
 of the rebellion. But in the moment of expected vic- 
 tories, there came the midnight cry for help from Penn- 
 sylvania, to save its despoiled fields from the invading 
 foe; and almost within sight of this great commercial 
 metropolis, the ships of your merchants were burned to 
 the water's edge." 
 
 And again, in another part of the same address, in 
 speaking to the adherents of the administration, he 
 adds : 
 
 " Do you not create revolution, when you say that 
 our persons may be rightfully seized, our property con- 
 fiscated, our homes entered? Are you not exposing 
 yourselves, your own interests, to as great a peril as that 
 with which you threaten us? Remember this, that the 
 bloody and treasonable and revolutionary doctrine of 
 public necessity may be proclaimed by a mob as well as 
 by a government." 
 
 On the 13th day of July following, when the draft 
 was proposed to commence, the riots, for which prepa- 
 rations had been made, broke out and prevailed for sev- 
 eral days. 
 
 Governor Seymour left the State on the Saturday 
 previous, and returned after the riot was under full 
 headway. 
 
 He addressed the mob in terms tending to pacify 
 them, and applied to President Lincoln for a postpone- 
 ment of draft. We do not urge that Governor Seymour 
 wished a popular outbreak, or intentionally did anything 
 
16 
 
 to cause it ; but that does not fully excuse him. We do 
 say his speech of the 4th of July -was most unhappy in 
 its ron:-. an'] tended to inflame the public mind ; that he 
 should have known the effects it would be so likely to 
 produce. We undertake to say that, by the adoption 
 of prudent counsels and wise anticipatory and prevent- 
 ive measures, on the part of the Governor, the mob 
 would not have arisen, or could have at once been 
 quelled. And for the omission to do this, and for the spirit 
 and character of his harangue on the 4th of July, and 
 his evident want of sympathy with the measures of the 
 Government, he is responsible, and justly to be held 
 accountable. And these omissions and acts afford an 
 exhibition of a want of true statesmanship and patriot- 
 ism. No such violence occurred in the States of Penn- 
 sylvania or Ohio, where the loyal Curtin and Todd were 
 in office, or would have occurred in New York if Wads- 
 worth, instead of himself, had been Governor at the 
 time. 
 
 Mr. Seymour presided at the National Convention of 
 his party at Chicago, in 1864, in which it was resolved 
 " that after four years of failure to restore the Union by 
 the experiment of war, during which, under the pre- 
 tence of military necessity, or war power, higher than 
 the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disre- 
 garded in every part, and public liberty and private 
 rights alike trodden down, the public welfare demands 
 that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostili- 
 ties." 
 
 In this resolution is found a condemnation of the war 
 as a failure, and a recommendation that the same be 
 stopped ; and it was further advised by the Convention 
 that measures be adopted for the securement of peace. 
 There is a coincidence in many regards between the 
 resolutions of the Convention and the sentiments 
 dvowed in the July speech of Governor Seymour in New 
 
17 
 
 York, indicating that the speech or its author suggested 
 the resolution. 
 
 How unjust and unkind are both the speech of the 
 governer and the resolutions of the convention to the 
 brave soldiers, who were then suffering and contending 
 for the preservation of the Republic and its Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 They were justly entitled to encouraging and hope, 
 inspiring words. 
 
 It is true that there were, and had been temporary de- 
 feats ; but the people never faltered. The Republic was 
 girding itself for a vigorous prosecution of the conflict. 
 It was severely in earnest. 
 
 It is most manifest that this convention did not desire 
 a solution of the difficulty by force of arms. 
 
 It did what it could to prevent an increase of the 
 armies, to dampen the ardor of the soldiers, and weaken 
 the faith ot the nation : J 
 
 The expression of this convention was inspired 
 by its hopes. For should the war fail, negotia- 
 tion and compromise would accomplish what the power 
 of the nation had failed to do— secure peace. 
 
 And with peace thus obtained, Slavery would still have 
 been maintained, and would still, with its Northern allies 
 control the destiny of the Republic. 
 
 In his 4th of July speech, Governor Seymour thus 
 gives his view of compromises : 
 
 " A few years ago, we stood before this community to 
 warn them of the dangers of sectional strife; but our 
 fears were laughed at. At a later day, when the clouds 
 of war overhung our country we implored those in 
 authority to compromise that difficulty, for we had been 
 told by that great orator and stateman, Burke, that there 
 never yet was a revolution which might not have been 
 prevented by a compromise, opportunely and graciously 
 made. Our prayers were unheeded.'' 
 5 
 
IS 
 
 And in his Tweddle Hall speech, delivered in 1S6I, 
 he said : 
 
 " The question is simpl} 7 this, shall we have compro- 
 mise after war, or a compromise without war." 
 
 And this in the face of the repeated calls on the part 
 of President Lincoln, to the rebels to lay down their 
 arms and return to their allegiance to the Federal Gov- 
 ernment. And this too, with the unfortunate experience 
 of the country in all its attempts to compromise with the 
 South upon any basis which interfered with the spread 
 of Slavery. 
 
 The resolutions of the Chicago Convention shocked the 
 country, as it did General McClellan, the nominee of the 
 Convention for the office of President. He could not 
 acknowledge the war in which he had taken a large and 
 conspicuous part, to be a failure. 
 
 But it is a most extraordinary fact, that any party 
 should, under the circumstances in which the country 
 was then placed, with an armed adversary, brave and 
 watchful, with an eye directed to the North expect- 
 ant for some token of waning faith in the force of arms, 
 utter words, the effect of which was calculated to inspire 
 the enemy with hope, and to depress the ardor of our 
 own troops. 
 
 Yet, Governor Seymour supported the platform, and 
 the party that adopted it: How could he do otherwise, 
 it embodied and clearly expressed his views. 
 
 But peace was not to be obtained by weak and tem- 
 porizing negotiation. The cause of the war was to be 
 in reality destroyed. 
 
 A higher power had the control of this question. 
 The resolves of mere conventions were not to determine 
 it. Slavery was to end, and it was to be terminated in 
 fact by the war. 
 
 The offspring of fraud, selfishness and cruelty, it w T as 
 to be obliterated by blood. 
 
19 
 
 The pen of President Lincoln decreed it, and the 
 sword of Grant was to confirm the decree. 
 
 This is a part of the public record of the Democratic 
 nominee for the office of President. 
 
 It does not establish the claims which his advocates 
 interpose for him of statesmanship. 
 
 Tested by the standard of high and exalted patriotism 
 which clings to its country in all emergencies, his failure 
 is marked and signal. 
 
 He has been greatly wanting in foresight, — for the 
 vision of the true statesman, should not be limited by the 
 present, but should extend to the future. 
 
 With a comprehension of the causes and agencies at 
 work about him, ho should be able to follow them to 
 their legitimate conclusions and prepare for them. Mr. 
 Seymour's public experience shows that he has had no 
 such understanding of the events of the times in which 
 he was acting; and his executive career as Governor of 
 this State shows him halting, timid, undecided, Mid 
 establishes than he is wanting in the essential character- 
 istics which form a good ruler and chief executive officer 
 of a nation. 
 
 It is of the first importance that that there be intelli- 
 gent foresight, firmness, honesty, and a due sense of 
 justice, associated with an exalted love of country, in 
 the mind and heart of the person called to the office of 
 President of the United States. 
 
 Well did Mr. Seymour say to the Convention which 
 designated him as a candidate for the Presidency that 
 his nomination was full of peril to his party. He had 
 wisdom enough to anticipate that the mention of his 
 name would revive the issues of the past, and that his 
 own record and that of his party would be reviewed. 
 And he was conscious that there was little in the past 
 which could advance the interests of the candidate or 
 the party. 
 
20 
 
 The nomination of a good statesman and true patriot 
 can never imperil the nominee or his adherents. 
 
 And truly how filled with peril to the country and 
 its peace would his election prove. 
 
 Consider him in the hands of the men and party who 
 nominated him. 
 
 Consider the influences which aided in his designation 
 for this high position. 
 
 From the elevated platform on which the President 
 of the Democratic Convention, in July last, was seated 
 he could look down upon the leading faces and master 
 spirits of that body. Did his eyes rest upon men who 
 had taken an active part in favor of their country in the 
 peril through which she had safely passed ? The land 
 is filled with great generals, brave soldiers, rnd distin- 
 guished statesmen who have fought for and defended on 
 all occasions the unity, integrity, and glory of their 
 country. But they were not present. 
 
 Around the President of the Convention were seated 
 men who had conspired to foment and who had carried 
 on the rebellion. Here were men who had filled Cabinet 
 offices in the so-called Confederate States Government, and 
 who were members of its House and Senate. 
 
 Here, too, were generals who had conducted and 
 wielded its armies, their hands yet moistened with the 
 blood of our sons, and whose treason against the States 
 was yet unpardoned; and in the assembly were North- 
 ern allies and supporters. 
 
 A Convention composed of such elements have pre- 
 sented Horatio Seymour as candidate for President. 
 
 Treason against the Republic is a crime. If not pun- 
 ished, it should not be propitiated. The election of 
 Governor Seymour will do much to make it honorable 
 in his adherents. 
 
 But if Seymour has failed in his comprehension of 
 the issues and events of the times in which he lived, 
 Grant has not. 
 
 While Seymour has lived and acted for his party and 
 
21 
 
 to preserve its life and force, Grant has lived and acted 
 for the country and to preserve it. 
 
 No true patriot can always receive his inspirations 
 from and act for his party. These are questions above 
 all considerations of party. There are few great states- 
 men who have not at times been obliged — as they could 
 not follow — to leave their party. Governor Seymour 
 could only consent to save his country through his 
 party. 
 
 Grant had no politics, and knew no party. He was 
 bent on the discharge of his duty to his country, and 
 would remove every obstacle which stood between him 
 and its well being. 
 
 Grant early understood that the only true basis for a 
 lasting peace was to be found in the successful prosecu- 
 tion of the war. 
 
 He never doubted or hesitated. 
 
 He would at once and at all times " Move on the 
 enemy's works." He would destroy his power for 
 resistance or harm. 
 
 Grant early comprehended what Seymour did not, 
 the obstacle which slavery interposed, and said there 
 could be no end of the war until the cause of the war 
 (slavery) was destroyed. 
 
 And yet the eradication of slavery was most difficult to 
 accomplish, as it had its advocates and adherents at the 
 North who opposed all efforts by legislation and the war 
 power for its overthrow. The proclamation of President 
 Lincoln emancipating the slaves was denounced and ridi- 
 culed. The lust of power in the Democratic party linked 
 its fortunes and its fate with slavery. At all times the solid 
 strength of that party was in the Slave States. Their 
 vote was ever reliable, and it had for years controlled 
 the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the 
 State. How this once noble party of the people 
 alienated from itself so much of the intelligence and 
 6 
 
•>2 
 
 moral virtue of the country! How, for the present 
 enjoyment of power in the State, it gave up forever the 
 great future! No part of the glory of emancipation 
 belongs to it, nor of the overthrow of the armed rebel- 
 lion against the Government. The Democratic party 
 was wedded to slavery; it was allured by the rich 
 dowry of its bride of power and patronage, and the 
 horrid fruits of the union were treason, secession, and 
 civil war. 
 
 Grant comprehended what Seymour did not, that 
 peace did not lay in the success of the resolutions of the 
 Chicago Convention, in the cessation of hostilities and 
 negotiations for an armistice. 
 
 In I $63 he wrote. " That the North and South could 
 never live at peace with each other except as one 
 nation, and that without slavery. As anxious as I am 
 to see peace established, I would not therefore be will- 
 ing to see any settlement until this question is forever 
 settled." 
 
 In the fore part of August, LSG4, he wrote, " All we 
 want now to insure an early restoration of the Union is 
 a determined unity of sentiment North. The rebels 
 have now in their ranks their last man. A man lost by 
 them cannot be replaced." 
 
 How decided the contrast between this language and 
 that of the Chicago Convention of the same month, in 
 which the war is declared to be a failure. 
 
 Grant comprehended in advance the effect which any 
 action on the part of the North, such as is indicated in 
 the resolutions of that Convention, would produce on 
 the enemy, for he wrote, " I have no doubt but the 
 enemy are exceedingly anxious to hold out until after 
 the Presidential election ; they have many hopes from 
 its effects." 
 
 And as soon as he heard of the re-election of Presi- 
 dent Lincoln, he wrote to the Secretary of War, 
 "Enough now seems to be known who is to hold the 
 
23 
 
 reins of Government for the next four years ; congratu- 
 late the President upon this double victory. The elec- 
 tion having- passed off quietly, with no bloodshed or riot 
 throughout the laud, is a victory worth more to the 
 country than a battle won. Rebeldom and Europe will 
 construe it so." 
 
 And Grant was right. The result of that election 
 extinguished the last ray of hope of the South tor aid 
 from the North. Their means were exhausted, and the 
 determination of the Republic was unmistakably 
 expressed. 
 
 The rebellion, under his masterly direction of the 
 Federal forces, was suppressed. 
 
 Grant ended the war, and in the way in which he 
 predicted it would end, and the consequences which he 
 foresaw followed. 
 
 In the comprehension of the issues involved, and the 
 use of the means to secure a lasting peace, Grant has 
 proved the better statesman of the two candidates. 
 
 Into what small proportions do the claims and quali- 
 ties of Horatio Seymour dwindle when contrasted with 
 the large-hearted, noble, and untiring devotion of Grant 
 to his country. 
 
 Under the administration of which, think you, would 
 the country have peace ? The election of Grant means 
 peace and prosperity. 
 
 Grant has never deceived you. He has never spoken 
 to you in ambiguous or doubtful terms. His words, 
 as his acts, are sharp, incisive, and to the point. 
 
 Doubt not his statesmanship. He possesses all the 
 qualifications for an honest and successful administra- 
 tion of the Government. He has ably directed large 
 bodies of men. He has exhibited, as Washington did, 
 singular fitness in judging character and in selecting the 
 proper man for the proper place. 
 
 He will fill the chief offices of the State, as Washing- 
 ton did, with able, experienced, and honest men. 
 
24 
 
 Under his administration the South will have peace 
 and prosperity. The rights of all will be protected 
 there, and lawlessness be suppressed. 
 
 When Grant had been nominated, a curtain rose 
 behind the seat of the presiding officer of the Conven- 
 tion and displayed on a canvass the likeness of the 
 nominee, with the stirring words underneath, "Match 
 Him !" 
 
 This was a fair challenge to the Democratic Conven- 
 tion. It imposed a difficult task, to meet, and you see 
 how that Convention failed. It was an impossibility. 
 
 There was but one Washington — there is but one 
 Grant! When others failed, he succeeded. How sub- 
 lime is his devotion to his country. And how the 
 record of it, and its expression in deeds will brighten 
 and glow through all the future of the Republic. What 
 ample materials for a great history do his life and acts 
 supply. How grandly he stands forth in his firm, 
 modest, and patriotic life. 
 
 Justum et tenacem propositi) virion. 
 
 Grant is not a man of words, but deeds. He is elo- 
 quent in the very simplicity of his statements. Love 
 of country alone controls him. It is that sentiment 
 which unites him to and makes him the candidate of 
 the Republican party, which stood by and supported 
 him and the country in its peril. It has placed him on 
 its platform, which embodies one thought, the country — 
 its honor, its integrity, its gratitude, its greatness. It is 
 that sentiment which unites him to the American 
 people, and holds him forth as their true representative 
 to give peace to the country. 
 
 Grant is the man of the present and the future, as 
 well as of the past. 
 
 Under him all rights will be protected, all wrong 
 punished. Under him the humblest will be safe. 
 Wherever the American name is known on the globe 
 l t will be respected, its flag honored. 
 
25 
 
 And how proudly can we point to him this day as 
 the man of all her citizens whom the Republic will 
 delight to honor, in entrusting him with the tirst office 
 in her gift. 
 
 It was his glory to bring a great civil war which de- 
 vastated the land to an end, and to save his country. 
 
 Grant has sheathed his sword. It may quietly rest 
 in its scabbard, never again to be withdrawn. His 
 military life reached its meridian when Lee sur- 
 rendered the forces of the rebellion under the historic 
 tree at Appommattox. Hereafter the pen of the histo- 
 rian will record the annals of the peaceful days of the 
 Republic under his magnificent civil administration. 
 
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