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Published originally in the Missonri Republican, 182G. IN By transfeT DEC 30 1915 ,^ t' CONTENTS. No. 1. The Opposition directed more asrainst Mr. Clay than Mr. Adams — The leaders described— Johv Randolph apoliti- cal Cain ; his hand against every body — Causes of his discontent — J. C. Calhoun an agitator of restless ambi- tion ; his political tergiversations and manoeuvring — Thomas H. Benton, once the friend of Clay and the ene- my of Jackson; now unaccountably hostile to his former friend, and mysteriously attached to his declared enemy ; identified with the Opposition to the Administration, and seconds their hostility to Internal Improvements and Do- mestic Manufactures. No. II. The Opposition a coalition of antagonists, having no bond of union but common disappuintment and a desire of revenge. — Accuse Mr. Clay of corruption — M'Duffie manager of the chaige — George Kremer his cat's-paw — Accusations published — Mr Clay demands an investigation — A commit- tee appointed-KREMER's pledge, recantation and confession — (.^httrg's renewed — Facts and principles urged in their support, considered — The accusers tried by their own stan- dard, and found wanting. — Extraordinary and sudden re- conciliations among the confederates — Reciprocal hatred between Benton and Jackson — Character of their hostility — Benton's exertions in favor of Clay against Jackson — Facility with which he has abandoned his relation and friend, and attached himseh to his declared enemy. At- tempts to dispose of the vote of Missoiui — and failing, de- nounces Mr. Scott.— -The Administration might subdue hostility by bestowing offices on the leaders — Kefusing to do so, incurs their lasting displeasure. ?1 ing- ministers — Their change, with the reasons — Speech of Col. Benton — his insincerity and contradictions exposed — His ridiculous proposition to send an official eves-drop- per to the assembly — The real cause of his opposition to be found in the omission of his name in the nomination — An interpolation in the speech exposed — His claim to the character of an economist further illustrated by his mode of charging' his own compensation— Tiie vanity and falsity of his attack on Mr. Clay. No. VIII. An election according to the Constitution is an election by the people — Nothing else can by recognised as the public will— The President ought, therefore, to be respected as the President of the people — Expressions of Gen. .Jackson — His change — Votes against Mr. Clay, to gratify his re- venge — Would have approved Mr. Clay if he had basely fawned upon him after the manner of others — A sum- mary of facts illustrating the character and principles of the confederates — Their professed object to promote Gen. Jackson to the Presidency— Their former opinions of him al- luded to — The evidence of his qualifications not presei-ved in his biography, or ^y tradition — The Creek treaty — A- boitive attempt to implicate the administration in the frauds meditated by the deputation — Col. Benton recom- mends bribery — His ludicrous attempt at justification — Examples of Talleyrand followed by Col. B. — Wishes to qualify himself to be Jackson's Secretary of State — The whole party briefi> described, with a warning to the pec pie. C I) TOKCB KZGBT. RVJBUSBSD OniGINALLT IN TBZ MISSOCRI RXrVlLlCAN. BY CURTIUS. No. L To observers of passing evcDts, it must be ap- parent, that the opposition organized at W/ishing- ton last winter, under the auspices of Messrs. Ran- dolph and Calhoun, is more immediately directed againsi Mr. Clay than Mr. Adams. They would gladly, indeed, destroy the confidence of the peo- ple in both, and crush their future hopes, if they could ; but if they must fail in either, they would prefer the sncrifice of the Secretary. This is mani- fest, both froqn the materials which compose that most extraordinary combination, and the measures they have selected for their attack. ' At the accession of Mr. Jefferson to the Presiden- cy, Mr. Randolph was the pet of the nation. No man in the Union, at that time, possessed brighter prospects. Though young, he was considered as one of the leading champions of the democratic par- ty. In the great struggle which then agitated the nation, he performed a conspicuous part, and ac- A quired no little renown for his active and efficient services, especially in the election of Mr. Jefferson ; butiiis career of usefulness was as short lived as it was brilliant. He wished to be rewarded (as the oppo- sition phrase it) by the appointment of Minister to England, and was disappointed. HSs mortified am- bition immediately manifested itself in a violent and intemperate liostility to the then administration. Relying on his supposed perscmal pofiularity, he hoped to draw in the opposition a great portion of the republican party, and thereby force Mr. Jeffer- son into a gratification of his ambition. Failing in this, he turned his wrath against the whole party, and it has continued ever since, marked by no other change than increasing virulence. He fell as sud- denly as he had risen, and he fell to rise no more. Disappointed himself, he acknowledges no claim, in any other, to that distinction once within his reach, and which he still covets. Claiming to be the first man in the nation, he renounces all political con- nexion with parties or men, who do not acknow- ledge, as a fimdamental article of their faith, his in- fallibility, and his right to dictate to, and control them, in all cases whatsoever. Hitherto defeated into every effort to form a pi^rty of his own, he has stood to the wall alone, waging a war of political extermination against all men enjoying the confi- dence of the nation, or rising to political distinction. From the first moment, therefore, that Mr. Clay appeared in public life, and f xiibited to the world th<- powers of his mighty mind, he became the pe- culiar mark of Mr. Randolph's hostility ; he was treated -^s a usurper of a place belonging exclusive- ly to Mr. Randolph ; his political course was assail- ed as the means at once to destroy him, and restor- inghis assailant to the corfidence of the nation. But, to his utter discomfiture, Mr. Clay was supported by the whole democratic party, and covered himself with unlading glory, as the author and advocat* of. those measures which have conducted this nation to her present enviable condition. P\»iled in every attack, Mr. Randolph forgot the dignity of the station he held, and attempted, in the Capitol of the nation, to ridicule both Mr. Clay and the peo- ple whose confidence he enjoyed, by sneering at his origin- and literary attainments; but again the illus- trious man who " inherited from his parents nothing but ignorance and poverty," the architect of his own fortune and fame, obtained a signal triumph. He has not been, he never will be forgiv^^n. He that has injured another without provocation, is always the most persevering and unrelenting enemy. The restless overweening ambition of the Vice- President has manifested itself on many occasions. From the moment he came into Congress, his chief study appears to have been to elevate himself; and his talents, confessedly great, have been exerted accordingly. The highest place in the favor of the Democratic party was occupied by Mr. Clay ; and Mr. Calhoun's exalted opinion of himself would not permit him to accept any other. Tore- move Mr. Clay, or to divide the parly by exciting discontents and uniting with the Federalists, was the only means of attaining his object. Mr. Ran- dolph's frequent failures, in attempting the first, ad- monished him to adopt the latter. Accordingly, in the winter of 1814-15, (while Mr. Clay was ab- sent in Europe,) he made his grand effort. For a while every thing seomtd to accommodate itself to his wishes, a few of the Democratic mon^bers. disaf- fected by his means towards the Ad.tiinistration, enlisted under his slandaid, and the Federalists, then a formidable minority, apparently co-operated. Supposing that he had thus secured a majority in the House of Representatives, he at once assumed r**' the port and tone of a political leader, high in the confidence of a powerful party ; but, unhappily, the result too soon dissipated all his visionary hopes. On the final vote, the Federalists deserted hira in a body, leaving only hina and some hilf dozen of his personal friends to condole with each other over the ruins of his fallen greatness. They had co- operated with hira only for the purpose of defeating an important measure of the Administration, and having effected it, they left him prostrate, to deter- mine, at his leisure, who had been the dupe — he or they. Taught by this experiment, that he had nothing to hope from any attempt to divide the party, his only remaining expedient was to supplant Mr. Clay in the confidence of the People. The failure of Mr. Randolph had taught him that this could not be done by open hostility to Mr. Clay, or his measures. He therefore affected to be the zealous friend of all those measures which had won for Mr. CUy the favor and confidence of the peo- ple. While he continued in Congress, he appear- ed, on all occasions, as their strenuous advocate. Subsequent events have shown that bis object was not so much the public good, as his own advance- ment. He was a member of the caucus of 1816, but whether he advocated Mr. Crawford or Mr. Monroe, in their memorable contest foi nomina- tion, is unknown to the writer. He was, however, unquestionably pledged to support for the Presi- dency the one who should receive a majority in caucus, and, if he was friendly to Crawford, was bought over; if hostile, he was rewarded by the ap- pointment of Secretary of War.* In this oflke he ■* I'hese expressions are used only as a practical illustra- tion of the charges made by Mr. Calhoun, and others, a- gainst Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. i 5 / is supposed to have earned the Presidency, and es- p»'ciuiiy the support of the Western and South-wes- tern states, by his enc'>uragemenl of internal im- prnveTBents, and other measures, for which the na- tion is indebted to Mr. Clay. Thit Mr. Calhoun hud no share in originating either, is well known, and that his support of them was a hollow pretence, is now ascertained, by the condition on which he has agreed to accept the co- oper. »fion of Mr. Randolph.* But the propositioa on which Mr. Calhoun most plumed himself was the establishment of a chain of military posts on the Missouri, extending up to the Yellow Stone ; and yet, it is well known here, that the whole plan ori- ginated with the old Missouri Fur Company, and was suggested by one of the partners, an enterpris- ing trader, now no niuret The course pursued by Mr. Calhoun had so far succeedf'd in regaining the good opinion of the peo- ple, thai iiis political somerset of 1814 was forgot- i^'n by many. It was supposed that he had turned t'rom the error of his ways, and, if encouraged, might yet become a fearless and disinterested states- man. The people of the West, always generously disposed to foster young men of genius, and espe- cially those who, like Mr. Calhoun, profess to have renounced their evil propensities, accorded to him warm-heaiied expressions of approbation, intended as inritements to perseverance in well doing. His *Mr. Randolph publicly announced his determioation, in the Senate chamber, to abandon Calhoun, and his factioa, if they did not abandon internal improvements, tariff, 8ic. and Mr. Calhoun subsequently gaTt the casting vote against the Illinois Canal ! !! tThe late Manuel Lisa. The petition wa« wiittea by * gentleman now residing in St. Charles county, and itprc- samed to be still on file in the War Department. A2 abilities were acknowledged, and his industry com- mended, as promising pledges oi future greatness and usefulness. This was too much for him. Inflated with his own importance, his vanity pointed out the Presidential chair as now completely within his reach. The premature zeal of partisans had presented to the nation the question, who should be the suc- cessor of Mr. Monroe ? Immediately after the com- mencement of his second term, Mr. Adams and Mr. Crawford were designated as candidates ; but neither were supposed to be popular in Pennsyl- vania, the Western or South-western states. The expressions of kindness (intended as encourage- ment only) by the people of the West toward Mr. Calhoun, were eagerly converted by him into a pledge of support for any office he might seek, and, to the utter astonishment of the nation, he was declared to be a candidate for the Presidency^ A press was established at Washington at an enor- mous expense. Many thousand papers were sent i^ra/{s into every part of the Union, full of high- wrought encomiums on the Secretary of War, and calumnies against the Secretary of the Treasury, (Mr. Crawford,) whose popularity in the South, it was thought necessary to destroy. Every art was practised to gain Pennsylvania and the western States, without avail. The western people spontan- tousiy presented to the nation the claims ofthat dis- tinguished statesman, Mr. Clay, for the same office, and they could not be induced to abandon their earliest and best friend foT the gratification of a young aspirant, of equivocal politics and unsettled principles. This expression of preference f»r Mr. C. immediately brought upon him the vengeful ire of Mr. Calhoun, (hitherto concealed from motives of policy.) Presses were subsidized in every wet- tern state to traduce Mr. Clay, and the laborers were worthy of the cause. Some of them were even so indiscreet as to charge it upon Mr. Clay, as a crime, th^t he voted for the establishment ofthe U. S. Bank, when it was known to the whole nation that Mr. Calhoun was himself the most zealous advocate of the measure then in Congress. Mr. Calhoun, at length, convinced that he could not obtain the support of a single Wes- tern elector, took himself to his old plan of produc- ing division, and succeeded. General Jackson was nominated by Tennessee, and divided the West. Unluckily, Pennsylvania, the strong hold of Mr. Cal- houn, immediately forsook him, and, seconding Tennessee, became the most clamorous for the election of the General. FoiK^d in all his eff»)rts, ht began to make prepnrativtns for secuiing his retreat. He first proposed a conlition with Mr. Adams and his friends, and was rejected. After several other experiments, as a last res "urce, h*- united with Jack- son, and by that means contrived to afflict this na- tion as Vice-President. Thisotfice, however, does notfiU the measure ofhis ambition, oreqiial his own estimate of his cliims. He evidently still labors under the same delusion which first urged him to become a candidate. He still believes, that if Mr. Clay h «d not been a candidate, he would himself have obtained the votes of the West. He knows^ that if Mr. Clay had not been nominated. General Jackson would not have been brought f )ward ; and he supposes that he might then have obtained the votes of Pennsylvania, added to South Carolina, the West, and perhaps New Jersey, North Carolina and Marvland. At all events, he would have been one of the three highest ; and feared no competition, when intrigue and management would avail. Mr. Clay having been so far in favor with the people 8 as to be nominated for the Presidency, and his leav- ing been the obstacle to Mi. Calhoun's pronioiiun, is an offence not to be forgiven. Such are the materials of which tliat motley com- bination, culled the opposition, is composed. Men, disappointed of prelermt-nt — some, iieretofore pro- fessedly the friends ot'iuternfil improveinents,of man- ufactures, and of a liberal policy in relation to the Spanish American Republics — and those who have heretofore openly assailed them all — have made a common cause against the Administration, the Pa- nsma Mission, Roads and Canals, and the protec- tion of Domestic Manufactures. But it may be said, that one, at least, of the most active and zealo:»s me nbers of the opposition, Col. Benton, is the friend of Mr. Clay. Let us exam- ine how that matter stands: That he claims to be the rel ktioo, nnd w js once the friend of Mr. Clay, is conceded. In 1822, it is understood, he attend»-d at St. Charles, while the Isjisiature was in session, and urged his nomination to the Presidency. From that period, until 1824, nothing further was h« ard from Col. Benton concerning the Presidential elec- tion, he being, during that time, at his residence in Virginia. In the latter year, he made to his consti- tuents the celebrated "visit of inclination and du- ty," and during the summer and fall he displayed some zealjboih in electioneering for Mr. Clay against Gen. Jackson, and in reviling Mr. Barton, his col- league, who was then a candidate for re-election to the Senate. \ deadly hostility is knov/n to have existed between Gen. Jackson and Col. Benton. They were literally at daggers' points, and both were supposed to be implacable. Gen. Jackson and Mr. Clay were, to say the least, not friendly, ever since the latter, impelled by a sense of duty, spoke of the conduct of the former^ in the Seminole war, as he thought it deserved. A reconciliation, as sudden as it was unexpected, has been effected between Col. Benton and the General, and which yet re- mains a mystery to those who are familiar with the character and disposition ofbotb gentlemen. The Presidential election terminatt^d in a plurali- ty of vott^sin favor of Gen. Jackson. The contest was evidently between him and Mr. Adams, in the House of Representatives ; and the partisans of the former shouied in anticipation of the triumph of tiieir favorite. His adherents at Washington af- fected to entertaiiJ no doubt of his success. It was a time, indeed, to try the souls of men looking for- ward to Executive favor : it required a steady hand to adjust the balance of probabilities. Barton had long been in favor of Adams, and Col. Benton soon declared for Jackson. Then came the tug of war — the vote of our Representatives being the subject of contest. It was given to Mr. Adams; and a fiiend- ship of nine years standing, between Col. Benton and Mr. Scott, was dissolved. Mr. Clay was soon after nominated to the office of Secretary of State. Col. Benton, indeed, voted for the ratification of his nomination ; but the opposition was not then or- ganized, nor was Randolph, its present supreme di- rector, then in the Senate. In the spring of 1825, Col. Benton revisited Mis- souri. The Calhoun and Jackson presses were then teeming with abuse of Mr. Clay; he was open- ly charged with corruption in obtaining his ap- pointment, and with having purchased and sold the votes of the western States. These libels wer« republished here with additions ; and the relation and friend of Mr. Clay observed,throughout his visit, a mysterious silence. He who, one year before, had been eloquent in his praise, would silently have 5uffered obloquy to settle on his name. " It is al- 10 most as criminal to hear a worthy man traduced, without attempting justification, as U> be the author of the calumny against him." If Col. Btnton had been the " friend indeed" of Mr. Clay, he would not have heard him vilely abus-d without warm «nd just indignation — much less vvould he have consort- ed with those who are full of" envy, malice, and all uncharitableness," towards that distinguished citi- zen. Fortunately, Mr. Clay had a surer reliance in the confidence and affection of the people of Missouri thart the kindred and friendship of her Sen- ator. Col. Benton returned to Washington, and be- came the personal friend and close ally of Messrs. Randolph and Calhoun. His first public act is op- position to the favorite policy of Mr. Clay, and of the people of the West. His next, an accusation a- gainst Mr. Clay, of having palmed upon the Senate a false translation of an important public document.* Mr. Clay is the advocate of internal improvement, and Col. Benton voted against the bill forrepairingthe great Western avenue, the Cumberland road ; that highway upon which he once declared he had wrought since its commencement, and would con- tinue to work until it reached the western confines of this State, or, perhaps, the mouth of Columbia. Mr. Clay is friendly to the protection of domestic manufactures ; and Col. Benton has announced his intention of voting for a reduction of the tarifl*, now but a short time in operation, and passed by the aid of his vote.t It cannot be disguised that Col. Ben- ton participates in the feelings of his new friend?, Calhoun and Randolph, and seconds all their plans. Mr. Randolph boasts of him as his ^^ friend videedP On a recent occasion, he was entrusted with his g' - *See the preface to his speech on the Panama Mission. tSee his speech on the tiiil to graduate the price of pub- lic lands, p. 46 , 11 cret intentions, and yet permitted Mr. Clay to be placed in a disadvantageous situation, without an effort.* Mr. Randolph sailed for Europe, leaving his speeches to be published under his rare. In short, Mr. Randolph's will is l^iw to the whole op- positi'.n; he has said they should vote against inter- nal improvements, &c. nnd it was done. Although this opposition originated in hostility to particular men, yet, as they have seh cted im- portant measures agninst which they unite, it is now no longer a question between Mr. Adams or Mr. Clay, and any body els —but a question of principle- shall our policy in relation to South America, our manufactures, and our system of internal improve- ments, be abandoned or nuuntained ? Shall the Cumberland Road be suffered to ^o to luin, or re- paired and extended? In some future number I shall discuss these questions. In my next, I shall attempt to show, that the Kaders of the opposition are obnoxious, accoiding to their own principles, to the charge of corruption, which th-y now makea- gainstthe President and Secretary of State. .-, , CURTIUS. see the account of the late duel. 12 No. II. There seems to be a prevailing disposition in the human family to impute all their failures to any oth^T cause rather than to their own deficiences. Hence, we find a general propensity to attribute unfairness to successful competitors. Each candi- date considers his own claims as paramount to all others, and his defeat as a misfortune, if not an in- jury. The disappointed are united by what they deem their common calamity, and, while they dis- agree in every thing else, combine in a common cause against their more fortunate competitor. If they cannot wholly deprive him of the prize he has won, thty will, at lea<»t, disturb him in its en- joyment. This disposition shows itself in the '^ pastimes of boyhood, in the graver pursuits of riper years, and no where more conspicuously than in contests for political preferment. Most of us have witnessed, and many of us, in our youth, have join- ed, the profixless contest of boys for a seat behind a passing carriage. We have seen the little ur- chins putting forth all their energies, each endea- ▼oring to outstrip all the r* st in the race ; but, no sooner is the contest determined, and the victor in possession of his prize, that all the rest make a common effort to deprive hiir» of the reward of his toils, by uniting in the well-known cry of "cut be- hind !" The same spirit, increased to a bitterness that curdles the "milk of human kindness," too of- ten marks the progress and result of political con- tests — of which the late Presidential election furn- ishes a lamentable instance. IV1 en of disappointed ambition, full of resentment for defeated hopes, and an unholy desire of revenge, have combined 13 with the unrelenting personal enemies of their sue- cessful rivals, and openly accuse some of the purest patriots and brightest ornaments of the nation with " corruption." The Charge originated with Mr. Calhoun, who directed his hoppt\i\ p7'ofege, McDuffie, to make a public assualt, or cause it to be done. The latter, having then a lively recollection of the fleeting char- acter of his own valor, knew that it would not be relied on, if, peradventure, he should have occasion for it, in maint'.'ining the attitude it would become necessary to assume, wisely bethought him of the expedient of the monkey, who covetted certain chesnuts, which had been placed in the fire to be roasted, and not wishiiig to burn his own fingers, cunningly made use of the paw of a cat that lay dozing on the hearth. Accordingly, Mr. McDuffie plac*^d in tlie hands of the miserable George Kre- mer, for public-ition, a charge of corruption against Mr. Clay. This Kreraer, was perhaps the only creature then in Congress that had not wit enough to keep out of the fire. He was, therefore, easily persuaded to thurst his person between that of his instigator and danger, and thus far, he pri«ves to be a better defence than "lutestring." The charge was published, Mr. Clay publicly denied it, and denoun- ced the author ; KremeT avowed himself as such, but, unluckily, no body believed li ni — the tolera- ble dec(3.it Cnglish in which the accusation was made, was corjsidered a sufficient retutation of his claims, and the public, by C!>m n n consent, desig- nated th*- real authors. Mr. Clay being then Spea- ker of the House of Representatives, promptly de- ; maided an investigation. Kremer not having re- ceived any instructi 'ns for the government of his conduct, in this unforeseen situation, and relying B \ 14 upon the resources of his principals, declared that he would make the charges g'»od ; and a commit- tee of investigation was elected by common con- sent — the facts on which the accusers relit^d were alleged to have transpired at Washington, a.>d then of recent occurrence. The witnesses, if any ex- isted, might have bit-en produced before the commit- tee, at any moment. The charges, if true, might have been established then, if ever; and a full in- vestigation was expected by the nation. Kremer promised, from time to time, to develope the particulars of the alleged corruption, and to main- tain them by testimi>ny. At length, however, he filed a formal plea to the jurisdiction of the com- mittee, and refijs^^d to proceed. iVo doubt was en- tertained at thai time, nor is there yet, that Calhoun and McDuffie were the managers of the whole, and directed Kremer in every thing but his pledge to support of his charges ; and this being out of their power, it was never tllvir intention to attempt. All impartial men at once acquitted Mr, Clay, and treated the charge and the fabricators as unwonhy serious consideration. Even poor Kremer disco- vered that his new friends had taken advantage of his headlong zeal for General Jackson, to impose on his unsuspecting stupi' n)ight not so easily be per- suaded ;of his qualifications as Gen. Jackson, and influenced, pernaps, by other considerations, which have not been developed, he declared for the Gen- eral ; and the vote of Missouri was considered as disposed of accordingly — but Mr. Scott either took ofience at not being consulted personally, or was opposed in principle, to this disposition of his vote; and the nine years training of his frit nd proved unavailing; at the very m(>ment his exertions were most important, he took the bit in his teeth, and bolted. Upon the principles laid down by the Opposition, I have already shown, that Mr. Randolph offered to be corrupted, by seeking a mission to England, as a reward for his services in the election of Mr. Jeff'trson; that Mr. Calhoun was corrupted^ by the appointment of Secretary of War. To these in- staoces o( i\\Q purity of the principles of the Oppo- sition, I may add, that Mr. Van Buren vvhs more than willing to have accepted the appointment late- ly conferred on Mr. Gallatin, and it is well known that Col. Benton has been soliciting a foreign mis- sion ever since he has been in \' ongress, and those whc know him cannot be persuaded that he would have refused slich an appointment even from the present Administration ; indeed, it has been insinu- ated, thai all his wrath would have been spared, if Mr. Adams had not unluckily overlooked, or forgot- ten, his clnims, and inserted the name of Jehn Ser- geant instead of his, in the nomination rf the mission to Panama. — In short, it is easy to perceive, that, if the Administration were as corrupt as it is represent- 20 ed, tli'ey might purchase the silence, and even the support, of the most chimorous of the Opposition. We are, therefore, forced lo conclude, that the al- If^ged corruption does not exist, or that the Opposi- tion is not worth the purchase. In nnking the application of their own principles to themselves, I wish, by no means, to be under- stood, that I believe the members of the Opposition as corrupt, or coirupiible,as their own mode ot rea- soning, from particular facts, would prove them to Ibe. I believe many of them worthy the high sta- tions they o. cupy. They, however, cannot com- plain, if the impure motives which they have imput- ed to the members of the Administration, by infer- ence from particular facts, should be fixed on thtm- selves, by a likf' inft-rence trom simliar facts. We have !io means of penetrating the bosoms of men, and developing the motives of human action. Man, in the general, er^^cts in his own mind a standard by which he judges the motives of others, and as- signs to his fellow-man the motives for particular acts, which he supposes could alone influence him to do the same thing, in a similar situation. The Opposition, we presume, have only the odinary means ascertaining motives, by outward actions; hence, when we find them arguing the existence of corruption from the existence of particular acts, they cannot expect to escape imputation, when they are found doing the same things. But ray ob- ject was only to bring the gentlemen to the test of their own principles and njode of reasoning, and there I will leave ihem for the present. CURTIUS. 21 No. III. When political men, who have been lemaikable for their reciprocal hatred of each o$l»< r, surrender their judgements to the inflacnce of malevolence, envy and ill nature, (the offspring of defeated hope,) abandofl their former principles, thvir puli;ical and private friends, and unite in a common cause a- gainst them all, the public have a right to demand, and certainly expect, an explanation. When such men indulge in denunciations of the distinguished men who have been universally esteemed as ^t hon- or to the nation, and acuse them of the highest crimes which pufjlic servants can commit, the peo- ple before whom they are arraigned owe it to themselves as well as' to the accused, to demand some evidence of the truth of the accusations. But it would seem, that the men who have vent'jred to abuse the public ear, by imputing corruption to the President and Secretary of State, shrink from the duty which devolves on them, as accusers, and shun the^investigation which has been assidi^.ously sought by the accused, and their friends; yet they contn.ue to brave the well merited indignation of the public, by reiterating their charges, on the unsupported and very questionable authority of their own as- sertions. Under these circumstances, it would be sutticient to oppose the wtll-eained reputation of the Presi- dent and Secretary, for sterling patriotism and in- flexible integrity, to the asseitions of men whose practices have been continually in opposition to tlieir principles, of which they have hollow pro- fessions, and who have so involved themselves in all the mazes of contradictim as to have forte.. ed every claim to pubhc confidence,aud lost every hope 09 of regaining it without destroying the political re- putation of those who have been steadfast in their principles, and consistent in their politics. The unsupported allegatious of ambitious men whose sole object is their owu aggrandizement, and whose only hope of attaining that end depends on an a- bandonraent, by the people, of those measures which have advanced this nation to her present prosperi- ty, iiud the destruction of their author and advvcate, who has maintained them with a fearless indepen- dence that challenges the admiration even of his enemies — deserves the reprobation, rather than the support of the people. Waiving, however, all advantages which this view of the subject would give the accused, the inquiry may safely be pros- ecuted, to the utter discomfiture and disgrace of the accusers, upon their own testimony. If their opinions of their idol, expressed in by-gone days, are entitled to any weight, a vote for Mr. Adams, in preference to Gen. Jackson, will be found to be so far from furnishing the slightest presumption of impurity of motive, that it could not have been given otherwise, without a total abandonment of every principle upon which the preservation of the Union, and the well being of the republic, de- pend. When the conduct of Gen. .Tackson, in the Sem- inole War, was under ijivestigation in Congres, Randolph and Cobb, two of his new converted ad- herents, upon their oaths as members of the House of Representatives, openly accused him of a total disregard of the constitution and laws, and a ty- rannical abuse of power. Upon the united testi- mony of these gentlemen, and other members of Congress, supported by Col. Benton, with his En- quirer, the Richmond Enquirer, and Noah's Na- tional Advocate — all now of the Opposition, and 23 the most violent of the enemies of the President and Secretary of Slate — ^it was alleged that Gen. Jackson had kept an army on foot, and peremptori- ly refused to disband it, in open defiance of the or- ders of the President of the United States, as cora- mander-in-chif-f, in direct violation of his oath, and his duty as a subordinate officer; that while comman- ding at Nevv-OileanSj he violated the liberty of the press, denouncing and threatening to visit the hea- viest military pimishment upon the editor of a newspaper, for publishing, after the treaty of peace was signed, and the enemy had abandoned his attempt on New-Orleans, an ailicle extracted from another paper, intimating the prospect of a speedy peace; that he actually imprisoned the author of an article commenting on this extraordinary proce- dure, and not only refused obedience to a writ of habeas corpus, issued, according to the Ci>nstitution and laws of land, to inqiire into the cause of im- prisonment, but, in the spirit of military despotism, directed his vengeance, supported by an armed force, against the judse who issued the writ ; that he prevented the legislatme of Louisiana from free- ly exercising their constitutional functions, by the employment of military force ; that while in the State of Georgia, in command of a part of the na- tional troops, he assumed aulhority to command the whole body of the militia of that State, in ex- clusir^n of the Governor, their constitutional com- raander-in-chi-f, to whom he offered the grossest in- sults : that, after he had himself declared the Sem- inole War at an end, under pretence of pursuing a few straoglers, he invaded the territories of Jspam, a neutral nation, invested and ultimately captured her fortresses, and made the troops of the garrisons urisoners of war ; th.t he arrested two individuals, subjects of a neutral power, whom he accused oi 24 havino" committed the same offence against the na^ tion. wWu'.h Da Knlb, Lafayette and others, commit- ed against Great Biitain, that of aiding her enemy in war ; that ^?e arraigned them before a military court, upi-n charges unknown to martial law, and by his influence procured their conviction, upon testimony wholly illegal; that after they were sen- tenced by the court the one to suffer death, the other to be publicly whipped, he reversed the sentence of the latter and caused the one to be hanged, the other to be shot to death, declaring them to be " outlaws a.id pirates;" and that he put to death some of his Indian prisoners of war, without even the formality of a trial. Such are the accusations, among others, made against Gon. Jackson, seven years ago, by his neta friends. If true, he nor only d. -served all the epi- tha s which they then copiously bestowed upon him, bu5 the punishment which they meditated. That he escaped the latter, is, perhaps, to be attributed to the clemency of some, and the fears of other m'mbers of Congress, who had become alarmed for the safety of their ears.* Whether the charges were true or false, however, it is not my p irpose now to inquire. It is suffi'-ient that they were believed, and supported by a great portion of tliose who now compose the Opposition to the Administraiioni and by" the ablest men and m-st distinguished statesmen then in Congress — among whom, were the late Mr. Lowndes, of South C-ir lina, and Mr. Clay. The opinion of the lat- *Ttie General anl suite wore at Washington i^urini: the debate, =ind me.nli- rs of Congrt-ss were tureatened with the loss of their ears, for daring to maintain the tmi,) ofthe ac- cusations. A m;sseiige' was evesi despatched to Riclimond, Va. •' to drag- out," as tho phrase is, the author of certain essays in the Enquirer. 25 ter, it seems, has continued unchanged — and ''' this is the very head and front of his ofL^ndiniJj." If he h>id chopped round, as did the political weather- cocks who are now the most intolerant of Gen. Jackson's adherents, he would doubtless have been taken into favor as they have been, and would have continued, in their estimation, a wise, incor- ruptible, ind<^pend*^nt,and fe irless statesman, of fixed principles -and consistent practice. The History of Gen. Jackson's Life, published by his consent, furnishes no evidence of his quaUfi- cation for the office of Chief Magistrate, nor, in- deed, for any civil office — the whole book, with the exception of a few lines, being occupied in detail- ing and eulogizing his military exploits ; nor has tradition preserved any account of him as a private citizen, or civil officer, from which any opinion fa- vorable to his pretensions can be drawn. On the contrary, we have recently had conclusive demon- stration of his entire ignorance, or total disregard, of the constitution and la'vs of the land, and the nature of our civil institutions, and a manifestation of the arbitrary and despotic disposition which he is disposed to indulge, whenever he has the physi- cal power. In a letter to the late President, he de- clares that if he had comm.mded in the mirnary district within v/hich the Hartford Convention sat, he w uld have br nght th*- members before a C .urt ■Martial and executed them, under the seconfi sec- tion of the articles of war ! ! ! which provi.ies, " That in time of war, all persons not citizens of, or owing alleginnce to, the United States, who shall be found htrking as spies, in or about the fortifications or encampments of the armies of the ^ United States, or any of them, shall suffer death, according to the law and usage of nation^ by sen- tence of a General Court Martial:' Now, the C 26 I i members of the " Hartford Convention" were ait f " citizens of, and owing allegiance to, the United States" — they sat in conclave, and were charged with, and, perhaps, were guilty of, meditating (rea- son against the United States ; an offence defined by the constitution, and punishable only upon in- dictment of a grand jury, and conviction by a petit jury, on the testimony of two witnesses, after a full and fair trial, in a court of law. They were certainly not aliens " lurking as spies in or about fortifications or encampments," and, with all due deference to Gen. Jackson and his abettors, under our system of laws, the act which he said he would have committed, would have been an offence of no less grade than murder. It seems he has yet to learn, that, under our form of government, even a traitor is not to be punished at the discretion of a military commander. One of the reasons stated by Mr. Clay for not voting in favor of Gen. Jackson, was, th^t he con- sidered him a *' military chieftain," which seems ;o have given particular offence to his partisans. Yet they cannot diguise that his claims to the Presi- iency are maintained exclusively upon his military icrvices. They ask, whether those services are to jisqualify him ? And I answer, certainly not — but lis military talents and services alone are not suf- icient to qualify him for the chi^f magistracy of this epublic. He is no more a second Washington, is his friends pretend, because like him he has been I victorious general, than he is a second Jefferson, )ecause his name begins with J. Luckily, how- n'er, Mr. Clay will find a precedent, in the ohjec- ions volunteered by General Jackson against a * ndlitary chieftain" of the Revolution, the late '!saac Shelby, of Kentucky, when the President was jbout to confer on him the appointment of Sec- 27 retary of War. By the same authority, (Gen^ Jackson,) the objection made to Mr. Adams, that he was once a Federalist, vanishes ; we have it un- der his sign manual, as the volunteer adviser of the late President, that party distinctions are all a farce.* The very men who now denounce Mr. Clay for not having changed his opinion of Gen. Jackson's principles and pretensions, professed to entermin the same opinions, expressed in 1819, confirmed by the subsequent acis and avowals of Gen. Jackson ; nor was the smallest indication given of a change : until it was ascertained that the election would de- volve on the House of Representatives, and the prospect of the GeneraKs success brightened; when suddenly, the settled opinions of years were aban- doned, and the man who they had, upon the most deliberate investigation, pronounced to be a military tyrant, regardless of all law, as if by a miracle, be- came pre-eminently qualified for the office of Chief Magistrate in a government of laws. Some of the gentlemen whose judgements were thus wonder- fully illuminated, pretend that they were sincere in their former opioir.n?, but that on becoming per- sonally acqu-tinted with Gen. Jackson, they be- came s.itisfied of their error ; but the most of ihem cannot rlaim the benefit of ihis pretext, miserable as it !•; — among :hese is Col. H' nton. He, at least, cann<)t. pretenfth' !.e(»ple o/liiis Siate. (ifbei -s :< : ■ ^'-^n *The !rtfe'-R here alUid-.d to were published i ? , .c r oflSj8— 4, ir cc '■ 'qiunc -' ^^me misunderstanding oe- tweiu Mr. Lowrie and Mr. Monroe. 28 them,) exhibited in the publications made by these geiillenien 'dgaitist each other^ which should have forbidden reconciliation forever.* Yet these friends have become warm fiiends and close allies. Col. Benton, at least, is now as thoroughgoing in sup- port of his Jitio friend, as he was lately violent a- gainst him. As if fearful he would fall short of Gen. Jackson's demands, he has renounced his friendship for Mr. Clay, and now accuses him of practising a fraud upon the Senate, by purposely furnishing them a false translation ofa public docu- ment. He has deserted his kinsman^ whose obe- dient servant he lately was, and confederates with his enemies in destroying his well-earned reputa- tion, for no other apparent reason than that he would not follow the example of changing long established opinions, and become a parasite and flatterer of the Opposition favorite. With such facts before us, it would seem to me to be wholly unnecessary to urge the danger of en- listing in the cause, encouraging the ill-directed am- bition, and following the fortunes of men of such deplorable instability in their friendships, their opinions, and their principles. Surely no confi- dence can be placed in the allegations of politi- cians who, at one time, upon their oaths, accuse a public officer of high crimes, and at another, with- out atonement, or even explanation, turn and wor- ship him as an idol. From the specimens we have had of the fluctuating opinions of the vindictive ac- cusers of the President and Secretary, we have rea- son to anticipate, that ere long they will renounce *One of the publications of Gen. Jackson, during the memorable controversy with Col. B. is said to be still ex- tant, in the possession ofa gentleman ofNi^w Madrid coun- ty, in this state, and contains an allegation of facts, as we!' as of opinions, not very creditable to his new friend 29 their prelnndtid opinions, abandon their groundless accusations, and, as likely as not, become the sup- porters of the men they now hate. They are not, even now, consistent with themselves : while they profess to reverence the constitution, they coun- tenance and support the ambitious projects of a man, who, according to their own opinions, has re- peatedly shown his contempt or ignorance of its provisions. Claiming to be the special champions of state rights, they propose to reward, with the highest honors of the Republic, the man who, as commander of a part of the national army, pre- vented the legislature of one State from freely ex- ercising its constitutional functions, and daringly in- sulted the Chief Magistrate of another sovereign Stale, and usurped a portion of his constitutional powt-rs. Professing to be the exclusive friends of the peo- ple, and the special guardians of their liberties, they endeavor to advance to the Chief Magistraicy of this nation, one who stands accused by ihemseJves of " obstructing the administration of justice'' — ** affecting to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power" — of " suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus" — of denying the '' be- nefits of trial by jury" to persons arrested for " pretended offences," and subjecting them to a •' mock trial," by a military court, and of many other acts of oppression, similar in character, and equally grievous with those alleged against the late king of England, in our Declaration of Indepen- dence. Indeed, the Opposition seem to have but one rule of political action, and that forms the very definition of despotism, namely, that "theendjus- tifi^^s the means." Even that sacred instrument, which stands as a proud monument of the wisdom and firmness of its authors, advocates and suppor- C2 30 ors, conssecrated by the blood of patriots, revered by the friends of civil liberty of every nation, has not escaped the unhallowed assaults of the disaffect- ed : before the assembled Senate of the nation, the Declaration of Independence has been pronounced by the mouth of their supreme director, JVlr. Ran- dolph, to be a " Ridiculous Fanfaronade," that is, a tumour of fictitious dignity. It is true, that Mr. R. is the only member of the coalition who has had the hardihood or indiscretion openly to avow their true principles; but it is equally certain that at the coming forth, of the above classical epithet, he was supported by the approving sinile?* of a!I his confederates in the Senate, and especially of his ^^ friend indeedj'^* who, it is said, always contrives to be near the " Senator from Virginia," when he makes his "senate-distressing-harangues," and with '' an aspect of wondrous wisdom," a greedy ear, and delighted countenance, devours the " farra- gos" of the " wonderful man." CURTJUS. * Col. Benton. The intimacy of this gentleman with Mr. Randolph, is not (he least extraordinary of the events growing- out of the late election. To us, at a distance, it ap- pears altogether mysterious. Those, however, who claim to understand the matter, insinuate that it was produced by their res()ective wants — the one wanted adulation, and re- ceives it — the other warned a legacy, and expects it. Let him beware — " the m ist «'xtravagaot love is nearest to the strongest hatred." He has himself recently veiified the truth of this remark, and its converse 31 No. IV. History teaches us, that the leaders of parties and factions, in all governments, in the general, commence their career of ambition by professing an ardent love for the people, and a devotion to civil liberty. They stimulate the prejudices, and assi- duously court the favor of the people, with a view to their own aggrandizement; and, if successful, al- most invariably become unrelenting oppressors. In a word, tiiey commence demagogues, and end ty- rants. In our own times this truth has been exem- plified by Napoleon, in Europe, and in the brilliant, l3Ut short-lived career of Iturbide, on this continent. Both were "mditary chieftains" of great renown. Professing to be the devoted friends of the Peo- ple, the champions of civil liberty, and the defen- ders of the rights of man, they succeeded in delud- ing their too coniiding countrymen, until ihey reach- ed the goal of their ambition — power, when, for the tirsttime, they unmasked, and a betrayed people beheldtheir treacherous leaders crowned Emperors, and armed with the sceptre of absolute auUiority, supported by the forces wiiich a mistaken confi- dence had confided to their control. These ex- amples, with others familiar to those who are at all conversant with history, ancient or modern, ought, and it is hoped will, prove instructive, as they are solemn warnings to the people of this re- public. A new faction (a party, if they please) has been organized for the avowed purpose of in- vesting a mere " military chieftain" with the Chief Executive authority of the nation ; one whose lust of arbitrary power'has betrayed itself in every pub- lic act of his life — a man who has treated the con- stitution as an " old parchment;' unworthy his O^ perusal and beneath his respect. Yet, to subserve Ills ambiiion, he and his adherents profess an af- fection for the people, and a reveience for the con- stitution, equally wonderful and sudden. He as- sumes the captivating appellation of the " people's candidate" — they, with equal propriety, call them- selves " people's men," and " friends of State rights." Fortunately, their headlong impetuosity so far outstrips their discretion, as to expose their designs too palpably to escape the observation of those who are not blinded by their zeal, or hoodwink- ed by interest. Their impatience under disap- pointment, their desire of preferment, and reckless- ness ot the means, admonish us how little their ac- tions are governed by love of the people, or res- pect for the constitution. No sooner was the late Presidential election de- termined, than General Jackson resigned his seat in the Senate, (as he had before resigned every ci- vil office conferred on him,) without having made a solitary exhibition of the talents which had been imputed to him by his adherents, and hitherto un- fortunately concealed from the rest of the world. As he accepted a seat in the Senate pending the election for President, and resigned as soon as the contest was over, we have a right to infer that it was accepted, not with a view to the public good, but from the influence which was hoped from his personal presence at Washington, and was accord- ingly resigned as soon as it was known that he could not overawe the Representatives of (he peo- ple. Surely if his friends really believed him poss- essed of the abilities to entitle him to the office of Chief Executive Magistrate, they owed it to him, to themselves, and to the nation, to have used their exertions to have retained his services in a station eminently calculated st once to promote the com- 33 non weal, and to manifest his pretensions to pub- lic confidence. Or, will they admit the humiliating lactj that his retirement from an office to which he was by no means equal, was dictated by prudence, »^r was suggested by ihe mortified ambition of a ca- pricious man, goadt^d by disappointment. If Gen. Jackson really believes in the imputed corruption of the present Administraiivm, as he and his adherents pretend, it whs neither the part of a statesman and patriot, to abandon ihe important station which he declared was not to he sought or declined by any man; nor was it consistent with his professed love of the people, to desert the post which had been assigned him, to guard them against all unconstitutional encroachments of power. No — it cannot be disguised, that the man who was suf- ficiently honored in bemg nominated for the Presi- dency by a single state, has resigned an office much above his just expectations, to avenge in some sort Che affront which his overweening ambition has received in not being placed at the head of tiie na- tion. He will be President or nothing. In the very act of resigning his seat in the Senate, he announ- ces, that he does not decline, but continues to setk the office of President; and, by way of appealing from the intelligence to tlie generosity of the nation, makes profession of ardent love for the people, and reconmiends them to alter their coristituiiun, under the provisions of which his ambition has been bafiled. He states as a reason for his retire- ment, that his proposed alteration (by previous ar- rangement, no doubt) would be brought before the Senate, and delicacy forbid his taking part in their deliberations on the subject; which is nothing short ^ of an admission, that his only hope of success de- | pends on the alteration of the constitution, and that he is, therefore, directly interested in the ques- tion, 34 The proposition which comes thus recommended by the autliority and necessities of Gen. Jackson, is — 1st. To discontinue the use of electors, the even- tual vote by states, and the umpirage of the House of Representatives. 2d. To adopt an uniform mode of electing by districts, and to commit the election to the direct vote of the people. The first branch of the proposition evidently designs " to give the election, unconditionally and absolutely, to the pow- erful states," and was justly denounced by Col. Benton in his speech of 1824,* " because it goes to the subversion of the government under which we live,'* and " would unsettle one of the com- promises on which the constitution reposes," The second contemplates to deprive the states, as such, of the power of appointing elt^ctors, and of uniting or dividing their electoral colleges, according to their sovereign will. Both branches, indeed, pro- pose to circumscribe the power of the states in the Presidential election, and, taken together, would de- stroy their very existence, so far as the Executive Department of the national government is concern- ed. There is, therefore, every thing in the propo- sition to render it hateful to the real " friends of state rights," Yet no sooner did Gen. Jackson an- nounce, that the adoption of this principle-subvert- ing, state-consolidwtir/g amendment, might possibly aid his promotion, than a committee of the SfMiriie, with Col. Benton at th-^ir bend, all the soi-disant *' friends of state rights" rallied to his support. *P^' I of this ?pf»erh was publishe<< in t'^e M.^souri Repuh" lican. of t e 18t!i July lasf, and as I • ?I! n.quenrly quote from it in this number, I refer the read^ > to tliat paper, or to'^tbe entire s-i^ftc i, in panphlet f >rm, oubUsho! and dis* triivUed nv 'he wjithnr in ISiM. f consiil . if a Iridiiiph \nt \in'l'?calio« d lb- •.-igh- t> ^n-" s, which neither he, nor any of the band, can sufficiently refute. 'do Indeed the talent of enforcing discipline araouar, and implicii obedience from, his followers, which distin- guishes Gen. Jackson, has in no instance been more conspicnously displayed than in this rat his coiiinnand, ihf whole of hisadhf^rents (including the awkward squad under MrDuffie and Kremer,) wheeled about, with the promptitude and precision )f veteran troops, and countermarched the whole ine of their political course, treading under fo<»t the irinciples they professed, and destroying all the jolitical land-marks hitherto held sacred. Sv me of the sincere friends of state rights have 'ntertained fears that the states, as sovereigns, have •onceded too much, in the Federal Constitution, to he representntive principle, which they honestly ear will t'^nd to consolidation. Their struggle has, herefore, constantly been, to prevent the appre- lended evil, by preserving to tlie states, unimpaired • nd inviolate, all the powers reserved to them. fhey have uniformly exerted themselves to pre- ent the accumulation of power in ihe G neral Go- ernment, or the diminution in that oi the states, ither by construction or additional express provi- ions in the constitution — certainly none have liiheito desired a change by which the power of he states should be impaired. This consolidating »r.»ject owes it its origin, exclusively, to ihe miscall- d *' people's m-n." They would deprive th^^ sfatPS f the power of appointing electors to vote in the irst instance, and to destroy their present equality, s sovereign St ites, on a second trial — so that the mall states "may stand far nothing,-' and "the dection of President be given, absolutely and iin- •onditionally, to the powe:ful states." Yet, they ire bold enough to call themselves exclusively the fiends «f state rights. 36 To rpndpr the proposed innovation more accept- able, and at the same time to support the pretence to the yppellation of " people's men," claimed by the authors, it is proposed to discontinue the use of eh^ctors, and commit the election to the direct vote of the people. This, it will be seen, possesses little or no substance, and certainly is too weak to carry its companions. The election is now virtu- ally in the people; they choose electors, who are previously pledged to vote for a particular candi- date, and never fail to redeem their pledges ; they are but the organs through which the expressed voice of the people is conveyed to the seat of Go- vernment. All the benefits, therefore, proposed by the alteration, are now substantially enjoyed ; a mere difference in form will certainly not autho- rize an intermeddling with the constitution. There is also a diinculty growing out of the plan propos- ed, in case of no choice on the first trial. Col. Benton (or rather Gen. Jackson) proposes to refer the election back to the people, limiting their choice, however, to the two highest of those voted for; but, waiving all other objections, (and there are many to which this expedient is obnoxious,) it '^ staiuls condemr.ed" as another attempt to a- bridge the fieedom of choice, by requiring voters to give their suffrages, not f(»r the man in their opinion most worthy and best qualified, but for one of two having the highest number of votes — to use the lan- guage of Col. Benton, against a similar propositirn, ii) 1824, " the range of selection was narrowed one half by the amendment of 1803, an-i now it is pro- pospd to take away the right altog<-ther." Col. Benton in his speech of 1824, already re- ferred to, siys, " there are positive advantages in referring the election to the House of Representa- tives ; it is a safer depository of the elective privi- a? lege than any other body of eqiuJ numbers, which exists at this lime, or can be created under the con- stitution." '' If it is said, that there may be s^rae bad materials in the House, I will esk for the body of equal numbers in which there is so little? And I will maintain that the House of Representatives has ever been.now is,and while the Republic lives,it must continue to be, for talent, for integrity, and for ele- vation of character, the first body of men, of equal numbers, which either exists in our own or any other country in the world." " To my mind, there- fore, there is no place more safe for depositing the right of the states to decide the Presidential elec- tion, than the House is." — Now, mark the change: In 1825, after his reconciliation with Gen. Jack- son, and the Chieftain had dictated the course to be adopted by his followers, the same distinguished gentleman holds the following lanijuag»^: '* It be- comes a question which addresses itself to the mind and heart of every lover of his country, wiether y Congress (meauinp the House of Representatives,) can be safely trusted with the choice of Chief Ma- gistrate of this great and growing Republic." " The House," says, he, " stands condemned, because it is capable of being corrupted," and '' of being tam- pered with" — liable to the influence of candidates — "is subject to violence, and capable of coali- tions. — " I'his is the language of Mr. lientou's cele- brated report, which recommends thaf the umpir- age of the Hou-^e of Representativ-s be discontinu- _ed. Now, although a comparison of the speech with the report, both in matters of fact and argument, would result greatlv to the advantage of the former, (perhaps for the reason that it was produced by honest convictions,) yet, I woi^ld not absolutely in- sist, th-^t the H(»U!>e is the safest umpire whichcould possibly be created. " The great principle for D 38 which I contend, is, that after one trial by the peo- ple, the next shall be by states;" but, I submit, that it is highly objectionable to strip the House of Re- presentatives of the power until a less objectionable substitate is proposed. An alteration of the principle on which the elec- tion of President now reposes, in the manner pro- posed, although not literally unconstitutional, would violate a principle as high and as sacred as the Constitution itself. By depriving the small states of their power and equality in the election of Presi- dent, you take away one of the principal considera- tions which induced them to accede t(» the Union, and, by consequence, dissolve their obligation to ad- here to it. ^' Every body knows," says Col. Ben- ton, " that without compromises, the Constitution of '87 could not have been framed, and it is fair in- ference, that unless these compromises are preserv- ed inviolate, the Constitution must perish." Now, it was one of '' these compromises" which gave the election of President, in the first trial, to the peo- ple, upon the Federative and Representative prin- ciples combined, and upon a second trial, referred the election to the states as equal sovereigns. The preservation of this principle, if not necessary to the existence of the Union itself, is at least indis- pensable "to the safety and rt'Spectability of the small States," and " imposes a salutary restraint on the ambition and violence of the poWeiful ones." If the federative principle, already confessedly the weakest, be not firmly maintained and supported, it will sink under the attacks of pretended friends j the states, overpowered and destroyed, will dwindle to mere corporations, or the confederacy be dissol- ved. There will be no hope of the durability of be Union, if the *•' people's men" are indulged in their work of spoliation. 39 Tiie dangerous tendency of the proposilion which the predicament of General Jackson seems to render expedient, and therefore acceptable to his party, cannot be better illustrated than it has been by Col. Benton, in the speech from which I have quoted. He has demonstrated, that " it is necessary to the safe- ty and respectability of the small states that they should stand for something in the Presidential ^lec- tion" — " that if their rights, as now guarantied, are not preserved inviolate, the constitution must per- ish, and that the contingent right of voting by states is one of the main pillars which now supports the edi- fice of the constitution." Yet, lie is willing to re- duce the contingent power of this state from one twenty-fourth, to one eighty-seventh of the electoral voice of the Union; to exchange one vote out of twenty-four for three out of two hundred and sixty- one ; to barter her equality with New York for one twelfth of her relative strength ; to sacri6ce ^' the respectability and safety" of the small states, (in- cluding Missouri,) and make them stand for noth- ing in the Presidential election. In a word, the political Sampson oi the West, blinded by zeal or interest, has grasped the fairest " pillar which now supports the edifice of the Constitution," and lends his mighty powers to the dejnolition of the temple, and ** the subversion of the government under which we live," that his new favorite may rise on its ruins. CURTIUS. /"■•' ''I ' // / « // ^•,^ i 10 No. V. li" the people have just cause to distrust any oi the public servants, it must be those who have de- veloped their evil propensities, by the treacherous desertion of their friends and principles, and the fawning baseness of attaching themselves to their de- clared enemies — men who, after having jostled, re- viled, and criminated each other, in their struggles for preferment, united their skill and cunning to create and foment confusion in the administration of the government. Yet the Opposition, (who are sufficiently designated by this description,) after subduing, with wonderful forbearance, the smart- ings of the deep and still fresh wounds, which they bad received from each other in very recent politi- cal conflicts, and endeavoring to conceal the de- formities exposed by their battles, by decorating each other with the trappings of panegyric, set up an exclusive claim to public confidence ; and, mo- destly proclaiming themselves to be the very "quint- essence of integrity, wisdom, moderation, and firm- Bess," undertake, radically, to reform the govern- ment. According to the new and sublime system of politics which they have adopted for the occa- sion, the National Government has been blundei- ing in error ever since its organization under the Constitution, and a tot-:! change in the existing or- der of things is held essential to the preservation of the Republic. Considering, however, the very suspicious circumstances under which th( se unre- formed gentlemen present themselves as reformers, the people (whom they have insulted by assuming to act in their name) had a right to expect some evidence of their danger in continuing a state of things under which they have prospered near fortv 41 years, or at least a proposition for improvement commensurate with the lofty pretensions of their volunteer guardians. But, as if they expected the people to resign the use of their eyes and ears, and, without knowing why, resolve to believe every thing which might favor their ambition, they an- nounced a list of imaginary grievances, without at- tempting to support them otherwise than by a parade of declamation. With apparent earnestness they un- dertook the task of reform, but their labors, as might have been expected, proved to be " the par- turience of a mountain, and the never-failing deli- very of a mouse." During the last session of Congress, the same .committee who reported the proposed amendments to the Constitution, which were considered in my last number, were instructed to inquire into the ex- pediency of reducing the patronage of the Execu' live Government of the United States. This com- mittee, with Col. Benton at their head, betook them- selves to^exploring the Statutes, the " blue book,'- and the records of tlie different Departments, in search of " food for pre-conceived opinion," and, after some weeks of unremitting exertions, they dis- covered causes of great alarm. First, in the duty required nf the Secretary of State, to cause the or- ders, laws, and resolutions, passed by Congress, to be published in one, and, if necessary, in three of the newspapers printed in each State. Second, in the limitation of the duration of office of the faithful collectors and disbursers of public revenue. Third, in the mode of appointing deputy postmasters. -Fourth, in the manner of appointing cadets. Fifth, ^ in the present mode of appointing midshipmen. And sixth, in the terms of the commissions of the officers of the army and navy. These, in the opin- ion of the committee, " tend to sully the purity of D2 A2 our institutions," and are so pregnant with imnnii-* nent " danger to the liberties of the country," as to require the imnnediate interposition of the Na- tional Legislature. Accordingly, when they tra- vailed, they brought forth a litter of six little bills, which were read, laid on the table, and sufferred to expire for want of nourishment. The report which accompanies them, (for any reasons it contains in their support,) might have been manufactured in Dousterswivel's newly invented steam-loom for weaving novels.* It is composed almost entirely of new and not very happy combinations of the va- rious epithets which have been employed by the Op- position, in all their reports and spf^eches against the Chief Magistrate. INeveriheless, the whole^ taken together, may be considered as a fair speci- men of the wisdom, moderation, and disinterested- ness of the ^^ people's men." It has been the fashion of the Coalition (includ- ing their printers,) to cry down the presses autho- rized to publish the laws, as the hirelings of corrup- tion. The editors who were the most troublesome and noisy in their application for selection to print "bv authority," are nov^^ the most clamorous and vehement in den'Jucialions oi ihair successfijl conj- petitors. in«ioeu, if the opposition are to be be- ji»^ved, the edit'TS and publishers of newspapers are all Swiss,, reatly to support any party, or aiiy cause, for a vtry snial! reward ; and ihe [)resses,,'^ the mov- * AccortTins: to the description of this machine, as given by the " GreatUnknown," uords and phrases, intended to l)e often repeated, are to be "placeti in a ^ort of frame woik,', and the operator changes their combination by a mechanical process, sinoilar to " that !>}' wliirh weavers of daiua.'ik alter their patterns," whereby any variety of de- clamation m;jy be produced, while the author. " tired of iht^" prififless " labor of ptin;piiig-his" oxhansted " brains, may have an agreeable relaxation in the use of his fingers, '' 43 ing power of human action/' are convortcci into so many engines of corriij)tion the moment tlicy are authorized to print •' by authority." Yet, the "peo^ pie's men" in the Senate, are anxious to increase the number of these corrupt machines, provided they have the selection of the editors to he corrupt- ed. They propose, that " the number of papers to be selected to publish the laws, &c. shall not be less than three in each State, and may be equal to half the representation of each Slate in Congress; In each Territory, one, and in the District of Co- lumbia, three, the selection to be made by the Sena- tors and Representatives from each State, and the Delegates from Territories: the papers in the Dis- trict of Columbia by the Secretary of State, he giv- ins: a preference to those having the greatest num- ber of actual subscribers."* In other words, as they have exhausted their private resources in esta- blishing a calumniator-general at Washington, they wish to create branches in each of the State?, at the, public expense^ for the innocent purpose, doubtless, of enlightening the people in the choice of Presi- dent.! It will be remarked, however, that they do * Quere : How is (he number of actual subscribers to be ascertained / It is b( lieved that very few actually sub- scribe in their own proper hand-writing. Thf names fffn- erallv are put down hy the editor himself Ifhislistbe the criterion, there are editois, whom we wot of, that have wry iew actual subscribers, and yet would profit by thearrange- menr, even though an affidavit should tte required. t M mbers of Congress have now, virtually, a great «hare of patronage, which is nominally in the President. Mo^t of the subordinate officers, at least, are appointed up- on their recommendation, and the exertion of the influence of some of them, in procuring appointments, hav not had avery happy influence in establishing their own disinterest- edness, or the purity of their favorites. The appointment of late sub-ag' nt to the lowas, and the iate Receiver for the Western T,and District, may be cited as instances, which should siler.c the Chairman of the Com j-fiiitiee en the subject of abuse of patronage, 44 not restrict themselves to the selection of papers " having the greatest number of actual subscribers:" this wholesome regulation is confined to the Secre- tary of State. The wisdom and disinterestedness of the contrivers of this scheme will be manifest, when it is observed, that the members of Congress in each State must necessarily be convened when- ever a printer of the laws is to be selected, and it cannot be expect^-d that they w>ll render such im- portant service, as they give their advice to the people g}-aiis. The committee, after the fashion of a certain gpeech-coinpihng Senator, have made a pompous display of long extracts from books in the pijsses- sion of every member of the Senate, communicat- ing information, ignorance of \a hich, in any member of Congress, would be culpable. One of th^se is a long list of revenue ofiicers, and iheir emoluments, taken fiom a register Hnmially published " by au- thoritv," for the information of the pe(>|)le, which the committee call the " blue book," a nickname suggested to the learned chairman by the color of the cover, but cf^rtainly unfit to be employed in a Stite paper, and unworthy the dignity and gravity of^' the most enliuhtened deliberative body in the world." — Apparently astonished at their discovery, the committee exclaim, " a formidable list indeed ! f( rmidable in numbers, and still more from the vast amount of money in their hands.— The action of such a body of men, supposing them to be animat- ed by one spirit, must be tremendous in an election: and that they will be so animated is a proposition too plain to need demonstration." They inf -rm the Senate, that this branch of the Executive patronage will increase, '* not in arithmetical ratio, but in geo- metrical.progression ; an increase almost beyond the power of the ir.ind [of a Senator] to calculate 45 or comprehend.-' Afier this, it might have been supposed, that they would recommend a reduction of the " formidable list," or^ at least, a curtailment of the emoluments as the '' natural remedy." No such thing. Th^y only propos*^, " that the Presi- dent shall lay before Congress, once in every four years, the accounts of the collectors and disbursers of the revenue, and to vacate the offices of such as have failed to account according to law — that, upon nominations tii'fill vacancies, occasioned by remove- als, the President shail state the reason of such re- niovals — and to repeal the act of 15th May, 1820, limiting the term of ofBce of certain officers;" that is, they recommend no change in the existing law, except to continue in office, during good behavior, district attorneys, collectors of the customs, naval officers, surveyors of customs, navy agents, regis- ters and receivers of the land offices, and certain officers of the general staff of the army, whose terms of service are now limited to four years. Another bill provides " that no person shall re^ ceive the appointment of Postmaster, where the emoluments exceed a certain amount per annum, except upon the noniioation of th-^ President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate." The Executive patronage is thus to be rerh/ced, by taking the appointme'U of d-puty post-masters (exrppt the sm^ll fry) from the Postmaster-Gennra}, and vesting tlie power in the Presid-nt and S'Miate — the same President, " whosf soirit," they say, " will animate the actions" of officers appointed by him, " in the elections of St.-^ieand Federal offi- cers," and the very Senate which they report un- fit to be trusted, because, they say, that until " the axe is laid to the root of the tree," [the constitu- tion] and the Presid-nt elected by the People, "pa- tronage will penetrate this body, subdue its capa- 46 eity of resistance, chain it to the car of power, and enable \hf^ Pr<-sident to rulp as easily, and much more ser-urely, with.than without the nominal check of the Senate." The " tremendous power" (in elections) of the cadets and midshipmen (youths between fourteen and twenty-one years of age,) is another of the evils which " sully the purity of our institutions, and endanger the liberties of the country," and has, therefore, not escaped the vigilance of the " Peo- ple's" committee. On this subject, they propose a brace of bills, not to diminish, but to distribute the contaminating influence of Executive patronage among the several States, by apportioning the ap- pointment of cadets and midshipmen among them, according to the whole number of Senators and Representatives inCongress from each btate — "the appointments to be so made, as that one cadet and one midshipman shall be taken from each electoral district, or one from each Congressional district, and two from the State at large, if not divided into electoral districts, and one from each territory." After this, who will doubt the wisdom of the "people's men ?" There are, to be sure, some slight inconvenien- ces, such as the possibility that some States will be unwilling, or unable, to furnish their quota ; this may be remedied by a draft. Again : the number can never be inc^eased, however urgent the neces- sity, without a new census and apportionment of ReptPsentaiives, and then, perhaps, it might be re- quired to make a new allotment, so as to have each district represented. Peradveuture, the representa- tion of some of the Stutes in Congress may be re- duced, which would require a corresponding re- duction of boys representing them in the navy and the military academy. But these inconveniencei 47 afe counterbalanced by the advantdges, which are^ that there will be precisely as many boys in thf' ar- my as in the navy, and as many little d iggers in each as there are tongues in Congress — ihus equalizing admirably the military, naval, ajtd legislative de- partments. To complete the plan, it willonly be ne- cessary " to commit the election" of the boys," to the direct vote of the people." The last of the committee's bills, provides, "that the officers of the army and navy shall hold their offices during good behavior, and that no officer shall heieafter be dismissed the service but by the sentence of a court martial, or upon an address to the President by both Houses of Congress." To justify this measure, it ought to have been shown, that the power of the President, of striking officers from the rolls, has been, or is likely to be abused. It certainly has not been exercised by the present Executive, and never by his predecessors, except in flagrant cases, that of Gen. Hull, for exHmple„ Indeed the very power v\ arbitrarily dismissing irr officer has been justly denied by the Senate, t /an in the case of a reduction of the armv. Ifilicir proposed plan prevails, supernumerary officers could certairdy not be disbanded, otherwise than by a sentence of a court martialj or an address of both Houses of Congress. The committee inform the Senate, that the '^na- tural remedy" for the evils of which Miey complain, would be, " to place the election of President in the hands of the people" — that, " considering the present m<'de of electing the President, as the prin- cipal source of all this evil, (namely. Executive pa- tronage,) they had commenced their labors by I'e- commending an amendment to the Constilntion in that essential and vital particular." Despairing of success, however, they say, " not being able to lay 48; the axe to ilie root of the tr^e, (the conclusu»n,j they must go to pruning among t he limbs and branches : not being able to retorm the Constitu- tion in the election of Piesident, they must go to work upon his powers, and trim down these by sta- tutory enactments.'' The meaning of all which is, simply, that these six bills are but temporary expe- dients to " prune" the patronage of the present Chief Magistrate, and divide the trimmings among themselves, by way of staying their stomachs, until the happy period when the feast shall be ready, at which I hey expect to gratify their appetite for office, and revel in the rich honors which are to re- ward their disinterested labors 5 that happy period, when " the axe shall be laid to the root" of the Constitution — the Ci)mpromises on which it reposes unsettled — the principles of the government sub- verted — and, as the natural consequence of anar- chy or Consolidation, the military chieftain (miscal- led the people's candidate-,") elevated to the Presi- dency. Thf^n ti)ey promise us to restore all the ^' liujbs and branciies" of Executiue patronage which, in the meantime, shall have been lopped off. Then the ''• pe.ople's men" will apprehend no dan- ger from " Executive patronage," although it may be operating " on fifty millions of revenue," and *' the civil and military officers of the Federal go- vernment shall be quadrupled*" increasing " not in arithmetical ratio, but in geometrical progression." The gr^'at evil, iliey say say, of " an election by the States," is, that it so corrupts the successful candi- date that he perverts the Executive patronage ex- clusively to the preferment of such as are either knaves at the time of their selection, or become such as soon as they are appointed, and devote themselve.-i, and th»-ir offices, to the set vice of their patron. On the other hand, " an election by 49 ihs people" so purifies the object of their favorj tiiat his patronage is confined to men of integrity., or, if by chance he should appoint any who are otherwise, they are immediately made worthy, and well qualified, by his purifying influence, and apply themselves exclusively to the duties of their offices, carefully avoiding any interfeience in "State or Federal elections." As instances of the rectifying effects of " an election \fy the people," the same committee have assured us, that the members of State Legislatures, chosen by "the direct vote of the peo- ple," are generally traitors to their constituents ; that the members- of the popular branch of Con- gress cannot safely be trusted ; that they are capa- ble of being tanlpered with, and were lately actual- ly corrupted. Truly the " Report," in the lan- guage of Lord Byron^' < " Is a fine sample, on ttje whole, Of Rhetoric, which the learn'd call rigmarole." After all, it may well be doubted, whether they ever intended seriously to urge the passage of any of these bills, and certainly they never calculated on, or perhapseven wished, their adoption. Sensi- ble of the convenience of enveloping themselves in a mist, that they may "loom large," and appear to their admiring followers of more than ordinary size, they submitted their project that they might indulge in declamation, carefully avoiding th^ plain ground of reason and argument, on which they would ex- pose their diminutiveness Surely they did not in- tend to throw dirt into the fountain out of which they have all been anxious to drink, and expect to ^ slake their thirst for office, when their idol shall have the distribution of the pure refreshing waters. In making their f^int they were careful, however, to , provide r)r themselves, if peradventure the people should believe them to be in earnest, and take thetii at their word. E 50 But the intention of the Coalition " to lay the axt to the root of the tree," (meaning the Constitution,) wears a more serious aspect. The term " election by the people," is used in contradistinction to an' election by the " House of Representatives," and is artfully employed to delude the people, and cover the attack on the Federative principle of the gov- ernment, which they wish to overpowerand destroy. The eventual right ofthr? States to determine the election, has always been offensive to the friends of consolidation. They have now united with those who wish to promote a favorite to the Presi- dency, and who, reckless of the means, are unwilling to"subvert the government under which we live," as the only hope of attaining their end. The pretence of pnri(y'mg (not reducing) the Executive patrorjage of the government, is seized upon as f. heir justification. The complaint is, that a President elected by the States, will appoint his friends to office, who in turn Support him. But experience teaches us, that a Pre- sident elected by the people is not more inclined to ;; favor his enemies or slight his friends. J^^fferson, Madison, and Monroe, were all elected ^' by the people ;" the first dispensed his patronage on the avowed principle of preferring the friends of hi? administration, and excluding his enemies. His conduct was approved, and who will impeach his integrity ? Mr. Madison followed his example, and his administration has been lauded by the whole nation, except Gen. Jackson, who. when it became convenient to flatter his successor, discovered that he was not competent to preside in time of war, but that Mr. Monroe was ! ! The executive patronage during the administration of Mr. Monroe, seems to , have been specially exercised in favoring his friends, and particularly those who had favored h";s preten- sions in his competition with Mr. Madison, in 1812. 51 They were sought out and appointed to oftlce, and some of ihem gave but poor specimens of integrity or talents, although their patron was elected by the people. Yet nobody complained of the President as either corrupt or corruptible. Between the two modes of choosing a President, regarded merely w? means of making the best selection, there has been no opportunity of judging until the late election; wherein i he States preferred as President Mr. Adams to Gen. Jackson, the statesman tothe soldier; {\wpeo- ^Zc preferred as Vice-President, Mr. Calhoun to Mr, Gallatin, or Mr. Sanford, or any body else — a de- magogue rather than any one of a host of patriots and statesmen. The President refuses to prosti- tute the Executive patronage to purchase the sup- port of his enemies, and they " go to work upon his powers" and reputation, and propose to" trim these down," because he would not corrupt them. The Vice-President joins the Coalition, and prostitutes his office to advance their purposes, and to gratify his own unholy revenge. This political " lago Hoth give up The execution of his wit, bands, heart, To this great council's service ;" And thus became a conspicuous member in full communion among a band of neck-or-nothing poli- licians, who assume the name of " people's men," that they may get the people's offices, with their appurtenances, the emoluments. CURTIUS. Correction. — In the first line of p. 48, for ''conclusion,"' .-end " consiitulion.'' No. VI. Politicians who aspire to the character of staies;- meo, should undoubtedly pv)S?ess politicHl princi- ples, deep-rooted in their minds, and be uniformly consistent in their practical application. Pru'es* aions are indeed seldom wanting, but unfoi fjnat* ly they are often unsupported by corresponding nrac- tice. Some, without posses!?ing any principles of their own, profess those which pr vail in the State in which they happen, for the time being, to re- side-, and change their creed with every change of residence, or accommodate themselves, with won- derful facility, to any temporary exigency, and, for the occasion, repose their faith upon any principle which may, in their opinion, siihserve the imme- diate interest of their constituents, or promote their O'vn popularity. Others commence their political career by professing principles in perfect accord- ance with those of their constituents, and afterwards, by their public acts, practically deny them ; and, at the same time, insult the understandings of those whom they misrepresent, by manoeuvering to keep up the appearance of consistency, r.ith a full con- sciousness that their original professions were eith- er in direct opposition to their real opinions, or that their principles (if they had any) have been changed, or prostituted, in consequence of bargains or associations, which the)' dare not avow. The former deserve contempt for their instability, or, perhaps, (in charity,) pity for their weakness; while the latter nieiit disgrace and punishment for their treachery. On mere questions of expediency, involving no constitutional principle, public servants cerluiuly may, without just cause of imputation. 53 change their opinions, if it be -done upon honest conviciiun of error. Indeed it may, and often does, on such questions, become their duty to vote against their own judgments, in obedience to the expressed will of their constituents ; but questions involvins: the construction of the constitution ad- mil of no such indulgence. Every man who as- pires to the honor of representing the people, ought, and is presumed to, possess established pwn- ciples on this subject ; and as, by the theory of our government, every representative is supposed, as he is obliged by duty, to reflect the opinions of his constituents, a candidate is bound frankly to avow his political creed. If he is chosen under such circumstances, his principles are impliedly sanciioned, and he stands pledged to e. strict con- fornjiry in his public acts; nor will \he obligation be discharged by -a mere observance of the letter, and abandonment of the substance — by setting up fanciful distinctions where there is no difference; neither is he at liberty to forsake. or comprij^ise his approved tenets, in any change of cUcumslances, or of rulers, much less can he surrender them to l]ie dictation of others, without forfeiting every claim to consistency, or even political honestj, and subject^ ing himself to the just reprobation of his constitu- ents. " Tried by these axioms," most of the con- federates, soi disant " people's men," and especial- ly the gentlemen whose erratic political course more immediately concerns the people of this State^ will " stand condemned," as undeserving public confidence or support. Repeated decisions, by overwhelming majorities in both Housf^s of, Congress, approved by two suc- cessive Presidents, and sanctioned by nine-tenths of the people of xhe United States, seemed to have j>ettled the question in relation to the contested pow - E2 54 er of Congress on the subject of roads and caiiabj in favor of a constitutional competency to adopt a system of internal improvement, and the expedien- cy of exercising it. At least four of the candidates in the late Presidential election, (Adams, Clay, Jackson, and Calhoun,) favored the prevailing doc- trines. The election of the first to the Presidencv, and the appoin»raent of the second to the office of Secretary of State, (although they continue true to their principles,) have produced a coalition among the disappointed, which will renew the discussion, and pel haps ultimately endanger the success of the system of improvement, unless the people intei pose their authority. Jackson and Caihounj with their adh«-rei)ts, determined to organize an Opposition to the Adaiinistration, but, conscious of their own weakness in numbers and in lalt^nt, thought it expe- dient to obtain, at any price, theco-operation of men whose principles were opposed to their own as well as to those of the Administration. A coalition was accordingly formed upon terms dictated by John Randolph, namely : That liie Administration shi uld be opposed l.y the conft-deratps in every thing, right or vvrong, and General Jackson sup- ported for ihe Presid: ncy at the n< xt elt^ction — he and Calh'^un, with thti friends, rt nouneing, or at least abandoning, in practice, their tenets on the subject of the tariff, internal improvenunts, &c, Mr. R. soiMi after manifested his fidelity, by an- nouncing, publicly, an intention to support General Jackson ; but it seems that si-me of the contracting parties, in their anxiety to keep up appearances, and the better to delude the people, began to " play fast and loose" with thei«- engagements ; which be " of the fitful head" naturallj enough mistook for duplicity, and promptly chastised them into a lively sense of the obligation of their con- tract, and tliteatened Jo abandon the w-hole of ■hem, (Gen.Jackson included) if they did.not aban- 55 vion iheir support of domestic raanufdclure?, roacisj and Cfinals.* On the bill to aid the State of Illinois in the con- struction of a Cfinal to connect the waters of Like Michigan with those of the Mississippi, Messrs. Kane and Benton were indulged in voting for its passage, (the subject being too near home to be tri- fled with,) by whicli means a tie was produced, and the bill defeated by the casting vote of the Vice President, as it had been previously arranged it should b.^. Afterwards, the whole coalition, in- cluding Col. Bent*>n, voted against, and defeated, the bill to repair the Cumberlavd road ; by which it was proposed to put and kepp }n order ihut great avenue, then in a stale of dilapidation, by collecting tolls, and to prevent tr punish future in- juries by the impositioM of adequate penalties. This road has ever been the special favorite of the West- ern Strites, and thev are equally desirous to extend and preserve h. It will also be remembered, that Col. Bencon himsoif, while Editor of the St. Louis Enquirer, and a candidate for the Senate, in antici- pation of the Slate Government, boasted that be haJ wrought upon the great iNational highway from its commencement, and pledged himself to continue bis labor until it should reach the western confines * Mr. Randolph is perpetually reminding his ne^^• friends of thett engagements, and is piovokingly careful lest his "friend indeed" should give him the slip, or. as GeneraJ Jackson would sav, '-forfeil his allegiance." I ^ his speech on the Judicial system, Mr. R. says, ' But, while 1 vote with my friend from Missouri on this question, I wish to hold him [to his contract understood] when we shall come to anoth'-r question— whether it bp the Dismal Swamp Canal bill, or the Potomac and Ohio Canal bill, or sojne other of these Gerrymanderings of the States into Districts, by ca- nals and roads " Cnl. Benton, it seems, was held, and will ftnntiiiue to beheld, or forf-it his claim ''to the use of apy . thing Mr. R. has, without the ceremony of asking leaye^' 56 of ihis State, or even the Pacific. *It is sairl that be . slill professes the same principles, and equal zeal ;, that he still maintains the constitutional competen- cy of Congress to construct roads, but denies their right to collect tolls to keep them in repair, which he contends can only be done by annual appropria- tions out of the National TreasuPy. All power on the subject of internal improvements has been de- nied by the opponents of the system, because, they say, none has been expressly. delegated to Congress, and is, therefore, reserved to the States exclusively; consequently, its exercise by the National Goveru- menl is an invasion of state rights. Col. B. insists ihatthe contest^-d power is clearly implied in those . i^xpressly delegalt-d; that the construction of .» road is not, but the erection of a tull-gate upon it is, an encroachment on state rights. He admits^ that the main power is maintained by construction-^ why he stops half-way, and excludes the incident, requires explanation. With submission, it wuuld seem to be a sticking to the letter, and a surrender of the substance — an attempt to establish a distinc- tion without a diff'irence, wliich betrays a tot^ want of confidence in the principle insisted on, and gives manifest advantage to its adversaries. A pow- er to construct roads and canals, necessarily implies a power to repair and preserve them, and the choice of the means as a necessary incident — the greater includes the less, and the. accessary follows the principal. The course pursued by Col, Benton in relation Ao this subject, considered as a question of expedi- ency, wiH be found to be strikingly at variance with his coj[>templated reform in the management of the National finances, and.his pretended attachment to economy in the public expenditure. A real econo» ^nlMst would suppose, that, after a joad or canal is constructed at the coramoo expense of all, those I -57 who enjoy its benefits should keep it in repair, t or- eigii commerce pays, by the name of lonn:ige duty, imposts, and customs, (which are no other than taxes or tolls,) nwt only ftjv the creiU'cn Rud prt^scr- vation of iis facili'ie^, but d» frays all the expenses of gov=-rnruent, supports its credii, a; -3 h rapidly pay;i>g off the National cU bi. Surely it is not too much lo require, that internrij commerce sbouid pay for tije preservation of its laciiilies, at'icr they are provided at the jNaticn's expense. Even corres- pondence between the citizens is taxed, not cijly to payfor the nieans afforded, bu; to s nabU members ot' Congress t> transmit cart-loads of pamphlets and electioneering speeches, to subserve their pri- vate purposes without private exptnse. The Post Office establishment is made to i>i»pport itself by taxing bitejs; why should not roadj> b<^ kept \u re- pair by tolls? An artt mpt has already brtn "made by Col. Benton to produce exci'empnt against the Administration, which, be says, "in these ' sl^y ligiit,' or rath* I, sky rocket times," " is r ke;=pin2 thf m in re- pair, there is dtr.^er that we shall be forcefi to abaii- ^on th^in altogether, or resort to internal taxa'ion, (direct tax and excise,) to pav off the public debt. The roads and canals now in contemplation as Na- tionfil v\<>rks, will net only require large sums of m(»ney to construct them, but the expenses of their preservation will increase wiih the progie^s f.f the work, and the whole, when completed, will proba- bly r<-quire not less than a million of dollars, annu- ally, to keep them in rep lir. If those who use them foi their own pleasure, or profii, were requir- ed, like those who enjoy the benefit of the Post Office estabiishment, to pf1 the sub- scription of seven millions in the United States' Bank, as the government has an equivalent in an equal amount of tisares in the institution 60 ftear sixty-three miilions of the Revolutionary debt, the whole of the public debt contracted between the years 1793 and 1812, including the Louisiana slock, and about one-half of that contracted since .1812, have been paid off, besides the " one hun- dred and thirty-six millionsof dollars paid in inter- est." That more has not been paid, is, perhaps, owing rather to the exertions of such politicians as Messrs. Calhoun and Benton, than any other cause. Both have contributed largely to lavish expenditures of public money; the one^ by his contracts ; the other by his votes and speeches, especially where favorites could be profited. The fii-st, as Secretary at War, made the celebrated Rip-Rap contract, by w'hich hhe United Slates lost many thousand dollars. The same economist contrived to allow Messrs. John- sons, of Kentucky, upwards of two hundred thou- sand dollars (equal to five hundred dollars, or up- wards, a man,) f\)r the transportation of troops from Bt'lle Fontaine to Council Bluffs, a distance of about fivt' hundred raiV'S.t The latter, as Senator, advocates measures avowedly for the sole purpose of spending " Government money" among the people. If we may j^i^dge frdiii his public acts, he holds, that the benefits of a measure are always in- proportion to the amount of public money they will occasion to be circulated. He treats the General Government as an alinn enemy, and every appro- priation, especially if to be expended in the west, as lawful pi-ize : hence the frequent invasions of the treasury, no matter how impracticable, or use« t Col. Benton denounced this transaction at the time- but his displeasure is now forgotten or appeased, and the ^o economists are in close alliance, off'trisite, if Dot defen* Gl less, the ostensible object may be.* Yet these ineu declaim against the Administration, because the public debt is not paid, and endeavor for that cause to excite discontent am()ng the people, and destroy their confidence in the most worthy and exalted statesmen in the nation. The Tariff is another of the favorite measures of the western people. It was originally proposed and supported avowedly as a protection and en- touragement of domestic manufactures, and 7iot as a revenue measure. It seems to have been thus understood by Col. Benton, and was advocated and supported by his vote in the Senate, on its true principles. It has now been but two years in ope- ration, and has already contributed much lo the prosperity of commerce, agriculture, and manu- factures. It has benefitted commerce, by de- creasing imports and increasing exports, and is thus equalizing the balance of trade ; it has r^^animated the drooping spirits, and stimulated the enterprise, of manufactures ; it has encour- aged agriculturists in the pleasing prospect of a home market for the productions of the soil. Domestic manufactures have increased in quantity, and improved in qu^ility, and will continue to in- crease and improve, as long as protection and en- couragement are afforded, ^' not in arithmetical ratio, but in geometrical progression," until an am- ple market will be furnished the farmer and planter * Mr. Randolph, after several times, in the same speech, reminding liis friend from Missouri «if his wishes on the subject of r. ads and canals, says, *' whenever any proposi- tion s'lall be got up to creatr- expense here, chere will always be some plausible reason urged for going into the expense, becaus" somebody will always have to furnish the mate- rial." "This is'the u.ikinjest cut of all." Surely the ** wonderful man" might have spared his " friend indeed" this cutting repr-'aach. F m for tlieir produce— a prosperous commerce psub lished in the export of manufactures — and the na- tion become completely independent of foreign powers, in peace and in war. It will be remem- bered, that this truly " American system" was ori- ginally opposed by the enemies of domeslic man- ufactures, on the ground that it was not a revenue measure, but was intended as legislative protection to domestic industry, which, it was insisted, was not within the constitutional power of Congress. The inexorable r. Randolph now demands that it shall be abandoned, together with other measures, as the sine qua non of his adheaion to the coalition, and Col. Benton promptly renounces the principles upon which it was founded by its friends, and main- tained by himself: he only tolerates its existence, for the present, as a revpuue measure^ and pledges himself to reduce it one half, when the public debt shall be paid by making donations of the public lands — he contemplates diminishing the receipts, ^vhile he continues unnecessary expenditures. Upon an attentive examination of the facts be^ fore us, it is impossible to resist the conclusion, that the whole coalition stand pledged to oppose all in- ternal improvements and domestic man'ifactures ; that such of them as have heretofore professed to be their warmest supporters, have compromised their principles (real or pretended,) deserted their constituents, and surrendered themselves, unreser- vedly, to the dictation of the adversary. Some^ indeefl, are making abortive efforts to keep up the appearance of consistency, and attempt to delude the people, and escape their just indignation, by hollow pretences of maintaining their principles as originally professed, according to the letter, and set- ting up distinctions where there is no real difference. They admit the power to construct roads and ca. ffi" 63 .)als, and deny aii authority over them after they are made. They profess to be the friends of do- mestic manufactures, and acknowledge the consti- tutional conjpelency of Congress to impose duties on imports, for their protection, but are opposed (() any tariff which is not absolutely necessary as a revenue measure ; which is nothing less than an at- tempt to compromise between their duty to their constituents and their allegiance to their faction, produced by a wish to conciliate the people, on the one hand, and a fear of the desertion of their con- federates, on the other. Professing this strange com- pound of opposite principles, it is not surprising, that in attempting to reduce them to practice, they should find themselves bewildered and confused in the mazes of their erratic course, and be unable to extricate themselves from the difficulties with which they are environed, by their strange absurdities and irreconcileable contradictions. Such will ever be the fate of politicians, who, without fixed principles to guide, or prudence to control them, sacrifice their duty to their ambition — abandon measures for the sake of men, and stake their political hopes on the success of a desperate enterprise. CURTIUS. /"t^^ D^._. .r?f^ '/ Hi a\o. VII. Statesmen who, like the President ancl Secretary fcf State, have, through a long period of >»nblic life, sustained a spotless reptUation — have been distin- jguished throughout Europe and America, for their talents, their integrity, and their virtues, and re- markable for the candor, frankness, and fearlessness, with which they have, at all tinnes, avowed and main- tained their opinions and principles, cannot be justly suspected of designs hostile to the public good, or dangerous to the liberties or political exis- tence of the country, until some overt act o( folly or depravity is established by unquestionable evi- dence. Until then, those who affect to detect sinis- ter design, artifice or stratagem, in every proposal of such men, must be considered as furnishing, by their suspicion, an undubitable token of their own political depravity, as deriving their conclusions from the consciousness of their own disposition, and imputing to others the inclination which they feel predominant in their own bosoms. Such isthe source, and such the character, of all the charges al- leged against the Administration by the " people's men." Unable to obtain power, the object of all their de- signs, by regular means, they endeavored to prepare the public mind for their own preferment, by fabri- cating, and industriously circulating, calumnies de- signed to overwhelm with obloquy hII those whose talents and virtues have secured to them public con- fidence. Hitherto they have been defeated as of- ten as their charges were reduced to specific accu- sation, and the statesmen to whom this nation is so much indebted, rose triumphant from the contest. Though discomfited, however^they were not subdu- 65 ed, nor have they relinquished their favorite mode of annoyance ; but availing themselves of every opportunity to unite the disulTected, to form a " compact of union, league, and confederation," be- tween all those whose ambition has been baffled, the commencement of the last session of Congress dis- covered a coalition, such as was never before wit- nessed, avowedly organized to oppose the Adminis- tration in all its measures, right or wrong. The no- mination of ministers to Panama was seized upon as a fit occasion for renewing the attack, and this mea- sure, dictated by the interests of the nation, sanc- tioned by the policy of the late President, and sup ported by the whole nation, was assailed by insinu- ations of suspicion, that the present Administration was about to engage the nation in entangling alliances, abandon its neutrality, and involve us in war. It is not my purpose, nor is it necessary, to enter into arguments in support of the mission ; its expe- diency has been unanswerably vindicated, and tri- umphantly maintained by the President and Secre- tary, and by a host of disinterested Statesmen in both Houses of C()ngress, whose principles have not been overcome by their predilections for one raHn,or their dislike fur another, and who are wilhng tojudge the tree by its fruits — the Administration by its measures. A recurrence to facts, in the recollec- tion of all, will demonstrate that the opposition to this measure does not arise from any love of coun- try, or real apprehension of danger, but from the ambition and self-love, or the envy and revenge, of the confederates; and, by a reference to the con- stitution, it will be seen that no alliance can be foimed without treaty, and no Treat) made obligato- ry without the ap|)robation of two-thirds of the Se- nate ; nor can troops be raised or supplies furnish- F 2 66 ed for the purposes of war, without the previous sanction of the National Legislatute* — consequent- ly, all arguments urged against this mission, on the ground that such a treaty might probably be form- ed, would apply with equal force to any mission whatever, and amount to objections against ail fo- reign intercourse, which must be conducted by the agency of ministers, the President and Senate, all of whom are as liable to corruption in one case as another. When the late President announced to thp world that this nation would not view with indifference an attempt by any of the powers of Enrope to in- terfere between Spain and her late colonies, tlie de- claration was approved and cheered by the whole nation, and by none more heartily than by the lea- ders of the Opposition. Aware, however, that iheir present course is at war with the determina- tion indicated in this declaration, they now affect to consider it as a mere vapouring ; and, to escape from the imputation of inconsistency, attempt to convict the late President, the people and them- selves, of idle gasconade ; but it was not so consi- dered by the Holy Alliance, or by any other nation on the globe ; it has had its effect only because this nation, in the opinion of the Allied Powers, ma- nifestly stood pledged to second it by action. Al- though a recurrence to these facts is by no means necessary to justify the mission, in which an arraH« nient against the Holy Alliance cannot be contem- * Ft is trne that General Jackson did once appoint officers, embody troops, and muster them into ti^e se: vice ofthe United States, without any law, or even the orders ofthe President —a usurpation which might be repeate.i to a more alarming and dang^erous extent, if this oation should confer on him the office of Chief Magistrate ; but it is a pt-ecedcjnt not iikely to be followed byf hose who understand ^nd reverence the constttfstion. 67 plated, because all apprehension of danger ffom that quarter has ceased ; yet it will serve to show- bow far the Opposition were once disposed to go, in order to guarantie the itid ptndence of the Spanish American States : whether ihey would have avail'-d themselves of the pitiful subterfuge to which they now resort, to skulk out of the conse- quences of the pi dge, if the Allies had disregarded the menacing attitude which this nation assumed, rannot now be determined. But it seems they are willing to forego all iniercou se with their once fa- vorite republics, although this nation has become immediately interested in their movements, and es- pecially in their contempl.jted plan of prosecuting a just war, by invading the colonies of J?pain, imme- diatt ly in tlie vicinity of our own bordt-rs. Thus, the election of Mr. Adams to the Presid'^ncy has lot only reversed their principles and changed their opinions on the policy of this Government, but has evaporated all their solicitudti and enthusiasm for the new Repu'olics. Tiie Assembly of American nations at Panama Is known to have originated in separate treaties, formed by Colombia with other Spanish American States, Chili, Peru, Guatemala, and Mexico. The two first were promulgated in July, 1823; the third in April, 1825, and the last, in September, in the sam'^year. They stipulate, that " an assembly shall be formed, composed of two plenipotentiaries for each party, in the same terms, and with thesame formalities, which, in conformity to established usages, ought to be observed for the appointment of ministers of equal class, [plenipotentiaries,] near the governments of foregn natiions." The par- ties '' oblige themselves to interpose their good offi- ces with the governments of the other states of America, formerly Spanish, to enter into the conv- 68 pnrt of union, league and confederation;" and, as soon as this great anul(i be attained, and not till theUj was the gene- ral assembly to be convened. As siH)n as the two first of these treaties were ]&romulgated, the contemplated assembly attracted the attention, and excited the solicitude, of all states- men of this Union. — By them it was thought to present a favorable opportunity for settling many important questions of national law, ('at least among the nations of the two Americas,) by " the consen- taneous adoption of principles of maritime neu- trality." It was hoped and believed, that "the doctrine, that free ships mrtke free goods, and the restrictions of reason on the extent ot' blockades," which has long been contended for by this nation, at the expense of much blood and treasure, might * These quotations are literally taken from the transla- tif)ns furnished the Senate, of the treaties made by Colom- bia with Chili and Peru, the two first in the order of time, creating the Congress ; particular words are pur in italics, because they are considered by Col. B. material to the char- artf^r and power of the assembly ; and it will be seen by re- fen ing to his prefatory note, that they are truly tianslated according to his own showing. 69 be establihhi-d among the American Rc-pMblics ; that , the disastrous consequences justly apprehended by the southern states of this Union, from the contem- plated invasion, and probable conqufst, of Cuba and Porto Rico, by the Spanish Americ^m States, in the emancipation of the slaves, and possible re- npwal of the shockins; scpu^s of St. Domingo, might be prevented. They, therefore, maintained that the policy of the United States required that they should be represented in that assembly ; and when it became known, that our government had receiv- ed an invitation, for this purpose, its acceptance was universally desired. The Opposition immedi- ately seized the occasion to assail the Administra- tion, in their favorite mode of attack. Their press- es, accordingly, commended operations, by insinua- tions, intimating a suspicion that the public will would probably be defeated. Some of the editors in the immediate neighborhood of General Jackson, at length boldly and distinctly assorted, that the in- vitation would not be accepted ; and, as if assured of the fact, denounced the Administration as guilty of an unpardonnble offence, in contemplat- ing: a refusal. This was considered as a signal from the chief, and the Panama mission became the ral- lying point of the whole coalition, not (as now) to oppose, but to support it, against the Administra- tion. Whf^n the President announced the accep- tance of the invitation, they contented themselves by directing their attack on the power supposed to be asserted, to appoint ministers without the ad- vice and consent of the S-^nate. But, when, after- wards, this point of attack was removed, by the no- mination to the Senate, they became infuriated by tiieir disappointment, and arrayed themselves against the once favorite missi<^n. Aware, however, th it th^ir consistency might 70 justly be questioned, the more considerate of the leaders thought it expedient to oiler an apology of some sort, for the sudden revolution in their opin- ions, and this, as usual, was found in the irresistible arguments of their confederates. The speech of Col. Benton on this subject, (of which two entire editions have been sent by mail from Washington, and circulated in this state, to the manifest abuse of the franking privilege,) :nay be considered as a fair specimen of the spirit in which the Opposition has been conducted, and the mode of reasoning by which the confederates pretend to have been con- vinced. This gentleman commences by saying — " I had not expected to speak in this debate ; and if I had spoken among (he first, it would have been on a different side from that on which I now ap- pear." Now, it will be observed, that true transla- tions of the treaties of Colombia with Chili and Peru, which create the Congress, were published in the principal papers of the United States, as early as the year 1824, and were undoubtedly read and studied by him, long before the nomination was made ; consequently, the mission, " as represented in the President's message, and the publications of the day," could not have misled him. Indeed, bis determination to oppose it appears to have been made as early as that of any of the confederates; for, by a reference to the journals, it will be seen, that from the very commencement of the debate to the time his speech was delivered, (which was nearly, or quite the last,) he voted uniformly with the Opposition, in every question, including Mr,- Van Buren's resolution asking the opinion of the President about the publication of documents. — The conclusion is therefore inevitable, th^t the de- cided change was not wrought in his mind by " time and rtflecliuu;'' and, notwithstanding his pretence. .t*^ 1 that it was tlie conimlttpe's report A'luch "fust sf. liim a thinking," he appears to have been as ready to vote against the mission before the commence- ment, as after the close, of the debate. The diplomatic character of the assembly is de- nied, although in the treaties it is declared to bean assembly of ple?iipofe?iiiaricSj which the orator ad- raits to be the very definition of a diplomatic Con- gress, and even maintains that republics are incom- petent to create any other. lie insists, that the so- vereignty of the nations to be represented will not be present at Panama, " for these States are repub- lican, and republics are incapable of exercising tlve right of sovereignty ex territoriality.'^* The com- mittee hold a different opinion. They say that, in a certain event, " the United States will be the fiist to solicit the assembling of a Congress of American States ;" and the gentleman himself says, " Minis- ters known to the law of nations can represent the sovereignty of their nations at any point upon the globe. They may come from the four quarters of the globe, and form a diplomatic assembly." He enumerates the different grades of " ministers known to the law of nations," among which are plenipotentiaries, and says, "the essential charac- ter of each, and the rights of all, are equal," yet, contends that the assembly at Panama will be of un- .equal grades, although ii is to be composed of two plenipotentiaries for each party, appointed with the jarae formalities, and comtnissioned in the same form and manner, as are required by established * This appear^ to he a peculiar favorite phrase with Co.], Bentou, often repeated in his speech, and has probably been .coined by himself, or borrowpd from some foreign lan- .guage. It was ct^rtainly as necessary that he should have ;rendered it into English, for the information of the public, as it was to give the signification of the word " aniipoder' Sox the edification of the Senate. 7> usageSy in the commission of ministers of equal character (grade) among otlier nations.* He ap- prehends, that entangling alliances will be entered into, yet denies ihe pt)ssibility that any treaty what- ever can be formed by the assembly at Panama. He maintains, that '' the advising power is a high one, and little less than a power to control and go- vern the event ;'^ and, therefore, is unwilling to advise the appointment of plenipotentiaries, unless the Senate are permitted to ^' control and govern'^ their instructions, by way of guarding in advance against being deluded into the ratification of some disastrous treaty, and to establish the principle of controlling the Executive in the exercise of this part of his constitutional functions. But, it seems, be would btf willing new to advise and consent, " that an agent, or commissioner, be sent to Panama, without diplomatic character or privilege, in the ac- iive, subtle, and penetrating frm of an unofficial agent, speaking the language of the country, and establi>hing himself on the basis of social inter- com se,/« every mudster'sJ'umUt/" — a kind of" lob- by minister," or licensed s})y to '* hang about" the assembly, "talk" with the ministers, and " send home reports of all he saw and did!!!" Such are the absurdities and contradictions in which gentlemen involve themselves, who prepare to speak on one side of a question, and by some untoward cir- cumstance, ('^such as the controlling influence and authority of an inexorable dictator,) are forced to argue on the other. Notwithstanding Col. Benton's anxiety to keep out of view the jeal causes which produced "the decided change ia his mind," the nomination of * See the Treaties as published by the Senate, particu- larly the two last, and Col. Benton^ literat tra7islation o( the 15th article of that with Guatemala, perfixew the meanders of the Mississippi and Oliio to Wheeling ; and, according to this computation, they charge and receive pay — while the real dis- tance oetvvepn the two places, estimated by wh;it the people would understand to be the " tisunl roady^ does not exceed eiuht hundred miles. It Is proba- ble, that the compensation allowed by the plain im- port of the act is not sufficient; but the people have a right to be informed, by the language of the law, what they are to pay, and certainly, an economist ought not to connive at the continuance, much less * Iti tiie " Missouri AdvocatP," of 31st August, there is an editorial article which improves on the speech, by char- •ring to the Panama mission the whole expense of our for- eign intercourse, with atl nations, and shows that the Stnn i:>r can only be outdone by the Eiiiio:^. to participate in the benefits of this left-hand mode of increasing compensation.* The intolerant zeal with which Col. Benton com- menced and prosecuted his hostility lo the mission; is betrayed in his note, prefixed to the published speech. It seems that a suspicion (very unnatural to a mere in- quirer after truth,) was excited in his mind against his relation, Me. Clay, by whom the translations of the trea- ties were furnished to be sent to the Senate : " suspect- ing these translations to be loose and inaccurate," he ap- plied to the Colombian Minister for, and obtained, a copy of the treaty between Colombia iind Guatemala, in the original language, by which, he says, he " disco- vered errors far more material to the character and power of the assembly than he had supposed. t "To expose these," (and of course the arlijice of his relation,) he prefixes to his speech five articles of the treaty, ar- ranging the original, the translation sent to the Senate, and his own, in separate columns. Which of these translations is the best, it is unnecessary to inquire, since it will appear, that the two first treaties, in point of time, and as arranged among the documents sent to and published by the Senate, are correctly translated, according to his own opinion, which excludes the idea of any design "to lead the Senate" (as is alleged) " to an idea essentially erroneous upon the character of the assembly." The word assembly is employed in the translation of the two first, and congress in the two last, * These facts are stated upon the authority of Col. Ben- ton's own declarations. It is due to Mr. Barton to state, that althoue;h other members of Congress charge, in the n)cde alluded to, he has refused to exact campetisation ac- cording to it, but estimates the distance by the vsuaJ road. t The errors cnraplained of, as calcualted to lead the Se- nate to erroneous id» as upon the character of the assembly, are, that in the translations, Congress is twice used instead of Assembly, and the words " their" and "them" are«r- tirely omitted — that arbitrator is used instead oi judge-arbi^ tralor ; none of which supposed errors exist in the two first translations sent to the Senate. Jues Arbitro is, indeed, rendered umpire, which is at least as correct as judge-arbi- fraior- 76 of the treaties ; the tormer Col. Benton contends, *' hss no diploinatic sense," but the latter '• signifies an assem- ify •/ plenipotattimiis." Unluckily for this display of erudition, the contemplated assembly is called, ia two of the translations, '^ a gtntnU assembly,'^ and in the other two, ^''a general congreas of the American stores composed of their plenipotentiarks'^ — terms evidently synonymous, both indicating the diplomatic character of the assembly, in language not to be misunderstood, nor pervened by hvper-crincisra. Toe ajfectaiion of learn- ing, exhibited in the prefatory note, might be pardon- ed ; but the wilful suppression of fdCts, for the purpose of criminating an honourable man, and that man a re- itdiomt eanooc be excused or palliated. Sacb is ibc spirit which animates the whole coali- tioa ; and sucfa tbe means they employ to sustain them- selves, and overthrow cbe men they hate. Some cf them certainly possess, in an eminent degree, that spe- cies of courage which scorns to recoil from shame, and bave persevered to the dishonour of the principles Ojj which they formerly assaoaed to act, until they have been bcoogbt to the shameless avowal of a determioa- lion to oppose every measure proposed by the Admin- btration, no matter how direct and obvioas its tendency to the public good* — and ail of them are '* Prophets of evil, ibey foretell iio good, bat tbe joy of their hearts is to predict mJalbrtBoes," aad, to realize their predic- 'tMMis, tbej use all iaipkmcnu which come to their baodh, and neglect no means which promise s-iccea. CURTICS. * Ss put in the opposite scale. It cannot be disguised, that his vote against Mr. Clay Wcts dictated by a spirit of resentment which subdued every consideration of public g'>od, or respect of public will. If Mr. Clay had voted for General Jacks m in the House of epresentatives, it would undoubtedly have been K 79 otherwise ; for, after the reconciliation of the latter with Randolph, Cobb, and Benton, there can be no doubt, but that the former mi<^ht also have purchas- ed his good opinion, if he had deserted his duty and given the lie to all he had hitherto said and done. If all that the worst enemies of Mr. Clay have ever charged upon him, were even conceded, (prov- ed it cannot be,) he would lose nothing by a com- parison with Mr. Benton or General Jackson, if one half of what tln^y have alleged and published against each other, be true. It may, therefore, well be supposed, that he might have purchased the fa- vor of either, or both, upoi> the same huniiliating terms on which they have btcume reconciled to each other. But, ^lr. Clay's opinions of General Jackson's pretensions are f rmed on facts establish- ed : he adopted them with deliberation, though not without reluctance — he maintains them with energy, yet with candor and dignity. With him "principles are injmutable ;" he chooses not to follow the ex- ample of men " changeable as weathercocks," though he has the assurance that he would thereby subdue the hostility of his most determined foes. — Those who have reason to fc*ar the accusation of their enemies, ought, perhaps, to purchase silence at any price, but Mr. Clay's integrity, and elevation of character, secure him against all the arts of his adversaries ; he has, therefore, no adequate motive to purchase exemption from their misrepresenta^ tions. We have seen that, before the late election, most cf those who are now the leaders of the Opposition, professed political principles, as well as personal predilections, of the most opposite character, and were more remarkable for their reciprocal hatred of each other, than conspicuous for their talents or virtues — that they professed no feelings in common^ but hatred and envv of Mr. Clay 5 some, because 80 they had felt him in debate — others, because of his humble origin, and all, because his talents and and popularity rendered him conspicuous as a can- didate for future promdtion. It is, therefore, more with a view to produce his ruin, than iagainst the Chief Magistrate, they have united their counstis and efforts. The Vice President, disdaining all respect to pub- lic opinion, even proposed, that he and his adhe- rents would support the administration, if the Sec- retary of State were dismissed. Thus their envy and hatred of one man has produced the m^st ex- traordinary coalition ihat ever exi^sted — has recon- ciled llandolph. Van Buren and Cobb, to John C. Calhoun, their enemy, and the reviler of Crawford — restored Jackson, Calhoun and Benton, to the favor of Rindolph, and of each other, and com- posed all their differences. Randolph, Cobb and Benton, all of whom have denounced Gen. Jack- son, for his insatiable lust of arbitrary sway, his tyrannical abuse of power, and his total ignorance, or contempt of the constitution and laws of the land, (^the latter for fifteen years his reviler, and once the humble follower of Clay,) have, with the rest, conceived a sudden attachment for the Milita" ry Chieftain, and formed a " compact of union, league and confederation," with him and his friends, to advance him to the Presidency, and bring ruin and disgrace upon Mr. Adams, and especially JVlr. Clay, at all hazards ; and the Chieftain, thus sud- denly invested with wisdom and moderation, as if determined to emulate the treachery and baseness of bis new votaries, and qualify himself for their support, distinguishes himself by the promptitude and f.cility with which he renounces his animosities, forsakes his principles, and attaches himself to his declared enemies. The means which they have employed m con- 81 (Suctmg their hostilityj It must be admitted, areoer- fectly consistent with the spirit in which it was con- ceived. Mr. Clay is charged with corruption, be- cause he preferred for the Presidency a statesman to a mere " military chieftain'' — a man who under- stands and respects the provisions of the constitu- tion, to one who stands accused, upoh liigh authori- ty, and, if not convicted, certainly not acquitted, of having, as a military officer, kept one army on foot contrary to orders, and levied another and ap- pointed officers without authority of law- — insulted the Governor of one state, and menaced the legis- lature of another; made war upon a neutral nation; violated the liberty of the citizen and of the press: put to death seveial individuals without the autho- rity of law, some after a mock trial, and others without even that formality — a man who knows not the difftrence between an alien and a citizen, a spi/ and a domestic traitor ; who cannot distinguish a citizen of a neutral nation, fighting in the ranks of a belligerent, from a pirate or sea robber; and who knows so little of the provisions ol the con- stitution and laws, as to suppose, that a traitor, or pirate, is amenable to a couit martial or the discre- tion of a military commander. All office-seekers themselves, the confederates denounce Mr. Clay for having accepted the appointment of Secretary of State, and accuse Mr. Adams of having corrupt- ]y conffired it, as a reward for services in the elec- tion — thus imputing corruption, not only to the pre- sent, but to every administration since 1801, and especially to the departed apostle of liberty, Mr. Jeffiirson, who appointed to office several of the members who voted for him ; to Mr. Randolph, who wished to be favored in the same way, and to themselves, who are all ambitious of office, and by no means particular by whom it is conferred, or about the means by which they obtain it 82 Miiny of them (Jackson, Caihotin, and Bento^^ certainly) have been the avowt-d advocates of in- ternal improvements and domestic manufactures, and professed to feel for the new Republics the so^ licitude of partisans, and the enthusiasm of devo- tees ; and now submit themselves to the absolute dictation of John Randolph, the consistent enemy of them all, as well as any thing else favoured by any administration fur the last twenty-five years, and co-operate with him to defeat their once favor- ite measures. It has been shown, that, while they affect to admit the power to construct roads and canals, they deny it in substance, and contend for principles directly at war with their seeming ad- missions* — that the tariff, avowedly adopted as a protection to domestic industry, is now treated as a mere revenue measure, to be abandoned as soon as the state of the treasury will admit, without re- gard to the consequences which must ensue to ma- nufactures — ^thdt the solicitude of the people for the new Republics, and the interest of the nation in the deliberations of the contemplated assembly at Pa- nama, are wholly disregarded — that, instead of availing ourselves of the invitation to send minis- ters, it is proposed to forego all advantages which might be attained ; and, instead of treating the as- sembled nations as sovereigns, by sending ministers of equal grade with their own, it is propost»d to in- sult the new Republics, by treating tht^ir plenipo- tentiaries as a band of conspirators, and to send *Col. Benton has felt the necessity of some effort toes- cape from the consequences of his course on this suhject, and has republished in the Advocate of the 7th September 1825, his speech delivered in January, 1824, to prove that he is a supporter of internal improvement; and he mi^ht as well, also, reputdish his speech delivered about the same timr" on the amendments of the coiistitution, to prove hi? present opinions un that aubject. among them a licensed spy, a kind of commissioned eves-dropper, to hang about the assembly and be- tray Us couuciis. Thus, the favorite measures of the per.ple (of the western States, especially,^ are not only abandoned, but violently opposed by ihe ^' people's candidate" and the " people's men," be^ cause they are recommended by the administra- tion ; and opposition is demanded by a few souih- ern politicians as the consideration of their acces- sion to the coalition. Ni)t content with opposing every proposition emanating from the administration, or any of its friends, they have attempted, repeatedly, to dis- turb die order of things as it has stood, vi^ithout complaint, nearly forty years. They propose to reduce the Executive patronage, and divide it among members of Congress — to fransfer a part of the Ex- ecutive power to indivi'Jual members of the Legis- lature, as the best mode of creating confusion in the administration of the government. In a despe- rate eflort to increase {he chances of promoting a military cineftain, the constitution itself has hi en assail d, and ono of the main pillars which support that heauiiful edifice attempted to be torn away. Under the specious pretence of giving the election to the |)e(iplt', the equality of the States is proposed to be destroyed ; in the language of one of the con- federrites, now the chief promoter of the attack, they wisii " t«i subvert the government under which we live, by unsettling the compromises on which the constitution reposes ;" and promise us, that, when their w<»rk of spoliation shall be accomplished, the consolidated Stntca shall have a chief magistrate, who, like the King of England, '' can do wrong"^r- a man whose talents and virtues escaped detection during the first forty or fifty years of his life, and all traces of their existence either eluded the anx- ious researches of his biographerj or were of a 84 cliaracter to render oblivion desirable — -a nian. whose public life [if bis new friends are to be re- lied o[i,) has be*en conspicuous for its errors or crinies, in the habitual violation of the constitution and laws of the land. From the very commencement of the Opposi- tion, the favoiite policy of the confederates has been to assail the President and Secretary by cal- umny and misrepresentation, avoiding, as far as practicable, the reduction of tiieir charges to spe- cific accusati:>n,that they might not be encountered and exposed by truth and fair argument. Whene- ver any of them have an opportunity of making what is called a speech, no matter on what subject, they never fail to introduce some topic which may serve as an apology for a strain of declamation, to -pulogize each other, and denounce the Administra- tion. But hH their little arts aie thrown far in the shade by their factious and profligate attempt to impiicate the President and Secretary of State in the frauds mediiated by the deputation of the Creek nation, wiih whom a treaty was concluded at VVashiuiiton last winter. It seems that a tre^^ty was sii»hed on the 24ih of January, and submitted to the Senate next day. On the 3 1st March, a sup- plemental article was concluded and submitted to the Senate, and the whole ratified by that body on the 2 1st April. After the original treaty was formed, Col. Benton offered his services to procure the suppleiuental article to be adopted, and recom- mended to the Secretary of War the official nego- tiator on the part of the United States, " to give private gratuities to the Creek chiefs to promote the success of the negotiation/'* The Secretary, however, entirely condemned the proposition ; but * See the proceed!ne;s of the Senate, published in the " Missouri Advocate" of 31st August last. 85 the deputation took the hint, and confederatf^d ainont^ themselves to practice a fraud on those who sent them, by apportioning about one hundred and sixty th usand dollars of the consideration money among themselves. Between the time of the con- clusion of the original treaty and of the supple- ment, all these circumstances were communicated to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs,* in the AV^ar Department, by the two Cherokees. Some weeks after the treaties had been ratified, Col. Benton deemed it his duty to communicate the fact of the existence of the intended fraud to the Senate, i?i secret session^ and the whole coalition imme- diately seized upon it for the purpose of criminat- ing the Adnjinistiation. They exonerate the Se- cretary at War (who negotiated the treaty) oi all knowledge of the meditated fraud, although the fact was first disclosed in his Department to one of his subordinates — but allege that the Administra- tion knew and concealed the fact frotn the Senate. It will, however, occur to every one, that, if any body can be supposed (without direct proof of the fact) to be conusant of the private arrangements among the chiefs, it must be the Secretary of War, or his assistant negotiator, Col. Benton, the volun- teer agent, " without diplomatic character or privi- lege," who left his seat in the Senate to intermeddle with the negotiation ; " not in the questionable and clumsy shape of a formal" commissioner, " but in the active, subtle, and pervading form of an < ffi.ial agent, establishing hims' If on the basis of social in- tercourse" with the members of the deputation.t * Mr. McKenney, former editor of th.- Washington Re- publicai), the personal friend and political adherent of Mr, Calh)un,and the enemy of the President and Secretary of State. i It is, perliaps, the success of Col. Benton in this novel species of negotiation, wh ch in-iuced him to recommend a similar mission to Panama, (See his speech, first edition.) li '%. •iil'v 8G I'he President and Secietarv of Slate were, indeecL at Washington during the negotiation, and so were the Senators who accuse them ; neither, however, had any thing to do with the treaty until it was concluded ; all of them, except Col. Benton, were probably too much occupied in the duties of their respective stations, to be intermeddling with other matters, and had no other means of infortnation, in relation to the arrangements of the disputation, than were common to every body in Washington. There is, therefore, the same evidence upon which to con- vict the Senators, or any body else, of connivance, as there is to impeach the Administration. If it was criminal not to detect and expose the intended fraud, what shall be said of the Senator who proposed to bribe the deputation, and who knew at least as much of the arrangements among the chiefs as any body else, and concealed his knowledge until the treaty was ratified ? Yet the Administration is condemned, and the Senator and War Minister ap- plauded. Col. Benton says that " he recomirended the giving private gratuities to the chiefs, (bribery,) as the only way of treating with barbarians. He con- sidered the practice us sanctioned by the usage of tiie United States ; he believed it to he common among all barbarous nations, and in many that w^re civilized, and referred to the article of the constitution against receiving ^^ presents,^' as a proof that the convention thong'ut buch a restriction ?ipcessari/ even among ourselves!!!" From which it is to be inferred, that our ministers might honestly tak-^ a bribe, if it were not specially pro- hibited, and that it is perfectly honest and consist- ent with the dignity and honor of this nation, to bribe the diplomatic representatives of other na- tions. If such a practice has been sanctioned by the usage of the United States, it certainly has been 8 87 prudently concealed from the people. It is true that Mr. Talleyrand, in Oclober, 1797, did iutimate to our envoys near the government of Franct", ihat a sum of money, amounting to * fifty thousand pounds stei ling, would be required to be at the dis- posal of Talhy rand/or the pockets uj the directory and ministers, and that a loan to tne French Go- vernment would also be insisted on — which terms being complied with, IMr. Talleyrand had no doubt of eftVcting an accommodation between the two Countries. This proposed loan to the government and douceur (gratuities) to the directory, were fre- quently pressed upon our envoys, and, if they ad- verted to other points, they were told, "genlk- men,you do not speak to the point, it is monty ; it is expected that you will offer money ;" to whiih they uniformly replied. " no, no — not a sixpence." Noiwiihstandir.g the anxiety of this nation to avoid a conflict with France, it was not, in those days, thought to be consistent with its dignivy and honor to promote the success of ihe negotiation by bribe ry nor do I believe that the United States have, in any case, resorted to filling the ^i^kets of minis- ters with private gratuities, by Wriy ♦ of producing conviction on their minds." It is said, however, that the unofficial negotiator who recommends it, is to be Secretary of State when Gen. Jackson is President ; it is, therefore, possible, though not ve- ry probable, that,at some future period, our negotia- tions will be conducted after the manner of Talley- rand, in all things except talent— and annual ap- propriations become necessary for ^' private gratu- ities" to ministers of foreign nations. The party who thus continually assail the Ad- ministration, and lay in wait for an opportunity of seizing on the government, per fas aid nefus, by fair or foul means, is chiefly composed of men in all respects eminently qualified for the enterprise^ / 6i-t^-»U>V«?l. 88 by the possession of much courage and considera- ble talentSj witliout patriotism or political principle. Tlifir confederacy is accurately described in Gen. Foy's definition x3f an aristocracy oftlie nineteenth Cfntury : " a league or coalition of those who wish to consume without producing, occupy all public places without being competent to fill them, aud seizing upon all honors without meriting ihem.'^ Tyrants when in power; demagogues when out, the real people will fiisd it wise to resis'. them on the ad- vanced ground, before they obtain a lodgment in* some outwork t)f the constitution, whence they may direct a dangerous, and perhaps successful attack against the citad^ 1 itself. This republic can be successfully assailed only by gradual inroads on the principles of government : every attempt at en- croachment should, therefore, be promjjtly resisted, lest artfid and aspiring demagogues ohlain sway, and establish arbitrary power under the i»ame of the people. CURTIUS. '•*' ^'. 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