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THE 
 
 CIRCULAR ADDRESS 
 
 THOMAS CHILTON, 
 
 OF KEJVTUCKY, 
 
 TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. 
 
 WASHINGTON CITY, FEBRUARY 27, 1831. 
 
 03* True to your Country, and your oountry's eaflse, ££ 
 J-et not your course be dictated by cither temerity or timidity. 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. O. 
 
 PRINTED BY STEPHEN C. USTICS, 
 
 183*. 
 
,0 5-3 
 
 M . «. . ' 
 
CIRCULAR ADDRESS 
 
 To the Citizens and Voters of the Eleventh Congressional 
 District of Kentucky, composed of the Counties of Hen- 
 derson, Muhlenhurgh, Butler, Ohio, Daviess, Hancock, 
 Breckenridge, Meade, Grayson, Hardin, Hart, and part 
 of Edmonson. 
 
 
 
 Fellow Citizens : I am approaching the close of the fourth 
 
 session of my service as your Representative in Congress; 
 and am constrained by that circumstance, in surrendering up 
 my charge for the present, to render with it an account of the 
 course which as your humble agent I have endeavored most 
 steadfastly and undeviatingly to pursue. I need not open this 
 communication with a studied exordium, with a view to attract 
 and rivet the attention of the reader — for spice it as I may, 
 unless I detail such facts, and dwell upon such subjects, as 
 immediately connect themselves with your interests and na- 
 tional happiness, the narration will grow stale even while you 
 read it. If I have ever witnessed a period of my life which 
 rendered a full and fair explanation of my political course and 
 conduct necessary, that period is the present. It is due to 
 my former friends — it is due to my country — and, lastly, it is 
 due to myself. In undertaking this task, I have one thing 
 above all others to request: it is, that no one, who claims to 
 be a reasonable man and a freeman, will so far permit himself 
 to be blinded by prejudice, as to deafen his ears and close his 
 eyes against the voice and light of truth. Should this request 
 be granted me, I am persuaded that those who may even differ 
 with me upon some political topics, upon perusing this com- 
 munication, candidly and without prejudice, >vill discover the 
 consistency of my course. 
 
 Within the district which I have had the honor to represent 
 for four years, I can say with conscious pleasure, that if the 
 first or slightest exception has ever been taken to a single 
 vote which I have given in Congress, it has been, and yet 
 remains to me unknown. I have endeavored in all things to 
 consult the interest of my constituents ; and so successful 
 were my efforts, up to a certain memorable era in ray nolitical 
 history, that when I returned to them, I was hailed as the 
 
the countries' friend, and cheered with the most animating 
 plaudits. With some of those who were once loudest in the 
 colloquy of adulation, it is not so now. And why ? Is it be- 
 cause I have violated any single pledge made by me to the 
 people? Certainly not; for I can and will shew, that I have 
 punctiliously redeemed every promise which I made, and that 
 in my sentiments as to measures, I have undergone no change, 
 notwithstanding I have been compelled, by a much regretted 
 necessity, to change my opinions concerning men. Is it that 
 I have, in my political course, in any instance, opposed the 
 great and fundamental principles of our Government, and 
 advocated doctrines hostile to the purity of its institutions? 
 I trust not; tor under its sacred principles I was born, and 
 have grown up, and from my infancy have been taught to ve- 
 nerate them. No : the real cause has not yet been approached ; 
 but I will now proceed briefly to consider it. 
 
 To place this matter in a proper point of view, a brief 
 recapitulation and retrospect of facts will be necessary. 
 
 "When, in the year 1826, I removed to the district in which 
 I now reside, nothing was farther from my thoughts, than that 
 I should at any period become a candidate for Congress with- 
 in its limits. It was at a period which just preceded the 
 opening of the last contest for the presidential chair; a con- 
 test marked with so much heat and violence, that even the 
 patriot shudders while he indulges its retrospect — and with a 
 throbbing heart lifts his eyes to Heaven in thankfulness, that 
 the liberty of his country is still respiring, notwithstanding 
 the numerous shocks it has encountered. The country began 
 to exhibit signs of agitation as the conflict approached ; and, 
 in the 11th District, it was thought that even a cloud could 
 not be thrown over the prospects of Mr. Adams. For perhaps 
 more than a year, I was engaged in the editorial department 
 of the Newspaper published in Elizabeth Town, previous to 
 royboroming a candidate, and as my constituents well know, 
 mv humble efforts wrrc must assiduously devoted to the cause 
 of General Jackson, who at that time stood charged by his ene- 
 mies with almost every outrage contained in the catalogue of 
 cruelty and crime. He was charged with having wickedly 
 slandered the brave and patriotic sons of Kentucky, by brand- 
 ing them with having ingloriously fled before the enemy— in 
 calling them cowards — and by obstinately persisting in this 
 alleged slander, even after time had been afforded him to cool 
 his passions and correct his judgment upon the subject. Not- 
 withstanding my State pride, on the one hand, and the serious 
 
character of these charges, on the other; such was the infatu- 
 ating influence which his military fame exerted over me, that 
 I paused not to count the cost, but rushed into the ranks of 
 his supporters and defenders, regardless of toil and danger; 
 and, as I now perceive, was very often, by my zeal, betrayed 
 into errors, upon which I look with deep regret. 
 
 As the contest grew warmer, my individual exertions were 
 redoubled — I became a candidate for Congress ; and I appeal, 
 as well to the friends as the foes of General Jackson, when I 
 say, that from side to side, and from end to end of die dis- 
 trict, I stood forth as an undaunted advocate for him. I dis- 
 regarded the peril of life and health. 1 disregarded the 
 ne°lect of my private business -, I looked with indifference 
 upon the rapid decline and wasteful expenditure of an humble 
 fortune; and, urged on by the fire of youth, and a veneration 
 for the Chieftain, I exposed myself to the just reproaches of 
 many whose judgments had gathered the riper fruits of age 
 and experience. One thing I very distinctly remember: it 
 is, that when I was first announced a candidate for Congress, 
 as the friend of GeneralJackson, the idea that any man should 
 calculate upon success in that district, under such a declara- 
 tion, was almost universally ridiculed and considered pre- 
 posterous. The obstacles, however, which this, with a variety 
 of other circumstances threw in my path, did not deter me. 
 I encountered the difficulties which I met on the way, with 
 perhaps more courage than prudence ; yet over them all I 
 proved successful — and was returned as your Representative. 
 
 The contest for the highest office within the gift of the 
 People was then, as I have before intimated, going on between 
 Mr. Adams and General Jackson ; and their respective friends. 
 And now I will proceed to inquire, what were the grounds 
 taken by myself against the former, and in favor of the latter; 
 and what were the pledges which I gave to those, whose suf- 
 frages I sought? If we attend closely to these questions, 
 and then take into consideration and comparison with them, 
 my course as the Representative of the 11th District, it may 
 easily and clearly be ascertained whether I have been faithful 
 as a public servant — whether my pledges have been redeemed 
 — and whether the charge of inconsistency and fickleness of 
 purpose should rest on me, or on those under whose banner I 
 once so cheerfully fought. 
 
 The first objection, then, urged against Mr. Adams, was, 
 that he had descended from a father, whose administration 
 was marked with some acts of intolerance while filling the 
 
same elevated station. Admit the truth of all this j yet it 
 was unkind and somewhat unnatural to hold the son respon- 
 sible for the acts of the father, over whom he had no control* 
 I wish, however, to be distinctly understood, once for all, 
 as not intending to attempt a justification of any impropriety 
 either in the father or the son ; but my object is to enumerate 
 the leading objections which were urged by the friends of our 
 present Chief Magistrate, against Mr. J. Q. Adams, and by 
 myself among the rest ; and then, by adverting to facts, which 
 are perfectly undeniable in their character, to show that the 
 same objections, or most of them, apply with fourfold appro- 
 priateness to General Jackson. In fine, it is my object to 
 shew that, instead of my having abandoned General Jackson, 
 he has abondoned both his principles and his friends ; and, 
 that in the course which I have pursued, I have been actuated 
 alone by principles of justice, regard for what I believe to be 
 the interets of the People, and a desire to be pertinaciously 
 consistent. 
 
 The second argument used against the re-election of Mr. 
 Adams was, that four years, or one term, was as long as any 
 man could be permitted to wield the destinies of this nation, 
 Without endangering the public safety. That the power and 
 patronage of the President were so immensely great, that the 
 vital interests of the nation demanded their frequent trans- 
 mission into ether hands, and a rigid scrutiny, on the part of 
 the People, into the manner of their exercise. 
 
 I appeal to a generous and candid public, when I ask the 
 question, where is the man, in the District which 1 have re- 
 presented, av ho ever heard me deliver a political address to 
 the People, and did not hear me expressly avow, and earnestly 
 advocate this doctrine ? Or where the man who did not hear 
 me expressly declare, that I never would vote for the same 
 man to fill that office a second time? I am persuaded that 
 such an individual cannot be found ; and hence I am not in- 
 consistent in saying, that I cannot again vote for General 
 Jackson — but should be grossly so, if I were to say that I 
 
 v. 
 
 ould. 
 
 The third objection to Mr. Adams was, that he was indulg 
 ing in a system of extravagance which would certainly, and 
 speedily, bankrupt the nation. The specifications under this 
 general charge were, in part, the following: Penknives, for the 
 use of the members of Congress; quills, ink, paper, wafers, 
 wax, and tape; crape for mourning the death of deceased 
 members; sandboxes, sand, and, indeed, many other small 
 
articles, too tedious to be named. If these were abuses, under 
 the administration of Mr. Adams, they can be nothing else 
 under the present administration, as they are all continued 
 just as they were. In reference to these items, therefore, it 
 would seem that the community has gained but little by the 
 change to compensate for all its losses, of which I will hereafter 
 more particularly speak. 
 
 The grand aggregate of the expenditures of the Government, 
 however, under Mr. Adams, was considered appalling to every 
 feeling of republican economy. With a strict eye to justice, 
 between the parties, let us inquire what has the country 
 gained, thus far, on that score, and what particular advantage 
 has been derived from the change of financiers. 
 
 The total expenditure of the Government, during the first 
 year of Mr. Adams's Administration, was 8 23,585,804 72 — 
 less, by the sura of 81,186,476 66 cents, than the amount ex- 
 pended during the first year of the present Administration. 
 
 St would seem that the change in this respect, is materially 
 for the worse ; nor can a denial of it place the matter on any 
 better footing. But I consider it wholly unnecessary, that I 
 .should consume time and labor, in contrasting the second 
 year of Mr. Adams, with the corresponding year of General 
 Jackson — as it will amply answer my purpose to advert to 
 facts which shew a continued increase of prodigality in the 
 administration of the Government. I would however upon 
 that subject merely remark, that the expenditures of the se- 
 cond year of the General, exceed those of the second of 
 Mr. Adams by the sum of 8 993,542, 36. 
 
 General Jackson entered on the discharge of his official 
 duties in 1829, under auspicious circumstances; such, in- 
 deed, as his best friends fondly hoped would lead to the most 
 desirable results. They well knew that they had been clam- 
 orous upon the subject of national prodigality, and that the 
 country looked for a radical change of policy, upon a change 
 of men. This change 1 willingly admit, so far as an increas- 
 ed waste of money, and a cruel system of unparrelled pro 
 scription are concerned, has been realized. 
 
 The year 1829, opened with a balance in the treasury of 
 55 5,972,435 81. The receipts into the treasury during that 
 year were 8 24,827,627 38, which being added to the sum 
 remaining in the treasury, as before stated, gives the amount 
 subject to appropriation for the support of the Government, 
 for that year, 8 30,800,063 19. 
 
8 
 
 The total expenditure for the same year was 825,044,358 40 
 ■--more, by $216,731 02, than the actual receipts into the 
 treasury, from all sources, during the same year. 
 
 This policy I think is unsound ; for a nation, like an indi- 
 vidual family, is on the decline, whenever its expenditures 
 are permitted to exceed its income. • 
 
 The result is, that the year 1830 opens with a balance iu 
 the treasury of 85,755,704 79—less by 8 216,731 02, than 
 the balance in the same, when General Jackson became its 
 keeper. It will be perceived that the excess of expenditure 
 over the amount of revenue for 1829, corresponds precisely 
 With the last stated : *im ; because that excess, of course, was 
 drawn from the surplus in the treasury on the 1st of January, 
 1829. From this statement, which is supported by the report 
 of the Secretory of the Treasury, it manifestly appears, that 
 instead of gaining any thing in reference to money matters, 
 during the first year of Gen. Jackson, we have lostTWO HUN- 
 DRED AND SIXTEEN THOUSAND SEVEN HUNDRED 
 AND THIRTY-ONE DOLLARS AND TWO CENTS. 
 
 We will now examine, as to what we have gained during 
 the second year of the present administration. During the 
 year 1830, the total receipts into the treasury from all sources, 
 are estimated at $24,161,018 79—less by 8666,608 59, than 
 during the year 1829. Here is an awful falling oft' in the 
 revenue; and one which remains to be accounted for. The 
 receipts, however, of 1830, being added to the balance in 
 the treasury, on the first day of January of the same year, 
 amount to $29,916,723 38. From this sum deduct the esti- 
 mated expenditure for that year, $25,096,941 82, and you 
 have remaining in the treasury on the first day of the present 
 year, 84,819,781, 76— less by 8 935,923, 03, than on the first 
 of the preceding January. Thus it appears that the antici- 
 pated profit, which was so confidently expected, and so often 
 promised, has, during the second year of General Jackson's 
 administration resulted in a loss, and balance against us, of 
 NINE HUNDRED AND THIRTY FIVE THOUSAND, 
 NINE HUNDRED AND THIRTY-THREE DOLLARS, 
 AND THREE CENTS, for that year alone. The great ex- 
 cess of expenditure over the amount of receipts does not, how- 
 ever, constitute the only alarming feature presented in this 
 inquiry ; for it will be found to be true, that the excess com- 
 plained of not only exists in reference, as before shewn, to 
 the disbursements from the treasury, and the sums received 
 Into it during the same year ; but that the expenditures of 
 
1830, exceed those of 1829, the sum of 852,583 42. These 
 things previous to the late presidential election, would have 
 been viewed and depicted in the most horrible colors. But 
 now, that the main object for which less exceptionable occur- 
 rences under another administration were denounced with 
 bitterest acrimony is accomplished, the clamor is still; the 
 penknife story is seldom, if ever, repeated; the Eastern Room, 
 with nil its regal and recent splendor, is forgotten ; and most 
 of the people-loving patriots of 1828, are found sleeping on 
 their posts — and even in their dreams of security, pouring 
 out their bitterest invectives upon those who cannot bow 
 down and worship their Idol with them, nor justify his 
 mistaken and ruinous policy. 
 
 I have, however, adverted to the subject of the increased 
 expenditure of the Government, not because I supposed it to 
 constitute the strongest ground of objection to the course 
 pursued by General Jackson — for it is figuratively but a drop 
 in the ocean — but merely with a view to shew the People 
 how they have been disappointed and deceived, and at the 
 same lime to meet the arguments which greatly facilitated the 
 overthrow of his predecessor. 
 
 I could, if time and space would permit, shew how it has 
 happened that the gross amount of expenditure has been 
 increased ; but inasmuch as I design to dwell at some length 
 upon the progress and practical effect of that system of pro- 
 scription, which, ashamed of its own real name, has borrowed 
 the title of " reform," I will at present forbear to speak more 
 particularly of it in detail. 
 
 That Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay were devoted to what is call- 
 ed the "American System" and to " Internal Improvements," 
 was well known to the Western people ; and by them admit- 
 ted. And that in each of those systems, they felt, and still 
 feel, a deep and lively interest, cannot — will not be denied. 
 "When the friends of those gentlemen urged their superior 
 claims on the West, on account of the coincidence of opinion 
 which existed between them and us ; we met them with decla- 
 rations that General Jackson would go as far to advance those 
 systems, as they could possibly go. 1 well remember, and sure 
 I am the people cannot have forgotten, that I stood as an 
 individual directly pledged to oppose any man who opposed 
 either of those great systems of national policy; wherefore, 
 I cannot be justly charged with inconsistency, on account of 
 my opposition to General Jackson's course in relation to each of 
 ■them, considering him, as I do, their arch and dangerous enemy, 
 2 
 
10 
 
 Did not the people of Kentucky in general, and of the dis- 
 trict which I represent, in particular, vote for Gen. Jackson 
 under the belief that he was friendly to tUe Tariff, and In- 
 ternal Improvements? I can anticipate the answer, which 
 candor must give. The extent then, to which we have been 
 deceived, and the important connexion in which those subjects 
 stand, with our national prosperity, may now be justly consid- 
 ered. That the system is one of the greatest conceivable 
 importance, I am persuaded no man, who will dispassionately 
 consider it, can doubt. It is by improving the internal condi- 
 tion of our country, that it is beautified, and that the desert 
 its made to blossom like the rose. By it the honest agricultu- 
 ralist, the laboring farmer, has the rivers and the roads of his 
 country opened for the transportation of the fruits of his in- 
 dustry to market — the operations of the enterprising exporter 
 of our surplus produce, are facilitated — and the intercourse 
 between the different parts of the world is both increased 
 and improved, by securing the more speedy and certain trans- 
 portation of our mails. Another important advantage result- 
 ing from the encouragement of this system is, that it throws 
 into circulation large sums of money, and gives employment 
 to numerous thousands of our fellow men, wresting them from 
 destruction and poverly. 
 
 Previous to the late Presidential Election, how boldly was 
 it asserted, and how fondly anticipated, that, if General 
 Jackson should succeed in the contest, Kentucky, which, 
 though valiant in war and generous in peace, had so long been 
 neglected, would soon realize the benefits of discreet and pru- 
 dent appropriations for internal improvements within her 
 limits. General Jackson was elected ; but what then? Con- 
 gress passed a bill making an appropriation for the purpose 
 of improving and turnpiking the road from Maysville to Lex- 
 ington, with a view to extend it on through our section of 
 Kentucky, south-westwardly, to Nashville and Florence, 
 Alabama, &c. But what was its fate in the hands of General 
 Jackson ? Did he take into consideration that not one dollar 
 had ever been given to us for Internal Improvement ; and did 
 he shew towards us that kindness which we had expected, or 
 that justice which we had a right to demand ? No; he did 
 neither. But after having received our support for the sta- 
 tion which he fills, he suffered himself to be cajoled into the 
 idea that Kentuckians could dispense with roads, as easily as 
 their Militia could fight without guns. Hence he placed the 
 veto of his disapprobation upon our prospects in the one case 
 
1L 
 
 as he did upon our patriotism in the other. I have often at- 
 tempted to excuse his conduct towards Kentucky and her 
 sons, on a former occasion ; but when he seems determined to 
 oppose every policy, in which Kentucky has an interest, I 
 cannot avoid a suspicion that his former attack resulted from 
 some deep rooted hostility to the State. His conduct in rela- 
 tion to the Louisville Canal Bill was equally reprehensible, 
 and furnishes additional evidence of what I have before ad- 
 vanced. My Fellow Citizens, you should awake to a sense 
 of your real situation: you should look around you, and view 
 the millions after millions of dollars which are lavished upon 
 other States, and then see what has been done for you. That 
 you may view this matter properly, and no longer be kept in 
 darkness, I will give you the precise amount which each State 
 has drawn from the Treasury, since the adoption of the Fede- 
 ral Constitution, to the 31st December, 1829, for Fortifica- 
 tions, Light-houses, and Internal Improvements ; under which 
 heads, Kentucky has never received one solitary dollar, no^ 
 under any other, except for the pay of her soldiers. 
 
 For the objects, above specified, the State of Maine, has 
 received the sum of $177,968 68 cents. The State of New 
 Hampshire, §196,720 18; Massachusetts, $1,527,1 16 12; 
 Rhode Island, $716,784 51; Connecticut, $236,726 86; 
 Vermont, $4,729 22; New York, $3,844,964 26; New 
 Jersey, $23,701 17; Pennsylvania, $261,972 00; Dela- 
 ware, $766,330 12; Maryland, $1,183,624 42; Virginia, 
 $2,779,963 92; North Carolina, $641,919 91 ; South Ca- 
 rolina, $864,549 66; Georgia, $426,159 99; Kentucky, 
 |Q°-not a dollar! ! ! ; Tennessee, $17,111 18 ; Ohio, $478,- 
 684 68; Louisiana, $1,969,986 35; Indiana, $115,392 49; 
 Mississippi, $54,691 38; Illinois, $8,994,36; Alabama, 
 $1,281,717 59; Missouri, $29,863 78; Michigan Terri- 
 tory, $139,867 57; Arkansas Territory, $47,477 20; 
 Florida Termtoky, $-206,955 16; The District of Co- 
 lumbia, $43,781 74 cents. 
 
 Durina the four vears of Mr. Adams' Administration, there 
 was appropriated for the purpose of removing obstructions to 
 the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, the sum 
 of S 162,043 18, while, unfortunately for the West, the hum- 
 ble appropriation of the first year of General Jackson's ad- 
 ministration, for opening a channel around the falls of the 
 Ohio, was unceremoniously withheld. I know the apologies 
 which the General's friends, and particularly his arch seducer, 
 have attempted to plead for him ; but a very brief examina- 
 
12 
 
 tiou ot the grounds which they assume, will clearly demon- 
 strate their futility ; and present a fair picture of the weak- 
 ness of human nature, even when viewed in the Presidential 
 Chair. 
 
 The hue and cry has been raised against me, by some of 
 those who once professed to believe with me, upon the sub- 
 ject of Internal Improvements; and as a proof diat I have 
 changed, they urge as an argument the fact that I am opposed 
 to General Jackson. The. question, by his course, was fairly 
 presented to me, whether I would prove traitor to my con- 
 science, my country, and my constituents ; or abandon him. 
 He had abandoned himself to the most reckless disregard of 
 his former principles ; the very principles upon which I, and 
 the people of the District which I represent, supported him. 
 And vhen I was called upon to bow with the servility of a 
 menial to his political whims, at the sacrifice too, of every 
 honest convictiun and semblance of consistency ; as a ser- 
 vant of the people, and a republican, it required no stu- 
 died effort to determine my course ; and therefore if he 
 chooses to follow Mr. Van Buren, and to adopt the very policy 
 which he, General Jackson, so uniformly opposed previous to 
 his election, and by which opposition he was enabled to en- 
 snare the unsuspecting West — let him go, I surely will not 
 bear him company. 
 
 I repeat again, as I have asserted before, that Kentucky sup* 
 ported Gen. Jackson, believing him to be the friend of Internal 
 Improvements; and that too without any of the hair spun 
 distinctions and qualifications which he endeavors to throw 
 around his official dereliction of his former political faith, 
 since he has felt the power and influence of the "Magiciarts 
 Wand" While I was his warm supporter, I relied upon his 
 votes as a Senator of the U. States, to prove this fact. They may 
 be remembered by you ; but lest they may have been forgotten, I 
 will briefly turn your attention to them tigain ; examine them, 
 and you will perceive that I am consistent, while even the Gene- 
 ral's best friends dare not deny, that he has changed. That 
 he has disappointed the hopes of his friends, and verified the 
 predictions of his enemies — let facts speak. 
 
 In the year 1823-4, and at other periods, the question in 
 various shapes was presented to the Senate of the United 
 States. General Jackson was then a member, and the follow- 
 ing extracts from the Journal of that body will shew, that he 
 Was in favor of the system, even beyond what its warmest 
 supporters would require of him. Mark, however, that Mar- 
 
13 
 
 tin Van Buren, his present chief counsellor, was opposed io 
 him in every vote — and in favor of the precise policy which 
 his magic, or some o^her power, lias palmed upon the Execu- 
 tive, as bein^ in accordance with t'ue interest of the country. 
 
 EXTRACT. 
 
 1824 — April 23. — The Senate resumed the bill "to procure 
 the necessary surveys, plans, and estimates, upon the subject 
 of Roads and Canals." 
 
 Mr, Smith, of Maryland, moved that there he inserted, at 
 the end of the first section, the following proviso : 
 
 "Provided, That nothing herein contained, shall be con- 
 strued to aifirm or admit a power in Congress, on their own 
 authority, to make Roads or Canals within any of the States 
 of the Union.*' 
 
 Mr. Van Dykk moved to add to this amendment the follow- 
 ing : 
 
 " *hul provided, aho, That, previous to making any of the 
 aforesaid surveys, the consent of the States through which the 
 said surveys are to be made, shall first be obtained by the 
 President, from the Legislatures of the States respectively, 
 agreeeing that such surveys may be made." 
 
 The question upon agreeing to this motion of Mr. Van Dyke, 
 was decided as follows: 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Chandler, Elliott, Gaillard t 
 King of N. Y. Lloyd of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, Taylor 
 of Va. VAN BUREN, Van Dyke, Ware— 15. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Branch, Brown, Clayton, 
 D'Wolf, Eaton, Edwards, Findlay, Hayne, Holmes of Me. 
 Holmes of Miss. JACKSON, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, 
 Josiah S. Johnston, King of Ala. Knight, Lanman, Lloyd 
 of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Ruggles, Seymour, Talbot, Taylor 
 of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 23. 
 
 The question was then taken upon agreeing to the amend- 
 ment of Mr. Smith, as above stated, and decided as follows: 
 
 Yeas. — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, 
 D'Wolf, Elliott, Findiay, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of 
 Ala. King of N. Y. Lloyd of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, 
 Smith, Taylor of Va. VAN BUREN, Van Dyke, Ware— 21. 
 
 Nays — Messrs, Barton, Benton, Brown, Dickerson, Eaton, 
 Edwards, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. JACKSON, Johnson of 
 Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, Knight, Lan- 
 man, Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Ruggies, Sey- 
 mour, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 25. 
 
14 
 
 Mr. Holmes, of Maine, then moved to add to the first sec- 
 tion the following: 
 
 "Provided, And the faith of the United States is hereby 
 pledged, that no money shall ever be expended for Roads or 
 Canals, except it shall be among the several States, and in 
 the same proportions as direct taxes are laid and assessed by 
 the provisions of the Constitution." 
 
 And the question being taken upon said motion, it was de- 
 cided as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, D'Wolf, 
 Elliott, Findlay, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of N. Y. 
 Knight, Lanman, Lloyd of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, 
 Taylor of A r a. VAN BUREN, Ware— 19. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Clayton, Dickerson, 
 Eaton, Edwards, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. JACKSON, John- 
 son of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, King 
 of Ala. Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Ruggles, 
 Seymour, Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Van Dyke, 
 
 Williams— 27. 
 
 No further amendment being proposed, the question upon 
 the third reading of the bill was decided as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Dickerson, Eaton, 
 Findlay, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. JACKSON, Johnson of 
 Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, Lanman, 
 Lloyd of Mass. Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, 
 Ruggles, Smith,Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams— 25. 
 
 jVg?/s— Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Cbyton, 
 D'Wolf, Edwards, RUiott, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of 
 Ala. King of N. Y. Knight, Macon, Mills, Palmer, Seymour, 
 Taylor, of Va. VAN BUREN, Van Dyke, Ware— 21. 
 
 1824 — May 19 — On the question of passing to a third read- 
 in"-, the bill " To improve the navigation of the Ohio and 
 Mississippi rivers," the votes were as follows : 
 
 Yeas Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, D'Wolf, Dickerson, 
 
 Eaton, Findlay, Holmes of Mass. JACKSON, Johnson of 
 Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, Lanman, 
 Lloyd of Mass. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Parrott, Ruggles, 
 Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams— 25. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Benton, Branch, Chandler, 
 Clayton, Edwards, Elliott, Gaillard, Hayne, Holmes, of Me. 
 King of Ala. King of N. Y. Macon, Mills, Palmer, Seymour, 
 Taylor of Va. VAN BUREN, Van Dyke, W T are— 29. 
 
 1826— Feb. 24— On the passage of the bill authorising a 
 
15 
 
 subscription of stock in the Chesapeake and Delrvrare Cana 
 Company, the votes were as follows: 
 
 Ytas — Messrs. Barton, Bouligny, Brown, D'Wolf, Dick- 
 erson,- Eaton, Edwards, Findlay, JACKSON, Johnson of Ky. 
 Johnston of Lou. Kelly, Lannian, Lloyd of Mass. Lowrie, 
 Mi llvaine, Noble, Parrot, Ruggles, Smith, Talbot, Thomas, 
 Van Dyke, Williams— 24. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Benton, Branch, Chandler, 
 Holmes of Me. Claytou, Elliott, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. King 
 of Ala. King of N. Y. Knight, McLean, Macon, Seymour, 
 Tazewell, VAN BUREN— 18. 
 
 From these extracts, it evidently appears, 
 1st, That General Jackson and Mr. VanBuren were in utter 
 political hostility upon the subject of Internal Improvement, 
 voting in every instance precisely opposite to each other. 
 
 2ndly, That the President did "affirm and admit" the 
 power of Congress, on " their own authority," to make roads 
 and canals within any of the Stales of the Union. 
 
 3dly, That the consent of the States, through which roads 
 and other improvements were to pass, was not necessary. 
 
 4thly, That money should be expended for roads, and ca- 
 nals, though not in proportion, " as direct taxes are laid and 
 assessed by the provisions of the Constitution." 
 
 5thly, That it was both constitutional and expedient, "to 
 improve the Navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers ! ) 
 6thly, That it was perfectly constitutional, equitable, and 
 expedient to subscribe/or stock in Canal Companies ! ! !! ! ! ! / 
 With what astonishment, and even disgust, must a friend to 
 this great system; a friend who supported the elevation of 
 General Jackson, with the foregoing evidences before his eyes, 
 look upon the veto message of that gentleman, as well as the 
 various other proofs with which we are furnished, of the total 
 abandonment of his principles of 1824? The question is 
 easily answered. 
 
 Let us now inquire, what has produced this unfortunate 
 and unexpected change? Is it that there are no fixed princi- 
 ples of propriety in Government ? Is it, that what was so 
 clearly right in 1824, is both ruinous and wrong, in 1829-30? 
 Or is it, that the same secret and mysterious power was 
 exerted over him in this matter, which has so recently and so 
 unfortunately led to an open rupture in the Cabinet; a rup- 
 ture which must fix an indelible stain upon the bright escutch- 
 eon of our national honor and dignity? If catjed upon to 
 determine, I should strongly suspect the latter cause. But< 
 
16 
 
 to give the executive the full benefit of every apology which 
 he may desire to plead for the change, let us attend for a mo- 
 ment to the arguments urged in its defence. 
 
 He informs us that, in the first place, the National Debt 
 should be paid. It is a well known fact that I have always been 
 a zealous advocate for the payment of tins debt, and am still 
 so, but how does this help the consistency of the President? 
 "Was there no national debt in 1824, to be paid? And were 
 the means of paying it more ample then, than at present; or 
 in 1829? In 1823-4, as will appear by a reference to the re- 
 port of Mr. Crawford, who was then Secretary of the Treasu- 
 ry, the Public Debt was more than Ninety Millions of dollars, 
 and the treasury able to pay but little more than the interest 
 on that sum. Yet this awful debt on the one hand, and the 
 low state of the funds for its payment on the other, produced 
 no alarm in the bosom of General Jackson. He votes for 
 every Internal Improvement Bill, in direct opposition to the 
 policy of Mr. Van Bar en. But now that the deht is nearly 
 paid off, and the treasury is boasted of as being redundant, the 
 "Public Debt," for the first time, springs up before him, and 
 like one of Pharaoh's lean kine, devours that system of grad- 
 ual improvement, upon which the farmer depends for a road, 
 or a river, to convey the fruits of his labor to matket. 
 
 But, secondly, he informs us, that we must be restrained by 
 his vetoing power, from making or encouraging improvements 
 which are " local" in their character, and not national. This 
 apology is lame indeed, but not more so, than the position 
 which it was designed to defend. What improvement is not 
 local, and limited; or in other words, located somewhere? 
 Is not the completion of the Louisville and Portland Canal 
 an improvement of the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi 
 rivers; aud did not the General vote for such a measure in 
 1823-4? And did he not vote for an appropriation of money, 
 to subscribe for stock in the Chesapeake, and Delaware Canal 
 Company ? Why was that more national than the Louisville 
 canal, upon which greatly depends the commerce of thirteen 
 States? The inconsistency, is too glaring; and his friends 
 should blush to charge me, or any one else with inconsistency, 
 for not agreeing to be whistled on and whistled off, not so much 
 by the General himself, as by those in whose political wake, in 
 this matter at least, hes i following; and to whom he seems to 
 commit the destiny of the nation. We are told in the third 
 place, that the system leads to an unequal expenditure, or dis- 
 tribution of the public money; and originates disputes in 
 
17 
 
 Congress. If this be (rue, at this time; will those of Gene- 
 ra! Jackson's friends, who are determined to support him. 
 'i-right or •wrong* 9 consistent of inconsistent, inform the com- 
 munity, why his sagacity did not perceive these evils in 1824 ? 
 For the same objections which apply to the system now, most 
 certainly applied with equal or greater force to it then. I 
 might ask, what does not produce disputes in Congress ? 
 "We see that even a claim that found favor in the General's 
 sight ; (and which he stepped aside from all precedent, as well 
 as propriety, to single out from thousands of other claims, 
 and to recommend,) produced not only a dispute in Congress; 
 but that his ill-timed, and extra executive interference, was 
 insufficient to force it through. That distributions of public 
 money, however, are rendered more unequal, by fostering the 
 system of Internal Improvement., is certainly untrue in point 
 of fact. No other system can equalize them. Under the 
 system for which he contends, all the money, like our rivers, 
 goes to the seaboard — to the ocean — to return no more — to 
 erect forts, fortifications, light-houses, ships, sea-walls, buoys, 
 beacons, dry docks, harbours, the improvement of sounds, in- 
 lets, &c. &c. None of these, either now, or ever will, exist in 
 Kentucky. And what has she gotten, or what can she ever 
 get, without Internal Improvement? Nothing — nothing: And 
 this is equalizing .expenditures — the seaboard all — the Interior 
 and the West — none. But to wind up this matter, and to say 
 the best of General Jackson's veto message, he has displayed 
 a peculiar willingness to disregard and trifle with the known 
 will and wishes of the American people. I understood his 
 doctrine to be, that the voice of the people should be obeyed. 
 It is surely the doctrine of every true republican. The peo- 
 ple select their agents to transact their business in Congress ; 
 their representatives appropriate the people's money, for the 
 people's benefit, and in accordance with their known wishes— 
 But. General Jackson virtually says, "The people are their 
 own worst enemies, and that to save them from themselves, he 
 places his veto upon their will." The king of England 
 could do no more, nor has the Executive done less. Had Mr. 
 Adams thus exercised this power, public indignation had hurl- 
 ed him from his station ; and I fondly hope that the nation is 
 yet far, very far, from being prepared to surrender so sacred 
 a right, even to General Jackson. The Maysville and Lex> 
 ington road bill originally passed, if I mistake not, by a ma- 
 jority of more than two-thirds of the members voting — the 
 .RockvUle and Fredericktowa road bill, by a. YQtQ of just two 
 
18 
 
 to one; yet, and in disregard of this strong expression of the 
 public wilt, they are each doomed to fall victims to the Presi- 
 dents veto, and the country to groan under the oppression 
 which they were intended to relieve. 
 
 The course of the President, in an endless variety of 
 other respects, lias been, and continues to be, utterly incom- 
 patible with his former views, and solemn declarations. In 
 his letter to Mr. Monroe, he urges the importance of form- 
 ing his, (Monroe's) cabinet, without regard to party distinc- 
 tions. The General himself ought to blush, when he rellects, 
 upon looking around him, that this magnanimous sentiment of 
 his better days has suffered such desperate and unfeeling vi- 
 olence. The better feelings of his heart should reproach him, 
 when he reflects, how often merit and worth have fallen vic- 
 tims to party rancour ; while unoffending innocence has been 
 doomed to poverty and wretchedness. But enough of this; 
 for humanity sorrowfully dwells upon such a picture. In 
 each of his messages, the President declares his conviction, 
 that the executive chair should not be filled ofiener than for 
 one term, by the same individual. He presents in strong 
 terms the dangerous tendencies of power, too long continued, 
 and recommends an amendment of the Constitution, limiting 
 the President to a single term. Yet, strange to tell, in open 
 and most glaring violation of the very principle which he 
 himself has laid down — "By permission," he again pre- 
 sents himself before the American people as a candidate for 
 the same office; under an impression as I suppose, and which 
 indeed is urged and avowed by some of his friends, that his re- 
 electionii essential to the political salvation of the country. If 
 this be the estimate which he sets upon himself, I beg leave 
 most respectfully to differ with him in opinion. 
 
 Why need I trace this subject further, or waste my own 
 time, and trespass on the public patience, by giving proof af- 
 ter proof, of a fact which must must be obvious to even the 
 most superficial observer? Some there are, who obstinately 
 refuse to see — some, who will not believe. Hopes and pros- 
 pects in advance of such may cheer their lonely way — but 
 the great mass cf the people have no interest in being deceiv- 
 ved ; it is their wish, it is their highest interest, to view things 
 : as they are; that they may prepare to have them as they 
 ought to be. The demagogue may delight to raise a storm 
 that he may ride on it ; the partizan, whose principal merit con- 
 sists in his association with a name, and his zeal in blindly 
 following his guides without inquiring whither they go ; may 
 
19 
 
 consider it moral treason, to desire that these loftv heads be 
 brought low, and that their crooked paths be made straight: 
 but it is to be hoped, nay, it is true, that there remains a 
 moral energy, a redeeming spirit, in the people, which dis- 
 dains to see principles, inseparable from their happiness and 
 prosperity, made the sport of a medley of politicians, who seek 
 only to advance their own purposes, and to perpetuate their 
 own power. Thus much I have said, and thus much the fiery 
 attacks made upon me has compelled me to say, of the pre- 
 sent administration. 
 
 So far, fellow citizens, as relates to myself in this matter, I 
 have only to say, that I supported General Jackson, as I 
 know many of you did, because I believed he would pursue 
 a course of sound policy ; and restore peace and purity to 
 the country, by correcting the abuses of which his friends 
 so loudly complained, and allaying the ferment, which was 
 beginning to be visible. In each calculation, I have been 
 disappointed. The union of the Stales seems less secure ; 
 dissatisfaction is rising higher and higher in the South ; the 
 cabinet is in open confusion ; the former extravagance of the 
 Government is not merely persevered in, but increased ; pub- 
 lic confidence and private friendship are alike destroyed : 
 and yet the man who can summon to his aid sufficient moral 
 courage to refuse to echo the wild " Hurra" is destined to 
 become a political martyr. 
 
 When I originally set my face against the course pursued 
 by the present administration, I was aware that I was ex- 
 posing myself to the insatiable wrath and revenge of my 
 enemies. In this I have not been disappointed ; nor do I 
 regard it. Numerous attempts have been made to destroy 
 both my public and private standing: It is no more than I 
 looked for, and probably its continuance may be my only 
 open reward. But I have a reward of which the world can 
 never deprive me — a reward which elevation and political 
 honor could never bestow, and which malice can never reach: j 
 it is the approbation of my own heart and conscience ; and a 
 conviction that I have acted the part of a faithful public ser- 
 vant in advocating both men and measures, when I believed 
 them right ; and fearlessly exposing them, when I found 
 them wrong. I was perhaps the first to avow openly, my dis- 
 satisfaction with General Jackson's policy; and shall be per- 
 haps the last forgiven. But when I did so, I thought it my 
 duty ; and in this opinion I am now fully confirmed. If my 
 country, and my constituents, demand that I be sacrificed, 
 
20 
 
 I submit without a murmur. The time will come, which will 
 do justice to my motives ; anil if I were even certain that I 
 should never again hold an office under the Government, I 
 should yet deem this explanation due to my constituents ; 
 to my country, and my character. 
 
 I will now proceed to close ; though there are many other 
 subjects, upon whicli, if time and space would justify, I should 
 leei myself bound to address you. This I must, however, 
 omit until my return home. It will then afford me pleasure 
 to furnish any information whicli may be required ; and to 
 present a more general history of our affairs. 
 
 Congress has acted upon a great many subjects during the 
 present session ; one of the most interesting of which is that 
 which relates to the scattered remnant of the Patriots of the 
 Revolution. We have made, at last, provision for the noble 
 militiaman and volunteer, who also fought for our country's 
 liberty — I mean, so far as the House of Representatives are 
 concerned. What may be the fate of the bill in the Senate, 
 a few days more will determine. I think it will pass. 
 
 I am again before you, as a candidate for Congress. You 
 know that I rest not my hopes of success on wealth or numerous 
 connexions ; as in that event they would be vain. I rest them 
 upon the liberality of my fellow citizens, who took me up 
 while a stranger; and whom I have endeavoured faithfully 
 to serve. If again elected, your interets shall still be my 
 polar star. I hope to see you soon, and in person to express 
 my gratitude for your former favors. I beg one thing of 
 those into whose hands this address may fall ; and surely 
 cvery honorable man will grant the request, however much 
 he may be opposed to me politically. It is, that, if he should 
 feel no interest himself in this document, he will do me the 
 favor to pass it to some one who inclines to peruse it. 
 
 I am, Fellow Citizens, 
 
 Your Obedient Servant, 
 
 • TIIO. CHILTON 
 


LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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