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Hollinger 
 
 pH8.5 
 
 Mill Run F3-1955 
 
E 458 
 .4 
 
 .T65 
 Copy 1 
 
 TO THE LOYAL PEOPLE OF THE 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 In the month of November, next ensuing, electors are to be 
 chosen in the several Loyal States, who are to select by ballot 
 a President and Vice-President of the United States for the 
 next Presidential term of tour years, commencing on the 
 Fourth of March, 1S65. In preparation for this event, nom- 
 inations have been informally made by editors of newspapers 
 and by various political bodies, as a means of influencing the 
 political conventions which are expected ultimately to make 
 more formal nominations for these offices. Much excitement 
 has already been produced by these nominations, reaching not 
 only those engaged in civil affairs, but also the officers and 
 men who compose our present army. 
 
 Among those spoken of for the office of President, in ad- 
 dition to the present incumbent, are distinguished Major 
 Generals, some of whom are now in the field, one or more 
 members of the present cabinet of Mr. Lincoln, and the 
 Governor of the State of New York. There are others, 
 
doubtless, who aspire to this great honor. The United States 
 is now involved in one of those momentous emergencies 
 of nations, in which a departure from the ordinary policy of 
 submission to conventions may be made with advantage. The 
 undersigned have therefore determined to address their fellow- 
 citizens of the United States on this subject, in order to present 
 the name of Abraham Lincoln for re-election to the Presidency, 
 and to urge the formation of associations of an independent 
 character in every State, such as will unite in forming electoral 
 tickets for this object. Suggestions for this purpose will be 
 matured and submitted. The character of Mr. Lincoln for 
 integrity, for patriotism, for zeal, for prudence, for wdsdom, 
 for courage, has heen proved by nearly four years of adminis- 
 tration under difficulties, such as have been encountered by no 
 other Administration from the origin of the Constitution, 
 impressing us with the conviction that Providence designed 
 him for the perilous duties which he has performed with sig- 
 nal advantage to the country. But if he had been less con- 
 spicuous for qualities and services which have endeared him 
 to the American people, war is not a time to incur the great 
 hazard of a change of administration, accompanied as it is 
 expected to be, and as it doubtless would be, with infinite 
 changes of incumbents, in all the departments of civil life, 
 and, perhaps, throughout the army itself. The peril of such a 
 change would be fatal to the object, now the dearest, one 
 to every loyal heart, to restore the complete ascendency 
 of our Government in every State and Territory over which 
 its dominion is disputed, and to give to the United States its 
 former extent, power, unity, and glory. There are those, un- 
 doubtedly, who, feeling the force of these truths, and anima- 
 ted by this object, disagree with the President in his Procla- 
 mations issued as Commander-in-Chief of our forces. But, 
 
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 whatever may have been the t* -olicy and the extent <>t 
 power with respect to them, . -sr Proclamations have gone 
 forth, and their effect must now depend, not on what a new 
 incumbent of the Presidency may decide, nor, indeed, on what 
 a new Congress may decide, but wholly on the decision of a 
 tribunal already constituted, and which cannot be materially 
 changed — the Supreme Judicial Tribunal of the United 
 States. That tribunal will determine, whether or not, as a 
 measure of war, Emancipation, wholly or partially, came 
 within the powers of the person commanding all the forces of 
 the United States, and who is authorized, in order to put 
 down the formidable rebellion still in progress, to use all the 
 means required. In one aspect of the case, the Court might 
 review the question of fact, whether or not in its full extent, 
 it was necessary — a point which the President has decided — 
 which, in most cases, would be deemed conclusive. This justice 
 to the President all will render, that Emancipation was pro- 
 claimed, not to carry out any pre-conceived purpose of those 
 who before had aimed at the abolition of Slavery, — but solely, 
 and after abundant notice and timely caution, as one of the 
 means of adding to the numerical force of our armies in the 
 field — of weakening a powerful enemy — preventing the inter- 
 vention of foreign powers — and finally and thoroughly crush- 
 ing a Rebellion, which, had it succeeded, would have in- 
 volved the Northern States in never-ending conflicts, till the 
 mastery of one side or the other had finally prevailed over the 
 United States. 
 
 "Whether this measure was politic or impolitic, to correct it 
 in the midst of war, would be fatal, if not impossible — although 
 this is clearly the object of those who seek to elect a President 
 entertaining other views, and who, if they do not desire to aid 
 the Rebellion by their influence, would establish it on the 
 
basis of ultimate success, if their measures of confusion and 
 discord were thrust upon the country. The only mode con- 
 sistent with safety by which the effect of the Proclamation 
 may be tested is, first, submission to the authority of the 
 United States ; and then, a full discussion and determination 
 of the rights which it affects. The authors of the Rebellion 
 staked their fortunes and their lives upon its success. What 
 shall be left to those who attempted to destroy a govern- 
 ment which they had known only by the benefits and bless- 
 ings it conferred, is to be determined by the issues of the con- 
 flict, now not uncertain, and by the discussions which this 
 question will occasion. 
 
 There is an evident desire on the part of patriotic citizens 
 to reward some of our most distinguished soldiers with Presi- 
 dential honors. The bravery, devotion, skill, and courage of 
 those who have won renown for our country is not at all ques- 
 tioned, and when their duties in war are terminated with final 
 success, it will, doubtless, become the policy and duty of the 
 country to place in civil life and in the highest posts those 
 whose experience will justify it, and who have periled their 
 lives in our behalf. It will doubtless be the means of correct- 
 ing the corruption now so prevalent in political bodies — legis- 
 lative, municipal and other — imparting to legislation and 
 administrations of office the character of providing for per- 
 sonal, pecuniary and private interests instead of the public 
 good ; — but these influences have never touched the President, 
 who stands pure in the midst of corruption, and who, if every 
 energy of his mind were not employed in the mighty struggle 
 of the nation, would make war against these internal foes of 
 free government, not less energetically than against those, 
 scarcely more dangerous, the leaders of the Rebellion. 
 
 "We earnestly implore the people of the United States, — if 
 

 they would sustain our free institutions, if they would protect 
 their most inestimable rights, if they would preserve their 
 homes, their families, their social and higher privileges, if 
 they would have the legacy of a beneficent government to 
 leave to their posterity, if they would show to the govern- 
 ments of the world that we are a nation determined to protect 
 its unity against foes without and within, — that they be not 
 led away from these objects by the wish to reward any of the 
 military heroes who have entitled themselves to our gratitude 
 and affection by imposing victories, and who, in time, will be 
 rewarded with grateful honors — the highest a free people can 
 bestow, — and especially that they will not permit a change of 
 rulers in the midst of this momentous emergency of the nation, 
 when all its power must be directed, without the cessation 
 resulting from change, to the one great object — the speedy 
 and certain overthrow of the Rebellion. A scramble for 
 place, a division of the spoils of office, a contest for the con- 
 tracts of the Government, are damaging even in the midst of 
 peace ; but the country could present no spectacle so hurtful 
 as an election with these objects during war, nor one so certain 
 to weaken our armies in the field and strengthen the hands 
 of the ambitious and dangerous leaders of the Rebellion. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln has exhibited a competency for the office equal 
 to all its high duties. In his communications to the public, 
 the issues presented have been presented with a clearness and 
 homely force which make the points clear to all. His corres- 
 pondence with officers of the army on all the topics discussed 
 and with respect to all the movements of our forces, prove 
 that he fully grasps the whole subject, and that he is in truth 
 and in fact the President, His assiduity in office has never 
 been surpassed. Indeed, he may be justly styled a patriot 
 President, devoted solely to the welfare of his country. In 
 
ordinary times, his eminent fitness and great services would 
 have entitled him to a re-election ; but this being the true 
 interest of the people, is especially desirable now, when his 
 expulsion from office would be hailed with joy by every secret 
 as well as every open enemy of the Union. 
 
 New York, Jan. 18tL 1864. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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