.^'\. ' ^-^ •j>. .<<^ V . •<* V . \' "._r- ■■ "•■- ^;- .V^ "^^ ';^^^ ^'^ < ■0^ / r^' o " o -1 o 4 ■-^^ . 'V- . . . . . ■' "1^° ' , "^o ■'bv^ ^^. ,^ > % ./^\. -'^^iltS •■> .<■. ^-^ » • • - ■^ >^ -xi ^0 c " " ' » O •^^ cP ^ •e. A^ ,^^ .y "o V' "°. <^o . ' • » ^ ^^"^^^^ ' ■': A^^"V V. ♦ » . ' '^^ V / J' \. -x ^°-^<^ -, ■ • • ' ' N> o V .°v ^^ .<=;' '''jt O . o " « , 'o V » ' • «■- o v>_ cp m A ^A * « . o ' 0,»^ .^^ ^<..'°' O > ,0^ /%. ^^-^^ %. ■7 1, x^'- ■^•^, k?^.' ^^-^^^ . -'^. ■ ♦ o . .^<^' ..^^ .*• ^ %7^.f,^ . ■ '-^^0^ = iJ:,.. ?? o V ^. *■ O W O v^^ .V >^ .•^°^ ^■^^^ 'V^ • . » o ' A^ o V .*^ %. ,?> '^^-<. V - o „ " - V^ c o'5 ^ .•^°-*. ^o. <^ ^0-n^. "^. ..^'V ^^ A^ ^"_ ' ' '>, ,<:• c^ HISTORY OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD '^^^C OF The Sierras. An Historical Story of the State's Marvelous Growth from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present Time BY PROF. J. M. GUINN, A. M., It Author of A History of Los Angeles and Vicinity, History of Southern California, Secretary and Curator of the Historical Society of Southern California, Member of the American Historical Association, Washington, D. C. ALSO Containing Biographies of Well-Known Citizens of the Past and Present. THE CHAPMAN PUBLISHING CO. CHICAGO 1906 Fit. COPYKIGHT, lg02 BV CHAPMAN PUBLISHING CO. BY TRAMSFia^ DEC 1 8 1909 PREFACE. HISTORICAL. THERE are very few states in the Union that have a more varied and a more interesting history than CaHfornia ; and there are few if any whose history is so vaguely and so indefinitely known. This is largely due to the fact that its colonization was effected by one race and its evolution as a state by another. In the rapid development of the state by the conquering race, the trials and struggles of the first colonists have been forgotten. No forefathers' day keeps their memory green, and no observance celebrates the anniversary of their landing. To many of its people, the history of California begins with the discovery of gold, and all behind that is regarded of little impor- tance. Tile race characteristics of the two peoples who have dominated California differ widely; and from this divergence arises the lack of sympathetic unison. Perhaps no better expression for this difference can be given than is found in popular bywords of each. The "poco tiempo" (by and by) of the Spaniard is significant of a people who are willing to wait — who would rather defer till vianana — to-morrow — than hurry to-day. The "go ahead" of the American is indicative of haste, of rush, of a strenuous struggle to overcome obstacles, whatever they may be, in the present. In narrating the story of California, I have endeavored to deal justly with the different eras and episodes of its history; to state facts; to tell the truth without favoritism or preju- dice ; to give credit where credit is due and blame where it is deserved. In the preparation of this history I have tried to make it readable. I have avoided dull details and have omitted cum- brous statistics. The subject has been presented by topic, observing so far as possible the chronological order of the events. In collecting material for this work, I have visited all the large libraries of the state, have consulted state and county archives, and have scanned thousands of pages of newspapers and magazines. Where extracts have been made, due credit has been given in the body of the work. I have received valuable assi stance from librarians, from pioneers of the state, from editors and others. To all who have assist ed me, I return my sincere thanks. J. M. GUINN. PREFACE. BIOGRAPHICAL. WHEN we study the progress made in northeastern California, especially during the past two decades of the nineteenth century and the opening years of the twentieth century, we are led to the conclusion that the present gratifying condition is due to the enterprise of public-spirited citizens. They have not only developed commercial possibilities and horti- cultural resources, but they have also maintained a commendable interest in public affairs, and have given to their commonwealth some of its ablest statesmen. The prosperity of the past has been gratifying; and, with the building of the canal to connect the Atlantic and the Pacific, with the increasing of railroad facilities, with the further development of local resources, there is everv reason to believe that the twentieth century will witness the most marvelous growth this region has ever made. In the compilation of this work and the securing of necessary data, a number of writers have been engaged for months. They have visited leading citizens and used every endeavor to produce a work accurate and trustworthy in ever)' detail. Owing to the great care exercised, and to the fact that every opportunity was given to those represented to secure accuracy in their biographies, the publishers believe they are giving to their readers a volume containing few errors of consequence. The biographies of a number of representative citizens will be missed from the work. In some instances tliis was caused by their absence from home when our writers called, and in some instances was caused by a failure on the part of the men themselves to imderstand the scope of the work. The publishers, however, have done all within their power to make this work a representative one. The value of the data herein presented will grow with the passing years. Posterity will preserve the volume with care, from the fact that it perpetuates biographical history that other- wise would be wholly lost. In those now far-distant days will be realized, to a greater extent than at the present time, the truth of Macaulav's statement, "The history of a country is best told in the lives of its people." ' CHAPMAN PUBLISHING COMPANY. October, 1906. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE Spanish Explorations and Discoveries 33 Romance and Reality — The Seven Cities of Cibola — The Myth of Quivera— El Dorado — Sandoval's Isle of the Amazons — Mutineers Discover the Peninsula of Lower California — Origin of the Name California — Cortes's Attempts at Colonization — Discovery of the Rio Colorado — Coronado's Explorations — Ulloa's Voyage. to* (5* «»• CHAPTER n. Alta or Nueva California 37 Voyage of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo — Enters the Bay of San Diego in Alta California — Discovers the Islands of San Salvador and Vitoria — The Bay of Smokes and Fires — The Santa Barbara Islands — Reaches Cape Mendocino — His Death and Burial on the Island of San Miguel — Ferrolo Continues the Voyage — Drake, the Sea King of Devon — His Hatred of the Spaniard — Sails into the South Sea — Plunders the Spanish Settlements of the South Pacific — Vain Search for the Straits of Anian — Refits His Ships in a California Harbor — Takes Possession of the Country for the English Queen — Sails Across the Pacific Ocean to Escape the Vengeance of the Spaniards — Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno Attempts a Survey of the California Coast — Loss of the San .^gustin — Sufferings of the Shipwrecked Mariners — Sebastian Viscaino's Explorations — Makes No New Discoveries — Changes the Names Given by Cabrillo to the Bays and Islands — Some Boom Literature — Failure of His Colonization Schefne — His Death. (5* !.?• to* CHAPTER HI. Colonization of Alta California 43 Jesuit Missions of Lower California — Father Kino or Kuhn's Explorations — Expulsion of the Jesuits — Spain's Decadence — Her Northwestern Possessions Threatened by the Rus- sians and English — The Franciscans to Christianize and Colonize .-Mta California — Galvez Fits Out Two Expeditions — Their Safe Arrival at San Diego — First Mission Founded — Portola's Explorations — Fails to Find Monterey Bay — Discovers the Bay of San Fran- cisco — Return of the Explorers — Portola's Second Expedition — Founding of San Carlos Mission and the Presidio of Monterey. (5* i?* tS* CHAPTER IV, Aborigines of California 49 Inferiority of the California Indian — No Great Tribes — Indians of the San Gabriel Valley — Hugo Reid's Description of Their Government — Religion and Customs — Indians of the Santa Barbara Channel — Their God Chupu — Northern Indians — Indian Myths and Tra- ditions. 10 20 CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. PAGE Franciscan Missions of Alta California 56 Founding of San Diego de Alc?.Ia — San Caries Barromeo — San Antonio de Padua— San Gabriel Arcangel — San Luis Obispo — San Francisco de Asis — San Juan Capistrano — Santa Clara — San Buenaventura— Santa Barbara— La Purisima Concepcion— Santa Cruz— La Soledad — San Jose — San Juan Bautista — San Miguel — San Fernando del Rey, San Luis Rey, Santa Ynez — San Rafael^San Francisco Solano — Architecture — General Plan of the ■ • ■ Missionary Establishinents — Houses of the Neophytes— Their Uncleanliness. ^^ o^* ^^ CHAPTER VI. Prf.sidios of California 66 Presidio in Colonization — Founding of San Diego — General Plan of the Presidio — Found- ing of Monterey — Rejoicing over the Event — Hard Times at the Presidio — Bear Meat Diet — Two Hundred Immigrants for the Presidio — Founding of the Presidio of San Francisco — .Anza's Overland Route from Sonora — Quarrel with Rivera — Anza's Return to Sonora — Founding of Santa Barbara — Disappointment of Father Serra — Quarrel of the Captain with the Missionaries over Indian Laborers — Soldiers' Dreary Life at the Presidios. t^f r^^ t^* CHAPTER VH. Pueblos 73 Pueblo Plan of Colonization— Necessity for ,A.gricultural Colonies — Governor Filipe de Neve Selects Pueblo Sites — San Jose Founded — Named for the Patron Saint of California • — Area of the Spanish Pueblo — Government Supplies to Colonists — Founding of the Pueblo of Los Angeles — Names of the Founders — Probable Origin of the Name — Sub- divisions of Pueblo Lands — Lands .Assigned to Colonists — Founding of Branciforte, the last Spanish Pueblo. c5* c^ ^5* CHAPTER VHL The Pa.ssixc, of Spain's DoMiN.vrioN 78 Spain's Exclusiveness — The First Foreign Ship in Monterey Bay — Vancouver's Visit — Government Monopoly of the Fur Trade — .\nierican Smugglers — The Memorias — Russian .Aggression^Famine at Sitka — Rezanoff's Visit — A Love Affair and Its Tragic Ending — l^'ort Ross — Failure of the Russian Colony Scheme — The War of Mexican Independence — Sola the Royalist Governor — California Loyalists — The Year of Earthquakes — Bouchard the Privateer Burns Monterey — The Lima Tallow Ships — Hard Times — No Money and Little Credit — The Friars Supreme. Ji ..* Jt CHAPTER IX. From EiiriRE to Republic 82 Sola Calls for Troops — Cholas Sent Him — Success cf the Revolutionists — Plan of Iguala — The Three Guarantee's — The Empires-Downfall of .Agustin L— Rise of the Republic — Bitter Disappointments of Governor Sola and the Friars — Disloyalty of the Mission l riar.s — Refuse to Take the Oath of .Mlcgiance — .^rguella. Governor — .Advent of Foreign- ers — Coming of the Hide Droghers- — Indian Outbreak. CONTEXTS. 21 CHArTKR X. P.«GE First TyECADic ok Mexican Rule 87 Echeandia Governor— Make San Diego His Capital— Padres of the Four Southern Mis- sions Take the Oalh ol Allegiance to the Republic — Friars of the Northern Missions Contumacious — Arrest of Padre Sarria — Expulsion of the Spaniards — Clandestine De- parture of Padres Ripoll and Altiniira — Exile of Padre Martinez — The Diputacion — Queer Legislation— The Mexican Congress Attempts to Make California a Penal Colony — Liberal Colonization Laws — Captain Jedediah S. Smith, the Pioneer of Overland Travel, Arrives— Is Arrested— First White Man to Cross the Sierra Nevadas— Coming of the Fur Trappers — The Pattie Party — Imprisoned by Echeandia— Death of the Elder Pattie— John Ohio Pattie's Bluster— Peg Leg Smith — Ewing Young — The Solis Revolution — A Bloodless Battle — Echcandia's Mission Secularization Decree — He Is Hated by the Friars — Dios y Libertad — The Fitch Romance. ^* «,?• i5* CHAPTER XI. Revolutions — The Hij ar Colonists g^ Victoria, Governor — His Unpopularity^Defeated by the Southern Revolutionists — .Abdi- cates and is Shipped out of the Country — Pio Pico. Governor — Echeandia, Governor of Abajenos (Lowers) — Zamarano of the Arribanos (Uppers) — Dual Governors and a No Man's Land — War Clouds — Los Angeles the Political Storm Center — Figueroa Appointed Gefe Politico — The Dual Governors Surrender — Figueroa the Right Man in the Place — Hijar's Colonization Scheme — Padres, the Promoter — Hijar to be Gefe Politico — A Fa- mous Ride — A Cobbler Heads a Revolution— Hijar and Padres Arrested and Deported — Disastrous End of the Compania Cosmopolitana — Death of Figueroa. fc?* tJ* (5* CHAPTER XII. The Decline and Fall of the Missions qfi Sentirnent vs. History — The Friars' Right to the Mission Lands Only That of Occupa- tion — Governor Borica's Opinion of the Mission System — Title to the Mission Domams — Viceroy Bucarili's Instructions — Secularization — Decree of the Spanish Cortes in 1813 — Mission Land Monopoly — No Land for Settlers — Secularization Plans. Decrees and Regla- mentos — No Attempt to Educate the Neophytes — Destruction of Mission Property, Ruthless Slaughter of Cattle — Emancipation in Theory and in Practice- — Depravity ot the Neophytes — What Did Six Decades of Mission Rule Accomplish? — What Became of the Mission Estates — The Passing of the Neophytes. ^% t the consequence, .\nimals were then formed, and lastly man and woman were formed, separ- ately from earth and ordered to live together. The man's name was Tobahar and the woman's Probavit. God ascended to Heaven immediately afterward, where he receives the souls of all who die. They had no bad spirits connected with their creed, and never heard of a 'devil' or a 'heir until the coming of the Spaniards. Tliey believed in no resurrection whatever " .MARRIAGE. "Chiefs had one, two or three wives, as their inclination dictated, the subjects only one. When a person wished to marry and had selected a suitable partner, he advertised the same to all liis relatives, even to the nineteenth cousin. On a day appointed the inale portion of the lodge 52 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. brought in a collection of money beads. All the relations having come in with their share, they (the males) proceeded in a body to the resi- dence of the bride, to whom timely notice had been given. All of the bride's female relations had been assembled and the money was equally divided among them, the bride receiving noth- ing, as it was a sort of purchase. After a few days the bride's female relations returned the compliment by taking to the bridegroom's dwelling baskets of meal made of chia, which was distributed among the male relatives. These preliminaries over, a day was fixed for the cere- mony, which consisted in decking out the bride in innumerable strings of beads, paint, feathers and skins. On being ready she was taken up in the arms of one of her strongest male rela- tives, who carried her, dancing, towards her lover's habitation. All of her family, friends and neighbors accompanied, dancing around, throw- ing food and edible seeds at her feet at every step. These were collected in a scramble by the spectators as best they could. The relations of the bridegroom met them half way. and. tak- ing the bride, carried her themselves, joining in the ceremonious walking dance. On arriving at the bridegroom's (who was sitting within his hut) she was inducted into her new residence by being placed alongside of her husband, while baskets of seeds were liberally emptied on their heads to denote blessings and plenty. This was likewise scrambled for by the spectators, who, on gathering up all the bride's seed cake, de- parted, leaving them to enjoy their honeymoon according to usage. A grand dance was given on the occasion, the warriors doing the danc- ing, the young women doing the singing. The wife never visited her relatives from that day forth, although they were at liberty to visit her." BURI.\LS. "When a person died all the kin collected to mourn his or her loss. Each one had his own peculiar mode of crying or howling, as easily dis- tinguished the one from the other as one song is from another. After lamenting awhile a mourning dirge was sung in a low whining tone, accompanied bv a shrill whistle produced by blowing into the tube of a deer's leg bone. Dancing can hardly be said to have formed a part of the rites, as it was merely a monotonous action of the foot on the ground. This was con- tinued alternately until the body showed signs of decay, when it was wrapped in the covering used in life. The hands were crossed upon the breast and the body tied from head to foot. A grave having been dug in their burial ground, the body was deposited with seeds, etc., accord- ing to the means of the family. If the deceased were the head of the family or a favorite son, the hut in which he lived was burned up, as likewise were all his personal effects." FEUDS THE SONG FIGHTS. "Animosity between persons or families was of long duration, particularly between those of different tribes. These feuds descended from father to son until it was impossible to tell of how many generations. They were, however, harmless in themselves, being merely a war of songs, composed and sung against the conflict- ing party, and they were all of the most obscene and indecent language imaginable. There are two families at this day (1851) whose feud com- menced before the Spaniards were ever dreamed of and they still continue singing and dancing against each other. The one resides at the mis- sion of San Gabriel and the other at San Juan Capistrano; they both lived at San Bernardino when the quarrel commenced. During the sing- ing they continue stamping on the ground to express the pleasure they would derive from tramping on the graves of their foes. Eight days was the duration of the song fight." UTENSILS. "From the bark of nettles was manufactured thread for nets, fishing lines, etc. Needles, fish- hooks, awls and many other articles were made of either bone or shell; for cutting up meat a knife of cane was invariably used. Mortars and pestles were made of granite. Sharp stones and perseverance were the only things used in their manufacture, and so skillfully did they combine the two that their work was always remarkably uniform. Their pots to cook in were made of soapstone of about an inch in thickness and procured from the Indians of Santa Catalina. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 53 Their baskets, made out of a certain species df rush, were used only for dry purposes, although they were water proof. The vessels in use for liquids were roughly made of rushes and jjlas- tered outside and in with bitumen or pitch." INDIANS OK THE S.VNTA BARBARA CHAX.NEL. Miguel Constanso, the engineer who accom- panied Portola's expedition in 1769, gives us the best description of the Santa Barbara Indians extant. "The Indians in whom was recognized more vivacity and industry are those that inhabit the islands and the coast of the Santa Barbara channel. They live in pueblos (villages) whose houses arc of spherical form in the fashion of a lialf orange covered with rushes. They are up to twenty varas (fifty-five feet) in diameter. Each house contains three or four families. The hearth is in the middle and in the top of the house they leave a vent or chimney to give exit for the smoke. In nothing did these gentiles give the lie to the affability and good treatment which were experienced at their hands in other times (1602) by the Spaniards who landed upon those coasts with General Sebastian Vizcayno. They are men and women of good figure and as- pect, very much given to painting and staining their faces and bodies with red ochre. "They use great head dresses of feathers and some panderellas (small darts) which they bind up amid their hair with various trinkets and beads of coral of various colors. The men go entirely naked, but in time of cold they sport some long capes of tanned skins of nutrias (ot- ters) and some mantles made of the same skins cut in long strips, which they twist in such a manner that all the fur remains outside; then they weave these strands one with another, forming a weft, and give it the pattern referred to. "The women go with more decency, girt about the waist with tanned skins of deer which cover them in front and behind more than half down the leg, and with a mantelet of nutria over the body. There are some of them with good features. These are the Indian women who make the trays and vases of rushes, to which they give a thousand different forms and grace- ful patterns, according to the uses to which they are destined, whether it be for eating, drinking, guarding their seeds, or for other purposes; for these peoples do not know the use of earthen ware as those of San Diego use it. "The men work handsome tra\s of wood, with finer inlays of coral or of bone; and some vases of nuich capacity, closing at the mouth, which appear to be made with a lathe — and with this machine they would not come out better hol- lowed nor of more perfect form. They give the whole a luster which appears the finished handi- work of a skilled artisan. The large vessels which hold water are of a very strong weave of rushes jjitched within ; and they give them the same form as our water jars. "To eat the seeds which they use in place of bread they toast them first in great trays, put- ting among the seeds some pebbles or small stones heated until red; then they move and shake the tray so it may not burn ; and getting the seed sufficiently toasted they grind it in mor- tars or almireses of stone. Some of these mor- tars were of extraordinary size, as well wrought as if they had had for the purpose the best steel tools. The constancy, attention to trifles, and labor which they employ in finishing these pieces are well worthy of admiration. The mortars are so appreciated among themselves that for those who, dying, leave behind such handiworks, they are wont to place them over the s])ot where they are buried, that the memory of their skill and application may not be lost. "They inter their dead. They have their cem- eteries within the very pueblo. The funerals of their captains they make with great pomp, and set up over their bodies some rods or poles, ex- tremely tall, from wdiich they hang a variety of utensils and chattels which w-ere used by them. They likewise put in the sarne place some great planks of pine, with various paintings and fig- ures in which without doubt they explain the exploits and prowesses of the personage. "Plurality of wives is not lawful among these peoples. Only the captains have a right to inarry two. In all their pueblos the attention was taken by a species of men who lived like the women, kept company with them, dressed in the same garb, adorned themselves with beads, pen- 54 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. dants, necklaces and other womanish adorn- ments, and enjoyed great consideration among the people. The lack of an interpreter did not permit us to find out what class of men they were, or to what ministry they were destined, though all suspect a defect in sex, or some abuse among those gentiles. "In their houses the married couples have their separate beds on platforms elevated from the ground. Their mattresses are some simple petates (mats) of rushes and their pillows are of the same petates rolled up at the head of the bed. All these beds are hung about with like mats, which serve for decency and protect from the cold." From the descriptions given by Viscaino and Constanso of the coast Indians they do not ap- pear to have been the degraded creatures that some modern writers have pictured them. In mechanical ingenuity they were superior to the Indians of the Atlantic seaboard or those of the Mississippi valley. Much of the credit that has been given to the mission padres for the patient training thev gave the Indians in mechanical arts should be given to the Indian himself. He was no mean mechanic when the padres took him in hand. Bancroft says "the Northern California In- dians were in every way superior to the central and southern tribes." The difference was more in climate than in race. Those of Northern Cal- ifornia living in an invigorating climate were more active and more warlike than their sluggish brethren of the south. They gained their living by hunting larger game than those of the south whose subsistence was derived mostly from acorns, seed's, small game and fish. Those of the interior valleys of the north were of lighter complexion and had better forms and features than their southern kinsmen. Thev v.-ere divided into numerous small tribes or clans, like those of central and Southern Cali- fornia. The Spaniards never penetrated very far into the Indian country of the north and consequently knew little or nothing about the habits and customs of the aborigines there. After the discovery of gold the miners invaded their country in search of the precious metal. The Indians at first were not hostile, but ill treatment soon made them so. When they re- taliated on the whites a war of extermination was waged against them. Like the mission In- dians of the south they are almost extinct. All of the coast Indians seem to have had some idea of a supreme being. The name dif- fered with the difYerent tribes. According to Hugo Reid the god of the San Gabriel Indian was named Quaoar. Father Boscana, who wrote "A Historical Account of the Origin, Customs and Traditions of the Indians" at the missionary establishment of San Juan Capis- trano, published in Alfred Robinson's "Life in California," gives a lengthy account of the relig- ion of those Indians before their conversion to Christianity. Their god was Chinigchinich. Evi- dently the three old men from whom Boscana derived his information mi.xed some of the religious teachings of the padres with their own primitive beliefs, and made up for the father a nondescript religion half heathen and half Christian. Boscana was greatly pleased to find so many allusions to .Scriptural truths, evidently never suspecting that the Indians were imposing upon him. The religious belief of the Santa Barbara Channel Indians appears to have been the most rational of any of the beliefs held by the Cali- fornia aborigines. Their god, Chupu, was the deification of good; and Nunaxus, their Satan, the personification of evil. Chupu the all-powerful created Nunaxus, who rebelled against his cre- ator and tried to overthrow him; but Chupu, the almighty, punished him by creating man who, by devouring the animal and vegetable products of the earth, checked the physical growth of Nunaxus, who had hoped by liberal feeding to become like unto a mountain. Foiled in his am- bition, Nunaxus ever afterwards sought to in- jure mankind. To secure Chupu's protection, ofiferings were made to him and dances were instituted in his honor. Flutes and other in- struments were played to attract his attention. When Nunaxus brought calamity upon the In- dians in the shape of dry years, which caused a dearth of animal and vegetable products, or sent sickness to afilict them, their old men interceded with Chupu to protect them; and to exorcise their Satan thev shot arrows and threw HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 55 stones in the direction in which he was sup- posed to be. Of the Indian myths and traditions Hugo Reid says: "They were of incredible length and contained more metamorphoses than Ovid could have engendered in his brain had he lived a thousand years." The Cahuilla tribes who formerly inhabited the mountain districts of the southeastern part of the state had a tradition of their creation. Ac- cording to this tradition the primeval Adam and Eve were created by the Supreme Being in the waters of a northern sea. They came up out of the water upon the land, which they found to be soft and miry. They traveled southward for many moons in search of land suitable for their residence and where they could obtain susten- ance from the earth. This they found at last on the mountain sides in Southern California. Some of the Indian myths when divested of their crudities and ideas clothed in fitting language are as poetical as those of Greece or Scandinavia. The following one which Hugo Reid found among the San Gabriel Indians bears a striking resemblance to the Grecian myths of Orpheus and Eurydice but it is not at all probable that the Indians ever heard the Grecian fable. Ages ago, so runs this Indian myth, a powerful people dwelt On the banks of the Arroyo Seco and hunted over the hills and plains of what are now our modern Pasadena and the valley of San Fernando. They com- mitted a grievous crime against the Great Spirit. A pestilence destroyed them all save a boy and girl who were saved by a foster mother pos- sessed of supernatural powers. They grew to manhood and womanhood and became husband and wife. Their devotion to each other angered the foster mother, who fancied herself neglected. She plotted to destroy the wife. The young woman, divining her fate, told her husband that should he at any time feel a tear drop on his shoulder, he might know that she was dead. While he was away hunting the dread signal came. He hastened back to destroy the hag who had brought death to his wife, but the sorceress had escaped. Disconsolate he threw himself on the grave of his wife. For three days he neither ate nor drank. On the third dav a whirlwind arose from the grave and moved toward the south. Perceiving in it the form of his wife, he hastened on until he overtook it. Then a voice came out of the cloud saying: "Whither I go, thou canst not come. Thou art of earth but I am dead to the world. Return, my husband, return!" He plead piteously to be taken with her. She consenting, he was wrapt in the cloud with her and borne across the illimitable sea»that separates the abode of the living from that of the dead. When they reached the realms of ghosts a spirit voice said: "Sister, thou comest to us with an odor of earth; what dost thou bring?" Then she confessed that she had brought her living husband. "Take him away!" said a voice stern and commanding. She plead that he might remain and recounted his many virtues. To test his virtues, the spirits gave hi:n four labors. First to bring a feather from the top of a pole so high that its summit was in- visible. Xe.xt to split a hair of great length and exceeding fineness; third to make on the ground a map of the constellation of the lesser bear and locate the north star and last to slay the celestial deer that had the form of black beetles and were exceedingly swift. With the aid of his wife he accomplished all the tasks. But no mortal was allowed to dwell in the abodes of death. "Take thou thy wife and re- turn with her to the earth," said the spirit. "Yet remember, thou shalt not speak to her; thou shall not touch her until three suns have passed. A penalty aw^aits thy disobedience." He prom- ised. They pass from the spirit land and travel to the confines of matter. By dav she is invis- ible but by the flickering light of his camp-fire he sees the dim outline of her form. Three davs pass. .As the sun sinks behind the western hills he builds his camp-fire. She appears before him in all the beauty of life. He stretches forth iiis arms to embrace her. She is snatched from, his grasp, .'\lthough invisible to him yet the upper rim of the great orb of day hung above the w-estern verge. He had broken his prom- ise. Like Orpheus, disconsolate, he wandered over the earth until, relenting, the spirits sent their servant Death to liring him to Tecupar (Heaven). The following myth of the mountain Indians 56 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. of the north bears a strong resemblance to the Norse fable of Gyoll the River of Death and its glittering bridge, over which the spirits of the dead pass to Hel, the land of spirits. The In- dian, however, had no idea of any kind of a bridge except a foot log across a stream. The myth in a crude form was narrated to me many years ago by an old pioneer. According to this myth when an Indian died his spirit form was conducted by an unseen guide over a mountain trail unknown and inac- cessible to mortals, to the rapidly flowing river which separated the abode of the living from that of the dead. As the trail descended to the river it branched to the right and left. The right hand path led to a foot bridge made of the mas- sive trunk of a rough barked pine which spanned the Indian styx; the left led to a slender, fresh peeled birch pole that hung high above the roar- ing torrent. At the parting of the trail an in- exorable fate forced the bad to the left, while the spirit form of the good passed on to the right and over the rough barked pine to the happy hunting grounds, the Indian heaven. The bad reaching the river's brink and gazing long- ingly upon the delights beyond, essayed to cross the slippery pole — a slip, a slide, a clutch at empty space, and the ghostly spirit form was hurled into the mad torrent below, and was borne by the rushing waters into a vast lethean lake where it sunk beneath the waves and was blotted from existence forever. CHAPTER V. FRANCISCAN MISSIONS OF ALTA CALIFORNIA. San Diego de Alcala. THE two objective points chosen by Vis- itador General Galvez and President Junipero Serra to begin the spiritual conquest and civilization of the savages of Alta California, were San Diego and Monterey. The expeditions sent by land and sea were all united at San Diego July i, 1769. Father Serra lost no time in beginning the founding of missions. On the i6th of July, 1769, he founded the mis- sion of San Diego de Alcala. It was the first link in the chain of missionary establishments that eventually stretched northward from San Diego to Solano, a distance of seven hundred miles, a chain that was fifty-five years in forging. The first site of the San Diego mission was at a place called by the Indians "Cosoy." It was located near the presidio established by Gov- ernor Portola before he set out in search of Monterey. The locality is now knov^-n as Old Town. Temporary buildings were erected here but the location proved unsuitable and in August, 1774, the mission was removed about two leagues up the San Diego river to a place called by the natives "Nipaguay." Here a dwelling for the padres, a store house, a smithy and a wooden church 18x57 feet were erected. The mission buildings at Cosoy were given up to the presidio except two rooms, one for the visiting priests and the other for a temporary store room for mission supplies coming by sea. The missionaries had been fairly successful in the conversions of the natives and some prog- ress had been made in teaching them to labor. On the night of November 4, 1775. without any previous warning, the gentiles or unconverted Indians in great numbers attacked the mission. (Jne of the friars. Fray Funster, escaped to the soldiers' quarters; the other. Father Jaume, was killed by the savages. The blacksmith also w-as killed ; the carpenter succeeded in reaching the soldiers. The Indians set fire to the buildings which were nearly all of wood. The soldiers, the priest and carpenter were driven into a small adobe building that had been used as a kitchen. Two of the soldiers were wounded. The cor- poral, one soldier and the carpenter were all that were left to hold at bay a thousand howl- ing fiends. The corporal, who was a sharji shooter, did deadly execution on the savages. HISTORICAL AND BTOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. 57 Father Funster saved tlie defenders from being blown to pieces by the explosion of a fifty pound sack of gunpowder. lie spread his cloak over the sack and sat on it, thus preventing the pow- der from being ignited by the sparks of the burning building. The fight lasted till daylight, when the hostiles fled. The Christian Indians who professed to have been coerced by the sav- ages then appeared and made many protesta- tions of sorrow at what had happened. The mili- tary commander was not satisfied that they were innocent but the padres believed them. New buildings were erected at the same place, the soldiers of the presidio for a time assisting the Indians in their erection. The mission was fairly prosperous. In 1800 the cattle numbered 6,960 and the agricultural products amounted to 2,600 bushels. From 1769 to 1834 there were 6,638 persons baptized and 4,428 buried. The largest number of cat- tle possessed by the mission at one time was 9,245 head in 1822. The old building now stand- ing on the mission site at the head of the valley is the third church erected there. The first, built of wood and roofed with tiles, was erected in 1774; the second, built of adobe, was com- pleted in 1780 (the walls of this were badly cracked by an earthquake in 1803); the third was begun in 1808 and dedicated November 12, 1813. The mission was secularized in 1834. S.-VN C.XRLOS DE BORROMEO. As narrated in a former chapter, Governor Portola, who with a small force had set out from San Diego to find Monterey Bay, reached that port May 24, 1770. Father Serra, who came up by sea on the San Antonia, arrived at the same place May 31. All things being in readi- ness the Presidio of Monterey and the mission of San Carlos de Borromeo were founded on the same day — June 3, 1770. The boom of ar- tillery and the roar of musketry accompani- ments to the service of the double founding frightened the Indians away from the mission and it was some time before the savages could muster courage to return. In June, i77i- the site of the mission was moved to the Carmelo river. Tliis was done by Father Serra to re- move the neophytes from the contaminating in- fluence of the soldiers at the presidio. The erec- tion of the stone church still standing was be- gun in 1793. It was completed and dedicated in 1797. The largest neophyte population at San Carlos was reached in 1794, when it num- bered nine hundred and seventy-one. Between 1800 and 1810 it declined to seven hundred and forty-seven. In 1820 the population had de- creased to three hundred and eighty-one and at the end of the next decade it had fallen to two hundred and nine. In 1834, when the de- cree of secularization was put in force, there were about one hundred and fifty neophytes at the mission. At the rate of decrease under mission rule, a few more years would have pro- duced the same result that secularization did, namely, the extinction of the mission Indian. S.\N .\NT0.\I0 Die 1\\UU.\. The third mission founded in California was San Antonio de Padua. It was located about twenty-five leagues from Monterey. Here, on the 14th of June, 1771, in La Canada de los Robles, the cafion of oaks beneath a shelter of Ijranches, Father Serra performed the services of founding. The Indians seem to have been more tractable than those of San Diego or Mon- terey. The first convert was baptized one month after the establishment of the mission. San Antonio attained the highest limit of its neophyte population in 1805, when it had twelve hundred and ninety-six souls within its fold. In 183 1 there were six hundred and sixty- one Indians at or near the mission. In 1834, the date of secularization, there were five hundred and sixty-seven. After its disestablishment the property of the mission was quickly squandered through inefficient administrators. The build- ings are in ruins. SAN GABRIEL ARCANGEL. San Gabriel Arcangel was the fourth mission founded in California. Father Junipero Serra, as previously narrated, had gone north in 1770 and founded the mission of San Carlos Bor- romeo on Monterey Bay and the following year he established the mission of San .\ntonio de Padua on the -Salinas river about twenty-five leagues south of Monterey. 58 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. On the 6th of August, 1771, a cavalcade of soldiers and musketeers escorting Padres Somero and Canibon set out from San Diego over the trail made by Portola's expedition in 1769 (when it went north in search of Monterey Bay) to found a new mission on the River Jesus de los Temblores or to give it its full name, El Rio del Dulcisimo Nombre de Jesus de los Temblores, the river of the sweetest name of Jesus of the Earthquakes. Not finding a suit- able location on that river (now the Santa Ana) they pushed on to the Rio San Miguel, also known as the Rio de los Temblores. Here they selected a site where wood and water were abundant. A stockade of poles was built inclos- ing a square within which a church was erected, covered with boughs. September 8, 1771, the mission was formally founded and dedicated to the archangel Gabriel. The Indians who at the coming of the Spaniards were docile and friendly, a few days after the founding of the mission suddenly attacked two soldiers who were guarding the horses. One of these soldiers had outraged the wife of the chief who led the attack. The soldier who committed the crime killed the chieftain with a musket ball and the other Indians fled. The soldiers then cut off the chief's head and fastened it to a pole at the presidio gate. From all accounts the sol- diers at this mission were more brutal and bar- barous than the Indians and more in need of missionaries to convert them than the Indians. The progress of the mission was slow. At the end of the second year only seventy-three chil- dren and adults had been baptized. Father Serra attributed the lack of conversions to the bad conduct of the soldiers. The first buildings at the mission Vieja were all of wood. The church was 45x18 feet, built of logs and covered with tule thatch. The church and other wooden buildings used by the padres stood within a square inclosed by pointed stakes. In 1776, five years after its founding, the mis- sion was moved from its first location to a new site about a league distant from the old one. The old site was subject to overflow by the river. The adobe ruins pointed out to tourists as the foundations of the old mission are the debris of a building erected for a ranch house about sixty years ago. The buildings at the mission Vieja were all of wood and no trace of them remains. A chapel was first built at the new site. It was replaced by a church built of adobes one hundred and eight feet long by twenty-one feet wide. The present stone church, begun about 1794, and completed about 1806, is the fourth church erected. The mission attained the acme of its impor- tance in 1 817, when there were seventeen hun- dred and one neophytes in the mission fold. The largest grain crop raised at any mission was that harvested at San Gabriel in 1821, which amounted to 29,400 bushels. The number ol cat- tle belonging to the mission in 1830 was 25,725. During the whole period of the mission's exist- ence, i. e., from 1771 to 1834, according to sta- tistics compiled by Bancroft from mission rec- ords, the total number of baptisms was 7,854, of which 4,355 were Indian adults and 2,459 were Indian children and the remainder gente de razon or people of reason. The deaths were 5,656, of which 2,916 were Indian adults and 2,363 Indian children. If all the Indian children born were baptized it would seem (if the sta- tistics are correct) that but very few ever grew up to manhood and womanhood. In 1834, the year of its secularization, its neophyte popula- tion was 1,320. The missionaries of San Gabriel established a station at old San Bernardino about 1820. It was not an asistencia like pala, but merely an agricultural station or ranch headquarters. The buildings were destroyed by the Indians in 1834. SAX LUIS OBISPO DE TOLOSA. On his journey southward in 1782, President Serra and Padre Cavalier, with a small escort of soldiers and a few Lower California Indians, on September i, 1772, founded the mission of San Luis Obispo de Tolosa (St. Louis, Bishop of Tolouse). The site selected was on a creek twenty-five leagues southerly from San An- tonio. The soldiers and Indians were set at work to erect buildings. Padre Cavalier was left in charge of the mission. Father Serra continu- ing his journey southward. This mission was never a very important one. Its greatest popu- lation was in 1803. when there were eight HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 59 luindred and fifty-two neophytes within its juris- diction. From that time to 1834 their number declined to two hundred and sixty-four. The average death rate was 7.30 per cent of the pop- ulation — a lower rate than at some of the more populous missions. The adobe church built in 1793 is still in use, but has been so remodeled that it bears but little resemblance to the church of mission days. SAN FRANCISCO DE ASIS. The expedition under command of Portola in 1769 failed to find Monterey Bay but it passed on and discovered the great bay of San Fran- cisco. So far no attempt had been made to plant a mission or presidio on its shores. Early in 1775, Lieutenant Ayala was ordered to ex- plore the bay with a view to forming a settle- ment near it. Rivera had previously explored the land bordering on the bay where the city now stands. Captain Anza, the discoverer of the overland route from Mexico to California via the Colorado river, had recruited an expedition of two hundred persons in Sonora for the pur- pose of forming a settlement at San Francisco. He set out in 1775 and reached Monterey March 10, 1776. A quarrel between him and Rivera, who was in command at Monterey, defeated for a time the purpose for which the settlers had been brought, and Anza, disgusted with the treatment he had received from Rivera, aban- doned the enterprise. Anza had selected a site for a presidio at San Francisco. After his de- parture Rivera changed his policy of delay that had frustrated all of Anza's plans and decided at once to proceed to the establishment of a pre- sidio. The presidio was formally founded Sep- tember 17, 1776, at what is now known as Fort Point. The ship San Carlos had brought a num- ber of persons; these with the settlers who had come up from Monterey made an assemblage of more than one hundred and fifty persons. After the founding of the presidio Lieutenant Moraga in command of the military and Captain Quiros of the San Carlos, set vigorously at work to build a church for the mission. A wooden building having been constructed on the 9th of October, 1776, the mission was dedicated. Father Palou conducting the service, assisted by Fathers Cambon, Nocedal and Pcna. The site selected for the mission was on the Laguna de los Dolores. The lands at the mission were not very productive. The mission, however, was fairly prosperous. In 1820 it owned 11,240 cat- tle and the total product of wheat was 114.480 bushels. In 1820 there were 1,252 neophytes attached to it. The death rate was very heavy — the average rate being 12.4 per cent of the pop- ulation. In 1832 the population had do^creased to two hundred and four and at the time of secularization it had declined to one hundred and fifty. A number of neophytes had been taken to the new mission of San Francisco So- lano. SAN JUA.N CAl'ISTUAXO. The revolt of the Indians at .San Diego de- layed the founding of San Juan Capistrano a year. October 30, 1775, the initiatory services of the founding had been held when a messenger came with the news of the uprising of the sav- ages and the massacre of Father Jaume and others. The bells which had been hung on a tree were taken down and buried. The soldiers and the padres hastened to San Diego. Novem- ber I, 1776, Fathers Serra, Mugartegui and Amurrio, with an escort of soldiers, arrived at the site formerly selected. The bells were dug up and hung on a tree, an enramada of boughs was constructed and Father Serra said mass. The first location of the mission was several miles northeasterly from the present site at the foot of the mountain. The abandoned site is still known a la Mision Vieja (the Old Mission). Just when the change of location was made is not known. The erection of a stone church was begun in February, 1797, and completed in 1806. A master builder had been brought from Mexico and under his superintendence the neophytes did the mechanical labor. It was the largest and handsomest church in California and was the pride of mission architecture. The year 1812 was known in California as el ano dc los tem- ])lores — the year of earthquakes. For months the seismic disturbance was almost continuous. On Sunday, December 8, 1812, a severe shock threw down the lofty church tower, which crashed through the vaulted roof on the congre- GO HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. gatioi) below. The padre who was celebrating mass escaped through the sacristy. Of the fifty persons present only five or six escaped. The church was never rebuilt. "There is not much doubt," says Bancroft, "that the disaster was due rather to faulty construction than to the violence of the temblor." The edifice was of the usual cruciform shape, about 90x180 feet on the ground, with very thick walls and arched dome-like roof all constructed of stones imbed- ded in mortar or cement. The stones were not hewn, but of irregular size and shape, a kind of structure evidently requiring great skill to en- sure solidity. The mission reached its maxi- nnim in 1819; from that on till the date of its secularization there was a rapid decline in the numbers of its live stock and of its neophytes. This was one of the missions in which Gov- ernor Figueroa tried his experiment of forming Indian pueblos of the neophytes. For a time the experiment was a partial success, but even- tually it went the way of all the other missions. Its lands were granted to private individuals and the neophytes scattered. Its picturesque ruins are a great attraction to tourists. SANTA CLAR.\. The mission of Santa Clara was founded Jan- uary 12, 1777. The site had been selected some time before and two missionaries designated for service at it, but the comandante of the terri- tory, Rivera y Moncada, who was an exceed- ingly obstinate person, had opposed the found- ing on various pretexts, but posititve orders coming from the viceroy Rivera did not longer delay, so on the 6th of January, 1777, a detach- ment of soldiers under Lieutenant Aloraga, ac- companied by Father Pena, was sent from San Francisco to the site selected which was about sixteen leagues south of San Francisco. Here under an enramada the services of dedication were held. The Indians were not averse to re- ceiving a new religion and at the close of the year sixty-seven had been baptized. The mission was quite prosperous and be- came one of the most important in the territory. It was located in the heart of a rich agricul- tural district. The total product of wheat was 175,800 bushels. In 1828 the mission flocks and herds numbered over 30,000 animals. The neophyte population in 1827 was 1,464. The death rate was high, averaging 12.63 per cent of the population. The total number of bap- tisms was 8,640; number of deaths 6,950. In 1834 the population had declined to 800. Secularization was effected in 1837. SAN BUENAVENTURA. The founding of San Buenaventura had been long delayed. It was to have been among the first missions founded by Father Serra; it proved to be his last. On the 26th of March, 1782, Governor de Neve, accompanied by Father Serra (who had come down afoot from San Carlos), and Father Cambon, with a convoy of soldiers and a number of neophytes, set out from San Gabriel to found the mission. At the first camping place Governor de Neve was re- called to San Gabriel by a message from Col. Pedro Fazes, informing him of the orders of the council of war to proceed against the Yumas who had the previous year destroyed the two missions on the Colorado river and massacred the missionaries. On the 29th, the remainder of the company reached a place on the coast named by Portola in 1769, Asuncion de Nuestra Senora, which had for some time been selected for a mission site. Near it was a large Indian rancheria. On Easter Sunday, Alarch 31st, the mission was for- mally founded with the usual ceremonies and dedicated to San Buenaventura (Giovanni de Fidanza of Tuscany), a follower of St. Francis, the founder of the Franciscans. The progress of the mission was slow at first, only two adults were baptized in 1782, the year of its founding. The first buildings built of wood were destroyed by fire. The church still used for service, built of brick and adobe, was completed and dedicated, September 9, 1809. The earthquake of December 8, 181 2, damaged the church to such an extent that the tower and part of the facade had to be rebuilt. After the earthquake the whole site of the mission for a time seemed to be sinking. The inhabi- tants, fearful of being engulfed by the sea, re- moved to San Joaquin y Santa Ana, where they remained several months. The mission at- Q O u. o m m < < Z < c/2 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RFXORD. 61 taincd its greatest prosperity in 1816, when its neophyte population numbered 1,330 and it owned 23,400 cattle. SANTA BARBARA. Governor Felipe dc Neve founded the presidio of Santa liarbara April 2\. 1782. Father Scrra had hoped to found the mission at the same time, but in ihis he was disappointed. His death in 1784 still further delayed the founding and it was not until the latter part of 1786 that every- thing was in readiness for the establishing of the new mission. On the 22d of November Father Lasuen, who had succeeded Father Serra as president of the missions, arrived at Santa Barbara, accompanied by two missiona- ries recently from Mexico. He selected a site about a mile distant from the presidio. The place was called Taynagan (Rocky Hill) by the Indians. There was a plentiful supply of stone on the site for building and an abundance of water for irrigation. On the 15th of December, 1786, Father Lasuen, in a hut of boughs, celebrated the first mass ; but December 4, the day that the fiesta of Santa Barbara is commemorated, is considered the date of its founding. Part of the services were held on that day. A chapel built of adobes and roofed with thatch was erected in 1787. Sev- eral other buildings of adobe were erected the same year. In 1788, tile took the place of thatch. In 1789, a second church, much larger than the first, was built. A third church of adobe was commenced in 1793 and finished in 1794. A brick portico was added in 1795 and the walls plastered. The great earthquake of December, 1812, de- molished the mission church and destroyed nearly all the buildings. The years 1813 and 1814 were spent in removing the debris of the ruined buildings and in preparing for the erec- tion of new ones. The erection of the present mission church was begun in 18 15. It was com- pleted and dedicated September 10, 1820. Father Caballeria, in his History of Santa Barbara, gives the dimensions of the church as follows: "Length (including walls), sixty varas; width, fourteen varas; height, ten varas fa vara is thirty-four inches)." The walls are of stone and rest on a foundation of rock and cement. They are six feet thick and are further strength- ened by buttresses. Notwithstanding the build- ing has withstood the storms of four score years, it is still in an excellent state of preservation. Its exterior has not been disfigured by attempts at modernizing. The highest neophyte population was reached at Santa Barbara in 1803, when it numbered 1,792. The largest number of cattle was 5,200 in 1809. In 1834, the year of secularization, the neophytes numbered 556, which was a decrease of 155 from the number in 1830. At such a rate of decrease it would not, even if mission rule had continued, have taken more than a dozen years to depopulate the mission. I. A PUKISIMA CONCEPCION. Two m!-.-ions, San Buenaventura and Santa Barbara, had been founded on the Santa Bar- bara channel in accordance with Neve's report of 1777, in which he recommended the founding of three missions and a presidio in that district. It was the intention of General La Croix to con- duct these on a difTerent plan from that prevail- ing in the older missions. The natives were not to be gathered into a missionary establishment, but were to remain in their rancherias, which were to be converted into mission pueblos. The Indians were to receive instruction in religion, industrial arts and self-government while com- paratively free from restraint. The plan which no doubt originated with Governor de Neve, was a good one theoretically, and possibly might have been practically. The missionaries were bitterly opposed to it. L^nfortunately it was tried first in the Colorado river missions among the fierce and treacherous Yumas. The mas- sacre of the padres and soldiers of these mis- sions was attributed to this innovation. ■ In establishing the channel missions the mis- sionaries opposed the inauguration of this plan and by their persistence succeeded in setting it aside: and the old system was adopted. La Purisima Coficepcion, or the Immaculate Con- ception of the Blessed \^irgin, the third of the channel missions, was founded December 8, 1787. by Father Lasuen at a place called by the natives Algsacupi. Its location is about twelve 62 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. miles from the ocean on the Santa Ynez river. Three years after its founding three hundred converts had been baptized but not all of them lived at the mission. The first cliurch was a temporary structure. The second church, built of adobe and roofed with tile, was completed in 1802. December 21, 1812, an earthquake de- molished the church and. also about one hundred adobe houses of the neophytes. A site across the river and about four miles distant from the former one, was selected for new buildings. A temporary building for a church was erected there. A new church, built of adobe and roofed with tile, was completed and dedicated in 1818. The Indians revolted in 1824 and damaged the building. They took possession of it and a battle lasting four hours was fought between one hundred and thirty soldiers and four hundred Indians. The neophytes cut loop holes in the church and used two old rusty cannon and a few guns they possessed; but, unused to fire arms, they were routed with the loss of several killed. During the revolt which lasted several months four white men and fifteen or twenty In- dians were killed. The hostiles, most of whom fled to the Tulares, were finally subdued. The leaders were punished with imprisonment and the others returned to their missions. This mission's population was largest in 1804, when it numbered 1,520. In 1834 there were but 407 neophytes connected with it. It was secular- ized in February, 1835. During mission rule from 1787 to 1834, the total number of Indian children baptized was 1,492; died 902, which was a lower death rate than at most of the southern missions. SANTA CRUZ. Santa Cruz, one of the smallest of the twenty- one missions of California, was founded Septem- ber 25, 1790. The mission was never very pros- perous. In 1798 many of the neophytes de- serted and the same year a flood covered the planting fields and damaged the church. In 1812 the neophytes murdered the missionary in charge. Padre Andres Ouintana. They claimed that he had treated them with great cruelty. Five of those implicated in the murder received two hundred lashes each and were sentenced to work in chains from two to ten years. Only one survived the punishment. The maximum of its population was reached in 1798, when there were six hundred and forty-four Indians in the mission fold. The total number bap- tized from the date of its founding to 1834 was 2,466; the total number of deaths was 2,034. The average death rate was 10.93 P^'' cent of the population. At the time of its secularization in 1834 there were only two hundred and fifty In- dians belonging to the mission. LA SOLEDAD. The mission of our Lady of Solitude was founded September 29, 1791. The site selected had borne the name Soledad (solitude) ever since the first exploration of the country. The location was thirty miles northeast of San Car- los de Monterey. La Soledad, by which name it was generally known, was unfortunate in its early missionaries. One of them, Padre Gracia, was supposed to be insane and the other. Padre Rubi, was very immoral. Rubi was later on ex- pelled from his college for licentiousness. At the close of the century the mission had become fairly prosperous, but in 1802 an epidemic broke out and five or six deaths occurred daily. The Indians in alarm fled from the mission. The largest population of the mission was seven hundred and twenty-five in 1805. At the time of secularization its population had decreased to three hundred. The total number of baptisms during its existence was 2,222; number of deaths 1,803. SAN JOSE. St. Joseph had been designated by the visita- dor General Galvez and Father Junipero Serra as the patron saint of the mission colonization of California. Thirteen missions had been founded and yet none had been dedicated to San Jose. Orders came from Mexico that one be estab- lished and named for him. Accordingly a de- tail of a corporal and five men, accompanied by Father Lasuen, president of the missions, pro- ceeded to the site selected, which was about twelve miles northerly from the pueblo of San Jose. There, on June 11, 1797, the mission was founded. The mission was well located agricul- turally and became one of the most prosperous in California. In 1820 it had a population of o w Q y, D o >- 3 HISTORICAL AXD BIOGRAPHICAL RFXORD. 63 1,754, the highest of any mission except San Luis Key. The total number of baptisms from its founding to 1834 was 6,737; deaths 5,109. Secularization was effected in 1836-37. The to- tal valuation of the mission property, not in- cluding lands or the church, was $155,000. SAN JUAN BAUTISTA. In May, 1797, Governor Borica ordered the comandante at Monterey to detail a corporal and five soldiers to proceed to a site that had been previously chosen for a mission which was about ten leagues northeast from Monterey. Here the soldiers erected of wood a church, priest's house, granary and guard house. June 24, 1797, President Lasuen, assisted by Fathers Catala and Martiari, founded the mission of San Juan Bautista (St. John the Baptist). At the close of the year, eighty-five converts had been baptized. The neighboring Indian tribes were hostile and some of them had to be killed before others learned to behave themselves. A new church, measuring 60x160 feet, was com- pleted and dedicated in 1812. San Juan was the only mission whose population increased between 1820 and 1830. This was due to the fact that its numbers were recruited from the eastern tribes, its location being favorable for obtaining new recruits from the gentiles. The largest popula- tion it ever reached was 1,248 in 1823. In 1834 there were but 850 neophytes at the mission. S.'VN MIGUEL. Midway between the old missions of San An- tonio and San Luis Obispo, on the 25th of July, 1797, was founded the mission of San Miguel Arcangel. The two old missions contributed horses, cattle and sheep to start the new one. The mission had a propitious beginning; fifteen children were baptized on the day the mission was founded. At the close of the century the number of converts reached three hundred and eighty-five, of whom fifty-three had died. Tlie mission population numbered 1,076 in 1814; after that it steadily declined until, in 1834, there were only 599 attached to the establishment. Total number of baptisms was 2,588; deaths 2,038. The average death rate was 6.91 per cent of the population, the lowest rate in any of the missions. The mission was secularized in 1836. SAN FERNA.NDO RICY DE ESPAN.\. In the closing years of the century explora- tions were made for new mission sites in Cali- fornia. These were to be located between mis- sions already founded. Among those selected at that time was the site of the mission San Fer- nando on the Encino Ranclio, then occupied by I'^ancisco Reyes. Reyes surrendered whatever right he had to the land and the padres occupied his house for a dwelling while new buildings were in the course of erection. September 8, 1797, with the usual ceremo- nies, the mission was founded by President Lasuen, assisted by Father Dumetz. .\ccording to instructions from Mexico it was dedicated to San Fernando Rey de Espana (Fernando III., King of Spain, 1217-1251). At the end of the year 1797, fifty-five converts had been gathered into the mission fold and at the end of the cen- tury three hundred and fifty-two had been bap- tized. The adobe church began before the close of the century was completed and dedicated in De- cember, 1806. It had a tiled roof. It was but slightly injured by the great earthquakes of De- cember, 1812, which were so destructive to the mission buildings at San Juan Capistrano, Santa Barbara, La Purisima and Santa Ynez. This mission reached its greatest prosperity in 1819, when its neophyte population numbered 1,080. The largest number of cattle owned by it at one time was 12,800 in 1819. Its decline was not so rapid as that of some of the other missions, but the death rate, espe- cially among the children, was fully as high. Of the 1,367 Indian children baptized there during the existence of mission rule 965, or over seventy per cent, died in childhood. It was not strange that the fearful death rate both of children and adults at the missions sometimes frightened the neophytes into running away. SAN LUIS Rr.V Die 1-KANCL\. Several explorations had been made for a mis- sion site between San Diego and San Juan Capistrano. There was quite a large Indian 04 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. population that had not been brought into the folds of either mission. In October, 1797, a new exploration of this territory was ordered and a site was finally selected, although the ag- ricultural advantages were regarded as not sat- isfactory. Governor Borica, February 28, 1798, issued orders to the comandante at San Diego to furnish a detail of soldiers to aid in erecting the necessary buildings. June 13, 1798, President Lasuen, the successor of President Serra, as- sisted by Fathers Peyri and Santiago, with the usual services, founded the new mission. It was named San Luis Rey de Francia (St. Louis. King of France). Its location was near a river on which was bestowed the name of the mis- sion. The mission flourished from its very be- ginning. Its controlling power was Padre An- tonio Peyri. He remained in charge of it from its founding almost to its downfall, in all thirty- three years. He was a man of great executive abilities and under his administration it be- came one of the largest and most prosperous missions in California. It reached its maximum in 1826, when its neophyte population numbered 2,869, tlie largest number at one time connected with any mission in the territory. The asistencia or auxiliary mission of San Antonio was established at Pala, seven leagues easterly from the parent mission. A chapel was erected here and regular services held. One of the padres connected with San Luis Rey was in charge of this station. Father Peyri left Cal- ifornia in 1831, with the exiled Governor Mc- toria. He went to ^lexico and from there to Spain and lastly to Rome, where he died. The mission was converted into an Indian pueblo in 1834, but the pueblo was not a success. Most of the neophytes drifted to Los Angeles and San Gabriel. During the Mexican conquest American troops were stationed there. It has recently been partially repaired and is now used for a Franciscan school under charge of Father J. J. O'Keefe. SANTA YNEZ. Santa Ynez was the last mission founded in Southern California. It was established Sep- tember 17. 1804. Its location is about forty miles northwesterly from Santa Barbara, on the east- erly side of the Santa Ynez mountains and eighteen miles southeasterly from La Purisima. Father Tapis, president of the missions from 1803 to 1812, preached the sermon and was assisted in the ceremonies by Fathers Cipies, Calzada and Gutierrez. Carrillo, the comandante at the presidio, was present, as were also a num- ber of neophytes from Santa Barbara and La Purisima. Some of these were transferred to the new mission. The earthquake of December, 1812, shook down a portion of the church and destroyed a number of the neophytes' houses. In 1815 the erection of a new church was begun. It was built of adobes, lined with brick, and was completed and dedicated July 4, 1817. The Indian revolt of 1824, described in the sketch of La Purisima, broke out first at this mission. The neophytes took possession of the church. The mission guard defended themselves and the padre. At the approach of the troops from Santa Barbara the Indians fled to La Purisima. San Ynez attained its greatest population, 770, in 1816. In 1834 its population had de- creased to 334. From its founding in 1804 to 1834, when the decrees of secularization were put in force, 757 Indian children were baptized and 519 died, leaving only 238, or about thirty per cent of those baptized to grow up. SAN RAFAEL. San Rafael was the first mission established north of the Bay of San Francisco. It was founded December 14, 1817. At first it was an asistencia or branch of San Francisco. An epi- demic had broken out in the Mission Dolores and a number of the Indians were transferred to San Rafael to escape the plague. Later on it attained to the dignity of a mission. In 1828 its population was 1,140. After 1830 it began to decline and at the time of its secularization in 1834 there were not more than 500 connected with it. In the seventeen years of its existence under mission rule there were 1,873 baptisms and 698 deaths. The average death rate was 6.09 per cent of the population. The mission was secularized in 1834. All traces of the mission building have disappeared. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 65 SAN FRANCISCO SOLANO. The mission of San I'Vancisco de Asis had fallen into a rapid decline. The epidemic that had carried ofif a number of the neophytes and had caused the transfer of a considerable num- ber to San Rafael had greatly reduced its popu- lation. Besides, the sterility of the soil in the vicinity of the mission necessitated going a long- distance for agricultural land and pasturage for the herds and Hocks. On this account and also for the reason that a number of new converts might be obtained from the gentiles living in the district north of the bay, Governor Arguello and the mission authorities decided to establish a mission in that region. Explorations were made in June and July, 1823. On the 4th of July a site was selected, a cross blessed and raised, a volley of musketry fired and mass said at a place named New San Francisco, but after- wards designated as the Mission of San Fran- cisco Solano. On the 25th of August work was begun on the mission building and on the 4th of April, 1824. a church, 24x105 feet, built of wood, was dedicated. It had been intended to remove the neophytes from the old mission of San Francisco to the new; but the padres of the old mission opposed its depopulation and suppression. A com- promise was effected by allowing all neophytes of the old mission who so elected to go to the new. Although well located, the Mission of Solano was not prosperous. Its largest popula- tion, 996, was reached in 1832. The total num- ber of baptisms were 1,315; deaths, 651. The average death rate was 7.8 per cent of the pop- ulation. The mission was secularized in 1835, at which time there were about 550 neophytes at- tached to it. The architecture of the missions was Moorish — that is, if it belonged to any school. The padres in most cases were the architects and mas- ter builders. The main feature of the buildings was massiveness. Built of adobe or rough stone, their walls were of great thickness. Most of the church buildings were narrow, their width being out of proportion to their length. This was necessitated by the difficulty of procuring joists and rafters of sufficient length for wide build- ings. The padres had no means or perhaps no 5 knowledge of trussing a roof, and the width of the building had to be proportioned to the length of the timbers procurable. Some of the buildings were planned with an eye for the pic- turesque, others for utility only. The sites se- lected for the mission buildings in nearly every case commanded a fine view of the surrounding country. In their prime, their white walls loom- ing up on the horizon could be seen at long distance and acted as beacons to guide the trav- eler to their hospitable shelter. Col. J. J. Warner, who came to California in 1831, and saw the mission buildings before they had fallen into decay, thus describes their gen- eral plan: "As soon after the founding of a mission as circumstances would permit, a large pile of buildings in the form of a quadrangle, composed in part of burnt brick, but chiefly of sun-dried ones, was erected around a spaciou.s court. A large and capacious church, which usually occupied one of tl'.e outer corners of the quadrangle, was a conspicuous part of the pile. ]n this massive building, covered with red tile, was the habitation of the friars, rooms for guests and for the major domos and their families. In other buildings of the quadrangle were hospital wards, storehouses and granaries, rooms for carding, spinning and weaving of woolen fab- rics, shops for blacksmiths, joiners and carpen- ters, saddlers, shoemakers and soap boilers, and cellars for storing the product (wine and brandy) of the vineyards. Near the habitation of the friars another building of similar material was placed and used as quarters for a small number — about a corporal's guard — of soldiers under command of a non-commissioned officer, to hold the Indian neophytes in check as well as to pro- tect the mission from the attacks of hostile In- dians." The Indians, when the buildings of the establishment were complete, lived in adobe houses built in lines near the quadrangle. Some of the buildings of the square were occupied by the alcaldes or Indian bosses. When the In- dians were gathered into the missions at first tliey lived in brush shanties constructed in the same manner as their forefathers had built them for generations. In some of the missions these huts were not replaced by adobe buildings for a generation or more. \'ancouver. who visited 66 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. the Mission of San Francisco in 1792, sixteen years after its founding, describes the Indian village with its brush-built huts. He says: "These miserable habitations, each of which was allotted for the residence of a whole family, were erected with some degree of uniformity about three or four feet asunder in straight rows, leaving lanes or passageways at right angles be- tween them; but these were so abominably in- fested with every kind of filth and nastiness as to be rendered no less oiifensive than degrading to the human species." Of the houses at Santa Clara, Vancouver says: "The habitations were not so regularly disposed nor did it (the village) contain so many as the village of San Francisco, yet the same horrid state of uncleanliness and laziness seemed to pervade the whole." Better houses were then in the course of construction at Santa Clara. "Each house would contain two rooms and a garret with a garden in the rear." Vancouver visited San Carlos de Monterey in 1792, twenty- two years after its founding. He says: "Not- withstanding these people are taught and em- ployed from time to time in many of the occu- pations most useful to civil society, they had not made themselves any more comfortable habita- tions than those of their forefathers; nor did they seem in any respect to have benefited by the instruction they had received." Captain Beechey, of the English navy, who visited San Francisco and the missions around the bay in 1828, found the Indians at San Fran- cisco still living in their filthy hovels and grind- ing acorns for food. "San Jose (mission)," he says, "on the other hand, was all neatness, clean- liness and comfort." At San Carlos he found that the filthy hovels described by Vancouver iiad nearly all disappeared and the Indians were comfortably housed. He adds: "Sickness in general prevailed to an incredible extent in all the missions." CHAPTER VI. PRESIDIOS OF CALIFORNIA. San Diego. THE presidio was an essential feature of the Spanish colonization of America. It was usually a fortified square of brick or stone, inside of which were the barracks of the soldiers, the officers' quarters, a church, store houses for provisions and military supplies. The gates at the entrance were closed at night, and it was usually provisioned for a siege. In the colonization of California there were four pre- sidios established, namely: San Diego, Monte- rey, San Francisco and Santa Barbara. Each was the headquarters of a military district and besides a body of troops kept at the presidio it furnished guards for the missions in its re- spective district and also for the pueblos if there were any in the district. The first presidio was founded at San Diego. As stated in a previous chapter, the two ships of the expedition by sea for the settlement of California arrived at the port of San Diego in a deplorable condition from scurvy. The San Antonia, after a voyage of fifty-nine days, arrived on April 1 1 ; the San Carlos, although she had sailed a month earlier, did not arrive until April 29, consuming one hundred and ten days in the voyage. Don Miguel Constanso, the engineer who came on this vessel, says in his report : "The scurvy had infected all without exception ; in such sort that on entering San Diego already two men had died of the said sickness; most of the seamen, and half of the troops, foimd themselves pros- trate in their beds; only four mariners remained on their feet, and attended, aided by the troops, to trimming and furling the sails and other working of the ship." "The San Antonia," says Constanso, "had the half of its crew equally affected by the scurvy, of which illness two men had likewise died." This vessel, although it had arrived at the port on the nth of April, had evi- dentlv not landed anv of its sick. On the ist of HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 67 May, Don Pedro Pages, the commander of the troops, Constanso and Estorace, tlie second cap- tain of the San Carlos, with twenty-five soldiers, set out to find a watering place where they could fill their barrels with fresh water. "Following the west shore of the port, after going a mat- ter of three leagues, they arrived at the banks of a river hemmed in with a fringe of willows and cottonwoods. Its channel must have been twenty varas wide and it discharges into an estuary which at high tide could admit the launch and made it convenient for accomplish- ing the taking on of water." * * * "Hav- ing reconnoitered the watering place, the Span- iards betook themselves back on board the vessels and as these were found to be very far away from the estuary in which the river dis- charges, their captains, Vicente Vila and Don Juan Perez, resolved to approach it as closely as they could in order to give less work to the people handling the launches. These labors were accomplished with satiety of hardship; for from one day to the ne.xt the number of the sick kept increasing, along with the dying of the most aggravated cases and augmented the fa- tigue of the few who remained on their feet." "Immediate to the beach on the side toward the east a scanty enclosure was constructed formed of a parapet of earth and fascines, which was garnished with two cannons. They disem- barked some sails and awnings from the packets with which they made two tents capacious enough for a hospital. At one side the two offi- cers, the missionary fathers and the surgeon put up their own tents; the sick were brought in launches to this improvised presidio and hospi- tal." "But these diligencies," says Constanso, "were not enough to procure them health." * * * "The cold made itself felt with rigor at night in the barracks and the sun by day, alter- nations which made the sick suffer cruelly, two or three of them dying every day. And this whole expedition, which had been composed of more than ninety men, saw itself reduced to only eight soldiers and as many mariners in a state to attend to the safeguarding of the barks, the working of the launches, custody of the camp and service of the sick." Rivera y Moncada, the commander of the first detachment of the land expedition, arrived at San Diego May 14. It was decided by the officers to remove the camp to a point near the river. This had not been done before on ac- count of the small force able to work and the lack of beasts of burden. Rivera's men were all in good health and after a day's rest "all were removed to a new camp, which was transferred one league further north on the right side of the river upon a hill of middling height." Here a presidio was built, the remains of which can still be seen. It was a parapet of earth similar to that thrown up at the first camp, which, according to Bancroft, was probably within the limits of New Town and the last one in Old Town or North San Diego. While Portola's expedition was away searcb- ing for the port of Monterey, the Indians made an attack on the camp at San Diego, killed a Spanish youth and wounded Padre Viscaino, the blacksmith, and a Lower California neophyte. The soldiers remaining at San Diego sur- rounded the buildings with a stockade. Con- stanso says, on the return of the Spaniards of Portola's expedition; "They found in good con- dition their humble buildings, surrounded with a palisade of trunks of trees, capable of a good defense in case of necessity." "In 1782, the presidial force at San Diego, be- sides the commissioned officers, consisted of five corporals and forty-six soldiers. Six men were constantly on duty at each of the three missions of the district, San Diego, San Juan Capistrano and San Gabriel ; while four served at the pueblo of Los Angeles, thus leaving a sergeant, two corporals and about twenty-five men to garrison the fort, care for the horses and a small herd of cattle, and to carry the mails, which latter duty was the hardest connected with the presidio service in time of peace. There were a carpenter and blacksmith constantly employed, besides a few servants, mostly natives. The population of the district in 1790, not including Indians, was 220."* Before the close of the century the wooden palisades had been replaced by a thick adobe ♦Bancroft's History of California, Vol. I. 68 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. wall, but even then the fort was not a very for- midable defense. Vancouver, the English navi- gator, who visited it in 1793, describes it as "irregularly built on very uneven ground, which makes it liable to some inconveniences without the obvious appearance of any object for select- ing such a spot." It then mounted three small brass cannon. Gradually a town grew up around the pre- sidio. Robinson, who visited San Diego in 1829, thus describes it: "On the lawn beneath the hill on which the presidio is built stood about thirty houses of rude appearance, mostly occupied by retired veterans, not so well con- structed in respect either to beauty or stability as the houses at Monterey, with the exception of that belonging to our Administrador, Don Juan -Bandini, whose mansion, then in an unfinished state, bid fair, when completed, to surpass any other in the country." Lender Spain there was attempt at least to keep the presidio in repair, but under Mexican domination it fell into decay. Dana describes it as he saw it in 1836: "The first place we went to was the old ruinous presidio, which stands on rising ground near the village which it over- looks. It is built in the form of an open square, like all the other presidios, and was in a most ruinous state, with the exception of one side, in which the comandante lived with his family. There were only two guns, one of which was spiked and the other had no carriage. Twelve half clothed and half starved looking fellows composed the garrison; and they, it was said, had not a musket apiece. The small settlement lay directly below the fort composed of about forty dark brown looking huts or houses and three or four larger ones whitewashed, which belonged to the gente de razon." THE PRESIDIO OF MONTEREY. In a previous chapter has been narrated the story of Portola's expedition in search of Mon- terey Bay, how the explorers, failing to recog- nize it, passed on to the northward and discov- ered the great Bay of San' Francisco. On their return they set up a cross at what they supposed was the Bay of Monterey: and at the foot of the cross buried a letter giving information to any ship that might come up the coast in search of them that they had returned to San Diego. They had continually been on the lookout for the San Jose, which was to co-operate with them, but that vessel had been lost at sea with all on board. On their return to San Diego, in January, 1770, preparations were made for a return as soon as a vessel should arrive. It was not until the i6th of April that the San An- tonia, the only vessel available, was ready to depart for the second objective point of settle- ment. On the 17th of April, Governor Portola, Lieutenant Pages, Father Crespi and nineteen soldiers took up their line of march for Alonte- rey. They followed the trail made in 1769 and reached the point where they had set up the cross April 24. They found it decorated with feathers, bows and arrows and a string of fish. Evidently the Indians regarded it as the white man's fetich and tried to propitiate it by offer- ings. The San Antonia, bearing Father Serra, Pedro Prat, the surgeon, and Miguel Constanso, the civil engineer, and supplies for the mission and presidio, arrived the last day of May. Por- tola was still uncertain whether this was really Monterey Bay. It was hard to discover in the open roadstead stretching out before them Vis- caino's land-locked harbor, sheltered from all winds. After the arrival of the San Antonia the ofificers of the land and sea expedition made a reconnaissance of the bay and all concurred that at last they had reached the destined port. They located the oak under whose wide-spreading branches Padre Ascension, Viscaino's chaplain, had celebrated mass in 1602, and the springs of fresh water near by. Preparations were begun at once for the founding of mission and presidio. A shelter of boughs was constructed, an altar raised and the bells hung upon the branch of a tree. Father Serra sang mass and as they had no musical instrument, salvos of artillery and volleys of musketry furnished an accompani- ment to the service. After the religious services the royal standard was raised and Governor Portola took possession of the country in the name of King Carlos III., King of Spain. The ceremony closed with the pulling of grass and the casting of stones around, significant of en- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 69 tire possession of the earth and its products. After the service all feasted. Two messengers were sent by Portola with dispatches to the city of Mexico. A day's jour- ney below San Diego they met Rivera and twenty soldiers coming with a herd of cattle and a flock of sheep to stock the mission pastures. Rivera sent back five of his soldiers with Por- tola's carriers. The messengers reached Todos Santos near Cape San Lucas in forty-nine days from Monterey. From there the couriers were sent to San Bias by ship, arriving at the city of Mexico August lo. There was great rejoicing at the capital. Marquis Le Croix and X'isitador Galvcz received congratulations in the King's name for the extension of his domain. Portola superintended the l^uilding of some rude huts for the shelter of the soldiers, the officers and the padres. Around the square containing the huts a palisade of poles was con- structed. July 9, Portola having turned over the command of the troops to Lieutenant Pages, embarked on the San Antonia for San Bias; with him went the civil engineer, Constanso, from whose report I have frequently quoted. Neither of them ever returned to California. The difficulty of reaching California by ship on account of the head winds that blow down the coast caused long delays in the arrival of vessels with supplies. This brought about a scarcity of provisions at the presidios and mis- sions. In 1772 the padres of San Gabriel were re- duced to a milk diet and what little they could obtain from the Indians At Monterey and San .\ntonio the padres and the soldiers were obliged to live on vegetables. In this emergency Lieu- tenant Pages and a squad of soldiers went on a bear hunt. They spent three months in the summer of 1772 killing bears in the Canada de los Osos (Bear Canon). The soldiers and mis- sionaries had a plentiful supply of bear meat. There were not enough cattle in the country to admit of slaughtering any for food. The pre- sidial walls which were substituted for the pal- isades were built of adobes and stone. The inclosure measured one hundred and ten yards on each side. The buildings were roofed with tiles. "On the north were the main entrance. the guard house, and the warehouses; on the west the houses of the governor comandante and other officers, some fifteen apartments in all; on the east nine houses for soldiers, and a blacksmith shop; and on the south, besides nine similar houses, was the presidio church, opposite the main gateway."* The military force at the presidio consisted of cavalry, infantry and artillery, their numbers varying from one hundred to one hundred and twenty in all. These soldiers furnished guards for the missions of San Carlos, San Antonio, San Miguel, Soledad and San Luis Obispo. The total population of gente de razon in the district at the close of the century numbered four lum- dren and ninety. The rancho "'del rey" or rancho of the king was located where Salinas City now stands. This rancho was managed by the soldiers of presidio and was intended to furnish the military with meat and a supply of horses for the cavalry. At the presidio a num- ber of invalided soldiers who had served out their time were settled; these were allowed to cultivate land and raise cattle on the unoccu- pied lands of the public domain. A town grad- ually grew up around the presidio square. Vancouver, the English navigator, visited the presidio of Monterey in 1792 and describes it as it then appeared: "The buildings of the pre- sidio form a parallelogram or long scjuare com- prehending an area of about three hundred yards long by two hundred and fifty wide, mak- ing one entire enclosure. The external wall is of the same magnitude and built with the same materials, and except that the officers' apart- ments are covered with red tile made in the neighborhood, the whole presents the same lonely, uninteresting appearance as that already described at San Francisco. Like that estab- lishment, the several buildings for the use of the officers, soldiers, am! for the ]5rotection of stores and provisions are erected along the walls nn the inside of the inclosure, which admits of but one entrance for carriages or persons on horse- back; this, as at San Francisco, is on the side of the square fronting the church which was rebuilding with stone like that at San CaHos." * * * *Bancroft's History of California. Vol. I. 70 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR-APHICAL RECORD. "At each corner of the square is a small kind of block house raised a little above the top of the wall where swivels might be mounted for its protection. On the outside, before the entrance into the presidio, which fronts the shores of the bay, are placed seven cannon, four nine and three three-pounders, mounted. The guns are planted on the open plain ground without breastwork or other screen for those employed in working them or the least protection from the weather." THE PRESIDIO OF SAN FRANCISCO. In a previous chapter I have given an account of the discovery of San Francisco Bay by Por- tola's expedition in 1769. The discovery of that great bay seems to have been regarded as an unimportant event by the governmental offi- cials. While there was great rejoicing at the city of Mexico over the founding of a mission for the conversion of a few naked savages, the discovery of the bay was scarcely noticed, ex- cept to construe it into some kind of a miracle. Father Serra assumed that St. Francis had con- cealed Monterey from the explorers and led them to the discovery of the bay in order that he (St. Francis) might have a mission named for him. Indeed, the only use to which the discovery could be put, according to Serra's ideas, was a site for a mission on its shores, dedi- cated to the founder of the Franciscans. Several explorations were made with this in view. In 1772, Lieutenant Fages, Father Crespi and six- teen soldiers passed up the western side of the bay and in 1774 Captain Rivera, Father Palou and a squad of soldiers passed up the eastern shore, returning by way of Alonte Diablo, .■\mador valley and .\Iameda creek to the Santa Clara valley. In the latter part of the year 1774, viceroy Bucureli ordered the founding of a mission and presidio at San Francisco. Hitherto all explora- tions of the bay had been made by land expedi- tions. No one had ventured on its waters. In 1775 Lieutenant Juan de Ayala of the royal navy was sent in the old pioneer mission ship, the San Carlos, to make a survey of it. August 5, 1775, he passed through the Golden Gate. He moored his ship at an island called by him Nuestra Sehora de los Angeles, now Angel Island. He spent forty days in making explora- tions. His ship was the first vessel to sail upon the great Bay of San Francisco. In 1774, Captain Juan Bautista de Anza, com- mander of the presidio of Tubac in Sonora, had made an exploration of a route from Sonora via the Colorado river, across the desert and through the San Gorgonia pass to San Gabriel mission. From Tubac to the Colorado river the route had been traveled before but from the Colorado westward the country was a terra in- cognita. He was guided over this by a lower California neophyte who had deserted from San Gabriel mission and alone had reached the rancherias on the Colorado. After Anza's return to Sonora he was com- missioned by the viceroy to recruit soldiers and settlers for San Francisco. October 23, 1775, Anza set out from Tubac with an expedition numbering two hundred and thirty-five persons, composed of soldiers and their families, colon- ists, musketeers and vaqueros. They brought with them large herds of horses, mules and cat- tle. The journey was accomplished without loss of life, but with a considerable amount of suf- fering. January 4, 1776, the immigrants ar- rived at San Gabriel mission, where they stopped to rest, but were soon compelled to move on, provisions at the mission becoming scarce. They arrived at Monterey March 10. Here they went into camp. Anza with an escort of soldiers pro- ceeded to San Francisco to select a presidio site. Having found a site he returned to ]\Ion- terey. Rivera, the commander of the territory, had manifested a spirit of jealousy toward Anza and had endeavored to thwart him in his at- tempts to found a settlement. Disgusted with the action of the commander, Anza, leaving his colonists to the number of two hundred at Mon- terey took his departure from California. Anza in his explorations for a presidio site had fixed upon what is now Fort Point. After his departure Rivera experienced a change of heart and instead of trying to delay the founding he did everything to hasten it. The imperative orders of the viceroy received at about this time brought about the change. He ordered Lieutenant Moraga, to whom Anza had HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RFXORD. 71 turned over the command of his soldiers and colonists, to proceed at once to San Francisco with twenty soldiers to found the fort. The San Carlos, which had just arrived at Alonterey, was ordered to proceed to San Francisco to assist in the founding. Moraga with his soldiers ar- rived June 2y, and encamped on the Laguna de los Dolores, whore the mission was a short time afterwards founded. Moraga decided to located the presidio at the site selected by Anza but awaited the arrival of the San Carlos before proceeding to build. August 18 the vessel ar- rived. It had been driven down the coast to the latitude of San Diego by contrary winds and then up the coast to latitude 42 degrees. On the arrival of the vessel work was begun at once on the fort. A square of ninety-two varas (two hundred and forty-seven feet) on each side was inclosed with palisades. Barracks, officers' quarters and a chapel were built inside the square. September 17, 1776, was set apart for the services of founding, that being the day of the "Sores of our seraphic father St. Francis." The royal standard was raised in front of the square and the usual ceremony of pulling grass and throwing stones was performed. Posses- sion of the region round about was taken in the name of Carlos III., King of Spain. Over one hundred and fifty persons witnessed the cere- mony. Vancouver, who visited the presidio in November, 1792, describes it as a "square area whose sides were about two hundred yards in length, enclosed by a rnud wall and resembling a pound for cattle. Above this wall the thatched roofs of the low small houses just made their appearance." The wall was "about fourteen feet high and five feet in breadth and was first formed by upright and horizontal rafters of large timber, between which dried sods and moistened earth were pressed as close and hard as possible, after which the whole was cased with the earth made into a sort of mud plaster which gave it the appearance of durability." In addition to the presidio there was another fort at Fort Point named Castillo de San Joa- quin. It was completed and blessed December 8, 1794. "It w'as of horseshoe shape, about one hundred by one hundred and twenty feet." The structure rested mainly on sand; the brick-faced adobe walls crumbled at the shock whenever a salute was fired; the guns were badly mounted and for the most part worn out, only two of the thirteen twenty-four-pounders being serviceable or capable of sending a ball across the entrance of the fort.* PRESIDIO OF S.AXT.V BARBARA. Cabrillo, in 1542, found a large Indian popula- tion inhabiting the main land of the Santa Bar- bara channel. Two hundred and twenty-seven years later, when Portola made his exploration, apparently there had been no decrease in the number of inhabitants. No portion of the coast offered a better field for missionary labor and Father Scrra was anxious to enter it. In ac- cordance with Governor Felipe de Neve's report of 1777, it had been decided to found three mis- sions and a presidio on the channel. \'ariou3 causes had delayed the founding and it was not until April 17, 1782, that Governor de Neve arrived at the point where he had decided to locate the presidio of Santa Barbara. The troops that were to man the fort reached San Gabriel in the fall of 178 1. It was thought best for them to remain there until the rainy sea- son was over. March 26, 1782, the governor and Father Serra, accompanied by the largest body of troops that had ever before been collected in California, set out to found the mission of San Buenaventura and the presidio. The governor, as has been stated in a former chapter, was re- called to San Gabriel. The mission was founded and the governor having rejoined the cavalcad? a few weeks later proceeded to find a location for the presidio. "On reaching a point nine leagues from San Buenaventura, the governor called a halt and in company with Father Serra at once proceeded to select a site for the presidio. The choice re- sulted in the adoption of the square now formed by city blocks 139, 140, 155 and 156. and bounded in common by the following streets: Figueroa, Caiion Perdido, Garden and .-\nacapa. .A large community of Indians were residing there but orders were given to leave them undisturbed. The soldiers were at once *Bancroft's "History of California," Vol. I. 72 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. directed to hew timbers and gather brush to erect temporary barracks which, when com- pleted, were also used as a chapel. A large wooden cross was made that it might be planted in the center of the square and possession of the country was taken in the name of the cross, the emblem of Christianity. April 21, 1782, the soldiers formed a square and with edifying solemnity raised the cross and secured it in the earth. Father Serra blessed and consecrated the district and preached a ser- mon. The royal standard of Spain was un- furled."* An inclosure, sixty varas square, was made of palisades. The Indians were friendly, and llirough their chief yanoalit, who controlled thir- teen rancherias, details of them were secured to assist the soldiers in the work of building. The natives were paid in food and clothing for their labor. Irrigation works were constructed, consisting of a large reservoir made of stone and cement, with a zanja for conducting water to the pre- sidio. The soldiers, who had families, cultivated small gardens which aided in their support. Lieutenant Ortega was in command of the pre- sidio for two years after its founding. He was succeeded by Lieutenant Felipe de Goycoechea. After the founding of the mission in 1786, a bitter feud broke out between the padres and the comandante of the presidio. Goycoechea claimed the right to employ the Indians in the building of the presidio as he had done before the coming of the friars. This they denied. After an acrimonious controversy the dispute was finally compromised by dividing the Indians into two bands, a mission band and a presidio band. Gradually the palisades were replaced by an adobe wall twelve feet high. It had a stone fotmdation and was strongly built. The plaza or inclosed square was three hundred and thirtv feet on each side. On two sides of this inclos- ure were ranged the family houses of the sol- diers, averaging in size 15x25 feet. On one side stood the officers' quarters and the church. On *Father Cabelleria's History of Santa Barbara. the remaining side were the main entrance four varas wide, the store rooms, soldiers' quarters and a guard room; and adjoining these outside the walls were the corrals for cattle and horses. A force of from fifty to sixty soldiers was kept at the post. There were bastions at two of the corners for cannon. The presidio was completed about 1790, with the e.xception of the chapel, which was not fin- ished until 1797- Many of the soldiers when they had served out their time desired to re- main in the country. These were given permis- sion to build houses outside the walls of the presidio and in course of time a village grew up around it. At the close of the century the population of the gente de razon of the district numbered three hundred and seventy. The presidio when completed was the best in California. Van- couver, the English navigator, who visited it in November, 1793, says of it: "The buildings ap- peared to be regular and well constructed; the walls clean and white and the roofs of the houses were covered with a bright red tile. The pre- sidio excels all the others in neatness, cleanli- ness and other smaller though essential com- forts; it is placed on an elevated part of the plain and is raised some feet from the ground by a basement story which adds much to its pleasantness." During the Spanish regime the settlement at the presidio grew in the leisurely way that all Spanish towns grew in California. There was but little immigration from Mexico and about the only source of increase was from invalid soldiers aftd the children of the soldiers grow- ing up to manhood and womanhood. It was a dreary and monotonous existence that the sol- diers led at the presidios. A few of them had their families with them. These when the coun- try became more settled had their own houses adjoining the presidio and formed the nuclei of the towns that grew up around the different forts. There was but little fighting to do and the soldiers' service consisted mainly of a round of guard duty at the forts and missions. Oc- casionally there were conquistas into the In- dian country to secure new material for con- verts from the gentiles. The soldiers were oc- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 73 casionally employed in liunliiig liindas or run- aways from the missions. These when brought l)ack were thoroughly flogged and coinpclled to wear clogs attached to their legs. Once a month the soldier couriers brought up from Loreta a budget of mail made up of ofificial bandos and a lew letters. These contained about all the news that reached them from their old homes in Mexico. I'.ut few of the soldiers returned to Mexico when their term of enlistment expired, in course of time these and their descendants formed the bulk of California's population. CHAPTER Vll, PUEBLOS. THE pueblo plan of colonization so com- mon in Hispano-American coimtries did not originate with the Spanish-Amer- ican colonists. It was older even than Spain herself. In early European colonization, the pueblo plan, the common square in the center of the town, the house lots grouped round it, the arable fields and the common pasture lands beyond, appears in the Aryan village, in the an- cient German mark and in the old Roman praesidium. The Puritans adopted this form in their first settlements in New England. Around the public square or common where stood the meeting house and the town house, they laid off their home lots and beyond these were their cultivated fields and their common pasture lands. This form of colonization was a combination of communal interests and individual ownership. Primarily, no doubt, it was adopted for protec- tion against the hostile aborigines of the coun- try, and secondly for social advantage. It re- versed the order of our own western coloniza- tion. The town came first, it was the initial point from which the settlement radiated; while with our western pioneers the town was an after- thought, a center point for the convenience of trade. When it had been decided to send colonists to colonize California the settlements naturally took the pueblo form. The difficulty of obtain- ing regular supplies for the presidios from Mex- ico, added to the great expense of shipping such a long distance, was the principal cause that in- fluenced the government to establish pueblos de gente de razon. The presidios received their shinments of grain for breadstuff from San Bias by sailing vessels. The arrival of these was un- certain. Once when the vessels were uimsually long in coming, the padres and the soldiers at the presidios and missions were reduced to liv- ing on milk, bear meat and what provisions they could obtain from the Indians. When Felipe de iVeve w-as made governor of Alta or Nueva California in 1776 he was instructed by the vice- roy to make observations on the agricultural possibilities of the country and the feasibility of founding pueblos where grain could be produced to supply the military establishments. On his journey from San Diego to San Fran- cisco in 1777 he carefully e.'^amined the coun- try; and as a result of his observations recom- mended the founding of two pueblos; one on the Rio de Porciuncula in the south, and the other on the Rio de Guadalupe in the north. On the 29th of November, 1777, the Pueblo of San Jose de Guadelupe was founded. The colonists were nine of the presidio soldiers from San Francisco and Monterey, who had some knowl- edge of farming and five of Anza's pobladores who had come with his expedition the previous years to found the presidio of San Francisco, making with their families sixty-one persons in ail. The pueblo was named for the patron saint of California, San Jose (St. Joseph), husband of Santa Maria, Queen of the Angeles. The site selected for the town was about a mile and a quarter north of the center of the present city. The first houses were built of pal- isades and the interstices plastered with mud. These huts were roofed with earth and the floor was the hard beaten ground. Each head of a family was given a suerte or sowing lot of two 74 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. hundred varas square, a house lot, "ten dollars a month and a soldier's rations." Each, also, received a yoke of oxen, two cows, a mule, two sheep and two goats, together with the neces- sary implements and seed, all of which were to be repaid in products of the soil delivered at the royal warehouse. The first communal work done by the pobladores (colonists) was to dam the river, and construct a ditch to irrigate their sowing fields. The dam was not a success and the first sowing of grain was lost. The site se- lected for the houses was low and subject to overflow. During wet winters the inhabitants were com- pelled to take a circuitous route of three leagues to attend church service at the mission of Santa Clara. After enduring this state of affairs through seven winters they petitioned the governor for permission to remove the pu- eblo further south on higher ground. The gov- ernor did not have power to grant the request. The petition was referred to the comandante- general of the Intendencia in Mexico in 1785. He seems to have studied over the matter two years and having advised with the asesor-general "finally issued a decree, June 21, 1787, to Gov- ernor Fages, authorizing the settlers to remove to the "adjacent loma (hill) selected by them as more useful and advantageous without chang- ing or altering, for this reason, the limits and boundaries of the territory or district assigned to said settlement and to the neighboring Mis- sion of Santa Clara, as there is no just cause why the latter should attempt to appropriate to herself that land." Having frequently suffered from floods, it would naturally be supposed that the inhabi- tants, permission being granted, moved right away. They did nothing of the kind. Ten years passed and they were still located on the old marshy site, still discussing the advantages of the new site on the other side of the river. Whether the padres of the Mission of Santa Clara opposed the moving does not appear in the records, but from the last clause of the com- andante-general's decree in which he says "there is not just cause why the latter (the Mission of Santa Clara) should attempt to appropriate to herself the land," it would seem that the mission padres were endeavoring to secure the new site or at least prevent its occupancy. There was a dispute between the padres and the pobladores over the boundary line between the pueblo and mission that outlived the century. After hav- ing been referred to the titled officials, civil and ecclesiastical, a boundary line was finally estab- lished, July 24, 1801, that was satisfactory to both. "According to the best evidence I have discovered," says Hall in his History of San Jose, "the removal of the pueblo took place in 1797," just twenty years after the founding. In 1798 the juzgado or town hall was built. It was located on Market street near El Dorado street. The area of a pueblo was four square leagues (Spanish) or about twenty-seven square miles. This was sometimes granted in a square and sometimes in a rectangular form. The pueblo lands were divided into classes: Solares, house lots; suertes (chance), sowing fields, so named because they were distributed by lot ; propios, municipal lands or lands the rent of which went to defray municipal expenses; ejidas, vacant suburbs or commons; dehesas, pasture where the large herds of the pueblo grazed; realenges, royal lands also used for raising revenue; these were unappropriated lands. From various causes the founding of the sec- ond pueblo had been delayed. In the latter part of 1779, active preparations were begun for car- rying out the plan of founding a presidio and three missions on the Santa Barbara Channel and a pueblo on the Rio Porciuncula to be named "Reyna de Los Angeles." The comand- ante-general of the Four Interior Provinces of the West (which embraced the Californias, So- nora. New Mexico and Viscaya), Don Teodoro de Croix or "El Cavallero de Croix," "The Ivnight of the Cross," as he usually styled him- self, gave instructions to Don Fernando de Ri- vera y Moncada to recruit soldiers and settlers for the proposed presidio and pueblo in Nueva California. He, Rivera, crossed the gulf and be- gan recruiting in Sonora and Sinaloa. His in- structions were to secure twenty-four settlers. who were heads of families. They must be ro- l)ust and well behaved, so that they might set a good example to the natives. Their families HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. 75 must accompany them and unmarried female relatives must be encouraged to go, with the view to niarrxing them to bachelor sol- diers. According to the regulations drafted by Gov- ernor Felipe de Neve, June i, 1779, for the gov- ernment of the province of California and ap- proved by the king, in a royal order of the 24th of October, 1781, settlers in California from the older provinces were each to be granted a house lot and a tract of land for cultivation. Each poblador in addition was to receive $116.50 a year for the first two years, "the rations to be understood as comprehended in this amount, and in lieu of rations for the next three years they will receive $60 yearly." Section 3 of Title 14 of the Reglamento pro- vided that "To each poblador and to the com- munity of the pueblo there shall be given under condition of repayment in horses and mules fit to be given and received, and in the payment of the other large and small cattle at the just prices, which are to be fi.xed by tariff, and of the tools and implements at cost, as it is ordained, two mares, two cows, and one calf, two sheep and two goats, all breeding animals, and one yoke of oxen or steers, one plow point, one hoe, one spade, one a.xe, one sickle, one wood knife, one musket and one leather shield, two horses and one cargo mule. To the community there shall likewise be given the males corresponding to the total number of cattle of different kinds dis- tributed amongst all the inhabitants, one forge and anvil, six crowbars, six iron spades or shov- els and the necessary tools for carpenter and cast work." For the government's assistance to the pobladores in starting their colony the set- tlers were required to sell to the presidios the surplus products of their lands and herds at fair prices, which were to be fixed by the govern- ment. The terms offered to the settlers were cer- tainly liberal, and by our own hardy pioneers, who in the closing years of the last century were making their way over the Alleghany mountains into Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee, they would have been considered munificent; but to the in- dolent and energyless mixed breeds of Sonora and Sinaloa thev were no inducement. After spending nearly nine months in recruiting, Ri- vera was able to obtain only fourteen pobladores, but little over half the number required, and two of these deserted before reaching California. The soldiers that Rivera had recruited for Cal- ifornia, forty-two in number, with their families, were ordered to proceed overland from Alamos, in Sonora, by way of Tucson and the Colorado river to San Gabriel Mission. These were com- manded by Rivera in person. Leaving Alamos in April, 1781, they arrived in the latter part of June at the junction of the Gila and Colorado rivers. After a short delay to rest, the main company was sent on to San Gabriel Mission. Rivera, with ten or twelve soldiers, remained to recruit his live stock before crossing the desert. Two missions had been es- tablished on the California side of the Colorado the previous year. Before the arrival of Rivera the Indians had been behaving badly. Rivera's large herd of cattle and horses destroyed the niesquite trees and intruded upon the Indians' melon patches. This, with their previous quar- rel with the padres, provoked the savages to an uprising. They, on July 17, attacked the two missions, massacred the padres and the Spanish settlers attached to the missions and killed Ri- vera and his soldiers, forty-six persons in all. The Indians burned the mission buildings. These were never rebuilt nor was there any at- tempt made to convert the Yumas. The hos- tility of the Yumas practically closed the Colo- rado route to California for many years. The pobladores who had been recruited for the founding of the new pueblo, with their fami- lies and a military escort, all under the command of Lieut. Jose Zuniga. crossed the gulf from Guaymas to Loreto, in Lower California, and by the i6th of May were ready for their long jour- ney northward. In the meantime two of the re- cruits had deserted and one was left behind at Loreto. On the 18th of August the eleven who had remained faithful to their contract, with their families, arrived at San Gabriel. On ac- count of smallpox among some of the children the company was placed in (|uarantine about a league from the mission. On the 26th of August, 1781. from San Ga- briel, Governor de Neve issued his instructions 76 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. for the founding of Los Angeles, which gave some additional rules in regard to the distribu- tion of lots not found in the royal reglamento previously mentioned. On the 4th of September, 1781, the colonists, with a military escort headed by Governor Fe- lip de Neve, took up their line of march from the Mission San Gabriel to the site selected for their pueblo on the Rio de Porciuncula. There, with religious ceremonies, the Pueblo de Nues- tra Senora La Reina de Los Angeles was for- mally founded. A mass was said by a priest from the Mission San Gabriel, assisted by the choristers and musicians of that mission. There were salvos of musketry and a procession with a cross, candlestick, etc. At the head of the procession the soldiers bore the standard of Spain and the women followed bearing a ban- ner with the image of our Lady the Queen of the Angels. This procession made a circuit of the plaza, the priest blessing it and the building lots. At the close of the services Governor de Neve made an address full of good advice to the colonists. Then the governor, his military es- cort and the priests returned to San Gabriel and the colonists were left to work out their destiny. Few of the great cities of the land have had such humble founders as Los Angeles. Of the eleven pobladores who built their huts of poles and tule thatch around the plaza vieja one hun- dred and twenty-two years ago, not one could read or write. Not one could boast of an un- mi.xed ancestry. They were mongrels in race, Caucasian, Indian and Negro mixed. Poor in purse, poor in blood, poor in all the sterner qual- ities of character that our own hardy pioneers of the west possessed, they left no impress on the city they founded; and the conquering race that possesses the land that they colonized has forgotten them. No street or landmark in the city bears the name of any one of them. No monument or tablet marks the spot where thev planted the germ of their settlement. No Fore- fathers' day preserves the memory of their serv- ices and sacrifices. Their names, race and the number of persons in each family have been preserved in the archives of California. They are as follows: 1. Jose de Lara, a Spaniard (or reputed to be one, although it is doubtful whether he was of pure blood) had an Indian wife and three chil- dren. 2. Jose Antonio Navarro, a Mestizo, forty- two years old; wife a mulattress; three children. 3. Basilio Rosas, an Indian, sixty-eight years old, had a mulatto wife and two children. 4. Antonio Mesa, a negro, thirty-eight years old; had a mulatto wife and two children. 5. Antonio Felix Villavicencio, a Spaniard, thirty years old; had an Indian wife and one child. 6. Jose Vanegas, an Indian, twenty-eight years old; had an Indian wife and one child. 7. Alejandro Rosas, an Indian, nineteen years old, and had an Indian wife. (In the records, "wife, Coyote-Indian.") 8. Pablo Rodriguez, an Indian, twenty-five years old; had an Indian wife and one child. 9. Manuel Camero, a mulatto, thirty years old; had a mulatto wife. 10. Luis Quintero, a negro, fifty-five years old, and had a mulatto wife and five children. 11. Jose Morena, a mulatto, twenty-two years old, and had a mulatto wife. Antonio Miranda, the twelfth person described in the padron (list) as a Chino, fifty years old and having one child, was left at Loreto when the expedition marched northward. It would have been impossible for him to have rejoined the colonists before the founding. Presumably his child remained with him, consequently there were but forty-four instead of "forty-six persons in all." Col. J. J. Warner, in his "Historical Sketch of Los Angeles." originated the fiction that one of the founders (Miranda, the Chino,) was born in China. Chino, while it does mean a Chinaman, is also applied in Spanish-American countries to persons or animals having curly hair. Miranda was probably of mixed Spanish and Negro blood, and curly haired. There is no record to show that ]\Iiranda ever came to .Alta California. When Jose de Galvez was fitting out the ex- pedition for occupying San Diego and Monte- rey, he issued a proclamation naming St. Jo- seph as the patron saint of his California colon- 'zation scheme. Bearing this fact in mind, no HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 77 doubt, Governor de Neve, when lie founded San Jose, named St. JosepK its patron saint. Hav- ing named one of the two pueblos for San Jose it naturally followed that the other should be named for Santa Maria, the Queen of the An- gels, wife of San Jose. On the I St of August, 1769, Portola's expedi- tion, on its journey northward in search of Mon- terey Bay, had halted in the San Gabriel valley near where the Mission Vieja was afterwards lo- cated, to reconnoiter the country and "above all," as Father Crespi observes, "for the purpose of celebrating the jubilee of Our Lady of the Angels of Porciuncula." Next day, August 2, after traveling about three leagues (nine miles), Father Crespi, in his diary, says: "We came to a ratlier wide Canada having a great many Cot- tonwood and alder trees. Through it ran a beautiful river toward the north-northeast and curving around the point of a cliff it takes a di- rection to the south. Toward the north-north- east we saw another river bed which nuist have been a great overflow, but we found it dry. This arm unites with the river and its great floods during the rainy season are clearly demon- strated by the many uprooted trees scattered along the banks." (This dry river is the Arroyo Seco.) "We stopped not very far from the river, to which we gave the name of Porciuncula." Porciuncula is the name of a hamlet in Italy near which was located the little church of Our Lady of the Angels, in which St. Francis of As- sisi was praying when the jubilee was granted him. Father Crespi, speaking of the plain through which the river flows, says: "This is the best locality of all those we have yet seen for a mission, besides having all the resources required for a large town." Padre Crespi was evidently somewhat of a prophet. The fact that this locality had for a number of years borne the name of "Our Lady of the .\ngels of Porciuncula" may have influenced Governor de Neve to locate his pueblo here. The full name of the town, El Pueblo de Nuestra Sehora La Reyna de Los Angeles, was seldom used. It was too long for everyday use. In the earlier years of the town's history it seems to have had a variety of names. It appears in the records as El Pueblo de Nuestra Sefiora de Los Angeles, as El Pueblo de La Reyna de Los An- geles and as El Pueblo de Santa Maria dc Los Angeles. Sometimes it was abbreviated to Santa Maria, but it was most conunonly spoken of as El Pueblo, the town. .\t what time the name of Rio Porciuncula was changed to Rio Los Angeles is uncertain. The change no doubt was gradual. The site selected for the pueblo of Los An- geles was picturesque and romantic. From where .\lameda street now is to the eastern bank of the river the land was covered with a dense growth of willows, cottonwoods and al- ders; while here and there, rising above the swampy copse, towered a giant aliso (sycamore 1. Wild grapevines festooned the branches of the trees and wild roses bloomed in profusion. Be- hind the narrow shelf of mesa land where the pueblo was located rose the brown hills, and in the distance towered the lofty Sierra Madre mountains. The last pueblo founded in California under Spanish domination was Villa de Branciforte, located on the opposite side of the river from the Mission of Santa Cruz. It was named after the \'iceroy Branciforte. It was designed as a coast defense and a place to colonize discharged soldiers. The scheme was discussed for a con- siderable time before anything was done. Gov- ernor Borica recommended "that an adobe house be built for each settler so that the prev- alent state of things in San Jose and Los An- geles, where the settlers still live in tule huts, be- ing unable to build better dwellings without neglecting their fields, may be prevented, the houses to cost not over two hundred dollars."* The first detachment of the colonists arrived May 12, 1797, on the Concepcion in a destitute condition. Lieutenant Moraga was sent to su- perintend the construction of houses for the colonists. He was instructed to build temporary huts for himself and the guard, then to build some larger buildings to accommodate fifteen or twenty families each. These were to be tem- porary. Only nine families came and they were of a vagabond class that had a constitutional antipathy to work. The settlers received the ♦Bancroft's History of C.ilifornia. Vol. I. 78 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. same amount of supplies and allowance of money as the colonists of San Jose and Los Angeles. Although the colonists were called Spaniards and assumed to be of a superior race to the first settlers of the other pueblos, they made less progress and were more unruly than the mixed and mongrel inhabitants of the older pueblos. Although at the close of the century three decades had passed since the first settlement was made in California, the colonists had made but little progress. Three pueblos of gente de razon had been founded and a few ranchos granted to ex-soldiers. Exclusive of the soldiers, the white population in the year 1800 did not exceed six hundred. The people lived in the most primi- tive manner. There was no commerce and no manufacturing except a little at the missions. Their houses were adobe huts roofed with tule thatch. The floor was the beaten earth and the scant furniture home-made. There was a scarcity of cloth for clothing. Padre Salazar relates that when he was at San Gabriel Mission in 1795 a man who had a thousand horses and cattle in proportion came there to beg cloth for a shirt, for none could be had at the pueblo of Los An- geles nor at the presidio of Santa Barbara. Hermanagildo Sal, the comandante of San Francisco, writing to a friend in 1799, says, "I send you, by the wife of the pensioner Jose Barbo, one piece of cotton goods and an ounce of sewing silk. There are no combs and I have no hope of receiving any for three years." Think of waiting three years for a comb! Eighteen missions had been founded at the close of the century. Except at a few of the older missions, the buildings were temporary structures. The neophytes for the most part were living in wigwams constructed like those they had occupied in their wild state. CHAPTER Vlll. THE PASSING OF SPAIN'S DOMINATION. THE Spaniards were not a commercial peo- ple. Their great desire was to be let alone in their American possessions. Phihp II. once promulgated a decree pronouncing death upon any foreigner who entered the Gulf of Mexico. It was easy to promulgate a decree or to pass restrictive laws against foreign trade, but C|uite another thing to enforce them. After the first settlement of California seven- teen years passed before a foreign vessel entered any of its ports. The first to arrive were the two vessels of the French explorer, La Perouse, who anchored in the harbor of Monterey, Sep- tember 15, 1786. Being of the same faith, and France having been an ally of Spain in former limes, he was well received. During his brief stay he made a study of the mission system and his observations on it are plainly given. He found a similarity in it to the slave plantations of Santo Domingo. November 14, 1792, the English navigator, Capt. George Vancouver, in the ship Discovery, entered the Bay of San Francisco. He was cordially received by the comandante of the port, Hermanagildo Sal, and the friars of the mission. On the 20th of the month, with several of his officers, he visited the Ivlission of Santa Clara, where he was kindly treated. He also visited the Mission of San Carlos de Monterey. He wrote an interesting account of his visit and his observations on the country. Vancouver was surprised at the back- wardness of the country and the antiquated cus- toms of the people. He says: "Instead of find- ing a country tolerably well inhabited, and far advanced in cultivation, if we except its natural pastures, flocks of sheep and herds of cattle, there is not an object to indicate the most re- mote connection with any European or other civilized nation." On a subsequent visit. Cap- tain \'ancouver met a chilly reception from the acting governor, Arrillaga. The Spaniards sus- pected him of spying out the weakness of their defenses. Through the English, the Spaniards became acquainted with the impoTtance and HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 79 value of the fur trade. The bays and lagoons of California abounded in sea otter. Their skins were worth in China all the way from $30 to $100 each. The trade was made a government monopoly. The skins were to be collected from the natives, soldiers and others by the mission- aries, at prices ranging from $2.50 to $10 each, and turned over to the government officials ap- pointed to receive them. All trade by private persons was prohibited. The government was sole trader. But the government failed to make the trade profitable. In the closing years of the century the American smugglers began to haunt the coast. The restrictions against trade with foreigners were prescriptive and the penal- ties for evasion severe, but men will trade under the most adverse circumstances. Spain was a long way ofT, and smuggling was not a very venal sin in the eyes of layman or churchman. Fast sailing vessels were fitted out in Boston for illicit trade on the California coast. Watch- ing their opportunities, these vessels slipped into the bays and inlets along the coast. There was a rapid exchange of Yankee notions for sea otter skins, the most valued peltry of California, and the vessels were out to sea before the rev- enue officers could intercept them. If success- ful in escaping capture, the profits of a smug- gling voyage were enormous, ranging from 500 to 1,000 per cent above cost on the goods ex- changed; but the risks were great. The smug- gler had no protection; he was an outlaw. He was the legitimate prey of the padres, the peo- ple and the revenue officers. The Yankee smug- gler usually came out ahead. His vessel was heavily armed, and when speed or stratagem failed he was ready to fight his way out of a scrape. Each year two ships were sent from San Bias with the memorias — ^mission and presidio supplies. These took back a small cargo of the products of the territory, wheat being the prin- cipal. This was all the legitimate commerce allowed California. The fear of Russian aggression had been one of the causes that had forced Spain to attempt the colonization of California. Bering, in 1741. had discovered the strait that bears his name and had taken possession, for the Russian gov- ernment, of the northwestern coast of .\merica. Four years later, the first permanent Russi.m settlement, Sitka, had been made on one of the coast islands. Rumors of the Russian explora- tions and settlements had reached Madrid and in 1774 Captain Perez, in the San Antonia, v.;a5 sent up the coast to find out what the Russians were doing. Had Russian America contained arable land where grain and vegetables could have been grown, it is probable that the Russians and Spaniards in .\merica would not have come in contact; for another nation, the United States had taken possession of the intervening coun- Iry, bordering the Columbia river. The supplies of breadstuflfs for the Sitka col- onists had to be sent overland across Siberia or shipped around Cape Horn. Failure of sup- jilies sometimes reduced the colonists to sore straits. In 1806, famine and diseases incident to starvation threatened the extinction of the Russian colony. Count Rezanoff, a high officer of the Russian government, had arrived at the Sitka settlement in September, 1805. The des- titution prevailing there induced him to visit California with the hope of obtaining relief for the starving colonists. In the ship Juno (pur- chased from an American trader), with a scurvy afflicted crew, he made a perilous voyage down the stormy coast and on the 5th of April, 1806, anchored safely in the Bay of San Francisco. He had brought with him a cargo of goods for exchange but the restrictive commercial regula- tions of Spain prohibited trade with foreigners. Although the friars and the people needed the jroods the governor could not allow the ex- change. Count RezanofT would be permitted to purchase grain for cash, but the Russian's ex- chequer was not plethoric and his ship was al- ready loaded with goods. Love that laughs at locksmiths eventually unlocked " the shackles that hampered commerce. Rezanoff fell in love with Dona Concepcion, the beautiful daughter of Don Jose Arguello. the comandante of San Francisco, and an old time friend of the gov- ernor, Arrillaga. The attraction was mutual. Through the influence of Dona Concepcion. the friars and Arguello. the governor was induced to sanction a plan by which cash was the sup- 80 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. posed medium of exchange on both sides, but grain on the one side and goods on the other were the real currency. The romance of Rezanofif and Dona Concep- cion had a sad ending. On his journey through Siberia to St. Petersburg to obtain the consent of the emperor to his marriage he was killed by a fall from his horse. It >vas several years before the news of his death reached his af- fianced bride. Faithful to his memory, she never married, but dedicated her life to deeds of char- ity. After RezanofY's visit the Russians came frequently to California, partly to trade, but more often to hunt otter. While on these fur hunting expeditions they examined the coast north of San Francisco with the design of plant- ing an agricultural colony where they could raise grain to supply the settlements in the far north. In 1812 they founded a town and built a fort on the coast north of Bodega Bay, which they named Ross. The fort mounted ten guns. They maintained a fort at Bodega Bay and also a small settlement on Russian river. The Span- iards protested against this aggression and threatened to drive the Russians out of the ter- ritory, but nothing came of their protests and they were powerless to enforce their demands. The Russian ships came to California for sup- plies and were welcomed by the people and the friars if not by the government officials. The Russian colony at Ross was not a success. The ignorant soldiers and the Aluets who formed the bulk of its three or four hundred inhab- itants, knew little or nothing about farming and were too stupid to learn, .\fter the decline of fur hunting the settlement became unprofitable. In 1841 the buildings and the stock" were sold by the Russian governor to Capt. John A. Sut- ter for $30,000. The settlement was abandoned and the fort and the town are in ruins. On the 15th of September, 18 10, the patriot priest, Miguel Hidalgo, struck the first blow for Mexican independence. The revolution which began in the province of Guanajuato was at first regarded by the authorities as a mere riot of ignorant Indians that would be speedily suppressed. But the insurrection spread rap- idly. Long years of oppression and cruelty had instilled into the hearts of the people an undy- ing hatred for their Spanish oppressors. Hidalgo soon found himself at the head of a motley army, poorly armed and undisciplined, but its mmibers swept away opposition. Unfortunately through over-confidence reverses came and in March, 181 1, the patriots met an overwhelming defeat at the bridge of Calderon. Hidalgo was betrayed, captured and shot. Though sup- pressed for a time, the cause of independence was not lost. For eleven years a fratricidal war was waged — cruel, bloody and devastating. Al- lende, Mina. Moreles, Alama, Rayon and other patriot leaders met death on the field of battle or were captured and shot as rebels, but "Free- dom's battle" becjueathed from bleeding sire to son was won at last. Of the political upheavals that shook Spain in the first decades of the century only the faint- est rumblings reached far distant California. Notwithstanding the many changes of rulers that political revolutions and Napoleonic wars gave the mother country, the people of Califor- nia remained loyal to the Spanish crown, al- though at times they must have been in doubt who wore the crown. Arrillaga was governor of California when the war of Mexican independence began. Al- though born in Mexico he was of pure Spanish parentage and was thoroughly in sympathy with Spain in the contest. He did not live to see the end of the war. Pie died in 1814 and was suc- ceeded by Pablo Vicente de Sola. Sola was Spanish born and was bitterly opposed to the revolution, even going so far as to threaten death to any one who should speak in favor of it. He had received his appointment from \'iceroy Calleja, the butcher of Guanajuato, the crudest and most bloodthirsty of the vice regal governors of new Spain. The friars were to a man loyal to Spain. The success of the repub- lic meant the downfall of their domination. They hated republican ideas and regarded their dissemination as a crime. They were the ruling power in California. The governors and the people were subservient to their wishes. The decade between 1810 and 1820 was marked bv two important events, the year of the earthquakes and the year of the insurgents. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 81 The year 1812 was the Ano de los Temblores. The seismic disturbance that for forty years or more had shaken California seemed to concen- trate in power that year and expend its force on the mission churches. The massive church of San Juan Capistrano, tlie pride of mission architecture, was thrown down and forty per- sons killed. The walls of San Gabriel Mission were cracked and some of the saints shaken out of their niches. At San Buenaventura there were three heavy shocks which injured the church so that the tower and much of the facade had to be rebuilt. The whole mission site seemed to settle and the inhabitants, fearful that they might be engulfed by the sea, moved up the valley about two miles, where they re- mained three months. At Santa Barbara both church and the presidio were damaged and at Santa Inez the church was shaken down. The quakes continued for several months and the people were so terrified that they abandoned their houses and lived in the open air. The other important epoch of the decade was EI Alio de los Insurgentes, the year of the in- surgents. In November, 1818, Bouchard, a Frenchman in the service of Buenos Ayres and provided with letters of marque by San Mar- tain, the president of that republic, to prey upon Spanish commerce, appeared in the port of Monterey with two ships carrying sixty-six guns and three hundred and fifty men. He at- tacked Monterey and after an obstinate re- sistance by the Californians, it was taken by the insurgents and burned. Bouchard next pillaged Ortega's rancho and burned the buildings. Then sailing down the coast he scared the Santa Barbarahos; then keeping on down he looked into San Pedro, but finding nothing there to tempt him he kept on to San Juan Capistrano. There he landed, robbed the mission of a few articles and drank the padres' wine. Then he sailed away and disappeared. He left six of his men in California, among them Joseph Chap- man of Boston, the first American resident of California. In the early part of the last century there was a limited commerce with Lima. That being a Spanish dependency, trade with it was not prohibited. Gilroy, who arrived in Califor- nia in 1814, says, in his reminiscences:"" "The only article of export then was tallow, of which one cargo was sent annually to Callao in a Spanish ship. This tallow sold for $1.50 per hundred weight in silver or $2.00 in trade or goods. Hides, except those used for tallow bags, were thrown away. Wheat, barley and beans had no market. Nearly everything con- sumed by the people was produced at home. There was no foreign trade." As the revolution in Mexico progressed times grew harder in California. The mission memorias ceased to come. No tallow ships from Callao arrived. The soldiers' pay was years in arrears and their uniforms in rags. What little wealth there was in the country was in the hands of the padres. They were supreme. "The friars," says Gilroy, "had everything their own way. The governor and the military were ex- pected to do whatever the friars requested. The missions contained all the wealth of the coun- try." The friars supported the government and supplied the troops with food from the products of the neophytes' labor. The crude manufac- turers of the missions supplied the people with cloth for clothing and some other necessities. The needs of the common people were easily satisfied. They w'erc not used to luxuries nor were they accustomed to what we would now consider necessities. Gilroy, in the reminis- cences heretofore referred to, states that at the time of his arrival (1814) "There was not a saw- mill, whip saw or spoked wheel in California. Such lumber as was used was cut with an axe. Chairs, tables and wood floors were not to be found except in the governor's house. Plates were rare unless that name could be applied to the tiles used instead. Money was a rarity. There were no stores and no merchandise to sell. There w-as no employment for a laborer. The neophytes did all the work and all the busi- ness of the country was in the hands of the friars." *AIta California, June 25, 1865. 82 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. CHAPTER IX. FROM EMPIRE TO REPUBLIC. THE condition of affairs in California stead- ily grew worse as the revolution in Mex- ico progressed. Sola had made strenuous ettorts to arouse the Spanish authorities of New Spain to take some action towards benefiting the territory. After the affair with the insurgent Bouchard he had appealed to the viceroy for re- inforcements. In answer to his urgent entreaties a force of one hundred men was sent from Ma- zatlan to garrison San Diego and an equal force from San Bias for Monterey. They reached Cal- ifornia in August, 1819, and Sola was greatly rejoiced, but his joy was turned to deep disgust when he discovered the true character of the re- inforcement and arms sent him. The only equip- ments of the soldiers were a few hundred old worn-out • sabers that Sola declared were unfit for sickles. He ordered them returned to the comandante of San Bias, who had sent them. The troops were a worse lot than the arms sent. They had been taken out of the prisons or con- scripted from the lowest class of the population of the cities. They were thieves, drunkards and vagabonds, who, as soon as landed, resorted to robberies, brawls and assassinations. Sola wrote to the viceroy that the outcasts called troops sent him from the jails of Tepic and San Bias by their vices caused continual disorders; their evil example had debauched the minds of the Indians and that the cost incurred in their col- lection and transportation had been worse than thrown away. He could not get rid of them, so he had to control them as best he could. Governor Sola labored faithfully to benefit the country over which he had been placed and to arouse the Spanish authorities in Mexico to do something for the advancement of California; but the government did nothing. Indeed it was in no condition to do anything. The revolution would not down. No sooner was one revolution- ary leader suppressed and the rebellion ap- parently crushed than there was an uprising in some other part of the country under a new leader. Ten years of intermittent warfare had been waged — one army of patriots after another had been defeated and the leaders shot; the strug- gle for independence was almost ended and the royalists were congratulating themselves on the triumph of the Spanish crown, when a sudden change came and the vice regal government that for three hundred years had swayed the destinies of New Spain went down forever. Agustin Iturbide, a colonel in the royal army, who in February, 1821, had been sent with a corps of five thousand men from the capital to the Sierras near Acapulco to suppress Guerrero, the last of the patriot chiefs, suddenly changed his allegiance, raised the banner of the revolu- tion and declared for the independence of Mex- ico under the plan of Iguala, so named for the town where it was first proclaimed. The central ideas of the plan were "Union, civil and re- ligious liberty." There was a general uprising in all parts of the country and men rallied to the support of the Army of the Three Guarantees, religion, union, independence. Guerrero joined forces with Iturbide and September 21, 1821, at the head of sixteen thousand men, amid the rejoicing of the people, they entered the capital. The viceroy was compelled to recognize the independence of Mexico. A provisional government under a regency was appointed at first, but a few months later Iturbide was crowned emperor, taking the title of his most serene majesty, Agustin I., by divine providence and by the congress of the nation, first constitutional emperor of Mexico. Sola had heard rumors of the turn affairs were taking in Mexico, but he had kept the re- ports a secret and still hoped and prayed for the success of the Spanish arms. At length a vessel appeared in the harbor of Monterey float- ing an unknown flag, and cast anchor beyond PIISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 83 the reach of the guns of the castillo. The sol- diers were called to arms. A boat from the ship put off for shore and landed an officer, who de- clared himself the bearer of dispatches to Don Pablo Vicente de Sola, tiie governor of the province. "I demand," said he, "to be con- ducted to his presence in the name of my sov- ereign, the liberator of Mexico, General Agustin de Iturbide." There was a murmur of applause from the soldiers, greatly to the surprise of their officers, who were all loyalists. Governor Sola was bitterly disappointed. Only a few days be- fore he had harangued the soldiers in the square of the presidio and threatened "to shoot down any one high or low without the formality of a trial who dared to say a word in favor of the traitor Iturbide." For half a century the banner of Spain had floated from the flag staff of the presidio of Monterey. Sadly Sola ordered it lowered and in its place was hoisted the imperial flag of the Mexican Empire. A few months pass, Iturbide is forced to abdicate the throne of empire and is banished from Mexico. The imperial stand- ard is supplanted by the tricolor of the republic. Thus the Californians, in little more than one year, have passed under three different forms of government, that of a kingdom, an empire and a republic, and Sola from the most loyal of Spanish governors in the kingdom of Spain has been transformed in a Mexican republican. The friars, if possible, were more bitterly dis- appointed than the governor. They saw in the success of the republic the doom of their estab- lishments. Republican ideas were repulsive to them. Liberty meant license to men to think for themselves. The shackles of creed and the fetters of priestcraft would be loosened by the growth of liberal ideas. It was not strange, viewing the question from their standpoint, that they refused to take the oath of allegiance to the republic. Nearly all of them were Spanish born. Spain had aided them to plant their mis- sions, had fostered their establishments and had made them supreme in the territory. Their al- legiance was due to the Spanish crown. They would not transfer it to a republic and they did not; to the last they were loyal to Spain in heart, even if they did acquiesce in the ob- servance of the rule of the republic. Sola had long desired to be relieved of the governorship. He was growing old and was in poor health. The condition of the country wor- ried him. lie had frequently asked to be re- lieved and allowed to retire from military duty. His requests were unheeded; the vice regal government of New Spain had weightier mat- ters to attend to than requests or the complaints of the governor of a distant and unimportant province. The inauguration of the empire brought him the desired relief. Under the empire .\lta California was allowed a diputado or delegate in the imperial congress. Sola was elected delegate and took his de- parture for Mexico in the autumn of 1822. Luis Antonio Arguello, president of the provincial diputacion, an institution that had come into ex- istence after the inauguration of the empire, be- came governor by virtue of his position as president. He was the first hijo del pais or na- tive of the country to hold the office of gov- ernor. He was born at San Francisco in 1784, while his father, an ensign at the presidio, was in command there. Plis opportunities for ob- taining an education were extremely meager, but he made the best use of what he had. He entered the army at sixteen and was, at the time he became temporary governor, comandante at San Francisco. The inauguration of a new form of govern- ment had brought no relief to California. The two Spanish ships that had annually brought los memorias del rey (the remembrances of the king) had long since ceased to come with their supplies of money and goods for the soldiers. The California ports were closed to foreign com- merce. There was no sale for the products of the country. So the missions had to throw open their warehouses and relieve the necessities of the government. The change in the form of government had made no change in the dislike of foreigners, that was a characteristic of the Spaniard. Dur- ing the Spanish era very few foreigners had been allowed to remain in California. Run- away sailors and shipwrecked mariners, notwith- standing they might wish to remain in the coun- 84 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. try and become Catholics, were shipped to . Mexico and returned to their own country. John Gilroy, whose real name was said to be John Cameron, was the first permanent English speaking resident of California. When a boy of eighteen he was left by the captain of a Hud- son Bay company's ship at Monterey in 1814. He was sick with the scurvy and not expected to live. Nursing and a vegetable diet brought him out all right, but he could not get away. He did not like the country and every day for several years he went down to the beach and scanned the ocean for a foreign sail. When one did come he had gotten over his home-sickness, had learned the language, fallen in love, turned Catholic and married. In 1822 William E. P. Hartnell, an English- man, connected with a Lima business house, visited California and entered into a contract with Padre Payeras, the prefect of the missions, for the purchase of hides and tallow. Hartnell a few years later married a California lady and became a permanent resident of the territory. Other foreigners who came about the same time as Hartnell and who became prominent in Cal- ifornia were William A. Richardson, an Eng- lishman; Capt. John R. Cooper of Boston and William A. Gale, also of Boston. Gale had first visited California in 18 10 as a fur trader. He returned in 1822 on the ship Sachem, the pioneer Boston hide drogher. The hide drogher was in a certain sense the pioneer emigrant ship of California. It brought to the coast a number of Americans who became permanent residents of the territory. California, on ac- count of its long distance from the world's marts of trade, had but few products for ex- change that would bear the cost of shipment. Its chief commodities for barter during the Mexican era were hides and tallow. The vast range of country adapted to cattle raising made that its most profitable industry. Cattle in- creased rapidly and required but little care or attention from their owners. As the native Cal- ifornians were averse to hard labor cattle rais- ing became almost the sole industry of the country. After the inauguration of a republican form of government in Mexico some of the most burdensome restrictions on foreign commerce were removed. The Mexican Congress of 1824 enacted a colonization law, which was quite liberal. Under it foreigners could obtain land from the public domain. The Roman CathoUc religion was the state religion and a foreigner, before he could become a permanent resident of the country, acquire property or marry, was required to be baptized and embrace the doc- trines of that church. After the Mexican Con- gress repealed the restrictive laws against for- eign commerce a profitable trade grew up between the New England ship owners and the Californians. Vessels called hide droghers were fitted out in Boston with assorted cargoes suitable for the California trade. Making the voyage by way of Cape Horn they reached California. Stopping at the various ports along the coast they ex- changed their stocks of goods and Yankee notions for hides and tallow. It took from two to three years to make a voyage to California and return to Boston, but the profits on the goods sold and on the hides received in ex- change were so large that these veiitures paid handsomely. The arrival of a hide drogher with its department store cargo was heralded up and down the coast. It broke the monotony of existence, gave the people something new to talk about and stirred them up as nothing else could do unless possibly a revolution. "On the arrival of a new vessel from the United States," says Robinson in his "Life in California," "every man, woman, boy and girl took a proportionate share of interest as to the qualities of her cargo. If the first inquired for rice, sugar or tobacco, the latter asked for prints, silks and satins; and if the boy wanted a Wil- son's jack knife, the girl hoped that there might be some satin ribbons for her. Thus the whole population hailed with eagerness an arrival. Even the Indian in his unsophisticated style asked for Panas Colorados and Abalaris — red handker- chiefs and beads. "After the arrival of our trading vessel (at San Pedro) our friends came in the morning flock- ing on board from all quarters; and soon a busy scene commenced afloat and ashore. Boats were passing to the beach, and men, women HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. and children partaking in the general excite- ment. On shore all was confusion, cattle and carts laden with hides and tallow, gente de razon and Indians busily employed in the delivery of their produce and receiving in return its value in goods. Groups of individuals seated around little bonfires upon the ground, and horsemen racing over the plains in every direction. Thus the day passed, some arriving, some departing, till long after sunset, the low white road, lead- ing across the plains to the town (Los Angeles), appeared a living panorama." The commerce of California during the Mex- ican era was principally carried on by the hide droghers. The few stores at the pueblos and presidios obtained their supplies from them and retailed their goods to customers in the in- tervals between the arrivals of the department store droghers. The year 1824 was marked by a serious out- break among the Indians of several missions. .Mthough in the older missionary establish- ments many of the neophytes had spent half a century under the Christianizing influence of the padres and in these, too, a younger genera- tion had grown from childhood to manhood under mission tutelage, yet their Christian train- ing had not eliminated all the aboriginal sav- agery from their natures. The California Indians were divided into numerous small tribes, each speaking a difTerent dialect. They had never learned, like the eastern Indians did, the ad- vantages of uniting against a common enemy. When these numerous small tribes were gath- ered into the missions they were kept as far as it was possible separate and it is said the padres encouraged their feuds and tribal animosities to prevent their uniting against the missionaries. Their long residence in the missions had de- stroyed their tribal distinctions and merged them into one body. It had taught them, too, the value of combination. How long the Indians had been plotting no one knew. The conspiracy began among the neophytes of Santa Ynez and La Purisima. but it spread to the missions of San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara, San Buenaventura, San Fer- nando and San Gabriel. Their plan was to mas- sacre the padres and the mission guard and leaving obtained arms to kill all the genU razon and thus free themselves from mission thralldom and regain their old time freedom. The plotting had been carried on with great secrecy. Rumors had passed from mission to mission arranging the details of the uprising without the whites suspecting anything. Sunday, February 22, 1824, was the day set for begin- ning the slaughter. At the hour of celebrating mass, when the soldiers and the padres were within the church, the bloody work was to be- gin. The plot might have succeeded had not the Indians at Santa Ynez began their work prematurely. One account (Ilittell's History of California) says that on Saturday afternoon be- fore the appointed Sunday they determined to begin the work by the murder of Padre Fran- cisco Xavier Una, who was sleeping in a cham- ber next the mission church. He was w'arned by a faithful page. Springing from his couch and rushing to a window he saw the Indians ap- proaching. Seizing a musket from several that were in the room he shot the first Indian that reached the threshold dead. He seized a sec- ond musket and laid another Indian low. The soldiers now rallied to his assistance and the Indians were driven back; they set fire to the mission church, but a small body of troops un- der Sergeant Carrillo, sent from Santa Barbara to reinforce the mission guard, coming up at this time, the Indians fled to Purisima. The fire was extinguished before the church was consumed. At Purisima the Indians were more successful. The mission was defended by Cor- ]ioral Tapia and five soldiers. The Indians de- manded that Tapia surrender, but the corporal refused. The fight began and continued all night. The Indians set fire to the building, but all they could burn was the rafters. Tapia, by a strategic movement, succeeded in collecting all the soldiers and the women and children inside the walls of one of the largest buildings from which the roof had been burnt. From this the Indians could not dislodge him. The fight was kept up till morning, when one of the Indians, who had been a mission alcade. made a prop- osition to the corporal to surrender. Tapia re- fused to consider it. but Father Bias Ordaz in- terfered and insisted on a compromise, .\fter 86 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. much contention Tapia found himself overruled. The Indians agreed to spare the lives of all on condition that the whites laid down their arms. The soldiers laid down their arms and sur- rendered two small cannon belonging to the church. The soldiers, the women and the chil- dren were then allowed to march to Santa Ynez. While the fight was going on the Indians killed ^ four white men, two of them, Dolores Sepulveda and Ramon Satelo, were on their way to Los Angeles and came to the mission not suspecting any danger. .Seven Indians were killed in the fight and a number wounded. The Indians at Santa Barbara began hostilities according to their prearranged plot. They made an attack upon the mission. Captain de la Guerra, who was in command at the presidio, marched to the mission and a fight of several hours ensued. The Indians sheltered them- selves behind the pillars of the corridor and fought with guns and arrows. After losing sev- eral of their number they fled to the hills. Four soldiers were wounded. The report of the up- rising reached Monterey and measures were taken at once to subdue the rebellious neophytes. A force of one hundred men was sent under Lieut. Jose Estrada to co-operate with Captain de la Guerra against the rebels. On the 1 6th of March the soldiers surroujided the Indians who had taken ]iossession of the mission church at Purisima and opened fire upon them. The Indians replied with their cap- lured cannon, muskets and arrows. Estrada's artillery battered down the walls of the church. The Indians, unused to arms, did little execu- tion. Driven out of the wrecked building, they attempted to make their escape by flight, but were intercepted by the cavalry which had been deployed for that purpose. Finding themselves hennned in on all sides the neophytes sur- rendered. They had lost sixteen killed and a large number of wounded. Seven of the prison- ers were shot for complicity in the murder of Sepulveda and the three other travelers. The four leaders in the revolt, Mariano Pacomio, Benito and Bernabe, were sentenced to ten years hard labor at the presidio and eight oth- ers to lesser terms. There were four hundred Indians engaged in the battle. The Indians of the Santa Barbara missions anil escapes from Santa Ynez and Purisima made their way over the mountains to the Tulares. A force of eighty men under com- mand of a lieutenant was sent against these. The troops had two engagements with the reb- els, w'hom they found at Buenavista Lake and San Emigdio. Finding his force insufficient to subdue them the lieutenant retreated to Santa Barbara. Another force of one hundred and thirty men under Captain Portilla and Lieuten- ant \'alle was sent after the rebels. Father Ripoll had induced the governor to offer a gen- eral pardon. The padre claimed that the In- dians had not harmed the friars nor committed sacrilege in the church and from his narrow view these were about the only venal sins they could commit. The troops found the fugitive neophytes encamped at San Emigdio. They now professed repentance for their misdeeds and were willing to return to mission life if they could escape punishment. Padres Ripoll and .Sarria, who had accompanied the expedition, entered into negotiations with the Indians; par- don was promised them for their offenses. They then surrendered and marched back with the soldiers to their respective missions. Tliis was the last atteiupt of the Indians to escape from mission rule. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 87 CHAPTER X FIRST DECADE OF MEXICAN RULE. JOSE MARIA ECHEAXDIA, a lieutenant colonel of the Mexican army, was ap- pointed governor of the two Californias, February i, 1825. With his staff officers and a few soldiers he landed at Loreto June 22. After a delay of a few months at Lo- reto he marched overland to San Diego, where he arrived about the middle of October. He summoned Arguello to meet him there, which he did and turned over the government, October 31, 1825. Echeandia established his capital at San Diego, that town being about the center of his jurisdiction. This did not suit the people of Monterey, who become prejudiced against the new governor. Shortly after his inauguration he began an investigation of the attitude of the mission friars towards the re- public of Mexico. He called padres Sanches, Zalvidea, Peyri and Martin, representatives of the four southern missions, to San Diego and demanded of them whether they would take the oath of allegiance to the supreme government. They expressed their willingness and were ac- cordingly sworn to support the constitution of 1824. Many of the friars of the northern mis- sions remained contumacious. Among the most stubborn of these was Padre Mcente Francisco de Sarria, former president of the missions. He had resigned the presidency to escape taking the oath of allegiance and still continued his opposition. He was put under ar- rest and an order issued for his expulsion by the supreme government, but the execution of the order was delayed for fear that if he were banished others of the disloyal padres woiUd abandon their missions and secretly leave the country. The government was not ready yet to take possession of the missions. The friars could keep the neophytes in subjection and make them work. The business of the country was in the hands of the friars and any radical change would have been disastrous. The national government in 1827 iiad issued a decree for the expulsion of Spaniards from Mexican territory. There were certain classes of those born in Spain who were exempt from banishment, but the friars were not among the exempts. The decree of expulsion reached Cal- ifornia in 1828; but it was not enforced for the reason that all of the mission padres except three were Spaniards. To have sent these out of the country would have demoralized the mis- sions. The Spanish friars were expelled from Mexico; but those in California, although some of them had boldly proclaimed their willingness to die for their king and their religion and de- manded their passports to leave the country, were allowed to remain in the country. Their passports were not given them for reasons above stated. Padres Rii)olI and Altimira made their escape without passports. They secretly took passage on an American brig lying at Santa Barbara. Orders were issued to seize the vessel should she put into any other harbor on the coast, but the captain, who no doubt had been liberally paid, took no chance of capture and the padres eventually reached Spain in safety. There was a suspicion that the two friars had taken with them a large amount of money from the mission funds, but nothing was jiroved. It was certain that they carried away something more than the bag and staff, the only property allowed them by the rules of their order. The most bitter opponent of the new govern- ment was Father Luis Antonio Martinez of San Luis Obispo. Before tlie clandestine departure of Ripoll and .\Uimira there were rumors that he meditated a secret departure from the coun- try. The mysterious shipment of $6,000 in gold belonging to the mission on a vessel called the Santa Apolonia gave credence to the report of his intended flight. He had been given a pass- port but still remained in the territory. His 88 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. outspoken disloyalty and his well known suc- cess in evading the revenue laws and smuggling goods into the country had made him particu- larly obnoxious to the authorities. Governor Echeandia determined to make an example of him. He was arrested in February, 1830, and confined in a room at Santa Barbara. In his trial before a council of war an attempt was made to connect him with complicity in the Solis revolution, but the evidence against him was weak. By a vote of five to one it was decided to send him out of the country. He was put on board an English vessel bound for Callao and there transferred to a vessel bound for Europe; he finally arrived safely at Madrid. Under the empire a diputacion or provincial legislature had been established in California. Arguello in 1825 had suppressed this while he was governor. Echeandia, shortly after his ar- rival, ordered an election for a new diputacion. The diputacion made the general laws of the territory. It consisted of seven members called vocals. These were chosen by an electoral junta, the members of which were elected by the people. The diputacion chose a diputado or delegate to the Mexican Congress. As it was a long distance for some of the members to travel to the territorial capital a suplente or substitute was chosen for each member, so as to assure a quorum. The diputacion called by Echeandia met at Monterey, June 14, 1828. The sessions, of which there were two each week, were held in the governor's palacio. This diputacion passed a rather peculiar revenue law. It taxed domestic aguardiente (grape brandy) $5 a barrel and wine half that amount in the jurisdictions of Monterey and San Francisco; but in the juris- dictions of Santa Barbara and San Diego the rates were doubled, brandy was taxed $10 a barrel and wine $5. San Diego, Los An- geles and Santa Barbara were wine producing districts, while Monterey and San Francisco were not. As there was a larger consumption of the product in the wine producing districts than in the others the lavi' was enacted for revenue and not for prevention of drinking. Another peculiar freak of legislation perpe- trated by this diputacion was the attempt to change the name of the territory. The supreme government was memorialized to change the name of Alta California to that of Montezuma and also that of the Pueblo de Nuestra Sefiora de los Angeles to that of Villa Victoria de la Reyna de los Angeles and make it the capital of the territory. A coat of arms was adopted for the territory. It consisted of an oval with the figure of an oak tree on one side, an olive tree on the other and a plumed Indian in the center with his bow and quiver, just in the act of stepping across the mythical straits of Anian. The memorial was sent to Mexico, but the supreme government paid no attention to it. The political upheavals, revolutions and coun- ter revolutions that followed the inauguration of a republican form of government in Mexico demoralized the people and produced a prolific crop of criminals. The jails were always full and it became a serious question what to do with them. It was proposed to make California a penal colony, similar to England's Botany Bay. Orders were issued to send criminals to California as a means of reforming their mor- als. The Californians protested against the sending of these undesirable immigrants, but in vain. In February, 1830, the brig Maria Ester brought eighty convicts from Acapuico to San Diego. They were not allowed to land there and were taken to Santa Barbara. What to do with them was a serious question with the Santa Barbara authorities. The jail would not hold a tenth part of the shipment and to turn them loose in the sparsely settled country was dangerous to the peace of the community. Fin- ally, about thirty or forty of the worst of the bad lot were shipped over to the island of Santa Cruz. They were given a supply of cattle, some fishhooks and a few tools and turned loose on the island to shift for themselves. They staid on the island until they had slaughtered and eaten the cattle, then they built a raft and drifted back to Santa Barbara, where they quartered themselves on the padres of the mis- sion. Fifty more were sent from Mexico a few months later. These shipments of prison exiles were distributed around among the settlements. Some served out their time and returned to their native land, a few escaped over the border, HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. sa others remained in the territory after their time was up and became fairly good citizens. The colonization law passed by tlie Mexican Congress August i8, 1824, was the first break in the proscriptive regulations that had pre- vailed in Spanish-American countries since their settlement. Any foreigner of good character who should locate in the country and become a Roman Catholic could obtain a grant of public land, not exceeding eleven leagues; but no for- eigner was allowed to obtain a grant within twenty leagues of the boundary of a foreign country nor within ten leagues of the sea coast. The law of April 14, 1828, allowed foreigners to become naturalized citizens. The applicant was required to have resided at least two years in the country, to be or to become a Roman Catholic, to renounce allegiance to his former country and to swear to support the constitution and laws of the Mexican republic. Quite a number of foreigners who had been residing a number of years in California took advantage of this law and became Mexican citizens by nat- uralization. The colonization law of Novem- ber 18, 1828, prescribed a series of rules and regulations for the making of grants of land. Colonists were required to settle on and culti- vate the land granted within a specified time or forfeit their grants. Any one residing outside of the republic could not retain possession of his land. The minimum size of a grant as de- fined by this law was two hundred varas square of irrigable land, eight hundred varas scjuare of arable land (depending on the seasons) and twelve hundred varas square grazing land. The size of a house lot was one hundred varas square. The Californians had grown accustomed to foreigners coming to the country by sea, but they were not prepared to have them come over- land. The mountains and deserts that inter- vened between the United States and California were supposed to be an insurmountable barrier to foreign immigration by land. It was no doubt with feelings of dismay, mingled with anger, that Governor Echeandia received the advance guard of maldito estranjcros, who came across the continent. Echeandia hated foreigners and particularly Americans. The pioneer of over- land travel from the United States to California was Capt. Jedediah S. Smith. Smith was born in Connecticut and when quite young came with his father to Ohio and located in Ashtabula county, where he grew to manhood amid the rude surroundings of pioneer life in the west. i!y some means he obtained a fairly good educa- tion. VVe have no record of when he began the life of a trapper. We first hear of him as an employe of General Ashley in 1822. He had command of a band of trappers on the waters of the Snake river in 1824. Afterwards he became a partner of Ashley under the firm name of Ashley & Smith and subsequently one of the members of the Rocky Mountain Inir Company. The latter company had about 1825 established a post and fort near Great Salt Lake. From this, August 22, 1826, Captain Smith with a band of fifteen hunters and trappers started on his first expedition to California. His object was to find some new coimtry that had not been occupied by a fur company. Traveling in a south- westerly direction he discovered a river which he named Adams (after President John Quincy Adams) now known as the Rio \irgin. This stream he followed down to its junction with the Colorado. Traveling down the latter river he arrived at the Mojave villages, where he rested fifteen days. Here he found two wander- ing neophytes, who guided his party across the desert to the San Gabriel mission, where he and his men arrived safely early in December, 1826. The arrival of a party of armed Americans from across the mountains and deserts alarmed the padres and couriers were hastily dispatched to Governor Echeandia at San Diego. The Americans were placed under arrest and com- pelled to give up their arms. Smith was taken to San Diego to give an account of himself. He claimed that he had been compelled to enter the territory on account of the loss of horses and a scarcity of jjrovisions. He was finally re- leased from prison upon the endorsement of several American ship captains and supercar- goes who were then at San Diego. He was al- lowed to return to San Gabriel, where he pur- chased horses and supplies. He moved his camp to San Bernardino, where he remained until February. The authorities had grown uneasy 90 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. at his continued presence in the country and orders were sent to arrest him, but before this could be done he left for the Tulare country by way of Cajon Pass. He trapped on the tribu- taries of the San Joaquin. By the ist of ]May he and his party had reached a fork of the Sac- ramento (near where the town of Folsom now stands). Here lie established a summer camp and the river ever since has been known as the American fork from that circumstance. Here again the presence of the Americans worried the Mexican authorities. Smith wrote a conciliatory letter to Padre Duran, president of the missions, informing him that he had "made several efforts to pass over the moun- tains, but the snow being so deep I could not succeed in getting over. I returned to this place, it being the only point to kill meat, to wait a few weeks until the snow melts so that I can go on." "On ]\lay 20, 1827," Smith writes, "with two men, seven horses and two mules, I started from the valley. In eight days we crossed Mount Joseph, losing two horses and one mule. After a march of twenty days east- ward from Mount Joseph (the Sierra Nevadas) I reached the southwesterly corner of the Great Salt Lake. The country separating it from the mountains is arid and without game. Often we had no water for two days at a time. When we reached Salt Lake we had left only one horse and one mule, so exhausted that they could hardly carry our slight baggage. We had been forced to eat the horses that had succumbed." Smith's route over the Sierras to Salt Lake was substantially the same as that followed by the overland emigration of later years. He discov- ered the Humboldt, which he named the Mary river, a name it bore until changed by Fremont in 1845. He was the first white man to cross the Sierra Nevadas. Smith left his party of trappers except the two who accompanied him in the Sacramento valley. He returned next year with reinforcements and was ordered out of the country by the governor. He traveled up the coast towards Oregon. On the Umpqua river he was attacked by the Indians. All his party except himself and two others were mas- sacred. He lost all of his horses and furs. He reached Fort Vancouver, his clothing torn to rags and almost starved to death. In 1831 he started with a train of wagons to Santa Fe on a trading expedition. While alone searching for water near the Cimarron river he was set upon by a party of Indians and killed. Thus perished by the hands of cowardly savages in the wilds of New Mexico a man who, through almost in- credible dangers and sufferings, had explored an unknown region as vast in extent as that which gave fame and immortality to the African explorer, Stanley; and who marked out trails over mountains and across deserts that Fre- mont following years afterwards won the title of "Pathfinder of the Great West." Smith led the advance guard of the fur trappers to Cali- fornia. Notwithstanding the fact that they were unwelcome visitors these adventurers continued to come at intervals up to 1845. They trapped on the tributaries of the San Joaquin, Sacramento and the rivers in the northern part of the terri- tory. A few of them remained in the country and became permanent residents, but most of them sooner or later met death by the savages. Capt. Jedediah S. Smith marked out two of the great immigrant trails by which the overland travel, after the discovery of gold, entered Cal- ifornia, one by way of the Humboldt river over tlie Sierra Nevadas, the other southerly from Salt Lake, L'tah Lake, the Rio Virgin, across the Colorado desert, through the Cajon Pass to Los Angeles. A third immigrant route was blazed by the Pattie party. This route led from Santa Fe, across New Mexico, down the Gila to the Colorado and from thence across the desert through the San Gorgonio Pass to Los .\ngeles. This party consisted of Sylvester Pattie, James Ohio Pattie, his son, Nathaniel M. Pryor, Richard Laughlin, Jesse Furguson, Isaac Slover, William Pope and James Puter. The Patties left Kentucky in 1824 and followed trap ping in New Mexico and Arizona until 1827; the elder Pattie for a time managing the cop- per mines of Santa Rita. In May, 1827, Pattie the elder, in command of a party of thirty trap- pers and hunters, set out to trap the tributaries of the Colorado. Losses by Indian hostilities, by dissensions and desertions reduced the party to eight persons. December ist, 1827, while HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.A.PHICAL RECORD. 91 these were encamped on the Colorado near the mouth of the Gila, the Yuma Indians stole all their horses. They constructed rafts and floated down the Colorado, expecting to find Spanish settlements on its banks, where they hoped to procure horses to take them back to Santa Fe. They floated down the river until they encoun- tered the flood tide from the gulf. Finding it impossible to go ahead on account of the tide or back on account of the river current, they landed, cached their furs and traps and with two days' supply of beaver meat struck out westerly across the desert. After traveling for twenty-four days and suffering almost incredible hardships they reached the old Mission of Santa Catalina near the head of the Gulf of California. Here they were detained until news of their ar- rival could be sent to Governor Echeandia at San Diego. A guard of sixteen soldiers was sent for them and they were conducted to San Diego, where they arrived February 27, 1828. Their arms were taken from them and they were put in prison. The elder Pattie died during their imprisonment. In September all the party ex- cept young Pattie, who was retained as a host- age, were released and permitted to go after their buried furs. They found their furs had been ruined by the overflow of the river. Tw'o of the party, Slover and Pope, made their way back to Santa Fe; the others returned, bringing with them their beaver traps. They w'ere again im- prisoned by Governor Echeandia, but were fin- ally released. Three of the party, Nathaniel M. Pryor, Richard Laughlin and Jesse Furguson, became permanent residents of California. Young Pat- tie returned to the United States by way of Mexico. After his return, with the assistance of the Rev. Timothy Flint, he wrote an account of his adventures, which was published in Cin- cinnati in 1833, under the title of "Pattie's Nar- rative." Young Pattie was inclined to exaggera- tion. In his narrative he claims that with vac- cine matter brought by his father from the Santa Rita mines he vaccinated twenty-two thousand people in California. In Los .\ngeles alone, he vaccinated twenty-five hundred, which was more than double the population of the town in 1828. He took a contract from the president of the missions to vaccinate all the neophytes in the territory. When his job was finished the president offered him in pay five hundred cattle and five hundred mules with land to pasture his stock on condition he would become a Roman Catholic and a citizen of Mexico. Pattie scorned the of- fer and roundly upbraided the padre for taking advantage of him. Fie had previously given Governor Eacheandia a tongue lashing and had threatened to shoot him on sight. From his narrative he seems to have put in most of his time in California blustering and threatening to shoot somebody. Another famous trapper of this period was "Peg Leg" Smith. His real name-was Thomas L. Smith. It is said that in a fight with the Indians his leg below the knee was shattered by a bullet. He coolly amputated his leg at the knee with no other instrument than his hunting knife. He wore a wooden leg and from this came his nickname. He first came to California in 1829. He was ordered out of the country. Fle and his party took their departure, but with them went three or four hundred California horses. He died in a San Francisco hospital in 1866. Ewing Young, a famous captain of trappers, made several visits to California from 1830 to 1837. In 1831 he led a party of thirty hunters and trappers, among those of his party who remained in California was Col. J. J. Warner, who became prominent in the territory and state. In 1837 Ewing Young with a party of sixteen men came down from Oregon, w-here he finally located, to purchase cattle for the new settlements on the Willamette river. They Ijought seven hundred cattle at $3 per head from the government and drove them overland to Oregon, reaching there after a toilsome journey of four months with six hundred. Young died in Oregon in 1841. From the downfall of Spanish domination in 1822, to the close of that decade there had been but few political disturbances in California. The only one of any consequence was Solis' and llcrrera's attempt to revolutionize the territory and seize the government. Jose Maria Herrera had come to California as a connnissioner of 92 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. the commissary department, but after a short term of service had been removed from ofifice for fraud. Joaquin SoHs was a convict who was serving- a ten years sentence of banishment from Mexico. The ex-of^icial and the exile with oth- ers of damaged character combined to overturn the government. On the night of November 12, 1829, SoHs, with a band of soldiers that he had induced to join his standard, seized the principal govern- ment officials at Monterey and put them in prison. At Solis' solicitation Herrera drew up a pronunciamento. It followed the usual line of such documents. It began by deploring the evils that had come upon the territory through Echeandia's misgovernment and closed with promises of reformation if the revolutionists should obtain control of the government. To obtain the sinews of war the rebels seized $3,000 of the public funds. This was dis- tributed among the soldiers and proved a great attraction to the rebel cause. Solis with twen- ty men went to San Francisco and the sol- diers there joined his standard. Next he marched against Santa Barbara with an army of one hundred and fifty men. Echeandia on hearing of the revolt had marched northward with all the soldiers he could enlist. Tlie two armies met at Santa Ynez. Solis opened fire on the governor's army. The fire was returned. Solis' men began to break away and soon the army and its valiant leader were in rapid flight. Pacheco's cavalry captured the leaders of the revolt. Herrara. Solis and thirteen others were shipped to Mexico under arrest to be tried for their crimes. The Mexican authorities, always lenient to California revolutionists, probably from a fellow feeling, turned them all loose and Herrera was sent back to fill his former office. Near the close of his term Governor Echeandia formulated a plan for converting the mission into pueblos. To ascertain the fitness of the neophytes for citizenship he made an in- vestigation to find out how many could read and write. He found so very few that he ordered schools opened at the missions. A pretense was made of establishing schools, but very little was accomplished. The padres were opposed to edu- cating the natives for the same reason that the southern slave-holders were opposed to educat- ing the negro, namely, that an ignorant people were more easily kept in subjection. Echeandia's plan of secularization was quite elaborate and dealt fairly with the neophytes. It received the sanction of the diputacion when that body met in July, 1830, but before anything could be done towards enforcing it another governor was ap- pointed. Echeandia was thoroughly hated by the mission friars and their adherents. Robin- son in his "Life in California" calls him a man of vice and makes a number of damaging asser- tions about his character and conduct, which are not in accordance with the facts. It was dur- ing Echeandia's term as governor that the motto of Mexico, Dios y Libertad (God and Liberty), ^vas adopted. It became immensely popular and was used on all public documents and often in private correspondence. A romantic episode that has furnished a theme for fiction writers occurred in the last year of Echeandia's rule. It was the elopement of Henry D. Fitch with Doiia Josefa, daughter of Joaquin Carrillo of San Diego. Fitch was a native of New Bedford, Mass. He came to Cal- ifornia in 1826 as master of the Maria Ester. He fell in love with Doiia Josefa. There were legal obstructions to their marriage. Fitch was a foreigner and a Protestant. The latter objec- tion was easily removed by Fitch becoming a Catholic. The Dominican friar who was to per- form the marriage service, fearful that he might incur the wrath of the authorities, civil and cler- ical, refused to perform the ceremony, but sug- gested that there were other countries where the laws were less strict andofifered to go beyond the limits of California and marry them. It is said that at this point Dofia Josefa said: "Why don't you carry me ofif, Don Enrique?" The suggestion was quickly acted upon. The next night the lady, mounted on a steed with her cousin, Pio Pico, as an escort, was secretly taken to a point on the bay shore where a boat was waiting for her. The boat put off to the \'ulture, where Captain Fitch received her on board and the vessel sailed for Valparaiso, where the couple were married. A year later Captain Fitch returned to California with his HISTORICAL AXD BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. 93 wife and infant son. At Monterey Fitch was arrested on an order of Padre Sanchez of San Gabriel and put in prison. His wife was also placed under arrest at the house of Captain Cooper. Fitch was taken to San Gabriel for trial, "his oflfenses being most heinous." At her in- tercession, Governor Echeandia released Mrs. Fitch and allowed her to go to San Gabriel, where her husband was imprisoned in one of the rooms of the mission. This act of clemency greatly enraged the friar and his fiscal, Pa- lomares, and they seriously considered the ques- tion of arresting the governor. The trial dragged along for nearly a month. Many wit- nesses were examined and many learned points of clerical law discussed. Vicar Sanchez finally gave his decision that the marriage at Val- paraiso, though not legitimate, was not null and void, but valid. The couple were condemned to do penance by "presenting themselves in church with lighted candles in their hands to hear high mass for three feast days and recite together for thirty days one-third of the rosary of the holy virgin."* In addition to these joint penances the vicar inflicted an additional pen- alty on Fitch in these words: "Yet considering the great scandal which Don Enrique has caused in this province I condemn him to give as penance and reparation a bell of at least fifty pounds in weight for the church at Los An- geles, which barely has a borrowed one." Fitch and his wife no doubt performed the joint pen- ance imposed upon them, but the church at Los Angeles had to get along with its borrowed I?ell. Don Enrique never gave it one of fifty pounds or anv other weight. ♦Bancroft's History of California, Vol. III-144. CHAPTER XI. REVOLUTIONS— THE HIJAR COLONISTS. M A.XUEL VICTORIA was appointed governor in March, 1830, but did not reach California until the last month of the year. Mctoria very soon became un- popular. He undertook to overturn the civil authority and substitute military rule. He recommended the abolition of the ayunta- mientos and refused to call together the ter- ritorial diputacion. He e.xiled Don Abel Stearns and Jose Antonio Carrillo; and at dif- ferent times, on trumped-up charges, had half a hundred of the leading citizens of Los An- geles incarcerated in the pueblo jail. Alcalde Vicente Sanchez was the petty despot of the pueblo, who carried out the tyrannical decrees of his master, Victoria. Among others who were imprisoned in the cuartel was Jose Maria Avila. Avila was proud, haughty and over- bearing. He had incurred the hatred of both Victoria and Sanchez. Sanchez, under orders from Victoria, placed Avila in prison, and to humiliate him put him in irons. Avila brooded over the indignities inflicted upon him and vowed to be revenged. \'ictoria's persecutions became so unbearable that I'io Pico, Juan I'.andini and Jose Antonio Carrillo raised the standard of revolt at San Diego and issued a pronunciamento, in which they set forth the reasons why they felt them- selves obliged to rise against the tyrant, Vic- toria. Pablo de Portilla, comandante of the presidio of San Diego, and his officers, with a force of fifty soldiers, joined the revolutionists and marched to Los .\ngeles. Sanchez's pris- oners were released and he was chained up in the pueblo jail. Here Portilla's force was re- cruited to two hundred men. Avila and a num- ber of the other released prisoners joined the revolutionists, and all marched forth to meet \'ictoria, who was moving southward with an armed force to suppress the insurrection. The two forces met on the plains of Cahuenga, west of the pueblo, at a place known as the Lomitas de la Canada de P.reita. The sight of his per- secutor so infuriated Avila that alone he rushed upon him to run him through with his lance. Captain Pacheco, of Victoria's staff, parried the lance thrust. Avila shot him dead with one of 94 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. his pistols and again attacked the governor and succeeded in wounding him, when he himself received a pistol ball that unhorsed him. After a desperate struggle (in which he seized \ ic- toria by the foot and dragged him from his horse) he was shot by one of Victoria's soldiers. Portilla's army fell back in a panic to Los An- geles and \'ictoria's men carried the wounded governor to the Mission San Gabriel, where his wounds were dressed by Joseph Chapman, who, to his many other accomplishments, added that of amateur surgeon. Some citizens who had taken no part in the fight brought the bodies of Avila and Pacheco to the town. "They were taken to the same house, the same hands rendered them the last sad rites, and they were laid side by side. Side by side knelt their widows and mingled their tears, while sympathizing countrymen chanted the solemn prayers of the church for the repose of the souls of these untimely dead. Side by side be- neath the orange and the olive in the little churchyard upon the plaza sleep the slayer and the slain."* Next day, \ictoria, supposing himself mor- tally wounded, abdicated and turned over the governorship of the territory to Echeandia. He resigned the office December 9, 1831, having been governor a little over ten months. When \'ictoria was able to travel he was sent to San Diego, from where he was deported to Mexico, San Diego borrowing $125 from the ayunta- miento of Los Angeles to pay the expense of shipping him out of the country. Several years afterwards the money had not been repaid, and the town council began proceedings to recover it, but there is no record in the archives to show that it was ever paid. .\nd thus it was that California got rid of a bad governor and Los Angeles incurred a bad debt. January 10, 1832, the territorial legislature met at Los Angeles to choose a "gefe politico," or governor, for the territory. Echeandia w.ts invited to preside but replied from San Juan Capistrano that he was busy getting \^ictoria out of the country. The diputacion, after wait- ing some time and receiving no satisfaction *Stephen C. Foster. from Echeandia whether he wanted the office or not, declared Pio Pico, by virtue of his office of senior vocal, "gefe politico." No sooner had Pico been sworn into office than Echeandia discovered that he wanted the office and wanted it badly. He protested against the action of the diputacion and intrigued against Pico. Another revolution was threat- ened. Los Angeles favored Echeandia, al- though all the other towns in the territory had accepted Pico. (Pico at that time was a resi- dent of San Diego.) A mass meeting was called on February 12, 1832, at Los Angeles, to dis- cuss the question whether it should be Pico or Echeandia. I give the report of the meeting in the quaint language of the pueblo archives: "The town, acting in accord with the Most Illustrious Ayuntamiento, answered in a loud voice, saying they would not admit Citizen Pio Pico as 'gefe politico,' but desired that Lieut. - Col. Citizen Jose Maria Echeandia be retained in office until the supreme government appoint. Then the president of the meeting, seeing the determination of the people, asked the motive or reason of refusing Citizen Pio Pico, who was of unblemished character. To this the people responded that while it was true that Citizen Pio Pico was to some extent qualified, yet they preferred Lieut. -Col. Citizen Jose M. Echean- dia. The president of the meeting then asked the people whether they had been bribed, or was it merely insubordination that they op- posed the resolution of the Most Excellent Di- putacion? Whereupon the people answered that they had not been bribed, nor were they insubordinate, but that they opposed the pro- posed 'gefe politico' because he had not been named by the supreme government." At a public meeting February 19 the matter was again brought up. Again the people cried out "they would not recognize or obey any other gefe politico than Echeandia." The Most Illustrious Ayuntamiento opposed Pio Pico for two reasons: "First, because his name appeared first on the plan to oust Gefe Politico Citizen Manuel \'ictoria," and "Second, because he, Pico, had not sufficient capacity to fulfil the duties of the office." Then Jose Perez and Jose Antonio Carrillo withdrew from the meeting. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 95 saying they would not recognize Echeandia as "gefe politico." Pico, after holding the office for twenty days, resigned for the sake of peace. And this was the length of Pico's first term as governor. Echeandia, by obstinacy and intrigue, had ob- tained the coveted office, "gefe politico," but he did not long enjoy it in peace. News came from )ilonterey that Capt. Agustin V. Zamo- rano had declared himself governor and was gathering a force to invade the south and en- force his authority. Echeandia began at once marshaling his forces to oppose him. Ybarra, Zamarano's military chief, with a force of one hundred men, by a forced march, reached Paso de Bartolo, on the San Gabriel river, where, fifteen years later, Stockton fought the Mexican troops under Flores. Here Ybarra found Cap- tain Borroso posted with a piece of artillery and fourteen men. He did not dare to attack him. Echeandia and Borroso gathered a force of a thousand neophytes at Paso de Bartolo, where they drilled them in military evolutions. Ybar- ra's troops had fallen back to Santa Barbara, where he was joined by Zamorano with rein- forcements. Ybarra's force was largely made up of ex-convicts and other undesirable characters, who took what they needed, asking no questions of the owners. The Angelenos, fearing those marauders, gave their adhesion to Zamorano's plan and recognized him as military chief of the territory. Captain Borroso, Echeandia's faith- ful adherent, disgusted with the fickleness of the Angelenos, at the head of a thousand mounted Indians, threatened to invade the re- calcitrant pueblo, but at the intercession of the frightened inhabitants this modern Coriolanus turned aside and regaled his neophyte retainers on the fat bullocks of the Mission San Gabriel, much to the disgust of the padres. The neo- phyte warriors were disbanded and sent to their respective missions. A peace was patched up betwen Zamorano and Echeandia. Alta California was divided into two territories. Echeandia was given juris- diction over all south of San Gabriel and Zamo- rano all north of San Fernando. This division apparently loft a neutral district, or "no man's land," between. Whether Los Angeles was in this neutral territory the records do not show. If it was, it is probable that neither of the gov- ernors wanted the job of governing the rebel- lious pueblo. In January, 1833, Governor Figueroa arrived in California. Echeandia and Zamorano each surrendered his half of the divided territory to the newly appointed governor, and California was united and at peace. Figueroa proved to be the right man for the times. He conciliated the factions and brought order out of chaos. The two most important events in Figueroa's term of office were the arrival of the Hijar Col- ony in California and the secularization of the missions. These events were most potent fac- tors in the evolution of the territory. In 1833 the first California colonization scheme was inaugurated in Mexico. At the liead of this was Jose Maria Hijar, a Mexican gentleman of wealth and influence. He was assisted in its promulgation by Jose M. Padres, an adventurer, who had been banished from California by Governor Victoria. Padres, like some of our modern real estate boomers, pic- tured the country as an earthly paradise — an improved and enlarged Garden of Eden. Among other inducements held out to the colo- nists, it is said, was the promise of a division among them of the mission property and a dis- tribution of the neophytes for servants. Heatkjuarters were established at the city of Mexico and two hundred and fifty colonists enlisted. Each family received a bonus of $10, and all were to receive free transporta- tion to California and rations while on the jour- ney. Each head of a family was promised a farm from the public domain, live stock and farming implements; these advances to be paid for on the installment plan. The orignal plan was to found a colony somewhere north of San Francisco bay, but this was not carried out Two vessels were dispatched with the colonists — the Morelos and the Natalia. The latter was compelled to put into San Diego on account of sickness on board. She reached that port Sep- tember I, 1834. A part of the colonists on ftoard her were sent to San Pedro and from there they were taken to Los Angeles and San (iabriel. The Morelos reached Monterey Sep- S)G HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. tember 25. Hijar had been appointed governor of California by President Farias, but after the saihng of the expedition, Santa Ana, who had succeeded Farias, dispatched a courier over- land with a countermanding order. By one of the famous rides of history, Amador, the courier, made the journey from the city of Mexico to Monterey in forty days and delivered his mes- sage to Governor Figueroa. When Hijar ar- rived he found to his dismay that he was only a private citizen of the territory instead of its governor. The colonization scheme was aban- doned and the immigrants distributed them- selves throughout the territory. Generally they were a good class of citizens, and many of them became prominent in California afifairs. That storm center of political disturbances, Los Angeles, produced but one small revolution during Figueroa's term as governor. A party of fifty or sixty Sonorans, some of whom were Hijar colonists who were living either in the town or its immediate neighborhood, assembled at Los Nietos on the night of March 7, 1835. They formulated a pronunciamiento against Don Jose T'lgueroa, in which they first vigor- ously arraigned him for sins of omission and conmiission and then laid down their plan of government of the territory. Armed with this formidable document and a few muskets and lances, these patriots, headed by Juan Gallado, a cobbler, and Felipe Castillo, a cigarmaker, in the gray light of the morning, rode into the pueblo, took possession of the town hall and the big cannon and the ammunition that had been stored there when the Indians of San Luis Rey had threatened hostilities. The slumbering inhabitants were aroused from their dreams of peace by the drum beat of war. The terrified citizens rallied to the juzgado, the ayuntamiento met, the cobbler statesman, Gallado, presented his plan; it was discussed and rejected. The revolutionists, after holding possession of the pueblo throughout the day, tired, hungry and disappointed in not receiving their pay for sav- ing the country, surrendered to the legal author- ities the real leaders of the revolution and disbanded. The leaders proved to be Torres, a clerk, and Apalategui, a doctor, both supposed to be emissaries of Hijar. They were imprisoned at San Gabriel. When news of the revolt reached Figueroa he had Hijar and Padres ar- rested for complicity in the outbreak. Hijar, with half a dozen of his adherents, was shipped back to Mexico. And thus the man who the year before had landed in California with a commission as governor and authority to take possession of all the property belonging to the missions returned to his native land an exile. His grand colonization scheme and his "Com- pania Cosmopolitana" that was to revolutionize California commerce were both disastrous fail- ures. Governor Jose Figueroa died at Monterey on the 29th of September, 1835. He is generally regarded as the best of the Mexican governors sent to California. He was of Aztec extraction and took a great deal of pride in his Indian blood. CHAPTER Xll. THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE MISSIONS. THE Franciscan Missions of Alta Califor- nia have of late been a prolific theme for a certain class of writers and espe- cially have they dwelt upon the secularization of these establishments. Their productions have added little or nothing to our previous knowledge of these institutions. Carried away by sentiment these writers draw pictures of mis- sion life that are unreal, that are purely imag- inary, and aroused to indignation at the injus- tice they fancy was done to their ideal institu- tions they deal out denunciations against the authorities that brought about secularization as unjust as they are undeserved. Such expres- sions as "the robber hand of secularization," and "the brutal and thievish disestablishment of the missions," emanate from writers who seem to be ignorant of the purpose for which the mis- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RFXORD. 97 sioiis were founded, and who ignore, or wlio do not know, the caitses which brought about their secularization. It is an historical fact know-n to all acquainted with California history that these establishments were not intended by the Crown of Spain to become permanent institutions. The purpose for which the Spanish government fostered and protected them was to Christianize the Indians afid make of them self-supporting citizens. Very early in its history Governor Borica, Fages and other intelligent Spanish officers in California discovered the weakness of the mission system. Governor Borica, writing in 1796, said: "Ac- cording to the laws the natives are to be free from tutelage at the end of ten years, the mis- sions then becoming doctrinairs, but those of New California, at the rate they are advancing, will not reach the goal in ten centuries; the rea- son God knows, and men, too, know something about it." The tenure by which the mission friars held their lands is admirably set forth in William Carey Jones' "Report on Land Titles in Cali- fornia," made in 1850. He says, "It had been supposed that the lands they (the missions) oc- cupied were grants held as the property of the church or of the misson establishments as cor- porations. Such, however, was not the case; all the missions in Upper California were estab- lished under the direction and mainly at the expense of the government, and the missionaries there had never any other right than to the occupation and use of the lands for the purpose of the missions and at the pleasure of the gov- ernment. This is shown by the history and principles of their foundation, by the laws in relation to them, by the constant practice of the government toward them and, in fact, by the rules of the Franciscan order, which forbid its members to possess property." With the downfall of Spanish domination in Mexico came the beginning of the end of mis- sionary rule in California. The majority of the mission padres were Spanish born. In the war of Mexican independence their sympathies were with their mother country, Spain. After Mex- ico attained her independence, some of them refused to acknowledge allegiance to the repub- 7 lie. The Mexican authorities feared and dis- trusted them. In this, in part, they found a pre- text for the disestablishment of the missions and the confiscation of the mission estates. There was another cause or reason for secularization more potent than the loyalty of the padres to Spain. Few forms of land monopoly have ever exceeded that in vogue under the mission system of California. From San Diego to San I'ran- cisco bay the twenty missions established under Spanish rule monopolized the greater part of the fertile land between the coast range and the sea. The limits of one mission were said to cover the intervening space to the limits of the next. There was but little left for other settlers. A settler could not obtain a grant of land if the padres of the nearest mission objected. The twenty-four ranches owned by the Mis- sion San Gabriel contained about a million and a half acres and extended from the sea to the San Bernardino mountains. The greatest neophyte population of San Gabriel was in 1817, when it reached 1,701. Its yearly average for the first three decades of the present century did not exceed 1,500. It took a thousand acres of fertile land under the mission system to sup- port an Indian, even the smallest papoose of the mission flock. It is not strange that the people clamored for a subdivision of the mission estates; and secularization became a public necessity. The most enthusiastic admirer of the missions to-day, had he lived in California seventy years ago, would no doubt have been among the loud- est in his wail against the mission system. The abuse heaped upon the Mexican authori- ties for their secularization of these institutions is as unjust as it is unmerited. The act of the Mexican Congress of August 17, 1833, w^as not the initiative movement towards their dis- establishment. Indeed in their foundation their secularization, their subdivision into pueblos, was provided for and the local authorities were never w'ithout lawful authority over them. In the verj- beginning of missionary work in Alta California the process of secularizing the mis- sion establishments was mapped out in the fol- lowing "Instructions given by Viceroy Bucarili August 17, 1773, to the comandante of the new establishments of San Diego and Monterey. 98 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. Article 15, when it shall happen that a mission is to be formed into a pueblo or village the comandante will proceed to reduce it to the civil and economical government, which, according to the laws, is observed by other villages of this kingdom; their giving it a name and declaring for its patron the saint under whose memory and protection the mission was founded." The purpose for which the mission was founded was to aid in the settlement of the country, and to convert the natives to Christian- ity. "These objects accomplished the mission- ary's labor was considered fulfilled and the es- tablishment subject to dissolution. This view of their purpose and destiny fully appears in the tenor of the decree of the Spanish Cortes of September 13, 1813. It was passed in conse- quence of a complaint by the Bishop of Guiana of the evils that affected that province on ac- count of the Indian settlements in charge of missions not being delivered to the ecclesiastical ordinary, although thirty, forty and fifty years had passed since the reduction and conversion of the Indians."* The Cortes decreed 1st, that all the new reduciones y doctrinairs (settlements of newly converted Indians) not yet formed into parishes of the province beyond the sea which were in charge of missionary monks and had been ten years subjected should be delivered immediately to the respective ecclesiastical ordinaries (bish- ops) without resort to any excuse or pretext conformably to the laws and cedulas in that respect. Section 2nd, provided that the secular clergy should attend to the spiritual wants of these curacies. Section 3rd, the missionary monks relieved from the converted settlements shall proceed to the conversion of other heathen." The decree of the Mexican Congress, passed November 20, 1833, for the secularization of the missions of Upper and Lower California, was very similar in its provisions to the decree of the Spanish Cortes of September, 1813. The Mex- ican government simply followed tl^s example of Spain and in the conversion oi tne missions into pueblos was attempting to enforce a prin- *\Viniani Carey Jones' Report. ciple inherent in the foundation of the mission- ary establishments. That secularization resulted disastrously to the Indians was not the fault of the Me.xican government so much as it was the defect in the industrial and intellectual training of the neophytes. E.xcept in the case of those who were trained for choir services in the churches there was no attempt made to teach the Indians to read or write. The padres generally entertained a poor opinion of the neophytes' intellectual ability. The reglamento governing the secularization of the missions, published by Governor Echeandia in 1830, but not enforced, and that formulated by the diputa- cion under Governor Figueroa in 1834, approved by the Me.xican Congress and finally enforced in 1834-5-6, were humane measures. These reg- ulations provided for the colonization of the neophytes into pueblos or villages. A portion of the personal property and a part of the lands held by the missions were to be distributed among the Indians as follows : "Article 5 — To each head of a family and all who are more than twenty years old, although without families, will be given from the lands of the mission, whether temporal (lands depend- ent on the seasons) or watered, a lot of ground not to contain more than four hundred varas (yards) in length, and as many in breadth not less than one hundred. Sufficient land for water- ing the cattle will be given in common. The outlets or roads shall be marked out by each vil- lage, and at the proper time the corporation lands shall be designated." This colonization of the neophytes into pueblos would have throw-n large bodies of the land held by the mis- sions open to settlement by white settlers. The personal property of missionary establishments was to have been divided among their neophyte retainers thus: "Article 6. Among the said in- dividuals will be distributed, ratably and justly, according to the discretion of the political chief, the half of the movable property, taking as a basis the last inventory which the missionaries have presented of all descriptions of cattle. Arti- cle 7. One-half or less of the implements and seeds indispensable for agriculture shall be al- lotted to them." The political government of the Indian pu- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 99 eblos was to be organized in accordance with existing laws of the territory governing other towns. The neophyte could not sell, mortgage or dispose of the land granted him; nor could he sell his cattle. The regulations provided that "Religious missionaries shall be relieved from the administration of temporalities and shall only exercise the duties of their ministry so far as they relate to spiritual matters." The nunner- ies or the houses where the Indian girls were kept under the charge of a duena until they were of marriageable age were to be abolished and the children restored to their parents. Rule 7 provided that "What is called the 'priest- hood' shall immediately cease, female children whom they have in charge being handed over to their fathers, explaining to them the care they should take of them, and pointing out their obligations as parents. The same shall be done with the male children." Commissioners were to be appointed to take charge of the mission property and superintend its subdivision among the neophytes. The con- version of ten of the missionary establishments into pueblos was to begin in August, 1835. That of the others was to follow as soon as possible. San Gabriel, San Fernando and San Juan Capis- trano were among the ten that were to be secularized first. For years secularization had threatened the missions, but hitherto something had occurred at the critical time to avert it. The missionaries had used their influence against it, had urged that the neophytes were unfitted for self-support, had argued that the emancipation of the natives from mission rule would result in disaster to them. Through all the agitation of the question in previous years the padres had labored on in the preservation and upbuilding of their establishments; but with the issuing of the secularization decree by the Mexican Congress, August 17, 1833, the or- ganization of the Hijar Colony in Mexico and the instructions of acting president Farias to Hijar to occupy all the property of the missions and subdivide it among the colonists on their arrival in California, convinced the missionaries that the blow could no longer be averted. The revocation of Hijar's appointment as governor and the controversy which followed between him and Governor Figucroa and the diputacion for a time delayed the enforcement of the de- cree. In the meantime, with the energy born of de- spair, eager at any cost to outwit those who sought to profit by their ruin, the mission fath- ers hastened to destroy that which through more than half a century thousands of human beings had spent their lives to accumulate. The wealth of the missions lay in their herds of cat- tle. The only marketable products of these were the hides and tallow. Heretofore a certain num- ber of cattle had been slaughtered each week to feed the neophytes and sometimes when the ranges were in danger of becoming over- stocked cattle were killed for their hides and tallow, and the meat left to the coyotes and the carrion crows. The mission fathers knew that if they allowed the possession of their herds to pass to other hands neither they nor the neophytes would obtain any reward for years of labor. The blow was liable to fall at any time. Haste was required. The mission butchers could not slaughter the animals fast enough. Con- tracts were made with the rancheros to kill on shares. The work of destruction began at the missions. The country became a mighty shambles. The matansas were no longer used. An animal was lassoed on the plain, thrown, its throat cut and while yet writhing in death agony, its hide was stripped and pegged upon the ground to dry. There were no vessels to con- tain the tallow and this was run into pits in the ground to be taken out when there was more time to spare and less cattle to be killed. The work of destruction went on as long as there were cattle to kill. So great was the stench from rotting carcasses of the cattle on the plains that a pestilence was threatened. The ayunta- miento of Los Angeles, November 15, 1833, passed an ordinance compelling all persons slaughtering cattle for the hides and tallow to cremate the carcasses. Some of the rancheros laid the foundations of their future wealth by ap- propriating herds of young cattle from the mis- sion ranges. Hugo Reid, in the letters previously referred to in this volume, says of this period at San Gabriel, "These facts(the decree of secularization 100 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. and the distribution of the mission property) being known to Padre Tomas (Estenaga), he, in all probabilit}-, by order of his superior, com- menced a work of destruction. The back build- ings were unroofed and the timber converted into fire wood. Cattle were killed on the halves by people who took a lion's share. Utensils were disposed of and goods and other articles distributed in profusion among the neophytes. The vineyards were ordered to be cut down, which, however, the Indians refused to do." After the mission was placed in charge of an administrator, Padre Tomas remained as min- ister of the church at a stipend of $1,500 per annum, derived from the pious fund. Hugo Reid says of him, "As a wrong im- pression of his character may be produced from the preceding remarks, in justice to his memory, be it stated that he was a truly good man, a sin- cere Christian and a despiser of hypocrisy. He had a kind, unsophisticated heart, so that he be- lieved every word told him. There has never been a purer priest in California. Reduced in circumstances, annoyed on many occasions by the petulancy of administrators, he fulfilled his duties according to his conscience, with be- nevolence and good humor. The nuns, who, when the secular movement came into opera- tion, had been set free, were again gathered to- gether under his supervision and maintained at his expense, as were also a number of old men and women." The experiment of colonizing the Indians in pueblos was a failure and they were gathered back into the mission, or as many of them as could be got back, and placed in charge of ad- ministrators. "The Indians," says Reid, "were made happy at this time in being permitted to enjoy once more the luxury of a tule dwelling, from which the greater part had been debarred for so long; they could now breathe freely again." (The close adobe buildings in which they had been housed in mission days were no doubt one of the causes of the great mortality among them.) "Administrator followed administrator until the mission could support no more, when the system was broken up." * * * "The Indians during this period were continually run- ning ofif. Scantily clothed and still more scant- ily supplied with food, it was not to be wondered at. Nearly all the Gabrielinos went north, while those of San Diego, San Luis and San Juan overrun this country, filling the Angeles and surrounding ranches with more servants than were required. Labor, in consequence, was very cheap. The different missions, however, had alcaldes continually on the move, hunting them up and carr)ang them back, but to no pur- pose; it was labor in vain." "Even under the dominion of the church in mission days," Reid says, "the neophytes were addicted both to drinking and gaming, with an inclination to steal;" but after their emanci- pation they went from bad to worse. Those at- tached to the ranchos and those located in the town were virtually slaves. They had bosses or owners and when they ran away were cap- tured and returned to their master. The account book for 1840 of the sindico of Los Angeles contains this item, "For the delivery of two Indians to their boss $I2." In all the large towns there was an Indian village known as the pueblito or little town. These were the sink holes of crime and the favorite resorts of dissolute characters, both white and red. The Indian village at Los An- geles between what is now Aliso and First street became such an intolerable nuisance that on petition of the citizens it was removed across the river to tlv: "Spring of the Abilas," but its removal did not improve its morals. \'iccnte Guerrero, the sindico, discussing the Indian question before the ayuntamiento said, "The In- dians are so utterly depraved that no matter where they may settle down their conduct would be the same, since they look upon death even with indifference, provided they can indulge in their pleasures and vices." This was their con- dition in less than a decade after they were freed from mission control. What did six decades of mission rule accom- plish for the Indian? In all the older missions between their founding and their secularization three generations of adults had come under the influence of mission life and training — first, the adult converts made soon after the founding; second, their children born at the missions, and HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 101 third, the children of these who liad grown to manhood before the fall of the missions. How great an improvement had the neophytes of the third generation made over those of the first? They had to a great e.xtent lost their original language and had acquired a speaking knowl- edge of Spanish. They had abandoned or forgotten their primitive religious belief, but their new religion exercised but little influence on their lives. After their emancipation they went from bad to worse. Some of the more daring escaped to the mountains and joining the wild tribes there became the leaders in frequent predatory excursions on the horses and cattle of the settlers in the valleys. They were hunted down and shot like wild beasts. What became of the mission estates? As the cattle were killed off the dift'ercnt ranchos of llic mission domains, settlers petitioned the ayuntamiento for grants. If upon investigation it was found that the land asked for was vacant the petition was referred to the governor for his approval. In this way the vast mission domains passed into private hands. The country im- proved more in wealth and population between 1836 and 1846 than in the previous fifty years. Secularization was destruction to the mission and death to the Indian, but it w-as beneficial to the country at large. The decline of the mis- sions and the passing of the neophyte had be- gun long before the decrees of secularization were enforced. Nearly all the missions passed their zenith in population during the second decade of the century. Even had the mission- ary establishments not been secularized they would eventually have been depopulated. At no time during the mission rule were the number of births equal to the number of deaths. When recruits could no longer be obtained from the Gentiles or wild Indians the decline became more rapid. The mission annals show- that from 1769 to 1834, when secularization was enforced — an interval of sixty-five years — 79,000 con- verts were baptized and 62,000 deaths recorded. The death rate among the neophytes was about twice that of the negro in this country and four times that of the white race. The extinc- tion of the neophyte or mission Indian was due to the enforcement of that inexorable law or decree of nature, the Survival of the Fittest. Where a stronger race comes in contact with a weaker, there can be but one termination of the contest — the extermination of the weaker. CHAPTER XIII. THE FREE AND SOVEREIGN STATE OF ALTA CALIFORNIA. GO\'ERNOR FIGUEROA on his death- bed turned over the civil command of the territory to Jose Castro, who there- in became "gefe politico ad interem." The military command was given to Lieut.-Col. Nicolas Gutierrez with the rank of comandante general. The separation of the two commands was in accordance with the national law of May 6, 1822. Castro was a member of the diputacion, but was not senior vocal or president. Jose An- tonio Carrillo, who held that i)Osition, was diputado or delegate to congress and was at that time in the city of Mexico. It was he who secured the decree from the Mexican Congress Mav 23, 1835, making Los Angeles the caiiital of California, and elevating it to the rank of a city. The second vocal, Jose Antonio Estudillo, was sick at his home in San Diego. Jose Cas- tro ranked third. He was the only one of the diputacion at the capital and at the previou.- meeting of the diputacion he had acted as pre- siding officer. Gutierrez, who w-as at San Ga- briel w-hen appointed to the military command, hastened to Monterey, but did not reach there until after the death of Figueroa. Castro, on assuming command, sent a notification of his appointment to the civil authorities of the dif- ferent jurisdictions. All responded favorably except San Diego and Los .\ngeles. San Diego claimed the office for Estudillo, second vocal, and Los .Angeles declared against Castro be- 102 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. cause he was only third vocal and demanded that the diputacion should meet at the legal capital (Los Angeles) of the territory. This was the beginning of the capital war that lasted ten years and increased in bitterness as it increased in age. The diputacion met at Monterey. It de- cided in favor of Castro and against removing the capital to Los Angeles. Castro executed the civil functions of gefe politico four months and then, in accordance with orders from the supreme government, he turned over his part of the governorship to Comandante General Gutierrez and again the two commands were united i in one person. Gutierrez filled the office of "gobernador in- terno" from January 2, 1836, to the arrival of his successor, Mariano Chico. Chico had been ap- pointed governor by President Barragan, Decem- ber 16, 1835, but did not arrive in California until April, 1836. Thus California had four governors within nine months. They changed so rapidly there was not time to foment a rev- olution. Chico began his administration by a series of petty tyrannies. Just before his ar- rival in California a vigilance committee at Los Angeles shot to death Gervacio Alispaz and his paramour, Maria del Rosaria Villa, for the mur- der of the woman's husband, Domingo Feliz. Alispaz was a countryman of Chico. Chico had the leaders arrested and came down to Los Angeles with the avowed purpose of executing Prudon, Arzaga and Aranjo, the president, sec- retary and military commander, respectively, of the Defenders of Public Security, as the vigi- lantes called themselves. He announced his intention of arresting and punishing every man who had taken part in the banishment of Gov- ernor Victoria. He summoned Don Abel Stearns to Monterey and threatened to have him shot for some imaginary offense. He fulminated a fierce pronunciamento against foreigners, that incurred their wrath, and made himself so odious that he was hated by all, native or foreigner. He was a centralist and opposed to popular rights. Exasperated beyond endurance by his scandalous conduct and unseemly exhibitions of temper the people of Monterey rose en masse against him, and so terrified him that he took passage on board a brig that was lying in the harbor and sailed for Mexico with the threat that he would return with an armed force to punish the rebellious Californians. but he never came back again. With the enforced departure of Chico, the civil command of the territory devolved upon Nicolas Gutierrez, who still held the military command. He was of Spanish birth and a cen- tralist or anti-federalist in politics. Although a mild mannered man he seemed to be impressed with the idea that he must carry out the arbi- trary measures of his predecessor. Centralism was his nemesis. Like Chico, he was opposed to popular rights and at one time gave orders to disperse the diputacion by force. He was not long in making himself unpopular by at- tempting to enforce the centralist decrees of the Mexican Congress. He quarreled with Juan Bautista Alvarado, the ablest of the native Californians. Alvarado and Jose Castro raised the standard of revolt. They gathered together a small army of ranch- eros and an au.xiliary force of twenty-five Amer- ican hunters and trappers under Graham, a backwoodsman from Tennessee. By a strategic movement they captured the castillo or fort which commanded the presidio, where Gutierrez and the Mexican army officials were stationed. The patriots demanded the surrender of the presidio and the arms. The governor refused. The revolutionists had been able to find but a single cannon ball in the castillo, but this was sufficient to do the business. A well-directed shot tore through the roof of the governor's house, covering him and his stafT with the debris of broken tiles; that and the desertion of most of his soldiers to the patriots brought him to terms. On the 5th of November, 1836, he sur- rendered the presidio and resigned his authority as governor. He and about seventy of his ad- herents were sent aboard a vessel lying in the harbor and shipped out of the country. With the Mexican governor and his officers out of the country, the next move of Castro and Alvarado was to call a meeting of the diputa- cion or territorial congress. A plan for the independence of California was adopted. This, w'hich was known afterwards as the Monterey plan, consisted of six sections, the most im- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. ion portant of which were as follows: "First, Alta California hereby declares itself independent from Mexico until the Federal System of 1824 is restored. Second, the same California is hereby declared a free and sovereign state; es- tablishing a congress to enact the special laws of the country and the other necessary supreme powers. Third, the Roman Apostolic Catholic religion shall prevail; no other creed shall be allowed, but the government shall not molest anyone on account of his private opinions." The diputacion issued a declaration of independ- ence that arraigned the mother country, Mexico, and her officials very much in the style that our own Declaration gives it to King George III. and England. Castro issued a pronunciamiento, ending with Viva La Federacion! Viva La Libertad! Viva el Estado Libre y Soberano de Alta California! Thus amid vivas and proclamations, with the beating of drums and the booming of cannon, El Estado Libre de Alta California (The Free State of Alta California) was launched on the political sea. But it was rough sailing for the little craft. Her ship of state struck a rock and for a time shipwreck was threatened. For years there had been a growing jealousy between Northern and Southern California. Los Angeles, as has been stated before, had by a decree of the Mexican congress been made the capital of the territory. Alonterey had per- sistently refused to give up the governor and the archives. In the movement to make Alta California a free and independent state, the An- gelenos recognized an attempt on the part of the people of the north to deprive them of the capital. Although as bitterly opposed to Mex- ican governors, and as active in fomenting revo- lutions against them as the people of Monterey, the Angelenos chose to profess loyalty to the mother country. They opposed the plan of government adopted by the congress at Mon- terey and promulgated a plan of their own, in which they declared California was not free; that the "Roman Catholic Apostolic religion shall prevail in this jurisdiction, and any person publicly professing any other shall be pros- ecuted by law as heretofore." A mass meeting was called to take measures "to prevent the sjjreading of the Monterey revolution, so that the progress of the nation may not be paralyzed," and to appoint a person to take mil- itary conmiand of the department. San Diego and San Luis Rey took the part of Los Angeles in the quarrel, Sonoma and San Jose joined Monterey, while Santa Barbara, al- ways conservative, was undecided, but finally issued a plan of her own. Alvarado and Castro determined to suppress the revolutionary An- gelenos. They collected a force of one hun- dred men, made up of natives, with Graham's contingent of twenty-five American riflemen. With this army they prepared to move against the recalcitrant surenos. The ayuntamiento of Los Angeles began preparations to resist the invaders. An army of two hundred and seventy men was enrolled, a part of which was made up of neophytes. To se- cure the sinews of war Jose Sepulveda, second al- calde, was sent to the Alission San Fernando to secure what money there w'as in the hands of the major domo. He returned with two pack- ages, which, when counted, were found to con- tain $2,000. Scouts patrolled the Santa Barbara road as far as San Buenaventura to give warning of the approach of the enemy, and pickets guarded the Pass of Cahuenga and the Rodeo de Las Aguas to prevent northern spies from entering and southern traitors from getting out of the pueblo. The southern army was stationed at San Fer- nando under the command of Alferez (Lieut.) Rocha. Alvarado and Castro, pushing down the coast, reached Santa Barbara, where they were kindly received and their force recruited to one hundred and twenty men with two pieces of artillery. Jose Sepulveda at San Fernando sent to Los Angeles for the cannon at the town house and $200 of the mission money to pay his men. 1 On the i6th of January, 1837, Alvarado from San Buenaventura dispatched a communication to the ayuntamiento of Los Angeles and the citizens, telling their vhat military resources he had, which he would use against them if it became necessary, but he was willing to confer upon a plan of settlement. Sepulveda and An- tonio M. Osio were appointed commissioners 104 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.A.PHICAL RECORD. and sent to confer with the governor, armed with several propositions, the substance of which was tliat CaHfornia shall not be free and the Catholic religion must prevail with the privilege to prosecute any other religion, "ac- cording to law as heretofore." The commission- ers met Alvarado on "neutral ground," between San Fernando and San Buenaventura. A long discussion followed without either coming to the point. Alvarado, by a coup d'etat, brought it to an end. In the language of the commission- ers' report to the ayuntamiento: "While we were a certain distance from our own forces with only four unarmed men and were on the point of coming to an agreement with Juan B. Alvarado, we saw the Monterey division advancing upon us and we were forced to deliver up the instruc- tions of this illustrious body through fear of being attacked." They delivered up not only the instructions, but the Mission San Fer- nando. The southern army was compelled to surrender it and fall back on the pueblo, Rocha swearing worse than "our army in Flanders" because he was not allowed to fight. The south- ern soldiers had a wholesome dread of Gra- ham's riflemen. These fellows, armed with long Kentucky rifles, shot to kill, and a battle once begun somebody would have died for his coun- try and it woula not have been Alvarado's rifle- men. The day after the surrender of the mission, January 21, 1837, the ayuntamiento held a ses- sion and the members were as obdurate and belligerent as ever. They resolved that it was only in the interests of humanity that the mis- sion had been surrendered and their army forced to retire. "This ayuntamiento, consider- ing the commissioners were forced to' comply, annuls all action of the commissioners and does not recognize this territory as a free and sov- ereign state nor Juan B. Alvarado as its gov- ernor, and declares itself in favor of the Supreme Government of Mexico." A few days later Al- varado entered the city without opposition, the Angelenian soldiers retiring to San Gabriel and from there scattering to their homes. On the 26th of January an extraordinary session of the most illustrious ayuntamiento was held. Alvarado was present and made a lengthy speech, in which he said, "The native sons were subjected to ridicule by the Mexican mandarins sent here, and knowing our rights we ought to shake off the ominous yoke of bondage." Then he produced and read the six articles of the Monterey plan, the council also produced a plan and a treaty of amity was effected. Alvarado was recognized as governor pro tem. and peace reigned. The belligerent surehos vied with each other in expressing their admiration for the new order of things. Pio Pico wished to ex- press the pleasure it gave him to see a "hijo del pais" in office. And Antonio Osio, the most belligerent of the surehos, declared "that sooner than again submit to a Mexican dictator as governor, he would flee to the forest and be devoured by wild beasts." The ayunta- miento was asked to provide a building for the government, "this being the capital of the state." The hatchet apparently was buried. Peace reigned in El Estado Libre. At the meeting of tlie town council, on the 30th of January, Al- varado made another speech, but it was neither conciliatory nor complimentary. He arraigned the "traitors who were working against the peace of the country" and urged the members to take measures "to liberate the city from the hidden hands that will tangle them m their own ruin." The pay of his troops who w'cre ordered here for the welfare of California is due "and it is an honorable and preferred debt, therefore the ayuntamiento will deliver to the government the San Fernando money," said he. With a wry face, very much such as a boy wears when he is told that he has been spanked for his own good, the alcalde turned over the balance of the mission money to Juan Bautista, and the governor took his departure for IMonterey, leaving, however. Col. Jose Castro with part of his army stationed at Mission San Gabriel, os- tensibly "to support the city's authority," but in reality to keep a close watch on the city author- ities. Los Angeles was subjugated, peace reigned and El Estado Libre de Alta California took her place among the nations of the earth. But peace's reign was brief. At the meeting of the ayuntamiento May 27, 1838, Juan Bandini and Santiago E. Arguello of San Diego, appeared HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 105 with a pronunciamiento and a plan, San Diego's plan of government. Monterey, Santa Barbara and Los Angeles had each formulated a plan of government for the territory, and now It was San Diego's turn. Agustin V. Zamorano, who had been exiled with Governor Gutierrez, had crossed the frontier and was made cqmand- ante-general and territorial political chief ad interim by the San Diego revolutionists. The plan restored California to obedience to the supreme government; all acts of the diputa- cion and the Monterey plan were annulled and the northern rebels were to be arraigned and tried for their part in the revolution; and so on through twenty articles. On the plea of an Indian outbreak near San Diego, in which the redmen, it was said, "were to make an end of the white race," the big can- non and a number of men were secured at Los Angeles to assist in suppressing the Indians, but in reality to reinforce the army of the San Diego revolutionists. With a force of one hun- dred and twenty-five men under Zamorano and Portilla, "the army of the supreme government" moved against Castro at Los Angeles. Castro retreated to Santa Barbara and Portilla's army took position at San Fernando. The civil and military officials of Los Angeles took the oath to support the Mexican consti- tution of 1836 and, in their opinion, this absolved them from all allegiance to Juan Bau- tista and his Monterey plan. Alvarado hurried reinforcements to Castro at Santa Barbara, and Portilla called loudly for "men, arms and horses," to march against the northern rebels. But neither military chieftain advanced, and the summer wore away without a battle. There were rumors that Mexico was preparing to send an army of one thousand men to subjugate the rebellious Californians. In October came the news that Jose Antonio Carrillo, the Machiavelli of California politics, had persuaded President Bustamente to appoint Carlos Carrillo, Jose's brother, governor of Alta California. Then consternation seized the arribehos (up- pers) of the north and the abajefios (lowers) of Los Angeles went wild with Joy. It was not that they loved Carlos Carrillo, for he was a Santa Barbara man and had opposed them in the late unpleasantness, but they saw in his ap- pointment an opportunity to get revenge on Juan Bautista for the way he had humiliated them. They sent congratulatory messages to Carrillo and invited him to make Los Angeles the seat of his government. Carrillo was flat- tered by their attentions and consented. The 6th of December, 1837, was set for his inaugura- tion, and great preparations were made for the event. The big cannon was brought over from San Gabriel to fire salutes and the city was ordered illunlinated on the nights of the 6th, /th and 8th of December. Cards of invitation were issued and the people from the city and country were invited to attend the inauguration ceremonies, "dressed as decent as possible," so read the invitations. The widow Josefa Alvarado's house, the fin- est in the city, was secured for the governor's ])alacio (palace). The largest hall in the city was secured for the services and decorated as well as it was possible. The city treasury, being in its usual state of collapse, a subscription for defraying the expenses was opened and horses, hides and tallow, the current coin of the pueblo, were liberally contributed. On the appointed day, "the most illustrious ayuntamiento and the citizens of the neighbor- hood (so the old archives read) met his excellency, the governor, Don Carlos Carrillo, who made I'.is appearance with a magnificent accompani- ment." The secretary, Narciso Botello, "read in a loud, clear and intelligible voice, the oath, and the governor repeated it after him." At the moment the oath was completed, the artillery thundered forth a salute and the bells rang out a merry peal. The governor made a speech, when all adjourned to the church, where a mass was said and a solemn Te Deum sung; after which all repaired to the house of his excellency, where the southern patriots drank his health in bumpers of wine and shouted themselves hoarse in vivas to the new government. An inaugura- tion ball was held — the "beauty and the chivalry of the south were gathered there." Outside the tallow^ dips flared and flickered from the porticos of the house, bonfires blazed in the streets and cannon boomed salvos from the old plaza. Los Angeles was the capital at last and had a gov- 106 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. ernor all to herself, for Santa Barbara refused to recognize Carrillo, although he belonged within its jurisdiction. The Angelefios determined to subjugate the Barbarehos. An army of two hundred men, under Castenada, was sent to capture the city. After a few futile demonstrations, Castenada's forces fell back to San Buenaventura. Then Alvarado determined to subjugate the Angelenos. He and Castro, gathering together an army of two hundred men, by forced marches reached San Buenaventura, and by a strategic movement captured all of Castenada's horses and drove his army into the mission church. For two days the battle raged and, "cannon to the right of them," and "cannon in front of them volleyed and thundered." One man was killed on the northern side and the blood of several mustangs watered the soil of their native land — • died for their country. The southerners slipped out of the church at night and fled up the val- ley on foot. Castro's caballeros captured about seventy prisoners. Pio Pico, with reinforce- ments, met the remnant of Castenada's army at the Santa Clara river, and together all fell back to Los Angeles. Then there was wailing in the old pueblo, where so lately there had been re- joicing. Gov. Carlos Carrillo gathered to- gether what men he could get to go with him and retreated to San Diego. Alvarado's army took possession of the southern capital and some of the leading conspirators were sent as prisoners to the Castillo at Sonoma. Carrillo, at San Diego, received a small re- inforcement from Mexico, under a Captain Tobar. Tobar was made general and given command of the southern army. Carrillo, hav- ing recovered from his fright, sent an order to the northern rebels to surrender wathin fifteen days under penalty of being shot as traitors if they refused. In the meantime Los Angeles was held by the enemy. The second alcalde (the first, Louis Aranas, was a prisoner) called a meeting to devise some means "to have his excellency, Don Carlos Carrillo, return to this capital, as his presence is very much desired by the citizens to protect their lives and property." A committee was appointed to locate Don Carlos. Instead of surrendering, Castro and Alvarado, with a force of two hundred men, advanced against Carrillo. The two armies met at Campo de Las Flores. General Tobar had fortified a cattle corral with rawhides, carretas and Cot- tonwood poles. A few shots from Alvarado's artillery scattered Tobar's rawhide fortifications. Carrillo surrendered. Tobar and a few of the leaders escaped to Mexico. Alvarado ordered the misguided Angelehian soldiers to go home and behave themselves. He brought the captive governor back with him and left him with his (Carrillo's) wife at Santa Barbara, who became surety for the deposed ruler. Not content with his unfortunate attempts to rule, he again claimed the governorship on the plea that he had been appointed by the supreme government. But the Angelefios had had enough of him. Disgusted with his incompetency, Juan Gallardo, at the session of May 14, 1838, presented a pe- tition praying that this ayuntamiento do not rec- ognize Carlos Carrillo as governor, and setting forth the reasons why we, the petitioners, "should declare ourselves subject to the north- ern governor" and why they opposed Car- rillo. "First. In having compromised the people from San Buenaventura south into a declara- tion of war, the incalculable calamities of which will never be forgotten, not even by the most ignorant. "Second. Not satisfied with the unfortunate event of San Buenaventura, he repeated the same at Campo de Las Flores, which, only through a divine dispensation, California is not to-day in mourning." Seventy citizens signed the petition, but the city attorney, who had done time in \'allejo's castillo, decided the petition il- legal because it was written on common paper when paper with the proper seal could be ob- tained. Next day Gallardo returned with his petition on legal paper. Tlie ayuntamiento decided to sound the "public alarm" and call the people to- gether to give them "public speech." The pub- lic alarm was sounded. The people assembled at the city hall; speeches were made on both sides; and when the vote was taken twenty-two were in favor of the northern governor, five HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. 107 in favor of whatever the ayiintamiento decides, and Serbulo Vareles alone voted for Don Carlos Carrillo. So the council decided to recognize Don Juan Bautisla Alvarado as governor and leave the supreme government to settle the con- test between him and Carrillo. Notwithstanding this apparent burying of the hatchet, there were rumors of plots and in- trigues in Los Angeles and San Diego against Alvarado. At length, aggravated beyond en- durance, the governor sent word to the sureiios that if they did not behave themselves he would shoot ten of the leading men of the south. As he had about that number locked up in the Castillo at Sonoma, his was no idle threat. One by one Alvarado's prisoners of state were re- leased from Vallejo's bastile at Sonoma and re- turned to Los Angeles, sadder if not wiser men. At the session of the ayuntamiento October 20, 1838, the president announced that Senior Regidor Jose Palomares had returned from Sonoma, where he had been compelled to go by reason of "political differences," and that he should be allowed his seat in the council. The request was granted unanimously. At the next meeting Narciso Botello, its for- mer secretary, after five and a half months' im- prisonment at Sonoma, put in an appearance and claimed his office and his pay. Although others had filled the office in the interim the illustrious ayuntamiento, "ignoring for what ofTense he was incarcerated, could not suspend his salary." But his salary was suspended. The treasury was empty. The last horse and the last hide had been paid out to defray the expense of the in- auguration festivities of Carlos, the Pretender, and the civil war that followed. Indeed there was a treasury deficit of whole caballadas of horses, and bales of hides. Narciso's back pay was a preferred claim that outlasted El Estado Libre. The sureiios of Los Angeles and San Diego, finding that in Alvarado they had a man of cour- age and determination to deal with, ceased from troubling him and submitted to the inevitable. At the meeting of the ayuntamiento, October 5, 1839, ^ notification was received, staling that the supreme government of Mexico had appointed Juan Bautista Alvarado governor of the depart- ment. There was no grumbling or dissent. On the contrary, the records say, "This illustrious body acknowledges receipt of the communica- tion and congratulated his excellency. It will announce the same to the citizens to-morrow (Sunday), will raise the national colors, salute the same with the required number of volleys, and will invite the people to illuminate their houses for a better display in rejoicing at such a happy appointment." With his appointment by the supreme government the "free and sov- ereign state of Alta California" became a dream of the past — a dead nation. Indeed, months be- fore Alvarado had abandoned his idea of found- ing an independent state and had taken the oath of allegiance to the constitution of 1836. The loyal surenos received no thanks from the su- preme government for all their professions of loyalty, whilst the rebellious arribenos of the north obtained all the rewards — the governor, the capital and the offices. The supreme gov- ernment gave the deposed governor, Carlos Carrillo, a grant of the island of Santa Rosa, in the Santa Barbara Channel, but whether it was given him as a salve to his wounded dignity or as an Elba or St. Helena, where, in the event of his stirring up another revolution, he might- be banished a la Napoleon, the records do no.t inform us. 108 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. CHAPTER XIV. DECLINE AND FALL OF MEXICAN DOMINATION. WHILE the revolution begun by Al- varado and Castro had not established Cahfornia's independence, it had effect- ually rid the territory of Mexican dictators. A native son was governor of the depart- ment of the Californians (by the constitu- tion of 1836 Upper and Lower California had been united into a department); another native son was comandante of its military forces. The membership of the departmental junta, which had taken the place of the diputacion, was largely made up of sons of the soil, and natives filled the minor offices. In their zeal to rid themselves of Mexican office-holders they had invoked the assistance of another element that was ultimately to be their undoing. During the revolutionary era just passed the foreign population had largely increased. Not only had the foreigners come by sea, but they had come by land. Capt. Jedediah S. Smith, a New England-born trapper and hunter, was the first man to enter California by the overland route. A number of trappers and hunters came in the early '30s from New Mexico by way of the old Spanish trail. This immigration was largely American, and was made up of a bold, adventurous class of men, some of them not the most desirable immigrants. Of this latter class were some of Graham's followers. By invoking Graham's aid to put him in power, xMvarado had fastened upon his shoul- ders an old jMan of the Sea. It was easy enough to enlist the services of Graham's riflemen, but altogether another matter to get rid of them. Now that he was firmly established in power, .Mvarado would, no doubt, have been glad to be rid entirely of his recent allies, but Graham and his adherents were not backward in giving him to understand that he owed his position to them, and they wert inclined to put themselves on an equality with him. This did not comport with his ideas of the dignitv of his office. To be hailed by some rough buckskin-clad trapper with "Ho! Bautista; come here, 1 want to speak with you," was an affront to his pride that the governor of the two Californias could not quietly pass over, and, besides, like all of his countrymen, he disliked foreigners. There were rumors of another revolution, and it was not difficult to persuade Alvarado that the foreigners were plottingto revolutionize Cal- ifornia. ^Mexico had recently lost Te.xas, and the same class of "malditos extranjeros" (wicked strangers) were invading California, and would ultimately possess themselves of the country. Ac- cordingly, secret orders were sent throughout the department to arrest and imprison all for- eigners. Over one hundred men of different nationalities were arrested, principally Amer- icans and English. Of these forty-seven were shipped to San Bias, and from there marched overland to Tepic, where they were imprisoned for several months. Through the efforts of the British consul, Barron, they were released. Castro, who had accompanied the prisoners to Mexico to prefer charges against them, was placed under arrest and afterwards tried by court-martial, but was acquitted. He had been acting under orders from his superiors. After an absence of over a year twenty of the exiles landed at Monterey on their return from Mex- ico. Robinson, who saw them land, says: "They returned neatly dressed, armed with rifles and swords, and looking in much better condi- tion than when they were sent away, or probably than they had ever looked in their lives before." The Mexican government had been compelled to pay them damages for their arrest and im- prisonment and to return them to California. Graham, the reputed leader of the foreigners, was the owner of a distillery near Santa Cruz, and had gathered a number of liard characters around him. It would have been no loss had he never returned. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. loy The only other event of importance during Alvarado's term as governor was the capture of Monterey by Commodore Ap Catesby Jones, of the United States navy. This event happened after Alvarado's successor, MicheUorena, had landed in California, but before the government had been formally turned over to him. The following extract from the diary of a pioneer, who was an eye-witness of the affair, gives a good description of the capture: "Monterey, Oct. 19, 1842. — At 2 p. m. the United States man-of-war United States, Com- modore Ap Catesby Jones, came to anchor close alongside and in-shore of all the ships in port. About 3 p. m. Capt. Armstrong came ashore, accompanied by an interpreter, and went direct to the governor's house, where he had a private conversation with him, which proved to be a demand for the surrender of the entire coast of California, upper and lower, to the United States government. When he was about to go on board he gave three or four copies of a proclamation to the inhabitants of the two Cali- fornias, assuring them of the protection of their lives, persons and property. In his notice to the governor (Alvarado) he gave him only until the following morning at 9 a. m. to decide. If he received no answer, then he would fire upon the town." "I remained on shore that night and went down to the governor's with Mr. Larkin and Mr. Eagle. The governor had had some idea of running away and leaving Monterey to its fate, but was told by Mr. Spence that he should not go, and finally he resolved to await the re- sult. At 12 at night some persons were sent on board the United States who had been ap- pointed by the governor to meet the commodore and arrange the terms of the surrender. Next morning at half-past ten o'clock about one hun- dred sailors and fifty marines disembarked. The sailors marched up from the shore and took pos- session of the fort. The American colors were hoisted. The United States fired a salute of thir- teen guns ; it was returned by the fort, which fired twenty-six guns. The marines in the meantime had marched up to the government house. The ofificers and soldiers of the California govern- ment were discharged and their guns and other arms taken possession of and carried to the fort. The stars and stripes now wave over us. Long may they wave here in California!" "Oct. 21, 4 p. m. — Flags were again changed, the vessels were released, and all was quiet again. The commodore had received later news bv some Mexican newspapers." Commodore Jones had been stationed at Cal- lao with a squadron of four vessels. An English fleet was also there, and a French fleet was cruising in the Pacific. P)Oth these were sup- posed to have designs on California. Jones learned that the English admiral had received orders to sail ne.xt day. Surmising that his des- tination might be California, he slipped out of the harbor the niglit before and crowded all sail to reach California before the English admiral. The loss of Texas, and the constant influx of im- migrants and adventurers from the United States into California, had embittered the Mex- ican government more and more against foreigners. .Manuel MicheUorena, who had served under Santa Anna in the Texas war, was appointed January 19, 1842, comandante- general inspector and gobernador propietario of the Californias. Santa Anna was president of the Mexican re- public. His experience with Americans in Te.xas during the Texan war of independence, in 1836-37, had determined him to use every effort to prevent California from sharing the fate of Texas. Micheltorena, the newly-appointed governor, was instructed to take with him sufficient force to check the ingress of Americans. He recruited a force of three hundred and fifty men, prin- cipally convicts enlisted from the prisons of Mexico. His army of thieves and ragamuffins landed at San Diego in August, 1842. Robinson, who was at San Diego when one of the vessels conveying Micheltorena's cholos (convicts) landed, thus describes them: "Five days afterward the brig Chato arrived with ninety soldiers and their families. I saw them land, and to me they presented a state of wretchedness and misery unequaled. Not one individual among them possessed a jacket or pantaloons, but, naked, and like the savage In- dians, they concealed their nudity with dirty, 110 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. miserable blankets. The females were not much better off, for the scantiness of their mean ap- parel was too apparent for modest observers. They appeared like convicts, and, indeed, the greater portion of them had been charged with crime, either of murder or theft." Micheltorena drilled his Falstafifian army at San Diego for several weeks and then began his march northward; Los Angeles made great preparations to receive the new governor. Seven years had passed since she had been decreed the capital of the territory, and in all these years she had been denied her rights by Monterey. A favorable impression on the new governor might induce him to make the ciudad his capital. The national fiesta of September i6 was post- poned until the arrival of the governor. The best house in the town was secured for him and his staff. A grand ball was projected and the city illuminated the night of his arrival. A camp was established down by the river and the cholos, who in the meantime had been given white linen uniforms, were put through the drill and the manual of arms. They were incorrigible thieves, and stole for the very pleasure of steal- ing. They robbed the hen roosts, the orchards, the vineyards and the vegetable gardens of the citizens. To the Angelenos the glory of their city as the capital of the territory faded in the presence of their empty chicken coops and plundered orchards. They longed to speed the departure of their now unwelcome guests. After a stay of a month in the city Micheltorena and his army took up their line of march northward. He reached a point about twenty miles north of San Fernando, when, on the night of the 24th of October, a messenger aroused him from his slumbers with the news that the capital had been captured by the Americans. Micheltorena seized the occasion to make political capital for himself with the home government. He spent the remainder of the night in fulminating proc- lamations against the invaders fiercer than the thunderbolts of Jove, copies of which were dis- patched post haste to Mexico. He even wished himself a thunderbolt "that he might fly over intervening space and annihilate the invaders." Then, with his own courage and doubtless that of his brave cholos aroused to the hicchest pitch, instead of rushing on the invaders, he and his army fled back to San Fernando, where, afraid to advance or retreat, he halted until news reached him that Commodore Jones had re- stored Monterey to the Californians. Then his valor reached the boiling point. He boldly marched to Los Angeles, established his head- quarters in the city and awaited the coming of Commodore Jones and his officers from Mon- terey. On the 19th of January, 1843, Commodore Jones and his staff came to Los Angeles to meet the governor. At the famous conference in the Palacio de Don Abel, Micheltorena pre- sented his articles of convention. Among other ridiculous demands were the following: "Ar- ticle VL Thomas Ap C. Jones will deliver fif- teen hundred complete infantry uniforms to re- place those of nearly one-half of the Mexican force, which have been ruined in the violent march and the continued rains while they were on their way to recover the port thus invaded." "Article VH. Jones to pay $15,000 into the national treasury for expenses incurred from the general alarm; also a complete set of musical instruments in place of those ruined on this occasion."* Judging from Robinson's descrip- tion of the dress of Micheltorena's cholos it is doubtful whether there was an entire uniform among them. "The commodore's first impulse," writes a member of his staff, "was to return the papers without comment and to refuse further com- munication with a man who could have the ef- frontery to trump up such charges as those for which indemnification was claimed." The com- modore on reflection put aside his personal feel- ings, and met the governor at the grand ball in Sanchez hall, held in honor of the occasion. The ball was a brilliant affair, "the dancing ceased only with the rising of the sun ne.xt morning." The commodore returned the articles without his signature. The governor did not again refer to his demands. Next morning, January 21, 1843, Jones and his officers took their departure from the city "amidst the beat- ing of drums, the firing of cannon and the ring- *Bancroft's History of California, Vol. IV. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. Ill ing of bells, saluted by the general and his wife from the door of their quarters. On the 31st of December Micheltorena had taken the oath of office in Sanchez' hall, which stood on the east side of the plaza. Salutes were fired, the bells were rung and the city was illuminated for three evenings. For the second time a gov- ernor had been inaugurated in Los Angeles. Micheltorena and his cholo army remained in Los Angeles about eight months. The An- gelefios had all the capital they cared for. They were perfectly willing to have the governor and his army take up their residence in Monterey. The cholos had devoured the country like an army of chapulcs (locusts) and were willing to move on. Monterey would no doubt have gladly transferred what right she had to the capital if at the same time she could have transferred to her old rival, Los Angeles, ^licheltorena's cholos. Their pilfering was largely enforced by their necessities. They received little or no pay, and they often had to steal or starve. The leading native Californians still entertained their old dislike to "Mexican dictators'' and the ret- inue of three hundred chicken thieves accom- panying the last dictator intensified their hatred. Micheltorena, while not a model governor, had many good qualities and was generally liked by the better class of foreign residents. He made an earnest effort to establish a system of public education in the territory. Schools were established in all the principal towns, and ter- ritorial aid from the public funds to the amount of $500 each was given them. The school at Los Angeles had over one hundred pupils in attendance. His worst fault was a disposition to meddle in local afTairs. He was unreliable and not careful to keep his agreements. He might have succeeded in giving California a stable government had it not been for the antip- athy to his soldiers and the old feud between the "hijos del pais" and the Mexican dictators. These proved his undoing. The native sons under Alvarado and Castro rose in rebellion. In November, 1844, a revolution was inaugu- . rated at Santa Clara. The governor marched with an army of one hundred and fifty men against the rebel forces, numbering about two hundred. They met at a place called the La- guna de iVlvires. A treaty was signed in which Micheltorena agreed to ship his cholos back to Mexico. This treaty the governor deliberately broke. He then intrigued with Capt. John .-K. Sutter of New Helvetia and Isaac Graham to obtain as- sistance to crush the rebels. January y, 1845, Micheltorena and Sutter formed a junction of their forces at Salinas — their united commands numbering about five hundred men. They marched against the rebels to crush them. But the rebels did not wait to be crushed. Alvarado and Castro, with about ninety men, started for Los Angeles, and those left behind scattered to their homes. Alvarado and his men reached Los Angeles on the night of January 20, 1845. The garrison stationed at the curate's house was surprised and captured. One man was killed and several wounded. Lieutenant Me- dina, of Micheltorena's army, was the com- mander of the pueblo troops. Alvarado's army encamped on the plaza and he and Castro set to work to revolutionize the old pueblo. The leading Angelenos had no great love for Juan Bautista, and did not readily fall into his schemes. They had not forgotten their en- forced detention in Vallejo's bastile during the Civil war. An extraordinary session of the ayuntamiento was called January 21. Alvarado and Castro were present and made eloquent ap- peals. The records say: "The ayuntamiento listened, and after a short interval of silence and meditation decided to notify the senior member of the department assembly of Don Alvarado and Castros' wishes." They were more successful with the Pico brothers. Pio Pico was senior vocal, and in case Micheltorena was disposed he, by virtue of his office, would become governor. Through the influence of the Picos the revolution gained ground. The most potent influence in spread- ing the revolt was the fear of Micheltorena's army of chicken thieves. Should the town be captured by them it certainly would be looted. The department assembly was called together. .\ peace commission w-as sent to meet Michel- torena, who w-as leisurely marching southward, and intercede with him to give up his proposed invasion of the south. ITc refused. Then the 112 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. assembly pronounced him a traitor, deposed him by vote and appointed Pio Pico governor. Recruiting went on rapidly. Hundreds of sad- dle horses were contributed, "old rusty guns were repaired, hacked swords sharpened, rude lances manufactured" and cartridges made for the cannon. Some fifty foreigners of the south joined Alvarado's army; not that they had much interest in the revolution, but to protect their property against the rapacious invaders — the cholos — and Sutter's Indians,* who were as much dreaded as the cholos. On the 19th of February, Micheltorena reached the Encinos, and the Angelenian army marched out through Cahuenga Pass to meet him. On the 20th the two armies met on the southern edge of the San Fernando valley, about fifteen miles from Los Angeles. Each army numbered about four hundred men. Micheltorena had three pieces of artillery and Castro tw'o. They opened on each other at long range and seem to have fought the battle throughout at very long range. A mustang or a mule (authorities differ) was killed. Wilson, Workman and McKinley of Castro's army decided to induce the Americans on the other side, many of whom were their personal friends, to abandon Micheltorena. Passing up a ravine, they succeeded in attracting the atten- tion of some of them by means of a white flag. Gantt, Hensley and Eidwell joined them in the ravine. The situation was discussed and the Americans of Micheltorena's army agreed to' desert him if Pico would protect them in their land grants. Wilson, in his account of the bat- tle, saysif "I knew, and so did Pico, that these land questions were the point with those young Americans. Before I started on my journey or embassy, Pico was sent for; on his arrival among us I, in a few words, explained to him what the party had advanced. 'Gentlemen,' said he, 'are any of you citizens of Mexico?' They answered 'No.' 'Then your title deeds given you by Micheltorena are not worth the paper *Sutter had under liis camiiiand a company of In- dians. He had drilled these in the use o£ firearms. The employing of these savages by Micheltorena was bitterly resented by the Californians. tPub. Historical Society of Southern California, Vol. III. they are written on, and he knew it well when he gave them to you; but if you will abandon his cause I will give you my word of honor as a gentleman, and Don Benito Wilson and Don Juan Workman to carry out what I promise, that [ will protect each one of you in the land that you now hold, and when you become citi- zens of ^lexico I will issue you the proper ti- tles.' They said that was all they asked, and promised not to fire a gun against us. They also asked not to be required to fight on our side, which was agreed to. "Micheltorena discovered (how, I do notknow) that his Americans had abandoned him. About an hour afterwards he raised his camp and flanked us by going further into the valley to- wards San Fernando, then marching as though he intended to come around the bend of the river to the city. The Californians and we for- eigners at once broke up our camp and came back through the Cahuenga Pass, marched through the gap into the Feliz ranch, on the Los Angeles River, till we came into close proximity to Micheltorena's camp. It was now night, as it was dark when w^e broke up our camp. Here we waited for daylight, and some of our men commenced maneuvering for a fight with the enemy. A few cannon shots were fired, when a white flag was discovered flying from Micheltorena's front. The whole matter then went into the hands of negotiators ap- pointed by both parties and the terms of sur- render w'ere agreed upon, one of which was that IMicheltorena and his obnoxious ofificers and men were to march back up the river to the Cahuenga Pass, "then down on the plain to the west of Los Angeles, the most direct line to San Pedro, and embark at that point on a vessel then anchored there to carry them back to Mex- ico." Sutter was taken prisoner, and his Indians, after being corralled for a time, were sent back to the Sacramento. The roar of the battle of Cahuenga, or the Alamo, as it is sometimes called, could be dis- tinctly heard in Los Angeles, and the people remaining in the city were greatly alarmed. William Heath Davis, in his Sixty Years in Cal- ifornia, thus describes the alarm in the town; "Directly to the north of the town was a high HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. 113 hill" (now known as Mt. Lookout). "As soon as firing was heard all the people remaining in the town, men, women and children, ran to the top of this hill. As the wind was blowing from the north, the firing was distinctly heard, five leagues away, on the battle-field throughout the day. All business places in town were closed. The scene on the hill was a remarkable one, women and children, with crosses in their hands, kneeling and praying to the saints for the safety of their fathers, brothers, sons, husbands, lovers, cousins, that they might not be killed in the bat- tle; indifferent to their personal appearance, tears streaming from their eyes, and their hair blown about by the wind, which had increased to quite a breeze. Don Abel Stearns, myself and others tried to calm and pacify them, assuring them that there was probably no danger; some- what against our convictions, it is true, judg- ing from what we heard of the firing and from our knowledge of jMicheltorena's disciplined force, his battery, and the riflemen he had with him. During the day the scene on the hill con- tinued. The night that followed was a gloomy one, caused by the lamentations of the women and children." Davis, who was supercargo on the Don Qui.xote, the vessel on which Micheltorena and his soldiers were shipped to Mexico, claims that the general "had ordered his command not to injure the Californians in the force opposed to him, but to fire over their heads, as he had no desire to kill them." Another Mexican-born governor had been deposed and deported, gone to join his fellows, Victoria, Chico and Gutierrez. In accordance with the treaty of Cahuenga and by virtue of his rank as senior member of the departmental assembly, Pio Pico became governor. The hijos del pais were once more in the ascendency. Jose Castro was made comandante-general. Al- varado was given charge of the custom house at Monterey, and Jose Antonio Carrillo was ap- pointed commander of the military district of the south. Los Angeles was made the capital, although the archives and the treasury remained in Monterey. The revolution apparently had been a success. In the proceedings of the Los Angeles ayuntamiento, March i, 1845, appears 8 this record: "The agreements entered into at Cahuenga between Gen. Emanuel Michel- torena and Lieut.-Col. Jose Castro were then read, and as they contain a happy termination of affairs in favor of the government, this Illustri- ous Body listened with satisfaction and so an- swered the communication." The people joined with the ayuntamiento in expressing their "satisfaction" that a "happy termination" had been reached of the political disturbances which had distracted the country. But the end was not yet. Pico did his best to conciliate the conflicting elements, but the old sectional jealousies that had divided the people of the territory would crop out. Jose Antonio Carrillo, the Machiaveli of the south, hated Cas- tro and Alvarado and was jealous of Pico's good fortune, lie was the superior of any of them in ability, but made himself unpopular by his intrigues and his sarcastic speech. When Cas- tro and Alvarado came south to raise the stand- ard of revolt they tried to win him over. He did assist them. He was willing enough to plot against Micheltorena, but after the overthrow of the Mexican he was equally ready to plot against Pico and Castro. In the summer of 1845 'is ^^'^s implicated in a plot to depose Pico, who, by the way, was his brother-in-law. Pico placed him and two of his fellow conspirators, Serbulo and Hilario Varela, under arrest. Car- rillo and Ililario Varela were shipped to Mazat- lan to be tried for their misdeed. Serbulo \'a- rela made his escape from prison. The two exiles returned early in 1846 unpunished and ready for new plots. Pico was appointed gobernador proprietario, or constitutional governor of California. Sep- tember 3, 1845, by President Herrcra. The su- preme government of Mexico never seemed to take offense or harbor resentment against the Californians for deposing and sending home a governor. As the officials of the supreme gov- ernment usually obtained office bv revolution, they no doubt had a fellow feeling for the revolt- ing Californians. When Micheltorena returned to Mexico he was coldly received and a com- missioner was sent to Pico with dispatches vir- tually approving all that had been done. Castro, too, gave Pico a great deal of uneasi- 114 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. ness. He ignored the governor and managed the mihtary affairs of the territory to suit him- self. His headquarters were at Monterey and doubtless he had the sympathy if not the en- couragement of the people of the north in his course. But the cause of the greatest uneasi- ness was the increasing immigration from the United States. A stream of emigrants from the western states, increasing each year, poured down the Sierra Nevadas and spread over the rich valleys of California. The Californians rec- ognized that through the advent of these ''for- eign adventurers, "as they called them, the "man- ifest destiny"of California was to be absorbed by the United States. Alvarado had appealed to Mexico for men and arms and had been an- swered by the arrival of Micheltorena and his cholos. Pico appealed and for a time the Cali- fornians were cheered by the prospect of aid. In the summer of 1845 '^ force of six hundred veteran soldiers, under command of Colonel Iniestra, reached Acapulco, where ships were ly- ing to take them to California, but a revolution broke out in Mexico and the troops destined for the defense of California were used to overthrow President Herrera and to seat Paredes. Cali- fornia was left to work out her own destiny unaided or drift with the tide — and she drifted. In the early months of 1846 there was a rapid succession of important events in her history, each in passing bearing her near and nearer to a manifest destiny — the downfall of Mexican domination in California. These will be pre- sented fully in the chapter on the Acquisition of California by the United States. But before taking up these we will turn aside to review life in California in the olden time under Spanish and Mexican rule. CHAPTER XV. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT— HOMES AND HOME-LIFE OF THE CALIFORNIANS. UNDER Spain the government of Califor- nia was semi-military and semi-clerical. The governors were military officers and had command of the troops in the territory, and looked after affairs at the pueblos; the friars were supreme at the missions. The municipal government of the pueblos was vested in ayun- tamientos. The decree of the Spanish Cortes passed May 23, 1812, regulated the membership of the ayuntamiento according to the popula- tion of the town — "there shall be one alcalde (mayor), two regidores (councilmen), and one procurador-syndico (treasurer) in all towns which do not have more than two hundred in- habitants; one alcalde, four regidores and one syndico in those the population of which ex- ceeds two hundred, but does not exceed five hundred." When the population of a town ex- ceeded one thousand it was allowed two al- caldes, eight regidores and two syndicos. Over the members of the ayuntamiento in the early years of Spanish rule was a quasi-military offi- cer called a comisionado, a sort of petty dictator or military despot, who, when occasion required or inclination moved him, embodied within him- self all three departments of government, judi- ciary, legislative and executive. .A.fter ^Mexico became a republic the office of comisionado was abolished. The alcalde acted as president of the ayuntamiento, as mayor and as judge of the court of first instance. The second alcalde took his place when that officer was ill or ab- sent. The syndico was a general utility man. He acted as city or town attorney, tax collector and treasurer. The secretary was an important officer; he kept the records, acted as clerk of the alcalde's court and was the only municipal officer who received pay, except the syndico, who received a commission on his collections. In 1837 the Mexican Congress passed a decree abolishing ayuntamientos in capitals of depart- ments having a population of less than four thousand and in interior towns of less than eight thousand. In 1839 Governor Alvarado HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.ArHICAL RECORD. 115 reported to the Dcpartniciital Assembly that no town in CaHfornia had the requisite population. The ayuntamientos all closed January i, 1840. They were re-established in 1844. During their abolition the towns were governed by prefects and justices of the peace, and the special laws or ordinances were enacted by the departmental assembly. The jurisdiction of the ayuntamiento often extended over a large area of country beyond the town limits. That of Los Angeles, after the secularization of the missions, extended over a country as large as the state of Massachusetts. The authority of the ayuntamiento w'as as ex- tensive as its jurisdiction. It granted town lots and recommended to the governor grants of land from the public domain. In addition to passing ordinances its members sometimes acted as executive ofificers to enforce them. It exercised the powers of a board of health, a board of education, a poHce commission and a street department. During the civil war be- tween Northern and Southern California, in 1837-38, the ayuntamiento of Los Angeles raised and equipped an army and assumed the right to govern the southern half of the terri- tory. The ayuntamiento was spoken of as Muy Ilustre (Most Illustrious), in the same sense that we speak of the honorable city council, but it was a much more dignified body than a city council. The members were required to attend their public functions "attired in black apparel, so as to add solemnity to the meetings." They served without pay, but if a member was absent from a meeting without a good excuse he was liable to a fine. As there was no pay in the office and its duties were numerous and onerous, there was not a large crop of aspirants for council- men in those days, and the office usually sought the man. It might be added that when it caught the right man it was loath to let go of him. The misfortunes that beset Francisco Pantoja aptly illustrate the difficulty of resigning in the days when office sought the man, not man the office. Pantoja was elected fourth regidor of the ayuntamiento of Los Angeles in 1837. In those days wild horses were very numerous. When the pasture in the foothills was exhausted they came down mto the valleys and ate up the feed needed for the cattle. Un this account, and because most of these wild horses were worthless, the rancheros slaughtered them. A corral was built with wings extending out on the right and left from the main entrance. When the corral was completed a day was set for a wild horse drive. The bands were rounded up and driven into the corral. The pick of the caballados were lassoed and taken out to be broken to the saddle and the refuse of the drive killed. The Vejars had obtained permission from the ayuntamiento to build a corral between the Ceritos and the Salinas for the purpose of corralling wild horses. Pantoja, being some- thing of a sport, petitioned his fellow regidores for a twenty days' leave of absence to join in the wild horse chase. A wild horse chase was wild sport and dangerous, too. Somebody was sure to get hurt, and Pantoja in this one was one of the unfortunates. When his twenty days' leave of absence was up he did not return to his duties of regidor, but instead sent his res- ignation on plea of illness. His resignation was not accepted and the president of the ayunta- miento appointed a committee to investigate his physical condition. There were no physi- cians in Los Angeles in those days, so the com- mittee took along Santiago McKinley, a canny Scotch merchant, who was reputed to have some knowledge of surgery. The committee and the improvised surgeon held an ante-mortem in- quest on what remained of Pantoja. The com- mittee reported to the council that he was a physical wreck; that he could not mount a horse nor ride one when mounted. A native Californian. w-ho had reached such a state of physical dilapidation that he could not mount a horse might w-ell be excused from official du- ties. To excuse him might establish a danger- ous precedent. The ayuntamiento heard the report, pondered over it and then sent it and the resignation to the governor. The governor took them under advisement. In the meantime a revolution broke out and before peace was re- stored and the governor had time to j^ass upon the case Pantoja's term had expired by limita- tion. That modern fad of reform legislation, the 116 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. referendum, was in full force and efTect in Cali- fornia three-quarters of a century ago. When some question of great importance to the com- munity was before the ayuntamiento and the regidores were divided in opinion, the alarma publica or public alarm was sounded by the beating of the long roll on the drum and all the citizens were summoned to the hall of sessions. Any one hearing the alarm and not heed- ing it was fined $3. When the citizens were con- vened the president of the ayuntamiento, speak- ing in a loud voice, stated the question and the people were given "public speech." The ques- tion was debated by all who wished to speak. When all had had their say it was decided by a show of hands. The ayuntamientos regulated the social func- tions of the pueblos as well as the civic. Ordi- nance 5, ayuntamiento proceedings of Los Angeles, reads: "All individuals serenading pro- miscuously around the street of the city at night without first having obtained permission from the alcalde will be fined $1.50 for the first of- fense, $3 for the second offense, and for the third punished according to law." Ordinance 4, adopted by the ayuntamiento of Los Angeles, January 28, 1838, reads: "Every person not having any apparent occupation in this city or its jurisdiction is hereby ordered to look for work within three days, counting from the day this ordinance is published; if not complied with, he will be fined $2 for the first offense, $4 for the second offense, and will be given com- pulsory work for the third." From the reading of the ordinance it would seem if the tramp kept looking for work, but was careful not to find it, there could be no offense and conse- quently no fines or compulsory work. Some of the enactments of the old regidores would fade the azure out of the blue laws of Connecticut in severity. In the plan of gov- ernment adopted by the surefios in the rebellion of 1837 appears this article: "Article 3. The Roman Catholic Apostolic religion shall pre- vail throughout this jurisdiction; and any per- son professing publicly any other religion shall be prosecuted." Here is a blue law of Monterey, enacted March 23, 1816: ".Ml persons must attend mass and respond in a loud voice, and if any persons should fail to do so without good cause they will be put in the stocks for three hours." The architecture of the Spanish and Mexican eras of California was homely almost to ugliness. There was no external ornamentation to the dwellings and no internal conveniences. There was but little attempt at variety and the houses were mostly of one style, square walled, tile cov- ered, or flat roofed with pitch, and usually but one story high. Some of the mission churches were massive, grand and ornamental, while others were devoid of beauty and travesties on the rules of architecture. Every man was his own architect and master builder. He had no choice of material, or, rather, with his ease- loving disposition, he chose to use that which was most convenient, and that was adobe clay, made into sun-dried brick. The Indian was the brickmaker, and he toiled for his taskmasters, like the Hebrew of old for the Egyptian, making bricks without straw and without pay. There were no labor strikes in the building trades then. The Indian was the builder, and he did not know how to strike for higher wages, because he received no wages, high or low. The adobe bricks were moulded into form and set up to dry. Through the long summer days they baked in the hot sun, first on one side, then on the other; and when dried through they were laid in the wall with mud mortar. Then the walls had to dry and dry perhaps through an- other summer before the house was habitable. Time was the essense of building contracts then. There was but little wood used in house con- struction then. It was only the aristocrats who could indulge in the luxury of wooden floors. Most of the houses had floors of the beaten earth. Such floors were cheap and durable. Gilroy says, when he came to Monterey in 1814, only the governor's house had a wooden floor. A door of rawhide shut out intruders and wooden-barred windows admitted sunshine and air. The legendry of the hearthstone and the fire- side which fills so large a place in the home life and literature of the Anglo-Saxon had no part in the domestic system of the old-time Califor- nian. He had no hearthstone and no fireside. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. ir nor could that pleasing fiction of Santa Clans coming down the chimney with toys on Christ- mas eve that so delights the children of to-day have been understood by the youthful Califor- nian of long ago. There were no chimneys in California. The only means of warming the houses by artificial heat was a pan (or brasero) of coals set on the floor. The people lived out of doors in the open air and invigorating sun- shine; and they were healthy and long-lived. Their houses were places to sleep in or shelters from rain. The furniture was meager and mostly home- made. A few benches or rawhide-bottomed chairs to sit on; a rough table; a chest or two to keep the family finery in; a few cheap prints of saints on the walls — these formed the furnish- ings and the decorations of the living rooms of the common people. The bed was the pride and the ambition of the housewife. Even in humble dwellings, sometimes, a snowy counterpane and lace-trimmed pillows decorated a couch whose base was a dried bullock's hide stretched on a rough frame of wood. A shrine dedicated to the patron saint of the household was a very essen- tial part of a well-regulated home. Fashions in dress did not change with the sea- sons. A man could wear his grandfather's hat and his coat, too, and not be out of the fashion. Robinson, writing of California in 1829, says: "The people were still adhering to the costumes of the past century." It was not until after 1834, when the Hijar colonists brought the latest fash- ions from the City of Mexico, that the style of dress for men and women began to change. The next change took place after the American con- quest. Only two changes in half a century, a garment had to be very durable to become un- fashionable. The few wealthy people in the territory dressed well, even extravagantly. Robinson de- scribes the dress of Tomas Yorba, a wealthy ranchero of the Upper Santa Ana, as he saw him in 1829: "Upon his head he wore a black silk handkerchief, the four corners of which hung down his neck behind. An embroidered shirt; a cravat of white jaconet, tastefully tied; a blue damask vest; short clothes of crimson velvet; a bright green cloth jacket, with large silver buttons, and shoes of embroidered deer- skin composed his dress. I was afterwards in- formed by Don Manuel (Dominguez) that on some occasions, such as some particular feast day or festival, his entire display often exceeded in value a thousand dollars." "The dress worn by the middle class of fe- males is a chemise, with short embroidered sleeves, richly trimmed with lace; a muslin pet- ticoat, flounced with scarlet and secured at the waist by a silk band of the same color; shoes of velvet or blue satin; a cotton reboso or scarf; pearl necklace and earrings; with hair falling in broad plaits down the back."* After 1834 the men generally adopted calzoneras instead of the knee breeches or short clothes of the last cen- tury. "The calzoneras were pantaloons with the ex- terior seam open throughout its length. On the upper edge was a strip of cloth, red, blue or black, in which were buttonholes. On the other edge were eyelet holes for buttons. In some cases the calzonera was sewn from hip to the middle of the thigh ; in others, buttoned. From the middle of the thigh downward the leg was covered by the bota or leggins, used by every one, whatever his dress." The short jacket, with silver or bronze buttons, and the silken sash that served as a connecting link between the calzoneras and the jacket, and also supplied the place of what the Californians did not wear, suspenders, this constituted a picturesque cos- tume, that continued in vogue until the con- quest, and with many of the natives for years after. "After 1834 the fashionable women of Cal- ifornia exchanged their narrow for more flowing • garments and abandoned the braided hair for the coil and the large combs till then in use for smaller combs. "f For outer wraps the serapa for men and the rebosa for women were universally worn. The texture of these marked the social standing of the wearer. It ranged from cheap cotton and coarse serge to the costliest silk and the finest French broadcloth. The costume of the neo- phvte changed but once in centuries, and that ♦Robinson, Life in California. tBancroft's Pastoral California. 118 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. was when he divested himself of his coat of mud and smear of paint and put on the mission shirt and breech clout. Shoes he did not wear and in time his feet became as hard as the hoofs of an animal. The dress of the mission women consisted of a chemise and a skirt; the dress of the children was a shirt and sometimes even this was dispensed. Filial obedience and respect for parental au- thority were early impressed upon the minds of the children. The commandment, "Honor thy father and mother," was observed with an ori- ental devotion. A child was never too old or too large to be exempt from punishment. Stephen C. Foster used to relate an amusing story of a case of parental disciplining he once saw at Los Angeles. An old lady, a grandmother, was be- laboring, with a barrel stave, her son, a man thirty years of age. The son had done some- thing of which the mother did not approve. She sent for him to come over to the maternal home to receive his punishment. He came. She took him out to the metaphorical woodshed, which, in this case, was the portico of her house, where she stood him up and proceeded to administer corporal punishment. With the resounding thwacks of the stave, she would exclaim, "I'll teach you to behave yourself." "I'll mend your manners, sir." "Now you'll be good, won't you?" The big man took his punishment with- out a thought of resisting or rebelling. In fact, he seemed to enjoy it. It brought back feel- ingly and forcibly a memory of 'nis boyhood days. In the earlier years of the republic, before revolutionary ideas had perverted the usages of the Californians, great respect was shown to- those in authority, and the authorities were strict in requiring deference from their constit- uents. In the Los Angeles archives of 1828 are the records of an impeachment trial of Don Antonio Maria Lugo, held to depose him from the office of judge of the plains. The principal duty of such a judge was to decide cases of dis- puted ownership of horses and cattle. Lugo seems to have had an exalted idea of the dignity of his office. Among the complaints presented at the trial was one from young Pedro Sanchez, in which he testified that Lugo had tried to ride his horse over him in the street because he, Sanchez, would not take ofif his hat to the juez del campo and remain standing uncovered wh'le the judge rode past. Another complainant at the same trial related how at a rodeo Lugo ad- judged a neighbor's boy guilty of contempt of court because the boy gave him an impertinent answer, and then he proceeded to give the boy an unmerciful whipping. So heinous was the offense in the estimation of the judge that the complainant said, "had not Lugo fallen over a chair he would have been beating the boy yet." Under Mexican domination in California there was no tax levied on land and improve- ments. The municipal funds of the pueblos were obtained from revenue on wine and brandy; from the licenses of saloons and other business houses; from the tariff on imports; from per- mits to give balls or dances; from the fines of transgressors, and from the tax on bull rings and cock pits. Then men's pleasures and vices paid the cost of governing. In the early '40s the city of Los Angeles claimed a population of two thousand, yet the municipal revenues rarely exceeded $1,000 a year. With this small amount the authorities ran a city government and kept out of debt. It did not cost much to run a city government then. There was no army of high- salaried officials with a horde of political heelers quartered on the municipality and fed from the public crib at the expense of the taxpayer. Poli- ticians may have been no more honest then than now, but where there was nothing to steal there was no stealing. The alcaldes and regi- dores put no temptation in the way of the poli- ticians, and thus they kept them reasonably honest, or at least they kept them from plunder- ing the taxpayers by the simple expedient of having no taxpayers. The functions of the various departments of the municipal governments were economically administered. Street cleaning and lighting were performed at individual expense instead of pub- lic. There was an ordinance in force in Los Angeles and Santa Barbara and probably in other mvmicipalities that required each owner of a house every Saturday to sweep and clean in front of his premises to the middle of the street. His neighbor on th'' opposite side met him half HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RJtCORD. 119 way, and the street was swept without expense to the pueblo. There was another ordinance that required each owner ol a house of more that two rooms on a main street to hang a hghted lantern in front of his door from twilight to eight o'clock in winter and to nine in sum- mer. There were fines for neglect of these duties. There was no fire department in the pueblos. The adobe houses with their clay walls, earthen floors, tiled roofs and rawhide doors were as nearly fireproof as any human habitation could be made. The cooking was done in detached kitchens and in beehive-shaped ovens wiihoul Hues. The houses were without chimneys, so the danger from fire was reduced to a minimum. A general conflagration was something un- known in the old pueblo days of Californi;) There was no paitl police department. Everv able-bodied young man was subject to military duty. A volunteer guard or patrol was kept on duty at the cuartels or guard houses. The guards policed the pueblos, but they were not paid. Each young man had to take his turn at guard duty. CHAPTER XVI. TERRITORIAL EXPANSION BY CONQUEST. THE Mexican war marked the beginning by the United States of territorial ex- pansion by conquest. "It was," says General Grant, "an instance of a republic fol- lowing the bad example of European mon- archies in not considering justice in their desire to acquire additional territory." The "additional territory" was needed for the creation of slave states. The southern politicians of the extreme pro-slavery school saw in the rapid settlement of the northwestern states the downfall of their domination and the doom of their beloved insti- tution, slavery. Their peculiar institution could not expand northward and on the south it had reached the Mexican boundary. The only way of acquiring new territory for the extension of slavery on the south was to take it by force from the weak Republic of Mexico. The annexation of Texas brought with it a disputed boundary line. The claim to a strip of country between the Rio Nueces and the Rio Grande furnished a convenient pretext to force Mexico to hostili- ties. Texas as an independent state had never exercised jurisdiction over the disputed terri- tory. As a state of the Union after annexation she could not rightfully lay claim to what she never possessed, but the army of occupation took possession of it as United States property, and the war was on. In the end we acquired a large slice of Mexican territory, but the irony of fate decreed that not an acre of its soil should be tilled by slave labor. The causes that led to the acquisition of Cali- fornia antedated the annexation of Texas and the invasion of Mexico, .\fter the adoption of liberal colonization laws by the Mexican gov- ernment in 1824, there set in a steady drift of Americans to California. At first they came by sea, but after the opening of the overland route in 1841 they came in great numbers by land. It was a settled conviction m the minds of these adventurous nomads that the manifest destiny of California was to become a part of the United States, and they were only too willing to aid destiny when an opportunity offered. The opportunity came and it found them ready for it. Capt. John C. Fremont, an engineer and ex- plorer in the services of the United States, ap- peared at Monterey in January, 1846, and ap- plied to General Castro, the military comandante. for permission to buy supplies for his party of sixty-two men who were encamped in the San Joaquin valley, in what is now Kern county. Permission was given him. There seems to have been a tacit agreement between Castro and Fremont that the exploring party should not enter the settlements, but early in March the whole force was encamped in the Salinas val- ley. Castro regarded the marching of a bod'- of armed men through the country as an act of 120 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. hostility, and ordered them out of the country. Instead of leaving, Fremont intrenched himself on an eminence known as Gabilian Peak (about thirty miles from Monterey), raised the stars and stripes over his barricade, and defied Castro. Castro maneuvered his troops on the plain below, but did not attack Fremont. After two days' waiting Fremont abandoned his position and began his march northward. On May 9, when near the Oregon line, he vi'as overtaken by Lieutenant Gillespie, of the United States navy, with a dispatch from the president. Gil- lespie had left the United States in November, 1845, and, disguised, had crossed Mexico from Vera Cruz to IMazatlan, and from there had reached Alonterey. The exact nature of the dispatches to Fremont is not known, but pre- sumably they related to the impending war be- tween Mexico and the LTnited States, and the necessity for a prompt seizure of the country to prevent it from falling into the hands of Eng- land. Fremont returned to the Sacramento, where he encamped. On the 14th of June, 1846, a body of Amer- ican settlers from the Napa and Sacramento valleys, thirty-three in number, of which Ide, Semple, Grigsby and Merritt seem to have been the leaders, after a night's march, took posses- sion of the old Castillo or fort at Sonoma, with its rusty muskets and unused cannon, and made Gen. M. G. Vallejo, Lieut.-Col. Prudon, Capt. Salvador \'allejo and Jacob P. Leese, a brother- in-law of the Vallcjos, prisoners. There seems to have been no privates at the Castillo, all offi- cers. Exactly what was the object of the Amer- ican settlers in taking General Vallejo prisoner is not evident. General Vallejo was one of the few eminent Californians who favored the an- nexation of California to the United States. He is said to have made a speech favoring such a movement in the junta at Monterey a few months before. Castro regarded him with sus- picion. The prisoners were sent under an armed escort to Fremont's camp. William B. Ide was elected captain of the revolutionists who remained at Sonoma, to "hold the fort." He issued a pronunciamiento in which he de- clared California a free and independent gov- ernment, under the name of the California Re- public. A nation must have a flag of its own, so one was improvised. It was made of a piece of cotton cloth, or manta, a yard wide and five feet long. Strips of red flannel torn from the shirt of one of the men were stitched on the bottom of the flag for stripes. With a blacking brush, or, as another authority says, the end of a chewed stick for a brush, and red paint, William L. Todd painted the figure of a grizzly bear passant on the field of the flag. The na- tives called Todd's bear "cochino," a pig; it resembled that animal more than a bear. A five-pointed star in the left upper corner, painted with the same coloring matter, and the words "California republic" printed on it in ink, completed the famous bear flag. The California republic was ushered into ex- istence June 14, 1846, attained the acme of its power July 4, when Ide and his fellow patriots burnt a quantity of powder in salutes, and fired ofT oratorical pyrotechnics in honor of the new republic. It utterly collapsed on the 9th of July, after an existence of twenty-five days, when news reached Sonoma that Commodore Sloat had raised the stars and stripes at Monterey and taken possession of California in the name of the United States. Lieutenant Revere arrived at Sonoma^ on the 9th and he it was who low- ered the bear flag from the Mexican flagstaiT. where it had floated through the brief existence of the California republic, and raised in its place the banner of the United States. Commodore Sloat, who had anchored in ^lonterey Bay July 2, 1846, was for a time un- decided whether to take possession of the coun- try. He had no official information that war had been declared between the United States and Mexico; but, acting on the supposition that Captain Fremont had received definite in- structions, on the 7th of July he raised the flag and took possession of the custom-house and government buildings at Monterey. Captain Montgomery, on the 9th, raised it at San Fran- cisco, and on the same day the bear flag gave place to the stars and stripes at Sonoma. General Castro was holding Santa Clara and San Jose when he received Commodore Sloat's proclamation informing him that the commo- dore had taken possession of ilonterey. Cas- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD 11' I tro, after reading the proclamation, which was written in Spanish, formed his men in hne, and addressing them, said: "Monterey is taken by the Americans. What can I do with a handful of men against the United States? I am going to Mexico. All of you w^ho wish to follow me. 'About face!' All that wish to remain can go to their homes."* A very small part of his force followed him. Commodore Sloat was superseded by Com- modore Stockton, who set about organizing an expedition to subjugate the part of the territory which still remained loyal to Alexico. Fre- mont's exploring party, recruited to a battalion of one hundred and twenty men, had marclied to Monterey, and from there was sent by vessel to San Diego to procure horses and prepare to act as cavalry. While these stirring events were transpiring in the north, what was the condition in the south where the capital, Los Angeles, and the bulk of the population of the territory were located? Pio Pico had entered upon the duties of the governorship with a desire to bring peace and harmony to the distracted country. He ap- pointed Juan Bandini, one of the ablest states- men of the south, his secretary. After Bandini resigned he chose J. M. Covarrubias, and later Jose M. Moreno filled the office. The principal offices of the territory had been divided equally between the politicians of the north and the south. While Los Angeles be- came the capital, and the departmental assembly met there, the military headquarters, the ar- chives and the treasury remained at Monterey. But, notwithstanding this division of the spoils of office, the old feud between the arribeiios and the abajeiios would not down, and soon the old-time quarrel was on with all its bitterness. Castro, as military comandante, ignored the governor, and Alvarado was regarded by the surenos as an emissary of Castro's. The de- partmental assembly met at Los Angeles, in March, 1846. Pico presided, and in his opening message set forth the unfortunate condition of affairs in the department. Education was neg- lected; justice was not administered; the mis- *Hairs History of San Jose. sions were so burdened by debt that but few of them could be rented; the army was disor- ganized and the treasury empty. Not even the danger of war with the Amer- icans could make the warring factions forget their fratricidal strife. Castro's proclamation against I'remont was construed by the surenos into a scheme to inveigle the governor to the north so that the comandante-general could de- pose him and seize the office for himself. Cas- tro's preparations to resist by force the en- croachments of the Americans were believed by Pico and the Angelenians to be fitting out of an army to attack Los Angeles and over- throw the government. On the 16th of June, Pico left Los Angeles for Monterey with a military force of a hundred men. The object of the expedition was to op- pose, and, if possible, to depose Castro. He left the capital under the care of the ayunta- miento. On the 20th of June .Mcaldc Gallardo reported to the ayuntamiento that he had posi- tive information "that Don Castro had left Monterey and would arrive here in three days with a military force for the purpose of captur- ing this city." (Castro had left Monterey with a force of seventy men, but he had gone north to San Jose.) The sub-prefect, Don Abel Stearns, was authorized to enlist troops to pre- serve order. On the 23d of June three compa- nies were organized, an artillery company under Miguel Pryor, a company of riflemen under Benito Wilson, and a cavalry company under Gorge Palomares. Pico called for reinforce- ments, but just as he was preparing to march against IMonterey the news reached him ot the capture of Sonoma by the Americans, and next day, June 24th, the news reached Los Angeles just as the council had decided on a plan of defense against Castro, who was five hundred miles away. Pico, on the impulse of the mo- ment, issued a proclamation, in which he arraigned the United States for perfidy and treachery, and the gang of "North American adventurers," who captured Sonoma "with the blackest treason the spirit of evil can invent." His arraignment of the "North .\merican na- tion" was so severe that some of his American friends in Los .Angeles took umbrage to his 122 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. pronunciamento. He afterwards tried to recall it, but it was too late; it had been published. Castro, finding the "foreign adventurers" too numerous and too aggressive in the northern part of the territory, determined, with what men he could induce to go with him, to retreat to the south; but before so doing he sent a medi- ator to Pico to negotiate a treaty of peace and amity between the factions. On the I2th of July the two armies met at Santa Margarita, near San Luis Obispo. Castro brought the news that Commodore Sloat had hoisted the United States flag at Monterey and taken pos- session of the country for his government. The meeting of the governor and the comandante- general was not very cordial, but in the presence of the impending danger to the territory they concealed their mutual dislike and decided to do their best to defend the country they both loved. Sorrow-fully they began their retreat to the capital; but even threatened disaster to their common country could not wholly unite the north and the south. The respective armies, Castro's numbering about one hundred and fifty men, and Pico's one hundred and twenty, kept about a day's march apart. They reached Los Angeles, and preparations were begun to resist the invasion of the Americans. Pico issued a proclamation ordering all able-bodied men be- tween fifteen and sixty years of age, native and naturalized, to take up arms to defend the coun- try; any able-bodied Mexican refusing was to be treated as a traitor. There was no enthusi- asm for the cause. The old factional jealousy and distrust was as potent as ever. The militia of the south would obey none but their own officers; Castro's troops, who considered them- selves regulars, ridiculed the raw recruits of the sureiios, while the naturalized foreigners of American extraction secretly sympathized with their own people. Pico, to counteract the malign influence of his Santa Barbara proclamation and enlist the sym- pathy and more ready adhesion of the foreign element of Los Angeles, issued the following circular: (This circular or proclamation has never before found its way into print. I find no allusion to it in Bancroft's or Hittell's His- tories. A copy, probably the only one in exist- ence, was donated some years since to the Historical Society of Southern California.) SEAL OF Gobicmo del Dep. de Calif ornias. "Circular. — As owing to the unfortunate condition of things that now prevails in this department in consequence of the war into which the United States has provoked the Mex- ican nation, some ill feeling might spring up between the citizens of the two countries, out of which unfortunate occurrences might grow, and as this government desires to remove every cause of friction, it has seen fit, in the use of its power, to issue the present circular. "The Government of the department of Cali- fornia declares in the most solenm manner that all the citizens of the United States that have come lawfully into its territory, relying upon the honest administration of the laws and the observance of the prevailing treaties, shall not be molested in the least, and their lives and property shall remain in perfect safety under the protection of the Mexican laws and authorities legally constituted. "Therefore, in the name of the supreme gov- ernment of the nation, and by virtue of the authority vested upon me, I enjoin upon all the inhabitants of California to observe towards the citizens of the United States that have lawfully come among us, the kindest and most cordial conduct, and to abstain from all acts of violence against their persons or property; provided they remain neutral, as heretofore, and take no part in the invasion effected by the armies of their nation. "The authorities of the various municipalities and corporations will be held strictly responsi- ble for the faithful fulfillment of this order, and shall, as soon as possible, take the necessary measures to bring it to the knowledge of the people. God and Liberty. "Pio Pico. "Jose Matias Mareno, Secretary pro tent." Angeles, July 27, 1846. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 123 When we consider the conditions existing in CaUfornia at the time this circular was issued, its sentiments reflect great credit on Pico for his humanity and forbearance. A little over a month before, a party of Americans seized General Vallejo and several other prominent Californians in their homes and incarcerated them in prison at Sutter's Fort. Nor was this outrage mitigated when the stars and stripes were raised. The perpetrators of the outrage were not punished. These native Californians were kept in prison nearly two months without any charge against them. Besides, Governor Pico and the leading Californians very well knew that the Americans whose lives and prop- erty this proclamation was designed to protect would not remain neutral when their country- men invaded the territory. Pio Pico deserved better treatment from the Americans than he received. He was robbed of his landed posses- sions by unscrupulous land sharks, and his char- acter defamed by irresponsible historical scrib- blers. Pico made strenuous efforts to raise men and means to resist the threatened invasion. He had mortgaged the government house to de Cells for $2,000, the mortgage to be paid "as soon as order shall be established in the department." This loan was really negotiated to fit out the expedition against Castro, but a part of it was expended after his return to Los Angeles in procuring supplies while preparing to meet the American army. The government had but little credit. The moneyed men of the pueblo w'ere averse to putting money into what was almost sure to prove a lost cause. The bickerings and jealousies between the factions neutralized to a considerable degree the efforts of Pico and Cas- tro to mobilize the army. Castro established his camp on the mesa east of the river. Here he and Andres Pico under- took to drill the somewhat incongruous collec- tion of hombres in military maneuvering. Their entire force at no time exceeded three hundred men. These were poorly armed and lacking in discipline. We left Stockton at Monterey preparing an expedition against Castro at Los Angeles. On taking command of the Pacific squadron, July 29, he issued a proclamation. It was as bom- bastic as the pronunciamiento of a Mexican governor. Bancroft says: "The paper was made up of falsehood, of irrelevent issues and bombastic ranting in about equal parts, the tone being offensive and impolitic even in those inconsiderable portions which were true and legitimate." His only object in taking posses- sion of the country was "to save from destruc- tion the lives and property of the foreign resi- dents and citizens of the territory who had in- voked his protection." In view of Pico's humane circular and the uniform kind treatment that the Californians accorded the American residents, there w'as very little need of Stockton's interfer- ence on that score. Commodore Sloat did not approve of Stockton's proclamation or of his policy. On the 6th of August. Stockton reached San Pedro and landed three hundred and sixty sailors and marines. These were drilled in mili- tary movements on land and prepared for the inarch to Los Angeles. Castro sent two commissioners, Pablo de La Guerra and Jose M. Flores, to Stockton, asking for a conference and a cessation of hostilities while negotiations were pending. They asked that the United States forces remain at San Pedro while the terms of the treaty were under discussion. These requests Commodore Stock- ton peremptorily refused, and the commissioners returned to Los Angeles without stating the terms on which they proposed to treat. In several so-called histories, I find a very dramatic account of this interview. On the ar- rival of the commissioners they were marched up to the mouth of an immense mortar, shrouded in skins save its huge aperture. Their terror and discomfiture were plainly discernible. Stockton received them with a stern and forbid- ding countenance, harshly demantling their mis- sion, which they disclosed in great confusion. They bore a letter from Castro proposing a truce, each party to hold its own possessions until a general pacification should be had. This proposal Stockton rejected with contempt, and dismissed the commissioners with the assurance that only an immediate disbandment of his forces and an unconditional surrender would 124 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.'\PHICAL RECORD. shield Castro from the vengeance of an incensed foe. The messengers remounted their horses in dismay and fled back to Castro." The mortar story, it is needless to say, is pure fabrication, yet it runs through a number of so-called his- tories of California. Castro, on the 9th of Au- gust, held a council of war with his ofificers at the Campo en La Mesa. He announced his in- tention of leaving the country for the purpose of reporting to the supreme government, and of returning at some future day to punish the usurpers. He wrote to Pico: "I can count only one hundred men, badly armed, worse supplied and discontented by reason of the miseries they suffer; so that I have reason to fear that not even these men will fight when the necessity arises." And this is the force that some imag- inative historians estimate at eight hundred to one thousand men. Pico and Castro left Los Angeles on the night of August 10, for Mexico; Castro going by the Colorado River route to Sonora, and Pico, after being concealed for a time by his brother-in-law, Juan Foster, at the Santa Mar- garita and narrowly escaping capture by Fre- mont's men, finally reached Lower California and later on crossed the Gulf to Sonora. Stockton began his march on Los Angeles August II. He took with him a battery of four guns. The guns were mounted on carretas, and each gun drawn by four oxen. He had with him a good brass band. Major Fremont, who had been sent to San Diego with his battalion of one hundred and seventy men, had, after considerable skirmish- ing among the ranchos, secured enough horses to move, and on the 8th of August had begun his march to join Stockton. He took with him one hundred and twenty men, leaving about fifty to garrison San Diego. Stockton consumed three days on the march. Fremont's troops joined him just south of the city, and at 4 p. m. of the 13th the combined force, numbering nearly five hundred men, en- tered the town without opposition, "our entry," says Major Fremont, "having more the effect of a parade of home guards than of an enemy taking possession of a conquered town." Stock- ton reported finding at Castro's abandoned camp ten pieces of artillery, four of them spiked. Fre- mont says he (Castro) "had buried part of his guns." Castro's troops that he had brought down with him took their departure for their northern homes soon after their general left, breaking up into small squads as they advanced. The southern troops that Pico had recruited dis- persed to their homes before the arrival of the Americans. Squads of Fremont's battalion were sent out to scour the country and bring in any of the Californian officers or leading men whom they could find. These, when found, were paroled. Another of those historical myths, like the mortar story previously mentioned, which is palmed off on credulous readers as genuine his- tory, runs as follows : "Stockton, while en route from San Pedro to Los Angeles, was informed by a courier from Castro "that if he marched upon the town he would find it the grave of him- self and men.' "Then," answered the commodore, 'tell the general to have the bells ready to toll at eight o'clock, as I shall be there by that time.' " As Castro left Los Angeles the day before Stockton began his march from San Pedro, and when the commodore entered the city the Mexican general was probably two hundred miles away, the bell tolling myth goes to join its kindred myths in the category of his- tory as it should not be written. On the 17th of August, Stockton issued a sec- ond proclamation, in which he signs himself commander-in-chief and governor of the terri- tory of California. It was milder in tone and more dignified than the first. He informed the people that their country now belonged to the United .States. For the present it would be governed by martial law. They were invited to elect their local officers if those now in office refused to serve. Four days after the capture of Los Angeles, The Warren, Captain Hull, commander, an- chored at San Pedro. She brought official no- tice of the declaration of war between the United States and Mexico. Then for the first time Stockton learned that there had been an official declaration of war between the two countries. United States officers had waged war and had taken possession of California upon HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 125 the strength of a rumor that hostilities existed between the countries. The conquest, if conquest it can be called, was accomplished without the loss of a life, if we except the two Americans, Fowler and Cowie, of the Bear Flag party, who were brutally mur- dered by a band of Californians under Padillo, and the equally brutal shooting of Beryessa and the two de Haro boys by the Americans at San Rafael. These three men were shot as spies, but there was no proof that they were such, and they were not tried. These murders occurred before Commodore Sloat raised the stars and stripes at Monterey. On the 15th of August, 1846, just thirty-seven days after the raising of the stars and stripes at ^lonterey, the first newspaper ever published in California made its appearance. It was pub- lished at Monterey by Semple and Colton and named The Californian. Rev. Walter Colton was a chaplain in the LTnited States navy and came to California on the Congress with Com- modore Stockton. He was made alcalde of Monterey and built, by the labor of the chain gang and from contributions and fines, the first schoolhouse in California, named foi him Colton Hall. Colton thus describes the other member of the firm, Dr. Robert Semple: "My partner is an emigrant from Kentucky, who stands six feet eight in his stockings. He is in a buckskin dress, a foxskin cap; is true with his rifle, ready with his pen and quick at the type case." Semple came to California in 1845, with the Hastings party, and was one of the leaders in the Bear Flag revolution. The type and press used were brought to California by Au- gustin \\ Zamorano in 1834, and by him sold to the territorial government, and had been used for printing bandos and pronunciamentos. The only paper the publishers of The Californian could procure was that used in the manufacture of cigarettes, wliich came in sheets a little larger than foolscap. The font of type was short of w's, so two v's were substituted for that letter, and wiien these ran out two u's were used. The paper was moved to San Francisco in 1848 and later on consolidated with the Cali- fornia Star. CHAPTER XVII. REVOLT OF THE CALIFORNIANS. HOSTILITIES had ceased in all parts of the territory. The leaders of the Cali- fornians had escaped to Mexico, and Stockton, regarding the conquest as completed, set about organizing a government for the con- quered territory. Fremont was to be appointed military governor. Detachments from his bat- talion were to be detailed to garrison different towns, while Stockton, with what recruits he could gather in California, and his sailors and marines, was to undertake a naval expedition against the west coast of Mexico, land his forces at Mazatlan or Acapuico and march overland to "shake hands with General Taylor at the gates of Mexico." Captain Gillespie was made military commandant of the southern depart- ment, with headquarters at Los Angeles, and as- signed a garrison of fifty men. Commodore Stockton left Los Angeles for the north Sep- tember 2. Fremont, with the remainder of his battalion, took up his line of march for Monte- rey a few days later. Gillespie's orders were to place the city under martial law, but not to en- force the more burdensome restrictions upon quiet and well-disposed citizens. A conciliatory policy in accordance with instructions of the secretary of the navy was to be adopted and the people were to be encouraged to "neutralit}-. self-government and friendship." Nearly all historians who have written upon this subject lay the blame for the subsequent uprising of the Californians and their revolt against the rule of the military commandant, Gillespie, to his petty tyrannies. Col. J. J. Warner, in his Historical Sketch of Los An- geles County, says: "Gillespie attempted by a coercive system to effect a moral and social change in the habits, diversions and pastimes of 126 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. the people and to reduce them to his standard of propriety." Warner was not an impartial judge. He had a grievance against Gillespie which embittered him against the captain. Gil- lespie may have been lacking in tact, and his schooling in the navy under the tyrannical regime of the quarterdeck of fifty years ago was not the best training to fit him for govern- ment, but it is hardly probable that in two weeks' time he undertook to enforce a "coercive system" looking toward an entire change in the moral and social habits of the people. Los An- geles under Mexican domination was a hotbed of revolutions. It had a turbulent and restless element among its inhabitants that was never happier than when fomenting strife and con- spiring to overthrow those in power. Of this class Colton, writing in 1846, says: "They drift about like Arabs. If the tide of fortune turns against them they disband and scatter to the four winds. They never become martyrs to any cause. They are too numerous to be brought to punishment by any of their governors, and thus escape justice." There was a conservative class in the territory, made up principally of the large landed proprietors, both native and foreign-born, but these exerted small influence in controlling the turbulent. While Los An- geles had a monopoly of this turbulent and rev- olutionary element, other settlements in the territory furnished their full quota of that class of political knight errants whose chief pastime was revolution, and whose capital consisted of a gaily caparisoned steed, a riata, a lance, a dagger and possibly a pair of horse pistols. These were the fellows whose "habits, diver- sions and pastimes" Gillespie undertook to re- duce "to his standard of propriety." That Commodore Stockton should have left Gillespie so small a garrison to hold the city and surrounding country in subjection shows that either he was ignorant of the character of the people, or that he placed too great reliance in the completeness of their subjection. With Castro's men in the city or dispersed among the neighboring ranches, many of them still retain- ing their arms, and all of them ready to rally at a moment's notice to the call of their leaders; w ith no reinforcements nearer than five hundred miles to come to the aid of Gillespie in case of an uprising, it was foolhardiness in Stockton to entrust the holding of the most important place in California to a mere handful of men, half disciplined and poorly equipped, without forti- fications for defense or supplies to hold out in case of a siege. Scarcely had Stockton and Fremont, with their men, left the city before trouble began. The turbulent element of the city fomented strife and seized every occasion to annoy and liarass the military commandant and his men. While his "petty tyrannies," so called, which were probably nothing more than the enforce- ment of martial law, may have been somewhat provocative, the real cause was more deep seated. The Californians, without provocation on their part and without really knowing the cause why, found their country invaded, their property taken from them and their government in the hands of an alien race, foreign to them in customs and religion. They would have been a tame and spiritless people indeed, had they neglected the opportunity that Stockton's blun- dering gave them to regain their liberties. They did not waste much time. Within two weeks from the time Stockton sailed from San Pedro hostilities had begun and the city was in a state of siege. Gillespie, writing in the Sacramento States- man in 1858, thus describes the first attack: "On the 22d of September, at three o'clock in the morning, a party of sixty-five Californians and Sonorenos made an attack upon my small command quartered in the government house. We were not wholly surprised, and with twenty- one rifles we beat them back without loss to our- selves, killing and wounding three of their num- ber. When daylight came, Lieutenant Hensley, with a few men, took several prisoners and drove the Californians from the town. This party was merely the nucleus of a revolution commenced and known to Colonel Fremont be- fore he left Los Angeles. In twenty-four hours, six hundred well-mounted horsemen, armed with escopetas (shotguns), lances and one fine brass piece of light artillery, surrounded Los Angeles and summoned me to surrender. There were three old honey-combed iron guns (spiked) HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 127 ill the corral of my quarters, which we at once cleared and mounted upon the axles of carts." Serbulo Varela, a young man of some ability, but of a turbulent and reckless character, had been the leader at first, but as the uprising as- sumed the character of a revolution, Castro's old officers came to the front. Capt. Jose Maria Flores was chosen comandante-general; Jose Antonio Carrillo, major-general; and Andres Pico, comandante de escuadron. The main camp of the insurgents was located on the mesa, east of the river, at a place called Paredon Blanco (White Bluff). On the 24th of September, from the camp at White Bluff, was issued the famous Pronun- ciamiento de Barelas y otros Californias contra Los Americanos (The Proclamation of Barelas and other Californians against the Americans). 1 1 was signed by Serbulo ^'arela (spelled Bare- las), Leonardo Cota and over three hundred others. Although this proclamation is gener- ally credited to Flores, there is no evidence to show that he had anything to do with framing it. He promulgated it over his signature Octo- ber I. It is probable that it was written by Varela and Cota. It has been the custom of American writers to sneer at this production as florid and bombastic. In fiery invective and fierce denunciation it is the equal of Patrick Henry's famous "Give me liberty or give me death!" Its recital of wrongs is brief, but to the point. "And shall we be capable of permit- ting ourselves to be subjugated and to accept in silence the heavy chains of slavery? Shall we lose the soil inherited from our fathers, which cost them so much blood? Shall we leav^ our families victims of the most barbarous servi- tude? Shall we wait to see our wives outraged, our innocent children beaten by American whips, our property sacked, our temples pro- faned, to drag out a life full of shame and dis- grace? No! a thousand times no! Compatriots, death rather than that! Who of you does not feel his heart beat and his blood boil on con- templating our situation? Who will be the Mexican that will not be indignant and rise in arms to destroy our oppressors? We believe there will be not one so vile and cowardly!" Gillespie had left the government house (lo- cated on what is now the site of the St. Charles Hotel) and taken a position on Fort Hill, where he had erected a temporary barricade of sacks filled with earth and had mounted his cannon there. The Americans had been summoned to surrender, but had refused. They were besieged by the Californians. There was but little firing between the combatants, an occasional sortie and a volley of rifle balls by the Americans when the Californians approached too near. The Californians were well mounted, but poorly armed, their weapons being principally muskets, shotguns, pistols, lances and riatas; while the Americans were armed with long-range rifles, of which the Californians had a wholesome dread. The fear of these arms and his cannon doubtless saved Gillespie and his men from capture. On the 24th Gillespie dispatched a messenger to find Stockton at Monterey, or at San Fran- cisco if he had left Monterey, and apprise him of the perilous situation of the Americans at Los Angeles. Gillespie's dispatch bearer, John Brown, better known by his California nick- name, Juan Flaco or Lean John, made one of the most wonderful rides in history. Gillespie furnished Juan Flaco with a package of cigar- etees, the paper of each bearing the inscription, "Believe the bearer;" these were stampd with Gillespie's seal. Brown started from Los Angeles at 8 p. m., September 24, and claimed to have reached Yerba Buena at 8 p. ra. of the 28th, a ride of six hundred and thirty miles in four days. This is incorrect. Colton, who was al- calde of Monterey at that time, notes Brown's arrival at that place on the evening of the 29th. Colton, in his "Three Years in California," says that Brown rode the whole distance (Los An- geles to Monterey) of four hundred and sixty miles in fifty-two hours, during which time he had not slept. His intelligence was for Com- modore Stockton and, in the nature of the case, was not committed to paper, except a few words rolled in a cigar fastened in his hair. But the commodore had sailed for San Francisco and it was necessary he should go one hundred and forty miles further. He was quite exhausted and was allowed to sleep three hours. Before day he was up and away on his journey. Gil- 128 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. lespie, in a letter published in the Los Angeles Star, May 28, 1858, describing Juan Flaco's ride says: "Before sunrise of the 29th he was lying in the bushes at San Francisco, in front of the congress frigate, waiting for the early market boat to come on shore, and he delivered my dispatches to Commodore Stockton before 7 o'clock." In trying to steal through the picket line of the Mexicans at Los Angeles, he was discovered and pursued by a squad of them. A hot race ensued. Finding the enemy gaining on him he forced his horse to leap a wide ravine. A shot from one of his pursuers mortally wounded his horse, which, after running a short distance, fell dead. Flaco, carrying his spurs and riata, made his way on foot in the darkness to Las Virgines, a distance of twenty-seven miles. Here he se- cured another mount and again set off on his perilous journey. The trail over which Flaco held his way was not like "the road from Win- chester town, a good, broad highway leading down," but instead a Camino de heradura, bridle path, now winding up through rocky canons, skirting along the edge of precipitous cliffs, then zigzagging down chaparral covered mountains; now over the sands of the sea beach and again across long stretches of brow'n mesa, winding through narrow valleys and out onto the rolling hills — a trail as nature made it, unchanged by the hand of man. Such was the highway over which Flaco's steeds "stretched away with ut- most speed." Harassed and pursued by the enemy, facing death night and day, with scarcely a stop or a stay to eat or sleep, Juan Flaco rode six hundred miles. "Of all the rides since the birth of time. Told in story or sung in rhyme. The fleetest ride that ever was sped," was Juan Flaco's ride from Los Angeles to San Francisco. Longfellow has immortalized the "Ride of Paul Revere," Robert Browning tells in stirring verse of the riders who brought the good news from Ghent to Aix, and Buchanan Read thrills us with the heroic measures of Sher- idan's Ride. No poet has sung of Juan Flaco's wonderful ride, fleeter, longer and more perilous than anv of these. Flaco rode si.x hundred miles through the enemy's country, to bring aid to a besieged garrison, while Revere and J orris and Sheridan were in the country of friends or pro- tected by an army from enemies. Gillespie's situation was growing more and more desperate each day. B. D. Wilson, who with a company of riflemen had been on an expedition against the Indians, had been ordered by Gillespie to join him. They reached the Chino ranch, where a fight took place between them and the Californians. Wilson's men being out of ammunition were compelled to sur- render. In the charge upon the adobe, where Wilson and his men had taken refuge, Carlos Eallestaros had been killed and several Cali- fornians w'ounded. This and Gillespie's stubborn resistance hadembittered the Californians against him and his men. The Chino prisoners had been saved from massacre after their surrender by the firmness and bravery of Varela. If Gillespie continued to hold the town his obstinacy might bring down the vengeance of the Californians not only upon him and his men, but upon many of the American residents of the south, who had favored their countrymen. Finally Flores issued his ultimatum to the Americans, surrender within twenty-four hours or take the consequences of an onslaught by the Californians, which might result in the mas- sacre of the entire garrison. In the meantime he kept his cavalry deployed on the hills, com- pletely investing the Americans. Despairing of assistance from Stockton, on the advice of Wil- son, who had been permitted by Flores to inter- cede with Gillespie, articles of capitulation were drawn up and signed by Gillespie and the leaders of the Californians. On the 30th of September the Americans marched out of the city with all the honors of war, drums beating, colors flying and two pieces of artillery mounted on carts drawn by oxen. They arrived at San Pedro without molestation and four or five days later embarked on the merchant ship Vandalia, which remained at anchor in the bay. Gillespie in his march was accompanied by a few of the American residents and probably a dozen of the Chino prisoners, who had been exchanged for the same number of Californians, whom he liad held under arrest most likely as hostages. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 12<) Gillespie took two cannon with him when he evacuated the city, leaving two spiked and broken on Fort Hill. There seems to have been a pro- viso in the articles of capitulation requiring him to deliver the guns to Flores on reaching tlie embarcadero. If there was such a stipulation Gil- lespie violated it. He spiked the guns, broke off the trunnions and rolled one of them into the bay. CHAPTER XVIII. THE DEFEAT AND RETREAT OF MERVINE'S MEN. THE revolt of the Californians at Los An- geles was followed by similar uprisings in the different centers of population where American garrisons were stationed. Upon the receipt of Gillespie's message Commodore Stockton ordered Captain Mervine to proceed at once to San Pedro to regain, if possible, the lost territory. Juan Placo had delivered his message to Stockton on September 30. Early on the morning of October 1st, Captain Mer- vine got under way for San Pedro. '"He went ashore at Sausalito," says Gillespie, "on some trivial e.xcuse, and a dense fog coming on he was compelled to remain there until the 4th." Of the notable events occurring during the conquest of California there are few others of which there are so contradictory accounts as that known as the battle of Dominguez Ranch, where Mervine was defeated and compelled to re- treat to San Pedro. Historians dififer widely in the number engaged and in the number killed. The follow^ing account of iMervine's expedition I take from a log book kept by Midshipman and Acting-Lieut. Robert C. Duvall of the Savannah. He commanded a company during the battle. This book was donated to the Historical So- ciety of Southern California by Dr. J. E. Cowles of Los Angeles, a nephew of Lieutenant Duvall. The account given by Lieutenant Duvall is one of the fullest and most accurate in existence. "At 9.30 a. m." (October i, 1846), says Lieu- tenant Duvall, "we commenced working out of the harbor of San Francisco on the ebb tide. The ship anchored at Sausalito. where, on ac- count of a dense fog, it remained until the 4th, when it put to sea. On the 7th the ship entered the harbor of San Pedro. At 6:30 p. m., as we were standing in for anchorage, we made out the American merchant ship ^'andalia, having on her decks a body of men. On passing she saluted with two guns, which was repeated with three cheers, which we returned. * * * * Brevet Capt. Archibald Gillespie came on board and reported that he had evacuated the Pueblo de Los Angeles on account of the overpowering force of the enemy and had retired with his men on board the \'andalia after having spiked his guns, one of which he threw into the water. He also reported that the whole of California below the pueblo had risen in arms against our authorities, headed by Flores, a Mexican cap- tain on furlough in this country, who had but a few days ago given his parole of honor not to take up arms against the United States. We made preparations to land a force to march to the pueblo at daylight. "October 8, at 6 a. m., all the boats left the ship for the purpose of landing the forces, num- bering in all two hundred and ninety-nine men, including the volunteers under command of Cap- tain Gillespie. At 6:30 all were landed without opposition, the enemy in small detachments re- treating toward the pueblo. From their move- ments we apprehended that their w^hole force was near. Captain Mervine sent on board ship for a reinforcement of eighty men, under com- mand of Lieut. R. B. Hitchcock. At 8 a. m. the several companies, all under command of Capt William Mervine, took up the line of march for the purpose of retaking the pueblo. The enemy retreated as our forces advanced. (On landing, William A. Smith, first cabin boy, was killed by the accidental discharge of a Colt's pistol.) The reinforcements under the com- 130 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. mand of Lieut. R. B. Hitchcock returned on board ship. For the first four miles our march was through hills and ravines, which the enemy might have taken advantage of, but preferred to occupy as spectators only, until our approach. A few shots from our flankers (who were the volunteer riflemen) would start them ofT; they returned the compliment before going. The remainder of our march was performed over a continuous plain overgrown with wild mustard, rising in places to si.x or eight feet in height. The ground was excessively dry, the clouds of dust were suffocating and there was not a breath of wind in motion. There was no water on our line of march for ten or twelve miles and we suffered greatly from thirst. "At 2:30 p. m. we reached our camping ground. The enemy appeared in considerable numbers. Their numbers continued to increase until sundown, when they formed on a hill near us, gradually inclining towards our camp. They were admirably formed for a cavalry charge. We drew up our forces to meet them, but find- ing they were disposed to remain stationary, the marines, under command of Captain Mars- ton, the Colt's riflemen, under command of Lieut. I. B. Carter and myself, and the volun- teers, under command of Capt. A. Gillespie, were ordered to charge on them, which we did. They stood their ground until our shots commenced 'telling' on them, when they took to flight in every direction. They continued to annoy us by firing into our camp through the night. About 2 a. m. they brought a piece of artillery and fired into our camp, the shot striking the ground near us. The marines, riflemen and volunteers were sent in pursuit of the gun, but could see or hear nothing of it. "We left our camp the next morning at 6 o'clock. Our plan of march was in column by platoon. We had not proceeded far before the enemy appeared before us drawn up on each side of the road, mounted on fine horses, each man armed with a lance and carbine. They also had a field piece (a four-pounder), to which were hitched eight or ten horses, placed on the road ahead of us. "Captain Mervine, thinking it was the enemy's intention to throw us into confusion by using their gun on us loaded with round shot and copper grape shot and then charge us with their cavalry, ordered us to form a square — which was the order of march throughout the battle. When within about four hundred yards of them the enemy opened on us with their artillery. We made frequent charges, driving them before us, and at one time causing them to leave some of their cannon balls and cartridges; but owing to the rapidity with which they could carry ofif the gun, using their lassos on every part, en- abled them to choose their own distance, en- tirely out of all range of our muskets. Their horsemen kept out of danger, apparently con- tent to let the gun do the fighting. They kept up a constant fire with their carbines, but these did no harm. The enemy numbered between one hundred and seventy-five and two hundred strong. "Finding it impossible to capture the gun, the retreat was sounded. The captain consulted with his officers on the best steps to be taken. It was decided unanimously to return on board ship. To continue the march would sacrifice a number of lives to no purpose, for, admitting we could have reached the pueblo, all com- munications would be cut off with the ship, and we would further be constantly annoyed by their artillery without the least chance of capturing it. It was reported that the enemy were be- tween five and six hundred strong at the city and it was thought he had more artillery. On retreating they got the gun planted on a hill ahead of us. "The captain made us an address, saying to the troops that it was his intention to march straight ahead in the same orderly manner in which we had advanced, and that sooner tlian he would surrender to such an enemy, he would sacrifice himself and every other man in his command. The enemy fired into us four times on the retreat, the fourth shot falling short, the report of the gun indicating a small quantity of powder, after^which they remained stationary and manifested no further disposition to molest us. We proceeded quietly on our march to the landing, where we found a body of men under command of Lieutenant Hitchcock with two nine-pounder cannon gotten from the Vandalia HISTORICAL AXD BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 131 to render us assistance in case wc should need it. "We presented truly a pitiable condition, many being barely able to drag one foot after the other from excessive fatigue, having gone through the exertions and excitement in battle and afterwards performing a march of eighteen or twenty miles without rest. This is the first battle I have ever been engaged in, and, having taken particular notice of those around me, I can assert that no men could have acted more bravely. Even when their shipmates were fall- ing by their sides, I saw but one impulse and that was to push forward, and when retreat was ordered I noticed a general reluctance to turn their backs to the enemy. "The following is a list of the killed and wounded; Michael Hoey, ordinary seaman, killed; David Johnson, ordinary seaman, killed; William H. Berry, ordinary seaman, mortally wounded; Charles Sommers, musician, mortally wounded; John Tyre, seaman, severely wounded; John Anderson, seaman, severely wounded; recovery doubtful. The following- named were slightly wounded: William Con- land, marine; Hiram Rockvill, marine; H. Lin- land, marine; James Smith, marine. "On the following morning we buried the bodies of William .\. Smith, Charles Sommers, David Johnson and Michael Hoey on an island in the harbor. "At II a. m. the captain called a council of commissioned officers regarding the proper course to adopt in the present crisis, which de- cided that no force should be landed, and that the ship remain here until further orders from the commodore, who is daily expected." Entry in the log for Sunday, nth: "William H. Berry, ordinary seaman, departed this life from the effect of wounds received in battle. Sent his body for interment to Dead Man's Island, so named by us. IMustered the com- mand at quarters, after which performed divine service." From this account it will be seen that the number killed and died of wounds received in battle was four; number wounded six, and one accidentally killed before the battle. On October 22d, Henry Lewis died and was buried on the island. Lewis' name does not appear in the list of wounded. It is presumable that he died of disease. Six of the crew of the Savannah were buried on Dead Man's Island, four of whom were killed in battle. Lieutenant IJ)uvall gives the following list of the officers in the "Expedi- tion on the march to retake Pueblo de Los An- geles:" Capt. William Mervine, conunanding; Capt. Ward Marston, commanding marines; Brevet Capt. A. H. Gillespie, commanding vol- unteers; Lieut. Henry W. Queen, adjutant; Lieut. B. F. Pinckney, commanding first com- pany; Lieut. W. Rinckindoff, commanding sec- ond company; Lieut. I. B. Carter, Colt's rifle- men; Midshipman R. D. Minor, acting lieuten- ant second company; Midshipman S. P. Griffin, acting lieutenant first company; Midshipman P. G. Walmough, acting lieutenant second com- pany; Midshipman R. C. Duvall, acting lieuten- ant Colt's riflemen; Captain Clark and Captain Goodsall, conunanding pikcmen; Lieutenant H/ensley, first lieutenant volunteers; Lieutenant Russeau, second lieutenant volunteers. The piece of artillery that did such deadly execution on the Americans was the famous Old Woman's gun. It was a bronze four-pounder, or pedrero (swivel-gun) that for a number of years had stood on the plaza in front of the church, and was used for firing salutes on feast days and other occasions. When on the approach of Stockton's and Fremont's forces Castro aban- doned his artillery and fled, an old lady. Dona Clara Cota de Reyes, declared that the gringos should not have the church's gun; so, with the assistance of her daughters, she buried it in a cane patch near her residence, which stood on the east side of Alameda street, near First. When the Californians revolted against Gil- lespie's rule the gun was unearthed and used against him. The Historical Society of South- ern California has in its possession a brass grapeshot, one of a charge that was fired into the face of Fort Hill at Gillespie's men when they were posted on the hill. This gun was in the exhibit of trophies at the New Orleans Ex- position in 1885. The label on it read: "Trophy 53, No. 63, Class 7. Used by Mexico against the United States at the battle of Dominguez" Ranch, October 9, 1846; at San Gabriel and the Mesa, January 8 and 9, 1847; used by the United 132 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. States forces against Mexico at Mazatlan, No- vember II, 1847; Urios (crew all killed or wounded), Palos Prietos, December 13, 1847, and Lower California, at San Jose, February 15, 1848." Before the battle the old gun had been mounted on forward axle of a Jersey wagon, which a man by the name of Hunt had brought across the plains the year before. It was lashed to the axle by means of rawhide thongs, and was drawn by riatas, as described by Lieutenant Duvall. The range was obtained by raising or lowering the pole of the wagon. Ignacio Aguilar acted as gunner, and having neither lanyard or pent-stock to fire it, he touched of? the gun with the lighted end of a cigarette. Never before or since, perhaps, was a battle won with such crude artillery. Jose Antonio Carrillo was in com- mand of the Californians. During the skirmish- ing of the first day he had between eighty and ninety men. During the night of the 8th Flores joined him with a force of sixty men. Next morning Flores returned to Los Angeles, taking with him twenty men. Carrillo's force in the battle numbered about one hundred and twenty men. Had Mervine known that the Californians had fired their last shot (their powder being ex- hausted) he could have pushed on and captured the pueblo. The expulsion of Gillespie's garrison from Los Angeles and the defeat of Mervine's force raised the spirits of the Californians, and there was great rejoicing at the pueblo. Detachments of Flores' army were kept at Sepulveda's rancho, the Palos Verdes, and at Temple's rancho of the Cerritos, to watch the Savannah and report any attempt at landing. The leaders of the revolt were not so sanguine of success as the rank and file. They were without means to procure arms and supplies. There was a scarcity of ammuni- tion, too. An inferior article of gunpowder was manufactured in limited quantities at San Gabriel. The only uniformity in weapons was in lances. These were rough, home-made af- fairs, the blade beaten out of a rasp or file, and the shaft a willow pole about eight feet long. These weapons were formidable in a charge against infantry, but easily parried by a swords- man in a cavalry charge. After the defeat of Mervine, Flores set about reorganizing the territorial government. He called together the departmental assembly. It met at the capital (Los Angeles) October 26th. The members present, Figueroa, Botello, Guerra and Olvera, were all from the south. The as- sembly decided to fill the place of governor, vacated by Pico, and that of comandante-gen- eral, left vacant by the flight of Castro. Jose Maria Flores, who was now recognized as the leader of the revolt against American rule, was chosen to fill both offices, and the two of- fices, as had formerly been the custom, were united in one person. He chose Narciso Bo- tello for his secretary. Flores, who was Mex- ican born, was an intelligent and patriotic officer. He used every means in his power to prepare his forces for the coming conflict with the Americans, but with little success. The old jealousy of the hijos del pais against the Mex- ican would crop out, and it neutralized his efforts. There were bickerings and complaints in the ranks and among the officers. The na- tives claimed that a Californian ought to be chief in command. The feeling of jealousy against Flores at length culminated in open revolt. Flores had decided to send the prisoners taken at the Chino fight to Mexico. His object was twofold — first, to enhance his own glory v\'ith the Mexican government, and, secondly, by showing what the Californians had already accomplished to obtain aid in the coming conflict. As most of these men w-ere married to California wives, and by marriage related to many of the leading California families of the south, there was at once a family uproar and fierce denunciations of Flores. But as the Chino prisoners were foreigners, and had been taken while fighting against the Mexican government, it was neces- sary to disguise the hostility to Flores under some other pretext. He was charged with the design of running away to Sonora with the pub- lic funds. On the night of December 3, Francisco Rico, at the head of a party of Californians, took possession of the cuartel, or guard house, and arrested Flores. A special session of the as- sembly was called to investigate the charges. Flores expressed his willingness to give up HISTORICAL AXn PJOGRAPHICAL RFXORD. 13:5 his purpose of sending the Chino prisoners to Mexico, and the assembly found no foundation to the charge of his design of running away with the pubHc funds, nor did they find any funds to run away with. Flores was liberated, and Rico imprisoned in turn. Flores was really the last Mexican governor of California. Like Pico, he was elected by the territorial legislature, but he was not confirmed by the Mexican congress. Generals Scott and Taylor were kccjiing President Santa Anna and his congress on the move so rapidly they had no time to spare for California affairs. Flores was governor from October 26, 1846, to January 8, 1847. With a threatened invasion by the Americans and a divided people within, it was hard times in the old pueblo. The town had to supply tile army with provisions. The few who pos- sessed money hid it away and all business was suspended except preparations to meet llu- invaders. CHAPTER XIX. THE FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA. COMMODORE STOCKTON, convinced that the revolt of the Californians was a serious affair, ordered Fremont's bat- talion, which had been recruited to one hun- dred and sixty men, to proceed to the south to co-operate with him in quelling the rebellion. The battalion sailed on the Sterling, but shortly after putting to sea, meeting the \'andalia, Fre- mont learned of Mervine's defeat and also that no horses could be procured in the lower coun- try; the vessel was put about and the battalion landed at Monterey, October 28. It was decided to recruit the battalion to a regiment and mounting it to march down the coast. Recruit- ing was actively begun among the newly ar- rived immigrants. Horses and saddles were procured by giving receipts on the government, payable after the close of the war or by confisca- tion if it brought returns quicker than receipts. The report of the revolt in the south quickly spread among the Californians in the north and they made haste to resist their spoilers. Manuel Castro was made comandante of the military forces of the north, headquarters at San Luis Obispo. Castro collected a force of about one hundred men, well mounted but poorly armed. His purpose was to carry on a sort of guerrilla warfare, capturing men and horses from the enemy whenever an opportunity offered. Fremont, now raised to the rank of lieuten- ant colonel in the regular army with head- quarters at Monterey, was rapidly mobilizing his motley collection of recruits into a formidable force. Officers and men were scouring the country for recruits, horses, accouterments and supplies. Two of these recruiting squads en- countered the enemy in considerable force and an engagement known as the battle of Xatividad ensued. Capt. Charles Ilurroughs with thirty- four men and two hundred horses, recruited at Sacramento, arrived at San Juan Bautista, No- vember 15, on his way to .Monterey on the same (lay Captain Thompson, with about the same number of men recruited at San Jose, reached San Juan. The Californians, with the design of capturing the horses, made a night march from their camp on the Salinas. At Gomez rancho they took prisoner Thomas O. Larkin, the American consul, who was on his way from Monterey to San Francisco on official business. On the morning of the i6th the Americans be- gan their march for Monterey. At Gomez rancho their advance learned of the presence of the enemy and of the capture of Larkin. A squad of six or eight scouts was sent out to find the Californians. The scouts encountered a detachment of Castro's force at Encinalitos (Little Oaks) and a fight ensued. The main body of the enemy came up and surrounded the grove of oaks. The scouts, though greatly outnum- bered, were well armed unth long range rifles and held the enemy at bay. until Captains Burroughs 134 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. and Thompson brought up their companies. Burroughs, who seems to have been the ranking officer, hesitated to charge the CaHfornians, who had the superior force, and besides he was fear- ful of losing his horses and thus delaying Fre- mont's movements. But, taunted with cowardice and urged on by Thompson, a fire eater, who was making loud protestations of his bravery, Burroughs ordered a charge. The Americans, badly mounted, were soon strung out in an ir- regular line. The CaHfornians, who had made a feint of retreating, turned and attacked with vigor, Captain Burroughs and four or five others were killed. The straggling line fell back on the main body and the Californians, having ex- pended their ammunition, retreated. The loss in killed and wounded amounted to twelve or fifteen on each side. The only other engagement in the north was the bloodless battle of Santa Clara. Fremont's methods of procuring horses, cattle and other supplies was to take them and give in payment demands on the government, payable after the close of the war. After his departure the same method was continued by the officers of the garrisons at San Francisco, San Jose and Mon- terey. Indeed, it was their only method of pro- curing supplies. The cjuartermasters were without money and the government without credit. On the 8th of December Lieutenant Bartlett, also alcalde of Yerba Buena, with a squad of five men started down the peninsula toward San Jose to purchase supplies. Fran- cisco Sanchez, a rancher, whose horse and cattle corrals had been raided by former purchasers, with a band of Californians waylaid and cap- tured Bartlett and his men. Other California rancheros who had lost their stock in similar raids rallied to the support of Sanchez and soon he found himself at the head of one hundred men. The object of their organization was rather to protect their property than to fight. The news soon spread that the Californians had re- volted and were preparing to massacre the Americans. Captain Weber of San Jose had a company of thirty-three men organized for de- fense. There was also a company of twenty men under command of Captain Aram stationed at the ex-mission of Santa Clara. On the 29th of December, Capt. Ward Marston with a de- tachment of thirty-four men and a field piece in charge of Master de Long and ten sailors was sent to Santa Clara. The entire force collected at the seat of war numbered one hundred and one men. On January 2 the American force encountered the Californians, one hundred strong, on the plains of Santa Clara. Firing at long range began and continued for an hour or more. Sanchez sent in a flag of truce asking an armistice preparatory to the settlement of diffi- culties. Januarj' 3, Captain Aladdo.x arrived from Monterey with fifty-nine mounted men, and on the 7th Lieutenant Grayson came with fifteen men. On the 8th a treaty of peace was concluded, by which the enemy surrendered Lieutenant Bartlett and all the other prisoners, as well as their arms, including a small field piece and were permitted to go to their homes. Upon "reliable authority" four Californians were reported killed, but their graves have never been discovered nor did their living relatives, so far as known, mourn their loss. Stockton with his flagship, the Congress, ar- rived at San Pedro on the 23d of October, 1846. The Savannah was still lying at anchor in the harbor. The commodore had now at San Pedro a force of about eight hundred men; but, not- withstanding the contemptuous opinion he held of the Californian soldiers, he did not march against the pueblo. Stockton in his report says: "Elated by this transient success (Mer- vine's defeat), which the enemy with his usual want of veracity magnified into a great victory, they collected in large bodies on all the adjacent hills and would not permit a hoof except their own horses to be within fifty miles of San Pedro." But "in the face of their boasting in- solence" Stockton landed and again hoisted "the glorious stars and stripes in the presence of their horse covered hills." "The enemy had driven of? every animal, man and beast from that section of the country; and it was not pos- sible by any means in our power to carry pro- visions for our march to the city." The city was only thirty miles away and American sol- diers have been known to carry rations in their haversacks for a march of one hundred miles. The "transient success" of the insolent enemv HISTORICAL AND B10GIL\PH1LAL RECORD. 135 had evidently made an impression on Stockton. He estimated the California force in the vicinity of the landing at eight hundred men, which was just seven hundred too high. He determined to approach Los Angeles by way of San Diego, and on the last day of October he sailed for that port. B. D. Wilson, Stephen C. Foster and others attribute Stockton's abandonment of an attack on Los Angeles from San Pedro to a trick played on him by Jose Antonio Carrillo. Carrillo was in command of the detachment stationed at the Cerritos and the Palos Verdes. Carrillo was an.xious to obtain an interview with Stockton and if possible secure a cessation of hostilities until the war then progressing in Mexico should be decided, thus settling the fate of California. B. D. Wilson, one of the Chino prisoners, was sent with a Mexican ser- geant to raise a white flag as the boats of the Congress approached the landing and present Carrillo's proposition for a truce. Carrillo, with the intention of giving Stockton an exaggerated idea of the number of his troops and thus ob- taining more favorable terms in the proposed treaty, collected droves of wild horses from the plains; these his caballeros kept in motion, pass- ing and repassing through a gap in the hills, which was in plain view from Stockton's vessel. Owing to the dust raised by the cavalcade it was impossible to discover that most of the horses were riderless. The troops were signalled to re- turn to the vessel, and the commodore shortly afterwards sailed to San Diego. Carrillo al- ways regretted that he made too much demon- stration. As an illustration of the literary trash that has been palmed ofif for California history, I give an extract from Frost's Pictorial History of California, a book written the year after the close of the Mexican war by Prof. John Frost, a noted compiler of histories, who writes LL. D. after his name. It relates to Stockton's exploits at San Pedro. "At the Rancho Sepulveda (the Palos ^^erdes) a large force of Californians were posted. Commodore Stockton sent one hundred men forward to re- ceive the fire of the enemy and then fall back on the main body without returning it. The main bodv of Stockton's armv was formed in a triangle with the guns liid by the men. By the retreat of the advance party the enemy w'ere decoyed close to the main force, when the wings (of the triangle) were extended and a deadly fire from the artillery opened upon the astonished Californians. More than one hundred were killed, the same number wounded and one hun- dred prisoners taken." The mathematical ac- curacy of Stockton's artillerists was truly astonishing. They killed a man for every one wounded and took a prisoner for every man they killed. As Florcs' army never amounted to more than three lumdred, if we are to believe I'rost, Stockton had all the enemy "present or accounted for." This silly fabrication of Frost's runs through a number of so-called histories of California. Stockton was a brave man and a very energetic commander, but he would boast of his achievements, and his reports are unre- liable. As previously mentioned, Fremont after his return to Alonterey proceeded to recruit a force to move against Los Angeles by land from Mon- terey. His recruits were principally obtained from the recently arrived inmiigrants. Each man was furnished with a horse and was to receive $25 a month. A force of about four hundred and fifty was obtained. Fremont left Monterey November 17 and rendezvoused at San Juan Bautista, wdiere he remained to the 29th of the month organizing his battalion. On the 29th of November he began his inarch southward to co-operate w-ith Stockton against Flores. After the expulsion of Gillespie and his men from Los Angeles, detachments from Flores' army were sent to Santa Barbara and San Diego to recapture these places. At Santa Bar- bara Fremont had left nine men of his battalion under Lieut. Theodore Talbot to garrison the town. A demand was made on the garrison to surrender by Colonel Garfias of Flores" army. Two hours were given the -Americans to decide. Instead of surrendering they fell back into the hills, where they remained three or four days, hoi)ing that reinforcements might be sent them from Monterey. Their only subsistence was the flesh of an old gray marc of Daniel Hill's that they captured, brought into camp and killed. Thev secured one of Michcltorena's cholos that 136 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. had remained in the country and was hving in a canon among the hills for a guide. He fur- nished them a horse to carry their blankets and conducted them through the mountains to the San Joaquin valley. Here the guide left them with the Indians, he returning to Santa Barbara. The Indians fed them on chia (wild flaxseed), mush and acorn bread. They traveled down the San Joaquin valley. On their journey they lived on the flesh of wild horses, seventeen of which they killed. After many hardships they reached Monterey on the 8th of November, where they joined Fremont's battalion. Captain ]\Ierritt, of Fremont's battalion, had been left at San Diego with forty men to hold the town when the battalion marched north to co-operate with Stockton against Los Angeles. Immediately after Gillespie's retreat, Francisco Rico was sent with fifty men to capture the place. He was joined by recruits at San Diego. Merritt being in no condition to stand a siege, took refuge on board the American whale ship Stonington, which was lying at anchor. After remaining on board the Stonington ten days, taking advantage of the laxity of discipline among the Californians, he stole a march q^i them, recapturing the town and one piece of artillery. He sent Don Miguel de Pedrorena, who was one of his allies, in a whale boat with four sailors to San Pedro to obtain supplies and assistance. Pedrorena arrived at San Pedro on the 13th of October with IMerritt's dis- patches. Captain Mervine chartered the whale ship Magnolia, which was lying in the San Pedro harbor, and dispatched Lieutenant Minor, Midshipman Duvall and Morgan with thirty- three sailors and fifteen of Gillespie's volun- teers to reinforce ^Merritt. They reached San Diego on the i6th. The combined forces of Minor and Merritt, numbering about ninety men, put in the greater part of the next two weeks in dragging cannon from the old fort and mounting them at their barracks, which were located on the hill at the edge of the plain on the west side of the town, convenient to water. They succeeded in mounting six brass nine-pounders and building two bastions of adobes, taken from an old house. There was constant skirmishing between the hostile parties, but few fatalities. The Americans claimed to have killed three of the enemy, and one Amer- ican was ambushed and killed. The Californians kept well out of range, but prevented the Americans from obtaining sup- plies. Their provisions were nearly exhausted, and when reduced to almost the last extreme they made a successful foraging expedition and procured a supply of mutton. Midshipman Du- vall thus describes the adventure: "We had with us an Indian (chief of a numerous tribe) who, from his knowledge of the country, we thought could avoid the enemy; and getting news of a number of sheep about thirty-five miles to the south on the coast, we determined to send him and his companion to drive them onto an island which at low tide connected with the mainland. In a few days a signal was made on the island, and the boats of the whale ship Stonington, stationed ofT the island, were sent to it. Our good old Indian had managed, through his cunning and by keeping concealed in ravines, to drive onto the island about si.x hun- dred sheep, but his companion had been caught and killed by the enemy. I shall never forget his famished appearance, but pride in his Indian triumph could be seen playing in his dark eyes. "For thirty or forty days we were constantly expecting, from the movements of the enemy, an attack, soldiers and officers sleeping on their arms and ready for action. About the ist of November, Commodore Stockton arrived, and, after landing Captain Gillespie with his com- pany and about forty-three marines, he suddenly disappeared, leaving Lieutenant Minor governor of the place and Captain Gillespie command- ant."* Foraging continued, the whale ship Ston- ington, which had been impressed into the government service, being used to take parties down the coast, who made raids inland and brought back with them catties and horses. It was probably on one of these excursions that the flag-making episode occurred, of which there are more versions than Homer had birth- places. The correct version of the story is as follows: A party had been sent under com- *Log Book of Acting Lieutenant Duvall. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 1:57 tnand of Lieutenant Hensley to Juan Bandini's rancho in Lower California to bring up bands of cattle and horses. Bandini was an adherent of the American cause. He and his family re- turned with the cavalcade to San Diego. At their last camping place before reaching the town, Hensley, in a conversation with Bandini, regretted they had no flag with them to display on their entry into the town. Sefiora Bandini volunteered to make one, which she did from red, white and blue dresses of her children. This flag, fastened to a staff, was carried at the head of the cavalcade when it made its triumphal entry into San Diego. The Mexican govern- ment confiscated Bandini's ranchos in Lower California on account of his friendship to the Americans during the w^ar. Skirmishing continued almost daily. Jose Antonio Carrillo was now in command of the Californians, their force numbering about one hundred men. Commodore Stockton returned and decided to fortify. Midshipman Duvall, in the Log Book referred to in the previous chap- ter, thus describes the fort: "The commodore now commenced to fortify the hill which over- looked the town by building a fort, constructed by placing three hundred gallon casks full of sand close together. The inclosure was twenty by thirty yards. A bank of earth and small gravel was thrown up in front as high as the top of the casks and a ditch dug around on the outside. Inside a ball-proof vault of ketch was built out of plank and lined on the inside with adobes, on top of which a swivel was mounted. The en- trance was guarded by a strong gate, with a drawbridge in front across the ditch or moat. The whole fortification was completed and the guns mounted on it in about three weeks. Our men working on the fort were on short allow- ance of beef and wheat, and for a time without bread, tea, sugar or cofifee, many of them being destitute of shoes, but there were few com- plaints. "About the ist of December, information hav- ing been received that General Kearny was at Warner's Pass, about eighty miles distant, with one hundred dragoons- on his march to San Diego, Commodore Stockton immediately sent an escort of fifty men under command of Cap- tain Gillespie, accompanied by Past Midshipmen Beale and Duncan, having with them one piece of artillery. They reached General Kearny with- out molestation. On the march the combined force was surprised by about ninety-three Cal- ifornians at San Pasqual, under command of Andres Pico, who had been sent to that part of the country to drive of? all the cattle and horses to prevent us from getting them. In the battle that ensued General Kearny lost in killed Captains Johnston and Moore and Lieu- tenant Hammond, and fifteen dragoons. Seven- teen dragoons were severely wounded. The enemy captured one piece of artillery. General Kearny and Captains Gillespie and Gibson were severely wounded; also one of the engineer offi- cers. Some of the dragoons have since died." :fe * * "After the engagement General Kearny took position on a hill covered with large rocks. It was well suited for defense. Lieutenant Godev of Gillespie's volunteers, the night after the Isattle, escaped through the enemy's line of sen- tries and came in with a letter from Captain Turner to the commodore. Whilst among the rocks, Past Midshipman Beale and Kit Carson managed, under cover of night, to pass out through the enemy's ranks, and after three days' and nights' hard marching through the moun- tains without water, succeeded in getting safely into San Diego, completely famished. Soon after arriving Lieutenant P.eale fainted away, and for some days entirely lost his reason." On the night of Beale's arrival, December 9, about 9 p. m., detachments of two hundred sail- ors and marines from the Congress and Ports- mouth, under the immediate command of Cap- tain Zeilin, assisted by Lieutenants Gray, Hunter, Renshaw, Parrish, Thompson and Tilghman and Midshipmen Duvall and Morgan, each man carrying a blanket, three pounds of jerked beef and the same of hard-tack, began their march to relieve General Kearny. They marched all night and camped on a chaparral covered mountain during the day. .Xt 4 p. m. of the second night's march they reached Kearny's camp, surprising him. Godey, who had been sent ahead to inform Kearny that as- sistance was coming, had been captured by the 138 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. enemy. General Kearny had burnt and de- stroyed all his baggage and camp equipage, sad- dles, bridles, clothing, etc., preparatory to forcing his way through the enemy's line. Burdened with his wounded, it is doubtful whether he could have escaped. Midshipman Duvall says: "It would not be a hazard of opinion to say he would have been overpowered and compelled to surrender." The enemy dis- appeared on the arrival of reinforcements. The relief expedition, with Kearny's men, reached San Diego after two days' march. A brief explanation of the reason why Kearny was at San Pasqual may be necessary. In June, 1846,, Gen. Stephen W. Kearny, commander of the Army of the West, as his command was designated, left Fort Leavenworth with a force of regulars and volunteers to take possession of New Mexico. The conquest of that territory was accomplished without a battle. Under or- ders from the war department, Kearny began his march to California with a part of his force to co-operate with the naval forces there. Octo- ber 6, near Socorro, N. M., he met Kit Carson with an escort of fifteen men en route from Los Angeles to Washington, bearing dispatches from Stockton, giving the report of the con- quest of California. Kearny required Carson to turn back and act as his guide. Carson was very unwilling to do so, as he was within a few days' journey of his home and family, from whom he had been separated for nearly two years. He had been guide for Fremont on his exploring expedition. He, however, obeyed Kearny's orders. General Kearny sent back about three hun- dred of his men, taking with him one hundred and twenty. After a toilsome march by way of the Pima villages, Tucson, the Gila and across the Colorado desert, they reached the Indian village of San Pasqual (about forty miles from San Diego), where the battle was fought. It was the bloodiest battle of the conquest; Kearny's men, at daybreak, riding on broken down mules and half broken horses, in an ir- regular and disorderly line, charged the Califor- nians. While the American line was stretched out over the plain Capt. Andres Pico, who was in command, wheeled his column and charged the Americans. A fierce hand to hand fight en- sued, the Californians using their lances and lar- iats, the Americans clubbed guns and sabers. Of Kearny's command eighteen men were killed and nineteen wounded; three of the wounded died. Only one, Capt. Abraham R. Johnston (a rela- tive of the author's), was killed by a gunshot; all the others were lanced. The mules to one of the howitzers became unmanageable and ran into the enemy's lines. The driver was killed and the gun captured. One Californian was captured and several slightly wounded; none were killed. Less than half of Kearny's one hundred and seventy men* took part in the battle. His loss in killed and wounded was fifty per cent of those engaged. Dr. John S. Grif- fin, for many years a leading physician of Los Angeles, was the surgeon of the command. The foraging e.xpeditions in Lower Califor- nia having been quite successful in bringing in cattle, horses and mules. Commodore Stockton hastened his preparation for marching against Los Angeles. The enemy obtained information of the projected movement and left for the pueblo. "The Cyane having arrived," says Duvall, "our force was increased to about six hundred men, most of whom, understanding the drill, performed the evolutions like regular soldiers. Everything being ready for our departure, the commodore left Captain Montgomery and offi- cers in command of the town, and on the 29th of December took up his line of march for Los An- geles. General Kearny was second in command and having the inmiediate arrangement of the forces, reserving for himself the prerogative which his rank necessarily imposed upon him. Owing to the weak state of our oxen we had not crossed the dry bed of the river San Diego before they began breaking down, and the carts, which were thirty or forty in number, had to be dragged by the men. The general urged on the commodore that it was useless to commence such a march as was before us with our present means of transportation, but the commodore insisted on performing at least one day's march *General Kearny's original force of one liundred and twenty had been increased by Gillespie's command, numbering fifty men. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 139 even if we should have to return the next day. We succeeded in reaching the valley of the Soledad that night by dragging our carts. Next day the commodore proposed to go six miles farther, which we accomplished, and then con- tinued six miles farther. Having obtained some fresh oxen, by assisting the carts up hill we made ten or twelve miles a day. At San Luis Key we secured men, carts and oxen, and after that our days' marches ranged from fifteen to twenty-two miles a day. "The third day out from San Luis Rey a white flag was seen ahead, the bearer of which had a communication from Flores, signing himself 'Commander-in-Chief and Governor of Califor- nia,' asking for a conference for the purpose of coming to terms, which would be alike 'honor- able to both countries.' The commodore refused to answer him in writing, saying to the bearer of the truce that his answer was, 'he knew no such person as Governor Flores; that he him- self was the only governor in California; that he knew a rebel by that name, a man who had given his parole of honor not to take up arms against the government of the United States, who, if the people of California now in arms against the forces of the United States would deliver up, he (Stockton) would treat with them on condition that they surrender their arms and retire peaceably to their homes and he would grant them, as citizens of the United States, protection from further molestation.' This the embassy refused to entertain, saying 'they would prefer to die with Flores than to surrender on such terms.' " * * * "On the 8th of January, 1847, they met us on the banks of the river San Gabriel with between five and six hundred men mounted on good horses and armed with lances and carbines, having also four pieces of artillery planted on the heights about three hundred and fifty yards distant from the river. Owing to circumstances which have occurred since the surrender of the enemy, I prefer not mentioning the particulars of this day's battle and also that of the day fol- lowing, or of referring to individuals concerned in the successful management of our forces." (The circumstance to which Lieutenant Duvall refers was undoubtedly the quarrel between Stockton and Kearny after the capture of Los Angeles.) "It is sufficient to say that on the 8th of January we succeeded in crossing the river and driving the enemy from the heights. Hav- ing resisted all their charges, dismounted one of their pieces and put them to flight in every direction, we encamped on the ground they had occupied during the fight. "The next day the Californians met us on the ])lains of the mesa. For a time the fighting was carried on by both sides with artillery, but that proving too hot for them they concentrated their whole force in a line ahead of us and at a given signal divided from the center and came down on us like a tornado, charging us on all sides at the same time; but they were effectually defeated and fled in every direction in the ut- most confusion. Many of their horses w-ere left dead on the field. Their loss in the two battles, as given by Andres Pico, second in command, was eighty-three killed and wounded; our loss, three killed (one accidentally), and fifteen or twenty wounded, none dangerously. The enemy abandoned two pieces of artillery in an Indian village near by." 1 have given at considerable length Midship- man Duvall's account of Stockton's march from San Diego and of the tw^o battles fought, not because it is the fullest account of those events, but because it is original historical matter, never having appeared in print before, and also be- cause it is the observations of a participant written at the time the events occurred. In it the losses of the enemy are greatly exaggerated, hut that was a fault of his superior officers as well. Commodore Stockton, in his official re- ports of the two battles, gives the enemy's loss in killed and wounded "between seventy and eighty." And General Kearny, in his report of the battle of San Pasqual, claimed it as a vic- tory, and states that the enemy left six dead on the field. The actual loss of the Californians ill the two battles (San Gabriel river and La Mesa) was three killed and ten or twelve wounded.* *Thc killed were Ignacio Sepulvcda, Francisco Rubio, and El Guaymeno, a Yaqui Indian. 140 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. While the events recorded in this chapter were transpiring at San Diego and its vicinity, what was the state of affairs in the capital, Los Angeles? After the exultation and rejoicing over the expulsion of Gillespie's garrison, Mer- vine's defeat and the victory over Kearny at San Pasqual there came a reaction. Dissension continued between the leaders. There was lack of arms and laxity of discipline. The army was but little better than a mob. Obedience to or- ders of a superior was foreign to the nature of a Californian. His wild, free life in the saddle made him impatient of all restraint. Then the impossibihty of successful resistance against the Americans became more and more apparent as the final conflict approached. Fremont's army was moving down on the doomed city from the north, and Stockton's was coming up from the south. Either one of these, in num- bers, exceeded the force that Flores could bring into action; combined they would crush him out of existence. The California troops were greatly discouraged and it was with great diffi- culty that the officers kept their men together. There was another and more potent element of disintegration. Many of the wealthier natives and all the foreigners, regarding the contest as hopeless, secretly favored the American cause, and it was only through fear of loss of property that they furnished Flores and his officers any supplies for the army. During the latter part of December and the first days of January Flores' army was stationed at the San Fernando Mission, on the lookout for Fremont's battalion; but the more rapid advance of Stockton's army compelled a change of base. On the 6th and /th of January Flores moved his army back secretly through the Cahuenga Pass, and, passing to the southward of the city, took position where La Jaboneria (the soap factory) road crosses the San Gabriel river. Here his men were stationed in the thick willows to give Stockton a surprise. Stockton received information of the trap set for him and after leaving the Los Coyotes swung off to the right until he struck the Upper Santa Ana road. The Californians had barely time to effect a change of base and get their cannon planted when the Americans arrived at the crossing. Stockton called the engagement there the bat- tle of San Gabriel river; the Californians call it the battle of Paso de Bartolo, which is the bet- ter name. The place where the battle was fought is on bluff just south of the Upper Santa Ana road, near where the Southern California railroad crosses the old San Gabriel river. (The frjril or crossing was formerly known as Pico's Crossing.) There was, at the time of the bat- tle, but one San Gabriel river. The new river channel was made in the great flood of 1868. What Stockton, Emory, Duvall and other American officers call the battle of the Plains of the Mesa the Californians call the battle of La Mesa, which is most decidedly a better name than the "Plains of the Plain." It was fought at a ravine, the Canada de Los Alisos, near the southeastern corner of the Los Angeles city boundary. In these battles the Californians had four pieces of artillery, two iron nine-pounders, the old woman's gun and the howitzer captured from Kearny. Their powder was very poor. It was made at San Gabriel. It was owing to this that they did so little execution in the fight. That the Californians escaped with so little punishment was probably due to the wretched marksmanship of Stockton's sailors and marines. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 141 CHAPTER XX. CAPTURE AND OCCUPATION OF THE CAPITAL. J\ FTER the battle of La Mesa, the Amer- r Y icans, keeping to the south, crossed the Los Angeles river at about the point where the south boundary line of the city crosses it and camped on the right bank. Here, under a willow tree, those killed in battle were buried. Lieutenant Emory, in his "Notes of a Military Reconnoissance," says: "The town, known to contain great quantities of wine and aguardiente, was four miles distant (four miles from the battlefield). From previous experience of the difficulty of controlling men when enter- ing towns, it was determined to cross the river San Fernando (Los Angeles), halt there for the night and enter the town in the morning, with the whole day before us. "After we had pitched our camp, the enemy came down from the hills, and four hundred horsemen with four pieces of artillery drew ofif towards the town, in order and regularity, whilst about sixty made a movement down the river on our rear and left flank. This led us to suppose they were not yet whipped, as we thought, and that we should have a night attack. "January lo (1847) — . Just as we had raised our camp, a flag of truce, borne by Mr. Cells, a Castilian; Mr. Workman, an Englishman, and Alvarado, the owner of the rancho at the Alisos, was brought into camp. They proposed, on behalf of the Californians, to surrender their dear City of the Angels provided we would re- spect property and persons. This was agreed to, but not altogether trusting to the honesty of General Florcs, who had once broken his parole, we moved into the town in the same order we should have done if expecting an at- tack. It was a wise precaution, for the streets were full of desperate and drunken fellows, who brandished their arms and saluted us with every term of reproach. The crest, overlooking the town, in rifle range, was covered with horsemen engaged in the same hospitable manner. "Our men marched steadily on, until crossing the ravine leading into the public square (plaza), when a fight took place amongst the Califor- nians on the hill; one became disarmed and to avoid death rolled down the hill towards us, his adversary pursuing and lancing him in the most cold-blooded manner. The man tumbling down the hill was supposed to be one of our vaqueros, and the cry of 'rescue him" was raised. The crew of the Cyane, nearest the scene, at once and without any orders, halted and gave the man that was lancing him a volley; strange to say, he did not fall. The general gave the jack tars a cursing, not so much for the firing without orders, as for their bad marks- manship." Shortly after the above episode, the Cali- fornians did open fire from the hill on the vaqueros in charge of the cattle. (These vaqueros were Californians in the employ of the Americans and were regarded by their country- men as traitors.) A company of riflemen was ordered to clear the hill. A single volley ef- fected this, killing two of the enemy. This was the last bloodshed in the war; and the second conquest of California was completed as the first had been by the capture of Los Angeles. Two hundred men, with two pieces of artillery, were stationed on the hill. The Angelenos did not exactly welcome the invaders with "bloody hands to inhospitable graves," but they did their best to let them know they were not wanted. The better class of the native inhabitants closed their houses and took refuge with foreign residents or went to the ranchos of their friends in the countrv. The fellows of the baser sort, who were in pos- session of the city, exhausted their vocabularies of abuse on the invading gringos. There was one paisano w^ho excelled all his countrymen in this species of warfare. It is a pity his name has not been preserved in history with that of 142 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. other famous scolds and kickers. He rode by the side of the advancing column up Main street, firing volleys of invective and denunciation at the hated gringos. At certain points of his tirade he worked himself to such a pitch of indignation that language failed him; then he would solemnly go through the motions of "Make ready, take aim!" with an old shotgun he carried, but when it came to the order "Fire!'' discretion got the better of his valor; he low- ered his gun and began again, firing invective at the gringo soldiers; his mouth would go off if his gun would not. Commodore Stockton's headquarters were in the Abila house, the second house on Olvera street, north of the plaza. The building is still standing, but has undergone many changes in fifty years. A rather amusing account was re- cently given me by an old pioneer of the manner in which Commodore Stockton got possession of the house. The widov^f Abila and her daugh- ters, at the approach of the American army, had abandoned their house and taken refuge with Don Luis Vignes of the Aliso. Vignes was a Frenchman and friendly to both sides. The widow left a young Californian in charge of her house (which was finely furnished), with strict orders to keep it closed. Stockton had with him a fine brass band, something new in California. When the troops halted on the plaza, the band began to play. The boyish guardian of the Abila casa could not resist the temptation to open the door and look out. The enchanting music drew him to the plaza. Stockton and his stafif, hunting for a place suitable for headquar- ters, passing by, found the door invitingly open, entered, and, finding the house deserted, took possession. The recreant guardian returned to find himself dispossessed and the house in pos- session of the enemy. "And the band played on." It is a fact not generally known that there were two forts planned and partially built on Fort Hill during the war for the conquest of California. The first was planned by Lieut. Wil- liam H. Emory, topographical engineer of Gen- eral Kearny's staff, and work was begun on it by Commodore Stockton's sailors and marines. The second was planned by Lieut. J- W. David- son, of the First L^nited States Dragoons, and built by the Mormon battalion. The first was not completed and not named. The second was named Fort Moore. Their location seems to have been identical. The first was designed to hold one hundred men. The second was much larger. Florefe' army was supposed to be in the neighborhood of the city ready to make a dash into it, so Stockton decided to fortify. "On January nth," Lieutenant Emory writes, "I was ordered to select a site and place a fort capable of containing a hundred men. With this in view a rapid reconnoissance of the town was made and the plan of a fort sketched, so placed as to enable a small garrison to com- mand the town and the principal avenues to it, the plan was approved." "January 12. I laid off the work and before night broke the first ground. The population of the town and its dependencies is about three thousand; that of the town itself about fifteen hundred. * * * Here all the revolutions have had their origin, and it is the point upon which any Mexican force from Sonora would be directed. It was therefore desirable to estab- lish a fort which, in case of trouble, should en- able a small garrison to hold out till aid might come from San Diego, San Francisco or Mon- terey, places which are destined I0 become cen- ters of American settlements." "January 13. It rained steadily all day and nothing was done on the work. At night I worked on the details of the fort." "January 15. The details to work on the fort were by companies. I sent to Captain Tilghman, who commanded on the hill, to de- tach one of the companies under his command to commence the work. He furnished, on the i6th, a company of artillery (seamen from the Congress) for the day's work, which was per- formed bravely, and gave me great hopes of success." On the i8th Lieutenant Emory took his de- parture with General Kearny for San Diego. From there he was sent with despatches, via Panama, to the war department. In his book he says: "Subsequent to my departure the en- tire plan of the fort was changed, and I am not the projector of the work finally adopted for defense of that town." HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 143 As previously stated, Fremont's battalion began its march down the coast on the 29th of November, 1846. The winter rains set in with great severity. The volunteers were scantily provided with clothing and the horses were in poor condition. Many of the horses died of starvation and hard usage. The battalion en- countered no opposition from the enemy on its march and did no fighting. On the iith of January, a few miles above San Fernando, Colo- nel Fremont received a message from General Kearny informing him of the defeat of the enemy and the capture of Los Angeles. That night the battalion encamped in the mission buildings at San I'ernando. From the mission that evening Jesus Pico, a cousin of Gen. An- dres Pico, set out to find the Californian army and open negotiations with its leaders. Jesus Pico, better known as Tortoi, had been arrested at his home near San Luis Obispo, tried by court-niartial and sentenced to be shot for breaking his parole. Fremont, moved by the pleadings of Pico's wife and children, pardoned him. He became a warm admirer and devoted friend of Fremont's. He found the advance guard of the Califor- nians encamped at Verdugas. He was detained here, and the leading officers of the army were summoned to a council. Pico informed them of Fremont's arrival and the number of his men. With the combined forces of Fremont and Stockton against them, their cause was hopeless. He urged them to surrender to Fremont, as they could obtain better terms from him than from Stockton. General Flores, who held a commission in the Mexican army, and who had been appointed by the territorial assembly governor and comand- ante-general by virtue of his rank, appointed Andres Pico general and gave him command of the army. The same night he took his de- parture for ]\Iexico, by way of San Gorgonio Pass, accompanied by Colonel Garfias, Diego Sepulveda, Manuel Castro, Segura, and about thirty privates. General Pico, on assuming com- mand, appointed Francisco Rico and Francisco do La Guerra to go with Jesus Pico to confer with Colonel Fremont. Fremont appointed as commissioners to negotiate a treaty. Major P. ]j. Reading, Major- William H. Russell and Capt. Louis M'cLane. On the return of Guerra and Rico to the Californian camp. Gen. Andres I'ico appointed as commissioners, Jose Antonio Carrillo, commander of the cavalry squadron, and Agustin Olvera, diputado of the assembly, and moved his army near the river at Cahuenga. On the 13th I'rcmont moved his camp to the Cahuenga. The commissioners met in the de- serted ranch-house, and the treaty was drawn up and signed. The principal conditions of the treaty or ca- pitulation of "Cahuenga," as it was termed, were that the Californians, on delivering up their ar- tillery and public arms, and promising not again to take arms during the war, and conforming to the laws and regulations of the United States, shall be allowed peaceably to return to their homes. They were to be allowed the same rights and privileges as are allowed to citizens of the United States, and were not to be compelled to take an oath of allegiance until a treaty of peace was signed between the TJnited States and Mexico, and were given the privilege of leaving the country if they wished to. An additional section was added to the treaty on the i6th at Los Angeles releasing the officers from their paroles. Two cannon were surrendered, the howitzer captured from General Kearny at San Pasqual and the woman's gun that won the bat- tle of Dominguez. On the 14th, Fremont's bat- talion marched through the Cahuenga Pass to Los Angeles in a pouring rainstorm, and en- tered it four days after its surrender to Stock- ton. The conquest of California, was com- pleted. Stockton approved the treaty, although it was not altogether satisfactory to him. On the i6th he appointed Colonel Fremont gov- ernor of the territory, and William H. Russell, of the battalion, secretary of state. This precipitated a quarrel between Stockton and Kearny, which had been brewing for some time. General Kearny claimed that under his instructions from the government he should be recognized as governor. As he had directly under his command but the one company of dragoons that he brought across the plain with him, he was unable to enforce his authority. He left on the i8th for San Diego, taking with him his 14'4 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. officers and dragoons. On the 20th Commo- dore Stockton, with his sailors and marines, marched to San Pedro, where they all em- barked on a man-of-war for San Diego to re- join their ships. Shortly afterwards Commo- dore Stockton was superseded in the command of the Pacific squadron by Commodore Shu- brick. CHAPTER XXI. TRANSITION AND TRANSFORMATION. THE capitulation of Gen. Andres Pico at Cahuenga put an end to the war in Cali- fornia. The instructions' from the secre- tary of war were to pursue a policy of concilia- tion towards the Californians with the ultimate design of transforming them into American citi- zens. Colonel Fremont was left in command at Los Angeles. He established his headquarters on the second floor of the Bell block (corner of Los Angeles and Aliso streets), then the best building in the city. One company of his bat- talion was retained in the city; the others, under command of Captain Owens, were quartered at the Mission San Gabriel. The Jilormons had been driven out of Illinois and Missouri. A sentiment of antagonism had been engendered against them and they had begun their migration to the far west, pre- sumably to California. They were encamped on the Missouri river at Kanesville, now Council Bluffs, preparatory to crossing the plains, when hostilities broke out between the United States and Mexico, in April, 1846. A proposition was made by President Polk to their leaders to raise a battalion of five hundred men to serve as United States volunteers for twelve months. These volunteers, under command of regular army officers, were to march to Santa Fe, or, if necessary, to California, where, at the expira- tion of their term of enlistment, they were to be discharged and allowed to retain their arms. Through the influence of Brigham Young and other leaders, the battalion was recruited and General Kearny, commanding the Army of the West, detailed Capt. James Allen, of the First United States Dragoons, to muster them into the service and take command of the battalion. On the i6th of July, at Council Blufifs, the bat- talion was mustered into service and on the 14th of August it began its long and weary march. About eighty women and children, wives and families of the officers and some of the enlisted men, accompanied the battalion on its march. Shortly after the beginning of the march, Allen, who had been promoted to lieutenant-colonel, fell sick and died. The battalion was placed temporarily under the command of Lieut. A. J. Smith, of the regular army. At Santa Fe Lieut. -Col. Philip St. George Cooke took com- mand under orders from General Kearny. The battalion was detailed to open a wagon road by the Gila route to California. About sixty of the soldiers who had become unfit for duty and all the women except five were sent back and the remainder of the force, after a toilsome jour- ney, reached San Luis Rey, Cal., January 29, 1847, where it remained until ordered to Los .'\ngeles, which place it reached March 17. Captain Owens, in command of Fremont's battalion, had moved all the artillery, ten pieces, from Los Angeles to San Gabriel, probably with the design of preventing it falling into the hands of Colonel Cooke, who was an adherent of General Kearny. General Kearny, under addi- tional instructions from the general government, brought by Colonel Mason from the war depart- ment, had established himself as governor at Monterey. With a governor in the north and one in the south, antagonistic to each other California had fallen back to its normal condi- tion under Mexican rule. Colonel Cooke. shortly after his arrival in the territor}', thus de- scribes the condition prevailing: "General Kearny is supreme somewhere up the coast. Colonel Fremont is supreme at Pueblo de Los Angeles; Colonel Stockton is commander-in- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 145 chief at San Diego; Commodore Shubrick the same at Monterey; and I at San Luis Rey; and we are all supremely poor, the government hav- ing no money and no credit, and we hold the territory because Mexico is the poorest, of all." Col. R. B. Mason was appointed inspector of the troops in California and made an official visit to Los Angeles. In a misunderstanding about some official matters he used insulting language to Colonel Fremont. Fremont promptly challenged him to fight a duel. The challenge was accepted; double-barreled shot- guns were chosen as the weapons and the Rancho Rosa del Castillo as the place of meet- ing. Mason was summoned north and the duel was postponed until his return. General Kearny, hearing of the proposed affair of honor, put a stop to further proceedings by the duelists. Col. Philip St. George Cooke, of the Mormon battalion, was made commander of the military district of the south with headquarters at Los Angeles. Fremont's battalion was mustered out of service. The Mormon soldiers and the two companies of United States Dragoons who came with General Kearny were stationed at Los Angeles to do guard duty and prevent any uprising of the natives. Colonel Fremont's appointment as governor of California had never been recognized by General Kearny. So when the general had made himself supreme at Monterey he ordered Fremont to report to him at the capital and turn over the papers of his governorship. Fre- mont did so and passed out of office. He was nominally governor of the territory about two months. His appointment was made by Com- modore Stockton, but was never confirmed by the president or secretary of war. His jurisdic- tion did not extend beyond Los Angeles. He left Los Angeles May 12 for Monterey. From that place, in company with General Kearny, on May 31, he took his departure for the states. The relations between the two were strained. While ostensibly traveling as one company, each officer, with his stafT and escort, made sep- arate camps. .\t Fort Leavenworth General Kearny placed Fremont under arrest and pre- ferred charges against him for disobedience of orders. He was tried by court-martial at Wash- 10 ington and was ably defended by his father-in- law, Colonel Benton, and his brother-in-law, William Carey Jones. The court found him guilty and fixed the penalty, dismissal from the service. President Polk remitted the penalty and ordered Colonel Fremont to resume his sword and report for duty. He did so, but shortly afterward resigned his commission and left the army. While Colonel Cooke was in command of the southern district rumors reached Los .An- geles that the Mexican general, Bustamente, v.'ith a force of fifteen hundred men, was pre- paring to reconquer California. "Positive infor- mation," writes Colonel Cooke, under date of April 20, 1847, "has been received that the Mexican government has appropriated $600,000 towards fitting out this force." It was also re- ported that cannon and military stores had been landed at San Vicente, in Lower California. Rumors of an approaching army came thick and fast. The natives were supposed to be in league with Bustamente and to be secretly preparing for an uprising. Precautions were taken against a surprise. A troop of cavalry was sent to Warner's ranch to patrol the Sonora road as far as the desert. The construction of a fort on the hill fully commanding the town, which had previously been determined upon, was begun and a company of infantry posted on the hill. On the 23d of .'\pril, three months after work had ceased on Emory's fort, the construction of the second fort was begun and pushed vigor- ously. Rumors continued to come of the ap- proach of the enemy. May 3, Colonel Cooke writes: "A report was received through the most available sources of information that Gen- eral Bustamente had crossed the Gulf of Cali- fornia near its head, in boats of the pearl fishers, and at last information was at a rancho on the western road, seventy leagues below San Diego." Colonel Stevenson's regiment of New York volunteers had recently arrived in Cali- fornia. Two companies of that regiment had been sent to Los Angeles and two to San Diego. The report that Colonel Cooke had re- ceived reinforcement and that Los Angeles was being fortified was supposed to have frightened 146 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. Bustamente into abandoning his invasion of California. Bustamente's invading army was largely the creation of somebody's fertile imag- ination. The scare, however, had the effect of hurrying up work on the fort. May 13, Colo- nel Cooke resigned and Col. J. B. Stevenson succeeded him in the command of the southern military district. Colonel Stevenson continued work on the fort and on the ist of July work had progressed so far that he decided to dedicate and name it on the 4th. He issued an official order for the celebration of the anniversary of the birthday of American independence at this port, as he called Los Angeles. "At sunrise a Federal salute will be fired from the field work on the hill which commands this town and for the first time from this point the American standard will be dis- played. At II o'clock all the troops of the district, consisting of the Mormon battalion, the two companies of dragoons and two companies of the New York volunteers, were formed in a hollow square at the fort. The Declaration of Independence was read in English by Captain Stuart Taylor and in Spanish by Stephen C. Foster. The native Californians, seated on their horses in rear of the soldiers, listened to Don Esteban as he rolled out in sonorous Spanish the Declaration's arraignment of King George HI., and smiled. They had probably never heard of King George or the Declaration of Independ- ence, either, but they knew a pronunciamiento when they heard it, and after a pronunciamiento in their governmental system came a revolution, therefore they smiled at the prospect of a gringo revolution. "At the close of this ceremony (reading of the Declaration) the field work will be dedicated and appropriately named; and at 12 o'clock a national salute will be fired. The field work at this post having been planned and the work conducted entirely by Lieutenant Da- vidson of the First Dragoons, he is requested to hoist upon it for the first time on the morn- ing of the 4th the American standard." * * * The commander directs that from and after the 4th instant the fort shall bear the name of Moore. Benjamin D. Moore, after whom the fort was named, was captain of Company A, First United States Dragoons. He was killed by a lance thrust in the disastrous charge at the bat- tle of San Pasqual. This fort was located on what is now called Fort Hill, near the geograph- ical center of Los Angeles. It was a breastwork about four hundred feet long with bastions and embrasures for cannon. The principal em- brasure conuuanded the church and the plaza, two places most likely to be the rallying points in a rebellion. It was built more for the sup- pression of a revolt than to resist an invasion. It was in a commanding position; two hundred men, about its capacity, could have defended it against a thousand if the attack came from the front; but as it was never completed, in an at- tack from the rear it could easily have been cap- tured with an equal force. Col. Richard B. Mason succeeded General Kearny as commander-in-chief of the troops and military governor of California. Col. Philip St. George Cooke resigned command of the military district of the south May 13, joined General Kearny at Monterey and went east with him. As previously stated, Col. J. D. Ste- venson, of the New York volunteers, succeeded him. His regiment, the First New York, but really the Seventh, had been recruited in the eastern part of the state of New York in the summer of 1846, for the double purpose of con- quest and colonization. The United States gov- ernment had no intention of giving up California once it was conquered, and therefore this regi- ment came to the coast well provided with pro- visions and implements of husbandry. It came to California via Cape Horn in three transports. The first ship, the Perkins, arrived at San Francisco, March 6, 1847; the second, the Drew, March 19; and the third, the Loo Choo, March 26. Hostilities had ceased in California before their arrival. Two companies, A and B, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Burton, were sent to Lower California, where they saw hard service and took part in several engagements. The other companies of the regiment were sent to different towns in Alta California to do gar- rison duty. Another military organization that reached California after the conquest was Company F of the Third United States Artillery. It landed at Monterey January 28, 1847. It was com- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 147 manded by Capt. C. Q. Tlioiiipkins. With it came Licuts. E. O. C. Ord, William T. Sher- man and H. W. Halleck, all of whom became prominent in California affairs and attained na- tional reputation during the Civil war. The Mormon battalion was mustered out in July, 1847. One company under command of Cap- tain Hunt re-enlisted. The others made their way to Utah, where they joined their brethren who the year before had crossed the plains and founded the City of Salt Lake. The Xew York volunteers were discharged in August, 1848. After the treaty of peace, in 1848, four compa- nies of United States Dragoons, under com- mand of Major L. P. Graham, marched from Chihuahua, by way of Tucson, to California. Major Graham was the last military commander of the south. Commodore W. Branford Shubrick succeeded Commodore Stockton in command of the naval forces of the north Pacific coast. Jointly with General Kearny he issued a circular or proc- lamation to the people of California, printed in English and Spanish, setting forth "That the president of the United States, desirous to give and secure to the people of California a share of the good government and happy civil organ- ization enjoyed by the people of the United States, and to protect them at the same time from the attacks of foreign foes and from inter- nal commotions, has invested the undersigned with separate and distinct powers, civil and mil- itary; a cordial co-operation in the exercise of which, it is hoped and believed, will have the happy results desired. "To the commander-in-chief of the naval forces the president has assigned the regula- tion of the import trade, the conditions on which vessels of all nations, our own as well as foreign, may be admitted into the ports of the territory, and the establishment of all port regulations. To the commanding military officer the presi- dent has assigned the direction of the operations on land and has invested him with administra- tive functions of government over the people and territory occupied by the forces of the United States. "Done at Monterey, capital of California, this 1st day of March, A. D. 1847. W. Branford Shubrick, commander-in-chief of the naval forces. S. W. Kearny, Brig.-Gen. United States Army, and Governor of California." Under the administration of Col. Richard B. ^lason, the successor of General Kearny as military governor, the reconstruction, or, more appropriately, the transformation period began. The orders from the general goverimient were to conciliate the people and to make no radical changes in the form of government. The Mex- ican laws were continued in force. Just what these laws were, it was difificult to find out. No code commissioner had codified the laws and it sometimes happened that the judge made the law to suit the case. Lender the old regime the al- calde was often law-giver, judge, jury and exe- cutioner, all in one. Occasionally there was fric- tion between the military and civil powers, and there were rumors of insurrections and inva- sions, but nothing came of them. The Califor- nians, with easy good nature so characteristic of them, made the best of the situation. "A thousand things," says Judge Hays, "combined to smooth the asperities of war. Fremont had been courteous and gay; ]\Iason was just and firm. The natural good temper of the popula- tion favored a speedy and perfect conciliation. The American officers at once found themselves happy in every circle. In suppers, balls, visiting in town and country, the hours glided away with pleasant reflections." There were, however, a few individuals who were not happy unless they could stir up dis- sensions and cause trouble. One of the chief of these was Serbulo \'arela, agitator and revolu- tionist. Varela, for some ofifense not specified in the records, had been committed to prison by the second alcalde of Los Angeles. Colonel Ste- venson turned him out of jail, and Varela gave the judge a tongue lashing in refuse Castilian. The judge's official dignity was hurt. He sent a communication to the ayuntamiento saying: "Owing to personal abuse which I received at the hands of a private individual and from the ]iresent military commander. I tender my resig- nation." The ayuntamiento sent a communication to Colonel Stevenson asking why he had turned \'arela out of jail and why he had insulted the 148 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHICAL RECORD. judge. The colonel curtly replied that the mili- tary would not act as jailers over persons guilty of trifling offenses while the city had plenty of persons to do guard duty at the jail. As to the abuse of the judge, he was not aware that any abuse had been given, and would take no further notice of him unless he stated the nature of the insult ofifered him. The council decided to no- tify the governor of the outrage perpetrated by the military commander, and the second alcalde said since he could get no satisfaction for insults to his authority from the military despot, he would resign; but the council would not accept his resignation, so he refused to act, and the city had to worry along with one alcalde. Although foreigners had been coming to Cali- fornia ever since 1814, their numbers had not increased very rapidly. Nearly all of these had found their way there by sea. Those who had become permanent residents had married native Californian women and adopted the customs of the country. Capt. Jedediah S. Smith, in 1827, crossed the Sierra Nevada mountains from Cali- fornia and by way of the Humboldt, or, as he named it, the Mary River, had reached the Great Salt Lake. From there through the South Pass of the Rocky mountains the route had been traveled for several years by the fur trappers. This latter became the great emigrant route to California a few years later. A southern route by way of Santa Fe had been marked out and the Pattee party had found their way to the Colorado by the Gila route, but so far no emi- grant trains had come from the States to Cali- fornia with women and children. The first of these mixed trains was organized in western Missouri in May, 1841. The party consisted of si.xty-nine persons, including men, women and children. This party divided at Soda Springs, half going to Oregon and the others keeping on their way to California. They reached the San Joaquin valley in November, 1841, after a toil- some journey of six months. The first settle- ment they found was Dr. Marsh's ranch in what is now called Contra Costa county. Marsh gave them a cordial reception at first, but afterwards treated them meanly. Fourteen of the party started for the Pueblo de San Jose. At the ^lission of San Jose, twelve miles from the Pueblo, they were all ar- rested by order of General Vallejo. One of the men was sent to Dr. ^larsh to have him come forthwith and explain why an armed force of liis countrymen were roaming around the coun- try without passports. Marsh secured their re- lease and passports for all the party. On his return home he charged the men who had re- mained at his ranch $5 each for a passport, al- though the passports had cost him nothing. As there was no money in the party, each had to put up some equivalent from his scanty posses- sions. Marsh had taken this course to reim- burse himself for the meal he had given the half-starved emigrants the first night of their arrival at his ranch. In marked contrast with the meanness of Marsh was the Hberality of Captain Sutter. Sut- ter had built a fort at the junction of the Amer- ican river and the Sacramento in 1839 and had obtained extensive land grants. His fort was the frontier post for the overland emigration. Gen. John Bidwell, who came with the first emigrant train to California, in a description of "Life in California Before the Gold Discovery," says: "Nearly everybody who came to Califor- nia then made it a point to reach Sutter's Fort. Sutter was one of the most liberal and hospita- ble of men. Everybody was welcome, one man or a hundred, it was all the sflme." Another emigrant train, known as the Work- man-Rowland party, numbering forty-five per- sons, came from Santa Fe by the Gila route to Los Angeles. About twenty-five of this party were persons who had arrived too late at West- port, Mo., to join the northern emigrant party, so they went with the annual caravan of St. Louis traders to Santa Fe and from there, with traders and trappers, continued their journey to California. From 1841 to the American con- quest immigrant trains came across the plains every year. One of the most noted of these, on account of the tragic fate that befell it, was the Donner party. The nucleus of this party, George and Jacob Donner and James K. Reed, with their families, started from Springfield, 111., in the spring of 1846. By accretions and combinations, when it reached Fort Bridger, July 25, it had HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. ll'.t increased to eighty-seven persons — thirty-six men, twenty-one women and thirty children, under the command of George Donner. A new route called the Hastings Cut-Off, had just been opened by Lansford W. Hastings. This route passed to the south of Great Salt Lake and struck the old Fort Hall emigrant road on the Humboldt. It was claimed that the "cut-off" shortened the distance three hundred miles. The Donner party, by misrepresentations, were induced to take this route. The cut-off proved to be almost impassable. They started on the cut-off the last day of July, and it was the end of September when they struck the old emigrant trail on the Humboldt. They had lost most of their cattle and were nearly out of provisions. From this on, unmerciful disaster followed them fast and faster. In an altercation, Reed, one of the best men of the party, killed Snyder. He was banished from the train and compelled to leave his wife and children behind. An old Ilelgian named Hardcoop and Wolfinger, a German, unable to keep up, were abandoned to die on the road. Pike was accidentally shot by Foster. The Indians stole a number of their cattle, and one calamity after another delayed them. In the latter part of October they had reached the Truckee. Here they encountered a heavy snow storm, which blocked all further progress. They wasted their strength in trying to ascend the mountains in the deep snow that had fallen. Finally, finding this impossible, they turned back and built cabins at a lake since known as Donne'r Lake, and prepared to pass the winter. Most of their oxen had strayed away during the storm and perished. Those still alive they killed and. preserved the meat. A party of fifteen, ten men and five women, known as the "Forlorn Hope," started, Decem- ber i6, on snowshoes to cross the Sierras. They had provisions for six days, but the journey consumed thirty-two days. Eight of the ten men perished, and among them the noble Stan- ton, who had brought relief to the emigrants from Sutter's Fort before the snows began to fall. The five women survived. Upon the ar- rival of the wretched survivors of the "Forlorn Hope," the terrible sufferings of the snow-bound immigrants were made known at Sutter's Fort, and the first relief party was organized, and on the 5th of February started for the lake. Seven of the thirteen who started sticceeded in reach- ing the lake. On the 19th they started back with twenty-one of the immigrants, three of whom died on the way. A second relief, under Reed and McCutchen, was organized. Reed had gone to Yerba Buena to seek assistance. A public meeting was called and $1,500 subscribed. The second relief started from Johnston's Ranch, the nearest point to the mountains, on the 23d of February and reached the camp on March ist. They brought out seventeen. Two others were organized and reached Donner Lake, the last on the 17th of April. The only survivor then was Keseburg, a German, who was hated by all the company. There was a strong suspicion that he had killed Mrs. Don- ner, who had refused to leave her husband (who was too weak to travel) with the previous relief. There were threats of hanging him. Keseburg ' had saved his life by eating the bodies of the dead. Of the original party of eighty-seven, a total of thirty-nine perished from starvation. Most of the survivors were compelled to resort to cannabalism. Tliey were not to blame if they did. 150 HISTORICAL AND BIOGR.\PHlCAL RECORD. CHAPTER XXII. MEXICAN LAWS AND AMERICAN OFFICIALS. •u PON the departure of General Kearny, May 31, 1847, Col. Richard B. Alason became governor and commander-in- chief of the United States forces in CaHfornia by order of the president. Stockton, Kearny and Fremont had taken their departure, the dissensions that had existed since the conquest of the territory among the conquerors ceased, and peace reigned. There were reports of Mexican invasions and suspicions of secret plottings against gringo rule, but the invaders came not and the plottings never produced even the mildest form of a Alexi- can revolution. Mexican laws were adminis- tered for the most part by military officers. The municipal authorities were encouraged to con- tinue in power and perform their governmental functions, but they were indifferent and some- times rebelled. Under Mexican rule there was no trial by jury. The alcalde acted as judge and in criminal cases a council of war settled the fate of the criminal. The Rev. Walter Colton, while acting as alcalde of Monterey, in 1846-47, impaneled the first jury ever summoned in Cali- fornia. "The plaintiff and defendant," he writes, "are among the principal citizens of the country. The case was one involving property on the one side and integrity of character on the other. Its merits had been pretty widely discussed, and had called forth an unusual interest. One-third of the jury were Mexicans, one-third Califor- nians and the other third Americans. This mix- ture may have the better answered the ends of justice, but I was apprehensive at one thue it would embarrass the proceedings; for the plaint- iff spoke in English, the defendant in French; the jury, save the Americans, Spanish, and the witnesses, all the languages known to California. By the tact of ^Ir. Ilartnell, who acted as inter- preter, and the absence of young lawyers, we got along very well. "The examination of witnesses lasted five or six hours. I then gave the case to the jury, stating the questions of fact upon which they were to render their verdict. They retired for an hour and then returned, when the foreman handed in their verdict, which was clear and explicit, though the case itself was rather com- plicated. To this verdict both parties bowed without a word of dissent. The inhabitants who witnessed the trial said it was what they liked, that there could be no bribery in it, that the opinion of twelve honest men should set the case forever at rest. And so it did, though neither party completely triumphed in the issue. One recovered his property, which had been taken from him by mistake, the other his char- acter, which had been slandered by design." The process of Americanizing the people was no easy undertaking. The population of the countr}- and its laws were in a chaotic condition. It was an arduous task that Colonel Mason and the military commanders at the various pueblos had to perform, that of evolving order out of the chaos that had been brought about by the change in nations. The native population neither understood the language nor the cus- toms of their new rules, and the newcomers among the Americans had very little toleration for the slow-going Mexican ways and methods they found prevailing. To keep peace between the factions required more tact than knowledge of law, military or civil, in the commanders. Los Angeles, under Mexican domination, had been the storm center of revolutions, and here under the new regime the most difficulty w-as encountered in transforming the quondam rev- olutionists into law-abiding and peaceful Amer- ican citizens. The ayuntamiento was convened in 1847, after the conquest, and continued in power until the close of the year. When the time came round for the election of a new avun- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 131 lamicnto there was trouble. Stephen C. Foster, Colonel Stevenson's interpreter, submitted a paper to the council stating that the govern- ment had authorized him to get up a register of voters. The ayuntamiento voted to return the paper just as it was received. Then the colonel made a demand of the council to assist Stephen in compiling a register of voters. Regidor Cha- vez took the floor and said such a register should not be gotten up under the auspices of the military, but, since the government had so disposed, thereby outraging this honorable body, no attention should be paid to said com- munication. But the council decided that the matter did not amount to much, so they granted the request, much to the disgust of Chavez. The election was held and a new ayuntamiento elected. At the last meeting of the old council, December 29, 1847, Colonel Stevenson ad- dressed a note to it requesting that Stephen C. Foster be recognized as first alcalde and judge of the first instance. The council decided to turn the whole business over to its successor, to deal with as it sees fit. Colonel Stevenson's request was made in ac- cordance with the wish of Governor Mason that a part of the civil offices be filled by Amer- icans. The new ayuntamiento resented the in- terference. How the matter terminated is best told in Stephen C. Foster's own words: "Colo- nel Stevenson was determined to have our in- auguration done in style. So on tlie day ap- pointed, January i, 1848, he, together with myself and colleague, escorted by a guard of soldiers, proceeded from the colonel's quarters to the alcalde's office. There we found the re- tiring ayuntamiento and the new one awaiting our arrival. The oath of office was adminis- tered by the retiring first alcalde. We knelt to take the oath, when we found they had changed their minds, and the alcalde told us that if two of their number were to be kicked out they would all go. So they all marched out and left us in possession. Here was a dilemma, but Colonel Stevenson was equal to the emergency. He said he could give us a swear as well as tlie alcalde. So w-e stood up and he administered to us an oath to support the constitution of the United States and administer justice in ac- cordance with Mexican law. I then knew as much about Mexican law as I did about Chinese, and my colleague knew as much as I did. Guer- rero gathered up the books tliat pertained to his office and took them to his house, where he established his office, and I took the archives and records across the street to a house I had rented, and there I was duly installed for the next seventeen months, the first American al- calde and carpet-bagger in Los Angeles." Colonel Stevenson issued a call for the elec- tion of a new ayuntamiento, but the people stayed at home and no votes were cast. At the close of the year the voters had gotten over their pet and when a call was made a council was elected, but only Californians (hijos del pais) were returned. The ayuntamientos con- tinued to be the governing power in the pueblos until superseded by city and county govern- ments in 1850. The most difficult problem that General Kear- ny in his short term had to confront and, un- solved, he handed down to his successor. Colo- nel Alason, was the authority and jurisdiction of the alcaldes. Under the Mexican regime these officers were supreme in the pueblo over which they ruled. For the Spanish transgressor fines of various degrees were the usual penalty; for the mission neoph)tc, the lash, well laid on, and labor in the chain gang. There was no written code that defined the amount of pun- ishment, the alcalde meted out justice and some- times injustice, as suited his humor. Kearny appointed John H. Nash alcalde of Sonoma. Nash was a somewhat erratic individual, who had taken part in the Bear Flag revolution. When the offices of the prospective Pacific Re- public were divided among the revolutionists, he was to be the chief justice. After the col- lapse of that short-lived republic, Nash was elected alcalde. His rule was so arbitrarv and his decisions so biased by favoritism or preju- dice that the American settlers soon protested and General Kearny removed him or tried to. He appointed L. W. Boggs, a recently arrived immigrant, to the office. Nash refused to sur- render the books and papers of the office. Lieut. W. T. Sherman was detailed by Colonel ^lason, after his succession to the office of governor, to I 152 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. proceed to Sonoma and arrest Nash. Sherman quietly arrested him at night and before the belHcose alcalde's friends (for he had quite a fol- lowing) were aware of what was going on, marched him ofi to San Francisco. He was put on board the Dale and sent to Monterey. Finding that it was useless for him to resist the authority of the United States, its army and navy as well, Nash expressed his willingness to submit to the inevitable, and surrendered his office. He was released and ceased from troub- ling. Another strenuous alcalde was William Blackburn, of Santa Cruz. He came to the country in 1845, ^nd before his elevation to the honorable position of a judge of the first in- stance he had been engaged in making shingles in the redwoods. He had no knowledge of law and but little acquaintance with books of any kind. His decisions were always on the side of justice, although some of the penalties imposed were somewhat irregular. In Alcalde Blackburn's docket for August 14, 1847, appears this entry: "Pedro Gomez was tried for the murder of his wife, Barbara Gomez, and found guilty. The sentence of the court is that the prisoner be conducted back to prison, there to remain until Monday, the i6th of Au- gust, and then be taken out and shot." August 17, sentence carried into effect on the i6th ac- cordingly. William Bl.\ckburn, Alcalde. It does not appear in the records that Black- burn was the executioner. He proceeded to dispose of the two orphaned children of the murderer. The older daughter he indentured to Jacinto Castro "to raise until she is twenty-one years of age, unless sooner married, said Ja- cinto Castro, obligating himself to give her a good education, three cows and calves at her marriage or when of age." The younger daugh- ter was disposed of on similar terms to A. Rod- riguez. Colonel ]\Iason severely reprimanded Blackburn, but the alcalde replied that there was no use making a fuss over it; the man was guilty, he had a fair trial before a jury and de- served to die. Another case in his court illus- trates the versatility of the judge. A Spanish boy, out of revenge, sheared the mane and tail of a neighbor's horse. The offense was proved. but the judge was sorely perplexed when he came to sentence the culprit. He could find no law in his law books to fit the case. After pon- dering over the question a while, he gave this decision: "I find no law in any of the statutes to fit this case, except in the law of Moses, 'An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.' Let the prisoner be taken out in front of this office and there sheared close." The sentence was imme- diately executed. Another story is told of Blackburn, which may or may not be true. A mission Indian who had committed murder took the rigjjt of sanc- tuary in the church, and the padre refused to give him up. Blackburn wrote to the governor, stating the case. The Indian, considering him- self safe while with the padre, left the church in company with the priest. Blackburn seized him, tried him and hung him. He then reported to the governor: "I received your order to sus- pend the execution of the condemned man, but I had hung him. When I see you I will ex- plain the affair." Some of the military commanders of the pre- sidios and pueblos gave Governor Mason as much trouble as the alcaldes. These, for the most part, were officers of the volunteers who had arrived after the conquest. They were un- used to "war's alarms," and, being new to the country and ignorant of the Spanish lan- guage, they regarded the natives with suspicion. They were on the lookout for plots and revolu- tions. Sometimes they foiuid these incubating and undertook to crush them, only to discover that the affair was a hoax or a practical joke. The Canon Perdido (lost canon) of Santa Bar- bara episode is a good illustration of the trouble one "finicky" man can make when en- trusted with military power. In the winter of 1847-48 the American bark Elisabeth was wrecked on the Santa Barbara coast. Among the flotsam of the wreck was a brass cannon of uncertain calibre; it might have been a six, a nine or a twelve pounder. What the capacity of its bore matters not, for the gun unloaded made more noise in Santa Barbara than it ever did when it belched forth shot and shell in battle. The gun, after its rescue from a watery grave, lay for some time on the beach. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 153 devoid of carriage and useless, apparently, for offense or defense. One dark night a little squad of native Cali- forniaiis stole down to the beach, loaded the gun in an ox cart, hauled it to the estero and hid it in the sands. What was their object in taking the gun no one knows. Perhaps they did not know themselves. It might come handy m a revolution, or maybe they only intended to play a practical joke on the gringos. Whatever their object, the outcome of their prank must have astonished them. There \^'as a company (T") of Stevenson's New York volunteers sta- tioned at Santa Barbara, under command of Captain Lippett. Lippett was a fussy, nervous individual who lost his head when anything un- usual occurred. In the theft of the cannon he thought he had discovered a California revolu- tion in the formative stages, and he determined to crush it in its infancy. He sent post haste a courier to Governor Alason at Monterey, in- forming him of the prospective uprising of the natives and the possible destruction of the troops at Santa Barbara by the terrible gun the enemy had stolen. Colonel Alason, relying on Captain Lippett's report, determined to give the natives a lesson that would teach them to let guns and revolu- tions alone. He issued an order from headquar- ters at Monterey, in which he said tlmt ample time having been allowed for the return of the gun, and the citizens having failed to produce it, he ordered that the town be laid under a con- tribution of $500, assessed in the following man- ner: A capitation tax of $2 on all males over twenty rears of age; the balance to be paid by the heads of families and property-holders in the proportion of the value of their respective real and personal estate in the town of Santa Bar- bara and vicinity. Col. J. D. Stevenson was ap- pointed to direct the appraisement of the prop- erty and the collection of the assessment. If any failed to pay his capitation, enough of his property was to be seized and sold to pay his enforced contribution. The promulgation of the order at Santa Bar- bara raised a storm of indignation at the old pueblo. Colonel Stevenson came up from Los Angeles and had an interview with Don Pablo de La Guerra, a leading citizen of Santa Bar- bara. Don Pablo was wrathfully mdignant at the insult put upon his people, but after talking over the affair with Colonel Stevenson, he be- came somewhat mollified. He invited Colonel Stevenson to make Santa Barbara his headciuar- ters and inquired about the brass band at the lower pueblo. Stevenson took the hint and or- dered up the band from Los Angeles. July 4th had been fixed upon as the day for the payment of the fines, doubtless with the idea of giving the Californians a little celeljration that would remind them hereafter of Liberty's natal day. Colonel Stevenson contrived to have the band reach Santa Barbara on the night of the 3d. The band astonished Don Pablo and his family with a serenade. The Don was so delighted that he hugged the colonel in ihe most approved style. The band serenaded all the Dons of note in town and tooted until long after midnight, tlien started in next morning and kept it up till ten o'clock, the time set for each man to con- tribute his "dos pesos" to the common fund, liy that time every hombre on the list was so filled with wine, music and patriotism that the greater portion of the fine was handed over without protest. The day closed with a grand ball. The beauty and the chivalry of Santa Bar- bara danced to the music of a gringo brass band and the brass cannon for the nonce was forgotten. But the memory of the city's ransom rankled, and although an American band played Spanish airs, American injustice was still remembered. When the city's survey was made in 1850 the nomenclature of three streets, Caiion Perdido (Lost Cannon street), Quinientos (Five Hun- dred street) and Mason street kept the cannon episode green in the memory of the Barbarenos. When the pueblo, by legislative act, became a ciudad, the municipal authorities selected this device for a seal: In the center a cannon em- l>lazoned, encircled with these words. Vale Quinientos Pesos — Worth $500, or, more liber- ally translated. Good-bye, $500, which, by the way, as the sequel of the story^ will show, is the better translation. This seal was used from the incorporation of the city in 1850 to i860, when another design was chosen. 154 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. After peace was declared, Colonel Mason sent the $500 to the prefect at Santa Barbara, with instructions to use it in building a city jail; and although there was pressing need for a jail, the jail was not built. The prefect's needs were pressing, too. Several years passed; then the city council demanded that the prefect turn the money into the city treasury. He replied that the money was entrusted to him for a specific jnirpose, and he would trust no city treasurer with it. The fact was that long before he had lost it in a game of monte. • Ten years passed, and the episode of the lost cannon was but a dimly remembered story of the olden time. The old gun reposed peacefully in its grave of sand and those who buried it Iiad forgotten the place of its interment. One stormy night in December, 1858, the estero fcreek) cut a new channel to the ocean. In the morning, as some Barbarenos were survey- ing the changes caused by the flood, they saw the muzzle of a large gun protruding from the cut in the bank. They unearthed it, cleaned off the sand and discovered that it was El Caiion Perdido, the lost cannon. It was hauled up .State street to Canon Perdido, where it was mounted on an improvised carriage. But the sight of it was a reminder of an impleasant in- cident. The finders sold it to a merchant for $80. He shipped it to San Francisco and sold it at a handsome profit for old brass. Governor Pio Pico returned from Mexico to California, arriving at San Gabriel July 17, 1848. Although the treaty of peace between the L^nited States and Mexico had been signed and proclaimed, the news had not reached Califor- nia. Pico, from San Fernando, addressed let- ters to Colonel Stevenson at Los Angeles and Governor ]\Iason at ^Monterey, stating that as Mexican governor of California he had come back to the country with the object of carrying .out the armistice which then existed between the United States and Mexico. He further stated that he had no desire to impede the es- tablishment of peace between the two countries; and that he wished to see the Mexicans and Americans treat each other in a spirit of frater- nity. Mason did not like Pico's assumption of the title of Mexican governor of California, al- though it is not probable that Pico intended to assert any claim to his former position. Gov- ernor ^lason sent a special courier to Los An- geles with orders to Colonel Stevenson to arrest the ex-governor, who was then at his Santa Margarita rancho, and send him to Mon- terey, but the news, of the ratification of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo reached Los An- geles before the arrest was made, and Pico was spared this humiliation. The treaty of peace between the United States and Mexico was signed at Guadalupe Hidalgo, a hamlet a few miles from the City of ]\Ie.xico, February 2, 1848; ratifications were exchanged at Oueretaro, May 30 following, and a procla- mation that peace had been established between the two countries was published July 4, 1848. Lender this treaty the United States assumed the payment of the claims of American citizens against Me.xico, and paid, in addition, $15,000,- 000 to Me.xico for Texas, New ]\Ie.xico and .\lta California. Out of what was the Mexican territory of Alta California there has been carved all of California, all of Nevada, Utah and Arizona and part of Colorado and Wyoming. The territory acquired by the treaty of Guada- lupe Hidalgo was nearly equal to the aggre- gated area of the thirteen original states at the time of the Revolutionary war. The news of the treaty of peace reached Cali- fornia August 6, 1848. On the 7th Governor Alason issued a proclamation announcing the ratification of the treaty. He announced that all residents of California, who wished to be- come citizens of the United -States, were ab- .solved from their allegiance to IMe.xico. Those who desired to retain their Mexican citizenship could do so, provided they signified such inten- tion within one year from May 30, 1848. Those who wished to go to Mexico were at liberty to do so without passports. Six months before, Governor Mason had issued a proclamation pro- hibiting any citizen of Sonora from entering California except on official business, and then only under flag of truce. He also required all Sonorans in the country to report themselves either at Los Angeles or ^Monterey. The war was over; and the treaty of peace had made all who so elected, native or foreign HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 155 born, American citizens. Strict military rule was relaxed and the people henceforth were to be self-governing. American and Californian were one people and were to enjoy the same rights and to be subject to the same penalties. The war ended, the troops were no longer needed. Orders were issued to muster out the volunteers. These all belonged to Stevenson's New York regiment. The last company of the Mormon battalion had been discharged in April. The New York volunteers were scattered ail along the coast from Sonoma to Cape St. Lucas, doing garrison duty. They were collected at different points and mustered out. Although those stationed in Alta California had done no fighting, they had performed arduous serv- ice in keeping peace in the conquered territory. Most of them remained in California after their discharge and rendered a good account of them- selves as citizens. CHAPTER XXIII. GOLD! GOLD! GOLD! SEBASTLA.N VISCAINO, from the bay of Monterey, writing to the King of Spain three hundred years ago, says of the In- dians of California: "They are well acquainted with gold and silver, and said that these were found in the interior." Viscaino was endeavor- ing to make a good impression on the mind of the king in regard to his discoveries, and the remark about the existence of gold and silver in California was thrown to e.xcite the cupidity of his Catholic majesty. The traditions of the existence of gold in California before any was discovered are legion. Most of these have been evolved since gold was actually found. Col. J. J. Warner, a pioneer of 183 1, in his Historical Sketch of Los Angeles County, briefly and very eflectually disposes of these rumored discov- eries. He says: "While statements respecting the existence of gold in the earth of California and its procurement therefrom have been made and published as historical facts, carrying back the date of the knowledge of the auriferous character of this state as far as the time of the visit of Sir Francis Drake to this coast, there is no evidence to be found in the written or oral history of the missions, the acts and correspond- ence of the civil or military officers, or in the unwritten and traditional history of Upper Cali- fornia that the existence of gold, either with ores or in its virgin state, was ever suspected by any inhabitant of California previous to 1841, and, furthermore, there is conclusive testimony that the first known grain of native gold dust was found upon or near the San Francisco ranch, about forty-frve miles north-westerly from Los Angeles City, in the month of June, 1841. This discovery consisted of grain gold fields (known as placer mines), and the auriferous fields dis- covered in that year embraced the greater part of the country drained by the Santa Clara river from a point some fifteen or twenty miles from its mouth to its source, and easterly beyond ]\Iount San Bernardino." The story of the discovery as told by Warner and by Don Abel Stearns agrees in the main facts, but differing materially in the date. Stearns says gold was first discovered by Francisco Lopez, a native of California, in the month of March, 1842, at a place called San Francisquito, about thirty-five miles northwest from this city (Los Angeles). The circumstances of the dis- covery by Lopez, as related by himself, are as follows: "Lopez, with a companion, was out in search of some stray horses, and about midday they stopped under some trees and tied their horses out to feed, they resting under the shade, when Lopez, with his sheath-knife, dug up some wild onions, and in the dirt discovered a piece of gold, and, searching further, found some more. He brought these to town, and showed them to his friends, who at once declared there must be a placer of gold. This news being cir- culated, numbers of the citizens went to the place, and commenced prospecting in the ifeigh- 156 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. borhood, and found it to be a fact that there was a placer of gold." Colonel Warner says: "The news of this dis- covery soon spread among the inhabitants from Santa Barbara to Los Angeles, and in a few weeks hundreds of people were engaged in washing and winnowing the sands and earth of these gold fields." Warner visited the mines a few weeks after their discovery. He says: "From' these mines was obtained the first parcel of California gold dust received at the United States mint in Phila- delphia, and which was sent with Alfred Robin- son, and went in a merchant ship around Cape Horn." This shipment of gold was 18.34 ounces before and 18.I ounces after melting; fineness, .925; value, $344.75, or over $19 to the ounce, a very superior quality of gold dust. It was deposited in the mint July 8, 1843. It may be regarded as a settled historical fact that the first authenticated discovery of gold in Alta California was made on the San Fran- cisco rancho in the San Feliciano Canon, Los Angeles county. This canon is about ten miles northwest of Newhall station on the Southern Pacific railroad, and about forty miles northwest of Los Angeles. The date of the discovery is in doubt. A peti- tion to the governor (Alvarado) asking permis- sion to work the placers, signed by Francisco Lopez, Manuel Cota and Domingo Bermudez is on file in the California archives. It recites: "That as Divine Providence was pleased to give us a placer of gold on the 9th of last March in the locality of San Francisco rancho, that be- longs to the late Don Antonio del Valle." This petition fixes the day of the month the discovery was made, but unfortunately omits all other dates. Tlie evidence is about equally divided between the years 1841 and 1842. It is impossible to obtain definite information in regard to the yield of the San Fernando placers, as these mines are generally called. William Fleath Davis, in his "Sixty Years in California," states that from $80,000 to $100,000 was taken out for the first two years after their discovery. He says that T^Iellus at one time shipped $5,000 of dust on the ship Alert. Ban- croft says: "That by December, 1843. two thou- sand ounces of gold had been taken from the San Fernando mines." Don Antonio Coronel informed the author that he, with the assistance of three Indian laborers, in 1842, took out $600 worth of dust in two months. De Mofras, in his book, states that Carlos Baric, a Frenchman, in 1842, was obtaining an ounce a day of pure gold from his placer. These mines were worked continuously from the time of their discovery until the .A.merican conquest, principally by Sonorians. The dis- covery of gold at Coloma, January 24, 1848, drew away the miners, and no work was done on these mines between 1848 and 1854. After the latter dates work was restimed, and in 1855, Francisco Garcia, working a gang of Indians, is reported to have taken out $65,000 in one season. The mines are not exhausted, but the scarcity of water prevents working them profit- ably. It is rather a singular coincidence that the exact dates of both the first and second authen- ticated discoveries of gold in California are still among the undecided questions of history. In the first, we know the day but not the year; in the second, we know the year but not the day of the month on which Marshall picked up the first nuggets in the mdlrace at Coloma. For a number of years after the anniversary of Mar- shall's discovery began to be observed the 19th of January was celebrated. Of late years Jan- uary 24 has been fixed upon as the correct date, but the Associated Pioneers of the Territorial Days of California, an association made up of men who were in the territory at the time of iNlarshall's discovery or came here before it became a state, object to the change. For nearl\- thirty years they have held their annual dinners on January 18, "the anniversary of the discovery of gold at Sutter's sawmill, Coloma, Cal." This society has its headquarters in Xew York City. In a circular recently issued, disapproving of the change of date from the i8th to the 24th, the trustees of that society say: "Upon the organi- zation of this society, February 11, 1875, it was decided to hold its annual dinners on the anni- versary of the discovery of gold at Sutter's saw- mill, Coloma, Cal. Through the Hon. Newton Booth, of the L^nited States Senate, this infor- HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 157 mation was sought, with the result of a commu- nication from the secretary of the state of Cali- fornia to the eft'ect 'that the archives of the state of California recorded the date as of Jan- uary i8, 1848. Some years ago this date was changed by the society at San Francisco to that of January 24, and that date has been adopted by other similar societies located upon the Pacific and Atlantic coasts. This society took the matter under advisement, with the result that the new evidence upon which it was pro- posed to change the date was not deemed suffi- cient to justify this society in ignoring its past records, founded on the authority of the state of California; therefore it has never accepted the new date." Marshall himself was uncertain about the exact date. At various times he gave three different dates — the i8th, 19th and 20th, but never moved it along as far as the 24th. In the past thirty years three different dates — the i8th, 19th and 24th of January — have been celebrated as the anniversary of ^^larshall's gold dis- covery. The evidence upon which the date was changed to the 24th is found in an entry in a diary kept l)y H. \V. Cigler, a Mormon, who was working for Marshall on the millrace at the time gold was discovered. The entry reads: "January 24. This day some kind of metal that looks like goold was found in tlie tailrace." On this authority about ten years ago the California Pioneers adopted the 24th as the correct date of Marshall's discovery. While written records, especially if made at the time of the occurrence of the event, are more reliable than oral testimony given long after, yet when we take into consideration the conflicting stories of Sutter, Marshall, the Win- ners and others who were immediately con- cerned in some way with the discovery, we must concede that the Territorial Pioneers have good reasons to hesitate about makmg a change in the date of their anniversary. In Dr. Trywhitt Brook's "Four Months Among the Gold l*"ind- ers," a book published in London in 18^9. and long since out of print, we have Sutter's version nf Marshall's discovery given only three months after that discovery was made. Dr. Brooks visited Sutter's Fort early in May, 1848, and received from Sutter himself the story of the find. Sutter stated that he was sitting in his room at the fort, one afternoon, when Marshall, whom he supposed to be at the mill, forty miles up the American river, suddenly burst in upon him. Marshall was so vyildly excited that Sutter, suspecting that he was crazy, looked to see whether his rifle was in reach. Marshall declared that he had made a discovery that would give them both millions and millions of dollars. Then he drew his sack and poured out a handful of nuggets on the table. Sutter, when he had tested the metal and found that it was gold, became almost as excited as Marshall. He eagerly asked if the workmen at the mill knew of the discovery. Marshall declared that he had not spoken to a single person about it. They both agreed to keep it secret. Next day Sutter and Marshall arrived at the sawmill. The day after their arrival, they prospected the bars of the river and the channels of some of the dry creeks and found gold in all. "On our return to the mill," says Sutter, "we vyere astonished by the work-people coming up to us in a body and showing us some flakes of gold similar to those we had ourselves procured. Marshall tried to laugh the matter off with them, and to persuade them that what they had found was only some shining mineral of trifling value; but one of the Indians, who had worked at a sjold mine in the neighborhood of La Paz, Lower California, cried out: 'Ora! Oral' (gold! gold!), and the secret was out." Captain Sutter continues: "I heard afterward that one of them, a sly Kentuckian, had dogged us about and. that, looking on the ground to see if he could discover what wc were in search of, he lighted on some of the flakes himself." If this account is correct. Bigler's entry in his diary was made on the day that the workmen found gold, which was five or six days after Marshall's first find, and consequently the 24th is that much too late for the true date of the discovery. The story of the discovery given in the "Life and Adventures of James W. Mar- shall," by George Frederick Parsons, differs materially from Sutter's account. The date of the discovery given in that book is January 19, 158 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 1848. On the morning of that day Marshall, after shutting off the water, walked down the tailrace to see what sand and gravel had been removed during the night. (The water was turned into the tailrace during the night to cut it deeper.) While examining a mass of debris, "his eye caught the glitter of something that lay lodged in a crevice on a riffle of soft granite some six inches under water." Picking up the nugget and examining it, he became satisfied that it must be one of three substances — mica, sulphurets of copper, or gold. Its weight satis- fied him that it was not rhica. Knowing that gold was malleable, he placed the specimen on a flat rock and struck it with another; it bent. but did not crack or break. He was satisfied that it was gold. He showed the nugget to his men. In the course of a few days he had col- lected several ounces of precious metal. "Some four days after the discovery it became necessary for him to go below, for Sutter had failed to send a supply of provisions to the mill, and the men were on short commons. While on his way down he discovered gold in a ravine at a place afterwards known as Mormon island. Arrived at the fort, he interviewed Sutter in his private ofiice and showed him about three ounces of gold nuggets. Sutter did not believe it to be' gold, but after weighing it in scales against $3.25 worth of silver, all the coin they could raise at the fort, and testing it with nitric acid obtained from the gun shop, Sutter became convinced and returned to the mill with iNIarshall. So little did the workmen at the mill value the discovery that they continued to work for Sutter until the mill was completed, j\Iarch 11, six weeks after the nuggets were found in the tailrace. The news of the discovery spread slowly. It was two months in reaching San Francisco, although the distance is not over one hundred and twenty- five miles. The great rush to the mines from San Francisco did not begin until the middle of May, nearly four months after the discovery. On the loth of May, Dr. Brooks, who was in San Francisco, writes: ".\ number of people have ac- tually started of? with shovels, mattocks and pans to dig the gold themselves. It is not likelv, however, that this will be allowed, for Captain Folsom has already written to Colonel Mason about taking possession of the mine on behalf of the government, it being, he says, on public land." As the people began to realize the richness and extent of the discovery, the excitement in- creased rapidly. May 17, Dr. Brooks writes: "This place (San Francisco) is now in a perfect furore of excitement; all the workpeople have struck. Walking through the town to-day, I observed that laborers were employed only upon about half a dozen of the fifty new buildings which were in course of being run up. The majority of the mechanics at this place are mak- ing preparations for moving off to the mines, and several people of all classes — lawyers, store- keepers, merchants, etc., are smitten with the fever; in fact, there is a regular gold mania springing up. I counted no less than eighteen houses which were closed, the owners having left. If Colonel Mason is moving a force to the .\merican Fork, as is reported here, their journey will be in vain." Colonel Mason's soldiers moved without orders — they nearly all deserted, and ran ofT to the mines. The first newspaper announcement of the discovery appeared in The Calif ornian of March 15, 1848, nearly two months after the discovery. But little attention was paid to it. In the issue of April 19, another discovery is reported. The item reads: "New gold mine. It is stated that a new gold mine has been discovered on the American Fork of the Sacramento, supposed to be on the land of W. A. Leidesdorfif, of this place. A specimen of the gold has been ex- hibited, and is represented to be very pure." On the 29th of May, The Califomiaii had sus- pended publication. "Othello's occupation is gone," wails the editor. "The majority of otir subscribers and many of our advertising patrons have closed their doors and places of business and left town, and we have received one order after another conveying the pleasant request that the printer will please stop my paper or my ad, as I am about leaving for Sacramento." The editor of the other paper. The California Star, made a pilgrimage to the mines in the lat- ter part of April, but gave them no extended write-up. "Great country, fine climate," he wrote on his return. "Full flowing streams, mighty HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. 159 timber, large crops, luxuriant clover, fragrant llowers, gold and silver," were his comments on what he saw. The policy of both papers seems to have been to ignore as much as possible the gold discovery. To give it publicity was for a time, at least, to lose their occupation. In The Star of May 20, 1848, its eccentric editor, E. C. Kemble, under the caption "El Dorado Anew," discourses in a dubious manner upon the efTects of the discovery and the extent of the gold fields: "A terrible visitant we have had of late. A fever which has well-nigh de- populated a town, a town hard pressing upon a thousand souls, and but for the gracious inter- position of the elements, perhaps not a goose would have been spared to furnish a quill to pen the melancholy fate of the remainder. It has preyed upon defenseless old age, subdued the elasticity of careless youth and attacked indis- criminately sex and class, from town councilman to tow-frocked cartman, from tailor to tippler, of which, thank its pestilential powers, it has beneficially drained (of tipplers, we mean) every villainous pulperia in the place. "And this is the gold fever, the only form of that popular southerner, yellow jack, with which we can be alarmingly threatened. The insatiate maw of the monster, not appeased by the easy conquest of the rough-fisted yeomanry of the north, must needs ravage a healthy, prosperous place beyond his dominion and turn the town topsy-turvy in a twinkling. "A fleet of launches left this place on Sunday and Monday last bound up the Sacramento river, close stowed with human beings, led by love of filthy lucre to the perennial yielding gold mines of the north. When any man can find two ounces a day and two thousand men can find their hands full, of work, was there ever anything so superlatively silly! "Honestly, though, we are inclined to believe the reputed wealth of that section of country, thirty miles in extent, all sham, a superb take-in as was ever got up to guzzle the gullible. But it is not improbable that this mine, or, properly, placer of gold can be traced as far south as the city of Los Angeles, where the precious metal lias been found for a number of years in the bed of a stream issuing from its mountains, said to be a continuation of this gold chain which courses southward from the base of the snowy mountains. But our best information respecting the metal and the quantity in which it is gath- ered varies much from many reports current, yet it is beyond a question that no richer mines of gold have ever been discovered upon this con- tinent. "Should there be no paper forthcoming on Saturday next, our readers may assure them- selves it will not be the fault of us individually. To make the matter public, already our devil has rebelled, our pressman (poor fellow) last seen was in search of a pickaxe, and we feel like Mr. Hamlet, we shall never again look upon the likes of him. Then, too, our compositors have, in defiance, sworn terrible oaths against type- sticking as vulgar and unfashionable. Hope has not yet fled us, but really, in the phraseology of the day, 'things is getting curious.' " And things kept getting more and more curi- ous. The rush mcreased. The next issue of The Star (May 27) announces that the Sacra- mento, a first-class craft, left here Thursday last thronged with passengers for the gold mines, a motley assemblage, composed of lawyers, mer- chants, grocers, carpenters, cartmen and cooks, all possessed with the desire of becoming rich. The latest accounts from the gold country are highly flattering. Over three hundred men are engaged in washing gold, and numbers are con- tinually arriving from every part of the country. Then the editor closes with a wail; "Persons recently arrived from the country speak of ranches deserted and crops neglected and suf- fered to waste. The unhappy consequence of this state of afifairs is easily foreseen. One more twinkle, and The Star disappeared in the gloom. On June 14 appeared a single sheet, the size of foolscap. The editor announced: "In fewer words than are usually employed in the an- nouncement of similar events, we appear before the remnant of a reading community on this occasion with the material or immaterial in- formation that we have stopped the paper, that its publication ceased with the last regular issue (June 7). On the approach of autumn, we shall again appear to announce The Star's redivus. We have done. Let our parting word be hasto 160 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD. luego." {Star and Californian reappeared No- vember 14, 1848. The Star had absorbed The Californian. E. C. Kemble was its editor and proprietor.) Although there was no paper in existence on the coast to spread the news from the gold fields, it found its way out of California, and the rush from abroad began. It did not acquire great force in 1848, but in 1849 the immigration to California exceeded all previous migrations in the history of the race. Among the first foreigners to rush to the mines were the ]\Iexicans of Sonora. Many of these had had some experience in placer mining in their native country, and the report of rich placers in California, where gold could be had for the picking up, aroused them from their lazy self-content and stimulated them to go in search of it. Traveling in squads of from fifty to one hundred, tliey came by the old Auza trail across the Colorado desert, through the San Gorgonio Pass, then up the coast and on to the mines. They were a job lot of immigrants, poor in purse and poor in brain. They were despised by the native Californians and maltreated by the Amer- icans. Their knowledge of mining came in play. and the more provident among them soon man- aged to pick up a few thousand dollars, and then returned to their homes, plutocrats. The im- provident gambled away their earnings and re- mained in the country to add to its criminal ele- ment. The Oregonians came in force, and all the towns in California were almost depopulated of their male population. V,\ the close of 1848, there were ten thousand men at work in the mines. The first official report of the discovery was sent to Washington by Thomas O. Larkin, June I, and reached its destination about the middle of September. Lieutenant P.eale, by way of Mexico, brought dispatches dated a month later, which arrived about the same time as Larkin's report. These accounts were published in the eastern papers, and the excitement began. In the early part of December, Lieutenant Loeser arrived at Washington with Governor ^lason's report of his observations in the mines made in August. But the most positive evidence was a tea caddy of gold dust containing about two hundred and thirty ounces that Governor Mason had caused to be purchased in the mines with money from the civil service fund. This the lieutenant had brought with him. It was placed on exhibition at the war office. Here was tan- gible evidence of the existence of gold in Cali- fornia, the doubters were silenced and the ex- citement was on and the rush began. By the 1st of January, 1849, vessels were fit- ting out in every seaport on the Atlantic coast and the Gulf of Mexico. Sixty sliips were an- nounced to sail from New York in February and seventy from Philadelphia and Boston. All kinds of crafts were pressed into the service^ some to go by way of Cape Horn, others to land their passengers at Vera Cruz, Nicaragua and Pana- ma, the voyagers to take their chances on the Pacific side for a passage on some unknown vessel. With opening of spring, the overland travel began. Forty thousand men gathered at differ- ent points on the Missouri river, but principally at St. Joseph and Independence. Horses, mules, oxen and cows were used for the propelling power of the various forms of vehicles that were to convey the provisions and other impedimenta of the army of gold seekers. By the 1st of May the grass was grown enough on the plains to furnish feed for the stock, and the vanguard of the grand army of gold hunters started. For two months, company after company left the rendezvous and joined the procession until for one thousand miles there was an almost un- broken line of wagons and pack trains. The first half of the journey was made with little inconvenience, but on the last part there was great suffering and loss of life. The cholera broke out among them, and it is estimated that five thousand died on the plains. The alkali desert of the Humboldt was the place where the immigrants suffered most. Exhausted by the long journey and weakened by lack of food, many succumbed under the hardship of the des- ert journey and died. The crossing of the Sierras was attended with great hardships. From the loss of their horses and oxen, many were com- pelled to cross the mountains on foot. Their provisions exhausted, they would have perished but for relief sent out from California. The HISTORICAL AND BIOGRArHICAL RECORD. IGl greatest sufferers were the woman and children, who in considerable numbers made the perilous journey. The overland immigration of 1850 exceeded that of 1849. According to record kept at Fort Laramie, there passed that station during the season thirty-nine thousand men, two thousand five hundred women and six hundred children, making a total of forty-two thousand one hun- dred persons. These immigrants had with them when passing Fort Laramie twenty-three thou- sand horses, eight thousand mules, three thou- sand six hundred oxen, seven thousand cows and nine thousand wagons. Besides those coming by the northern route, that is by the South Pass and the Humboldt river, at least ten thousand found their way to the land of gold by the old Spanish trail, by the Gila route and by Texas, Coahuila and Chihua- hua into Arizona, and thence across the Colo- rado desert to Los Angeles, and from there by the coast route or the San Joaquin valley to the mines. The Pacific Mail Steamship Company had been organized before the discovery of gold in California. March 3, 1847, 3" act of Congress was passed authorizing the secretary of the navy to advertise for bids to carry the United States mails by one line of steamers between New York and Chagres, and by another line between Panama and Astoria, Ore. On the Atlantic side the contract called for five ships of one thousand five hundred tons burden, on the Pacific side two of one thousand tons each, and one of six hun- dred tons. These were deemed sufficient for the trade and travel between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States. The Pacific Mail Steamship Company was incorporated April 12, 1848, with a capital stock of $500,000. October 6, 1848, the California, the first steamer for the Pacific, sailed from New York, and was followed in the two succeeding months by the Oregon and the Panama. T*he California sailed before the news of the gold discovery had reached New York, and she had taken no passengers. When she arrived at Panama, January 30, 1849, she encountered a rush of fifteen hundred gold hunt- ers, clamorous for a passage. These had reached Chagres on sailing vessels, and ascended the u Chagres river in bongos or dugouts to Gor- gona, and from thence by land to Panama. The California had accommodations for only one hundred, but four hundred managed to find some place to stow themselves away. The price of tickets rose to a fabulous sum, as high as $1,000 having been paid for a steerage passage. The California entered the bay of San Francisco February 28, 1849, ^"