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 Af^ ENGLISHMAiTS THOUGHTS 
 
 THE CRIMES OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 A.VU THE 
 
 ^ 
 
 liECOMFEJN^CE OF THE i!^OIiTH. 
 
 13 \' w . W B n O ( ) M , 
 
 OF iv(AMCMi=s-reR. 
 
 "We have, as far as pn.ssible, closed every avenue by which hght might 
 enter their (the slaves) minds. K we could extinguish the capacity to see 
 the light, om- work would bt i-ompleted : they would then be ou a liivel with 
 the beasts of the field, and w<: should be sjife! I am not certain that we 
 would not do it. if we could find out the i)rocess, and that on the plea of 
 necessity." — ilu. ]iKiiiiY'>i Spn-'-Ji, ILmsc < f Ddeijaivs, Vin/ixia, 18;V2. 
 
 '•.Slaves were forbidden (in Virginia) the use of arms, or to leave their 
 masters' plantiitious witiiout a wTitten pi ss, or to Uft a hand against a ('hris- 
 tian. ercn in stlf-ilffence. Eunaways, who refu.«ed to give theiuselves up 
 .VIIGIIT BE LAWFULLY KILLIOD.'V- Ruwitt's Jii.f. of thr. Lhiited States of 
 America. 
 
 "The present economy of the slave system is. to get all you can from the 
 slave, and give him as little as will suppcrt him in a working condition." 
 
 Thomas ("lay, Es<i., of Georgia. 
 
 "Nowhere, in America, probably, is the contrast between the Northern and 
 the Southern man exhibited in so mark.d a manner as in Kansas. He who 
 woul<l see the difference between comfort and discomfort, between farming 
 the land and letting the land farm itself between trade and stagnation, stir- 
 ing aoti\aty and reigning sloth, between a wide-spread intelligence iind an 
 almost universal ignorance, between general progress and an incapacity for 
 all improvement or advancement, has oidy to cross the boider-lino which 
 separates a free from a slave State." — T. Gladstone's Kansas. 
 
 •■ The emancipation of slaves will bring with it the emancipation of ijoiitics 
 and churches." — Aimriaa Before Europe. 
 
 -•—»»■♦-•♦ -^- 
 
 WESTCOTT & (;0., PRIXTEII 
 No. 7 9 John Strekt. 
 
 1 8 () .5 . 
 
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AN ENGLISHMAN'S THOUGHTS 
 
 ON 
 
 THE CRIMES OF THE SOUTH, 
 
 EECOM PENCE OF THE NOHTH. 
 
 \^'- -'\''' — '■ 
 
 By W. \V. BKOOM, 
 
 OF IVlANCHES-rER. 
 
 ""We have, as far as possible, closed every avenue by which light might 
 enter their (the slaves) minds. If we could extinguish the capacity to see 
 the Ught, our work would be completed : they would then be on a level with 
 the beasts of the field, and we should be safe ! I am not certain that we 
 would not do it, if we could find out the process, and that on the plea of 
 necessity." — Mb. Beeky's Speech, House of Delegates, Virginia, 1832. 
 
 "Slaves were forbidden (in Virginia) the use of anns, or to leave their 
 masters' plantations without a written pass, or to lift a hand against a Chris- 
 tian, even in self-defence. Eunaways, who refused to give themselves up, 
 MIGHT BE LAWFULLY KILLED. "—Howitt's Hist, of the United States of 
 America. 
 
 ' ' The present economy of the slave system is, to get all you can from the 
 slave, and give him as little as wiU support him in a working condition. " 
 
 Thomas Clay, Esq., of Georgia. 
 
 "Nowhere, in America, probably, is the contrast between the Northern and 
 the Southern man exhibited in so marked a manner as in Kansas. He who 
 would see the difference between comfort and discomfort, between farming 
 the land and letting the land farm itself, between trade and stagnation, stir- 
 ing activity and reigning sloth, between a wide-spread iuteUigence and an 
 almost universal ignorance, between general progress and an incai^acity for 
 aU improvement or advancement, has only to cross the border-line which 
 separates a free from a slave State. " — T. Gladstone's Kansas. 
 
 ' ' The emancipation of slaves wiU bring with it the emancipation of politics 
 and churches." — America Before Europe. 
 
 N £ u) fork: 
 
 S. WESTCOTT & CO., PRINTERS, 
 No. 79 John Street. 
 
 18G5. 
 
,n €ngltjs|rftan's C|0iig|!5. 
 
 " We hold these truths to be self evident ; that all men are created 
 equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain (inherent &) 
 inalienable rights ; that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of 
 happiness." — Declaration of Independence. 
 
 " In Georgia, by the Act of 1829, no person is permitted to teach a slave, 
 ov free person of colour, to read or write." 
 
 " In Virginia, by the Act of 1830, it is unlawful for free negroes to meet 
 to learn to read and write." 
 
 " In some States (of America), //ce negroes may not assemble in greater 
 numbers than seven. In North Carolina, free negroes may not trade, 
 buy,'^or sell out of the cities wherein they reside, under penalty of 
 forfeiting their goods, and receiving in lieu thereof, THIRTY-NINE 
 LASHES." 
 
 "Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state and persuasion, 
 religious or political — peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all 
 nations — entangling alliances with none." T. Jefferson. 
 
 Slavery grew out of Patriarchal barbarism, the triumph 
 of Conquest, and the assumption and exclusiveness of those 
 who professed to be the vicegerents of Theocratical power. 
 The foul " institution" was rocked in the infancy of society, 
 it was fostered by the depravity of the human heart, and was 
 inaintained and protected by military power. It was a do- 
 mestic blight and political pestilence inseparable from Pagan 
 culture. Eaces splashed in seas of blood — and the seas were 
 bounded by the dreary mental wastes of mythologies, false 
 and crude religions, and revolting pastimes. Ancient polities 
 moulded human developments as the potter moulds his clay. 
 The quality of the development was in strict accordance with 
 the class to which the moulded belonged — just as the pot- 
 ter fixes the price on the products of his skill in conformity 
 with the quality of the clay he has used. Civilization be- 
 
came the glory and inheritance of a section, a class — Civiliza- 
 tion was made to dazzle, therefore to overawe — it was made 
 to be magnificent, therefore it appeared to be unattainable 
 to and unapproachable by the small means and emasculated 
 energies of the enfeebled multitudes. A gulf divided the 
 people into two distinct regions — a gulf broad as Patri- 
 archism, Conquest, and Theocratism, and vast as the empires. 
 One region was a paradise of smiles, of flattery, of power, of 
 luxury, of dalliance, of physical beauty and poetic languor. 
 The other region was a Walhallah of groans, disappoint- 
 ments, unrequited labours, cruel mockings, intense longings, 
 and suiferings, rivalling the agonies of damned spirits. Such 
 v;as Paganism. Geographical lines might and did vary the 
 modes of action, somewhat change the means — but the end 
 was ever the same. The contrast is often strongly marked 
 between Asiatic subtilty, Northern stolidness, and Western 
 changeablensss — but ever the same 'result is produced, the 
 Triumph of Wrong. 
 
 Portions of all races of men have been enslaved. Slavery 
 has not been the doom of only one race. It has not always 
 been the consequence of physical infirmity. Large numbers 
 of the strongest as well as the weakest races have been en- 
 slaved. The God of Battles has often gained, by acci- 
 dent, the power to Eule through a long train of years. The 
 noblest as well as the puniest have been chained. Daughters 
 whose " lips are like a thread of scarlet" and whose " speech 
 is comely " are made to share the lot of the heavy forms and 
 thick-lipped African mothers and sweethearts.' Conquest 
 has been a universal wanderer, and it has left in every land 
 the foot-print of the most desolating plague — a plague that 
 desolates power, wealth, intellect, and sympathy. The light- 
 haired and blue-eyed children of Albion were sold in the city 
 of Eome, as well as God's " image cut in ebony." The East- 
 ern slave-market of to-day is graced by the lily and rose of 
 Circassia, as well as by the dark skins of Ethiopia, The 
 Persian poet terms them Houris, and says — 
 
 " Some are dark and others light, like two species of bright rubies." 
 
H. C. Anderson thus briefly and graphically describes the 
 slave-market of Constantinople — 
 
 " Not far from the great bazaar, we come to a place surrounded by wooden 
 buildings, forming an open gallery ; the fretted roof is supported by rough 
 beams ; inside, along the gallery, are small chambers where traders stow 
 their goods ; and these goods are human beings — black and white female 
 slaves. 
 
 " We are now in the square ; the sun shines ; rush mats are spread out 
 under the green trees, and there sit and lie Asia's daughters. A young 
 mother gives the breast to her child — and Ihey will separate these too. 
 On the stairs leading to the gallery sits a young negress not more than 
 fourteen years of age ; she is almost naked ; an old Turk regards her ; 
 he takes one of her legs in his hand ; she laughs, and shows her shining 
 white teeth. 
 
 " Do not veil the beautiful loJiite women, thou hideous old wretch ; it is 
 these we wish to see ; drive them not into the cage ; we shall not, as thou 
 thinkest, abash them with bold eyes ! 
 
 " See ! — a young Turk with fiery eyes ! four slaves follow him ; two old 
 Jewesses are trading with him. Some charming young girls come — he 
 will see them dance, hear them sing, and then choose, and buy ! — He 
 could give us a description of the slave-market such as we are not able to 
 offer. He follows the old woman to behold the earth's houris ; and how 
 do they look?" 
 
 This is a description of slavery in holiday attire, decked to 
 ensnare and satisfy the greed of men. Beneath the veil of 
 the '' houris" we see the grim outline of woman turned into 
 a " chattel/' of infants becoming the " property" of ruffians. 
 'Tis an old tale just told by a new traveller- — an old picture 
 sketched by a young and indignant artist. The scene is more 
 variegated than an old slave-market in the District of Co- 
 lumbia or in Neiv Orleans, for lilies and roses intersect long 
 lines of dark Dinahs. 
 
 Since the first edition of this tract was published, W. H. 
 EussELL has issued his Diary North and Soiitli. He thus 
 describes Eastern slavery and corroborates my views : 
 
 " I have seen glave markets in the East, where the traditions of the 
 race, the condition of family and social relations, divest slavery of the 
 most odious characteristics which pertain to it in the States ; but the 
 use of the Enirlish tongue in such a transaction, of the idea of its taking 
 
place among a civilized Christian people, produced in rac a feeling of in- 
 expressible loathing and indignation." 
 
 The dark form shades the brightest colours that are skilfully 
 placed upon it, to conceal its revolting ugliness. 
 
 Tliere was a universal necessity, an imperative necessity, 
 that the Cross should come — the Cross ! around it fluttered 
 the Banners of " peace on earth," and over it shone the Proc- 
 lamation of Spiritual Equality. A brighter day was dawning on 
 the human family. The ignored, the oppressed, the hopeless, 
 were inspired to look through " man's inhumanity" up to the 
 throne of Heaven, and exclaim — " Therefore I will look unto 
 the Lord : I will wait for the God of my salvation : my God 
 will hear me." The multitudes slowly learned that " God is 
 the light of heaven and earth" — and that 
 
 " lie who receives 
 Light from above, the fountain of all light. 
 No other doctrine needs." 
 
 The proclamation of Spiritual Equality was the knell uf sla- 
 very. Jews were excited, Eomans were startled, Greeks 
 listened and wondered. Truth and Justice winged their way 
 slowly, very slowly, through the dark and heavy atmosphere 
 of error and oppression. Though the truth was boldly pro- 
 claimed, more than eighteen centuries of patient teaching in 
 wildernesses of trouble has been required — and, in the child- 
 hood of the second part of the nineteenth century, slavery has 
 (in the words of Chambers) to be " dissolved in a sea of 
 blood." The Spiritual Equality of Christianity produced a 
 recognition of Civil Equality, and, in the progress and 
 triumph of Truth and Justice, the abolition of slavery by 
 a Christian people, and, 71010-, the fighting for the suppression 
 of slavery by a Christian People — for the complete suppres- 
 sion (for such MUST be the ultimate result) of a monster 
 that cramps mind, destroys virtue, and prevents the extension 
 of material and general prosperity. This was clearly seen by 
 the profound Jefferson. Here are his words, they cannot 
 be too often repeated : 
 
" The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals 
 undepraved. * * * T^g vrhole commerce between master and slave 
 is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions — .the most unre- 
 mitting^despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the 
 other." 
 
 Christian doctrines, Christian teachings, and Christian in- 
 fluences, are culminating iu the Emancipation of the human 
 mind and of human bodies from the superstitions and chains 
 of Paganism. The fetters have been oxydized by the tears 
 of agonized mothers and the blood of martyrs. The .negro 
 has been fed on the poisons of moral corruption and intel- 
 lectual death — hence, he has become an idiot, or a libidinous 
 monkey, or an infuriated madman — and, then, he has been 
 condemned for being that which he has been made to be ! But 
 the Gospel (or Good Nevrs) has been poured into the hearts 
 of free white men, who will never rest until black men, also, 
 are Emancipated. 
 
 Each wrong reaps its own punishment — and punishment is 
 m strict accord with the wrong committed. The drunkard 
 reaps disease, the debauchee repentance, the tyrant a nation's 
 curse and a nation's vengeance. Ignorance diseases society, 
 and deprives generations of benefits and pleasures. Slavery 
 IS a huge Avrong, and it produces a harvest of widespread des- 
 olation. It rocks empires in the earthquake of dissolution, 
 and hurls down the mighty and gorgeous Temple of Paganism. 
 " Euin seize thee" — is the psalm of slavery. It causes na- 
 tional deci'epitude and national death. Egypt and Turkey 
 will suffice as illustrations of decay, Greece and Kome can be 
 cited as proofs of national destruction. Priestly splendor, 
 military pomp and power, intellectual expcrtness, chicane, 
 and craft ! — all failed to prevent a complete ruin — for was not 
 slavery upheaving the monstrous though magnificently gilded 
 iniquity ? Gaspabin thus enunciates the same thought in 
 his America Before Europe — " Slcivery, indeed, is not a yoke 
 for the slave alone, it is a yoke for the government them- 
 selves." Moral wrong is the canker-worm that cats away 
 material power, it blunts the edge of the keenest Damascus 
 blade, it lowers the pulse of cannons. 
 
From tho spirit of Conquest is derived the belief of the 
 right of the Strong to become the master of the Weak. 
 Hence, subjugation of the weak through destruction. Con- 
 quest destroys the tendency of the weak to grow into strength , 
 — destroys the means through which power can be acquired 
 by the weak for their own protection. Weak men have been 
 conquered and sold into slavery by strong men. Weak wo- 
 man has been held in political and social bondage by strong 
 man. Woman has been forced to be a sexua,! toy and a do- 
 mestic slave. In China she was a slave, in Persia a toy — in 
 all countries, among all races, she has been the one or the 
 other, in both cases being a slave — a slave-toy or a toy-slave. 
 In Ame,rican slave States wives are but mistresses of serag- 
 lios — and in ancient Eome the wife was often treated with 
 less regard than the courtezan. Throughout the world, tho 
 universal wrong of enslaving the weak has been sanctioned 
 as a universal and a necessary right — regardless of sex, of 
 age, and of coloar. Frenchmen have been sold into slavery 
 by Spaniards, Algerine pirates sold their captives into sla- 
 very, Englishmen have been sold, for Wrong has ruled, care- 
 less of names and places. 
 
 The old belief of the rightfulness of the strong to enslave 
 the weak, permeates (more or less intensely) modern nations. 
 The quality and extent of the intensity depends on the ex- 
 tent of Christianity in each nation. Hindoo "caste "-ism 
 exists (dwarfed into "classes") in modern society. Under 
 Paganism, men were not treated as man, but as castes. In 
 modern nations, where Christianity has not yet changed the 
 heart, men are not treated as man, but as classes — and in 
 America, as classes, and colour. In Civil arrangements, the 
 poor are not thought worthy of political power — are not 
 thought fit to be educated into the possession and exercise of 
 political power. The might of riches rules over the weak- 
 ness of poverty. Even the victims of the unholy principle, 
 in the aggregate, accept the principle as a righteous one. 
 They admire the Lord more than the Peasant — though the 
 lord may be a Fool and the peasant a Philosopher. They ad- 
 mire the Millionaire, who has become such through usury, 
 bankruptcy, and " tricks of trade " — more than the Moral 
 
8 
 
 Mechanic who will have to die without maldng a will, who 
 will have to expire without making a solitary legatee. 
 
 The chief doctrine of Christianity is Spiritual Eq[uality, and 
 the building of the empire of Christian Civilization must com- 
 mence from the corner-stone of Civil Equality. The fiat must 
 be proclaimed, must be proclaimed through all the nations 
 of the earth, that the enslaved must be Emancipated — that, 
 in the future, no more races, no more men, shall be enslaved 
 by races, nor by men — nor shall a part of a race be permitted 
 to enslave a part of a race. The last battle-ground whereon 
 this doctrine has to fight and to Triumph is — the United (or 
 dis-United*) States of America, The battle will be fierce, but 
 
 • Only for a time. Before long, the strife will cease. The Union will be restored when right 
 and freedom are triumphant. We are not of those who believe in "the impossibility of the 
 Union being reconstructed," The rabid uttcrings of Mr. Day (sec Down South) are only v/orthy 
 of a guffaw of derisive merriment. Kead tlic'ae words of folly and malice, penned in the service 
 of English Toryism — ■ 
 
 " The existing rupture was inevitalile. It could brook no delay, and will admit of no reconcili- 
 ation. The American Union, that Model Government of the World, has, notwithstanding the 
 numerous predictions of its stability, only survived S5 years. But for the stimulus of outside 
 pressure, it would have died long before. Although not strictly a Government, it was, like all 
 Governments, a natural growth. After the Revolutionary ivar, t!ie Southern States, feeling too 
 weak to stand alone, formed an alliance with the North, in order to preserve the independcuco 
 they had fought for and won. 
 
 " But whatever be the upshot of the present struggle — whether the unhappy war that now 
 rages be of short or of long duration — one thing is certain, that neither a reunion of States nor of 
 people can ever be effected. The Jews and Samaritans of old did not keep aloof from each other 
 with more rigid religious scrupulosity than will members of both sections of the Republic. The 
 bitter feeling on cither side is as strong as death, the enmity lasting as eternity. ' I wish to 
 see,' observed a gentleman to me, ' a wall built between us and the Yankees as high as Heaven 
 and as low as Hell ; for, if it were less deep, they would be sure to get under it.' " 
 
 LOED Beodguam, also, has laboured to feed the rampant passions of the ignorant multitude in 
 England. He has given his nobly earned influence to the wrong side of the Anierican question. 
 His words have been forcibly feeble, because false and extravagant. He has dimmed the light 
 that plays ai'ound his aged brow — he is closing a career devoted to Freedom, Science, and Kcform 
 in the arms of despotism in the palace of darkness. The following absiu-d words he spoke on 
 the American Civil War — " Misery and crime — more horrid than any case known in modern, 
 let us say Christian times — merciless slaughter — such wholesale bloodshed as never before dis- 
 graced the name of man." Remember that the noble lord thus spoke against the North— the 
 North that is defending itself against political violence and destruction. 'Tis lamentable that 
 men like Brougham and Roebuck, who have been noble pioneers of progress in England, should 
 now hurl insults against a People's government, and sneer at the efforts a people are making to 
 preserve a home for freedom and general prosperity in the New World. When J. A. Roebuck 
 said in the House of Commons that — " The cry of the North is a hypocritical cry" — I grieved for 
 the old man's blindness. When I remember the salient things he said in the cause of the 
 unstamped press of England, I sighed and shed a tear of pity as I turned from the slave-holders' 
 friend. How are the mighty fallen I The Wreck of Reputations is more saddening to contemplate 
 than." the Ruins of Empires.'' 'Tis the loss of sweet intercourse, generous emotions, and noble 
 esteems. 
 
 I thank God, that without fae or reward, without expecting either, I was the first to cry aloiid 
 in Manchester and Sheffield on behalf of the North. My devotion of time and sacrifice of means 
 and prospects 1 do not regret, but rather r. joice that I made my calling and election sure. 
 
the Triumpli is certain, and will he lasting. A moral world 
 is destined to emerge from beneath the stagnant waters of 
 foul corrupting oppression. A hot and revivifying sun of 
 freedom will rise, high up, from behind the cold black moun- 
 tains of ignorance. From the heads of nations will be torn 
 and annihilated the wreaths of serpent wrongs. The Pagan 
 witch-maiden shall no longer work her atrocious and revolt- 
 ing spells, for her garment shall touch the Cross, and then 
 the nations will be freed and purified. The star shines, wise 
 men follow in its trail of glory — the feeble one is honoured, 
 and the lonely one is guarded tenderly. In the huge cavern 
 of iniq^uity the air is stifling, and the light flickers — but, 
 hark ! a step sounds, the maiden is coming with oil and per- 
 fume, the cavern will be transformed into a Temple — the 
 Slave shall become a Man. 
 
 Feudalism is the transitionary state from absolute des- 
 potism to absolute freedom — from dominant Paganism to 
 dominant Christianity. Where feudalism has existed, slavery 
 has been abolished without necessitating national violence, 
 and Civilization has marched onward without wading through 
 immense seas of blood. America has not been blessed with 
 a transitional institution, hence, she must pass through a 
 fiery ordeal. 
 
 The condition and treatment of slaves has varied according 
 to race, opinions, prejudices, and material interests. This 
 assertion (based on historic facts) is opposed to the statement 
 and citations of E. Watson [Institutes of Theology, Eng- 
 lish edition). Watson's words imply that ancient slavery 
 was as cruel and hopeless a condition as that of Amer- 
 ica. There is a difference that can be easily explain- 
 ed. Watson says — " The master (in Greece or Rome) 
 had absolute power of life, or death, or torture ; and their 
 lives (of slaves) were therefore sacrificed in the most wanton 
 manner." Watson's mistake consists in using the word 
 "absolute." R. Watson shall be corrected by a careful 
 historian and ardent friend of the negro. Rev. W. Goodell 
 thus writes — ■" Among ancient heathen nations were found 
 laws providing that slaves abused by their masters might 
 
 2 
 
10 
 
 apply to tliG magistrates, who would order tliem to be sold 
 to a new master." The American slave-holder is more 
 "absolute" than was the old Koman slave-holder, for Mr. 
 Stroud says — " Slaves (in America) cannot redeem them- 
 selves, nor obtain a change of masters, though cruel treat- 
 ment may have rendered such a change necessary for their 
 personal safety." Here we see that American bondage is 
 more cruel than was the old Eoman. Another important 
 feature remains to be stated, that clearly shows the historical 
 inaccuracy of Watson's sweeping sentence. The Greek or 
 Koman slave could work-out his own emancipation — the 
 negro cannot who is a slave on the shores of Columbia. 
 The Koman slave, after he had done his master's day's work, 
 could work in the night for another citizen, could receive 
 payment for the work done, could save the money, and with 
 his savings could purchase his freedom. Not only could the 
 slave earn money and legally keep it, and when earned, 
 legally spend it in legally buying his own freedom, but he 
 was allowed to educate himself, if he had sufficient force of 
 character for the purpose. Not thus can the negro act in 
 America. The negro has no time that is not his master's, 
 therefore he cannot work on his own account for another 
 man, therefore cannot legally save money to purchase his 
 freedom. Epictetus was a slave, who worked out his own 
 emancipation, became a citizen, and a teacher of philosophy ! 
 Koman and Grecian masters were not " absolute" over their 
 slaves ; but American slave-holders are. R. Watson's state- 
 ment must be taken with a slight reservation — in painting 
 the dark scene, the learned Wesleyan theologian forgot to 
 put in a tiny bit of sky ! Even slavery in the old Mexican 
 Empire was far less revolting than that of the Southern Con- 
 federacy. We re-produce the facts as related by the learned 
 and profound Prescott : "The contract of sale was exe- 
 cuted in the presence of at least four witnesses. The services 
 to be executed were limited with great precision. The slave 
 was allowed to have his own family, to hold property, and 
 even other slaves. His children were free. No one could 
 be born to slavery in Mexico, an honorable distinction, not 
 
11 
 
 known, I believe, in any civilized community wliere slavery 
 lias been sanctioned. Slaves were not sold by the masters, 
 unless when tlicy were driven to it by poverty. They were 
 often liberated by them at their death, and sometimes, as 
 there was no natural repugnance founded on difference of 
 blood and race, were married to them. Yet a refractory 
 or vicious slave might be led into the market, with a collar 
 round his neck, which intimated his bad character, and there 
 be publicly sold, and, in a second sale, reserved for sacrifice." 
 It may be well to quote here the author of Democracy in 
 America, who says : 
 
 " In antiquity precautions were taken to prevent the slave from break- 
 ing Ills chains; at the present day measures are adopted to deprive 
 him even of the desire of freedom. The ancients kept the bodies of their 
 slaves in bondage, but they placed no restraint upon the mind and no 
 check upon education ; and they acted consistently with this established 
 principle, since a natural termination of slavery then existed, and one day 
 or other the slave might be set free, and become the equal of his master. 
 But the Americans of the South, who do not admit that the negroes can 
 ever be commingled with themselves, have forbidden them to be taught 
 to read and write under severe penalties ; and as they will not raise them 
 to their own level, they sink them as near as possible to that of the 
 brutes." 
 
 Ancient slavery was sufficiently revolting without our ex- 
 aofgeratincr its brutal enormities — enormities against the man- 
 hood of nations and the dignity of citizenship. If slaves 
 were fed on honey, and covered at night with rose-leaves, 
 slavery would still be an enormous crime against national 
 morality and general civilization — a crime against the 
 brotherhood of races and nations. 
 
 Oppressors are most cruel immediately after their victory 
 and just before their fall. When they feel themselves secure, 
 when they believe their throne is placed on a rock of flint, 
 when they have suppressed all opposition, when they have 
 stifled every murmur, then they relax their grasp and smile 
 serenely on their captives. The Greeks and Romans (to 
 them it seemed) had Conquered the world of mind and the 
 world of arms. Over fertile plains and snow-capped moun- 
 tains, over rich regions and desolate shores, in the splendid 
 
12 
 
 palaces of Persia, in tlie magnificent temples of India, amid 
 the rich skill of Egypt, even where "Vikings revelled — Con- 
 querors assumed and Legislators asserted that the Wrong of 
 slavery was the Eight of empires. What need of fear? 
 Who dreaded the Angel of " Emancipation " ? The liberator 
 was not born, the avenger was shrouded in an unpenetrated 
 future. So safe, snug, at ease — the world believing, adopt- 
 ing, worshipping the Wrong — no voice of opposition heard, 
 no note of warning sounded, no philosopher protesting, no 
 priest objecting — Eome could afford to honour the mind and 
 reward the industry of an extraordinary slave. And so she 
 did. 
 
 But Greece and Eonie are dead. A limb is here, one in 
 France, one in Italy, another somewhere else — poor cold 
 limbs ! Their lives are told in song to cheer an idle hour or 
 to grace an Orator's periods. Their spirit is gone, their falla- 
 cies are cut asunder by the Spiritual Sword of the Nazarenc. 
 Nor Spartans nor Legions inspire us to enthusiasm nor chill 
 us into terrible forebodings — such work is now done by the 
 Ironsides and Committee of Safety of yesterday. The flames 
 of Smithfield, the pillories of Palace-Yard and Cheapside, 
 the garret of John Milton, the prison-room in the Tower 
 of London of Mr. Penn, the place of Eunnymede, the grave 
 of D. De Foe, and the martyr-heroes of Bunker Hill, are 
 nobler and more inspiring objects than the Coliseum and the 
 Pantheon. Classic lands are almost forgotten when contem- 
 plating the big heart of modern humanity. 
 
 The slave-holder in America has long felt himself insecure. 
 Only just beyond, and all around his world of darkness, there 
 is a universe of light. No slavery in England nor in Eng- 
 land's Colonies, no shivery in France, no slave-market in 
 modern Eome, no slavery in Germany nor in Eussia — slavery 
 in a state of decrepitude in Egypt, in India, in Turkey — poor 
 slave-holder ! what will become of him ? He swears, he 
 chews more tobacco, he writhes. Outside his boundary the 
 Angel of Emancipation stands, waiting to put to its warm 
 bosom every black child that can break its chains and leap 
 through the infernal atmosphere. The American slave-holder 
 
13 
 
 honour the mind and reward the industry of his slave ? 
 Not he ! He is not a Roman, and he does not live in a Ro- 
 man's security. So in terror and in doubt he devises new 
 schemes of cruelty, new forms of repression, for self-protec- 
 tion — he feels that the rays from the hot sun of freedom are 
 penetrating his little cold world of darkness. In the mad- 
 ness of his fears he resolves that his slaves shall not read, 
 shall not write, shall only be half-fed and half-clothed, shall 
 be permitted to live only five or eight years in the swamps or 
 in cane and rice fields. Madman ! Poor in the regions of 
 wealth, whose conduct is beating funeral marches to his 
 grave. He mournfully gazes on the old slave-map, and 
 slowly repeats the words of Dixon, who says — 
 
 " In all the maritime and commercial countries of Europe, slavery was 
 an ancient institution. The cities of Portugal, Italy, and Spain, were 
 dotted with the dusky forms of Negro and Moorish slaves. * * * 
 CoLUMSus introduced the Negro into America ; Cromwell did not hesi- 
 tate to sell his own countrymen into bondage 5 Locke expressly provided 
 a place for slaves in his constitution, and forbid them ever to aspire to a 
 free condition. * * By a special stipulation in the treaty of Utrecht, 
 our Sovereign lady Queen Ann became for a time the largest slave-mer- 
 chant in the world." 
 
 And then he turns to the blue-covered Diary of Russell, 
 and reads — 
 
 " Assaulted by reason, by logic, argument, philanthropj^, progress 
 directed against his peculiar institutions, the Southerner at last is driven 
 to a fanaticism — a sacred faith which is above all reason and logical 
 attack in the propriety, righteousness and divinity of slavery." 
 
 Ceasing to quote, he carefully rolls-up his old map, and keeps 
 repeating, as if uiiconcious of the act — " These are degene- 
 rate, very degenerate times." 
 
 " Do not, then, give the hand of friendship and of fellowship to the 
 worst foes of freedom that the world has ever seen ; and do not, I beseech 
 you, bring down a curse upon your own cause which no after penitence 
 can ever lift from it. 
 
 " Dynasties may fall — Aristocracies may perish — Feudalism and Privi- 
 leges will vanish into the dim past ; but you and your children and your 
 
14 
 
 children's children will remain, and from you the English people will be 
 continued to succeeding generations." — John Bright, M. P. 
 
 "An evil uplifting itself before the eyes of all men." — Arthur IlELrs. 
 
 " That deep moral conviction of the utter hatefulness of slaver}^, cm- 
 bodied in the glorious principle of our law, that the very dust of our 
 English soil gives freedom to the slave, is the only answer which England 
 deigns to give to the blasphemous pleading of the South in favor of the 
 divine right of slavery." — J. M. Ludlow. 
 
 " On the whole, the impression left upon my mind by what I had seen 
 in the slave States is unfavorable to the institution of slavery, both as 
 regards its effects on the slave and its influence on the master." — "W. II. 
 Russell. 
 
 " Slavery — a curse not only for the black, but likewise for the white 
 population, because it stamps rank with degradation, keeps the white in 
 idleness, and makes public education on a moral scale impossible." — 
 
 PULSKY. 
 
 " I freely admit, that it is hardly possible to justify, morally, those 
 who began and carried on the slave-trade. No speculation of future good 
 to be brought about could compensate the enormous amount of evil it 
 occasioned." — Chancellor Harper. 
 
 The rapid increase of slaves in tlie slave States is an im- 
 portant fact. The disparity in numbers soon makes the 
 free men too few and the enslaved too many. This pecu- 
 liarity existed in ancient times. Taylor in his work on Civil 
 Laiu says — 
 
 "In the 110th Olympiad there was at Athens only 21,000 citizens and 
 40,000 slaves. It was common for a private citizen of Rome to have 
 10,000 or 20,000 slaves." 
 
 The largest slave-holder in America is obliged to pur- 
 chase a new estate every year to absorb the increase in his 
 stock of slaves. Mr. Chambees has compiled some statistics 
 on the rapid increase of slaves in America. He informs us 
 that in 
 
 " 1790 (about two years after the Constitution was framed) there were 
 in the United States 697,897 slaves— in the year 1810 there were 1,191,304 
 —in 1820 there were 1,538,064— in the year 1850 there were 3,204,313— in 
 the j'-ear 1857 there were 4,100,000, being an increase of 900,000 since 
 1850, a ratio of increase of 150,000 per year." 
 
15 
 
 Sucli a ratio of increase of mere animality in a State is truly 
 alarming. A calculation from another and a Southern source 
 will make this fearful subject still more clear. In 1836 
 (affirms the Kev. W. Goodell) the editor of tlie Virginia 
 Times 
 
 " Made a calculation that 120,000 slaves went out of that State dur- 
 ing the year, that 80,000 went with their owners, who removed, leaving 
 40,000 who were sold at an average price of 600 dollars, amounting to 
 twenty-four millions of dollars." 
 
 According to the last census, the amount of population in 
 
 the South was — 
 
 WHITES. BLACKS. 
 
 8,280,490. 3,949,557. 
 
 A country thus popuhxted must become a mass of ignor- 
 ance, of brutishness, of crime, and of terror. Recent testi- 
 monies prove that such are the facts in the American slave 
 States. Russell says — " The fact that there are more out- 
 rages on the person in (Mississippi) State, nay, more murders 
 perpetrated in the very capital, than were known in the 
 worst days of mediasval Venice and Florence ; — indeed, as 
 a citizen said to me, ' Well, I think on an average in Jackson 
 (capital of tli^State) thei e is a murder a month.' Now I could 
 not refuse to believe that in New Orleans, Montgomery, 
 Mobile, Jackson, and Memphis, there is a reckless and violent 
 condition of society, unfavorable to civilization, and but little 
 hopeful for the future." Mr. Gladstone (in his work on 
 Kansas) says — "As a system, slavery ever brings with it a 
 heavy entail of disorder, slovenly negligence, stereotyped ad- 
 hesion to old methods, disregard of all improvements, costly 
 and unnoticed expenditure, and general impoverishment in 
 all that pertains to the cultivation of the soil." And (speak- 
 ing of the evil produced through the influence of slavery) he 
 affirms that — " No element of vice and crime seemed to be 
 absent. Every species of shameless recklessness and un- 
 checked outrage met one's gaze at every turn." Such a con- 
 dition has long been the ignoble fate of Turkey and of Egypt. 
 The colours of the proudest banner must fade in the grasp of 
 
16 
 
 sucli a filthy monster as slavery. The nohlest Civilization 
 must speedily decline in the atmosiDhere of a servile popula- 
 tion. To talk of morality and patriotism flourishing in 
 slavery is to mock virtue and to deride nobility. The rapid 
 increase of slaves makes necessary an increase of cruelty, 
 immense territory, and rigid organization of society — but 
 the organization must be of despotism for the extension of 
 despotism. Such conditions will, in time, crush all gentle- 
 ness and intelligence out of the slave-owners. Cover fertile 
 plains wdth twenty millions of slaves, and you will see the 
 Devil worshipped as a God, and Christ shunned as a Devil. 
 Shall we permit the desolating plague, the sickening 
 leprosy of slavery to extend its area and deepen its power ? 
 Slavery ignores the doctrine that " progress is the rule of 
 all." It turns the master into a despot, and myi'iads of 
 God's children into dull machines. Under the ordinance of 
 slavery. Civilization halts, and is petrified ; the master be- 
 comes a man destroyer, and a soul ignorer : the master's man 
 is converted into a soulless, brainless, hopeless machine- 
 power. This gigantic moral curse, this intellectual swindle, 
 this religious sin, must not be spread over the vast regions of 
 America. Ponder over the extent of ground on which the 
 enemies of God and man desire to build and perpetuate a 
 disgusting slave-republic. Robertson thus describes the 
 vastness of the empire that Rebels now desire to darken and 
 desolate — " When we contemplate the New World, the first 
 circumstance that strikes us is its immense extent. It was 
 not a small portion of the earth so inconsiderable that it 
 might have escaped the observation or research of former 
 ages, which Columbus discovered. He made known a new 
 hemisphere, larger than either Europe, or Asia, or Africa, 
 the three noted divisions of the ancient continent, and not 
 much inferior in dimensions to a third part of the habitable 
 globe." The position of this territory appears to be as re- 
 markable as is its huge extent. Again, the Scotch historian 
 shall be our guide, who says — " America is remarkable, not 
 only for its magnitude, but for its position. It stretches 
 from the northern polar circle to a high southern latitude, 
 
17 
 
 above fifteen hundred miles beyond the farthest extremity of 
 the old continent on that side of the line. A country of 
 such extent passes through all the climates capable of becom- 
 ing the habitation of man^ and fit for yielding the various 
 productions peculiar to the temperature or to the torrid 
 regions of the earth." A slave-republic, working on such an 
 "immense extent" of fertile land, would be an everlasting 
 cloud from the Devil's den of infamy, paralyzing'into imbe- 
 cility the human family. The laws of God, the sacrifice of 
 Christ, the dictates of utility, alike war against such a 
 calamitous consummation. The arms and the intellect of the 
 old Pagan world failed to prevent the growth of freedom — 
 the arms and the strategy of the New World of Paganism 
 must not be permitted to destroy liberty. 
 
 What folly ! To talk of erecting a slave-republic through 
 " secession" from Constitutional federation, and independ- 
 ence through discarding and denouncing the Brotherhood of 
 States, while claiming the " recognition " of nations ! These 
 mighty and inexorable logicians, who detect everybody's fal- 
 lacies, except their own ! Such glorious intellectual gladi- 
 ators, such superb monsters of chivalrous ruffianism, who 
 misquote the Bible, misread the import of human history, 
 and who grow fat out of the tears of agonized mothers, the 
 screams of kidnapped children, and the stifled murmurs of 
 millions whipped into imbecility. These felons, this legion 
 of Haynaits are to guide, teach, and rule the world, after the 
 Bible has been received, and Christ has been adored by just 
 men made perfect ! 
 
 Ah 1 no ! no ! Long enough the human heart has been 
 draped in sorrow — long enough poor slaves have groaned and 
 struggled through centuries of defeat — long enough mines 
 of wealth have been exhausted in the, apparently, hopeless 
 task of creating and maintaining universal freedom — long 
 enough oceans of blood have been poured forth in a tempest 
 of passion, in a storm of reason, of passion aroused against 
 wrong, of reason excited against folly and cowardice — long 
 enough have partial defeats saddened, and partial victories 
 exhilarated — the hour has come, when Christ shall reign 
 
18 
 
 on earth, not the Devil, when the captive shall fight the last 
 battle, and rejoice over the dead carcase of defeated Pagan- 
 ism. The corner-stone of the slave-republic wDl be rolled 
 away to the graveyard of human crimes, and placed by freed- 
 men as a covering over the grave of the completely defeated 
 and destroyed slave power. 
 
 Lift up your heads, ye People — rejoice, ye Nations, 
 for the Lord is your strength, and Christ died to save you. 
 The day of Deliverance has come — the Weak have become 
 Strong, the Foolish have become Wise. Prepare the fatted 
 calf, for the day of strife and wrong will soon cease — the 
 night is fast approaching, the night of calm, of peace, of 
 beauty — the night of feasting, of joy, of merriment. After 
 the night has passed away, the morning of a happier day will 
 dawn — a morning adorned with the smiles of Heaven, per- 
 fumed with the breath of Angels, the atmosphere filled with 
 the melodies of grateful hearts, and warmed with sweet soft 
 prayers from the Brotherhood of Christian nations. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 I here group a few important extracts that could not be con- 
 veniently incorporated in the text. With one or two exceptions, 
 they are from English works that may not be extensively known 
 in this country. Even to those who are familiar with the 
 authors quoted, the passages here given may be useful for easy 
 reference. 
 
 POWER OF COTTON. 
 
 " I meet many asking about the blockade. I cannot, to-day, tell you how 
 the blockade is to be raised. But there is one thing certain — in some way 
 or other it will be obliged to be raised, or there will be revolution in 
 Europe — there will be starvation there. Our cotton is the element that will 
 do it. Steam is powerful, but steam is far short in its power to the 
 tremendous power of cotton." — Stephens' Speech at Augusta, Ga, July 11, 
 1861. 
 
 " My Saxon friend exclaimed : ' All the Northern States and all the 
 power of the world can't beat the South ; and why ? Because the South 
 has got cotton, and cotton is King.' " "W. H. Russell. 
 
 SLAVERY NO FRIEND OF COMMERCE. 
 
 " Slavery is forever contracting the purchasing power of the South, 
 stinting its consumption. What demand for foreign produce is there in 
 a country where, not a certain number of ill-paid workers, but, so to 
 speak, the whole labouring class, from year's end to year's end, from birth 
 to death, consume on an average but Indian com, salt, and generally salt 
 meat for food ; most of the corn, and a portion of the meat, when it is 
 bacon or salt pork, being grown at home ; and, say two suits per annum 
 of the coarsest clothing, with a warm blanket. Now, from $15 to $30 a 
 year, or say from £3 15s. to £7 10s., Mr. Olmstead shows from oflBcial 
 documents, and the statemeuts of slave-holders, is the cost of clothing and 
 boarding a first-class slave-labourer. Take the larger estimate. Miiltiply 
 thirty dollars by 4,000,000 for the total number of slaves, and you wiU 
 have 120,000,000 dollars for the amount of slave consumption. We are 
 told that the South sends North yearly over 460,000,000 dollars, to say 
 nothing of its direct trade with foreigh countries. Supposing the whole 
 consumption of the slave came from the North, the difference between the 
 two figures is enormous. Whence comes it ? Does it represent the 
 superabundant consumption of the white man in the cotton Eldorado ? Is 
 the slave-owner lo be found habitually rolling in wealth, his every want 
 supplied, every luxury within his reach ? 
 
 " QUITE THE CONTRARY." J. M. Ltolow. 
 
20 
 
 THE SLAVE-OWNERS' DESTITUTION. 
 
 " The slave-owner is nearly as homeless as the slave. By a strange 
 Nemesis, his own condition grows closely to approsimate, only upon a 
 larger scale, to that of those petty African tribes whom travellers 
 describe to us clearing, tilling, wasting the soU aroimd one settlement, and 
 then shifting to another, their dwellings as fragile and comfortless as their 
 cultivation is careless. But let the slave-owner cling to the soil as much 
 as he pleases, when he has wrung by the labour of his slaves all the avail- 
 able profit out of his land, his only resource is, first to sell the slaves 
 themselves ; and, when they are all sold off, then the land itself to a free- 
 man. The present condition of the slave-breeding States is what all the 
 slave States must come to. Human flesh is the last crop which the soil 
 exliausted by slavery can bear. After that is worked off, slavery itself 
 must become extinct upon it. So that, by simply forbidding slavery to 
 move on, you actually doom it to destruction." — J. M. Ludlow's Hist, of 
 America. 
 
 " The salvation of the South itself, as well as of the Union, hangs upon 
 the extinction of slavery. Indeed, the South has far more interest than 
 the North in the restoration of political health as the condition of political 
 union ; and she would see it so, if slavery had not made her blind. The 
 diminution of slavery would, in the end, be clear gain to. her, while she 
 would reap equally with the North, the advantages of union, and escape 
 the disadvantages and calamities which, as we liave seen, must inevitably 
 follow in the wake of confirmed Disunion." — The Problem of Am&t' lean 
 Destiny Solved by Science and History. 
 
 RESULTS. 
 
 " The institution of slavery has for its result the accumulation of large 
 landed property in a few hands. Small settlers do not like to go to a 
 place where they cannot" become socially the equals of the planters. The 
 white population is, therefore, less dense than at the North ; free schools 
 cannot be established here, and newspapers liave a very limited circula- 
 tion ; instruction is not widely spread, nor the spirit of enterprise dif- 
 fused. Locomotion is scarce, railways, therefore, are not a very profitable 
 investment for capital ; they are slowly built, and canals are not heard of. 
 Land is cheap, and yet it is not taken up. Compared with the Northern 
 and Western States, we find the South stagnant. Instead of an ever- 
 busy and enterprising population, we see here on the plantation a kind of 
 aristocracy — careless, large-landed proprietors ; whilst in the cities the 
 middle classes are much below tlie level of the North. They lack com- 
 mercial enterprise and manufacturing skill, and are morally and materially 
 dependent on the planters." — Pulsky's Red, While, and Blade. 
 
21 
 
 INFLUENCE ON WHITE PEOPLE. 
 
 During the past thirty years Araerican politics have boon " a 
 question of the extension or non-extension of slavery," It was 
 rapidly degrading- the moral character of the people. In support 
 of our opinion, we present the reader with the following extracts 
 from Gladstone's Kansas. The extracts are most edifying. This 
 shrewd observer says : 
 
 " Wc liavc been so accustomod to dwell on tiic moral evils of slavery, 
 tlie essential enormities of the system, and the wrongs which almost of 
 necessity arise out of it, that we arc apt to overlook tliat wliich otherv»dsc 
 wc should not be slow to recognize ; yet, how banefnl the system is in its 
 influence npon the white race, and how seriously it impoverishes a comi- 
 try, and retards the progress of its people." 
 
 GENERAL ATCHISON'S ADDRESS. 
 (0«ce a Vice-President of the United States.) 
 
 " If a man or a woman dai-e to stand before you, blov/ them to hell witli 
 a chunk of lead." 
 
 GENERAL STR.NGFELLOW'S SPEECH. 
 
 " I tell you to mark every scoundrel among you that is tlie least tainted 
 with free-soilism or abohtionism, and exterminate him." 
 
 THUS BELCHES "THE SQUATTER SOVEREIGN:" 
 
 " We can tell the impertinent scoundrels of the Tribune, that tliey may 
 exliaust an ocean of ink, their emigrant aid societies spend their miUions 
 and biUions, their representatives in Congress spout their heretical the- 
 ories till doomsday, and his Excellency Franklin Pierce appoint abolition- 
 ist after frec-soiler as our governor, yet Vv^e will continue to lynch and 
 hang, to tar and feather, and drown every whitedivered abolitionist wdio 
 dares to pollute our soil." 
 
 Same paper says : 
 
 " We are determined to repel this Northern invasion, and make Kansas 
 a slave State ; though our rivers sliould be covered with the blood of their 
 victims, and the carcasses of the abohtionists should be so numerous in 
 the territory as to breed disease and siclmees, we will not be deterred 
 from our purpose." 
 
 A MERCHANT'S SPEECH ON STEAMBOAT. 
 
 " No Northern nigger-stealers here. I'll fix 'em up right smart, I will. 
 I aint here for nothing, and that j^ou'U see, just about as soon as anything. 
 
22 
 
 Yes, sir, I only want to see the first free-soiler here. I'll drop the first one 
 of you that opens his mouth for abolition cusses ; I be dog-ganned if I 
 don't. 
 
 " Lead's the best argument for these infernal white-livered Yankees. 
 Let me alone for tamin' them down ; yes, sir, let me alone for that, I say. 
 T reckon they won't be a tryin' on this game again a little whiles. That's 
 just about what I think." 
 
 SPEECH ON STEAMBOAT, ON "ABOLITION." 
 
 " Reck'n we're in a section now, when you can't say that there word, 
 not even in jest ; so don't crowd on so mighty powerful. You'll have to 
 allow to respect the wishes of the sovereign people ; it's them that's to 
 rule ; — d'ye hear. Mister !" 
 
 During the Kansas diflSculty, Mr. Gladstone, whose work we 
 now lay down, was correspondent of The Times, of London. His 
 reprinted articles are valuable, for thonght and reference. Who 
 can read his book without having an intense hatred of slavery, 
 slave-holders, and slave influences ? The system is odious, the 
 results are terribly desolating. Even the most sensitive people? 
 who shudder with a holy horror at the shedding of human blood, 
 but whose hearts and brains are aiGfectionate and thoughtful, 
 must pray for the complete destruction of a system that destroys 
 morals, freedom, and religion — ^for only a perpetual miracle could 
 create and sustain religion, pure and undefiled, in the heart of a 
 society cursed with slavery. There may have been administra- 
 tive mistakes and littleness, nevertheless, every friend of human 
 advancement cannot refrain from supporting the Northern Gov- 
 ernment. The rebellion and slavery will cease together, and the 
 New World will be purified in a baptism of the blood of heroes. 
 God's will be done on earth 1 
 
 IOWA'S DECLARATION ON SLAVERY. 
 
 Governor Gu ink's Inaugural Address, 1855. 
 
 " The removal of that great landmark of freedom, the Missouri Com- 
 promise line, when it had been sacredly observed until slavery had ac- 
 quired every inch of soil South of it, has presented the aggressive char- 
 acter of that system broadly before the coimtry. It has shov/n that all 
 compromise witli Slavery, that were designed to favoiu- Freedom, are mere 
 ropes of sand, to be broken by the first wave of passion or interest that 
 may roll from the South. 
 
 LofC. 
 
23 
 
 " It has forced upon the country an issue between free labour, political 
 equality, and manhood on the one hand — and, on the other, slave labour, 
 political degradation, and wrong. It becomes the people of the free 
 States to meet that issue resolutely, calmly, and with a sense of the mo- 
 mentous consequences that will flow from its decision. To every elector, 
 in view of that issue, might appropriately be applied the injunction 
 anciently addressed to the Jewish King — ' Be strong, and show thyself a 
 man!' 
 
 " It becomes the State of Iowa (the only free child of the Missouri Com-- 
 promise) to let the world know that she values the blessings that Com- 
 promise has secured to her, and that she wiU never consent to become a 
 party to the NationaHzation of Slavery." 
 
 MUST BE SUPPRESSED. 
 
 " Rebellion against a government like ours, which contains within itself 
 tlie means of self-adjustment, and a pacific remedy for evils, should never 
 be coixfoimded with a revolution against despotic power, which refuses 
 redress of wrongs. Such a rebellion cannot be justified upon ethical 
 grounds, and the only alternatives for our choice are its suppression or the 
 destruction of our nationality. At such a time as this, and in such a strug- 
 gle, political partisanship should be merged in a true and brave patriot- 
 ism, which thinks oidy of the good of the whole country." — Gen. G. B. 
 McCleixan's Oration at West Point. 
 
 FREEDOM'S ADVANCE. 
 
 " The Missouri Compromise, fixing the Southern boundary of that State 
 as the line beyond which, southward, freedom should not go, and beyond 
 which, northward, slavery should not be extended, seemed to make a final 
 disposition of it ; for no one proposed to interfere with slavery in the 
 States where it existed. But to the tide of emigration, rolling westward 
 peopling with marvellous rapidity, our wild territory, soon revealed the 
 startling fact, that in a short time, the free States would greatly outniunber 
 those in which slavery could be established." — Headley. The Gi-eat Re- 
 bellion. 
 
 MEXICO VERSUS THE SOUTH. 
 
 " In many of th^ United States papers, speeches are to be read and lec- 
 tures given on the desirability of getting a fresh supply of land for 
 the great staple of the Southern States ; but, alas, it is always with the ad- 
 dition of the domestic institution. Not only could the wholesale importa- 
 tions of negro slaves enable the Southern States to get up a most enor- 
 mous and lucrative trade in cotton from this country, but the inevitable 
 result would be the enslaving of the four millions of wretched Indians 
 who now drag on their existence at least in the enjoyment of a perfect 
 
24 
 
 perBonal liberty — a blessing which, in the absence of nearly every other' 
 they inordinately value, if it is possible to put a limit on such a necessity 
 to life ; a consideration which, even more than the immense importance 
 of opening up a new chaimel for the supply of Manchester and Rouen, 
 ought to rouse the peoples of France and England to the value of Mexico 
 as an independent and floiu-ishing country ; for if they do not in a very 
 few months so ordain matters as to secure the independence of Mexico^ 
 the whole will as certainly be in the hands of the Southern States, and be- 
 come a gigantic slave State, as any political proposition that was ever 
 broached." — C. LE.viriREKE, Notes on Mexico in 1861-2. 
 
 THE CONFEDERATES' FLAG. 
 
 Pirates, stop ! — Take down that flag, 
 You're sailing with Hell's black rag. 
 
 Pull it dowTi — or else I'll fire ! 
 'Tis the sign of a Confederate liar. 
 
 Take it down — it taints the air 
 With odours from the Slavers' lair. 
 
 Pull it down- — for weU the people 
 linow it's round the Devil's steeple ; 
 Where men do congregate for gain, 
 Regardless of the Wronged Ones' pain. 
 
 Stars ! — Not they ; they are eclipses. 
 Bars ! — Prison bars for dusky mistresses. 
 
 Yes ! lower still — Ah ! that is right, 
 It shall not wave in the broad daylight 
 Of Christian Prom-ess ! 
 
THE ANTI-SOUTHEEN 
 LECTIJEEE. 
 
 " Nothing would induce V3 to believe that Slavery was anything but a foul blot upon 
 the Southern institutions." — Lord Wharncliffe ; i^eech at the Southern Soiree, 
 
 " Was their cause (the Southerners') so just, was their success so manifest, that they 
 were entitled to recognition ? Why, their cause, so far as he had been able to discover 
 what it was, was not one to recommend itself to the sympathies of this country; they 
 had, apparently, by a wanton act, broken up the greatest empire which the modern world 
 has seen. They were, so far as any MANIFESTOES they put forth, were concerned, 
 wanton revolutionists." — Mr. Masset, M.P. ; Speech in Salford, Jan. 6th, 1864. 
 
 "England would have been for ever infamous if, for the sake ol her own interest, 
 she had violated the law of nations, and made war in conjunction with the Shaveholding 
 States of America, against the Federal States." — Earl EnssELL ; Speech at Blairgowrie. 
 
 "Every prominent politician, and particularly those that belonged to that district of the 
 country, had thrown the whole weight of their powers into the Northern scale." — J. M. 
 CoBBKTT, M.P. ; Speech at Oldham, Jan 2Hth, 1864. 
 
 We, the undersigned, have great pleasure in testifying to the talents, 
 
 consistency, and zeal of "W. "W". Bboom, on hehalf of the Northern side 
 
 of the American question. He spoke continuously on behalf of the North 
 
 long before any society was established in Lancashire. "We gladly inform 
 
 those gentlemen who are strangers to Ma. Bkoom, that any Subscriptions 
 
 or Donations that he may solicit and obtain (or that may be solicited and 
 
 obtained on his behalf by authorised persons), will be faithfully and 
 
 honourably spent in counteracting the designs and influence of Southern 
 
 agents. 
 
 J. C. Long, 247, Bradford Road, Manhester. 
 
 T. Ceabxhee, 2, Tiverton Place, Ardwich. 
 
 E. Thomas, Oak Bank, Sale Moor, Cheshire. 
 
 F. Ceabteee, 92, Lord Street, Southport. 
 W. HiBBEET, 4, Bank Terrace, Cheetham. 
 A. Ceabteee; Bank House, Openshaw. 
 
 T. MoEBis, Fetter Lane, Manchester. 
 
 C. Hadfihd, Radcliffe, near Bury. 
 
 Thomas Bostock, 4, Bond Street, Manchester. 
 
• THE WRITINGS AND LECTURES OF JOSEPH BARKER. 
 
 K . - ■■ . " . 
 
 On Tuesday evening, Mr. W. W. Broom delivered an address in the Tempe- 
 rance Hall, Hyde, " in reply to the writintrs and lectures of Mr. Joseph Barker 
 on the 'American War — the whole gMA^^io/i'torp/aiwerf,-' the charatcer, falsehoods, 
 fallacies, and insults of this apostate to the cause of freedom exposed ; the imbe- 
 cility of this pompous and fa'se prophet and slaveholders' advocate proved from 
 his own Review. Tlie eifects of slavery and freedom, the duty of Lancashire, and 
 the doinjrs of the North clearly stated by impartial witnesses." Mr. Willis 
 Knowles occupied the chair, and briefly iutroduced 
 
 Mr. Bnoor, who opened his dicourse by defining the course he intended to 
 pursue — to show that Mr. Barker was an inconsistent man, and that he would 
 utterly deny the instincts of his heart, would utterly falsify the sympatliies of his 
 own soul for the purpose of enriching his own pocket. Before entering fully into 
 the question he would give a specimen or two of Mr. Barker's inconsistency. 
 Some time ago they had a meeting in the Free-Tiade Hal, Manchester, and it 
 was well known that Joseph Barker received money to go and destroy the liber- 
 ties of that meeting. The two following nights Mr. Barker "as announced to 
 deliver two addresses in the Corn Exchange, but was prevented from doing so 
 because the people would not listen to him. The fiist night Air. Barker sat on 
 the platform a long time, and to pas« time away, ate his supper before the eyes of 
 his audience. That meeting dispersed without hearing Mr. Barker ; and the 
 second night was as unsuccesful as the first. He ( Jlr. Ijroom) made it his busi- 
 ness to be present before the chair was taken, and the whole of the audience were 
 in the streets again at a quarter past seven o'clock, with him ( Mr. Broom) at their 
 head, on their way to hold an opposition meeting in another part of the city. On 
 looking over the pages of his lieview a fortnight after, it was found that at those 
 meetings resolutions were put and carried by overwhelming majorities. Again, 
 only a few weeks ago, Mr. Bai'ker was lecturing in the Unitarian School-room, 
 Newton Heath, when the chair was occupied by a gentleman who had voted that 
 Mr. Barker should have the use of the room. Mr. Luke Pollard rose to move a 
 resolution, when Joseph Barker objected, saying " I will not allow you to speak ; 
 I have taken this room ; the room is mine." The chairman refused to put the 
 motion, being afraid of displeasing Mr. Barker. However, it was put to the meet- 
 ing in defiance of the chairman, not a single hand being held up against it. It 
 had been said, iu the Hyde newspaper, that wherever Mr. Barker v>'ent lie carried 
 resolutions. Well, .Joseph Barker v.ent to Southport, and although one of the 
 richest men in Southport was in the chair, the audience did not number more 
 than 60 persons, the majority of whom were Northerners. At the end of the 
 lecture a vote of thanks was proposed to the lecturer. An amendment was made 
 that Mr. Barker should receive tne thanks of the meeting when he \vM\proved the 
 statements he had made to be true. The amendment was carried. When Mr. 
 Brooms friend, Mr. Cooper, wished to say a few words, he was told he might ask 
 a question, but not make a speech. Was that fair and honourable discussion ? 
 At the commencement of the war it was stated that the Rebellion would be sub- 
 dued iu ninety days, and when Joseph Barker had a chance he would crack a joke 
 over this prophecy, in fact it was the only thing he could make a joke of. He 
 would show them what sort of a prophet Joseph was. In his Review of the 14th 
 of December 1861, he predicted that "it is all but certain that in less than 30 days 
 the Northern ir^tates of America and England will be at war." On January the 
 ISth, 1862, he wrote, " There is now no further prospect of a war between 
 America and England ; " therefore when Joseph Barker ridiculed Northern 
 prophets, he should remember his own false prophecy. At the present time 
 Joseph Barker was very pious. He (Mr.; Broom) was not ridiculing true piety, 
 
 V- 
 
but they knew how quickly Joseph Barker's features chan^^ed when he was de- 
 picting with sublime pathos the sufferings endured by the people of this neitfh- 
 bourhood during this horrible and dreadful war. It was a dreadful war, no doubt, 
 but no one heard Joseph Barker lift up his voice against the Crimean war ; no one 
 heard him speak of the sacrifices then made without a single political object being 
 accomplished. The lecturer then entered at length into the American question, 
 contrasting the writings of Mr. Barker, which he denounced as wilful misrepre- 
 sentations when first written, or tiiat he was guilty of telling falsehoods now. We 
 are sorry our space will not allow us to continue our report, as the lecture was a 
 most instructive and eloquent one. 
 
 At the close of the address, discussion being allowed, Mr. Kenyon made a few 
 pithy observations on the American question, which were replied to by the lec- 
 turer, and the meeting terminated peaceably. — The North Cheshire Herald, Sep. 
 26, 1863. 
 
 MiDDLETON- 
 
 The American War. — On Monday evening, a lecture was delivered in the 
 TemperanceKHall, on the fallacies and falsehoods of Mr. J. Barker with respect 
 to the American war. The lecturer was Mr. Broom, of Manchester ; and the ad- 
 dress consisted of extracts read from Mr. Barker's recent publications on the civil 
 war in America, which were contrasted in order to show their inconsistency and 
 consequent unworthiness. Mr. Broom spoke about two hours, and was repeatedly 
 applauded. At the close a vote of thanks was passed to him. — Rochdale Observer, 
 —Oct. 10, 1863. 
 
 OVER DARWEN. 
 
 The American Question Again. — On Thursday evening a meeting was held ' 
 in the Assembly room, when Mr. Broom, of Manchester, addressed the meeting, 
 and criticised the writings of Joseph Barker. At some length he noticed Mr. 
 Barker's very frequent change of opinions, and stated that Mr. Barker was not a 
 man to rely upon, and wrote and taught according to the pay he received. Mr. J. 
 Knowles Fish very warmly replied to Mr. Broom, and stated that Mr. Barker 
 would again shortly be in Darwen. Mr. Fish became somewhat excited, and 
 spoke with A'ehemence. Mr. J. Beckett, ^\ho presided, had much difficulty in 
 maintaining urJer. A vote of thanks to Mr. Broom and the chairman terminated 
 the proceedings. — Presion Guardian, Aug. 29<A, 1863. 
 
 MARYPORT. 
 
 The American War.— The Liberals of Maryport engaged Mr. W. W. Broom 
 
 to give two lectures on the American 'var, in the AthentEum. The chair each 
 evening was judiciously filled by I\Ir. Collins. There were as many ladies as gen- 
 tlemen present, who often testified their ,a] i^roval with great applause. The lec- 
 tures were elaborate — being historical, politica', and moral. He termed slavehol- 
 ders " human pirates sailing on the hign seas of humanity, under the black flag of 
 moral desolation." At the close of the lectures the following resolution was moved 
 by Mr. Collins, seconded by Mr. I. Fletcher, and unanimously passed — "Re- 
 solved : that in the opinion of this meeting the English government must continue 
 to observe a strict Neutrality ; but if, during the progress of events, it is deemed 
 desirable to express any opinion, the English people will give their sympathy for 
 Freedom and not for Slavery — for the American union, and not for the destruction 
 of that magnificent home of our brave and industrious offspring." Ajjpropriate 
 remarks were made by Mr. Collins and Mr. I. Fletcher. — Carlinle Examiner, Dec. 
 2, 1862. 
 
STOCKPORT. 
 
 On Tuesday evening, Mr. Broom was announced to deliver an address in the 
 Northern interest, at the Oddfellows* Hall, Stockport. The room was well filled, 
 but Mr. Broom was unable to proceed with his address, in consequence of the up- 
 roar caused by the audience. — Manchester Cruardian, Oct. 29, 1863. 
 
 A similar notice to the above (of the same date) appeared in the Manahester 
 Courier. 
 
 FREE SPEECH PREVENTED BY THE SOUTHERNERS. 
 To the Editor of the Stockport and Cheshire County Nent. 
 
 Sir, — Yesterday I visited Stockport to deliver an address in the Odd- 
 fellows' HaU, in reply to the speeches and letters of the Rev. E. A. Verity 
 and T. B. Kershaw. Before reaching the Hall, I was informed that a party 
 had been organised to prevent me speaking, and to inflict personal violence 
 on me. At the time announced, I appeared on the platform, and commen- 
 ced my address by informing the audience that it was my constant prac- 
 tice to allow any person, at the close of my addresses, to ask any questions 
 and to reply, if they choose, to my statements, therefore I requested a calm 
 and patient hearing. In five minutes it was evident that the organized 
 party was present, I was not allowed to proceed, and after making three 
 eflforts I dissolved the meeting. 
 
 I left the platform and entered the ante-room to receive and settle ac- 
 counts. While talking to a few friends, the door was burst open, and the 
 room was immediately filled with the organized mob. During nearly two 
 hours I was "blockaded" by the ruffians of Stockport. At last, with 
 difficulty, two persons managed to leave the room, to take a message from 
 me to the Police Office, stating that my life was in danger The police 
 were sent, and, under their protection, I was escorted to a friend's house. 
 
 Thus, in your town, the courtesy due to a stranger was not awarded me 
 — the privileges of an Englishman were denied me — the rights of a citizen 
 were destroyed — the laws of our land were broken — honest men, who had 
 paid their money, were not allowed to receive my address — calm and grave 
 deliberation in public on questions involving the welfare, progress, and 
 freedom of humanity, was prevented by an organized conspiracy against 
 public morality, free speech, and fair play. 
 
 How long will the people of Stockport submit to Southern despotism ? 
 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 W. W. BROOM. 
 
 10, SmalCs Buildings, Salford, 
 October, 27th, 1863. 
 
This letter has been freely posted on the walls of Manchester and other 
 places, with the following note appended : — 
 
 " The above letter appeared in the Stockport and Cheshire County News, and 
 in the North Cheshire Herald, of October, 31st, 1863. The friends of FREE 
 SPEECH who are the stern opponents of organised ruffianism and Southern 
 despotism, are requested to place this placard on the walls in the towns they 
 inhabit. Working Men ! Resist the enemies of freedom, the foes of com- 
 mercial enterprise, the obstacles to manufacturing industry, and the haters of 
 Weil-Paid FREE labourers. Do not allow free speech and public deliberation 
 to be garotted by the sympathisers with Slave-mongers ; do not permit Slave- 
 mongers to drive their blood-stained car over the ruins of Christian Civilisation. 
 No longer have the heavens darkened with the Black banner of men-stealers ; 
 nor have the mountains startled from their majestic ,repose by the hideous 
 exulting shout of the receivers of stolen men, seduced women, and kidnap- 
 ped children." 
 
 MR. BROOM'S LECTURE. 
 
 Last Tuesday evening, Mr. W. W. Broom gave a lecture in the Temperance 
 Hall, George-street, which was announced hy a couple of placards distributed 
 through the town, one of which set forth that the lecturer would criticise the 
 writings of Mr. Joseph Barker and Mr. J. B. Kershaw, and the other was 
 addressed to the people of Hyde as follows : — 
 
 " People of Hyde ! For the sake of [truth and justice, for the sake of 
 your dignity as subjects of a great and glorious nation, for the sake of uni- 
 versal Civilization, it is necessary that you should have "correct informa- 
 tion on the American question." You should, if possible, understand ther 
 objects, comprehend the views, ascertain the movements of the Southern 
 Independence Association. To assist you in the difficult task, Mr. W. W. 
 Broom, wilFread the Prospectus of the Southerners of Hyde, on Tuesday, 
 evening, Nov. 3, 1863, in the Temperance Hall, George-street, Hyde. 
 He will point out its morality — its grammar — its political economy — its 
 confusion — its ignorance — its peace principle — and its selfishness." 
 
 Mr. Willis Knowljs was appointed chairman, and briefly introduced the lec- 
 turer, who said he felt somewhat pleased in being present that night, because on 
 a former occasion when he visited Hyde he obtained a iair, patient, and a candid 
 hearing, aud this bad been the case wherever he had gone, save and except the 
 previous Tuesday evening at Stockport, where the lovers of progress and the ad- 
 mirers of freedom had conspired together to prevent him speaking ! Before he 
 arrived at the place where he was to lecture, he had heard of the conspiracy, and 
 was therefore aware there would be no lecture. For two hours he was blockaded, 
 and at last he was compelled to call in the assistance of the police, as he had 
 stated in a letter addressed to the editor of the Hyde paper. That letter he in- 
 tended to have reprinted and posted on the walls of Lancashire, so that it might 
 be known by the working men the influence that was brought to bear by the 
 Southern sympathisers in this country. Before proceeding with his lecture, he 
 would read a Challenge to some of the chiefs of the Southern cause in England. 
 He then read as follows : — 
 
 A CHALLENGE 
 To Bekesfoed Hope, Esq., James Spenck, Esq., and the Eet. E. A, 
 
 Verity. 
 
 Gentlemen, — As you are the Advocates for, and the Kepresentatives of 
 
the interests of the Southern Confederate States — as you are trying to per- 
 suade the English people to Sympathise with the Southern Secessionists, 
 and are trying to induce our Government to Eecognise the Southern Con- 
 federate States — I thus publicly Challenge each one of you to meet me in 
 public, to discuss in London, or in Manchester, or in Leeds, or in !New- 
 castle-upon-Tyne, the following propositions : — 
 
 1st, That Slavery is the only cause of the Secession of the Southern 
 States, and that the Southern Confederate States are being baptised in 
 blood, for the purpose of maintaining and extending Slavery. 
 
 2nd, That to Eecognise a Confederacy that is based on Slavery, for the 
 purpose of extending Slavery, would be a crime against the progress of 
 man, and blasphemy against God. 
 
 I will undertake to prove the affirmative of these propositions, leaving 
 to each one of you the task of negativing and disproving them. 
 
 Gentlemen, — If you sincerely believe that you are on the right side ; if 
 you zealously believe that your opinions are sound — you will not be 
 ashamed to have with me a "free and open encounter," before the people 
 of England. 
 
 "EopefuUy inviting your acceptance of this public Challenge, 
 
 I remain, gentlemen, yours respectfully, 
 
 W. W. BEOOM. 
 10, SmalVs Buildings, Hegent Road, 
 Salford, Nov. 3rd, 1863. 
 
 That Challenge he intended to have printed and posted on the walls of Manches- 
 ter and neighbourood next week. The lecturer then analj'scd the Prospectus 
 issued by the Southern Association, and declared that he would cheerfully meet 
 any of the gentlemen named in the Challenge to discuss the subject refer- 
 red to, but he disdained to meet such a man as Mr. Kershaw. The lecturer then 
 alluded to the conduct of Mr. Kershaw at the Mechanics' Institution last week, 
 when he attempted to palm upon his hearers a spurious document. At the con- 
 clusion of the lecture the meetinn; was thrown open for discussion, but no person 
 availing himself of the opportunity given, ]Mr. Broom made a few more observa- 
 tions, in which he made some very grave charges against Mr. Kershaw. Votes of 
 thanks to the lecturer and chairman concluded the proceedings. — North Cheshire 
 Herald, Nov. 1th, 1863. 
 
 THE AMERICAN AVAR AND MR. JOSEPH BARKER. 
 
 On Monday evening last a lecture was delivered in the Temperance Hall, Jliddleton, 
 by Mr. W. W. Broom, of Manchester, on the above subjects. The lecturer, on rising 
 to address the audience, began by observing that some time ago he read in one of the 
 Oldham papers a very long account of the state of feeling in Middleton, upon the 
 American question. It was an account which made one imagine they were all a set 
 of gladiators in this neighbourhood, so strong was the feeling. It went on to say that 
 families had become unsettled, friends separated, and he came to the conclusion that 
 they were in a state of disorder. Judging from the audience that night, he imagined 
 that the incessant rain had made many afraid to turn out, and that their courage was 
 coolod. Since he had entered the town that evening he had ascertained that some of the 
 
Southern gentlemen had manifested theii- ereatlovo of public investigation, and full public 
 inquiry in some cases by destroying the placards placed on the walls. A placard was to 
 have been read in the Hall, out some oiie of Southern proclivities had destroyed it. A 
 placard exhibited in a certain place in town had met with a similar fate. After the above 
 remarks, Mr. Broom said they had to do that evening with a gentleman of the Southern 
 Club, who had been sent out, as it was said, for the instruction of the people, but he (Mr. 
 Broom) would show them for the purpose of misleading the people. One known not 
 onl^ in the manufacturing districts, not only in the midland counties, but in all the coun- 
 ties of England, as a man possessing influence on theological and other questions. One 
 who had been retained by the Southern sympathisers as one of their champions. Mr. 
 Broom said there were certain qualities which a man should have when he intended to 
 appear before the public. In the first place he should be consistent, and secondly, when 
 a false statement was made, he shouhl be able to recognize it, so that he might be pre- 
 pared to advocate and defend his opinions in season and out of season ; that whatever 
 might be the consequences — whether poverty or riches ; whatever might be the opinions 
 of the public in contradistinction to his own, a man should be firm in the principles he 
 enunciated, The speaker then charged Mr. Barker with having wilfully and malignantly 
 proclaimed falsehoods for the sake of obtaining money ; and with publishing and causing 
 to be published erroneous reports of his proceedings at the various places where he had 
 been lecturing. Mr. Broom read an extract from a statement of Mr. Barker's which 
 said " That the negro was treated as badly in the North as South — was not allowed to 
 vote, etc.," whereas in the States of Vermont, r.Iassachusetts, Rhode Island, and 
 Maine, the negro was allowed a vote, not only upon local matters but upon other ques- 
 tions concerning his interests, without any property qualification. In the State of New 
 York the negro had a vote if he possessed a small amount of property. Another state- 
 ment of Mr. Barker's was " That the Old Republican Party had declared that they had 
 neither the intention nor the wish to give the negro his liberty." When and where did the 
 Republican Party say this ? It was incorrect. After referring to the Fugitive Slave 
 Law, Mr. Broom said that the Hepublican Party was formed in 1852. Before the com- 
 mencement of the war Mr. Barker prophesied " That the North would never conquer 
 the South," and was continually ridicuhng the old " 90 days." In 1861 he said "That 
 in less than 30 days the Northern States and England would be at war." And in .Tanuary, 
 11162, " There is now no further prospect of a war between America and England," 50 
 that when Joseph Barker took upon himseif to prophesy, he ought to have remembered 
 that those who live in glass houses should not throw stones. He was the7i playing one 
 card. At the beginntng of the war the Southerners were going to thrash the Northerners. 
 Mr. Barker must have been talking with the senators at Montgomery, and they had told 
 him that there was plenty of cotton — but they did not say where it was — and that if Lan- 
 cashire could not get it, she would turn out in a general melee. He (Mr. Broom) might 
 say that with all tlie contrivances in support of the South, in the shape of ships for the 
 Emperor of China, Gregory's Pills from Scotland, etc., Slavery was doomed. It was 
 Yicksburgh to-day, Chattanooga the day following, and so on, until all the South would 
 be conquered by the Federal arms. Joseph Barker was now playing another card — 
 appealing to the feelings of the men and women of England — denouncing " This cruel 
 v.ar — this barbarous war — this war of subjugation by the North. Never was there the 
 same number of orphans made ; never was there such a war in the days of the 
 Roses, and Puritans," V\ ar was horrible, they knew, but there was a time in the history 
 of nations when matters had to be settled by physical force, to destroy despotism. Mr. 
 Barker says " John Bright is a clever man, and has been delivering an address in Roch- 
 dale, but John Bright knows nothing about the American question.' So with Cairnes 
 and Mill, but Joseph Barker had been to America, and knew ail about it ! He said (once 
 upon a time) the government of America was the best friend of the working man ; no 
 dukes nor earls there, pensioned on the London docks ; no princesses nor kings ; no State 
 Church, grinding the people and robbing them ; there the poor man could sit under his 
 own vine and fig-tree. Thus Mr. Barker wound his way into the hearts of the Work- 
 ing Classes of England. Did he tell them to go to the South? No, for he said that " m 
 the South there was despotism, tyranny, and immorality ; where a man was not allowed 
 to express his individual opinions, but in the North there was honour," iVow Mr. Bar- 
 
8 
 
 ker said that he could go anywhere in the South, and lecture upon any subject, and that 
 he had done so. Where did he go down South? He went to New Orleans, and lectured 
 upon slavery ; standing before French Creoles and Slave-holders, telling them " that he 
 had re-considered the whole question (he was always re-considering questions), and that 
 the Northern Abolitionists had misinformed him, for he had found that slavery was a very 
 comfortable institution, Mr. Broom read extracts from Barker's Review. Mr. Pollard, 
 the editor of the Richmond Examiner, and Colonel Schaftner said that because the South- 
 erners were defeated in the elections, they resolved to secede. By a similarity he 
 might say that Lord Palmerston had succeeded in gaining the ascendancy at the elections, 
 whereupon the Earl of Derby, who was the opposing candidate, would endeavour to divest 
 him of his office, because of his success, by causing a tumult among the people. Mr. 
 Lindsay had the impudence to say that the North was not "sincere." Mr. Roebuck had 
 said that the North was the " greatest bully in the world." He (Mr. Broom) wondered 
 how any man could have the audacity to denounce 20 millions of people. " The Southern- 
 ers were determined that if they were not allowed to govern the country, they would at 
 least govern themselves." So that it was quite evident that slavery was at the bottom, 
 top, and middle of the war. Mr. Barker was fond of talking about duty, and advising 
 working men to do it, and said that viewed in the light of the Constitution, and in a 
 rational light, the Southerners were only doing their duty. Was it the duty of Floyd to 
 send arms down South from the arsenals in the North? Was it right to rob the public 
 Treasurer, or fire upon Fort Sumter? Was it right for them to proclaim that no cotton 
 should come to England until the government either Recognised the South, or broke the 
 blockade? After quoting Mr. Barker's views on the duty of the North, in contradistinc- 
 tion to what he had previously said, and making extracts from Barker's Review,yir. Broom 
 eulogised Northern partizans, and said that the majority of those who were in favour of 
 Southern slaveholders, were against the interests of working men. It was generally the 
 Tory interest. The very paper in London that was for the South, had its correspondent 
 " Manhattan " in New York, was the Tory Herald. The Manchester Courier, the Tory 
 press, had the folly to tell them that the North was almost exhausted. They should re- 
 member that America had been the home of poor Irishmen who not being able to succeed 
 in this country, had been welcomed there, and had succeeded in gaining a comfortable 
 livelihood. America was the home of a vast number of Germans and others, who had 
 crossed the dancing Atlantic to flee from the oppression and tyranny of Europe. Yet there 
 were men in this country trying to bury the free institutions of America in the very depths 
 of oblivion. Virginia gave birth to Jefferson, one of the noblest men, and he, like Wash- 
 ington, bequeathed in his will that the slaves on his'estate should be set free at his death. 
 There was a certain entail on the property of Washington, but his noble wife acquiesced 
 in her husband's decision. If the Southerners did not abolish slavery when cotton-crowing 
 was not extensively carried on, was it likely that they would do it now? South Carolina, 
 the first State that seceded from the Union, was thoroughly honest in the Declaration she 
 eet forth as her reasons for seceding, and they must give her credit for that. She said that 
 from the very commencement of the Federal Constitution it was intended to destroy sla- 
 very. That it was the general impresson, at that time, that Slavery would cease to be. The 
 people had gradually become inoculated with Northern sentiments, by the force of public 
 meetings, periodicals, newspapers, etc. The weekly and daily Tribune penetrated the 
 Southern States. They were over-mastered by the press, the pulpit, and by many 
 States' laws. Such was South Carolina's Declaration. Mississippi followed, and not a sin- 
 gle orator in the South has dared to say that Slavery was not the cause of the civil war. 
 — (Hear, hear.) Mr. Broom concluded by denouncing Mr. Barker, as the Judas of 
 freedom, who had received the blood-money, and sold himself to the enemies of mankind. 
 
 Previous to resuming his seat Mr. Broom said that his intention was to visit all the 
 towns where Mr. Barker had been, to expose his fallacious reasoning, but when there was 
 an insufficient attendance, he was obliged to canvass for private subscriptions to defray 
 expenses. He was not in the pay of the Union and Emancipation Society, nor of any 
 other body, but depended upon private assistance. 
 
 It was moved by Mr. Commissioner J. Hilton, seconded by Mr. Richard Holden, that a 
 vote of thanks be presented to Mr. Broom, and the proceedings terminated about half- 
 past nine.— Middleton Albion, Oct. 6, 1863. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS