'Mi '^'. % °^ ""• A° ^^ •-- ,^ Oj. ••.1- i- ^■> }^ 2J^, NEW YORK STANDARD—EXTRA. THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE, AND THE FACTS, IN RELATION TO THE REJECTION OP MARTIN VAN BUREN BY THE U. S. SENATE. >..,\^', 'V NEW YORK i PRINTED AT THE STANDARD OFFICE, i A JOINT COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION. LEXINDER M. MUIR, "1 PROSPER M. WETMORE, ] Appointed by the Demor IENkV hone, 1 Appointed by the Democratic CHARLES' O'CONNOR, ] cratic Republican Gen- ; J MESEROLE, }• Republican General Commit- JOHN R. LIVINGSTON, Jr. [ eral Committee of Young lENJ* M BROWN, tee of the city of New York. EGBERT WARD, . Men of the city of JHAS. DUSENBURY. J ELBERT M. WILLETT, J New York, New York^ March,. 1832, TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES* Fkxlow-Citisens, If any thing could add to the reproach, which tlie Senate of the United States has drawn upon itself, by tlie re- jection of Martin Van Buren, it is found in the eager Imste with which the false pretences, and unfounded asper- sions, alleged in vindication of that act, have been put before the world. The misguided and misjudging Senators, aided by tlieir devoted partizans and sul)servient presses, have pour- ed forth thig flood of calumny mto every quarter of the Union, and every exertion has been made to disseminate their slan- ders. Glorying in their deed, these monopolizers of " all the decency, all the talents, all the patriotism, and all the ho- nor" of this extended Republic, have published myriads of ■copies of speeches said to have been delivered by the " rebu- king" Senators, unaccompanied, in almost every instance ■by any of the conclusive answers to their unfounded accu- aations. This has been done, too, under the solemn aaseve- i-ation that they were activated by pure and patriotic motives and were in the performance of a " painful, inost painful," duty. These remarks are addressed to the honest and indepen- dent of every calling and of every party, in defence of one un- justly assailed. They are intended to be an antidote to a poi- son distilled through every channel by which corruption en- deavors to make its way to honest hearts and sound heads. — They are directed against a course, flagrantly unjust under any circumstances, and wantonly wicked under those now jpresented to the public eye in the form and under the guise of truth. The motives are to defend the absent- — to protect the right — to stigmatize the wrong — to temper the Khield of truth — to blunt the shaft of calumny. No other apology is offered — none will be required by you from that portion of your countrymen who have deemed this publication essen- tial to a proper understanding of a proceeding without paral- lel, an outrage alike upon a President venerated for his pa- triotism and services, and a Minister distinguished for his in- tegrity and talents. The proceediiigs in this State, in every village and hamlet have been echoed to the remotest bounds of the Union ; it is peculiarly proper therefore, that the immediate fellow citizens of the injured individual, should give to tlie world the evi- dence of his deservedly high standing with those who know- bim best. This object can only be attained through a medi- um like the present. The early history of Martin Van Buren — his rapid rise to popular favor — the many and high marks of public confidence he has received, are all ably and eloquently set forth in the accompanying adcbesses. The f ateem in which he is held in the great cities of his native State, will appear by the proceedings at their respective pub- lic meetings. This publication is necessarily limited to these proceedings, and the defence made for him by honorable Se- nators. An attempt to present the proceedings of even all the county meetings of this State, much more those of the count- less meetings in other states, expreasive of their indication at the course of the Senate, would be a work of labor an expense beyond what -can be necessary for his trjumpha* vindication. Enough is here presented for a sufficient ui derstanding of the unworthy motives -which have been reso ted to by men hitherto supposed to entertain some respect f their stations, how little soever they may have had for thei selves, or the people by whom they were placed in pow( All that is desired for these proceedings and speeches, is patient and careful perusal. The friends of Mr. Van Bur challenge the severest scrutiny into every act of his pub' life. They say for him as he would say for himself, w secretaries. Edward Howell, S REiWARKS OF HO?f. N. P. TALLMADGE, In the Republican Legislative Meeting, on moving the adop tion of the resolutions expressing the sentiments of the representatives of the Democracy of New York, in relation to the rejection of Mr. VAN BUREN'S nomination. Mr. President : The resolutions which I have had the honor to submit for the consideration of this meeting, but faintly express the indignant feelings which pervade this whole community. The rejection, by the Senate of the U. S. of Martin Van Buren, as Minister Plenipotentiary to Great Britain, is an event unparalleled in the history of our fovernmeut. Wherever tlie news has reached, the public in- ignation has been manifested, by the spontaneous assem- blage of the people, who have pronounced, in the severest terms their judgment of condemnation upon the authors of this daring outrage. These manifestations of public senti- ment, on this subject, will continue to be made, as the infor- mation spreads through this widely extended state. Amidst these demonstrations of the people's will, we, their representatives, connot lail to respond tp the popular voice, and to express our sentiments at this unequalled insult offered to the honor of our atate. In doing this, let ua not be embar- rassed by the measured language in which they shall be conveyed. Those who have liad neither regard for their country, nor respect for themselves, can claim from us no other language than that which is test suited to the occasion. The people of this State and of this Union have heretofore looked with becoming reverence on the Senate of the U. S. they have viewed it as the most dignified body under the government. By its recent transactions, it has descended from that high elevation. It is degraded in the eyes of the nation, and the nation in the eyes of the world. When men deliberately convert the Senate chamber into an arena, and themselves consent to become political gladiators, it is high time the people knew the character of their servants, and the manner in which the public interests are sacrificed to promote their own private views. It is high time that the unholy combination to disgrace or destroy a distinguished individual, should be exposed to public scorn and detestation — and that the hj'pocritical pretence of a nice and sensitive regard for the honor of the nation, should give place to the real causes of the outrage, an unnatural alliance for the promotion of per- sonal and political objects. Who, let me ask, is this distinguished individual whom these political aspirants have thus attempted to disgrace an destroy? He is well known to us all. The people of this state are familiar with his name, and with tne services he yias rendered to his country. His reputation is dear to them, and they will be the last to suffer it to be tarnished by foul aspersions, however high or however low their origin. He is Jitej-ally one of the people. He is not of that class, which, in tlie early stages of the government, were denominated "the rich and well born" — an odious distinction, which has been attempted to be preserved to the present day, and which has often been claimed, with an air of triumph, on the part of those who have looked with a jealous eye on the Buccess of favored individuals whom the people have delighted to honor. No sir: he is of humble origin. He is the artificer of his own fortunes; and often, in the course of his political career, has he been reproached with the humility of nis birth. The pride of weahh and of family distinction has sneered at his advancement, and has attemjited to frown into retirement the man, whose native energies rose superior to his own exertions. The attempt has been in vain. It was contrary to the spirit of our free institutions. In this country, the road to promo- tion, in the honors of the government, is open to all. Every individual is free to travel it — no efibrts of the aristocracy shall be suffered to impede his progress. We all have the deepest interest in preserving this principle inviolate, and of cherishing the fair fame of those who liave, unaided and alone, worked their own way to distinction. Once suffer such a proscription, and the youthful aspirations of our own children may hereafter be stifled by this overgrown and over- bearing aristocracy. As we value the future welfare and success of our own sons in life, let us rally round the man ^•ho has been the pioneer in the people's cause, and teach the enemies of equal rights, that " Honor and shame from no condition rise; "Act well your part, there all the honor lies/' What, sir, is ihe history of this persecuted stateman 7 When he attained to manhood, he was found engaged in tlie arduous duties of an honorable profession, and successfully combatting, with veterans at the bar, for those honors and distinctions which are the results of unwearied industry, and perseverance, and the rewards of talent and genius. His brilliant efforts soon acquired for liim a reputation which placed him beyond the reach even of envy, and advanced him to the high and honorable station of Attorney General of this state. He discharged the dutiies of this station with equal credit to himself and to the government. No man made far- ther progress in legal attainments. Tlie late Mr. Henry, who held the highest rank in his profession, was proud to call him his friend, and to axcord to him an equal standing with himself, amongst that host of giant minds oy which the Bench and the Bar were then adorned. The war in 1812, between the United States and Great Britain, found him in the Senate of this State. It was here that his talents shone most conspicuous. Beset by foes witli- out and enemies within, the country presented to the eye of the patriot a most gloomy prosjiect. Unaided, or but par- tially aided, by the general government, we were called upon to provide the means to repel the invader, both by sea and by land. The patriotic Tompkins was then at the head of this State; and v.'ith an eye that never slept and a zeal tliat never tired, he devoted himself to the service of his country. No man rendered him more efficient aid than Mr. Van Bu- ren. In yonder senate chamber, his eloquence was often heard in favor of providing means and of granting supplies to carry ou the war — to fe«l and clothe our half atarvTO ahd hftlf clad soldiery; while some of his present perBecutors were openly rejoicing at the defeat of our arms, and secretly imploring success on those of the enemy. After the close of the war, and when peace was once more restored to our distracted country, you at length see him in the convention to revise the Constitution. Here he was ao-ain surrounded by the collected wisdom and talent of the State —a constellation of genius, in which none appeared more brilliant than hmiself. 'Here it was, that lie contended agamet the aristocracy of the land, in favor of the people in the extension of the right of suffrage. Here it was, that, with others of the democratic school, he prevailed over those who were unwilluiff to entrust more power to the people, and hap- pily established the principle that in a government like ours the people are capable of governing themselves ' We next behold him in the Senate of the United States that dignified body, which was adorned by his presence, and which has been degraded m his absence. Here he scarcelv found an equal, and acknowledged no superior. No mail discussed with more ability the important subjects that came before them. With a thorough knowledge of the history of the government, and its various relations, he grasped all mat- ters with a force and comprehension, which astonished, whilst It commanded the admiration of all who witnessed his giant efforts. His speech on the judiciary will be remembered as Jong as the judicial department of the government shall exist, and his splendid effort in favor of the surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolution will not be forgotten as long as the Almighty spares the honored remnant of 3mt heroic r^e, and whilst their descendants cherish the principles of their im- mortal sires. Here, he maintained the true principles of the constitution, and the long estfiblished practice of the ffovern- ment, to permit the President to choose his own Cabinet— his confidential advisers— and to select his own agents— the for- eign ministers— to conduct our negociations at foreign courts —and to hold him responsible for the acts of the administra- tion. It was at this period that the nomination of Henry Clay, by President Adams came before the Senate for their consideration Mr. Clay secured Mr. Adams' election as President, when the question came before the House of Re- presentatives, of which Mr. C!av was a conspicuous member It was well known throughout the country, that they had been bitter rivals during the Presidential canvass, and it will not soon be forgotten that during this period, such was their bitterness that each threatened to expose the other, and thus satisfy the people that neither wag worthy of the suftraee or confidence of the nation. No sooner was the election deter- ,Tm' ""nl '^'■•i ^'^^"'' ''•'^'•^'■^'* President, than he nomina- ted Mr. Clay, his former bitter enemy and rival, to the hish and responsible office of Secretary of State. It is not for me W say, that there was any thing improper in this nomination. But It was at the time publicly alleged, and by a great por- tion of the people believed, that it was the result ofa corrupt bargain between them. Such was the public indignation on Oie subject that the Senate of the United^States, and Mr Van Buren in particular, as the most prominent member of it, would have been fully justified by the people in rejecting that nomination. But, true to the spirit of tfie constitution and the usage of the government, he declined to interpose obiectrons and voted for tlie nomination. Mr. Clay is now a member of rl^L^ZT'v T,'^ °T °^- '''?' desperate triumvirate who caused Mr. Van Buren's rejection ! From this high and exalted station, rendered still hi^-her and more exalted by his integrity and his talents, Mr. Van f^lZr' '^'^' ^^ '"'" democracy of New York'to preside" as Chief magistrate over the destinies of his native state " His executive career was short but brilliant. He rose to thkt that preceded him and was surrounded by the light that still lingered on h,s path. None but talents of the highest order could have been bronght into such palpable comparison, wkh- oat suffering by the contrast. Bnt^ it is no disparagemm to his distinguished predecessor to say, that Mr. Van Buren fully sustamed the high character of the station, which hi^ gemus and attainments had imparted to it. onaltumt^ ftZ^""- ^T '°°" ?^1'"^ "^^ ^^'^^ral Jackson, on assuming the administration of rhe general government, to But hTZf}t ^"^ '^'PonsMe office of SecretaryTstate Sons^and live tT'T^^' tenuis "P°" "^^^ local mstftu-' which canEinb."/ ul"^'"^ '^^'^"^ ^ '""^^'y ^^^ security X^rafo^S: duties of tfiat department were never discharged with morfi distinguished ability than by him. Our foreign negotiations, which had lingered and languished under the prewding ad- ministration, were revived and invigorated by the " master spirit' which now directed, under the guidance of anupric-ht and single-minded President, the affairs of the nation iflat miserable system of diplomacy, the offspring of intrigue and corruption in foreign courts, now gave place to plain and manly dealing. That which others had attempted to accom- plish by indirection, was now accomplished by proceeding directly to the object in view. The claims of our citizens on foreign governments had, before this, been suffered to linger along till those citizens had almost relinquished, in despair die hope of ever bringing them to a successful termination' No sooner did he assume the direction of them, than their hopes revived, and in a short period, they had the proud satis- faction to see their rights asserted and their claims allowed in a manner surpassing their most sanguine expectations. The prompt settlement of our differences with Denmark and Brazil evinces the energy which had thus been infused into the State Department. France too, that had so long with- stood our demands for redress, for spoiliations on our com- merce under another dynasty, now yielded to the reasonable- ness of our claims, when presented in the plain and sijiiple' garb of truth and justice. The amount which our govern- ment obtained far exceeded the hopes of tlie claimants them- selves, and far exceeded the amount at which our minister at the French court, under the precedins: administration, had been authorised to settle. Under Mr. Van Buren'a auapic** too, a treaty with the Sublime Porte has been concluded, by which our commerce is extended to places where it nevsr reached before. The American flag, which had been fanned by every breeze in almost every sea, is now proudly waving in ports where it was previously unknown. Our vessels now" float on the sea of Marmoi-a, and spread their broad canvass on the dark waters of the Euxine. Not to weary you, sir, with the repetition of what is well known to all who hear me, I pass over many questions be- tween us and foreign governments, which received the prompt attention of the Secretary, and the President under whom he acted, and which were adjusted during his continuance inof- tice, or which were m a successful tram of adjustment 1 come now, sir, to our relations with Great Britain in rff-- ference to which, his instructions to Mr. McLane, our late mi- nister at theCourtof St. James, have been called in question,, and have been made the pretended groundwork for his rejec- tion. For years, Messrs. Adams and Clay had been endea- voring to secure tlie trade of the West Indies ; but, by theiK over management and diplomatic arts, they had utterly failed.' to accomplish this great object, so important to the commer- cial interests of the country. They had superciliously refu- sed tair and honorable propositions from the British Govern- ment. And It was not, until that government, disgusted with their chicanery, declined all farther negotiation, that they were compelled to abandon their vain pretensions, and humbly ask tlie very privileges which had once been offered and de- chned. Our late minister, Mr. Gallatin, was instructed by Mr. Clay, then Secretary of State, to accede to the former proposition of the British Government. But that Government, tired of such a vacillating, time serving policy, rigidly adhe- ed to Its former stand, and would not even entertain the nego- tiation. It was for this, among other reasons, that the pre- cedmg administration was hurled from power by an indiff- nant people, and Gen. Jackson placed at the head of the go- vernment. On entering upon the duties of his office, kr, , Van Buren forthwith set about recovering this important branch of trade, which had been lost by Mr Clay With characteristic frankness he met the question. He commen- ced the negotiation in a plain business-like manner, as if he meant what he said, and said what he meant. Unacquainted I with the dissimulation, and despising the hypocricy, of courts, like an honest farmer, in making a bargain, he came right to the point. In respectful and proper terms, he tofd the Britisli Government what we wished and what we would do. In his instructions to Mr. McLane, he said it was necessary to "enter into a particular defence of the omission on the part of the United States, seasonably to embrace the offer of the direct trade made by Great Bntain in the year 1825, and to which al- lusion has so frequently been made. Whether it be a subject I more of regret or censure, it ought to be enough that the claims advanced in justification of it have since been aban- •' doned by those who made them — have received no sanction ' from the people of the United States, and that they are not ,1 now revived." What else could he say ? What leas could lie say, to satisfy that government, that, when we were asKinff them to open a negotiation which our own folly had closed we did not intend again to trifle with them as they had been 8 1 corresponding frankness on theirs. The result is known to he American people. The country has been vastly benefited ly the successor this negotiation. Tlie Senate of the United Stateshaa confirmed the arrangement by which these benefits vere obtained— has confirmed the nomination ot Mr. Mc :.ane, as Secretary of Uie Treasury, who was the negotia- or in this matter, with discretionary powers, under the in- tmctionsof Mr> Van Burn ; and yet, unparalleled mjustice ! laa rejected the nomination of the man, through whose m- itrumentality, and under whose direction, these advantages were secured ! . But, we are told the wounded honor of thecoiintry required his sacrifice— And garbled extracts from Mr. Van Buren's natructions, and mis-statement of facts, are put forth to the ■ommunity, as a justification of this outrage upon the feel- no-3 of the people, and upon the character of the nation. If ime permitted me to go into a detailed history of Uiis whole ransaction, I would tear from these vain pretenders the ' tattered mantle of hypocrisy" that has been interposed to sover them. They talk of the wounded honor of the country! Sow comes it, that this nice sense of national honor has just wen roused? Where has it slept for two years past .' In 1830, a copy of these very instructions, about which so much 8 said, together with the communications which passed be- ween Mr. McLane and the British government, was sub- nitted to both houses of congress— this very Senate Uien iddedits sanction to these instructions, by passing an act au- horising the President to accept the " trade" and to open tlie Dorts, pursuant to the terms oflfered by the instractions, and in he manner in which they had been executed. Why did not ihese patriots then speak out 1 Why slumber upon diis hu- miliating attempt, "to propitiate," in the language ot Mr. Clay, "ftie favor of the British King" '.' Where then was Mr. Webster's sense of " duty" '.'—Why did he notdien set upon these instructions, his " mark of disapprobation .' iNo, Sir, it is an after thought— disguise it as they will, they can- not give it credence. They did not then anticipate, that Mr Van Buren would retire from the Department of State, and accent a mission to that court, where his fame had already 3ed h m.-They did not then anticipate the opportunity towreck their vengeince on a man, whose only fault was, the possession of talent infer^r to rionea^^^^ l^T pCTeTepFiu: a. foreign court whose character is above reproach, ann Britain, and o^ fi^'"^^',^';'^^^^^^^ man, of all others, the basis, se ected Mr. Van Buren as ine man, ^oqspssed best calculated to effectthisgrand object ^o one posse s^^^^^ in a more eminent degree, ll'^quahficatms for si^ch gu^^^ No one knew better how to J'roach so delicate a sub^e«^ His negotiation, however, is broken «« byj^^^^f J^^^ra- aggravated and wanton character, and ^^^e great and para mount interests of the nation put m jeopardy, to giatily the personal malice of political rivals. orusade against ^Who, let me ask, are the leaders of this crusacteaga private reputation and public honor 1 They ^^^ l^"^' °^';' fng on ,ot^er subjects of the f.^P^^^lft e otl "^^n" s Mn and as wide asunder as the poles ."","^\*^ °"'" „„,ion of do- Clay, maintainmg doctrines m relation t° ' « P/^^'^^'Xct ; es mestic industry, wholly at war with the """^^^f ^^'J^^ J'f^' of Mr. Calhoun, and yet these men, ^en^^^lves as,, rants ^ the h.ghest office in the gift of the people, ^^^^^.J^^P'^^^^^^'^f to destroy the private as well as poUtical standing ot one whomt^eyboth'hate and fear. Whilst these gentlemen ^^^^^^ thna leagued to destroy a common rival, there is yet duouiei pany Kdeed, and^of -ore sagacity than either who in- tends by "one fell swoop" to destroy them all . I.^;'7y° ^ a^ntleman from " down east,"-tlns ^^second Daniel that has STu^.-menr-the advocate and apo^^S-^J'^^^! Hartford Convention : the violent opponent o^ *« 5^^,;^*;^: and one of those who thought it "unbecoming a mo, aland^e ligious people" to celebrate our victories. He ^o, is ooMn tTthe sLcession, after the expiration of the next pre idential term. How miprtant to him then a,a t aj eand _ reo-ard to the two latter, he has been successful — but the dir* o-race intended for the former, has fallen on himself — and ?hus ends the most unprincipled combination ever kuown in the history of this Government. But sir, this stab was not aimed at Mr. Van Buren alone; It was intended to reach the President himself, through on« high in his confidence. It was intended to embarass and de- feat one of the most important measures of his administra- [iQji a measure, the success of which would have thrown far into the shade the temporising policy of his predecessor, and would have added a civic wrePth to that brow, already ana wouiu nave auut^^ ". ■^'■••^ ■ . ,r. ; v. covered with military glory. Nay, it did not stop here. It was a blow aimed at New- York. \ es, sir, at the great State"— the "empire State"— an attempt to prostrate tlie de- mocracy of the State, by prostrating her favorite son Let us then, as the representatives of that democracy speak in a language not to be misunderstood. Let the voice of New-York be heail ofar— let us rally as one man— let all minor differ- ences be hushed in one mighty effort to sustain her dignity, and vindicate her insultedlionor- let her voice be heard from Maine to Louisiana : let it echo along the valley of the Mis- sissippi and the Missouri. By this perversion ot constitution- al power, our dearest rights, nay, our very liberties are inv^ decf. Let us then rally round the standard ot democracy, and say' with the brave Gustavus Vasa, " Here will we take our stand ! " Here, on the brink, the very verge of libertyi " Although contention rise upon tlie clouds, " Mix heaven with earth, and roll the ruin onward, " Here will we fix, and breast us to the shock." GREAT PUBt,IC MEETING IN ALBANY. At the request of the Democratic Republican General Com- mittee, together with the call of several of our most distin- guished fellow citizens, one of tlie largest and most respecta- ble meetings ever before witnessed m this city was held in the new City Hall, on Saturday evening, the 4th February, '"rhe meetino- was called to order by the Hon. Nathan SANForD, 41^0 nominated the venerable SIMEON DE WITT Surveyor General of this State, as Chairman of the meeting Anthony Blanchard, Esq nominated Johk N. auAclEKBUSH,and Peter Wendeli., as Secretaries to the "' Sam^uel Chehvek, Esq. briefly and pertinently explained the object of the meeting, and moved the apnointment of a Committee of seven, to prepare and offer suital^e resolu ions fo? the consideration of the meetmg,. whereupon the Chair- man npminated the following Committee :-Benjamin Know- ™aac H. Bogart, Edward Livingston, Benj. tan Benthui- sen Barent P. Staats, Samuel Cheever, Anthony Blanchard. After a short penod, the committee returned and reported, through Mr. Edward Livingston the following resolutions : The Republican citizens of Albany, feeling themselves pe- culiarly called upon to express their sentiments in regard to the course taken by the majority of the Sena e of the U^ ed Stfltps uoonthe nomination of their fellow citizen, MARTIN VAN buren! as Minister to the British Court, -and ha- ving considered the same, do resolve as follows :— 1^ That we deem the rejection of that nomination, an act uniust to the individual concerned, injurious to tlie best inter- eTof Ihecmntry, and particularly insulting to the people °^2^ThaT°when we consider the persons by whom, and the mamiei in which that measure was accoinphshed we cannot ^sst^the conclusion, that it was instigated by a desire to gra- [ifTnersonal and political enmity ; to wound the feelings of le PresTdlntrto defeat the general objects of the mission to Great Bnta"n' and to impai? the influence of New-York m '^"^'X?tte^reasonts°4ned for this unprecedented step, ta J; tha the insuuctionsliven by Mr. Van Buren, as Secre- wu, that uie. lib & I -yy J j,j^ Trade, were dero- iiei'L W.U to»M in rom. ot f«t, ,«r can we be .e«e *,1 and 111 view of the ^fij o" '";; ^ jj warranted in endea- people, the Secre ary o S^ate was fo^^^^^ ^^ Zselc"s^rom!rsS"h?he ground assumed by him .. "^rThaUnthTKtdgementof this meeting, it i«mor« 4.*^- s nently calculated to effect the imjiortant ends in reference to which they were framed, and which were ultimately secur- ed upon terms honorable to both nations, and highly benefi- cial to ourselves, 6. That our confidence in the patriotism, integrity and ta- lents of the statesman by whose nistructionB that result was principally produced, is undiminished ; and that while we deeply lament the national degradation involved in the recent display of party rancor and personal hostility towards him, we confidently rely on the intelligence and virtue of the American people, and especially of the peop-le of New-York, for his defence and vindication. Resolved, That copies of the foregoing resolutions be trans- mitted to the Presicfent of the United States and the Hon. Martin Van Buren, and that a Committee of thirteen persons be appointed for that purpose. After which. Adjutant General Dix, James King, James M'Kown, Recorder of the city, Benjamin F. Butler and John L. Viele, addressed the meeting. The resolutions were then adopted with acclamation and Immense cheering. John I. Burton, Esq, then moved that a committee be ap- pointed to transmit copies of the proceedings of this meeting to the President of die United States, and to tlie Hon, Martin Van Buren. Whereupon tlie Chairman nominated the fol- lowing committee, viz.: Silas Wright, jr. Erastus Corning, Wm. Gould, Peter Gansevoort, James King, James Porter, James Campbell, jr. Samuel S. Fowler, Peter Seton Henry, Alexander Marvhi, John I. Burton, Garret Gates, Albert Ryckman. Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting, witli such aketclies of the addresses as can oe obtained, be published in the Albany Argus and in pamphlets. Reiolrcd, That Uiese proceedings be signed by the Chair- man and Secretaries. SIMEON DE WITT, Chairman. John N. Q.uackenbu.sh, ) gg(.)j.ys Pbtkb Wendell, J i • From ths AugT.tsta (Maine) Ago, . The following proceedings in a State which mora than any other knows the value of the Colonial Trade, which is behind none in devotion to tlie Unwn, and would spurn the man who would compromise the honor or dignity of tlie country, are given as additional proof of the light in which the' conduct of Mr. Van Buren ia viewed, wherever prejudice and political feeling are not permitted to bias the judgment. THE VOICE OF THE DEMOCRACY OF MAINE. We now present our readers, and the public, with the pro- ceedings of the Legislative Convention of Democratic Re- publicans, holden in this town [Augusta] on Tuesday evening last. The proceedings of the adjourned meeting, to be holden this evening, will be given hereaftei-. These proceedings exhibit throuo-hout a moat cheering re- presentation of tlie unanimity which pervades the republican party at large in tliis State. The democracy of Maine will travel forward, one mind and one purpose^ in support of the great ifeindamental principles of republican freedom and equality, and in support of those men only who are devoted to the support of them. The attachment of the people of tliis State to the National Administration continues to wax mighty and to triumph ; and amid all tlie variety of combinations which opposition to It may assume, Maine will prove true to the old Hero, and to all those who ai'e true to his republican virtues, and with- out speculating on consequences. Her voice on the bold as- sault upon his administration by the rejection of Mr. Van Bu- ren is now heard, and will not be re-called. In concert with her sister Republicans, Maine is ready to do her duty — she will never, we trust, be lound otherwise. Whatever can be CiOne honorably, to repair the injury inflicted upon the honor of the nation, througli the repeated malfeasances of her mino- rity Senators in Congress, will be done with a free and good will. But we detain our readers from the promised proceed- ings :■— At a Convention of the Democratic Republican members of the Legislature of the State of Maine, holden according to previous public notice, in the Representatives Chamlser, on Tuesday the 21st day of February inst. Hon. Robert P. Dun- lap, President gf tlie Senate, was called to th« Chair, and Rowland H. Bridgham, of the Senate, and John P. Lord, of ► the House of Representatives, were choaen Secretaries. bers of the Legislature be called, and twenty one Senators a one hundred and ten Representatives, being a majority both Ijraiiches of the Legislature, answered to tlieir nam On motion of Mr. Meguire, of the Senate, A Committee of ten, consisting of one from each coun was raised, to take into consideration what measures sho' be adopted by this Convention, to secure a representation tlie. reputihcan party of this State, in die Convention to holden at Baltiniore in May next, for the purpose of nomi ting a candidate for the jVice Presidency of the United Sta and to report resolutions expressive of the sentiments of t Convention in relation to the present National Adminisi tioii; and Messrs. MtRi lire Emerson, Talbot and Smith the Senate., and Messrs. White, Cliftbrd, Jarvis, Knowl't M'Crate, and Steele, ot the House, were chosen The Coinniitiee appointed to draft resolutions' renorted following : — ' Resolved, That the unexampled success attendina- . Commercial operations, and die consequent improvemeiit periencedin the Agricultural and other interests of the co try, afford ample evidence of the distinguished wisdom ! ability with which the government has been conducted un the administration of Andrew Jackson; that increased co dence and o-ratitude are due to him, who "liavino- filled measure of his country's glory," is now exerting all the er gies of his mind to promote its honor and prosperity and t we will support him for re-election to the Presidency of United States. ' Resolved, That there is in this state an active and pei vering minority, who are attempting to fasten uijon country a system and policy which, we believe, will be s versive of the public interests, and ruinous to the prospei of the nation, and that it is therefore, die imperative dut^ the friends of our republican institutions, in opposino- the d" gerous schemes of such minority, to spare nothin? of v lance and exertion, to act in concert in all public^lecdc and to endeavor by conce'.trated effort and energy, to sum the honor and interest, and preserve the integrity'of the Uni Resolved, That we approve of the recommendation of Repitbhcaiis of a sister State, for a Convention of Democ tic Republican delegates, to meet at Baltimore, in May n( for the purpose of nominating a candidate for die officf Vice President of the U. S. and that this Convention act in behalf of the democrary of Maine, designate dele'fatei attend diat Convention. '^ Resolved, That the rejection by the Senate of the Uni States of the nomination of Martin Van Buren as Mini' Plenipotentiary to Great Britain, finds no jusufication or cuse, in the reasons assigned for that extraordinary measi that It appears to have been effected by a comliinadon act under the impulse of party prejudice, person?! jealousy i disappointed ambition, coinpromitting the character of Senate, reflecting disgrace upon die government, ieopardiz the interests of the country, and die amicable relations ex ing between our own and a foreign government, delay the adjustment of matters important to die preservation peace and harmony among nations, and disregarding- and i ting at defiance, public opinion. Resolved, That the Senators in Congress from this St; by enterino- into that combination, have acted confrary to opinion and wishes of a great majority of the people of Mai and have thereby, as we believe, violated their duty to d constituents, and forfeited all claim to public confidence. Resolved, That notliing has transpired to lessen that co' deuce m the wisdom and patrioiiem of Maitin Van Bui which has been created by his eminent public services i especially liy the able, correct, and efficient part, perforn by him in aid of die President's successful endeavors to rest Commercial prosperity to the nation; and that in the opin of this Convention, his elevafA>n to the VICE PRE, DENCY, would be highly gratifying to the peojile oft State, and tend to improve the dignity and character of important branch of f^e government. Signed by 21 members of the Senate, and 112 niemberf the House of Representatives. On motion of Mr. Thayer of the Senate. Voted, That a committee of one from each county be raf for the purpose of selecting delegates to attend the Conv tion to be holden in Baltimore in May next— and die folk ing persons were appointed diat Committee: Messrs. Th erand Grotonofthe Senate, and Messrs. Shaw Fish Piei Springer, Dyer, Bean, and Robinson, of die House. ' Voted, To adjourn, to Tuesday evening next. ROBERT P. DUNLAI^Ghairmar Rowland H. Bridsham. ) ^ REMAKK8 OF GEN. DIX. t a meeting of the Republican Citizens of Albany, held Saturday Evening-, Feb, 4. in relation to the rejection of the ination of MARTIN VAN BUREN. [r. Chairman — I am sure I do not mistake the feelings of audience when I say that the rejection of Mr. Van Buren 16 Senate of tlie United States, as Minister Plenipotentiary rreat Britain, has excited among us a universal sentiment idignation on account of the personal outrage visited upon distinguished citizen, and of shame for the violated dignity le country. Knowing as I do the deep sensibility which 'ades all classes of citizens, excepting tliose whose preju- s or hostility are too powerful for their sense of justice, I lid have been better satisfied if the responsibility of open- this meeting Imd fallen to other and abler hands. Par- lating, however, as I do strongly, in the general senti- ;t I did not feel at liberty to decline the task; and in un- akin"' it, I only hopo tlmt I may be followed by others I wilt supply what I may omit. Otliers, at least there \:hn, from longer and more familiar intercourse with Mr. : Buren, have abetter claim than myself to bear testimony le uprightness and purity of liis private life. Of his pub- icts and character, no citizen of this Slate — no' citizen of United States --however remote from tlie theatre of his 'ulness, can be ignorant. His services, tliose particularly ch were rendered while he was Secretary oi State, are ihatic-ally the property of tlie country; and if it were in power of his political adversaries to obliterate in the pub- nind, tlie sense of their value, it is too late, thank Heaven! urn aside the rich current of benefits which has flowed II them. It will detract from the just claims of no indi- lal to say that Mr. Van Buren was, in tlie late cabinet of I. Jackson, his most able and influential adviser: to him are hiconsiderable degree to be ascribed that wise, provident successful policy in our negotiations with foreign coun- 3, under which the country has risen, nnd is slill continu- torise in the scale of prosperity; and nothing Init an over- dming sense of his superiority,' reflected from all sides in testimonialsofjiublic opinion, could have arrayed against a combination of political opponents, numbering as many ds as men, differing with eacn other on almost every lead- qnestion of public policy, at war with each other in their ional relations — united in nothing but a common interest verthrow a dangerous rival in the confidence of the peo- ; is well known that this is the first instance in tJie history ne government, in which the nomination of a minister by President has been rejected by the Senate, after entering he duties of his office. Tlie President is charged by the istitulion with the management of our relations with ign States; and it has always been deemed proper that he uld, as the^responsible person, have the selection of his nts. So novel and extraordinary was this case, that it i confidently expected by many that a removal of the in- ction of secrecy would exhibit sufficient evidence of the essity of making it an exception to the general rule. Sir, isexhibited no such thing: ithasdisclosed nothing of which public were not already apprised — nothing which has not t'l- ly been pronounced upon by the judgment of the people. 3 true, we are informed by private letters, that imputations | ogatory to the moral character of Mr. Van Buren, were I •oduced into the Senate^ imputations contradicted by the I ole tenor of his life — imputations sustained by no proof — reputable in their grossness to the individuals who gave mtenance to them, and insulting, beyond measure insuli- ;, to the body to which they were addressed. If they shall ■T see the light, they will be indignantly resented by all par- 5, whatever may he their political predilections, as an out- ce to justice and trutK Sir, the only reason, either of a. public or private nature, lich is relied on'^as a justification for rejecting Mr. Van iren, is the tenor of his instrucuons to Mr. McLane upon ; negotiation of the latter with Gieat Britain, in relation to i West India U-ade. For months this reason had been urged the opponents of the administration as a cause for adopt- g that measure ; and it had been shown, on our side, to be a ound of opposition not to be maintained. These instruc- jns have been published, and in the hands of the people, ore than twelve months ; they have been approved by the iblic judgment: nay, sir, they have been virtually sanctioned ' the senate itself, in t?ie ratification of all the arrangements itered into by the two countries in pursuance of Uiem ; and may be confidently asserted, that no imputation derogatory the character of Mr. Van Buren, as a statesman, can be ■awn from tliem, which is not susceptible of a triumphant futation. But as this is the sole ground of his rejection, it cussion during the last six years, than our negotiations with Great B'itain on tlie subject of our commercial interioursfer with her West India Colonies. The unexpec ted interdiction on the part of that power in the year 1826, of all direct com- munication with tnein, gave to the subject a degree of im- fortance fully equal to the magnitude of the interests at stake, t was the constant aim of Mr. Adams and his political friends to make that interdiction appear as a measure of wan- ton and unprovoked hostility to the United States. He had been charged with the direction of that negotiation as secre- tary of state from tlie year 1S17 to 1825 ; its failure was cal- culated to reflect discredit upon his talents as a statesman and diplomatist, and to involve in the same reproach the cha- racter of those who had sustained him and given countenance to his measures. Tlie only complete defence for them was to setup the imputation of hostility on the part of Great Britain. There was much in a review of the previous relations of the two countries, which was calculated to produce unfriendly impressions with regaj-d to the intentions of the othe'r. On our side there was more cause for sensitiveness than on hers. We had been for years engaged in angry collisions with her, in every one of which slie was the aggressor. We had finally appealed to arms, and obtained by force the redress which had been denied to reason and justice. In all this we had done what '/« ; becoming a spirited and determined people. The decision pronounced by us upon the immediate causes which led to an mterniption of our intercourse with llie British West India Colonies m 1826, after full consideration, was not less honorable to our justice and magnanimity, than our previous course had been to our resolution and firmness. A review of the history of her colonial regulations proved, that any impu- tation to her of hostility on this point was groundless. She had applied to us the same restrictions which she hod applied to other countries. Indeed, the nature of the case was suoh as to repel such an imputation. In the regulation of their commercial intercourse, naiions are guided by views, often narrow and mistaken, of tlieir own interests: and in this case, if her polonial policy had been framed with a view to impair our interests, she could only have reached our prosperity through a deeper wound inflicted on her own. But it appear- ed iliat there had been, from the close of the revolutionary war, a gradual course of relaxation of the rules, wliich had governed our commercial intercourse with her colonies. At tlie close of that contest, when our separation from the domm ion of Great Bniain was rendered complete by a formal acknowledgement of our independence, her attention was im- mediately directed to the regulation of the intercolirse between her former colonies thus separated from her, and those which still acknov.'ledged her sovereignty. In effecting this object, the established principles of her colonial system wereenforcea against us as ihcy wereagainst otlier nations. Accordingly tlie enactments of the British parliament resulted in the fol- lowing restrictions : — Certain enumerated articles, the pro- ductions of the United gtatcs, were allowed to be imported into the British West India Islands in British bottoms. The United States could not carry their o%vn produce to those Islands. Even the enumerated articles allowed to be imported in her own bottoms, were specified by proclamations, which were limited in their duration to a single year. The procla- mation, as a measure was not obligatory on the British King. Ii was discretionary with him to renew or withhold it. The low only empowered, but did not require, him to issue it. The effect of this system was to subject our intercourse withthosb colonies, to the discretion of the King. The system had not even the security of a legislative act,^ of which the operation could only be varied by a concurrence of the three branches of the British legislature. The first relaxation of this system was by the act of 28, Geo. III. ch. 6, by virtue of which the conditions of our inter- course with the British W. I. islands, previously announced by annual proclamations, were engrafted into a standing law. Circuitous intercourse between us and these Islands was not affected by this statute, but remained subject to the same re- strictions. The cflect of this change was to give perma- nence to a system, which was liable to be varied or annulled at the discretion of an individual. It was, however, deemed at the time a material point by us; and the previous insecu- rity of the system was a subject of communication between the le<^islative and executive branches of our government sub- scquentlvto the enactment by the Britwh Parliament of the law whff-h save it a more fixed and settled foundation. [See Report of the Secretary of State of 16th Dec. 1793, and as.m. lar report of the 30th of the same month.] Time will not al- low me to enter in detail into the whole history of that inter- course • but it will appear that negotiation was generally de- 1 clinedby Great Britain, and successive relaxations temporary and nfimnih^nt. were introduced on her part, and met on ours, 11 'erma under the expectation of obtaining (in what manner Will be seen) others still more so, forced the British Govern- ment mto the position referred to. — It will i.ppear also that a nevr principle (at all events a principle never before avowed) governed our policy ou tliat question while it was under the management of Messrs. Clay and Adams. It is a remarkable circumstance, that on the 9th Feb. 1818 tl»e committee of Foreign Relations in the House of Represen- tatives (the first Congress after the organization of Mr, Mon- roe's Cabinet) reported in favor of adilitional restrictions upon the colonial intercourse of Great Britam with us; and, in as- signing the g-rounds of their recommendation, they referred to a document marked P. which had been furnished to them by Mr. Adams as Secretary of State. Mr. Adams also refer- red to it himself in a letter to Mr. Rush, dated 23d June 1823, while the latter was minister to Great Britain, and distinctly pointed his attention to it as a guide. The position assumed hy that paper and sought to be maintained by a long and ela- borate argument is contamed in the following query : — "Can " Great iJritain support her West India Colonies in comfort, " or even in saiety, without supplies from the United States?" —to which it is confidently answered, and the grounds of the opinion assigned, tliat "she cannot;" and the conclusion is very legitunately drawn that we cmU prescribe our own terms with her. This position affords a clue to the wliole course of policy pursued by Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay on that eubject. Believing that those colonies were de|)eiidcnt on an intercourse with us, they were willing to gain credit for ability at statesmen and negotiators by availing themselves of the necessities of Great Britain, and insisting on atlvantages which they should have seen could never lie obtained. As soon as the policy, of which that paper v/as the ground-work was understood, it became the subject of an animated discu- eion in the British Parliament. Mr. Huskisson on the floor of the House of Commons in the year 1825, said he was persuaded an impres.'sion existed on our part that Gi'cat Britain had yielded that intercourse to necessity, and that, as her colonies could not subsist without it, we might prescribe the conditions under which it should lie carried on; and he concluded by recommeiuling counter- acting measures. This was the language of the man, who of all others in Great Britain had most ardently and ably ad- vocated a relaxation of her colonial restrictions, who was re- proached by the monopolists witli die design of overthrowing the established order of things, and of setting up a system of entire freedom in commerce. When the most liberal, if not the most enlightened statesman in Great Britain s:;oke in language so unequivocal, it is not surprising that the act of interdiction referred to, was resorted to during the following year. That Mr. Clay was a party to the course of policy which that measure was designed to counteract, is apparent from the fact that lie was a memljer of Mr. Adams' cabinet more than a year while it was steadily persisted in, and that he had uniformly sustained it on the noor of Congress. Such was tlie character of the policy, by means of which these giants in diplomacy proposetl, not to gain Ity reasoning and argument, but to coerce a power on friendly terms with us, to concede what could only be obtained on the ground of lier necessities. Tliat the grounds on which they had placed their demands were in their own estimation untenable, is ap- parent from Uie fact that Mr. Gallatin was sent out in the year 1826 with instructions to abandon them and to accede to certain propositions made by the British government in the year 1824 — the most favorable ever offered for our acceptance - -but declined until that time, either from a culpable neglect of the public interests, or, what is more probable, an expecta- tion of obtaining greater advantages. It is not to be doubted tliat this change of policy was the result of a conviction on their part, at which they had however arrived too late, that the position assumed in document F could not be maintained, and that if they would not agree to share with Great Britain the trade witli her West India colonies on reasonable terms, she would find means to dispense altogether with our direct agency in supjdying them. If the position were founded in reason and justice, it ought not to have been aliandoned; if it had not such a foundation, then had Messrs. Clay and Adams been insisting for years on concessions which could not be obtained, and which we ought not to have demanded. Mr. Clay says in his apology to the Senate for his vote against Mr. Van Buren, that we had, during two administrations pre- vious to that of Mr. Adams, preferred the same claims. The difference between his statement and the fact is, that we had previously to Mr. Monroe's administration sought as a privi- lege, (aye, sir, as a privilege— the term runs through the whole history of our negotiations on the subject) what Messrs. Clay and Adams had demanded as a right. The instructions addressed to previous negotiators were to obtain if they could India markets, on the same terms as similar productions of I British colonies — those framed under the direction of Mr. J! ams and Mr. Clay, to insist on it as a "sine qua non" of a i fijiitivc arrangement. The propositions of the British commissioners consisted five articles, tlie 1st of which provided that our trade with open ports of their West India and North American coloni should be continued; fliat all discriminating charges and ( ties reciprocally imposed and levied on tlie vessels of ei nation and their cargoes in the ports of the other shovild be al: ished; that upon our vessels and upon the goods lawfully i ported in them, nootherorhigheruuties of tonnage or imj: should be exacted, than upon British vessels and goods i ported into those ports from any foreign port whatever, n 2d article provided thateach party should remove, as soon possible, all additional duties of tonnage in the light of fore tonnage duty, and all additional duties of impost in tlie lii of duties on goods imported in foreign vessels, and all ot discriminating duties and charges. The 3d article provid that in case the proposed agreements should be found too rate unequally, either should, on representation of the otl examine the matter of complaint, and if found to be ji should take such measures to redress the grievance as to cure the condition of reciprocity contemplated by the parti The 4th article guaranteed the (Cctensionof any further pri leges, which might be granted to any friendly state, either Europe or America, so as to place the party upon the footi of the most favored State. The 5th article provided for i appointment of consuls, &c. This proposal, nesides holdi out the prospect of further facilities, conceded every thing asked except the right reserved to herself of regulating i trade between her colonics and herself, and between one her colonies and another. The object of this reservation, avowed by Great Britain, was to enable her to protect the s pies of her own subjects by levying impost duties on li production,'? of a foreign country. To surrender this rif would have excluded the productions of Vier North Aiaeric colonies from her West India Islands. By comparing the cihties above offered for our acceptance, with the condition our intercourse with the British West Indies for several yei after the close of the revolutionary war, and even after 1 passage of the act of 28, Geo. III. ch. 6, it will be perceived a glance that the colonial system had been exceedingly relf ed, if it was not even in a gradual coarse of abandonment, pass over altogether the act of Parliament of 1825, offeri certain comhtions in case of their acceptance, to all countri as Mr. Clay says we never received any official notice of ii and place the mismanagement of Messrs. Adams and Clay the grounds above stated. Tlie propositions referred to were received a short time I fore they took into tlieir hands the affairs of government, b they were not acted on until 182G. Mr. Rufus King was se out to Great Britain in 1825 with full instructions on otl, subjects, but without any on this, the most important of a (See Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Gallatin, 19th June, 1826. was not, in fact, until the day, on wliich this letter bears da that any definitive measures were adopted on this subject. < that day Mr. Gallatin was despatched with instructions waive tlie demand, all along made by his employers, of t admission of our productions into the British West India po on the same terms as similar productions of her North Ami ican colonies, and to accede substantially to tlie propositio of the British Plenipotentiaries, over which they had be dozing nearly two years. Before the arrival of Mr. Gallai in England, an order in council was issued, bearing date t 27th July, 1826, by which all intercourse between us and t Britisli West India islands was interdicted, and that govei ment utterly refused to negotiate further with theadministi tion i'.»' Mr. Adams on the subject. The whole course of d negotiation was exceedingly discreditable to those who h conducted it. It was, to say the least, an act of the most p pable impolicy to urge pretensions, the justice of which w at all questionable, at a moment when Great Britain, meeting us. on the long avoided ground of negotiation, a by materially relaxing her restrictions, had given evident of more liberal views in relation to the colonial trade. The attempt made on the floor of the Senate to divert fri Messrs. Adams and Clay the responsibility of adhering years to a course of measures, which they subsequen' abandoned, by making it appear as a part of the settled poli of , the country, is as fruitless as every other attempt wh has been made to defend the united mismanagement of th' individuals. It was part of the settled policy of the couh' only from the time that they sucoessively obtained a conti ing influence in the public councils. And it certainly ports as ill of the shrewdness as of the equity of the oppositi to hold Mr. Van Buren responsible for liis acts as Secret i5i y from all responsiblity for their acts in the same official ca- ity. If ihe ground of defence assumed in behalf of those tlemeu be tenable, then is the rejection of Mr. Van Buren let of the most palpable injustice. nder the circumstances above referred to, Gen. Jackson ime President of the United States, and the question im- iiately arose as to the manner, in which this long contest- lubject should be disposed of. It had been conceded by party, which elevated Gen. Jackson to power — in other ds, by an overAvhehniiig majority of the people of tlte ted States — that the demands of the previous adminisfra- ought not to be insisted on. The language of Mr. Web- I though not altogether unequivocal, is understood as ad- ;ing that this subject had been passed on by the public jment. Any other supposition would be altogether erro- .13 in point of fact, by assumiug that it liadnot been gene- y discussed, and equally false in theory, by the implication . it was a subject too abstruse for the popular understand- Those who are in the habit of mingling with the peo which they propoaed to redress the injury — condemning; iH the face of the whole world an important apjxiintment by the President, exhibiting the two highest branches of die govern- ment arrayed against each other, and opening a scene unpai-al- Icled in our historvT If it was incumbent on fhem to redresS the evil of which they complained, it was equally incumbent on them to resort to a corrective^ tvhich shotxld not be pointed with a moral far more degrading ro ti» ae ft nation fchan tlmt which, upon their own representation, j£ wa« intended tof counteract. The idea presented by Messrs. Webster and Clay, that Gen. Jackson has, tlirough Mr. Van Buren's instructions, hum- bled himself at the foot of the British throne, is, to say the least, but a sorry compliment to the intelligence of the Ameri- can people. It was, perhaps, not to be expected that gentle- men accustomed to rely for tlie accomplishment of reaulls, upon a skilful use of the weapons of diplomacy, should be ca- pable of doing justice to an honorable frankness which dia dains to employ them. But that Gen. Jackson, erect as he will feel the futility of any attempt to rnake it appear as a ! stands before the nation and the world, with all his historical ternot examined and passed upon by tliem. There is no ! associations about him, in an attitude of dignity which only ggeration in saying that it was a topic of discussion in •■ one man before him has been able to assume — that such -a ry State in the Union, in nii^e tenths of the public jour- ! man should involve his country's reputation or his own, by 3, and at the places of election in 1828; that tlie people I casting off the miserable guises of diplomacy, ia drawing' L a more enlightened view of the errors of the previous ad- | rather too presumptuously even upon the credulity of thoir listration on that question, than those who administered j own followers. government had taken of the interests and policy of the ' The sole ground assigned by the opposition \n the Senate, for ntry; and that it was one of the leading causes of the re- 1 rejecting the nomination of Mr. Van Buren, is, dinthe was iho of the election. The change of men, and the expected j author of all the views contained in the instructions to Mr. Me- ngeof measures, were as well understood abroad as they ! Lane. And this is a ground which, under our government, cannot ■e at liome: and it was well known that the causes of ir- ! he maintained. With us, tlx? President is responsible for all tion on the part of Great Britain were intimately connect- nieasures emanating from members of his cabinet, especially ivith men as well as measures. The only question was, | those connected with our negotiations with foreign states. Con- ;-efore, in what manner negotiation should be resumed. | ceding, forthesakeofargument, thatMr. VanBurenissolelyre- Hild we, in case the necessity for it should arise, distinctly I sponsible for these insti'uctionSjhis defence might safely be rest- ivow the acts of the previous administration; or shovild ! ed upon the grounds already assigned. But assuming the true 1. Jackson, in behalf of the American people, wrap him- up in the mantle of diplomacy, and by a formal hypocrisy, "thy only of those who defend it, leave any room by his si- ;e to call in question our sentiments on the suljject. The ik and manly course was adopted; it has been sanctioned, it will be sustained, by the people of the United States. s embarrassments between the two countries were the ,t of a mismanaged and blustering diplomacy on the part wo individuals, who had been indignantly spurned Ijy tlie pie from the public trusts which had been confided to in; and it wasdue to ourselves to east back the opprobrium m the source from which it came. As little was said by . Van Buren in liis letter of instruotioi-i as should have n said. Mr. McLane was authorised, in case it should be- le'necos.sary, to refer to the respective parts taken by the sent and tlie preceding administi'ations on that question. i passages in the letter of instinct ion, upon which the ingest objections are founded, are those which contain the mation that the acts of the preceding adminisuation had n passed upon by the American people; that their preten- is were not revived by their successors; and that if those 5 and prelcnsions should be set up by the British gov- •vient as a bar to the adjustment nf existing difficulties, it uldbecometheduty of Mr. McLane to obviate, as faraspos- le, the unfavorable impression produced. It was due to the iracter of the American people that this course sliould be ipted; tl'iat pretensions already disavowed by the people in the gment pronounced upon the administration of Mr. Adams, )uld if necessary, be distinctly disavowed in behalf of those oee leading inaxim is to ask nothing which is not right, \ to submit to nothing which is wrong. A diiferent course uld have been a virtual endorsement of errors and abuses, lich Gen. Jackson was elected to correct and reforn'* The nkness and plain dealing of Gen. Jackson in all his public Bare in harmony with his own character, with the charac- ofthe people of the United States, and with the genius of r political institutions. It has secured from foreign states that we have asked; and it has elevated us in the eyes of : world, liy exhibiting the example of a great nation intro- cing into her discussions with foreign states the same free- in, and acting upon the same maxims, which shoulil charac- ise and guide the conduct pf honorable individuals in their rsonal relations with each other. It is worthy of remark that tlie main position assumed by ; opponents of the administration is, tliat Mr, Van Buren d disgraced the nation by oitening to tlie British govern- nitthe spectacle of our party diasentions. Ought not these ntlemen, in their solicitude for the consequences apprehend- from Bentiments contained in a private letter of instructions have reflected upon the consequences of the public act, by state of the case, which is, that he has been lield responsible as an or2;an of communication with the British Government, and ad- miuing the sentiments contained in his instructions to be, as tlie opposition contend, disreputable to the clinracter of the country, then is the distinguished individual at the heaJ of the treasu- ry department— placed there by the vote of the same men who have rejected Mr. Van Buren — — equally culpable, as the immediate orsran of communication with that go- vernment. If ha who lends himself to the communication of disreputable sentiments, is as worthy of condemnation as ha wlio originally utters them, Mr. McLane should, upon every principle of equal justice, have been included in the sentence of condemnation pronounced upon Mr. Van Buren. Tliat any distinction was taken between them, isto be ti'aced to the different relations under which they stand to the authors of Mr. Van Buren's rejection. That hostility to Gen. Jackson had an important agency in producing diis result, is not to be doubted. The sentiments intended to be condemned by Mr. Van Buren's rejection, are presumed to be the sentiments of the President himself. The nature of our government admits of no other supposition. He ia responsil)le, at all events mainly responsible, for the actsof his administration: and it was doubtless foreseen by those who plot- ted Mr. Van Buren's rejection, that the ground on which they ])laced it involved alike the character of both. Can any one doulit that it was intended to reach, and if possible to im- pair the high standing of the President with the people, by arraying against him a majority of the Senate, on the eve of his IP-election '? That this is not an uncharitable inferenc-e is manifest from the fact, that some of the principal charac- ters of the dninia are those who have, tlirough all vicissi- tudes, pursued him witli the most unrelenting bitterness — as- sailing his public and private character witli the foulest as- persions ; and wlioae followers have even penetrated, in the malignity of their passions, to the very sanctuary of his do- mestic peace. They have fomented dissentions in his cabinet, embarrassed his administration by thwarting his measures, and they have finally crowned their hostility by an open de- nunciation of one of his most able, pure and confidential advi- sers. There is not in the history of the country so flagrant an instance of injustice and persecution ; and so it will be pi'o- nounced by all disinterested men. It rests upon no ground of public expediency ; it is defended by no consideration of duty, or even of policy ; it does not accomplish the poor pur- pose of its authors, of bringing down to their own level an in- dividual far above them in the attributes of public and private virtue. The most conspicuous actors in this transaction, are those whose sense of honor should have counselled them to take no jxut in it. The presiding officer of the Senate, and his new 1^ coadjutor from the West — he who had failed successfully to impeach the two individuals affected by l>is vote before the tribunal of the country, and he whose tailuresaaa statesman and diplomatist, had been redeemed by the superior powers of his successor, stand in the foreground of the coalition. — Into this singular alliance, a new and equally unnatural aux- iliary has enlt;red; Who could have supposed that he who has been denomiiiated, (hoW appropriately, let his course on this question testify) " tlie god-like man," should abandon himself tb tl^e donrnlon of the terrestrial attributes r-ff his ehatacfer, by becoming a party io sd inglorious an enterprise. Mr. Webster, the opponent of Mr. Van Buren, too, from ele- vated considerations of duty and a tender sensibility to the public honor ! Where, if we may presume to inijuire, were these elevated considerations and this tender sensibility at a time, when tlie very safety of the country was in imminent peril? Let the history of the country furnish the reply ! — The gentleman might have been seen declaiming on the floor of Congress against die justice of the war, resisting the ap- propriation of money and men to sustain it, and presenting an example of insensibility, the more powerful from hisacknow- ledged talents, to all those elevated considerations of public duty, to wliich he is now so " tremblingly alive." Nay, sir, 60 strong were his convictions, that he was anxious to trans- mit to his children his hostility to the war, as the most valua- ble legacy which he could leave them ; while his political friends in New-England, possibly under the inspiration of his eloquence, were burning ''blue lights" along the coast, to con- duct tlie forces of the public enemy into trie bosom of their country.* When such men put on the garb of public virtue, and become delicate of the public honor, there is surely no injustice in testing their sincerity by the standard of their past lives. Sir, I will no longer occupy the attention of this meeting. I feel that I have already too long occupied it, although much remains to be «aid. I am persuaded that I do not overrate the justice of uie American people, when I sav that there is no refuge for the author of tliia blot upon the national charac- ter; and that time will record their indelible disgrace. They will stand before the world, not merely in the light of men who have brought dialionor upon the character of the country, but in the still more odious light of political adversaries, who, in ministering to tlie purpojses of injustice and persecution, have accomplished a double object of personal revenge. ♦ " Q.iiid domini faciant, audent quum talia fures !" REMARKS OF MR. WEBSTER, In the Senate of the United States, on the nomination qf Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Pipgident : As it is highly probable that our proceed- ings on this nominal ion will be publishecl, I deem it proper to state shortly the considerations which influenced my opinion, and will decide my vote. I regard this as a very important and delicate question. It is full of responsibility; and I feel tlie whole force of all that responsibility. While I have been in the Senate, I have op- riosad ho nomination of the President, except for cause; and I nave at all times thought that such cause should be plain and sufticient; that it should be real and suljstantial, not unfoun- ded or fanciful. I have never desired, and do not now desire to encroach, in tlie slightest degree, on the constitutional powers of the Chief Magistrate of the nation. I have heretofore gone far, very far, in assenting to nominations which have been submitted to us. I voted for the appointment of all the gentlemen who composed the first Cabinet : I have opposed no nomination of a foreign minister; and I have not opposed the nominations recently before us, for the re-organization of the administra- tion, i have always been especially anxious, that in all mat- ters relating to our intercourse with other nations, the utmost harmony, the greatest unity of purpose, should exist between the President and the Senate. I know how much of useful- ness such harmony and union are calculated to produce. I am now fully aware, sir, that it is a serious, a very seri- ous matter, to vote against the confirmation of a minister to a foreign Court, who has already gone aliroad, and has been received and ac^^redited by the Government to which he is sent. I am aware that the rejection of this nomination, and thie necessai-y recal of the Minister, will beregarded by foreign states, at tlie first blush, as not in the highest degree favorable to the character of our Government. I know, moreover, to what injurious reflections one may subject himself, especially in tiines of party exciWmenf, by giving a negative vote on sacks, nomiiiation. But, after all, I ara placed here to dis- charge a duty. I am not to go through a formality , t am to perform a substantial and responsible duty. I am to ad-i vise the President in matters of appointment. This is my constitutional obligation 5 and t shall perform it conscienti<6to'«i ly and fearlessly. I a;m bound to say then, sir, jthdt for onej 1 do not advise nor consent to this nomination.- I do- not think it a fit and proper nomination ; and my reasons are fovtM- iij the letter of instruction, written by Hilr. Van Buren, on tiii| 30tll of July, 1829, to Mr. McLane, then going to the Court of England, as American Minister. I flunk these instruc- tions derogatory, in a high degree, to the character and honol of the country'. I think tliey show a manifest disposition, ii the writer of them, to establish a distinction between hii Country and his Party ; to place that party above the coun; try ; to make interest, at a foreign court, for that party, ra- ther than for the country ; to persuade the English ministri and the English monarch, tliat they had an interest in main taining, in tlie United States, the ascendancy of the party ti which the writer belonged. Thinking thus of the purposi and object of these instructions, I cannot be of opinion tlia their author is a proper representative of the United States a that Court. Therefore, it is, that I propose to vote againa his nomination. It is the first time, I believe, in modern di plomacy, it is certainly the first time in our history, in whiel a minister in a foreign Court has sought to make favor fo one party at home, against another ; or has stooped, from be iiig tlie representative of the whole country, to be the re presentative of a party. And as this is the first instanc in our history of any such transaction, so I intend to do a] ill my power to make it the last. For one, I set my mark c disapprobation upon it ; 1 contrilmte my voice and my votf to make it a negative example, to be shunned and avoided b all future ministers of the United States. If, in a deliberat and formal letter of instructions, admonitions and direction are given to a minister, and repeated, once and again, to urg these mere party considerations on the foreign government to what extent, is it probable, the writer himself will be dis posed to urge them, in his one thousand opportunities of ir lormal intercourse with the agents of that Government 1 I propose, sir, to refer to some particular parts of thes instructions; but before I do that, allow me to state, veryge nerally, the posture of that subject, to which those particulai relate. That subject was the state of our trade with the Bn tish West India Colonies. I do not deem it necessary now t go minutely into all tlie history of that trade. The occasio does not call for it. All know, tliat by the Convention ( 1815, a reciprocity of intercourse was established between v and Great Britain. The ships of both countries were allow ed to pass to and from each otlier respectively, with the sani cargoes, and subject to the same duties. But this arrange ment did not extend to the British West Indies. There, oi, intercourse was cut off. Various discriminating and retails tory acts were passed, by England and by the United State Eventually, in the summerof 1825, the English Parliamei passed an act, offering reciprocity, so far as the mere carnjin trade was concerned, to all nations, who might choose, witl in one year, to accept lliat offer. Mr. Adams' administration did not accept that offer ; firs because it never was officiallv communicated to it ; secondh because, only a few months before, a negotiation on the ver same subject had been suspended, with an understanding tin it might be resumed; and thirdly, because it was very des ! rable to arrange the whole matter, if possible, by treaty, i order to secure, if we could, the admission fif our prodiic, into the Sritish Islandsfor cojisumpti'm, as well as the ai mission of our vessels. This object has been earnestly jaii sued ever since the peace of 1915. It was insisted on, as ev< ry body knows, through the whose of Mr. Monroe's admini; tration. He would not treat at all, without treating of th object. He thought the existing state of things better tha any arrangement, which, while it admitted our vessels inl West Indian ports, still left our productions subject to such di ties there, that they could not be carried. Now, sir, Mr. Adams' administration was not the first I take this ground. It only occupied the same position wliic its predecessor had taken. It saw no important objects to 1 gained by changing the state of things, unless that cliano was to admit our products into the British West Indies, d rectly from our ports, and not burdened with excessive di ties. The direct trade, by English enactments and America enactments, had become closed. No British ship came he: from the British West Indies. No American ship went froi us to those places. A circuitous trade took place, throug tlie Islands of third powers ; and that circuitous trade wa: in many respects, not disadvantageous to us. 14 In this state of things, sir, Mr-. McLane was sent to Eng- and ; and he received liia instructions from the Secretary of State : In these instructions, and in relation to this subject of he Colonial Trade, are found the sentiments of which 1 com- rlaiiT. .What are they ? Let us examine, and see. ■Mr. Van Buren tells Mr. McLane, "the opportunities which rou have derived from a partici|iation in our public councils, 1,3 well as other sources of information, will enable you to ipeak with confidence (as far as you may deem it proper and iseful so to do) of the respective parts taken by those to whom he administration of this government is now committed, in ■elation to the course heretofore pursued upon the subject of he colonial trade." Now, this is neither more nor less thansaying, "you will )e able to tell the British minister, whenever you think proper, hat you, and I, and the leading i.iersons in this administra- of the despatch, he says, "I will add nothing as to the impro- priety of suffering any feelings that find their origin in the past pretensions of this government, to have an adverse influ=' ence upon the present conduct of Great Britain." 1 ask a^ain, Mr. President, if this be statesmanship 1 if this be dignity, if this be elevated regard for country? Can any man read tiiis whole despatch, with candor, and not admit that it ii plainly and manifestly the writer's object to gain Credit with the British ministry for the present administration, at the ex- pense of the past? L°8t 1 should do the Secretary injustice, I -will read all that I find, in this letter, upon this obnoxious point. These are the paragraphs : " Such is the present state of our commercial relations with the British colonies ; and such the steps by which we have ar- rived at it. In renewing the events which have preceded, ion, have opposed the course heretofore pursued by the go- and more or less contributed to, a result so much to be regret 'eminent and tire country, on the subject of the colonial trade, i ted, there will be found three grounds upon which we are moat' 3e sure to let him know, that, on that subject, ice have held assailable; 1st, in our too long and too tenaciously resisting vith England, and not with our oivn government." Now the right of Great Britain to impose protecting duties in her ask you, sir, if this be dignified diplomacy ? Is this states- | colonies ; 2d, &e. nanshiv) ? Is it patriotism, or is it mere party 7 Is it a proof | " The opportunities which you have derived from a parti- fa high regard to the honor and renown of the whole coun- ry, or is it evidence of a disposition to make a merit of be- ongingto one of its political divisions? The secrettiry proceeds : "Their views (that is, the views of he present administration) upon that point have been sub- iiitted to the people of the United States; and the counsels y which your conduct is now directed, are the result of the udgment expressed !)y the only earthly tribunal to which lie late administration was amenable for its acts." Now, sir, in tlie first place, there is very little reason to uppose that the^7-s/ part of this paragraph is true, in point of let. 1 mean that part which intimates that the change of ad- linistration was brought about by public disapprobation of ilr. Adams' conduct, respecting the subject of tne colonial fade. ^Possibly, so much was then said, on a subject which few understood, some degree of impression may have been Toduced by it. But be assured, sir, another cause will be ound, by future historians, for this change; and that cause rill be the popularity of a successful soldier, united witli a 5eling, made to be consideralily extensive, that the pretercn- es of the people in his behalf had not been justly regarded, n a previous occasion. There is, sir, very little ground to ay that " tlie only tribunal to which the late administration I'as amenable" has pronounced any judgment against it for s conduct on the whole subject of the colonial trade. But however this may be, the other assertion in die para- graph is manifestly quite wide of the facts. Mr. Adams' ad- ninisiration did not bring forward this claim. I have stated Iready that it had been a subject, both of negotiation and ?^islation, through the whole eight years of Mr. Monroe's dininistration. This the Secretary knew, or was Ijound to ow revived ? But the most humiliating part of the whole follows : — "To et up the nets of the late administration, as the cause of jrfeiture of privilea:es, which would otherwise be extended 3 the people of the United States, would, vinder existing cir- umstances, be unjust in itself, and could not fail to excite leir deepest sensibility." So, then, Mr. President, we are reduced, are we, to the poor Ondition, that we see a minister of this great republic in- tructed to argue or to intercede with the British minister, 3st he should find ♦ s \.o hare furfeited our privileges ; and 'st these privileges should no longer be extended to us ! And re have forfeited those privileges, by our nusbeViavior, in hoosing rulers who thought better of our own claim than of lie British ! Why, sir, 'this is patiently submitting to the ommeering tone of the British minister, I believe Mr. Hus- iisson— [Mr. Clay said, "No, Mr. Canning."]— Mr. Canning, hen, sir, who told us that all our trade with the West Indies vas a 6oon, granted to us by the indulgence of England. Tlie Jritish minister calls it a boon, and our minister admits it is a )rivilege, and hopes that his Royal Majesty will be too gra- ious to decide that we have forfeited this privilege, by our nisl)ehavior in the choice of our rulers! Sir, for one, I re- ect all idea of holding any right of trade, or any other rights, IS a priv^Uege or a boon, from the British government, or any kther government. At tne conclusion of the paragraph, the Secretary says: — ' You cannot press this view of the subject too earnestly upon he consideration of the British ministry. It has bearings and •elations that reach beyond the immediate question under dis- ;ussion," And. advertina' aeain to the same subiect to^arards the close cipation in our public councils, as well as other sources of in- formation, will enable you to speak with confidence (as far as you may deem it proper and useful so to do) of the respective parts taken by those to whom the administration of this go- vernment is now committed, in relation to the course heteto- fore pursued upon die subject of the colonial trade. — Their views upon that point have been submitted to the people of the United Stat°s; and the counsels by which your conduct is now directed are the result of the judgment expressed by the only earthly tribunal to which the late administration was amenable for its acts. It should be suificieut that the claims setup by them, and which caused the interruption of the trade in question, have been explicitly abandoned by those who first asserted them, and are not revived by their successors. If Great Britain deems it adverse to her interests to allow us to participate in the trade with her colonies, and finds nothing in the extension of it to others to induce her to apply tlie same rule to us, she will, we hope, be sensible of the propriety of placing her refusal on those grounds. To set up the acts of the late administration as tlie cause of forfeiture of jirivileges which would otherwise be extended to the peo- ple of the United States, would under existing circumstances, be unjust in itself, and could not fail to excite the deepest sen- sibility. The tone of feeling wliich a course so unwise and untenable is calculated to produce, would doubtless be greatly aggravated by the consciousness that Great Britain has, by or- der in council, opened her colonial jjorts to Russia and Prance, notwihstanding a similar omissioa on their part to accept tlio teinia offered by tlie act of July, 1825. You cannot press tliia view of the subject too earnestly upon the consideration of the British ministry. It has bearings and relations that :now. Why then does he speak of it as set up by the late reach beyond the immediate question under discussion." dininistration, and afterwards abandoned by them, and not " I v/ill add notlung as to tne impropriety of suffering any feelin2:s that find their origin in the [last pretensions of this government to have an adverse influence upon the present conduct of Great Britain." Sir, I submit to you, and to the candor of all just men, If I am not right in saying, lliat the pervading topic, throughout the whole is, not American rights, not American interests, not American defence, but denunciation of pa.si pretensions of our own country, reflections on the past administration, and ex- ultation, and a loud claim of merit, for the administration now in power. Sir, I would forgive mistakes: 1 would pardon the want of information, I would pardon almost-— any tiling, where I saw true patriotism and sound Amer-S ican feeling; but I cannot forgive the sacrifice of thisiffl feeling to mere Party. I cannot concur in sending abroad a''' public agent who has not conceptions so large analiberal, as to feel, that in the presence oi foreign Courts, amidst the monarchies of Europe, he is to stand up for his country, and his whole country ; that no jot nor tittle of her honor is to come to harm in his hands; that he is not to suffer others to reproach either his Government or his Country, and far less is he himself to reproach either ; that he is to have no objects in his eye but American objects, and no heart in his bosom but an American heart; and that he is to forget self, t j forget par ty, to forget every sinister and narrow feeling, in his proudand lofty attachment to the Republic, whose commission he bears. Mr. President, I have discharged an exceedingly unpleas- ant duty, the most unpleasant of my life. But I have looked upon it as a duty, and it was not to be shunned. And, sir, however unimportant may be the opinion of so humble an in- dividual as myself, I now only wish that I might be heard by every independent freeman in the United States, by tlie British MiniBter. and the British Kins, and by every MiniBter and l.% every crowned head in Evirope, while standing here in my place, I pronounce my rebuke, as solemnly and as decisively as I can, upon this first instance, in which an American Min- ister has been sent aliroad, as the representative of his Party, and not as the representative of his Country. REMARKS OF MR. BUTLER, At a meeting of the Republican Citizens of Albany, held on Saturday Evening, Feb. 4, in relation to the rejection of the nomination of MARTIN VAN BUREN. Mr. Chairman :— The gentlemen who have already ad- dressed you, have told you who, and what, the minister is, whose nomination has been rejected liy the Senate — they have exposed the motives which led to this violent and unwarrant- able measure — and they have pointed out the injurious con- Beniiences which cannot fail to result from it. There is a single j)oint connected with these topics, which has not yet been adverted to, and which is too important to be omitted. I refer to the objects of the mission which has now been broken up, and to the leading motive Which induced the President to otter, and the late incumbent to accept it. Hav- ing teen honored by the latter with that confidence which en- ables me to speak upon the subject, and the circumstances of the times making it highly prober that I should do so, I beg leave to state, that the mission of Mr. Van Buren had special reference to those doctrines and practices of the British Government concerning impressments, blockades, and trade with enemies' countries, which, as you well recollect, constituted, for a long series of years, a standing cause oi complaint on our part, and at length produced our second war of independence. In the treaty of Ghent, by which that war was concluded not a word was said as to these interest- ing topics. But though unnoticed in diat instrument, the claims we had asserted, were successfully maintained by the thunderof our cannon, on the ocean and the lakes, at Niag- ara and New Orleans; and the practices against which it was levelled, were actually given up. Apprehensive, however, diat they mie-ht be renewed, whenever a war should break out between tlreat Britain and any other maritime power; and fully aware of the conse nuences which would inevitably follow such renewal; our Government made an unsuccessful attempt, immediately af- ter the peace, to preclude the occurrence of such a state of tilings, by anamicable settlement of the disputed points. The matter has frequently been referred to since; but the various questions which have arisen under the treaty of Ghent, and above all, the difficulties which have grown out of die con- U'oversy concerning the colonial trade, have prevented, for several years, any attempt to negotiate on tliese subjects. On the conclusion of the recent arrangement concerning that trade, they justly engaged the first thoughts of the President. The changes which, about the same time, occurred in the government, and domestic policy of Great Britain, and the favorable oi)inions evidently growing up in that country to- wards our people and political institutions, seemed also to render it a propitious moment for renewing the negotiation ; whilst tlie interesting and critical slate of Europe, which, at tliat juncture, threatened a general war, obviously required that It should be done without delay. Mr. M'Lane, howev- er, had already asked and received leave to return to the Uni- ted States; and Mr. Van Buren having resolved to retire from the State Department, it occurred to the President that he was eminently fitted to undertake this delicate and most impor- tant negotiation. His wishes on this subject were expressed in the strono^est terms, and thiey were appreciated by Mr. Van Buren. A desire to carry them into effect, was one of the strongest motives which induced him to accept tlie nomina- tion; though he did bo in opposition to the wislies and advice of his political and personal friends in this State, who, as you well know, were generally averse to his going out of the country. He was not unmindful of the sincerity, nor regard- less of the value of their opinions; but he thought — -aid just- ly thought — that the errand on which he was to be sent to the British Court, was one of mighty import, not only to the peo- ple of bodi countries, but to the whole civilized world. He believed too — and if his course was prompted by this belief^ you will not deny that the ambition it implies was a noble one — that the minister who should succeed in bringing about an honoral)le settlement of these long litigated and danger- ous questions, would eminently deserve, and undoubtedly re- ceive, the highest approbation of his countrymen. The leading object of tliis embassy was alluded to in the President's message at the opening of the present session. It was perfectly understood at Washington; and from the dis- tinguished manner in which our minister had been received and treated, by the British king and the members of his go j tory manners, there was great reason to hope that his efTortd I would be successfui. Was Mr. Clay afraid that such a re- I suit would be produced 1 That a treaty would be concluded, j which would cast into the shade that negotiated at Ghent I 1 Mr. Calhoun toe — did he think that a rival, already formiij dable, might be rendered more so by the eclat of serviced! abroad 7 And Mr. Webster — was the duty — the solemn bu|j most unpleasant duty — of rejecting this nomination, strength- ened by a desire to nip in the bud the honors due to a success- ful negotiator'? In view of all the features of this case, letai^ intelligent public decide, whether there be not good reason foi tliese inquiries. Butliovvever this may be, one thing is certain — the greal objects of the embassy are not to be promoted by the course taken in the Senate. On die contrary, all the interests of th^ nation will receive detriment abroad. How extensive and lasting it may be, none of us can tell. Still, there may be g-ood cause for rejecting this nomination; and if so, it may have been better to risk the evils referred to, than to have con- firmed it. The decision of the Senate professes to have been made on this ground; and the reasons assigned for it, have been subniitteil, with admirable uespatch, to the judgment oi the people. I liave read, with deep interest, all the speeches which have reached us; and I have compared their statements and reasoning, with the official documents, which, fortunate- ly for the cause of truth, are to be found in other parts of the Union as well as at Washington. In my humble judgment, the causes they assign are not sustained in any one ot them, To test this, let me call your attention — not to the idle gossip or the dastardly insinuations which malevolence or credulity have dragged before tlie Senate — but to the measured speech of Mr. Webster — the profoundly able, the cool and discrimi- nating Webster. And surely if there be good reasons for dii.s step, he, of all others, is capable of placing them before us in the clearest and most convincing light. His remarks, as published in the National Intelligencer, have evidently been corrected by himself. I shall consider them in this light, and shall hold him responsible, as you and the public have a right to hold him, for all that they contain. I intend to read to you every material paragraph; and as I proceed, I pledge myself to show, that he has misstated the facts he has undertaken to give; that he has omitted others which were essential to a proper judgment on the case before him; and that he has re- peatedly garbled and perverted the language of Mr. Van Bu- ren. 1 say tliis under a full sense of the responsibility 1 as- sume. I know what I shall deserve, if I do not make it good. All I desire is, a patient hearing from you and from the pub- lic. In comiexion with this exposure of error and injustice, I shall also undertake to show, that the instructions to Mr. M'Lane, when properly understood, contain nothing deroga- tory to the honor of the nation, b; t on die contrary, are enti- tled to all praise for their ability and frankness. After an introduction, which shows that he is perfectly aware of the light in which the measure, if taken without sufficient cause, would be viewed, and ought to be viewed, both at home and abroad; the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts, proceeds to assign the reasons of his vote. To do him perfect justice, I quote the paragraph at length : "I am bound to say, then, sir, that for one, I do not advise nor consent to this nomination. I do not tliink it a fit and proper nomination ; and my reasons are found in the letter of instruction, written by Mr Van Buren, on the 20th of Ju- ly, 1S27, to Mr. McLane, then going to the Court of England, as American minister. I think those instructions derogatory, in a high degree, to the character and honor of the country. 1 think they sViov/ a manifest disposition, in the writer of them, to establish a distinction between the country and the party; to place that party above the country; to make inter- est, at a foreign court, for that party, rather than for the country; to persuade the English ministry and the English monarch, that they had an interest in maintaining, in the U. States, the ascendancy of the party to which the writer be- longed Thinking thus of the purpose and object of those in structions, I cannot be of opinion that their author is a proper representative of the United States at that court. Therefore It is, that I propose to vote against his nomination. It is the first time, I believe, in modern diplomacy, it is certainly the first time in our history, in which a minister to a foreign court has sought to make favor for one party at home, against ano ■ ther; or has stooped, from being the representative of the whole country, to be the representative of a party. And as this is the first instance in our history of any such transac- tion, sol intend to do all in mypower to make it the last. For one, ] set my mark ot disapprobation upon it; I contribute my voice and my vote, to make it a negative example, to be ahunned and avoided by all future ministers of the United •■&= 16 admonitions and directions are given to a minister, and are iiepeated once and again, to urge these mere party considera- 'tions on a foreign government, to what extent, is it probable ;the writer himself will be disposed to urge them, in his :thousand opportunities of informal intercourse witli the agents of that government?" ' All this, sir, is extremely well expressed ; and if the in- iBtructions referred to, do really bear the character which the Senator has given them, then the condemnation he has pro- nounced, is strictly just ; and I, for one, will applaud him for his fidelity and firmness. The fact however, that the instruc- tions are such as he has stated, remains to be proved. Wheth- er they be so or nol may easily be decided, by a reference to .tlie document Itself; and to this short and proper test, Mr. Webster proposes to bring the question. Before he does this however, he undertakes to state the posture of that matter to which they related, i. e. the state of our trade with the Brit- ish West India Colonies. He then proceeds to give a very brief, but at the same time, a very artful statenient of the " posture of the subject." [Here Mr. Butler read Mr. Web- ster's st-atement of the circumstances preceding the appoint- ment of Mr. McLane.] If thig were a correct statement, it would be difficult to deny the justice of some of his animadver- sions. I shall show that it is grossly incorrect. I admit that it does not profess to be a minute history ; it is put forth as a mere outhne; but a single instance of unfaithfulnessas an outlme, will deceive even nore than numerous erroi's in an elaborate work. In the present case, there are several instan- ces, and some of them of a most strikmg character. In the first place, the honorable Senator entirely mistakes the manner in which this subject was disposed of by the con- vention of 1815. On this point he says: "All know that by the convention of 1815, a reciprocity oif intercourse was estab- lished between us and Great Britain. The ships of botli countries were allowed to pass, to and from each other re- Bpectively, with the same cargoes and subject to the same du- ties But tliis arrangement did not extend to'tlie British West Indies. There our intercourse icas cui off"." It is true, that by that treaty, the commercial intercourse Isetween Great Bri- tain and the United States was established on just and equal terms ; the ships of both countries being allowed to pass to and from each other respectively, with the same cargoes and subject to the same duties. It is also true, thatthis arrangement did not extend to the British West Indies; there being an express stipulation in the treaty, that the intercourse between the United States and tiie British possessions in the West Indies and on the continent of North America, should not be affected by any of its provisions. This exception was inserted, m consequence of die peremp- tory refusal of the -British government to negotiate on the subject — a refusal founded on their determination, to adhere to their ancient policy of regulating this trade by navigation laws and not by treaty. Bat it is not true that "our intercouse to the West Indies was cut off"" by that treaty, or by any state of things then ex- isting. On the contrary, we then had an intercourse with those islands, regulated precisely like that which we enjoy- ed before the war. It was such an intercourse as was per- mitted ty the acts of Parliament and orders in council, tlien in force. Our exports to the British West Indies and their American colonies amounted in 1815, to $3,081,295; in 1816, to S6,069,900; in 1817, to 37,493,754, of our oicn products. at least one fifth of which was in American vessels, The du- ties collected by us on imports from those colonies, during the years of 1815 and 1816, exceeded in the aggregate, S5,000,000; of which 81,130,817, v/ere on importations in our vessels; and yet, the distinguished Senator from Massachu- setts could say in his place, ana send it out into the world that "our intercourse vas cut off!" The error I have now pointed out is an extremely import- ant one. It has a most ma.terial bearing on the subsequent acts and omissions of the public servants by whom the busi- ness of this nation was afterwards conducted. The tendency of Mr. Webster's statement is to show, that those acts and omissions were not only excusable, but that they occurred in the course of "retaliatory" measures, entered into on die part of our government, widi the view of opening an intercourse from which we had been 'cut of by the treaty of 1815. Tliat this assertion is utterly incorrect, I have already shown; and if I should extend the same degree of charity to Mr. W. wViich be has displayed towards Mr." Van Buren, I should be oblig- ed to odd, 'that he knew, or ought to have known,' diat itwas so. The gentleman who first addressed you, (Gen. Dix,)\has given, in a very correct and lucid manner, the general history of the coloniat trade. I shall not go over the ground that liament and orders in council, another cardinal feature of the British policy was, the imposition of protecting duties on American produce imported into their colonies. These pro- tecting duties the British ministers in 1815 refused to give up, and they have ever adhered, and declared they should ad- here, to this determination. Notwithstanding this, Mr.Adams, as Secretary of State, and Mr. Clay, as a leading member of the House of Representatives, undertook, the former to nego- tiate, and the latter to drive, the British government from the stand diey had taken. Between 1815 and 1823, various acts of congress were passed, with the view of coercing the Brit- ish government into a compliance with our demands. The nature and object of these acts are carefully overlooked by Mr. Webster; and this is the next material defect in his sum- mary to which I beg leave to fcall your attention. To com- pel the British government to give up their protecting duties, alien or discriminating duties were imposed and kept up by us, to the great dissatisfaction of Great Britain. But as these did not accomplish the object, the act of 1818, concerning na- vigation, and that of 1820, supplpmentai'y thereto, were pass- ed; the effect of which was, t£) establish a lion intercourse in British vessels with all the British American colonies, and to prohibit the introduction into die United States of all articles, the product of these colonies, except that of each colony im- ported directly from itself. This state of things continued until 1822, when the ports were opened by virtue of acts of Congress and of Parliament, subject to certain restrictions — our discriminating duties being still retained, (diough still objected to on the other side,) widi a view to the original de- sign of getting rid of the protecting duties. With further reference to this end, the act of the 1st of March, 1823, was passed by Congress. This act, among odier things, declared in effect, that so long as those duties were kept up ^in the Co- lonies, our discriminating duties should be exacted; and it •srovided, in case the trade allowed by the Britisli sictjof 1822 or any part of it, should be prohibited to us by Great Britain, that on the President's proclaiming the fact, die acts of 1813 and 1820, before referred to, should be revived and in full force. It is evident from this notice of our legislation, dur- ing the period refered to, that it involved a claim on our gpart to be allowed to participate in this trade, without being sub- jected to die terms on which it was enjoyed by other nations, and which, in the judgment of die Bridsh government, were fundamental in their nature. — This claim was also brought forward by our Ministers, under the instructions of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay; and it is to this diat Mr. Van Buren refers, when he speaks of the 'claims^ and ^pretensions' set up on our part, but afterwards abandoned by tlie last administra- tion. The next event referred to by Mr. Webster, is the British act of the 5th of July, 1825, of which he says that it offered "reciprocity as far as the mere carrying trade was concerned, to all nations who might choose within one year to accept the offer." Without stopping to show that this is not a very fair mode of stating die contents and effect of this act, let us look at the excuses which he gives for its non-acceptance by Mr. Adams' administration. Thefirst is "because it was never officially communicated to it." By this the senator means that the public shall under- stand, that the act was unknown to Mr. Adams' administra- tion, because not communicated. If he does not mean this, then die excuse amounts to nothing ; for if they knew of the act, it was not at all material that it should be officially com- municated. But did not Mr. Webster kno*- that it wag not the practice of the two governments to communicate to each other, acts of legislauon 7 Did he not recollect diat it was made known to Congress at the session of 1825-6 by the mes- sage of tlie President 7 That die Baltimore merehantfl pre- sented a memorial, in which they referred to this law, and prayed Congress to act on it 7 That Senator Smith introduc- ed a bill on the subject, which was laid on die table by the vote, chiefly, of the administration senators 7 That a resolu- tion was introduced into the House of Representatives, by Mr. Cambreleng, of this State, calling on the committee on commerce, at the head of which was Mr. Newton, a warm supporter of the administration, to report, whedier it was not expedient to come in under tliis act 7 If Mr. Webster does not know all diis, dien has he forfi^otten what passed under his own eyes during the session of 1825-6 ! If he does know all diis, what shall we say of hia candor and regard to truth, in making this excuse 7 The second excuse he assigns is, "because only a. few months before, a negotiation on the same subject had been suspended, with an understanding that it might be resum- ed." It is true that in July 1824, (not a few months, but within diree weeks of a year before) a negotiation on this ,..i,;„i. 1,„J !,„ IT Stratford Canning on the other, was suspended, But it is an entire mistake to say, that U had been suspended with an un- derstanding that it might he resumed. I know this excuse has been repeatedly set up by Mr. Clay ; but I also know that the last protocols speak of the final communications of the ministers to their respective governments ; and that they say not a syllable about resuming the negotiation. If this point is to be decided by the record, then there is no pretence for saying, lliat there was any understanding that tne negotia- tion was to be resumed. After waiting very nearly a year, without hearing a syllable on the subject, Parliament passed the act of the 5th of July, 1825. Tiic passing of this act was in itself the highest evidence, that the British Govern- ment were resolved not to depart from the ground they had maintained ; and how men of sense can say, and hope to lie believed, that they supposed the matterwas still to be left open to negotiation, notwithstanding the enactment of this law, passes my comprehension. But there is a third reason for not accepting the terms of this law. "It was very desirable to arrange the whole matter, if possible, by treaty, in order to secure, if we could, the ad- mission of our products into the British Islands for consump- tion, [Mr. Webster means by this, free of the protecting du- ties,] as well as the admission of our vessels." — And he goes on to observe that this object had been pursued ever since the peace of 1815; and that Mr. Adams' administraiion was not the first to take this ground. I have already staled when, by whom, and for what purpose, this ground had been taken. And it is only necessary, in order to dispose of this last ex- cuse, to remark, that long before the expiration of the time | limited for coming in under the act of 1825, it had been fully ascertained that this object coidd not be effected. Ten years of fruitless negotiation had shown that tlie scheme was utterly- impracticable. To persist in pressing it, after the passage of the law of '25, evinced great want of judgment, and a sin- gular passion for diplomacy; but very little either of good sense or statesmansliip. "In this state of things," says Mr. Webster, "Mr. M'Lane was sent to England." This, sir, I deny. Hs was not sent xxnderthe state of things sketched by Mr. Webster. The hon- orable senator has not only, as I have shown, given an erro- neous coloring to all that he has stated, but he has entirely omitted the most material portions of the case. He has omit- ted to state when and hoio the direct trade was cut off, and the events which abroad and at home followed that event. It was cut off by an order in Council dated the 27th July 1826, which took effect on the 1st of December 1826, nearly two years after the commencement of Mr. Adams' administration. The order was issued, in consequence of the omission of our Government to avail itself of the offer held out in the British act of July 1825. The trade enjoyed by us prior to December 1826, though unequal and restricted, was extensive and valu- able. It was much better than a non intercourse ; and a large proportion of the capital and enterprise of the country was in- terested in it. The loss of this trade occasioned great com- plaint. Mr. Adams and his cabinet felt the pressure of the case. Mr. Gallatin — who had been sent out in the beginning of 1826, with a set of flimsy excuses for not accepting the law of 1825 — Mr. Gallatin, I say was instructed in 1827 to beg anew of Lord Dudley (who tiad come into the Foreign Office after tlie death of Mr. Canning,) to be let in on the terms of the act of 1825. Mr. Gallatin did all that a minister situated as he was, could do, but without success ; and in the begin- ning of 1828, he returned in despair. Mr. Barbcur was then ssnt with directions to sue again for the same privilege. In the meantime, the subject had been fully brouglit before the American people; the documents were called for and read ; Mr. Adams and his Secretary of State, were charged with the loss of this trade, by neglect and mismanagement; they were vindicated by their friends in the best way which the subject admitted ; but in the judgment of the people, the vindication was impejfect. How much the popular dissatisfaction upon this point contributed to that result, Mr. Webster himself does not venture entirely to deny though he suggests that other causes had a greater influence in producing it. However that may be, no man can deny that the loss ot the West India trade, by the late administration, was distinctly made, at every poll in the Union, one of the principal topics of accusation and defence ; and so long as this fact shall be admitted, it will he difficult to prove that this point was not included in the ver- dict rendered by the people. This, then, was " the state of Ihinga," under which Mr. M'Lane was sent to England, and received his instructions from the Secretary of State. "In tliese instructions," says Mr. Webster, "are found the senti- ments of which I complain." What are they 7 Let us ex- amine and see. "Mr. Van Buren tells Mr. M'L-me, 'the opportunities wlMch you have derived from a participation in our public you to sj)eak with confidence (as far as you rnay deem it, proper and useful so to du,) of the respective parts taken by those to whom the administration of this 'Government is novr^ committed, in relation to the course heretofore pursued upon" the subject of the colonial trade.' " On this sentence he makes the following comment : "Now this is neither more nor less than saying, 'you will be able to telltheBritishminister, whenever you think proper, that you and I, and thS leading persons in this administra- tion, have opposed tlie course heretofore pursued by the Gov^' ernment, and the country, on this subject of the colonial trade.' Be sure to let liim know, tliat on that suliject, we have heJdi with England, and not with our own GoTernment.' Now II ask you, sir, if this be dignified diplomacy 7 Is this states- manship'.' Is it patriotism, or is it mere party! Is ita proot of a high regard to the honor and renown of the whole coun- try, or is it evidence of a disposition to make a merit of be- longing to one of its political divisions'?" Now, sir, if this sentence stood alone, without any thing tO; qualify or restrict it, it would not bear the version which thei senator has given it. It would not have authorised Mr. Mc- Lane to say, that the members of the present administration had "opposed the course" theretofore pursued by "the coun- try," and "held with England," instead of their own Gov- ment. Euttliis perversion of the language he had quoted, is as nothing to what I am about to mention. You will observe, sir, that the quoted sentence, standing by itself, would seem to warrant the remark, that Mr. M'Lane was authorised, whenever he thought proper, to volunteer the statement— not that he and Mr. Van Buren "liad held with England in- stead of their own country," as Mr. Webster has it — but tc state the part taken by the present administration on the sub- ject in question. The propriety of authorising our ministei to speak of such a matter, except in the event of its becominc necessary that he should do so, might well be questioned But on reading the sentence which immediately precede: that quoted by "Mr. Webster, you will find that no such un limited authority was given. On the contrary, Mr. M'Lani was authorised to speak of this matter only in a particuhv, state of things. What tliat was, the omitted sentence wil show. It is as follows- "If the omission of this Govern mentto accept of the terms proposed, when heretofore offer ed, be urged as an ohjection to their adoption now, it will b' your duty to make the British Government sensible of the in I justice and inexpediency of such a course." "The opportu niries which you have derived," &c. &c. I will not now stop to inquire, whether it was proper to an thorise Mr. M'Lane to hold this language, in case the ami cipated objection slwuld be made. That question, I will b; and by consider; but at present I ask, is it true that Mi M'Lane was authorised, "whenever he should think propei to tell the British minister," &c. &c.1 On the contrary, i not his authority to speak of this subject at all, specially limi ted to the event of iisbeing objected, that the former admini strationhad omitted to accept the terms proposed? Why the j was the qualifying sentence omitted'.' ■*! ask you, gir, if thi be fair dealing? Is this justice, or is it'gross injustice'? Is 1 a proof of a high regard to truth and fairncssl Or is it evi dence of a disposition to mislead the public mind; to place th question on false grounds; and to destroy a political opponer by any and every means? I protest to you, sir, I am sorr —truly Borry — to say, tliat in my humble judgment, it is con chtsive evidence of such a disposition. Mr. Van Buren goes on to say: "Their views, (those of th present administration,) upon that point have been submitte to the people of the United States; and the councils by whic yourconduct is now directed, are the result of the judgmer expressed by the only earthly tribunal to which the late ad ministration was amenable for its acts. It should be suflicien that the claims set up by tliem, and which caused the inter j ruption of the trade in question,have been explicitly abandon ed by those who first asserted them, and are iiot^ re^vived b;, their successors." I have already alluded (o Mr. Webster' observations on the first part of this parag-raph On the asserj tion contained in the latter oart of it, he remarks: 'It is mani ifpstly quite wide of the facts. Mr. Adams' administiatioi| did not bring forward this claim. I have stated already thai it had been a subject, both of negotiation and legislatioil through the whole eight years of Mr. Monroe's admmistra tion; this the Secretary knew, or was bound to know. Wh; then does he speak of it as set up by the late admmistratior and afterwards abandoned by them, and not now revived?" The charo-e here made, of a departure from the facts, i quite gratuitous. It is not denied that the claims referred t were set up bv the late administration, nor that they wer' abandoned by'them; the imputed departure from trutli consist in the suopd=ed assertion that these claims were first set u j by the late administration. But Mr. V^an Buren does not aj rs eerl that they wett.the first administration which had set them up. He knew, as well as Mr. Webster, that tiiey were first set up under Mr. Monroe's administration, and if Mr. Webster's accustomed accuracy had not been lost to him, he would have recollected that in a former part of the instruc- tions, (p. 6,) the Secretary had expressly stated, that tne claims referred to were put forth in the act of Congress of the 1st of March, 1823, and that they " had been previously ad- vanced by us in our negotiations on the subject." But who were the ■persons -who first set up those claims '.' Every man acquainted with the history of the subject knows, and at least every Senator in Congress ought to know, that they were John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay. And will it be denied that they had exj5licitly abandoned them .' Where ithen is the departure from fact in this part of the instruc- tions 7 ..... ,1 But, says Mr. Webster, " the most humiliating part of the whole follows : ' To set up the acts of the late administra- 'tion as the cause of forfeiture of privileges, which would oth- 'erwise be extended to the people of the United States, would, 'under existing circumstances, be unjust in itself, and could bot fail to excite their deepest sensibility.' " Here then, we liave the "head and front" of the Secretary's offending, as well as the fullest display of Mr. Webster's patriotism. _It fexudes from every pore in the following exclamation : " So, then, Mr. President, we are reduced, are we, to tlie poor con- idition, that we see a Minister of mis great Republic in- structed to argue, or to intercede, v. ith tlie British Minister, 5est he should find us to have forfeited our privileges ; and ther rights, as a privilege, or aboon^ from the British gov- i nmient, or any other government." | The point of this effusion, consists in the changes which ; '.re rungu;/oa the word "privilege." Mr. Van Bureii, re- | reaut that lie is, speaks of the offer held out in the Briiish act ; if Parliament as a " privilege!" And this is patiently sub- j nitting to the domineering tone of M:. Canning, who had ailed it a boon ! And on this theme we have a commentary, i a which this horrilile word " pririiege" is treated as if it i avolved the utter abandonment of all principle and honor. I jir, in uttering this tirade, Mr Webster has either display- i d very great want of information himself, or counted very I argely on the want of it in others. Ever since she has had ' /olonies, Great Britain has maintained, with inflexible per- everance, in common with other powers having such pos- Bssions, tlie ancient policy of treating the trade with her col- 'nies as a thing belonging exclusively to herself — a thing ot to be enjoyed by other nations, save at such times and on uch terms as she pleased. As to the wisdom of this policy; ' ,s influence on the Colonies themselves; and us justice or ■berality towards other nations; I have nothing to say; I peak only of the fact; and that it is as I have asserted, no ' lan who has the least pretensions to general knowledge will = enture to deny. It is on this principle that she has so uni- I jrmly persisted in the course of regulating the Colonial •adeby acts of Parliament and orders in Council, which she I 3uld change at pleasure, instead of forming treaties on the ; ubject which could not be so changed. Now, though our I overnment was extremely desirous to place this matter on a : lore li&ral and permament footing, and to do so by treaty, I s.ther than by separate legislation, yet until after we had lost '. le benefits held out by the British act of '25, we never \ retended to deny the right of Great Britain to do as she I leased on the subject. The endeavor was, to convince her I f/ argument and by retaliatory laws, that it was her interest (^ ) place this branch of her commerce on the same footing as 1 le trade between us and the mothercountry. In this we had j ot succeeded, and in the mean time, we had been content to l< ike what we could get of this commerce, as a privilege — I t ly SiS a, privilege; because all the British statutes on this sub- I ct into which I have looked, speak of tVie permission given :' 1 foreign nations to trade with ilie British colonies, as a It ricilege granted to such nations. The act of June, 1822, ) ider which we enjoyed a restricted intercourse until 182G, ,i died it a privilege, and Mr. Monroe's administration did not insider it derogatory to tlie national honor to take il le bene- will find, sir, diat Mr. Adams, in one of his instnictions to Mr. Rush, sjiends half a do^zen pages in an attempt to settle the true construction of the phrase "the privileges granted by tills act:" witliout once dreaming, with all his Bunker- Hill temperamentjthat there was any thing in the word "pri- vileges" at wliich an American was to take fire. More than this: The famous act of July, 1825, uses the language. It provides "that the privileges granted by the law of naviga- tion to foreign ships, shall be limited to the shijis of those countries, wlricii, having colonial possessions, shall grant the like /jri'riZeges of trading with those possessions to British ships, or which, not having coloidal possessions, shall place the commerce and navigation of Great Britain and its pos- sessions, abroad, upon the footing of the most favored nation." , — Now it was in reference to the advantages held out by this I act, that Mr. Van Bureii used tlie obnoxious language, which I forms, 111 the judgment of Mr Webster, the most culpable : part of his instructions; yet we see that he spoke of them in the very terms of the act itself. But there is yet something further on thisjioint. Mr Clay himself, in liis letter to Mr. Gallatin of the 11th of Aj ri), 1827, uses, in reference to this very point, the same language as Mr. Van Buren. He says, " we can hardly suppose, under these circumstances, that the British government after the passage of such an act of Con- gress as you are now authorised to state that the President is willing to recommend, would refuse to remove the interdict which has applied only to the navigation of the United States. A denial to them, alone of the PRIVILEGES of the act of Parliament of 1825, offered to all nations, could not be easily reconcilable with those friendly relations, which it is the interest of both nations, as it is the anxious endeavor of the government of the United States, to cultivate and main- tain." I admit, sir, that I am but a tyro in the science of diploma- cy; but after this last reference, I think that without going be- yond the spelling book, I may safely ask the great lawyer of New England: Whose bull it is that has gored die o.x now? Seriously, Mr. Chairman, can you imagine any position more pitiable than that in which the Senator has placed himself 7 He selects at leisure, the subjects of his animadversions; ho britigs them out with great form and circumstance; he places himself on a |,ariic',ilar passage, as one which admitted of no defence; and then, from this fancied vantage ground, he talks loudly of the insulted honor of his country — his country thus humbled at the feet of the British King! But lo! when we come to scrutinize this "must humilia'.ing paragraph," we find in it nothing to justify this noise and bluster — nothing to call for animadversion or reniark — nothing which others had not said, and properly said before — we find it nothing — literal- ly nothing ! Vox et preterea nihil! And yet, sir, after all, the honorable Senator is moie than half right. Tliis famous passage is really as "humiliating" as any other — perhaps more so than any other in the whole despatch. How "humili- ating" this is, we liave already seen; and from the character of this passage, you may judge as to the rest. Mr. Webster proceeds to say, "At the conclusion of the par- agra'ih, the secretary says, ^ You cannot press this subject too earnestly upon the consideration of the Briiish yfinistry. It has bearings and relations that teach beyond the immediate question under discussion.' " Here also I have to complain that by omitting tile sentence immediately before it, the effect of the sentence quoted is entirely destroyed. Spealdng of the feeling which was likely to be produced in this country by a refusal on the part of Great Biitain to permit us to partici- pate in a trade which was opened to other nations, Mr. Van Buren had remarked: "The tone of feeling which a course 60 unwise and untenable is calculated to produce, would doubtless be greatly aggravated, by the consciousness that Great Britain, by order in council, opened her colonial ports to Russia and France, notwithstanding a similar omission on their part to accent tiie terms offered by the act of July 1S25." He then says, "You cannot press this view of the subject too earnestly, dj-c." — that is — you cannot too earnestly press the consideration, that if Great Britain persists in a course so un- wise and vmtenable, she will excite a most unfavorable tone of feeling in the United States, &c. &c. This, sir, is obvious- ly the true sense of tlie passage, when taken in connection with what preceded it ; and' tliis is not only proper, but strong language. And yet, by omitting the preceding sen- tence, the cited passage is made to mean that Mr. M'Lane could not "press too earnestly on the British Ministry," the course which the present administration bad taken in the for- mer controversy. It is due, however, to Mr. Webster to say, that he rather insinuates than alleges tliat this is the mean- ing of the secretary; but one of his associates, Mr. Cham- bers, gives it this version, and dwells on it at lengdi. Its injustice is palpable ai,d glaiing. 'I'he last ciuotaiion made by Mr. Webster for the purpose of 1» deapatcli, ami is in the following words: "I ledl add nothing ( ueiita to the consequenceg of riie acts and omissions of theii as to the i mproprieti/ o/sufcriiigcunjfccIhig-sthi'U find their \ former sevva,nis, our predecessors, if you choose to do so — origin in the past pretensions of this government, to have an adverse influence upon the present conduct of Great Sritain." Oa this lie asks wliether it l)e stalesmanship? or dignity? or elevated regard to country? And he sums up his judgment of ihe whole document, in the following inqui- ry: "Can any man read this whole despatch, with candor,and not admit that it is plainly and manifestly the writer's object to gain credit from the British ministry for the present ad- ministration, at the expense of the past?" And he submits in conclusion, that the pervading t'0[)ic through the whole is ''not American rights, not American interests, not American defence, but denunciation of past pretensions of our own country, reflections on tlie past administration, and exultation and loud claim of merit, for tlie adminisuation no-wj- in pow- er." I have now rcaJ to you all the proofs adduced by Mr. Webster, and every passage of his comments, which is mute- rial to a proper understanding of the grounds of his decision. Tlie remainder of his remaiks — wiih the single exception of the sickly manner, in which he talks of the ' duty" the '-un- pleasant duty," the "most unpleasant duty of liis public life" — is precisely what it slio'ild have been, if the statements made and the censures bestowed, in the former part of his address, had been correct and just. I have proved, by evi- dence which can neither be repelled nor evaded, in respect to all the special circuTnstances relied upon by the honorable Senator, that his statements are palpably incorrect, and his censures as palpably unjust. I confess, sir, that it is to me, matter both of astonishment and regret, that a Senator whose talents and rejxitatiou are even among hia compeers so "proudly eminent," should have perverted hia splendid powers to a work so wicked and so w^eak. Tho general tone of tlie whole document, and the propriety of authorizing Mr. M'Lane to sneak, in a giyen event, of our political history and of the acts of our public men, remain to De considered. I wish, sir, that every person who takes an interest in this subject, would read the whole of these celebrated instructions. As they occupy about a dozen large octavo pages, such a pe- rusal is indispensable, if we would form an accurate judg- ment as to their general character and purpose. He who shall read them witJi but a moderate degree of impartiality, will find that with ajust regard to the rights and interests of our own country, there is blended throughout a manly frank ness, which is calculated lo inspire confiilence, and to com because they had a general authority to act for our constit- uents, and you could only know their sentiments by the acta of their agents — yet in truth the American people did not approve of their conduct in this matter ; on the contrary, the moment they became acquainted with the subject, they re- moved their former agents from the stations they had filled, and put us in tlieir place, for the express purpose, among other things, of settling this very affair on the terms before profiosed by you." i Was it proper to instruct Mr. McLanetohold this language?' Underthecircumstanc.es of this case, considering the interest which the people had taken in the matter — the decision they had pronounced — the importance of the particular object in view — and the still greater importance of placing the relations of tlic two countries on a friendly footing — I cannot doubt that it was so. It is undouiitedly making a distinction be- tween the cmintry and a. former adminislration — not, how^- evcr for the purpose of " making: interest for a party, rather than for the country" — nor with the view of " makino- favor for one party at home, against another''' — but evidently from a sincere anij anxious desire to secure to the country — aye, sir, to the "tc/ioJe country" — the advantages in question. In making this distinction no injury is done to the nation — | tliere is nothing in it, derogatory to the power of the coun- ' try. I grant tliat it implies, to some extent, a reflection on the conduct — perhaps on the capacity and fairness — of the former administration. And I do not wonder that the mem- bers of that administration should feel somewhat restive un- der an implication of this sort. But an implication of the same character — though stronger and more humiliating — wag contained in the result of the election of 1829 ; and those, who, by that election were brought into the administration, were not only autliorised, but bound, to take this course, for the purpose of accomplishing the wishes of their constituents. To say that it ought not to have been taken, because it involv- ed a reflection — or if you please, a reproach — on the former administration, is to place the character and interests of the public agent above those of the public themselves — a theory, which, however, it may suit the meridian of some govern- ments, is, in my judgment, utterly repugnant to the princi- ples of ours. With us, sir, the people — trie " whole" people — are the parties really interested in all the affairs of govern- ment, as well as the sources of all political power ; and the particular administration which may atasy time be in office, are merely the instruments by which they act — the organs by mand respect. So far from " holding with England," and which tliey speak. In their intercourse with foreign powers, " denouncing the past pretensions of his own country," the Secretary commences with the declaration that " the policy of the United States in relation to their commercial inter- course with other nations, is founded on the principles of per- fect equ;ility and reciprocity; that those princinles "have been adhered to with scrupulous fidelity ;"— that the conven- tion with Great Britain in 1815, estaljlislied the intercourse between us and their possessions in Europe "on just and equal terms;" that we then desired to put our trade to the American colonies, on the same footing of equality and jus- tice ; — and that to estaljlish it on fair terms had " always been the sincere object of this country." Tiie various steps by which the unfortunate state of things, existing at the date of as well as on all other subjects, they are bound to express the sentiments, and to obey the will, of those who have commis- sioned them. I do not profess, Sir, to be deeply read in the history of diplomacy ; but unless I am greatly mistaken, these principles have generally been acted on, for the last century, even by the governments of Europe. But however this may be, they spring S3 naturally from the character of our political institutions, and are so congenial to justice and common sense, that jn reference to ourselves, I entertain a ; confident persuasion of their truth. '■ I trust, sir, I have shown tiiat the honor of the republic has not been tarnished by these far famed instructions. I wish I could say as much in reference to all the negotiations on the instructions, had been produced, are detailed witli fidelity ; I tills subject. — This however cannot be said of that fiart of the grounds on which we were liable to be assailed, in con- sequence of the acts and omissions of a former administra- tion, are then frankly stated ; the injurious consequences to both countries, of keeping up the British interdict, are stron them which was conducted by the late administration. The general tone of the instructions transmitted by Mr. Clay to Mr. Gallatin, in the years 1826 and '27, is tliat of a culprit who knows that he deserves, and fears tliat he shall feel, tha ly insisted on ; the wislies of the President, and the precise | rod; but who, in the very act of deprecating the consequen terms on which he is willing to settle the matter, are clearly expressed : and Mr. M Lane is directed to make them known in suclia plain and direct manner as to secure a prompt and explicit reply. Tjiis, sir, is the general tone of the instruc- tions ; and I confess tliat I find in diem nothing incon- sistent with a vigilant regard to the honor of the nation. But the application winch Mi-. McLane was directed to make, had been twice made by Mr. Gallatin, and once by Mr. Barbour, during a former administration. On these oc- sasions, it had not only been denied, but the British govern- ment had refused to treat upon the svibject, because of a pre- vious ortiasion to take the privilege applied for, when frankly offered by the act of July i825 That Mr. McLane would also be met by this objection ; and that unless it could be an- ticipated and removed, it would again interpose an insuperable ces of his misconduct, aggravates liis offence, and seals hi« condemnation, by resorting to quibbles and subterfuges. It ie the only page in the history of American diplomacy of which we have reason to be asliamed. In the perusal of this page, the patriot will hang his head; for he will find in every line the windings of the serpent, but not a trace of his wisdom — the weakness of the dove, but none of her simplicity or inno- cence. Take a single instance. Wlien the negotiation was suspended at London, in July, 1324, Mr. Rush wrote to Washington for further directions. None were sent to him; and thougli Mr. Kin^ was sent out in June, 1825, and re- mained nearly a year, he was uninstructed on this point. Not a line was written on the subject from the Slate Department, until the 19th of June, 1826, when Mr. Clay gave his in- structions to Mr. Gallatin, who was then about taking the bar to the success of tlie negotiation ; was not only known to place of Mr. King, and the special object of whose mission those who gave him liis instructions, but to the whole neople^ I was to prevent the British act of July, 1825, from being If this objection were brought forward, then, — and then only ' closed upon us. To avoid this result, Mr. Clay instructs — he was to make the other party " sensible of the injustice ; him that it had always been the intention of our governmen and inexpediency of such a course," by saying to them in to resume, at London, the negotiation which had bean au»* substance, " although you have a right to hold our constit- pended in 1324, and tkat it would have been doD bj Mr. 20 iJCing, had not the state of his health, and various other cir- cumstances, prevented him from entering on the subject. Mr. Gallatin, in his first letter to Mr. Cannmg, under date of the 26th of August, 1826, brought forward tliis statement, supposing, undoubtedly, that it was true. Sir, it was not only not true, but Mr. Canning had it in his power to prove thai it was not. In his reply of the Uth of SejJtember, '26, he tlius sweeps away, with a single dash of his pen, this — the only excuse then setup for our previous delay : "Mr. Galla- tin, in his note of the 26th of August, states, 'it is well known that the delay in renewing the negotiation vipon the subject of the colonial intercourse, on principles of mutual accom- modation, is due to causes not under the control of the United States, principally to the state of health of Mr. King.'' Upon this point, the undersigned has only to ol5serve,f/ia/ no intimation that Mr. King had receired instriutionx irhleM •would have enabled him to resiiTiif the nogvidution, xcaserer before communicated to t/ie Uritish governments On die contrary, the only 4ommunicntion al all relating to this mat- ter, wliich has ever reached him in any authentic sliape, was in a despatch from Mr. Vaughan, dated the 22dof March last, (1826,) wherein that Minister states that 'Mr. Clay had in- formed him that he should not be able to furnish Mr. King tcith his instruct io7is before the end of the month of May, (May, 1S26,) to enable him to recommence the negotiation.' " Judge, sir, what must have been the mortification of our ]\Ii- nister when he received this resporse ! He transmitted it to Washington, and subsequently received from Mr. Clay, in his despatch of the 11th of November, 1826, a new set of excu- ses, (file same which have lieen made bj' Mr. Welister,) which were just as easily demolished by the British secretary as that which had preceded them. .This last communication con- tained a reluctant admission of the fact, that no instructions on this point were ever given or sent to Mr. King; with a labored but lame attempt to prove that the former statement was consistent with the truth. This attempted explanation was, however, so entirely insufficient, that Mr. Gallatin did not venture to suggest it to M,. Canning, and to this hour the original statement lies among the archives of the British court, without the semblance oi vindication or excuse ! I will not detain you by any comments on this transaction, further than to say, that as " this is the first instance in our history" in wViich a Secretary of State has ever dared to put an untruth in the mouth of a minis'er abroad, so I fervently pray that in all future time, it may ever be considered "a neg- ative example, to be shunned and avoided" by all his succes- sors. Sir, it was "shunned and avoided by his immediate successor. You will find in the instruction to Mi'. MrLane none of that sort of "statesmanship" with which tVie last ad- ministration seemed to be so familiar. — On tiic contrarj'', they are marked by that integrity and singleness of purpose — that candor and plain dealing — which adorn the character of the President, and which, under his influence and direction, have distinguished all our recent negotiafions. But whatever may have been the course of Mr. Clay whilst Secretary of State, it must be admitted, that nov: he almost rivals Mr. Webster, in a teiriler regard for the honor of the country and tlie character of our diplom.ary. He thinks too, with his distinguished associate, that both liave come to harm in the hands of his successor. And if we are to credit their assertions, all the Senators who opposed the nomination — and I suppose also the presiding officer who gave the casting vote — have been exclusively infiuenced by this elevated mo- tive and the duties which flowed from it. Sir, it is always a harsh thing, to say of public men, that we do not confide in their solemn aa«everntions. That many of the Senators who voted agai»st this nomination, inay have been brought to be- lieve, that its fcjection was due tothe character of the nation, I am not disposed to doubt. Undue confidence in political 'leaders, and that obliquity of understanding which is the nat- ural result of prejudice and passion, of personal interest and party zeal, will oftentimes induce upright and intelligent men, to believe, what if left to themselves they would never have suspected ; and to make that belief the foundation of their acts. But that the leaders of this new and strangely assort- ed coalition — ^and more especially the three distinguished in- dividuals whom the public have designated as its heads- were induced to take for tlienvselvcs, and to urge upon their followers, this unprecedented step, from an impressive sense of public duty, growingout of a sacred regard to the honor of the country, and from no other motive, is what will never be hehevedl»T the intelligent people of the United States. The common sense of mankind will repudiate the idea that such could have been the motive. I will not go into the evidence on which thisconclusion will be founded. It is needless that I should do so — the thing is palpable — it speaks for itself, in &nnB so plain and unambigiioue, that " he who runs, ma y read." A formidable rival — a powerful opponent — were to lie put out of the way; the measures of trie administration were to be thwarted and deranged; and the feelings of the President were to be wounded in the tenderest point, by the sacrifice of his friend. Those who reared the altar on which the victim was immolated, will not only be held accountable for the injustice of the act itself, but for polluting with sav- age rites, what has hitherto been deemed consecrated ground. One word more, and I shall trespass na longer on your pa- tience. It seems from the reported speecVi ofTVIr. Clay, that he deemed it consistent with the dignity of the Senate, and pertinent to the question before them, to assail the character of New York. "An odious system of proscription," aayi the honorable Senator, "draxni from the uorst periods »f the Roman repiihlir, is ooiistanfly acted on in that State." My iriend, Col. M'Kown, with indignant eloquence, has adTcrt- ed to this nttack. I allude to it for another purpose. lam hajipy to avail myself of the reference of Mr. Clay; for what- ever may be its application to any thing which now exists, or has ever existed, in New York, it is peculiarly appropriate to the measure we are considering. If I have rightly read the liisiory of that far famed repulilic, its worst period was when the highly gifted, but licentious and desperate Antony, and that arch dissembler, Octavius Cicsar, formed, with tlie rest- less and aspiring Lepidus, the Second Triumvirate. You recollect, sir, the history of that infamous coalition. — Each of its members aimed at the sovereign power; each hated the other; though at the moment, Octavius was professedly the friend and supporter of Antony. The immediate object was, to combine a force sufficiently powerful to put down their competitors and opponents. For this purpose, Lepidus, who was despised by both his coadjutors, was brought into the TriuniTirate; and by his vote the "black proscription" was decreed. The first orator m Rome was the chief object of their hate, and one of their earliest victims; though on this point Octavius aflfected to yield a reluctant assent tothe wish- es of his associates. Whether, in the end, he ascribed that assent to a solemn conviction of duty to the republic, is not recorded by the historians; but it is recorded, that his pretend- ed reluctance in the case of Cicero, was the merest affectation — After having servsd the turn for which he had been used, the miserable Lepidus was abandoned to obscurity and con- tempt. In the fate of his prototype the Lepidus of this Se- cond Coalition may read, with unerring certainty,his own approaching doom; and in the sentence which impartial pos- terity has passed on the motives and conduct of that, I anti- cipate, with confidence, the judgment of tlie American people, on the acts and motives of this Triumvirate. Note. — The preceding remarks were delivered, and a great part of them written out, before the speeches of Senators Smith, Forsyth, and Marcy, and the second speech of Mr. Webster were received at Albany. Some of the points might have been strengthened, if the author liad had the benefit of the facts resting within the personal knowledge of Messrs. Smith and Forsytn, and which are stated in their respective speech- es. To prevent misapprehension, it is proper to observe, that the bill to which Mr. Forsyth refers, as having been lost, in consequence of a disagreement between the two houses as to certain amendments made in the House of Representatives, was introduced in the session of 1826-7; whereas the proced- ings referred to above, all took place in the session of 1825-6, and before the mission of Mr. Gallatin. As Mr. Webster has not, in his second speech, corrected any of the errors contained in his former remarks, I find no occa- sion for altering what I had said and written out. But there are two points,"in his last remarks, which deserve notice. Mr. Webster has attempited to show, that the '■^pretension" spoken of by Mr. Van Buren, as having been "abandoned by those who first set it up," had in truth originated widi Gen- eral Washington; and to prove this he quotes a paragraph from the instructions of President Washins^ton to Mr. Morris, dated in October, 1789. In this passage, Mr. Morris is direct- ed to insist "on the privilege" [another instance of tlie use of this offensive term, and by the father of his country too] "of carrying our productions, in our vessels, to their Islands, and of bringing in return the productions of those Islands, to our own ports and markets," as one of the highest importance. — On the supposition, that this was the identical pretension which had been spoken of by Mr. Van Buren, Mr. W. indulges himself in a fancied triumph, which would be of ex- tremely short duration if he would condescend to give his at- tention to the precise character of the "pretension" referred to by Mr. V. B. It was not a claim to be allowed "to carry 07ir own productions, in our vessels to the West India Isl- ands, and to bring in return the productions of those Isl- ands to our own ports," which was the privilege claimfed by 21 President Washington; but a claun to be permitted to carry' furproductionsto tl.ose Islands, and ^o enter the n^ there free of the protecting duties imposed on our produce 1ms i. the prefension re^rred toby Mr. Van Buren, f «^ Y^ilnVsaid on reference to his instructions; and of this, not a word ih said in the extract from General Washington. Atrain: Mr. Webster refers to our act of the 1st of March 1823' to show that "Congress itself has sanctioned this same ^pretension." This act, he informs us, was passed two years before the commencement of Mr. Adams' admimslration, and in a note he adds that Mr. Van Buren was himself a member of the Senate and Mr. M'Lane of the House, at the time of its passage— and upon this, lie asks various questions, all found- ed on the supposition that this law was "overlooked or forgot- ten" when the instructions were penned; and tending to as- cribe this fact to the want of any "tolerable acquaintance with the history of the negotiations of the U. S. or their legisla- Now i have already explained above, what Mr. Van Bu- ren had said on this point; and to prove that he was acquaint- ed with the fact that the pretension referred to was brougiit forward whilst Mr. Monroe was President, I referred to t/iis very law of 1823, a.s once in which it was embodied, ana ■which was also stated at length in the instructions. Jn paee Softhe instructions, Mr. V. B. introduces this law, as "th'e next material step in the movements of the two govern- ments." And on account of "the influence which it had ob- viously had on the course of affairs, in relation to tlie trade in question," he'proceeds to state its contents, whicli he sums up in four particulars, the second of which is as follows :— *'2d'ly. It put forth a claim which had been previously ad- vanced by us in our nes^otiations upon the subject but al- vsays resisted by Great" Britain, viz: that no higher duties should be imposed upon the productions of the United States in the British Colonial ports, than upon those of Great Bri- tain herself, or her other colonies, and whicJi had been levied for the protect ion of their ou^n produce. This was done by giving an authority to the President to suspend the payment of our discriminating duties by British vessels, coming from the colonies, upon being satisfied that no such duties were levied in the colonies on our produce, and by declaring that, until such evidence was given, payment should continue to be exacted."— [lustructions, p. 6.] And yet Mr. Webster would really wish the people of the United States to believe, that the instructions were written in utter ignorance of this law, thus spead out upon their face ! — \3 it possible that he has yet read those instructions 7 If he j^as not yet read them, wliat is his judgment on them worth 7 jf he has read them, what is the value of his candor 7 REMARKS OF HON. WM. I,. MARCY, In the U. S. Semite, on the nomination of Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Marcy said, that he had intimated heretofore, more than once, that it was not his intention to offer to the Senate any observations upon the main question now before them. What reo-arded the public conduct of the present Minister to London, °was better understood by other rnembers, and what was to be said in explanation or vindication of it, would be better said and better received from most of them, by reason of their great experience in public affairs, and their particular knowledge of the transactions which have lieen brougiit under review in this discussion. He had determmed that it would be his duty to trouble the Senate with remarks, only in case topics should be introduced into the debate, with which he might well be supposed, from his local situation, to be parti- cularly acquainted. The occasion which rendered it proper, that he should say something, had arisen in consequence of what had fallen from the Hon. Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay.) His at- tack was not confined to the nominee; it reached the State which he, -(Mr. M.) represented in this body. One of the grounds of opposition to the Minister to London, taken by the Senator from Kentucky, was the pernicious system of party politics adopted by the present administration, by which the honors and offices were put up to be scrambled for by parti- zans &c. A system which the minister to London, as tlie Senator from Kentucky alleged, liad brought here from tlie State in which he formerly lived, and had for so long a time acted a conspicuous part in its political transactions. I know, sir, said Mr. M. that it is the habit of some gentlemen to speak with censure or reproach of the politics of New- York. Like other states, we have contests, and as a neces- sary consequence, triumphs and defeats. The state is large, with great and diversified interests; in some parts of it, com- merce is the object of general purBuit; in others, manufac- tures and agriculture are the cViief concern* of i» citiz. We have men of enterprise and talents, who aspire to pui distinction. It is natural to expect from these cuctunstM and others that might be alluded to, that her politics sho excite more interest at home, and attract more atten abroad, than those of other states in '^'e confederacy. : It may be, sir, that the politicians of New York are no: fastidious as some a-entlemen are, as to disclosing the pr? pies on which ihey"^act. They boldly preach what they p tice When they are contending for victory, they avow I intention of enjoying the fruits of it. If they are defee they expect to retire from office; if they are successful, t claim, as a matter of right, the advanta-e of success. "I see nothing wrong in ttie rule, that to tlie victor belongs snoilsof the enemy. , , ,. ,., But if there be any thing wrong in the policy which Senator from Kentucky has so strongly reprobated, he sh know that this policy was not confined to the Minist London and his friends in New York, but is practised b-, IMr Clay'sl own political friends in that State: he sh know that if to one man, more than any other now living existence of that policy is to be ascribed, it is to one o. Senator's own political friends. The practice of making tensive changes in the offices, on tlie change of parties in State, was begun, I believe before the nominee was upoi political stage, certainly while he was quite a young and before he had acquired great consideration in pohtici fairs. I must be permitted, sir, to say, that of all the men with whom I have acted, or been particularly acqi ed (and the number of such is not small,) I know of nc who has acted with, or advised to, more moderation thai person whose nomination we are now considering. When the Senator from Kentucky condemns the presei ministration for making removals from office, and the cribes the act to the pernicious system of politics imp from New York, I fear he does not sufficiently consid. peculiar circumstances under which the present admm tion came into power. General Jackson did not come.i der the same circumstances that Mr. Adams did, or Mr. roe, or Mr. Madison. His accession was like that o; Jefferson. He came in, sir, upon a political revolution. contest was without a [larallel. Much political bittfi was engendered. Criminations and recriminations were -j Slanders of a most extraordinary character flooded thej When the present Chief Magisti-ate took upon himselt ilj ministration of the government, he found almost all thf cers, fi-'om the highest to the lowest, filled by pohtica mies. That his Cabinet was composed of his friends, i will complain. Thei reasons for tlius composing it will with considerable force to many of the officers under the of the several departments. . If some dismissals of the subordinate officers m thos partmentswere made, it will not be asserted that all op to the administration were discharged. I have heard it dently asserted, by those who I supposed spoke with k edo-e on the subject, that many, perhaps a majority of retained— and almost all were retained— belong now opposition— they are the political supporters ofthehon. Senator from Kentucky. . I have good reasons— very good reasons, for behevinf it is the gentlemiin's rule of conduct, to take care friends when he is in power. It requires not the foresi, a prophet, to predict, that if he shall come into power, h take care of his friends, and if he does, I can assure J shall not complain; nor shall I be in the least surprisec imitate the example which he now so emphatically deno Now I am up,'I will offer a few words relative to the censured instructions to our former Minister to Engla must say, I h.ave discovered in them nothing to merit ( voke the harsh strictures liestowed on them. They do mv opinion, furnish a fit occasion for the Senator Iron tucky, to impute to Mr. Van Buren, as he has done passionate emphasis and frequent reiteration, a cha falsehood or culpable ignorance. The language wh desired might be taken down, is, " 7'hat Mr. Ian stated u-hat was false, or he was culpably ignorant J knowing that it 'was filse." The instructions alleg those who ^J-.'^^ asserted certain claims to interfere wi regulations ot Great Britain, as to the Colonial trade, doneu them, &c. The Senator from Kentucky choo consider this a declaration, tha' a the late admmisiratio asserted the claims, and then abandoned them. It we his construction to be the tme one, to what does it an He does not deny— indeed it is expressly admitted— tJ late administration asserted the claims, and tlien waivec What then is the mighty difference between the assert the instructions, and the fact as admitted here! Ws t> 22 t the late administration were natihejirst to asser them — . they weie setup under die admiuistrtition of Mr. Monroe, lis pretended falsehood is of such a flagitious character as been given to it, it is natural to expect that it would iige very essentially the meanirjg of the sentence. If e be tlie least error m the instructions, it is in the use of word first; strike out that word and let us see whetlier meaning of the sentence is materially changed. Whether late administration were xhe first to assert tlie claims, and gave them up; or asserted tliem after tliey had been pie- sly asserted by Mr. Monroe's administration, and then ! them up, is very nearly die same thing. If there was thing wrong or reprehensible in asserting claims or pre- ons, and then giving them up, the censure incurred by ate administration in so doing, is not much mitigated by ;ircuinstance that a preceding administration had asserted lar claims or pretensions. It apj.ears to me that if a e of censure had not been very much wanted, such an IS this would not have been hunted up and put forth so unently. le manner in which our late minister to London was in- ;ted to conduct the negotiation, may, for ought I know, be lual; but it does not appear to me to be censurable. Tlie le atl'air presents itself to me as a very plain matter. Tiie sh gavermnent, by their act of Parliament of 1825, ofier e United Slates a participation in the trade with her rican colonies, on certain conditions, the particulars of h it 13 not at all necessary now to consider. Tliat ad- stration, for some reason or otlier — probably in the hope ftiiig better — refused the terms offered, and claimed more htageous ones, as a matter of right; but afterwards, find- [ presume, that better terms could not be obtaineil, and claim of right could not be sustained, concluded to take that were first otfered and had lieen refused. Wlien proposed to take these terms, the British government told they were too late, and positively refused to grant v^hat d before offered. The colonial trade was lost to the ;ry. The late administration attempted to recover it — nade more than one attempt to open a negotiation with ritish government, for the purpose of obtaining that trade .', very terms on which it had been offered to and refused |eni. This was the situation of affairs wlien that admin- Ion went out of power. The commercial interests of the ^ry required that their successors, who diought the terms d by the British government should have been accepted, d make an effort to regain that important trade. As liatioii had been repeatedly and peremptorily refused to 'nited States, it was necessary to oH'er some excuse for ptiiig it again. That excuse was found in the public otorious fact, that the administration of tlie affairs of nited States had passed from the liauds of those who re- the offered terms, into the hands of those who thought "ered terms ought to have been accepted, and who cen- ; their predecessors for not accepting them. Mr. McLane 'nstructed to use this fact to remove any obstacle to open- ,ie negotiation for the recovery of the lost West India • in case any obstacle should be interposed on account of ■ anner in which the late administration had managed [fair. I confess that I cannot see any thing wroii"- in much censured instructions. I see no invoking of fa- jin party considerations — no abandonment of honor or y. Gentlemen may call it novel diplomacy; but I call n dealing, and the result has shown it was a successful ation. REi^IARKS OF HON. S. SMITH, U. S. Senate, on the nomination of Mr. Van Buren. ^, President — I have said, "that, the Secretary of State is j^sjionsible, for instructions given by order of the Presi- jiG— that, the President is the only responsible person pU to the Constitution. In England, agreeably to its- (ifUtion, the King can do no wrong; and his advisers are JI.^sponsible to parliament. Our constitution is different, ^tiderstand it. The law which created die State Depart- j\n 1789, is that under which every Secretary has acted (j Just continue to act. This law says, "the Secretary for fl t n Affairs shall perform and execute such duties as shall ji,me to time be enjoined on, or entrusted to him, by the \:.ilent of the United States, (agreeably to the constitu- IJi, lative to correspondences, Q,o\i\xxwiB\ons ox instructions, jjidi public ministers or consuls from the United States, , jiegotiate with public ministers from foreign states or '.I,'', and furthermore, that the said principal officer, (Sec- Ut)f State) shall conduct the business of the said depart- n such manner as the President of die United States, .lOm time totimC) "order and instruct." Sach, Mr. President, is the law. The Secretary can Washington, Jan. 30, 1S32. 5 Samuel Smith, Esq. Senate of the U. S. Sir : I have the honor to state, in answer to your inquiry of yesterday, that the records containing the instructions of the t)e->artment to Mr. ChristopherHughes,whenforiTierly Charge d'Affaires of the United States in Sweden, have been careful- ly examined, and that all which is found in them, in relation to the then claims of our citizens upon the Government of that country, is given, in the subjoined extract of a letter from Mr. Adams to him, dated the 17th of June, 1819. I am, Sir, very respectfully. Your obedient servant, EDWARD LIVINGSTON. Extract of a letter from Mr. Adams, Secretary of State, to Ml. Hughes, Charg^ d'Affaires of the United States at Stock- holm : Department of State, ) 17th June, 1819. S " The President has been absent from the seat of govern- ment, on a tour through the South and West, since the 30th March. His return to this place, in the course of two or three weeks, is expected. Since his departure, Mr. Russel's latest correspondence with the British Government, on the subject of the Su-alsf'.nd Claims, has been received, as well as that which followed Mr. Russel's taking leave of the Court. It is pain- ful to perceive the perseverance of the, Swedish Government, in withholding the indemnity, so jusdy and indisputably due to our fellow citizens, who suffered by those seizures, for which not even a plausible pretext isalledged. It is still more painful to find their denial of justice, accompanied by insinua- tions, neither candid nor friendly, and by allegations utterly destitute of foundation. Earnestly desirous of maintaining^ with Sweden, the most friendly and harmonious relations, I shall reserve, until after the President's return, all further re- ket to a part of these articles, without which other market might be overstocked. The Senator, Mr. Clay, has truly san tiiat the wheat of the States bordering on the Canadas, pas ses into Canada, is there ground, and tlie flour sliijiped ti British ports, as if it were the produce of the wheat of Cana da. This has been the spontaneous act of Great Britain, adop ted for her own interest, and is most certainly benefioial to ou fanners. An immense number of sheet', hogs, horses, anc cattle are driven annually from Maine to Quebec and N.Bruns, wick. Tlie farmers and graziers of Maine differ in opinioi with the Senator from Kentucky, (DIr. Clay,) and are reallj so simple, as to believe, that their free intercoui-se witli Lowei Canada, and New Brunswick is higlily beneficial to them. Whether the intercourse with the British North American Colonies be beneficial or whether it be injurious, the present administration, nor Mr. McLane, had little part in it. It haa been effected, in part, before the arrangement was concluded, and soon after for another part. It formed, as I have previoug- ly said, no part of the arrangement with Great Britain, and this fact must have been known by the Senator, (Mr. Clay,) for he then acted as Secretary of State. We have for near- ly half a century been claiming the free navigation of the St. Lawrence as a natural right. It has at length been gratui- tously conceded to us by Great Britain, and now the Senator! from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) complains of it as a grievance. : The Senator (Mr. Clay,) also complains that the instruc-' tions state, "that the late administrations had abandoned cer- tain pretensions." The Senator admits that these pretensions, had been waived. The Senator from Georgia (Mr. Forsyth, > has contended that there is no difference in substance between these words. I leave this grave question to be settled by those learned Senators, and will proceed to shew what those pre- tensions were, and wlii^ I can hardly restrain myself from pronouncing, were puenle in the extreme. During the session of 1822, Congress was informed, that an act was pending in Parliament, for the opening of the coloni- al ports to the commerce of the United States. In consequence an act passed, authorising the President, in case the act of Parliament was satisfactory to him, to open the ports of the United States to British vessels, by his proclamation. The act of Parliament was deemed satisfactory, and a proclama- tion was accordingly issued, and the trade commenced. Un- fortunately for our commerce, and I think contrary to justice a treasu.'y circular issued, directing the collectors to charge British vessels entering our I'ons, with the alien tonnage and discriminating duties. This order was remonstrated against, (I think,) by Mr. Vaughan. The trade, however, went on uninterrupted. Congress met, and a bill was drafted m 1828, by Mr. Adams, then Secretary of State, and j.mssed both Houses, with little, if any debate. I voted for if, believ- ing that it met, in a spirit of reciprocity, the act of Parlia- ' ment. This bill contained, however, one little word, "else- where," which completely defeated all our expectations. It ■ was noticed by no one. The Senator from Massaehusetts, (Mr. Webster,) may have understood its effect. If he did so understand it, he was silent. The effect cf that woi d "else- 24 Suctions. What were they? "Tliat the produce of the iiited States should be received in the West Indies, on the .yment of the same duties, as were payable on the prx)duce (the North American colonies." The British Minister said, is well might we ask that our sugar should be received free ■ dut)', as is the sugar of Louisiana." The result was, that the British government shut their co- inial ports immediately, and thenceforward. The act of )22, gave us a monopoly of the West India Trade. It ad- Utedfree of duty, a variety of articles, such as India* corn, Its, Indian meal, peas, beans, &c. &c. JThe British government thought, that we entertained a lief, that they could not do without our produce and by their ;ts of 27th June, and 5th July, 1825, they opened their ports to '] the world, on terms far less advantageous to the U. States, ia,n those of the act of 1822; and these are the pretensions which <5 instructions say had been abandoned, by the late adminis- iWion. Tliey were abandoned, Mr. President, by the following ■ords in the instructions to Mr. Gallatin:— "That the United r-Mes consent to waive the demand which they have hereto- ire made of the admission of their productions into British lolonies, at the same and no higlier rate of duty, as similar nicies are chargeable with, when imported from one into tioiher British colony, with the exception of our produce de tending the St. Lawrence and the Sorel." Now, sir, what- ier difference there may be between the words ''waiver" nd "ahandoninenl" in common parlance, it is in this case, \complete abandonment in diplomatic language. What in •mple truth, is after all, the great ground of objection? It i3 \\3 — Mr. M'Lane has made an arrangement conformably ■ the preceding instructions from Mr. Adams to Mr. Gal- tin. Hinc file lachrymce. ]The dissolution of the late Cabinet, Mr. President, has ;en charged upon Mr. Van Buren ; and what is there at tome or abroad that we have not heard charged to him ? — 'he elder Adams changed all his Cabinet, except the Secreta- f of the Navy. The change was effected by the democra- party, and disapproved by the Aristocracy of the day.— -'. change of the Cabinet, is, therefore, nothing new. We now 'rieve and lament over the late change, and yet never was a 'abinet more traduced than the late one, by the vAiole of the ■pposition throughout the Union. The Cabinet was certam ly ■uch ft one, as did not meet the views or approbation of the Wends of the administration. They regretted m silence the 'elections which the President had made. The gentlemen 'elected were honest and honorable men. They were my po- Uical friends, and I may say, some of them were personal in- 'imates. Their dismissal has done no harm to the nation.- •^he new Cabinet is, (I believe^ more acceptable to all par- ies. The members of it are known to be competent to the 'jpe'cial duties of their several departments, and equally so, i advisers in the great affairs of the nation. What is it to 'he people whether A, B, C, or D be at the head of affairs .'— ill the people ask is, that their duties shall be wellperform- !d, and that they act in harmony. But the present President ms held no Cabinet Councils for two years, and Mr. Van Bu- '■en is charo-ed as being the adviser of the President to that '•curse— is this mode new 1 I believe not— I think General Washington held no Cabinet Council, during the first two Veara of his administration, and I remember well, a discus- '»ion in strong terms, against the President holding them, on "Oie ground of their being unconstitutional. I thmk that Ge- neral Jackson was at that time a member of Congress, and Dcrhaps he then imbibed an opiniou. that Cabinet Councils were not conformable to the ConstitlRion. Reasonmg thus, 1 must believe, that the not assembling his Cabinet was ^w , own act, and not in consequence of the representations ot Mr. Van Buren The unpardonable crime of this gentleman has (^always been, that the President has great confidence in his ^talente and abilities, which all will admit, he possesses in an 'minent degree. - , The senator from Massachusetts, (Mr Webster,) says that ■"instructions showing a difference of opinion in the domi- I nant party, with that of the defeated party, had never been i'civen by any government." I ask Mr. President, on what '' Iround does the Senator make tliat assertion 1 Few nations, 'if any exce tour own, have ever published the instructions to 'thei/ Ministers— we, therefore, cannot know what has been :' done But, I hardly think it is possible that such instruc- tions never have been given. They are natural, and were for 1' Mr M'Lane alone, and never shewn by him to any person.— ■'' But, I infer from Mr. Hartley's language to our commission- • ©rs at Paris, when treating for a peace, that he must have had some such instructions, as he would not otiierwise have talked ofachange of ministry, as holding out a fairer prospect of ul- timately leading to a general peace. 3Ir. Van Buren has also been charged, with being the fa- ther of what has been improjierly called the "prescriptive sys- tem:" — or in other and more appropriate language, "the re- moval from office.'^ Where is the proof? None can be pro- duced:— all is surmise and conjecture. I act on no such ground. When an assertion, such as this, is made, I want proof of its being well founded. But I absolutely deny the charge, and will offer unquestionable proof of the correctness of the (lenial. The charge cknnot possibly be substantiated, " unless the Senator who made if, can satisfy this Senate, that Mr. Van Buren could be at Albany and Washington at one and the same time. I will simply state the facts. Mr. Van Buren was at Albany acting as Governor of tlie State of New York when the extra session of the Senate met on the 4th of March, 1829. I think he (Mr. V. B.) was nominated on the 5th of March. At an extra session of the Senate, seventy-five officers were appointed, principally to fill vacanies occasioned by removals from office. Of these officers Mr. Van Buren could know nothing. The advisers to tliis course, if there were any, were the members of the cabinet then present. Mr. Van Buren could know but few of those removed, or of those appointed. I well remember that I saw Mr. Van Buren in Baltimore after my return home, and therefore conclude that it must have been at least a month between the time of his appointment, and his arrival at Washington. I think, Mr. President, that I have proved that Mr. Van Buren could not have been the father of what is improperly ealled the "pro- scriptive system;" — a system adopted by some of the States of thisUnion both before, and after this administration came into office. For myself, I am opposed to removal from office for opinions declared. But, sir, I would remove any officer, who made use of his office to force inferiors to act contrary to their wishes. I would remove every Postmaster, who had been known to frank the "Coffin-handbills," or any other abusive papers of either of the candidates. Few removals of conse- quence have been made in Maryland. I think four in Balti- more, where the most important offices are. One of these removals I regretted— it proceeded from the best feelings of the heart. Before I finish my remarks, Mr. President, I will notice what passed between the then Secretary of State, (Mr. Clay) and myself, in relation to tlie act of Parliament of July 1S25. I first saw a copy of that act in Baltimore, and mentioned it to the Secretary. He said that he had die act in his possession, and handed it to me. I asked him, whether the terms pro- posed were satisfactory? He said that he considered they were all we could ask. I then observed, why not issue a proclamation under our acts; and thus open the trade? He replied, that he would prefer negotiation. I asked, why? for what will you negotiate? We have nothing to do, but to give our assent, and the trade is at once opened. I had the act printed, and handed a copy to Mr. Ada"ms, who had never seen it before. He agreed that the terms were satisfactory. 1 then pressed him to issue his proclamation, and told him that if he did not, I should be compelled to introduce a bill. He remaked, that he wished I would do so, and that he would not only sign it, but sign it with pleasure. I did pre- pare a bill, under the order of the Senate, and, doubtful whether it might be correctly drawn, so as to effect my ob- ject, I sent it to the then Secretary of State (Mr. Clay,) with a request that he would correct it if necessary. He replied in writing, to this effect:— that the bill was drafted to meet my object; that it was so doubtful whether it were best, to act ; by a law, or by negotiation, that it was indifferent what course was adopted." The bill was opposed by Mr. Lloyd, who, it was believed, had the confidence of the Executive. It failed to become a law, I believe, from want of time to act upon it. The Senator, (Mr. Clay,) has said, Mr. Canning had observ- ed, that even if the brll had passed, it could not have been ad- mitted as satisfactory. This observation may have arisen from its being imperfectly drawn, or from some other cause. Pafhaps the British Minister expected that the President would have opened our ports by proclamation, as he (Mr. Canning,) knew, that the President possessed full power to do so, under our acts of 1828 and 1824, both of which he kiiew^ had been drafted by Mr. Adams when Secretary of State. I have deemed it necessary, Mr. President, to make tliese remarks in relation to the Colonial trade, as a reply to the ob- servations on this subject which have fallen from the Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay.) 2S \ REMARKS OF HOX. JOHN FORSYTH, In the Z7. 5^ Senate, on the nomination of Mr. Van Buren. [Mr. Forsyth makes no apology for the rough sketch he presents of the remarks made by him in the secret sesaions of the Senate, on tlie nomination of Mr, Van Buren. The speeches against the nomination having been, for the first time in the history of this government, thrown upon the peo- ple, it is due to the person assailed, that what was suggested on the other side should be known. Mr. Forsyth is well aware that, in executnig his part of this duty, he has done justice neither to the subject nor to himself.] I regret, Mr. President, that the Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. Poindexter,) has been so long absent from his seat, not only because he has been suffering pain, but because had he been here, he could have escaped the commissio'' of numerous errors into which lie has been led. The friends of Mr. Van Buren have not obstructed inquiry into his conduct : they have challenged investigation, offered it in every and any form ronsisreut with the obligations of the Senate to its own ' cliar.acter. The Senator from Maine, (Mr. Holmes) shrunk from his own resolution. It was laid aside by the votes of those opposed, contrary to the votes and wishes of those friendly to the nomination That Senator was distmctly in- vited by one of the Senators from New York, (Mr. Marcy,) to 8i>ecify any act dishonorable to the character of Mr. Van Buren, and a pledge given that tlie inquiry into it should be made in the amplest manner by a committee having all the powers necessary to the establishment of truth. The Sena- tor from Maine was distinctly told by the Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Hayne,) on what terms he could command his vote. He was told to cover the ground indicat {■d, by proof, and he would join in tlie condemnation of the choice of the President. The Senator from Maine deliberated on this otisr, and, after deliberation, abandoned his resolution, leav- ing" all to grope their way to a conclusion, as accident or pre- judice might direct them. A promise was made, tha], he ahou (1 have a committee if he would venture upon it, and the oifer was deliberately and most unequivocally declined. Yft, after all this, at this eleventh hour, the Senator from Mississippi says, if the friends of Mr. Van Buren will solicit a committee, he will give what he has collected, while confin- ed to his sick chamber, and on which his own opinion is formed, and if the committee is not raised, he will, with this matter in his pocket, vote arainst the nomination, in order to , preserve the morality of the nation, endangered by the be- Btov/a! of a new office on a gambling politician. As the friend, personal and political, of Mr. Van Buren, I reject the liberal offer of the Senator, in defiance of his threat- ened negative on the nomination. L?t him unite with those who, like him, are so anxious to preserve the morality of the country by rejecting a man whose most odious crime is his rising popularity and transcendent ability. The friends of Mr. Van Buren will not degrade him by asking a Committee, to free him from the suspicions engendered in the Senatoi's mind, in his search after correct information, from sources within his reach. His character wants no such justification. Does the gentleman wish to justify his vote? Let him pro- pose a Committee; he shall have our concurrence. Does he desire to convince the Senate? Let him produce the jn-ivate source. Information which, I venture to say, like the only one he speaks of openbj, is worthless in the eye of any man who is not so embittered by prejudice that he can not see trutVi. This letter, by a former partizan, a paltry editor of a paltry newspaper, and to prove what? that Mr. Van Buren said that the late Cabinet was dissolved by the conspiracy of the Vice President, to drive Maj. Eaton from the Cabinet, and that he withdrew to escape the consequences of the disso- tion. Sir, Mr. Van Buren holds no. sucn conversation with persons who were once his partizans, and now his enemies. But supposing he had declared, or does entertain, the opin- ion imputed to him. Is it a crime which disqualifies him for a high office, that he believes the charge made and sought to be established by the late Secretary of War? If such be the Senator's opinion, can he tell us iiow far the exclusion e.x- tends? The Senator's letter story is contradicted by his pre- viously expressed opinion. What, Sir, the most artful man in the world, proclaim to a paltry joitor that he acted in the manner indicated, to escape the storm consequent on the dis- solution of tlie Cabinet! If it had been true — if such had been his motive, he would have sought to conceal it from himself. No degree of confidential iniimacy could have tempted an artful intriguer to such a disclosure. The story if true, proves a man, whose extraordinary prudence, under all cir- cumstances, throu.gh a long life in the stormy politics of a vexed and turbulent State, has gamed him the confidence o; his friends, and called down uj on him the charge of consuin' mate artifice from his enemies, to be a silly driveller— a sim. pleion, opening his budget of petty motives to one whose trade was to tlirive, by making himself important by confiden- tial and oracular disclosures in his unknown journal. Mr. Van Buren stands in a strange condition before us: from the beginnuig of this administration, before he came t( the post assigned him, until the present hour, he is held aC' countable by a certain deseriition of joluical men in ihii country for all the evil that has been done and all the gooc that has been omitted. Now, sir, if he is accountable fo every thing, if his hand is to be traced every where, let hin have credit for the good that has, and the evil that has not been done. Balance the account of the admitted good anc evil imputed, ;uid the result will fill tlie hearts of his enemie; with the bitterest disap];ointrnent. But, sir, this is net ihi justice intent'ed for hnn. He is responsible for all that is com- plained of. Let us seethe Senator hom Mississippi (Mr. Poin- elexter's) catalogue. Therewereno Cabinet Councils— did the country sufier from tins failure to follow the example of late adminisiraiioiis, from this adherence to the example of Gen. Washington? But there was one Cabinet Council railed to sit on a lady's reputation. Indeed: and this Mr. Van Bu- ren IS also answerable for. And is it true, sir, that die honor- able members of the late cabinet who remained so tranquilly at their posts enjoying all their emoh-nienisand honors with becoming gratification, suffered themselves to be deprived of their accustomed lights of a seat and voice at the Council Board of deliberations on great matters of vital interest to the public, and yet obeyed the beck and call of Mr. Van Buren, to sit upon a lady's reputation! Of what stuff" were they made that they did not distinctly ascertain if this restriction of claimed right, and this insulting call upon tliem to step outoi their appropriate sj'heres was the work of Mr. Van Buren or the act of the President. If the first, why did they not de- mand his dismission, and, if refused, ir.dignantly throw theii commissions in the teeth of the Chief Magistrate. The omit- ted Cabinet Councils, and the single call, were no such dread- ful ofFences until obliged to follow Mr. Van Buren's example and resimi. The his:ory of tiie last year establishes the wis- dom of the President in calling no Cabinet Council to delibe- rate, as there could have beeti no harmony in their consulta- tions, and on the single question said to have been submitted, the Executive Cabinet have shown themselves incomj^eten^ to decide. He is not competent to decide on a Ladv's reputa- tion, who throws out of view on the question of how sh< should be treated, her guilt ov innocence. I will not conde- scend further to referto the trash with which the public press has been loaded and polluted for months, and unless the Sen- ator from Blississippi has better evidence than the public hai yet seen, the hope of implicating Mr. Van Buren in the dis- turbances that preceded the dissolution of the Cabinet, is for- lorn. Let us see the next crime in the catalogue of the Senate; from Mississippi (Mr. Poindexter.) Mr. Van Buren iutrigue< the dissolution of the late cabinet, taking care previously t. secure a safe and prominent retreat in the mission to England It IS known to every Tvell informed man in this district tha Mr. Van Buren, by his admirable temper, his conciliatinj manners and unwearied exertions, kept the cabinet togethe long after its discordant materials were so well ascertaine that its dissolution sooner or later was a matter of commo speculation. Sir, nobody doubted that the parties could n( get on together, and the only surprise was, that ti.e Presidei did not iiroceed to restore harmony by the removal of thos whose disagreements produced the discord. But Mr. Va Buren had the unparalleled effrontery to resign on motives . delicacy and disinterestedness, and as this mode of condu was so unusual, it has excited a vast deal of surmise ar wonder. Tiie Senator from Mississippi (Mr. P.) has howe- er, satisfactorily to himself, solved thcmysterv. Mr. Van Bi ren arranged himself into a prominent 'place, before he r signed., and a new cabinet to suit his ambitious views. No\ sir, as to the proof of this preconcerted arrangement for 1.' accommodation and elevation. Tlie President told si--mi body, who was a late Seeretary, that Mr. Van Biiren was go to England, and named to him the Secretaries, wl^ were come in; but this was after Mr. Van Buren hsd resigne In the interview it is acknowledged that Mr Van Buren letter of resignation was handed to this volunteer repeater confidential conversation with the Cliief M-^gis'rate. But t! Senator says it was before the letter w^s published— then he concludes jMr. V. B'. had made a c^t'spaw of the Preside for the promotion of his own view?- a most lo2:ical inferern truly! A-nd this new cabinet arranged to further Mr. B.'b unholy ambition! Is therJ man, woman or child in ( ge country, who does not know and feel that the change has nation of these incensed Senators, acting upon public grounds, been beneficial to the public, that there is now more st/engtii, and reluctantly performing a paintul — painful — duty ! more virtue, and more harmony than theie was before'.' Is Well, sir, to this degradation. It is found in the instruc- ihere any man who will hazard his repuiation by asserting tions to Mr. McLanf ; and to make out their case, the honora- that the present secretaries are capable of being made the ble Senators from Massachusetts o do. If the Bri- tish persist in refusing to hear you, on this subject, remind them of the circumstances that have occurred ; of the differ- ence of opinion among ourselves on it ; of the abandonment by the administration of those pretences that had prevented an adjustment of it; that they are not to be again brought for- ward; that the past adminisrration was not amenable to the British Government, nor to any other than the people of the United Slates, who had passed upon all their acts. S ly to the British, if it makes pretensions formerly advanced, the pretext for still declining to negotiate, tlie sensibility of the American people v.'ill be deeply awakened. Thar the tone of public feeling by a course so unwise and untenable, will be aggravated by the known fact that Great Britain iiad opened her colonial ports to Rissia and France, notwithstanding a si- milar omission to accede on their parts, tothe terms otfered by the act of Parliament. And this, si-, is represented as the lan- guage of entreaty, as the begging of a boon. This menace of the public indignation : tiiis declaratic;n that the late ad- ministration was neither to be censured or praised by foreign nations; was amenable for their conduct to no earthly tribu- nal but the people of the United States, is tortured into a claim of privileges, on party grounds for party purposes, and as a disgraceful attempt to throw u|ion a previous administration unmerited disgrace, for the sake of currying favor with a fo- reitcn power, and tliat power of all others, Great Britain. Great Britain could not resist this frank aiidopen and man- ly appeal. Committed by their concession in favor of France and Russia, and the Ministry distinctly told by Mr. McLane, tliat he would not remain if they declined negotiation, or pla- ced their refusal upon any other ground than an open decla- ration that their interests could not permit them to enter into a reci|.irocal engagement with the United Siates, the Eng;Jish Cabinet reluctantly yielded; and then came t!ie most odious feature in this transaction, tiiat wliich has sliarpened the in- tellect of the opposition, to discover dishonor in truth, aiid a j want of dizmty in a frank exuosition of facts, its crowning , success. Mr. McLine and Mr. "Van Buren, under Gan. Jack- ' son, succeeded in effecting an object of public suli'-itiulp, that Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Barbour could not obtain. The country was humiliated by the prece- ding administration without sacc:;ss; hence the charge against Mr. Van Baren; hence the overwhelming anxiety to prove that the success of the la'enegotiation has been purchased by humiliation. The British cabinet desired not to make tiie ar- rangement, it interfered with great local interests, and if they could, without a manifest and unjust distinction to our preju- dice, they would have declined admitting the U. Stales to the privileges granted to the other maritime powers. Not satisfied with his condemnation of Mr. Van Buren's instructions, the Ssnator from Kentucky attempts to show us, by referrino- to another letter of insructions, how this affair should have been conducted consistently with his ideas of na- tional honor and dignity. The letter from which he has read to the Seiiiite extracts, is, I think, signed It. Clay. Will thd I * ^"^'O"; 'ell us who ia responsible for it 7 If he is, then he ex- I h!l)its himself in the singular position of a man triumph*ntly ^ co-itrastins:^ the work of his own hand, with that of a rival I author. Tlie Senator knows that there were two other in- structions, written by himself of a subsequent date, one to Mr.' Gallatm after Congress failed to legislate, and another to Go- vernor Barboui; neither of which is before us, therefore, not! to be contrasted with Mr. Van Buren's work. I am contenti to aliide by the result of a contrast of the instructions he hasi condemned, will, those ne has quoted. Let us see how the gentleman's letter will bear the test of examination. Mr. Gal-i latin, he says, was not instructed to abandon a riglit ; we we.'e to be at liberty at a more convenient season to resume it. Mr.i Gallatin was to give a strong proof of our desire to concili-; ate by a temporary concession of what we had previous clai-: med throu^hout the whole negotiation. Was Mr. Galla-i tin instructed to say to the British Government, this is a tem-' porary concex&im ? No sir, he was authorised to waive J.hq claim, and make an arrangement on the British basis. Put this into plain language, and what was it ; stript of its dip- lomatic draijery and verbiage, and it is neither more nor Ices than an abandonment of a pretension, which, though we had supported by argument, we were resolved not to enforce by power. Sir, this covering up of a plain truth is the common trick of diplomacy ; it deceives no one, and had Mr. Gallatin presented these conciliatory concessions, they must have been received as a virtual and total abandonment of our pretension. The honied words of right waived from a concilia' ory spirit, and with the hope of corresponding friendly dispositions, would have been received with a sneeV, lurking in tiie official — artifi- cial smile of a — thorough bred diplomatist. Tiie Senator insists, however, it was a right and not apretension. If it was a right, why wasitwaived or surrendered 7 Forconciliationsake? Why. sir, we were the offended parly. England had taunted us. England had refused once, twice, thrice, to negotiate, and yet to conciliate England, we were waiving a well grounded right ! For what purpose were we thus concilia- ling'.' To place the trade on its present footing-, to the great I injury of the navigation and commerce of the United States. Such is the view now taken by several honorable Senators vi'ho have favored us with their opinion on this subject. I The present administration waived no right for conciliation I sake; sacrificed no principle. It stood upon the truth, and truth only ; and whatever may be the custom of others, and j the ordinary usages of diplomac}', the administration was j right- Nations fold themselves in the robes of falsehood, and ! swell and strut in vain, to preserve an air of dignity and deco- j rum. No nation ever was just to its own character, or pre- served its dignity, that did not stand at all times before the 1 v,-orld, in the sober anu simple garb of truth. Sii-, tlie char- j acter of our diplomacy has undergone a marked change; we I areno longer ju'etenders to skill .■uidaiiifice; all our wiles are I farts and reasons — all our artifice, truth and justice. The ; honorable Senator tells us tliat this instruction is false, or else it proves Mr. V. B. to have been criminally ignorant of; I what it was hisduty to know. How does he make this ap- ' pearl He alleges that Mr. V. B. charged the late adminis- itratioa with being thefirst to advance the pretension it sub- sequently abandoned — and this he declares is untrue, the pre- ' tension was set up before tlie late administrasion came info ! power. Now, sir, as I read this paragraph, Mr. V. B. does not char^ the late administration with being the first to ad- vance this pretension. Tne Senator will recollect this is a Jetter to Mr. McLane, whose personal knowledge is appealed I?, and who must have understood the writems alluding to a fact of general notoriety. The words are "those who Jirst advanced," if-c. have svibsequently abandoned. Can any man mistake the meaning — the meaning perfectly in accor- dance with the fact 7 The pretension was advanced by the use of the famous elsewhere in our act of Congress, an act known to have been penned by Mr. Adams, who had previ- ously occupied the ground covered by it, in his instructions to Mr. Rush. It was Mr. Adams who first advanced and aban- doned this ground. The credit or the odium, which ever term belongs injustice to the act, attaches to Mr. Adams, and so Ml'. McLane could only have understood it, and so must the S?natorfrom Kentucky, if he e.xamines with a desire to understand it in the spirit of the autlior. There are considerations connected with Mr. V. B. if I deemed it consistent with his honor, that I could presunt to those that hear me, that would not fail to make a deeper im- pression upon their minds. But I ask no remembrance of his forbearance ; no recollection of his magnanimity ; I appeal i to no one to imitate his mildness and courtesy and kindnessV in his deiiortment here, nor to judge him as he judged hisri \ vols for fame and. power. _ I demand for liim nothing butju«- ties— liar sii— harsh jusiice. 28 EXTRACT FROM MR. C!L,AY'S SECOND SPI ;ech. The gentleman from New-Yoi'k (Mr. Marcy) supposes, in advertmg to the practice of prosciijjiioii, whicn I understood prevailed in the dominant jiarty in his State, that I had re- flected upon the character of that State ; and he alJeuges that the practice has existed for 30 years with every dominant par- ty, and was rigorously exercised many years ago, by my friends. Nothnig was farther from my intention than to le- flect m the smallest degree unon that powerhil and respecta- ble State. On the contrary, I honor and admire it for itsnoble insiitutions, its splendid public worlvs, and iis enterprise and intelligence. But I must pronounce my abhorrence of the practice to which I allude, no matter wiih whom it originated, whether friend or foe, or by whom it may be continued. It has been carried by the present administration to a mostodious extent in Kentucky. Almost every cflicial inciunLent wlio ■voted against the present Chief Magistiate, and who was within the executive reach, has been hurled from office ; whilst those who voted for him have been retainei!, no matter how long the}^ had beenin their stations. It is not practised in Kentucky by the State Government, v.'hen in die hands of the opposition to this administration. Very lately, Gov.Met- calfe has appointed to one of the three highest judicial sta- tions in this S:ate, a supporter of this administration. Tlie gentleman appointed is a nephew of the gentleman fi om Ma- ryland, (Gen. Smith,) and although hig-hly resj ectable and eminent m his profession, he is not more so than twenty other 1 uvyers in the State belonging to the opposite party. The Governor also renewed the appointment, or commissioned se- veral gentleman opposed to him in politics, as attorneys for the Commonwealth. And recently the Legislature appointed the Presidentof one of the Banks from the ranks of tlie friends of this administration, and several other officers. MR. MARCY'S REMARKS, In reply to Mh. Clay. Mr. President: I will trouble the Senate with a few words in answer to what has just fallen from the honorable Senator from Kentucky. He did not intend, he assures us, to apply his animadversions to the- whole S.ate of New-York, but on- ly to the dominant party there — lie political friends of the Minister to London (Mr. V. B.) But sir, the state of facts re- lative to the conduct of jaitiesm that Sta'e, will not allow of such a restricted ap])lication. If there has been any thing censurable in that respect, the honorable Seiiator'sown politi- cal friends must come in for a full share : if any distinction is to be made, it cannot be in favor of tlioss whose good opinion he enjoys. A recurrence to facts will shov>r, that proscription — if it is so to be called — enters more deeply into their jirac- tice when they get power, than it dues into th'c practice of those who are selected as the panicula,r objects of attack. I could refer to recent instances to verily the. assertion. Give them success only in a single city, and the work of removal from office at once begins. They leave very few "s;-ared monu- ments;" almost all are swept off— from the highest to the lowest, down even to the lamp-lighters. Tlie truth is, sir, the politi'-al friends of the Senator from Kentucky are not con- verts to the liberal doctrines he has avowed on I'liis occasion. If they have ever heard of them, they heed thei.\ not. After all, Mr. President, it is quite evident, from -jdiat we have heard, in relation to the conduct of pa.rties in Maryland and elsewhere, that New York does not difl'er from other States. Political men in all of them have the same passions, and are actuated liy like motives, and only difier in conduct by reason of some diiference in tlu^ir circumetances. Where there is -alternation of success and defeat, th.*re will be re- movals—called restoration or retaliation by those who use power, and proscription by those who feel it. If the honorable Senator understand me to speak of only one office-holder -a single spared monument, as he called it — friendly to the late administration, being rttained in New York, he has misapprehended me. The number of changes made in that State is small — and I can assure him, that not- withstanding the ferocious and jiroscribing policy ascribed to us, he. has many friends now etijoying offices under both tVie General and S'ate governments; more than that, sir, Mr. Van Buren has been censured b\r some of his own political friends, for having counteracted, as they suppose, the efforts which have been made, in some instances, to effect changes. So far as iny observation has extended, I can discover no sort of resemblance between the acuial condition of office holders opposed to the" administration, and that which has been described. They were portrayed as a class of men in the most abject state of fear and trembling, not daring to speak -Jsif iili UrhiariAra nn n>ihlic. a."(}airi<. nnH «vpn iinrlAr raatrn^ntc, iv. their social interconrse. They may present themselves or be presented in this li.jht to tiifc honorable Senator, but 1 am suretliey are not so presented to others, for that ia not their true condition. Their political predilections and sentiments are not restrained by fear or expressed in whispers — their 0[i- position is open and active and sometimes noisy, and yei they remain in undisturbed possession of tiieir offices. I must again allude to the groiuids of thi^ removal of some subordinate officers by the present admlnistraiion, in order that it may be understood upon wh:it principle the act is vin- dicated, and to rejtel the charge of wanton jtroscription. The necessities of the late administration were such that it com- 1 elled these officers to become partizans in tlie struggle. Many of them mingled in the hottest of the fight; they were paragraph writers for the ncwspa[!ers, and the distributors of political handbills; and thereby exposed themselves to the vicissitude to which those are always exposed for whom the political contests in free governments are waged. If among this class of officers theie was more mortality attendant upon the late conflict, it was because there was more disease. The Senator from Kentucky has denounced removals from office as a violation of the freedom of opinion, and the liberty of speech and action. He advocates a course of conduct to- wards political opponents, characterized by great moderation and forbearance, and what is much more, lie inofesses to iiave conformed his actions to his precepts. We all of us, I believe, admire these liberal sentiuieiits, and feel disposed in our ab- stract speculations, to adopt them as the rule of our conduct. The theory is, indeed, beautiful; but sir, do we put them in practice when brought to the experiment'? I would ask the honorable Senator, if he l>as, himself, practised them? I will not say he lias not, because he assures us he has; but I will say that some part of his public conduct has exjiosed him to a strong suspicion of having departed from the path which he now points out as the true one, and of having wandered into that which he now thinks it is so censurable for others to have pursued. It will be recollected, sir, tliat there ia consideraWe patro- nage attached to the Department of State. To it appertains the selection of the newspapers in which the laws of the United States are published. I well remember tliat while that honorable Senator wasat the head of that Department, and when the fortunes of the late administration began to wane, the patronage of publishing the laws was withdrawn from certain public journals v/hich liad long enjo3'ed it. — What was the cause of this change — this removal from of- fice, I believe I may call it '? It was not a violent and vin- dictive opposition to tlie existing administration. Some of these journals had scarcely sp.oken in whispers against it. — No sir, it was for lukewannness — for neutrality. A want of zeal in the cause of the administration was alleged to be the offence; proscription was the punishment. Wlieie was then that sacred regard for the freedom of opinion and the liberty of speech and action which we now hear so highly extolled. Was not this an attempt to control public opinion tlirough the medium of the press, and to bring that press into a subser- viency to the views of the men in power '? Sir, I wish not to be misunderstood. I have not alluded to these things for the purpose of accusation. I do not even conijdain of the manner in which the honorable Senator used the patronage entrusted to him ; but I do complain that he has seen fit to liring before this body the conduct of a political par- ty in Nev- York as atheine of reproach and animadveision, when its conduct is not distinguisliable (except for more mo- deration and tolerance) from that of his own personal and po- litical frienas in that State, when its conduct does not differ from that pursued by political men in other States ; and when it has a justiiication, if it needed one, in the honorable Sena- tor's own example. Mr. Forsyth. — We are not " man-worshippers" — wa know not Mr. Forsyth except as we have seen liim in the Senate house, or read his speeches, but we do tilinost wor- ship talent — we do admire spirit-stirring, elevating, and ennobling eloquence — we do feel all within us of manliness and pride aroused, and ready to rusli from our lips and hurry from our pen, when we see a Senator able, and willing, and ready to vindicate the living and the dead patriots of his coun- try, from foul aspersion; and we cannot peruse — we have not perused the following incomparable specimen of all that goes to finish the orator, the gentleman, the Senator and the man, without thinking of the Roman Virginius — the "Centu- rion — the liighest of his class." Such is now the rank of Mr. Forsyth, and his efforts to sustain the President and his ab- sent friend, will exist as a monument of his fame, while pa- triotism, and honor, and wortli, and eloquence, and the true dignity of the statesman, shall be appreciated in this Republic. 2Q ap03tacy, raid noble in its display of personal aud political in- tegrity, 'is but a.i episode to the speecli already published. SKETCH OF MR. FORSYTH'S SPEECH, IN REPLY TO ME. MILLER. Mr. President : — We were told by the Senator who has just concluded, in tlie beginning of his extraordinary speech, that he intended to publish his remarks for his own vindica- tion. No friend of Mr. Van Buren will complain of the ful- filment of this mtention. Of the long list of oiiences committed by Mr. Van Buren, it was natural that the Senator should begin with those at home. He says Gsneral Jackson has been separated from him and his friends by the artifices of Mr. Van Buren, and he tells us of his own zeal and devotion to the hero of Naw Orleans; and read extracr&from his own soeech at the Wa.x- aws, when he assured his auditors that "the philoso ;iy of nature" was "asuflicient guaranty" for the GjneraPs '* local attachments." How does it appear that Mr. Van Buren pro- duced this dreadful separation'.' No evidence of it is exhibi- ted; and, with due deference to the Sjnator, I would suggest that he wi3s only mistaken in his history; "the philosophy ofnature" was not so strong a guaranty as he imagined.— But, is what is insinuated, fact? Has General Jackson for- gotten his local attachments, the land of his birth and of his earliest affections, where he has so many devoted and disin- terested friends'! No, sir; it_is not possible; General Jack- son has not separated from South Carolina, nor has South Carolina yet withdrawn from him, although the Senator seems to be earnestly hunting up causes for a divorce. The radical party in South Carolina — the Unionists — have, the Sena'or says, given in their adhesion from interest- ed morives to Mr. Van Buren for the succession to the Presi- dency — and this is^another of his crimes. Now, sir, I do not know that it is true that they desire the succession for Mr. Van Buren ; certainly, they might go further and fare worse, and fare much worse and not go t^uite so far. For this sup- posed, interested adhesion, diey are stio^matised here by one of their Senators. I am treading, Mr. President, upon almost forbidden ground; travelling into a neighboring State to mingle in its party strife ; but I feel for these Radicals — these Unionists; we acted together in by-gone times; we tliink alike still ; and if I were not to say a word in their behalf, as the two Senators from the State are of the party opposed to them at home, they might chance to be condemned for the want of the plea of not guilty to the charge exhibited against them. Under these circumstances, I stand bound to repel the imputations cast upon the anti-nullifiers of South Carolina, and taking up the evidence, shall prove that they are unjustly charged. What is this evidence? The Senator who makes the charge on the question of the Seminole war, stood by the General with firmness and zeal ; defended him right or wrong. The radicals were among his censuiers, and the question is emphatically asked, where was Georgia then? Georgia t.ien was where she is now, and where I trust she will ever bs found, by the side of the Unionists, s*anding up for the right and reprehending the wrong. The Senator seems to imagine that true patriotism consists in favor of one's friends, in ceasing to discriminate between truth and error. — Such is not our theory — for violated laws, we hold all re- sponsible, friends and foes. Recent developeinents have shown that General Jackson had means of defence he dis- dained to use, but if there is one Georgian, one Radical, who regrets the part he took on .that transaction, I thank God, to me, he is unknown. I trus'. Sir, that to attone for his own error in defending what he now insinuates was wrong, he does not, under the power of some master feeling, intend to censure every thing that is right. Mr. Cobb and Mr. Crawford have been named by the Sena- tor. Mr. Cobb is no longer among us to answer. He did , his duty, according to his conception of that duty, in this and every other act of his public life. His friends know that his conduct was open, and his motives pure. The ground he stood upon here, he never abandoned while he lived. Mr. Crawford, I am surprised the Senator should think, — (Mr. Miller said he alluded to Mr. Crawford (Joel) a member of the House of Renresentatives when the Seminole question was agitated.) I am glad to be corrected. Mr. Joei Craw- ford acted with his friends, and is guilty of the charge of having voted for inquiry into die Seminole war. He lives to remember, not to regret that act. This union pai'ty, which seems to haunt his imagination, if I am not strangely mistaken, had the honor, a short time since, to numberliim'as a member of if. (Mr. Miller denied tliathehad ever been.) Well, Sir, the Senator ought to l.-r>o„r . U,,* ;« .l^io fa^t T ^annr^t ho miotnl.-PTl llip .^JpiTfltrir was a candidate, brought forward by that party, for the S Government — and the cause of postponing for two years elevation of the accomplished gentleman who now stand die nelm of her affairs. The recollection of that fact she have prevented a charge against them of being from sel motives, love of ofiice, devoted to the dominant power: foil inc like tlie sunfljower, the motions of the risen sun. To Ipst charge, I do not plead for them, not guilty — they do low, LIKE THE SUN-FLOWER — the suu-flower does not cha ns attitude for the rising, or the meridian, or the setting i Elevating its broad face to the light of heaven, it stands changed, and is found when he sets in the western, as it si when he rose in the eastern sky. Poetically undersiooc Ovid describes the heliotro; e, the Senator is right (whc good in poetry is not always good in prose,) and the chj is, that for interest sake, the South Carolinians, unfriei to the Senator know no will but the President's, and are ( dient to his whistle. We are taught to expect slioals of them here, seeking aa rewards of devotion, honors, and trusts, foreign missions, &c., one of them being already before us, as the avant-( rier of a thousand more! No allueion could have been ri unfortunate. Who and what is the gentleman at whom arrow has been cas", the first of the shoal of office seek Why, sir, the Senator himself speaks liighly of fi's charai Described by his colleague, he is a high-minded nic^n, of tensive information and unsullied integrity, in whose hf the best and dearest interests of the people may be safely fided. And are such men office seekers, and interested d tees to existing power in South Carolina? If so — what the patriots? They must be angels. They cannot be i The Senator may eulogize his friends to the utmost ei power, exalt tliem in the scale of talent and integrity tc highest pitch; I venture to jilaee his opponents by their and challenge comparison without fearing or intendin depreciate in the slightest degree the honor of any of S Carolina's distinguished sons. Tlie arrangement of the first Cabinet did not please Senator. South Carolina was neglected. Governor K ilton was told he might have been Secretary of War, hv his violence against the Tariff; and what seemed to added venom to the sting. South Carolina was no^ passed over, but an Attorney General was looked for in C gia; and all this was the work of the Dom Daniel of I* York. The Se.iator is difficult to please. He likec tlie first, and likes less the second Cabinet. But how wa fact in regard to Governor Hamilton'.' If my memor; ceives me not, he has publicly declared he might have office, had he desired ; he did not desire it. In this, ai all other things, he is incapable of deceit. Passing the pardonable offence of going to Geo'gia for a member o, first Cabinet, does the Senator really suppose the choii the late Attorney General was the work of Mr. Van Bi (Mr. Miller nodded an assent.) The Senator never con tei a more egregious mistake. Of all the men of the liis equals in professional attainments and talents, admitt be great, I tliink he is the last man who would have bee lected by Mr. Van Buren; and sure I am, Mr. Van Bur the last man on earth to wliose influence the late Att( General would have been willing to owe his place. Considered ns the oricinator and the fosterer of th( agreement lietween the first and second officers of the go inent, Mr. Van Buren is to bear tiie extremity of the S tor's wrath. On this subject, Mr. President, I can only the Senate to the explicit and prompt denial of the just the charge by the party accused, long since publicly i and never ypt impeached by any one having a clai character. Tae facts before the public prove tha- charge is the coinage of a distempered brain, basek the fabric of a vision. If the Senator has any desire tc ter into furriier inquiry, I repeat here this explicit and tive denial, in the name of an absent friend; and if he t ires upon the investigation, I pledge myself to satisfy hs preoccupied mind, that not a shadow of suspicion ca. u on Mr. Van Buren' s fame. I speak on the highest a ri y, when I state to the Senate, that his deportment in ' tio'i to tliat controversy, deserves the respect and admii ©f every hono able and delicate mind. Tne Globe! the Globe! the official paper, has abusei Senator and his friends. The editor was brought hei Mr. Van Buren, and he is accountable for all it contain tliat is bad, I mean — he gets credit for no good, appear ^ it may. This charge is made because the Globe is called the vernment paner, Mr. Van Buren and the Government previously identified. I must not be misunderstood, a fending the Editorial management of the Globe. 1 see 30 brought Ia- fore the pubhc. I detest all investigation of the vate transactions, all malignant scn.niny into the every ;' business, of pohticalas pnants. Their private ehavacters known to the people; and so far as character should ope- e to their prejudice, it will be. weighed. Even the defen- 'e recriminations of the GlioVie, deserve censure. — But, sir, p not admit that Mr. Van Buren or the administration, is ponsiblc for the ligiiter offences much less th.e enoriiuties iny newspaper writer — even for the Globe, which, black ..he gentleman may consider it, is as pure as this unsullied [■et, compared w-ith the journals that ".re pr.'jhshed by .side. But does tlie Senator mean to assert that ever ■ one .0 aids in the estaljlishinent of a newspaper, is r:?. .'.silile its enormities? Will the Senator consent that his fiiends { all his opponents shall bejudged I'y the same rule/ I ':; him to glance his eye back over tVie history of the ^press ',;his District for a few past years. Does he remember the 4eral Republioa.n, the Washington City Gazette, the ;ishington Republican? Does he know any thing of the ' tionalJournal and tlie United States Telegraph'.' — Has he 'sent to his recollection the atrocious cahminies by whicli [y have been polluted — their dark insinuations and open 'iehoods, by which the renutation of the virtuous of both ?es has been wantonly and grossly assailed! Slander has fvn — still flies to all corners of our country as if borne on f wings of the wind. [ f ail these things are present to his view, will he admit ■ t those who patronized these journals were participators of !; se hateful crimes? Can he trust the reputation and honour [his friends to the application of his own rule? (TJie Vice ' ;aident asked, if the Senator from Georgia had any allusion '■,he occupant of tlie Chair? Mr. Forsyth. By what au- ? rity. Sir, do you ask that question? The Vice President . 1 tiie allusion appeared to be so direct, he had a right to the question. Mr. Forsytli. I deny the right, and if it ^ on.siilered as a question of order, I appeal to the judgment ; the Senate. The Vice President said if the allusion was i-?cted to him, there was no foundation for ii. Mr. Miller ^ e ond addressed the chair. Mr. Forsyth claimed the floor, i'sich he said he was in some danger of losing between the I air and the Senator. The Vice Presidentsaid the Senator 1^' m Georgia is entitled to the floor. Mr. Forsyth. That :, nff understood, I give way with pleasure to the Senator for V explanation he may desire to make.) I Mr. MILLER explained, and concluded by saying — as to ■ rule by which he judged others in relation to the ofiicial ss, he was willing that it should be applied to himself and friends shall be judged by his own rule. — Then God help ij. Senator's friends; for they are beyond all hfiman aid, and || are all those who patronize and support, in times of liigh {•ty strife, a thorough-bred partizan newspaper. Leaving f jtirers to adopt or reject the rule, and to apply it or not to '•' patrons and supporters of the Journal and tlieTelegrapli, 'l 1 to the former patrons of the Washington R^iaibhcn.n, the I Lishington City Gazette and FedprolRepubhean, I deny, ' i; iliciily, Mr. Van B'lren's responsibility for any articles of Globe. If the Senator will produce satisfactory proof j.t he has been instrumental in establishing a press here or [j jwhere, for the purpose of dragging down by calumnies r good man's name, my vote shall damn him here — my ce every where. n the spirit of manly frankness, not in the spirit of this cussion, I appeal to the Senator to reflect upon the irre- tcileable contradiction between all his conclusions to Mr. n Buren's prejudice, and the character of the Chief Bla.g- ■ate — not the character of the President with his present ■nds and the people, but according to his own conceptions that character before the President had the misfortune to nk that the Senator and his friends were pursuing a poli- dangerous to tVie Union of tlie States. He was, as descri- Iby the Senator, all that was good and great, and perform- with the purest patriotism, more important services than / man since the days of Washington. His known firin- is has been called olistinate self-will, by his adversaries, 1 he has been held up by his enemies as a roaring lion, re- ring iinnlicit obedience from all who ventured to approach deii. Take the good or the bad of this description. Judge s matter by the opinion of the President's friends, by the ■'.jnator's, or by the President's enemies, and the part allotted '," Mr. Van Buren could net have been played here. What,_ '"■• this pure patriot, this great public benefactor, this self ' I 'led, obstinate man, this roaring lion, to be a v/et rag in ' ', ;■ man's hands ; a nose of wax, to be jiinched into any and f'' Ty shape by Mr. Van Buren's lingers ! If the Senator will ' mlv reflect, he will be comnelled to acknowledge that he done to Mr. Van Buren. I will not quarrel with the Sena- tor's choice. He may take either branch of tlie alternative. He cannot hold both. Tne foriiudable array of facts in support of his charge of corrupt managen:eiu against Mr. Van Buren, reminds me of an occurrence said to have happened in France. There is it seenis such a thing as an action to recover damages for se- duction, which may be brought by an unfortunate lady who lias listened too credulously to a flattering tongue. A pretty lady who had quarreled and parted with her lover called on an advocate to bring a suit for the damages she hud sustain- ed. She described the origin and progress of the liaison, the Ijr.ppiness enjoyed while it lasted, and the time of its dura- tion, and then its fa;al end. The advocate listened with pro- found attention to die story, and sav/ that it was one of those cases m which it was diliicnlt to say who was in fault, the gentleman or the lady, and that an action could not be main- tained for seduction. How to convey this, without offending the fair one, was the difficulty. All Frenchmen, of all pro- fessions, avoid tliat as the deadliest of sins. The advocate managed it with the proverbial skill of his profession and of his country. Madam, it would give me infinite pleasure to obey your wishes and punish the ingrate who has separated himself from so much beauty; but I am obliged to tell you that the facts are not sufficient to support an action. This seemed very strange to the lady, as she had been very mi- nute in her detail of all the facts. Pouting and petulant she ■ left the advocate to his books and briefs. Tlie whole affair was forgotten liy him ; but in the course of a few days the lady burst trium)jliantly into his room, exclaiming with joy- ful eagerness, another fact, sir, he seduced me again this morning. And so it is with the Senator. His facts, like the lady's, do not go to the point he must reach to effect his pur . pose Each one is like unto the other, and all like tlie seduc- tion of that morning. Mr. BROWN, on the conclusion of Mr. HAYNE'S re- marks, adjured jiarties not to pursue this discussion . it could lead to no good. Every one's mind was no doubt made up. Let us vote, and avoid any further irritation, already too great, on this subiect. Mr. FORSYTH said, 1 am aware of the propriety of the suggestion of the gentleman from North Carolina, and do not rise to continue the discussion. The genteman who has just taken his seat [Mr. HayneJ has expressed his opinion — he will of course act upon it — that is his affair — he has founded it on sources within his reach; these sources are not disclosed — we cannot speak of them. No evidence other than that already before the public, has been referred to by him. We cannot examine what we do not see. All this is for the judgment of others. Tlie honorable Senator has said that the course he has taken m coming to his conclusion, was suggested by tlie friends of Mr. V. B. This I must deny. The suggestion of that course was made by the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Webster] wlio is not to be numbered among The friends of the person nominated, either politically or personally. Although believing investigation u»:necessary we have stood ready, at all times, to vote for it in any form not disg-racefui to tiie Senate. The whole question will soon be before the public, and we are ready to abide by the result. REMARKS OF MR. BROWN OF N. C. ON MK. VAN buren's NOMINATION. Mr. Brown said, that unwilling as he had been, to partici- pate in this discussion, he could not, in justice to his own feelings, and to the distinguished individual, whoss nomina- tion, as Minister to England, was then before the Senate, re- frain from giving utterance to the mingled sentiments of in- dignation and regret, at the course wdiioh the debate had token. A course which struck him as at least e.xti'aordinary, and extremely unjust towards tlie nominee. The acrimony with which Mr. Van Buren had been ap- sailed, the epithets which had been so liberally liestowed on him, requirea some vindication at the hands of those who were favorable to confirming his nomination, against the injurious, and as he believed, unwarrantable charges which had been preferred against him. He would her* lake leave to remind gentlemen, that reproachful epithets afforded but a poor substitute for argument and more especially when ad- dressed to a body, whose deliberations should be governed by calm and dispassionate consideration. The Senate had been told by the honorable gentleir.an, (Mr. Clay,) who had preceded him in tliis debate, that Mr. Van Buren, when acting as Secretary of State, had disgraced his country, b) certain expressions contained in his .nstruc- tions, given to Mr. McLane, late Minister to England, in rela tion to the nearotiation between the United States and Grea: 31 instructions ?iven to our foreign Ministers, whether to the * President of the United States or to liis Secretary of Slate, he would concede to those opposed to the nomination, the [ rinci- ple contended for by them, that the Secretary of Slate was re- sponsible for his official conduct, to the fnllest extent. He knew Mr. Van Buren too well, to believe, for a m;mcnt, that he would desire that any shield should be interposed to screen hun from a proper responsibility; he believed he would sooner court the strictest inquiry, than endeavor to escape from it. But to return to the instructions. Wliat was the lan- guage which was deemed so exceptionable'.' In order to re- move the impression, that a feelhig of liostility was felt in this country towards Great Britain, which tlie imj'rovident course of the late aJminisiration in relation to the West In- dia trade had produced, the late Secretary of State, had allud- ed to his instructions, to the change which the p.eople of the United States had made, in those who administered our gov- ernment, in the following language: "the opportunities which you have derived, from a participation in our pulilic councils, as well as other sources of inforniation, will enable you to speak with confidence (as far as you may deem it proper and useful so to do) of the respective parts taken by those to whom the administration of this government is now commit- ted, in relation to the course hereiofoie pursued upon the subject of the colonial trade. Their views U| on that point have been submitted to the people of the United States," and thecotmsels by which your conduct is now directed, aie the result of the judgment exprep.:ed by the only earthly tribunal to which the late administration was amenable for its acts." In making this suggestion, Mr. Van Buren had asserted what was most true; pidjlic opinion had discarded tlie late administration from power, and the party to whom the people of the United States had committed the reins of government, had been, and were then, favorable to the proposed arrange- ment. He could therefore recognise in this no solid objection; but to his mind, it had more the appearance of the captious- nessof verbal criticism, than any thing eke. It there was any thing in the language which he had noticed, of a sulimis- sive tone, as gentlemen had sujiposed, by proceeding a little further, in the instructions, they would have found language which would effectually have removed all their avprehen- sions, and shows if the late Secretary of State knew how to use the language of conciliation, he also knew hov/ to speak in a tone of manly firmness wlien urging the just claims of his country: That part of the instructions to which he had reference was as follows: "If Great Britain deems it adverse to her interests to allow us to jiarticij ate in the tfade with her colonies, and finds nothing in the extensioirof it to others, to induce her to apply the same rule to us, s^e ,T^iU, we hojie, be sensiHe of the propriety of placing her refiratil on those grounds. To set up the acts of the late administration, as the cause of forfeiture of privileges wliich would otherwise be extended to the people of the United S ates, would, under existi'ig circumstances, be unjust in itself, and could not fail to excite their deepest sensibility. The tone of feeling which a course so unwise and untenable is calculated to produce would doubtless be greatly aggravated, &c." Here was lan- guage, firm and spirited, and indicating any thing else but a disposition to yield or compromit the honor of the country, and he could not but consider it as extremely unjust on the part of the opponents of the nomination, to single out detached parts of the instructions without adverting to their general tenor, and viewing them as a whole; the only fair rule to be resorted to in tlie exposition of public documents. But to come back to the charge of disgrace which had been so strongly urged and relied upon. How, sir, has the Minis- ter to England disgraced his country? Where was the evi- dence of tne imputed disgrace to be found'? W;,-s it to be found in the fact that an arrangement lias been made between the U. States and Great Britain, in relation to her colonial trade, substantially on the very sami^ basis, as that proposed under the adniinistratirii of Mr. Adams, and were gentlemen who then approved that measure, nov: prepared to condemn the present administration for having succeeded in forming such an arrangement with tha British government, as the adminio; ration had proffered, and had failed to accomplis tMr, said Mr. B, it ap) ears to me that "there lies the rub;'' objection to Mr. Van Buren, he feared witli some gentlem was not that he had done too little, but that he had done much Under his auspices as Secretary of State, a restc tion ot the West India trade had been effected, which the ' administration had, by several successive missions in y endeavored to efl'ect for several years. ,' He called on gentlemen who had spoken so patheticall' their country's uisgiace to adduce some proof in suppoi' the charge— wlien had the American name stood, more h ored? Liider what administration from the origin of the a ernment to this time, had the national character lield a n lotty elevation? There was no civilized country, but m American character, American institutions, were theme the highest 1 ai-.egync, and none more than in this coun with whom tins dishonorable transaction, is said to h taken place. Th(> lively sensibility wtiich the President on all , nr-asions sliown to the lioiior of his country forbade supposition, iliat he would ever have sanctioned instruct to a foreign Minister, by which the character of his coui was to be compromised. That he had auiliorized the " guage of conciliation to be used in the instructions to minister to England, was most honorable to him. From y President could a spirit of conciliation and countesy tow; England, come with more propriety than from him, by wl valor m tlie lield, her pride had been humbled. There is no mark more infalliWe as regards the degre wisdom with which a nation is governed, than the resre bihty of that nation in otlier countries. Ail history will te' to tlie truth of the remark, that an administration cordu feebly, is contemptible abroad, and that which is condu with wisdom and vig-or, never fails to secure respect Mr. Brown said he would not institute a comparison tween the management of our diplomatic aii'airs, under present administration, and that which had preceded it ai would be from no apprehension, that the result would redound greatly to the credit of the existing administraiioi Mr. Van Buren had, we believed, while acting as Seer ry ot State, accom].lished more in less time than any of predecessors. Comparatively inexperienced in 'he new tiori in which he had been placed, the readiness with w! he had adapted himself to it, the rapidity with which he Keen called to act, the ease with which he -had comprcher the arduous and difficult duties of Secrefary of State I honorable testimony to his abilities as a stateman. ' ' It had been objected to the nominee, that he had introdt into the government of the U. S. tlie partv intrio-ues and ciphne, said to prevail in his own State. Without stoppin notice what he considered an unjust refleetion, on the pu character of a great and patriotic member of this confeden he called (hose who made the charge, to suprort it by pr It was lionorable to the reputation of Mr. Van Buren ):' public and iirivate, that when his enemies were asked to nish evidence, in support of the charges urged against h that tliey were unable to fix upon liim any one of them by semblance of proof. Possessing talents of a hiffh order rapidly growing m the esteem of his countrymeri, it was a matter ot surprise, that he had been marked out, as the tim of persecution. Mr. B. could conceive of no adequate reason or motives rejecting the nomination of the Minister to England was peculiarly fitted for the^ station which he then filler His thorough and intimate acquaintance witli the commen relations ot the two countries, pointed him out as a fit j proper representative of our interests at the Court of Gr Britani. The State of New York had repeatedly vouc! tor his character and standing, by bestowing on him highest civil honors within her gift. Mr. B. said, he th( fore, considered it a duty, which 'he owed to tlie country ( to the individual then representing us at the Court of Gr Britain, to vote for confirming his nomination. 32 ;' CORRESPONDENCE. Her of the Republican Members of the NeiP York Legis- lature, to the President. - Albany, Feb. 9, 1832. c his Excellency Andrew Jackson. President of the United States. ^ir The undersigned in the performance of the duty with iich they have been charged by the repubhcan members of , le.^islature of the state of New York, have the honor to ensmit h.-rewiih, the proceednigs of a meetuig held by them (the Capitol of this State, on the 3d nist. In doing so, they inot restrain the expression of the feelings of indignation Ith which they view the act to which those proceedings A ffreat majority of the citizens of this State have given re- nted evidences of the high estimation in which they have id your administration ot the affairs of the nation. The in- flcible integrity which has marked every act of your public ,._the more than military courage, with which the respon- vihties of your high station have been assumed, and the ■.islant regard manifested by you to the purity of the Con- iution, have strengthened their attachment to your person vd your government; and they have not beeTr regardless of > manner in which the splendid career of a mihtary life, is been followed by the many signal blessings which your tril administration, has bestowed u])on our country, ifhis State witnessed with pride, the selection ot Mr. Van Iren by your Excellency as Secretary of State : Our citi- es had D-iven repeated evidences of their confiilence mhim. lith theVatchfulness becoming a free people, they Jiad re- Vded his conduct, in the various stations to which he had ■ m called, by the constituted authorities of 1 he State. They ,^ witnessed his attachment under all circumstances, to the ■nciples of the democracy of the country, and they had then tently evinced the extent of their confidence by elevating >n to the highest office within their gift. They felt that (ur Excellency's removal of him to a wider sphere was an ,c of justice at once to his capacity, honesty and fidelity to the iistitution, and to the character of this State and the feelings 1 its people. They cheerfully acquiesced in that removal id freely surrendered tlieir most distinguished fellow-citi- wi to your call, because they recognized in it additional con- "mation of the high hopes they had imbibed of the character ^ your administration. They saw with undissembled plea- re, his efforts to aid your Excellency in your successful | empt to restore the government to its purity; and when his Hthdrawal from the high station, to which your partiality td exalted him, became necessary for the preservation ot ' ,ur peace against the attacks of those who were alike ene- ies to your person and your principles, they beheld m your lentinucd confidejtce in him, irrefragable prool, that no com- •nation could close the eves of your Excellency, to the cause ;■ your country, and no personal considerations, arrest your ; forts for the common welfare. They saw, that amid the Isaults made upon your principles by unfaithful servants, ic lionor of our country was not lost to your view, and they i I'lt that the same ardent patriotism, which had been mani- ' st'ed on the walls of New Orleans, had been brought into ; i.e administration of the government. They saw and felt iis in the effort made by your Excellency, to acquire bv l/ank and honest negotiation, that for which we had warred ' i-ith Great Britain; which had been abandoned if not surren- I sred by subtle diplomacy; and upon which your Excellency, t least, had not been silent. ^ , . •, , . ., • 1 The people of this whole country,.felt indeed tnat their con- idence in your Excellency was not misplaced; for they saw ■nd knew that no considerations of a private nature could tor ': moment affect your ardent desire to promote the common '/"it is true they were aware that there were citizens in this Jnion, who covMd justify and participate in this surrender of ■k free trade and sailor's rights," who could "calculate the •alueof the Union," and wUo could laugh at our calamities , .n a period of war and general distress. But they could no. ■ Relieve that such feelings could sway any branch of our hith- .riTiutlullied governm^ent, and least of al , that they would „ .verdare combine to impede the attempt of yotir Excellency ! •< secure that for our country, for which we had expended I ^iiiilions of our money, and for which thousands ot our ciii- H':ens had laid down their lives. ,, rr „ „f ,i.. t Your Excellency has ever appreciated the feelings of the ; ',eople of this country, and it will not now be diihcull tor you 'I'o lud-e of those which pervade this whole comnninity, ,x«•"««"" •^^^VAi'^ji in tlie discliarse of my constitutional functions, it was deemed proper to make. Uuringr his continu- ance in tlie cabinet, His exertions were directed to 33 FORMLV EjNyEAVOKLD lO Si bTAllN HK-i COL- LEAGUES. His 1L\AU R£,tflGJNAll(ji\ WAS A SAUiUflOE Ot OH'KJL^L Sl-AiI^iN 'i'O VvnAT HE UEjiiUi^D THE iix;.«r llNTEKESl'S Ol'' itlE COONTRl.' Mr. Ml Line, our then minister at London, Imving pre- viously tiSiieu ^.enfiission to" return, it waa my own uuXious desu-e tocouimu tUe lui^jortant j^oi.as rein..i;nu^o^.en in our relations witii Great iSriuun, to a successor in Wi.os,-, j.ecuiiar fitness ana cap*ac'uy 1 tiaue4uiil ct^naueiice : ana to my s.-Jec- tion, Mr. Van iJdjcn V1j1i.,l-.i a reitu-tant assc;iic. I.i uif^uig It was foreseen that ihis refusal migh, be re tne siaiie^roui.ds. VVhe.i it became lue duty tive, r^iiier tiiun i.isa;ji.omt the exj^ectations of wi.o.ly ubi^nuuii the tiaue, to c.^uimuethe &i>p'. l-ro^er to nitet the cbjeciion to the [.ast acts of aouuiiis.ratiui, wh.ci oUjectii^n, as liad been actually maUc ai.a lor some tune msis.ed uj on. I. IS unuoub.ealy tl.e duly of all to sustain, bj and j^atnoiic front, the aciioii of tlie constitut towarus foreign nations: and tins duiy require . ,■ ^ I tlie ccn.iiiUaiiLe of an aanmnstraiiun m ob.ce, II upon hiui that sacrmce, I uul not tWiam tliui 1 was uoing tue be done lo embarrass the Executive mtercoursi ^ffJh*'*'^''? *J'^"'"'^' '"''^'^'^""'^ '"'^"^'"'^'^*^'''^®^^''''' '^''^^'^'■'*''' ! l^''^^^' ""less u^o.r a conviction that it is ( " " "" ' "' ' ' thuivugli change m the adnniustraiion, howc other autliori les of equal dignity, and equally s^ect : and an 0[ en ai.iOj.tion of a dift'erent com si^aration ot the ditterent parts of the governni an aJmission of the mex^euiency cr nnj.raciical ous demunds imply any want of respect for th have mauitumeu ihem. TO DEFEND THE CLAIMS, OR PRE' AS THi-.Y HAD BEEN JNDISCRIMINa L:' D, UN LITHER SIDE, ','N THi'. i RE^ RES. ONDr.iMCE, WHICH HAD BEhN t LRuEu bV 'IHE LATE ADMINl WOLLD HAVE liEEN 'lU DEFEND Vv ADMlNIS'lRA'lIcN, UY W.^IVING TJ ADMITTED iO bE LNTENALLE, AN WnloH HAD BEEN bV THhM CON< HE INKXPEDIiiNT, COuLD NoT BE S AS WtOPrR, I PERCEIVE NOlHING E RY, AND t.LRi.LV NCTHlAG VvRONC DICUNG THE NEGOTIATION LPON MON AND ESTAbLISHED hRlNCIPLI^ , A CHANGE OF ADMINISTRATION Tl UlCiArt.D, Ar-t-EAK lo ME j jbE A CORRESPONDING CHANGE IN wisn ; and it cericinay couin not liavo ueen aaiicij.,atea tua , in the manner of sdccessiuliy co.iuuctmg and termiiutmg an important and complex iiegouaiiuii, x.lnch Uaa previously received the sancuo.i ol boui uoubjs o. congress, tuere wouid have been found motives for emuarrassing tne e.'iecutivd ac- tion andior Uit^rruptmg an im^.o-tai.t luieii,!! ne oaation, I Can never bE led to otKiir, ihi.-n' in i THE lNSTRi.CxIui\S <^i\D^ii \\ jtilCn IHAi' NE- I GuilAlIaiN RfcivAiIVE iO Tiii^ IKADt'. WIl'H THE bitUlSH Wi^ai- INDIES VvaS CuADcCibD AiSO Sc.CCiiN LNSoLLIr.D IN Ml HaNDS. A participation in tue traoe wi,li tne bi .tis.i West L.uia Islands, upon terms mutually saiiE-.ac;ory to ihe Unueu States and Gieat britam, haa been an object of constant so.icitude with our govdi-nment from its o.-igm. During the long and vexatious his.ory of this subject, various pio^ ositio.is liad been .. ade witli out partial gaoc-is; ana in th.- auaiinis. ra- tion of my immou-aie pied.cjssor inuie tlini olie uttemut to adjust it had enued m a tuuU in^erru^jtiun of uie trade. ' The acknowledged importance of this branch of trade, the influence it was beueved to have had in the elections wiuch terminated m the change of tlie adminis.raiion, and the f'ene- ral expectation on the part of the peo^jle,, that renewed elioits on frank and decisive grounds, nughc'be succesifuijy made to recover it, imposed Uj^on me iiie uuty of undertaking the task. Rec3ntJy, however, Great Britain liad more than once' de- clined renewing the negotiation, and pLiced her refusal uton objections whic.i she tuought proper lo take to the manner of our previous negotiation and to eUim.s which had at various times been made upon the part of our government. The American government, notwithstanding, continued I'ts efforts to obtain a participation in tlie trade. It waivei? the claims at first insisted upon, as well as the o:jje,-tion to the nnposition by Great Br:tamof higher duties u; on the j roduce of the United States when imponed into the West ladies, than upon the produce of her own possessions, w^uch o/jjeciion hadbeen taken in 1819 i% a despatch of tlie lAen Secretary of State. A participation in tiie trade with the British West In- dia Islands could not have bt en, at any time, demanded as a right any more than in that to the Brirish Euro^ ean \ orts. la the posture of affairs already adverted to therefore, tlie Ex- ecutive could ask nothing more than to be permitted to en- gage 111 It upon the terms assented to by his j redecessor and which were the same as those previously offeied by Great Britain herself. Even these had been denied to the "'late ad- mmistration, and for reasons arising from the views enter- tained by the Criiisli goverameut oi our tQaduct in the past |CYAND COLNSELS Ot THE GOVEI I This pni.ciple cvis s tiaa is acted uj.on, ni the d I public transac.ions of all nations. The fact of u ' the lecent charge of the admunstration of the A ernment, was as notorious as the ciiculation of press could make it; and while i s influence up( of foreign nations was both natural and reas: J roj;er, according to my sense of duty, frankly the interests of tlie people of tiie United S.atea quire. Such was the motive, and .-such and nothing true import of the instructions, taken as a whole reeled to be given to our minister at Lonrfon, au' ther expressed nor implied condemnatAin of ttTe of the United Sates, nor of the lat« adminis;ra than had been implied by their o"" acts and adr 1 could not reconcile it to m/ sense of public national dignity, that the Ui>':ed S.ates should sli ed injury or injustice, bec^iise a former admini msised u| on terms wt-'ch it had subsequentl; had iailedseasjiiablyto acce,,tan offer which i wards been willing' 'to embrace. The conduct administrations vas not to be discussed eitlier fo defence; and op^y in case " ihe omission of this to acce jt of the terms protosed when heretoft sliould" hi urged as an objeciion now," it w cMtv of d;e minisrer " to make the British govei sibl'e pf the inpisace and inex; ediency of such a Poih the right and the propriety of setting ; 8^ts of previous adininis rations to justify the i theUnited States from a trade allowed to all other distinctly denied, and the instructions authorised to state that such a course towards the United St existing circumstances, would be unjust in itself not fail to exci'e the deej est sensibility — the ton! which a course so unw:se and untenable is c* produce, would doubtless be greatly aggravated, sciousnessthat G.cat Britain has, by orders in coi' her colonial ports to R issia and France, notwitl similar omission on their part to accept the term the act of the 5th July, 1825 ;" — he was told that' press this view of the subject too earnestly upon tl afion of the British ministry ;'" and the jirejudici of a course on the part of the British governmenj and unjust upon the future relations of the ~t\y| was clearly announced in the declaration that ings and relations that reach beyond the immed under discussion." If the British government should decline an ?' "on die ground of a chang'e of opinion, or iji c mn-o lior n-arn !nt<>r«flra." a. 1Dr<>'r>Dt aVOVtral of ! 34 I; lilt if they slioiild not be prepared to takp mr surt'jr thenisalvjs to desire that the Uni' d it; ex lia'ion of siniiosed vast eiiToirhnien s, e necessity of re racin;; their lejislative sle s ;Jge of its efferi, and wholly de endent uoii of G;eat Britiin;" ihjy vv.Te 'o be made 8?nsi- raciiiabili y of that coTirs->, anl to be tatigh measures on our lart aswoil.l vindicate our 3t and honor. T) announce disnnctly to liat we would not sniimit to a continued ii-j''s- iiid of any o'ljection to tl'.e nas' con Inct of the ernmen', whether it were ris^ht or wrong, was or; of the whole ins*ntc;ions. itive had ranscd it to be s^atpd to Great Britain, ■1 prec'.ei fssor ; to have been in error, as w.-is s?qiiently waiving the terms tl.ey had aih.o- I, ii exTiatio'i of those errors, abandoned the ETSiire of the British orovernmen', the interes's Slates would h ve snfi>»rer', anl t' e'r ho-'cr l!; bu' gin excluding; s ich co-cide a'ijns, as ir- d unju I, and in cleaiiy avowintr his nir'ose such treatment, he ho ed to promote the in- fellow citizens, and sustain die honor and dig- i untry. '^ I jentlemer, 1 have the airrobation rf iry iudg I science. .Actine- luon the < rmci] le, ea-lv an sking ncthingliit what is right, and submi'tirig 1 is wrong, J asked that o'^ly of whicli the jtis'- he denied. I asked a par-icV ation in the trade, | 51 to the Uni;eJ S'ates, and mntuallv advanta- conntries. 1 directed asim de and dis'inct pro- ' nforraity with these pnuci^-les, to be su.miited o thsBriris'i sjovjr.Jine-^t, and, resjlvuig to be contented with ;>othing less, I u tmntely arranged the traile u} on the basis j.f that rj ijsrion, withj'U reTictio", iT.ouificatio;i,orchan£re. — I'^ THK NATIONAL HONOR HAD JVOT BEEN THO. GHP TARNISHRD hV RETRACING OLR STEPS, HY CLAIMING MORE AND I LllMATFLY CONSENTING TO TAKE LESS, AND IN FACT OB- TAINING NOTHING; [ fael uss.ired, that in requu-ing that which uiy | redecessois had conceded io be enough; ana obtaining all that was demanded, my countrymen will see no '--'ain u^oi\ their dignity, their pride, or their honor. I." I reij'iir-d greater s v isf.iotiou than I derive from a review of .his snbjeci, I should lin 1 it in the grari \ de I fee) for the success which has crowned my cfloirs. I shall always pos- s?ss the gratifying recoUectioi', that I have not disajij ointed the ex ectaiions of my countrymen, who, under an arrange- ment def)ending for i's ; ermanence uj on cur own wisdtm.are lartici f.ting in a valuable tiade uj r.n teims more advanta- gecus than those which the illi stiious Fa-her of his Country was willing to acce I; uj on terms t s ftvoral le r s those which regulst- the trade utu'.er our ronventicns wi h Great Britain, and wliich have been sought without success fiom the earli- est nciiods of otu' hisory. I pray you, gentlemev, to present to the republican mem bers of the legislature of New \ ork, and tc acrept foryour- 3e:ves individually, the assurance ri n v tdphest reg-ard and consideiftion. ANDREW JACKSON. M.31 f. N. F. Talhrade-e, Thon.as .Aimstrong, Levi B- I tley. chn F."H'>bbard, J. W.Edmonds, C'rs. Livings'on, Gideon Osuander, John M. WiUi' sor, Peter Wood, E. Htwell, Ehsha Litehfi Id, William S?yMicur, Aaron Remer, Jas. Hughston, Wm. H. Angel. 33 GEN. SMITH AND MIt. CL,AY. Ji^om tkc National Intelligencer. TO THE EDITORS. Gkntlkmen :— Please to s;ive a place in your paper of to- morrow (if practicable) to the enclosed statement, and you will greatly oblige Your obedient servant, c.h,t^,„ Ulh February, 1832. In a speech of Mr. Clay's, made in the Senate and re- ported in the Intelligencer of the 30th January list, that gen- tleman stated, "It (the bill for meeting the British act of Parliament) was brought before Congress m the s«^ssion ot 1825-6, not at the instance of the American Executive, but upon the snontaneons and ill-iudged motion of the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Smith,") &c. In my reply, I made the following remarks : "Before I finish my remarks, Mr. President, I will notice what was passed between the then Secretary of State, (Mr. Clay,) and myself, in relation to the act of Parliament of July,' 1325. I first saw a co y of that act in Baltimore, and mentioned it to the Secretary. He said that he had the act in his possession, and handed it to me I asked him, whether the terms pro osed were satisfactory. He said that he consi- dered tliey were all we could ask. I then observed, why not issue a proclamation under our acts, and thus oiien the trade? He replied, that he would prefer negotiation. 1 asked— why'.' for what will vou negotiate 7 We have nothing to do, but to give our assent, and the trade is at once opened. I had the act printed, and handed a coy to Mr. Adams, who had never seen it before. He agreed that the terms were satisfactory. 1 then prest^d him to issue his proclamation, and told hnn that if he did not, I should be compelled to introduce a bill. He remarked, that he wished I would do so, and that he would not only sign it, but sign it with pleasure. I did pre- pare a bill, under the order of the Senate, and, doubtful whether it' might be correctly drawn, so as to effect my ob- ject, 1 sent it to the then Secretary of State, (Mr. Clay,) with a request that he would correct ix if necessary. He replied in writing to this effact, " that the bill was drafted to meet my object, that it was so doubtful whether it were best, to act by a law, or by negotiation, that it was indifferent which course should be adopted." In answer to these, there appeared the following note, ap- pended to a speech of Mr. Clay, and published in tlie Intelli- gencer of the 9th instant : "There is a statement in the published sneech of General Smith, which if he made it in the Senate, did not attract my attention. He says he asked me whether the terms proposed by the British act of Parliament of July, 1825, were satisfac- tory ; and that I said "I considered they were all we could ask." Now I am perfectly confident tha' the Senator's re- collection is inaccurate, and that I never did say to him that the terms proposed by the act were all we could ask. It is impossible I s>iould have said so. For, by the terms of the art, to entitle Powers not colonial, (and of course the United States) to its privileges, those Powers are required to place the commerce and navigation of Great Britain (European as well as colonial) upon the footing of the most favored nation. That is, if we had accepted the terms as tendered on the face of the act, we would have allowed British ve.ssels all the pri- vileo-es which we have granted by ot.ir treaties of reciprocity witli Guatemala and other Powers. The vessels of Great Britain, therefore, would have been at liberty to import into the United States, on an equal footing with our own, the pro- ductions of any part of the globe, without a corresponding privilege on the part of our vessels, in the ports of Great Brit- ain. It is true that the King in Council was authorized to dispense with some of the conditions of the act, in behalf of Powers not possess'ng colonies. But w'lether the condition, embracing the principle of the most favored nation, would V»av«been dispensed with or pot, %va6 unlaiown to me ot the tiBie the ^nototr s^atee the aia^fia/iiva to tev^ V&j^ieiSei And, long attt-:-, Mr. Vaughan, the British Mini able to aflford any information as to the act ol That very authority, vested in ihe King, detiionf cessity there was for further exi lanation, if not i " With res;.cct to the note from me to the Sei •; says he received accompanying tiie draftof the L by him, it would be more satisfactory if he wou note itself, instead of wha^ he represents to be ai All my papers being in Baltimore, it has nc power to ascertain whether I have preserved tin to, and the purport or "effec;," of which, I had give from memory. I therefore aJdressed a Cambkeleng, who was a member of the < Commerce in the House of Repiesentativei; at t quire whether he had had any communication, or written, with Mr. Clay, on the subject. Ta his answer, which, as it appears to me, cleai substantially sustains the statements made by n lee ion : — Washington, Wth Dear Sir :— I have your no e of this date i ther I had any written or verbal comnmiiica Clay, when Sec-etary of State, on the subjec Parliament of July, 1825. After the passage of that act, the Comptrolli toms of Halifax, Nova Scotia, construed vs pi plicable to vessels of the United States in that tr occasion to call Mr. Clay's attention to that fa stniction was afterwards overruled, by an ord nial Government of the 23d of January, ! brought theact of Parliament to the coiisideratit I suggested the propriety of reciprocating its pr der to 1 revent the interdiction of our comiv British West Indies. I stated to him my inten a resolution upon the subject, unless it should some arrangement of Government. I underst as assenting to the propriety and necessity of reciprocal measure, and as expressing a desirt would acttjpon the subject. Believing that I tirely in accordance with the views of the Ad submitted on the 25th January, 1826, the fol tion : — " That the Committee on Commerce be instr into the exrediency of amending the act of M. so as to authorise the President of the United S the discriminating duties now imposed on Brit their cargoes, upon their entry from any Br possession; whenever he shall have been otfit that American vessels and tlieir cargoes are ner admitted into the British American colonia Some days afterwards, I received from yc Clay's, which h^ had requested you to show cording to my recollection, that when he nad me, he had expressed an opinion in favor of le upon reflection, he thought it would be best trade by negotiation — but though favoring th it was a doubtful question, and if Congress b the Government ought to acquiesce. I nevei time, any objection made to the terms of the at — the only question then was, whether the tra the stipulations of the act, should be secured b by legislation. My iiripression was, that an ■ promptly rescinding the restrictioi^s of the act would have been immediately followed by s Council as was required by the act of Parltan ine this trade to the countries not possessing c I am, &c. C. C. CAM Hon. S. Smith, Maryland. It might have been added in my remarks, th was not spontaneous en my part, but was consequence of a memorial from a higiuy res of my conetinients, which memorial was ulti tlcm of Mr. Tazewell, referred to th^pojacai lly \\'teiBb tjrtlef , Oaa bill \^-u6 tef(3Ttsar "^^ .0* % - ? " ■• ^^ ...