D 525 .M38 Copy 1 Germany and the United States Germany and the United States By RICHARD G. WATSON 33 5^^ N|vl3 i Copright by Author 1915 Press ot M. B. TOURNOUX CO. LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA ©CI,A416073 0GT-5I9I5 u X INTRODUCTORY NOTE. In publishing this booklet the author — a plain, com- mon, every-day American — desires to add his mite of praise and approval of President Wilson's attitude in the controversy with Germany over the latter's illegal sub- marine warfare. The President has been patient, mod- erate and firm ; and it seems at this time that success has crowned his efforts — that Germany will yield to the de- mands of the United States government and there will be no break in diplomatic relations, nor a state of war be- tween the two countries. Whether the latter does or does not occur, all real Americans are solidly behind the Presi- dent. If the question at issue concerned only commercial or trade rights — even though there had been destruction of merchant ships and cargoes — the trouble would prob- ably have been easy to settle, and there would have been no talk of war. It is the higher and more vital question of human life, that is involved in the controversy. It is a question that is not arbitrable. American citizens have certain and definite rights that Germany has refused to respect. One privilege or right is to sail the seas in un- armed merchant or passenger ships without danger of be- ing assassinated or threatened with assassination. Ger- man submarines have laid in wait and deliberately tor- pedoed unarmed vessels and caused the death of a great many American men, women and children. The United States has an abundance of casus belli against Germany, but our President does not want war nor do the people want it. There is a limit to their patience, however, and it seems the limit has been reached. It is now up to Germany to prevent or provoke a war between the two countries. R. G. W. GERMANY AND THE UNITED STATES. To be a patriotic American citizen is to be also a friend to democracy and humanity, as well as a strong peace advocate. All such citizens are standing firmly with Pres- ident Wilson in the controversy with Germany and thor- oughly approve of his demand that she show some respect for international law, cease her attacks on peaceful mer- chant vessels and quit assassinating American citizens. It is thought that the crisis that arose over the de- struction of the Arabic has passed and there will be a satisfactory settlement of it. The German embassador at Washington has assured the United States government that no more such outrages will occur. If Germany really means to comply with President Wilson's demand, it marks a radical change in the meth- ods and conduct of her submarine warfare against Eng- land, neutral commerce and against humanity. Her war on the sea, however, differs not at all from her war on land and in the air. When the submarine warfare was inaugurated against England, Germany served notice on the world that she intended to destroy England's commerce. That the waters around the British isles were a war zone, and that if any neutral vessels ventured into that zone they were liable to be torpedoed. She left no doubt as to her intention to violate any and all laws governing warfare on the sea, as well as the higher laws having to do with human rights and human life. Her submarine warfare has no doubt been the subject of much thought and study on the part of her warrior statesmen. The plan to cripple and destroy England's trade had been well considered and carefully worked out along with other problems of the war, such as the invasion of France through Belgium, the embroilment of Turkey and her attack on the Suez canal and Egypt, the attempt to incite an uprising in India and bring on a religious war be- tween Moslems and Christians. In considering the latter (holy war) the imperial government no doubt indulged the hope that when the Moslems commenced to massacre Christians they would confine themselves to the English. If, however, a few neutrals — American, Scandinavian or Dutch Christians — were murdered, the imperial govern- ment would not be responsible; it could not be helped. Germany justifies her violation of law on the score of necessity. ''Germany is fighting for her life." She thinks is a sufficient answer to all protests, and charges of bad faith, violation of treaties, to every kind of treachery and dishonor. She thinks her own life is of more im- portance than the rights and lives of all the other nations combined. All Germans and pro-Germans, as well as their news- papers in the United States, heartily approve of Ger- many's illegal submarine warfare. Though they had been expressing nothing but contempt for the President's Mexi- can policy, they all now joined in this cry: ''Let Presi- dent Wilson warn Americans to keep out of English waters just as he has warned them to keep out of Mexico." This appeared to the German mind a regular clincher. The fact that conditions in the English waters were dif- ferent from those in the republic of Mexico cut no figure whatsoever with the loyal German. President Wilson gave no such warning, but he did warn Germany that the United States would not stand for her illegal and inhuman methods of warfare on the sea. The imperial government disregarded the warning, went ahead and destroyed much neutral shipping and slaughtered, without warning or an opportunity to save themselves, hundreds of noncombatants, many of whom were Americans. The destruction of the Arabic brought with it a crisis in Germany's submarine warfare. She was confronted with a break in diplomatic relations, and very likely a state of war with the United States. It seems that the military party at Berlin does not want that, if it can possibly be avoided, but she submits with a very bad grace. Her carefully worked out plans of sub- m_arine warfare against England, perhaps never contem- plated an observance of any laws governing warfare on the sea. The one stock argument, and the strongest one, urged by Germans in justification of the illegal warfare, is that England had declared wheat contraband, and was trying to starve the German nation into submission. On that question here are the words of the imperial foreign secre- tary, Von Jagow : "The question of foodstufifs and raw material is not one of necessity with Germany, but one of principle. Germany has shown, I think, that it can not be starved out by Great Britain's embargo on foodstuffs." The German government does not often use the word "principle." Necessity is the term they make liberal use of; they like it because it "knows no law." Military Germany is a law unto itself. Their first step in the present war was to violate a sacred treaty obligation. Before they did this they at- tempted something that in any court of justice on earth is branded as a most serious crime and is punished as such. They offered Belgium a large sum to betray France into their hands. If Belgium had accepted the bribe the Ger- man army would perhaps be in Paris today. Little Belgium refused to become a traitor and debase herself to Germany's corrupt level. She chose instead to defend her country and her people against the terrible attacks of the war-mad hordes. Because she would not dishonor herself, but stood by her treaty and her guns, the Kaiser and his fellow-militarists became greatly en- raged, and orders went out for her destruction. The world knows quite well now how great that destruction was. Villages and cities were wantonly destroyed by shells and fire. Thousands of the innocent and helpless were shot down in cold blood. Women were violated, children had their limbs hacked off by sabers, others were bayoneted. Hundreds were burned alive in their homes. Nor was this all. Belgium's factories, mines and all raw materials, grain and provisions were seized for the use of the German army, and an indemnity around one hundred million dollars was levied on the people. There would have been a great deal more suffering and thousands would have died from exposure and starvation if the United States had not sent millions of dollars' worth of flour, provisions and clothing to the stricken and needy. Is there any difference of opinion among real Ameri- cans as to the injustice done Belgium by Germany? If the case, Belgium vs. Germany, were tried in any court in our land from the Police court up to the Supreme court down, is there any doubt as to what the verdict would be? The German-Americans in convention assembled at San Francisco, not long ago, criticised President Wilson as being unduly harsh in his dealings with Germany. Nothing was said in the convention about the outrages and atrocities ordered by the German government and committed by German soldiers. It is to be presumed that the convention unanimously and heartily approved of them. If these hyphenated citizens can not approve of President Wilson's foreign policy, it would seem that they at least might grant him and our government the loyalty of their silence just at this time. The apologists and defenders of Germany's treachery and atrocious and inhuman acts often wind up their labored arguments with "War is war." Equally significant is ''peace is peace" • also, "honor and justice" is "honor and justice." The world will never know the blessings of peace until nations are just and honorable in their deal- ings with each other, and war with all of its hell and hor- ror will never cease until strong nations recognize that other nations, both great and small, have just as many rights as they have. Belgium has as much right to live and to a "place in the sun" as Germany ever had. It is amazing that human beings can be guilty of such savagery and cruelty as the German soldiers committed in Belgium. Belgium's only crime was to defend her coun- try, and she did that well ; she put up a good light, and if there had been any chivalry or honor in the German heart her citizens would have been respected and properly treated. Germany's worship of the fetich of militarism, it may be said, dates back to Otto von Bismarck. The Kaiser, in his oratorical outbursts, lays the blame, or rather gives the praise to his grandfather. But if there is any truth in history, it was the master mind of Bismarck that' con- solidated the smaller states into the German Empire, waged two successful wars — one with Austria in 1866, the other with France in 1870-71, and inspired the German people with exalted ideas of their greatness, their invinci- bility in war, and the wonderful destiny that awaited the fatherland. A study of Bismarck's character and political career shows that he was animated by one single idea, one ambition, viz: the aggrandizement of the German Empire. If he ever showed any humanity; if there was ever any evidence that he possessed a conscience ; if he was ever just or fair in his dealings with his neighbors, It was because such conduct was plainly in the interest of the fatherland. He was a statesman and a diplomat. His 8 duplicity — by courtesy called diplomacy — was of a very coarse kind ; it had nothing of the fine touch of Machiavel or Tallyrand. He remarked once that no diplomacy was worth any- thing unless it was backed up by "blood and iron," his own was backed up by the Prussian army — the same be- ing a synonym of "blood and iron." His followers and admirers called him the "Iron chan- cellor." One feautre of Bismarckian diplomacy was to enlist in the support of his policies all of the newspapers in his own and neighboring countries — that is, all that could be bribed or bullied. He evidently felt some pride in the success that attended his efforts and activities in that line, as in his memoirs he interestingly relates how it was done. Bismarck was a Prussian, and it was through the prowess and efficiency of the well-trained Prussian army that he accomplished what he did. It was the instrument that enabled him to make good his "diplomacy" and carry out his ambitious political ideas. In 1866 Austria was quickly overrun and conquered by Prussia ; it passed under the influence of Germany, and has been dominated by her ever since. The army of the dual empire — Austria-Hungary — is today merely an ad- junct of the German war machine. Napoleon III of France declared war on Prussia in July, 1870. Bismarck, the master spirit, was ready and waiting; his prepara- tion for it was complete in every detail. France was not prepared. Intriguing, lying and treachery marked all stages of Prussia's preparation for the struggle. Napoleon was induced or coerced into becoming the aggressor, while Prussia appeared in the role of defending herself against a wanton attack of her old-time enemy. France was overrun and subdued in about six months and forced to pay an indemnity that Bismarck thought would "bleed her pale." The war was such a brilliant success and was so very profitable for Germany that Bismarck never denied that he had used a great deal of "diplomacy" to force Napo- leon to begin it. In fact, the whole truth came out and it was told how Prussia had been for years preparing for the struggle, and how, when the war challenge came, Von Moltke, commander-in-chief of the Prussian army, imme- diately gave orders for its mobilization, and in a few hours the great military machine was moving on France. What a familiar sound the above has ! It is so much like what happened a little more than a year ago, with the difference, that ultimatums and war challenges were coming out of Berlin on their way to Germany's enemies. The Kaiser couldn't get anyone to declare Avar on him, so he had to take the initiative and with his ally, Austria- Hungary, throw dnwn the gauntlet to a very considerable portion of the civilized world. From a military and po- litical standpoint it seems there has been little or no essential change in Germany since Bismarck's time. The lines laid down by him whose policy was "blood and iron" have been in the main servilely followed. The present Emperor is a Prussian not only in blood, but in heart and soul, and his devotion to Prussian militarism is well known. Mixed with this devotion is a religious fanatic- ism. Whether he feels this or simply assumes it, the world is not informed ; anyway, it is a terribly dangerous mixture. He believes or affects to believe in the divine right of kings ; he thinks he is commissioned from on high to rule over Germany. He believes or pretends to believe in the religion of Christ, the meek and lowly, the gentle and kindly Nazarene, and yet from the councils of war in which he is the leading spirit, orders go out to German soldiers and sailors to commit crimes incredibly atrocious and inhuman. To credit him with sincerity in his relig- ious pretentions is to believe him insane. To a great many he appears simply as an unscrupulous pretender and tyrant who uses religion as a means of strengthen- ing his hold upon the people and the army. Attila called himself the ''Scourge of God," and those countries whose lands he devastated and whose cities he plundered and burned no doubt would have readily, even cheerfully, ad- mitted that he was some "scourge"; but they would have refused to believe that he had any authority from a mer- ciful God to bring such wreck and ruin upon the world. The Kaiser's pretentions of Divine approval and au- thority are not unlike those of Attila, and the destruction in those countries he is making war upon and has in- vaded is much greater, and when it comes to looting there is a thoroughness about the German methods that shows much genius and long study. In cold, cruel savagery, At- tila and his followers would not have compared at all with German soldiers. The Kaiser may have some virtues the world doesn't know anything about. If he has he is certainly an adept in keeping them concealed. His conduct of this war has shown him to be a heart- less, cruel monster. One can easily believe that the cries of the wounded, the tortured and the dying are music to 10 his ears. That such an incarnate fiend exists in this, the twentieth century, and is supported, even idolized, by a nation that claims to be enlightened and humane — the world can not understand. Human experience teaches us that if a man engage in a gambling venture and win a sum of money greater than any he ever possessed, or if by forging checks, robbing a bank, holding up a train or committing any sort of a crime he secures treasure far in excess of any he ever dreamed of calling his own — he is transformed, a very radical change takes place in him. If, in committing the crime that brought him so much wealth, he unfortunately had to murder one or more of his fellowmen, his undoing is complete, his doom is sealed, he does not and perhaps can not return again to honor- able and legitimate pursuits. Just how exact is the resemblance between an individ- ual — and an aggregation of the same — a nation, there may be a difference of opinion among psychologists or who- ever they are that could enlighten us upon the subject. That there is a striking resemblance all will admit. A na- tion is never quite so good as its best units, nor nearly so bad as its worst element. The Franco-Prussion war was nothing more than a conspiracy to rob France. The Prussian army was the band of brigands that did the job. The scheme originated in the evil brain of Bismarck. His experience with Aus- tria had taught him that war between a country that v/as not prepared and one like Prussia that had a perfectly equipped war machine was easy and very profiable for the latten The tribute exacted from France was five billion francs. Such a flood of glittering gold, along with the brilliant victory over one of the great powers of Europe, tremendously affected the German people. They were dazed and intoxicated by it. King William of Prussia and Bismarck became like gods and every Prussian sol- dier was a hero and an object of envy. The colossal crime of the robbery instead of being denounced by all those who believed in honor and jus- tice — and certainly there was some such in Germany — was sanctified and glorified by all the people. The coun- try was Prussianized and the army that had brought so much gold and glory to the fatherland was lauded and adored and militarism was exalted above civil authority. The indemnity was spent on the army — increasing the number of soldiers and equipment, preparing for the next war — the present war. 11 The burden of paying this heavy tribute fell on the laboring classes of France. Every shining franc repre- sented the toil and sweat of labor. No civilized nation except Germany in modern times has been guilty of levy- ing tribute on a neighboring nation. One can imagine a curse going with that gold. Grievous was the sin and shame of it; how grievous the punishment will be the future will tell. The present Emperor was a boy at that time. He was an erratic youth, vain, haughty, of an intense egotism, fond of show, especially military pomp and pageantry; how strong must have been war's apDcal to him? Reared in a time of war, its study became a passion with him. He has devoted his life to it. He has called to his counsels men who have written about it to glorify it. Von Bernhardi was one literary angel who perhaps more correctly expressed his master's sentiments than any other. "War is not a painful necessity, but a splendid duty," is a gem from that cherub's pen. Through him and others like him the Kaiser taught the German people that war was ennobling, that the race would lose its virility and become degenerate w^ithout its invigorating and up- lifting influence. Thus the war madness was instilled into the people. Two generations were inoculated with the poison. The Kaiser all the while was bending every efifort, using all the power at his command to build up, equip and perfect a Avar machine greater than any ever dreamed of by any ambitious war-crazy monarch of ancient or modern times. His royal nibs now in his peculiar eruptive style of ora- tory loudly protests that Germany did not want war, that other nations, consumed with jealousy over her great prosperity, conspired to destroy her. The monotonous regularity of these protests, their uniformity and the echo from every German paper, little and big, and every pro- German anywhere and everywhere, convince one that they were prepared and carefully rehearsed long before the war broke out and became a part of the machine's equipment. It has been truly said that war is the sum of all crimes, all villainies. War means destruction and death, its antithesis peace means life and progress. A war of aggression is nothing more than robbery and mur- der. The greater part of the German people, with the Kaiser as their leader, has for more than a quarter of a century been worshiping this horrible thing. Can there be any moral development or spiritual progress among a people who devote themselves idolatrously to this Belial 12 —this spirit of evil, of death and destruction? For years in Germany they have been toasting "Der tag," the day. It came in August, 1914. German diplomacy under the present ruler is coarser even than was Bismarck's, and it is no doubt true that the coarseness, the obviousness, and the brutality of it, has misled a great many people. There was once a man who committed a crime and confessed it; he was tried, anyway, and the jury promptly acquitted him, giving as a reason that on account of his reputation they could not accept his evidence as true. Germany's gigantic preparations for the present war have been going on under the eyes of the world for two dec- ades or more. Not in words but by her acts she has been saying to Europe that when she got good and ready she would take her great war machine and overrun all Euro- pean countries and reduce them to a state of vassalage. It was only those who knew the depth of the Emperor's insane ambition and the terrible war-madness that ob- sessed military Germany that were not shocked at the declaration of v/ar. Before the war broke out there was one way for Germany to deceive the entire world — by telling the truth. If military Germany, in plain and sim- ple language had told of the sordidness, the baseness, the meanness of the ambitions she had cherished for more than a quarter of a century, and the cruel, foul and savage means she intended to use to realize those ambitions, no one would have believed her. But mankind know the truth about her now. They have seen her openly, without excuse, without pity or remorse, ruthlessly slaughter thousands of defenseless, helpless human beings. They have seen her, too, take innocence by the throat, stab her to the heart and turn with leering face and lying lips and deny her guilt. Germany made the discovery some time ago that what she wanted and what the world needed and should stren- uously demand was "freedom of the seas." The discovery has been greatly magnified of late. All good Germans and their newspapers in Germany, in Europe and in Little Germany in the United States, have caught the cue and are piping in unison, ''Freedom of the seas." It really seems the very best cause for the war that has yet oc- curred to them. Before the European war broke out, the German gov- ernment had some very earnest "conversations" with Eng- land on the question of "Freedom of the seas." Her attitude at that time is of record and is known to the world. Her proposition was that the imperial gov- 13 ernment would concede England's supremacy on the seas and would agree not to contest the same if England would agree not to interfere if Germany became involved in a European war. The British government promptly re- jected the offer, perhaps there was never any thought of accepting it. With England standing aside Germany thought she could overrun all Europe with her mighty army. It was the "freedom of the land" that she had a burning desire for at that time. Because England re- fused her offer all Germany became much enraged at her. Her raid on Europe was checked, just as her raid on Paris was checked by Belgium, and the Kaiser would like to destroy the British isles just as he has destroyed Belgium. The Zeppelin, the Kaiser's pet weapon, used in his cam- paign of ''frightfulness," is reserved especially for raids on England. It seems the Zeppelin is designed to kill non-combatants — women and children. No one knows what is in the madman's head; but his idea seems to be that by murdering the families he will frighten the men into making peace. The Zeppelin steals out under cover of darkness or fog and drops bombs on villages and unprotected towns and cities. Imagine yourself and family sleeping in a vil- lage subject to attack : A bomb falls in the middle of the night, many houses are destroyed ; men, women and chil- dren are maimed and killed. Imagine, if you can, the terror inspired by a raid of that kind. It is scientific torture. From time immemorial all nations, even bar- barous ones, have spared non-combatants, have protected women and children. It has remained for ''kultured" Germany to wantonly murder without regard to age or sex those whom the fortunes of war place in her power. We are accustomed to think of our friends, the Mexicans, as being barbarous and cruel, but is there a responsible person who will stand up and charge that Gen. Pancho Villa or Col. Jesus Carranza ever attacked and murdered sleeping women and children. If there is one, let him speak out now. The Apache Indian of the Great American desert has long been a picturesque figure, his very name being a synonym of cruelty and torture, but he can now climb down from his high eminence. Compared with such hu- man fiends as the Kaiser and Von Tirpitz he becomes amiable, tame, and positively uninteresting. Chief Ge- rommo, set by the side of those two notables, takes on a halo of considerable brightness. And yet they are pious ; oh, so pious. Much given to 14 prayer, asking some sort of a god to approve of all of their atrocities and to smite and destroy all their enemies, espe- cially the English. Here is the case of a poor Belgian. He is the last of his family, the others have been killed by German soldiers. He is of a religious turn of mind, but can we im- agine him worshiping at the same altar — aspiring to reach the same heaven that the murderers of his family do? That would seem to be almost unthinkable. To be logical wouldn't his prayer run thus : "Oh, Lord, if these are a sample lot of your followers on earth the same later on to become angels in heaven, please give me Hell." It would seem that one effect of this war on the minds of a great many people would be to invest the Devil with a good deal more respectability and popularity than he has heretofore enjoyed. Not much has been said about him while the horrible butchery has been going on. The Kaiser and his worshippers evidently regard him as op- posed to them, and lined ud on the side of their enemies. If that is true how many millions of the human race begin to have a kindly feeling for his Satanic majesty? Is there a decent liberty loving American, one with any feelings of humanity in his heart, who wouldn't a thousand times rather meet and greet Satan and shake his tail, than to take the bloody hand of any one of that cruel, heartless, infamous bunch that brought this awful war upon the world ? German diplomacy always takes on fresh stupidity whenever it attempts to prove that any one of the Eu- ropean nations or all of them combined brought on the war. If the negotiations between the United States and Germany fail and our countr}^ is involved in the struggle, who is there that doubts that the American people will have to endure the odium, and bear up under as best they can the terrible charge that the German patriot will hurl at us, viz. : that we are jealous of her wonderful pros- perity and want to "crush her." Just at this time it does seem that nothing but Ger- many's observance of international law will prevent the United States from joining the ranks of the "crushers." Ever since the war broke out there has been going on in this country an active campaign in favor of the German cause. This propaganda started perhaps at Berlin, but it is financed by Germans and German-Americans in this 15 country. The efforts and activities of these propagan- dists is mostly pure treason against the United States. There is no room in America for Kaiserism or German militarism — the two mean exactly the same thing. This war-mad monarch's attitude towards democracy is well known. He has no earthly use for it. He has frothed, and fulminated against it, and fought it for twenty-seven years. He does not pretend that this war is waged in the cause of liberty or for the good of the common people ; it is for the glory and grandeur of the German Empire. Here is an excerpt from some of his recent oratory : "When my august grandfather founded the German Em- pire on its present basis he did not pretend to give it its final form. The Empire is always susceptible of aggran- disement." There is no Americanism, no sympathy with our democratic form of government in the heart of one who is devoted to the militarism that rules Germany. Democracy and that sort of a thing are directly opposed to each other. The real American patriot appreciates the liberty guaranteed him by his government. He likes to think of his country as being a haven of refuge for the oppressed of all the earth, and he has a proud faith that democracy will here attain to its highest ideals. If there is anything that Americans loath, detest and abominate with all their hearts it is the militarism that brought on this war, and is now devasting Europe and destroying not the rulers, but the common people, who with their decendants for centuries to come will be op- pressed with a heavy burden of taxes. What a price to pay to gratify the selfish ambition of a few crazy militar- ists. If there are any in the United States who believe in it let them and their families make a pilgrimage to the old world and pour out their lives in devotion to it. There is no shrine in America for such worship. Real Americans have just as much respect for the Sultan of Turkey as they have for the Kaiser of Germany. They feel the same sort of reverence for the Sultan and his god that they feel for the Kaiser and his god. A pro- paganda carried on in the United States for the spread of Mohammedamism and an increase in the prestige and power of the Sultan of Turkey would be just as popular as one carried on in behalf of the Kaiser and German mihtarism. In fact, there doesn't seem to be very much difference between these two high potentates — they are in close alliance, as the following will show. This letter 16 was written by the Kaiser to a chief of the warlike Senoussi tribe : "Praises to the most high God, Emperor William, son of Charlemagne, Allah's and Isham's protector; to the illustrious chief of Senoussi. "We pray God to lead our armies to victory. Our will is that the valorous warriors shall expel the infidels from the territory belonging to the true believers and their commanders, to this end we send thee arms and money and the tried chiefs of our common enmies, whom Allah annihilate to the last man shall fly before thee. So be it." WILLIAM. (As they say in the classics) : "Can you beat it?" An item of news from the battle front in Poland cor- rects some reports that have been published concerning the Kaiser's appearance and physical condition. Accord- ing to some previous accounts his majesty had appeared toilworn and weary, and his expression was very serious, even sad. The latest advices from the front is that he is in good health, good form and good spirits. He made his usual little speech, delivered many iron crosses, smoked scented Turkish cigarettes and altogether seemed to be enjoying the situation. The Russians were retreating with his invincible army in pursuit, the big guns were booming, they were being well served by his royal engineers ; his royal shells were dropping in the ranks of the fleeing enemy, wound- ing and killing many hundreds. Nothing but good re- ports were coming from the firing line, and his Royal Nibs was in high good humor, cracked his royal jokes w^th his officers and handed out more royal iron crosses. There was published in one of the daily papers not long ago an account of a tragedy. The headlines run : "A Horrible Tragedy. A Man Goes Insane, Kills Whole Family." A man, a husband and father had killed his wife and four children. He had slain them with an ax. When an officer came and some of the neighbors went with him into the humble home — the scene of the crime — it was a gruesome and awful sight they looked upon. The man sat there with something like a smile on his face, while in his eyes was the fierce light of insanity. He was look- ing at the five dead bodies lying at his feet on the floor. He had laid them out. He had closed their eyes, wiped the blood from their faces, folded their hands upon their 17 breasts, smoothed their hair and clothing, and in his sim- ple way prepared them for burial. He had placed some flowers on the body of his oldest child, a girl of eight years. The neighbors told how he seemed to love this child so much, and of her great afifection for him. They told, too, that the flowers he had placed upon her innocent white breast had grown upon a stem that her childish hands had planted, watered and tended with care. In a presence like that there can be no anger nor resentment, but a sort of soul sickness comes over one, and a feeling of pity grips the heart — pity for the dead and pity for living. As one looks at the poor demented creature sitting there, he realizes how vain, how useless it is to try to fathom the mystery of the cause — of the motive that led to such a terrible crime. There is an open Bible on the table near him, suggesting that his dementia is of a religious kind. If one can think of a merciful, a pitying, a redeeming feature about such a tragedy, it is that no vestige, no spark of life remains in any of the bodies lying there — all have passed into the perfect peace of death, and one feels inclined to the belief that the insane husband and father when he put an end to the earthly existence of his loved ones, believed he would bring them a peace, he thought a perfect peace — a ''peace that passeth all under- standing." The above tragedy is grewsome and sad enough, but is a very small and insignificant afifair when compared to the great European war tragedy. The slaughter of one family would have to be multiplied many tens of thou- sands of times to give one even a faint conception of the grewsomeness, the awfulness, the misery and the suffer- ing now being inflicted on the people of Europe. Not- withstanding the difference in the size of the tragedies, there are some points of resemblance. One is the wanton- ness, the uselessness of it, the crime of it, the pity of it. It is not a war waged for freedom. There are some other causes, but the real cause seems to be about the same as in the small tragedy — insanity, war-madness. Germany has been obsessed with this madness for nearly a half century. The successful robbery of her neighbors mark the beginning of it. They called it war. The Prussian soldiers at that time discovered their invinci- bility. They discovered how easy it was to overrun France and make her pay all the expenses of the briggan- dage, and five billion francs besides. In the present war 18 it is very plain that the idea of the Kaiser and his gang of looters was to repeat the successful raid of 1871, but something happened and they did not reach Paris — the goal of their hopes. The Kaiser has never been in touch or sympathy with the common people. He has looked upon men simply as soldiers, and women as the mothers of soldiers. The capacity of the men to fight and die for the glory and grandeur of the Fatherland, and the greatness and im- mortal fame of the Hohenzollerns is all that ever inter- ested him. His efforts at oratory show bis obsessed and abnormal mind. There is something of the ancient, medieval and oriental in his vaporings. There is lacking the spirit of modern progress and enlightment. He has lived in the charnel house of the dead past. His mind has been con- stantly on war, en his big guns, his grand army and the thousand and one implements and methods of not only destroying human life, but of torturing human beings. Can such a man's mind be normal, healthy or sane? A man who contemplates a war of aggression, espec- ially on such a scale as he has had in mind — contemplates committing every conceivable crime against his fellow- men, a sane mind is incapable of such a thing. But for one thing he might have succeeded in his ambi- tion to dominate all Europe — England would not agree to it. So a campaign of hate was started against the English. The ''hymn of hate" was written and all Ger- mans sang it with gusto, and are still singing it. This hate extends to everything English, including the lan- guage, and Americans who speak it. Our ambassador was insulted in Berlin because he committed the crime of expressing his thoughts in English. The war would have come years ago if the Kaiser had not been held back by the conservative element, the business men and the bankers of Germany. For years he has been swaggering around bullyraging all Europe. Like the swash-buckling bully that he is, he has without cause insulted France many times in the last few years, trying to provoke her into attacking Germany, and all the while his Literary Angel Bernhardi has been cheer- fully informing the French "the worst was to come," that ''France must be utterly crushed." 19 There are two things that real Americans very firmly believe in. One is that every bully is at heart a coward. The other, that every strong, brave man is tender, when it comes to women and children. The Prussian breed of men for fifty years and more have loudly proclaimed by word and deed that they do not believe in such things. 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