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 Washington, D. C, November 28, 1915. 
 Rev. Dr. Randolph H. McKim, 
 
 Rector Church of the Epiphany. 
 Dear Doctor McKim : 
 
 So many persons who were fortunate enough to hear 
 your eloquent and inspiring sermon on Thanksgiving Day 
 have expressed a strong desire to see it in print, that the un- 
 dersigned members of the vestry, and others, are moved to 
 request permission to have it published in pamphlet form. 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 Geo. Truesdell, 
 Henry D. Fry, 
 Mark F. Finley, 
 A. R. Shands, 
 C. N. Osgood, 
 Byron S. Adams, 
 Nath'l Wilson. 
 
 FEB 8 1916 
 
A SERMON. 
 
 National Opportunity and Responsibility. 
 
 'Let us search and try our ways." — Lam. Ill, 40. 
 
 In obedience to a long-honored custom, the people of the 
 United States are invited to assemble in their places of 
 worship today to render thanks and praise to the Almighty 
 Father, the giver of all good, for the fruits of the earth, and 
 all the other blessings of his bountiful providence. 
 
 We respond to the invitation with grateful hearts. The 
 earth has yielded her increase with prodigality unexampled, 
 perhaps, since we became a nation. The sun of prosperity 
 has again risen upon our land. Peace reigns throughout 
 our borders, and, as the President has reminded us, "our 
 ample financial resources have enabled us to steady the 
 markets of the world." For these and other blessings it 
 is meet and right that this great nation with its hundred 
 million people should lift its heart and voice in devout 
 thanksgiving to Almighty God. 
 
 But our chief executive bids us consider today "our duty 
 to ourselves and to mankind," and "to ponder the many 
 responsibilities thrust upon us by the great war now being 
 waged." In the same document he speaks of our people 
 "realizing the part they have been called upon to play." 
 
 My brethren, let us give heed to this exhortation. Let us 
 ask this morning, very solemnly, as we review the history 
 of the last fifteen moftth-s, ?iay^;\ye done our duty to our- 
 selves? Have we done our duty to mankind? Have we 
 bravely met the many responsibilities thrust upon us by this 
 tremendous conflict? Have we nobly played the part we 
 have been called upon to play in this time of unparallelled 
 distresses and disasters ? 
 
 
There are undoubtedly some things upon which we, as 
 American citizens, may dwell with real satisfaction. 
 
 (1) The hearts of our people have nobly responded to 
 the cry of distress from Belgium and Servia — vast sums of 
 money have been poured out without stint for the relief of 
 those suffering millions. 
 
 (2) We may also contemplate with satisfaction the 
 splendid work done by our American Red Cross on the 
 fields of battle, in the hospitals, and in the devastated homes 
 of the people. 
 
 (3) We are justly proud also of the services bravely 
 and impartially rendered by our Ambassadors in London, in 
 Berlin, in Brussels, in Paris, in Constantinople. The names 
 of Whitlock and Herrick and Sharp and Girard and Mor- 
 genthau and Page are worthy of all honor. They have shed 
 lustre on the American name. 
 
 (4) With even greater satisfaction we contemplate the 
 heroic labors of our medical experts, bravely rendered, often 
 at the cost of life itself, fighting the battle against disease 
 in stricken Servia. For all these things we are proud and 
 thankful. 
 
 But "our duty to ourselves and to mankind" demanded 
 much more than this. The responsibilities thrust upon us 
 by the time were too serious, were of too great proportions, 
 to be met by gifts of money, or by brave diplomatic services, 
 or even by the heroic labors of philanthropy. The Thanks- 
 giving proclamation bids us "be thankful that we have been 
 able to assert our rights and the rights of mankind." and it 
 must be acknowledged that in more than one state paper 
 they have been asserted with great dignity and force and 
 in very trenchant English. But our duty called for some- 
 thing more than the assertion of the rights of mankind, and 
 our own. Have we performed that duty? 
 
 Consider. We allowed the neutralitv of Belgium to be 
 violated without a word of protest. We saw the country of 
 the Belgians ruined and devastated, its ancient hospitable 
 soil sown with thousands of tombs : its cities burned ; its 
 peaceful citizens shot to death by hundreds and thousands, 
 and still we raised no voice of protest. We were powerless 
 indeed to stav the hand of violence and crueltv when it seized 
 
the throat of poor httle Belgium. But it was in our power 
 to Hft up our voice before tlie civiHzed world against this 
 brutal and unspeakable crime. This at least we could have 
 done, but this we failed to do, and so failed of our high 
 duty before God and humanity. And when the Belgian 
 commissioners presented the wrongs of their crucified na- 
 tion in our capitol we turned them away with icy phrases, 
 and bid them present their case to the Hague tribunal! 
 
 Passing over many minor matters, I ask did we do our 
 duty to ourselves and to mankind when the Lusitania was 
 barbarously attacked on the high seas, and a thousand 
 human beings, men, women, and little children, sent to their 
 deaths? We did, indeed, protest against this deed of horror 
 and inhumanity in a state paper which has seldom been 
 equaled in diplomatic history. It was a brave and splendid 
 assertion, not only of the rights of American citizens, but 
 of the rights of humanity. When we read it our hearts 
 leaped up in thankfulness. 
 
 It was not long, however, before other vessels 
 bearing American citizens were torpedoed, and again 
 American lives were lost. Once more, in ringing tones, 
 our chief magistrate asserted the purpose to hold to "strict 
 accountability" the nation that had thus outraged the dignity 
 of the United States, and destroyed the lives of our citizens. 
 But the outrages did not cease. 
 
 Again, under circumstances of peculiar atrocity, a peace- 
 ful merchant ship was destroyed and American lives de- 
 stroyed with it. Then there came a brave, stern demand 
 that these infamous acts should cease, and the purpose was 
 affirmed in words of adamantine force, to hold the guilty 
 nation to account for its crimes. 
 
 Again we rejoiced that our chief magistrate had so nobly 
 expressed the mind and purpose of the nation. Again we 
 believed that those brave words would be followed by deeds 
 as brave. But more than seven long months have passed 
 since the Lusitania horror burst upon the world, and still 
 nothing has been done to avenge the deaths of those Ameri- 
 can citizens, men, women, and children, ruthlessly murdered 
 on the high seas ! Nothing has been done to vindicate the 
 insulted majesty of our Republic! Our words have been of 
 
adamant — our deeds have not crystallized, — they are still in 
 the fluid state! 
 
 But what could we have done, it may be asked. Should 
 we have declared war on Germany? No. But we should 
 have broken off diplomatic relations with a nation that had 
 thus wantonly outraged every principle of humanity, and 
 insulted the majesty of the Republic, This action would 
 have been supported by a vast majority of our people. Our 
 citizenship had been outraged ; our national dignity defiantly 
 trampled upon ; and our whole people were aroused to such 
 a pitch of indignation that the government would have been 
 sustained by an overwhelming majority in vigorous and 
 uncompromising action. 
 
 But what, it may be asked, would have been accomplished 
 by breaking oft" diplomatic relations in response to the loud 
 demand of our citizens? I answer, several things of great 
 moment might have been expected to result. 
 
 In the first place we should have consolidated public 
 opinion. We should have taken a great step to unify our 
 nation. We are a composite people; many races mingle 
 their tides on our shores. It should, therefore, have been 
 one of the supreme tasks of statesmanship to weld these 
 peoples into one, to fuse together these diverse elements. 
 
 Again, in doing so we should have banished from our 
 midst those numerous representatives of foreign powers 
 who are hostile to our country, and we should have broken 
 up many nests of conspiracy, where representatives of alien 
 nations have been plotting against the peace and prosperity 
 of our land. We should have driven into their holes thou- 
 sands of disloyal citizens who have been obeying the be- 
 hests of foreign powers while still clutching the privileges 
 of American citizenship. 
 
 But more important than this, we should have vindicated 
 the honor and majesty of our country. We should have 
 given expression to the real sentiments of nine-tenths of our 
 people. We should have taken our stand by the side of the 
 great Democracies who are fighting our battles today against 
 the encroachments and usurpations of autocratic tyranny. 
 And we should have thrown into the scale the immense 
 weight of our influence, as the mightiest neutral power, 
 on the side of humanity and law and liberty. 
 
But it will be said, such a course might have led to war. 
 I answer, not necessarily so. Not unless Germany saw fit 
 to declare war against us, — which it is not likely she would 
 have done. 
 
 But suppose it might have led to war? Is a great and 
 powerful nation to submit to insults and outrage rather than 
 run the risk of war? The central European powers have, 
 in fact, been levying war against the United States for 
 seven months past. They have been attacking our indus- 
 tries, they have been interfering with our domestic affairs, 
 they have been fomenting strikes, they have plotted to 
 blow up our public buildings, to burn our factories, to blow 
 up our ships. Read the Declaration of Independence and 
 see how small were England's acts of oppression against 
 the colonies in comparison with what we have endured at 
 the hands of the central Empires. What an indictment 
 Thomas Jefferson could have drawn up, were he with us 
 today, against Germany and Austria! And I ask, should 
 we fail of our duty in a great world crisis when the blood 
 of our citizens cries to Heaven for vengeance because we 
 are afraid of the consequences? Where is the spirit of 'yd, 
 when thirteen feeble colonies did not hesitate to challenge 
 the power of the mighty English empire rather than sub- 
 mit to unjust taxation — a tax on tea? 
 
 Men say, "What could America, in its defenseless condi- 
 tion, without an army, and with so small a navy, what could 
 America do against the mighty armaments of Germany and 
 Austria?" I answer, zvhat could Germany and Austria do 
 against America so long as the British fleet commands the 
 seas? They could not land a soldier on our shores! The 
 most they could do would be to smuggle a submarine across 
 the Atlantic and attack our commerce. 
 
 And novv another outrage has been committed. Another 
 ship (the Ancona), has been sunk, and as American citizens 
 were assassinated on the Lusitania, and on the Arabic, and 
 on the Hesperian, American citizens have now again been 
 assassinated with brutal cruelty on board the Ancona. 
 
 This new outrage offers a fresh opportunity to our Gov- 
 ernment, — not to speak, or to write dispatches, — but to act 
 
8 
 
 in defense of the insulted majesty of the RepubHc. We 
 trusted our President. We were ready to give him whole- 
 hearted support. We expected that his virile assertion of 
 the rights of American citizens and of the rights of human- 
 ity (which so stirred our blood), would have been fol- 
 lowed by action, vigorous action; but after watchfully wait- 
 ing in vain for seven months, we frankly say we are dis- 
 appointed. Will we be disappointed now ? 
 
 In my opinion, American citizens should no longer keep 
 silence. We have patiently waited to be led in the path of 
 duty, but we have waited in vain. "Hope deferred maketh 
 the heart sick." We ask now, not for strong and resolute 
 words, but for strong and resolute action. 
 
 Let it not be said that the words I have uttered this morn- 
 ing are not fitting in the Christian pulpit. I hold, on the 
 contrary, that it is the duty of the Christian pulpit to de- 
 nounce the sordid and selfish ideals that have regard only to 
 trade and comfort and peace. The Christian pulpit should 
 call trumpet-tongued to the people to be true to our Ameri- 
 can ideals; true to the principles of liberty and justice en- 
 shrined in our history ; true to the great principles of Dem- 
 ocracy embodied in our Constitution. I remember that it 
 was Mattathias, the priest, who fired the hearts of the 
 Jews to resist the tyranny of Antiochus : "My sons, be 
 valiant and show yourselves men," he cried ! It was the 
 aichbishop of Canterbury, who headed the barons at Runny- 
 mede when they wrung the Magna Charta from the tyrant 
 John ! It was the prophet Ezekiel who was charged to watch 
 and warn the people of the approach of the enemy ! 
 
 The leaders of the Christian Church have often, in great 
 national crises, stood forth to utter the people's voice against 
 tyranny. I feel, therefore, that it is not only my right, but 
 my duty, to give utterance to the sentiments which I be- 
 lieve throb in many hearts in our country today. I make 
 my own, the words recently uttered by one of our ablest 
 legal lights — "I venture to say, in all reverence, that the God 
 of nations will be better pleased on the coming Thanksgiv- 
 ing Day, — which should also be one of penitence and humil- 
 ity — if we do a little more in fact, as well as in words, to 
 safeguard the rights of humanity." 
 
We confront today, my fellow citizens and my fellow 
 Christians, the most serious crisis that has arisen in the 
 United States for half a century. It is a solemn hour in 
 which we live. The honor of our country is at stake. The 
 security of our citizens on the high seas is in constant 
 jeopardy. Our domestic peace is invaded by the agents of 
 foreign nations. Arson and murder are plotted in the very 
 midst of our peaceful communities. Our supine policy of in- 
 action has grieved and humiliated the hearts of our citizens. 
 A disloyal press, doing the bidding of foreign nations, boldly 
 flaunts itself before our eyes. The fires of patriotism are 
 burning low among thousands of our people. Meanwhile 
 our country has sufi^ered serious loss of prestige. The name 
 of American citizen no longer commands the respect it once 
 did. In such a crisis our citizens have a duty to perform. 
 They should frankly express their sentiments, and I believe 
 that the great majority of our citizens, practically all true 
 Americans, are of opinion that our policy should be governed 
 in this great crisis, not by councils of timidity or interna- 
 tional opportunism, but by a steadfast regard to the aspira- 
 tions and ideals handed down to us by our Revolutionary 
 ancestors; by fidelity to the principles of liberty and Dem- 
 ocracy enshrined in our Constitution ; by a brave determina- 
 tion to vindicate the honor and majesty of the Republic; 
 by a stern resolution, at whatever cost, to repel the open or 
 secret assaults of foreign powers on our domestic peace 
 and harmony; above all, by loyalty to justice, that justice 
 which should dominate all the moral forces; that justice 
 which "as ancient as humanity itself, eternal as the need 
 of man and nations," is the basis of all civilization. 
 
 Our President speaks of the principles of "peace and free- 
 dom" by which we have always sought to be guided, but I 
 trust we have also always sought to be guided by the prin- 
 ciples of justice and humanity, and that we should always 
 be prepared to assert these principles, and to sufifer for them 
 if need be. 
 
 As it is true of tljA individual, that "no man liveth to 
 himself," so it is true of a nation — no nation can afford to 
 live to itself. It must consider the rights and happiness of 
 other nations. There are crises in the history of a nation 
 
10 
 
 when the words of Christ, "he that saveth his life shall lose 
 it" find their national application. Better even the losses 
 and the sufferings of war, terrible as they are, than the loss 
 of honor — the- failure to respond to our national ideals, 
 the humiliation of our national name. Listen to the brave 
 words of the leader of the bar of Brussels in an address 
 which led to his being cast into a Prussian prison: "Why 
 these sacrifices, zvhy this sorrozv? Belgium could have 
 avoided these disasters, saved her existence, her treasures, 
 and the lives of her people, hut she preferred her honor!" 
 
 In conclusion let me guard myself against misunderstand- 
 ing. God forbid that I should utter a word that could add 
 9 feather's weight to the heavy burden that rests on the 
 President's shoulders. 
 
 All true Americans should wish to support their chief 
 magistrate and to labor sympathetically with him in his ef- 
 forts to grapple with the difficult tasks that confront him 
 at this crisis. 
 
 But it is for that very reason that we appeal to him to 
 adhere bravely to the principles he has so clearly enunciated 
 in his diplomatic correspondence with Germany. We are 
 confident that a courageous course of action, just in line 
 with his strong and patriotic utterances last spring and 
 summer, would lighten his burden and clear out of his 
 pathwav many of the difficulties and dangers that now beset 
 it. It is our friendliness to him — our sincere loyalty — our 
 earnest wish that he should overcome the difficulties that 
 face him, and triumph over the people who are at once 
 his enemies and the enemies of our country, that moves 
 us to urge upon him a different course from that which he 
 is now pursuing — to seize the opportunity that again pre- 
 sents itself to take bold and decisive action in vindication 
 of the honor of our country. Is it too much to ask him to 
 banish from our shores the plotters and conspirators who, 
 wearing the livery of foreign nations, and accepted as rep- 
 resentatives of friendly powers, have been using their diplo- 
 matic positions as bases whence to wage war against the 
 peace of our country? 
 
11 
 
 The President no doubt desires to know the sentiments 
 of the people, and as many public men hesitate to speak 
 out, and as the officers of the Army and Navy do not enjoy 
 the right of free speech, it may well be that the voice of 
 the pulpit — which has no political or racial bias — will have 
 unique value as an expression of public sentiment. We 
 who minister in the things of God occupy a position of de- 
 tachment — unaffected by the currents of politics or of com- 
 mercial interests. 
 
 The people, we are confident, are heartily with the Pres- 
 ident in his patriotic purpose to put the country in a state 
 of preparation against any attack that may be made upon 
 it by a foreign power; and we also believe that the people 
 would be just as heartily with him, if he should justify the 
 stern purpose expressed in his last Note to Germany by ap- 
 propriate action now. 
 
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