E 4-3% Gc45 A "X 3"^noKJAs" SOJJI pJOIAI THE ISSUE -ITS HISTORY. SPEECH West. E^s. Hiiit. Soc. HON. JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS, OF OHIO. Delivered in the House of Representatives, January 12, 1859. Mr. GIDDINGS said: Mr. Chairman, two days since, my friend from Maine [Mr. Wash- BURx] took occasion to call attention to the great issue which now divides the people of these States. I listened to him with unusual pleasure. I fully accorded with his views. It is certain that one of our political organizations holds that a State or a Territory, when forming a State Constitution, and acting within our Fed- eral powers, may authorize its people to enslave a portion of mankind, doom them to live with- out knowledge, to grope their way to physical death, amid the darkness of moral and intel- lectual night! The other party emphatically denies those doctrines, declaring that human Governments are limited in their just powers by the law of eternal right and wrong, and can im- part to no man authority or moral right to rob, enslave, or murder his fellow-beings ; that the ol)ject and duty of Governments are to protect every liuman soul in the enjoyment of life, lib- erty, and happiness. These positions are antagonistic. The gulf that separates the Republican and Democratic parties is broad and deep;. one reasoning and acting for Freedom, the other for Slavery, it becomes impossible for them to agree on any collateral question. The President, in his message, has spoken for his party. In the first paragraph, he recog- nises the dogma that human souls may be en- slaved and transformed into property ; and the entire message constitutes an argument for ex- tending the curse of human bondage. If his predicate be correct, his efforts to acquire Cuba, and parts of Mexico, and Central America, can- not be wrong. Indeed, his labors in behalf of the foreign and domestic slave trade are based upon the doctrines of his party ; and those men who are now engaged in bringing African slaves into Georgia and other Southern States must stand or fall Avith the party whose doc- trines they support ; for if Slavery be right, the slave trade cannot be wrong. I have often spoken on this subject, and do not intend to enlarge upon it at this time. I have defined the issue thus briefly for the pur- pose of calling attention to some incidents in that train of events which developed this issue with the same moral certainty with which eflfect always follows cause. I am led to the discharge of this duty from the consideration that I have long participated in those incidents, and have been somewhat familiar with some of the measures which have conduced to the bringing of this great question before the country. I am also induced to do this from the consideration that many honest men are desirous that Republicans shall modi- fy, change, or abandon their doctrines. It is certain that our principles were promul- gated in the Declaration of Independence; that the signers of that first charter of Ameri- can liberty declared that all men are endowed by their Creator with the unalienable, the ab- stract right to enjoy life, liberty, and happiness: and that the framers of the Constitution, recog- nising this primal doctrine, ordained " that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or prop- erty, without due process of law." Our doc- trine seems to have met with universal appro- val, except by the Tories of that dav, up to the year 1791 ; and the first denial of it by any Whig was published by Thomas Paine, in his essay upon " the Rights of Man,*' wherein he declares that " whatever a whole nation chooses to do, it has a right to do." No person can fail to see the identity of this doctrine with that now proclaimed by the Democrauc party, al- leging that the people of a Territory, in framing a Constitution, may without injustice authorize Slavery if they choose. The doctrines of Paine and of the democratic party are identical in denying that human GoverMments are limited by the law of eternal right and wrong. They agree that the people of a nation or State may, ii they choose, authorize murder, robbery, and piracy ; for all these are embraced in the term '* Slavery." But the doctrine of Paine would probably have passed unnoticed by the statesmen of that age, except for a tacit approval by Mr. Jeffer- son, who carelessly expressed a desire that the work might be reprinted. The approval, how- ever, refeiTed to the work as a whole, and not to this particular dogma. But this circumstance called out John Quiacy Adams, at that time a young lawyer of Boston, who, in a series of well- considered articles, exposed the error of Paine, and clearly demonstrated the limited power of human Governments — showed their inability to change the natural or innate character of any act ; that murder, or piracy, or robbery, is in- herently wicked and criminal, rendered so by the Creator, by the immutable law of right and wrong, and must retain their inherent wickedness, though ten thousand human stat- utes pronounce them just, and authorize their commission ; that the legitimate powers of gov- ernment are limited to the protection, and do not extend to the destruction, of man's inalienable rights. This vindication of the self-evident truths promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- pendence, and repeated in the Constitution, was published while most of the signers of that great charter of Liberty and most of the framers of the Constitution wei-e living. It emanated from the son of one of the most distinguished of those patriots. It attracted the atteutiou of General Washington, then President of the United States, who soon after tendered to young Adams a foreign mission. Every person will gee the perfect identity of the views proclaimed by Mr. Adams and those avowed by the Repub- lican party. The institution of Slavery was then acknowl- edged to be wrong. In the language of Henry Clay, it was " looked upon as a curse — a curse to the slave, and a grievous curse to the mas- ter," a crime which they were constrained to tolerate, but could not justify. The people of the free States regarded it as a relic of the more barbarous ages, unsuiied tu Christain civilization, and they repudiated and abolished it. But the Southern Suites suffered it to remain undisturbed until it became chronic, and men began to look round for arguments in favor of its continuance. Those of more desjierate char- acter began to deal in slaves, making merchan- dise in human flesh their regular vocation. Planters began to look upon these crimes as oommon, became familiar with them, and event- ually justified their perpetration by what they termed the necessity of surrounding circum- stances. Of course, they viewed Northern men, who advocated universal freedom and justice to all, with distrust, and soon after with determin- ed opposition. This feeling became so strong as to defeat the election of Mr. Adams to the Presidency in 1S28, although his previous Ad- ministration had been able, pure, and patriotic. It was the good fortune of that renowned states- man to have lived at the time when the Decla- ration of Independence was promulgated. He had mingled freely with the patriots who devo- ted their lives to the support of its " self-evident truths ; " he had drank deeply at the fountains of Liberty ; he had fully imbibed the spirit of that heroic age. Soon after his defeat in the Presidential campaign, he became a member of this body ; and while here he adhered most strictly to the doctrines of the Revolution, and strove to develop the real issue which then ex- isted between slave and free labor. While the Slave Power was constantly persecuting him, endeavoring to prostrate his influence, he was laboring to bring out to the public view th« secret doctrines and motives which controlled its advocates. If gentlemen will consult the debates of this body during the time he served here, or his biography, they will find that he was constantly endeavoring to develop the pre- cise issue now existing between the Republican and Democratic parties. I may be permitted to cite an instance. In 1844, the Legislature of Massachusetts sent to this House a memorial, asking an amendment of the Constitution, so as to apportion the representation in Congress according to the free population of the several States. It was referred to a select committee of nine members, some of whom were regarded as among the ablest statesmen of the South. As chairman, Mr. Adams drew up a report. It was based upon the self-evident truths, that all men have equal right to live, to that liberty which is necessary to acquire knowledge and attain happiness. It was read to the commit- tee, and considered maturely. Of the eight members besides himself, I alone signed this report; but no one denied its doctrines. He and I had hoged tliat Governor Gilmer, of Vir- ginia, and other Southern members, would have had the moral courage to admit or deny its principles ; but they evidently feared to do so. I will give another instance, illustrating his confidence in the truths of that instrument. When Southern men had long been in the habit of threatening a dissolution of the Union, some people of Massachusetts became tired of the bombast, and sent a petition to this body, praying Congress to take measures for tJie peaceful and immediate separation of the States composing our Confederacy. Its jiresentation by Mr. Adams created great sensation in this body 5 and a resolution of censure was immedi- ately ofiered ; and the aged patriot was forth- with arraigned at the bar of the House. The euemies of Freedom were loud iu their exulta- tion ; they fully expected to prostrate his in- fluence. A distinguished and eloquent son of Kentucky was appointed to manage the prose- cution. Some of Mr. Adams's friends faltered ; others became alarmed, and made indecent haste to deny all sympathy with him, and pub- licly to repudiate his doctrines ; but these things did not move him. A deep and absorbing in- terest pervaded this body and the community generally. Every member was in his seat. The spacious galkries were crowded to their utmost capacity, gainst him were arrayed Gilmer and Wise and Cooper and Johnson, and a host of distinguished men from the slave States. Marshall led the assault in an able and effect- ive speech, showing, to the apparent satisfac- tion of all Southern members, that Mr. Adams had been guilty of treason to the peoi^le and to the Government of these States, by presenting the petition. As Marshall closed, the distinguished states- man rose from his seat. His movements were deliberate, and his whole bearing was dignified. His form was erect under the weight of nearly four-score years. There he stood, venerable for his age, for his great learning, for his important services, for the high honors bestowed on him. He entered upon no argument. He put forth none of that terrible invective which had so often caused his enemies to tremble and turn pale. He merely called for the reading of the "first para- graph in the Declaration of Independence," and the Clerk read that portion which sets forth the natural rights of " all men to life, liberty, and happiness." And with unusual emphasis he read that part which declares " Governments to be constitut'^d among men to secure the en- joyment of these rights;" and when he had read the sentence which declares that, " when- ever any form of Government becomes destruc- tive of these ends, it is the right and the duty of the people to modify or abolish it," Mr. Adams stopped him, and in a loud, distinct, and solemn voice, repeated the last member of the sentence ; then turning to the Speaker, he de- clared, "if there be any principle dear to the American heart, it is the right of the people to modify or abolish their Government whenever it becomes destructive of the liberties or happi- ness of any portion of its inhabitants." And having avowed these doctrines as the basis of his vindication, he boldly challenged them to the issue. Every person present felt the strength of his position. His stalwart foes were sudden- ly prostrated. His persecutors were confound- ed. Not one of their number could be per- suaded to admit or deny those great truths. It is also due to the truth of history to say that other members sympathized with Mr. Adams, and assisted him in these efforts, in a greater or less degree, according to the interest which they felt in the subject. Among those most active were Hon, William Slade of Ver- mont, Hon. Seth M. Gates of New York, and at a later period, Hons. John P. Hale and, Amos Tuck of New Hampshire, and John Q. Palfrey of Massachusetts. Indeed, I shall not soon forget the expression of the aged patriot, when his learned colleague (Mr. Palfrey) clos- ed his first able speech in favor of human rights. The countenance of the "old man elo- quent " seemed radiant with hope as he ex- claimed, " thank God the seal is broken ; the seal is broken ; Massachusetts is no longer silent." The lovers of Liberty in this body saw at that period, most clearly, that men holding the doctrine of the Republican fathers would never seek to wield the power of Congress, or of the Federal Government, to enslave man- kind, or to deprive them of those rights with which the God of nature had endowed them. They well understood that the real issue was based upon primal truths, although Southern men would not — nay, dared not — acknowledge it. Mr. Adams labored through life to bring out the real facts to the public view. It was his ruling principle, which exhibited itself sirong in death. 1 visited him while prostrate upon what was then supposed his death-bed. In the si- lent chamber, I sat beside the dying patriot. His lamp of life seemed flickering iu its socket. His voice was feeble, but his words were earn- est. I told him that his physician feared to have him converse upon any subject likely to excite emotion. Looking me full in the face, said he, " I am on the verge of eterniiij ; I shall never meet you again in this world ; I must talk;" and he proceeded to say that he had no hope for the perpetuity of our Government, or for the liberty of our people, except that which was based upon its return to the doctrines on which it had been originally founded ; and he exhorted me to exert whatever influence I could for the attainment of that object. He subsequently lingered awhile between this and the spirit world, until the kind angel whispered his release to a higher sphere. Mr. Chairman, I am at times led, in my own mind, to compare the anxiety of the dying Adams to form the present issue, with that of some living politicians to abandon it. He, however, had the benefit of great experience. He saw and knew that the slave power wielded the Government ; that the interests of the in- stitution guided the legislation of Congress and controlled the Executive action ; it made and un- made our United States Bank ; it fostered our do- mestic manufactures, and then made war upon our manufacturing interests ; it dictated a pro- tective tariff, and then repudiated the policy ; it encouraged, then abandoned, the iron interest, just as the prosperity of slave labor seemed to require. And when from this forum members endeavored to give information to the people, their lips were sealed by gag rules ; the free- dom of debate was stricken down, and the right of petition denied, that Slavery might be en- couraged. Every measure and policy of Gov- ernment was made to bend to the interest of that institution. These things were clearly seen by Mr. Adams and his cotemporaries, and their effeorts to bring out those important facts to the understanding of the people were con- stant and unyielding. To me it was then in- comprehensible how any man could expect that Government would do justice to the laborers of our free States, while its whole patronage and influence were exerted in favor of the most ar- rant despotism towards the laborers of the South, Some Southern members were more consistent. They boldly asserted that labor must everywhere be compulsory; that both North and South the capitalists owned the la- borers ; that the influence and powers of the Government should therefore be exerted for the protection of capitalists, and leave them to take care of the laborers : and they wielded its powers for that object. I was then, as now, in- capable of comprehending how an issue, in re- gard to tariff, or upon any other collateral ques- tion, could effect a radical reform in our Gov- ernment. The necessity for basing our political efforts upon the essential truths avowed by our Republican fathers, was to me most obvious. 1 had assisted in trying the experiment of uniting men of conflicting principles for the purpose of carrying the election in 1840, aud driving the Democratic party from power. I labored earnestly for the election of Harrisou and Tyler, believing that if we succeeded, we should, among other reforms, regain the free- dom of debate in this body. Afler the result was known, and while the President-elect was on his way to this city, I made an eff'ort to speak on the subject of Slavery. I was met at every step by slaveholders and by gag rules, but I succeeded. My friends regarded my ef- fort as successful — as an achievement. But the President, whom I had assisted to elect, ex- pressed his abhorrence of all attempts to ao-i- tate the question of human rights; and when, after his arrival, I called at liis quarters to pay him the customary respect, he gave me such unequivocal evidence of his indignation, that I was constrained to surrender my own self- respect, or to withhold all further manifesta- tions of respect for him. While he lived, his influence was exerted in favor of the gag rules— in favor of Slavery ; and the next j^ear I was publicly censured and driven from my seat in this body, for avowing doctrines wliich no slave- holder dared deny ; but they united with North- ern serviles to censure me for utterin"' truths on which no man of reputation presumed to take issue. This occurred under a Whig Ad- ministration, for whose election I had labored most earnestly ; and by a House, a large ma- jority of whose members belonged to the partv with whom I had always acted. These focts Hlustrate the flillacy of uniting conflicting ele- ments merely to carry an election. They show that when the Executive thus elected assumes any definite policy, the party at once dissolves into its original elements, and the various fac- tions tui-n their weapons against each other. The disbandment of the Whig party in 1841 left no remaining doubt on the minds of think- ing men, that, a political party, to become per- manent, must base its organization upon im- mutable truth ; and the failure of President Tyler to carry out the views of the party who elected him constituted an important step to- wards the development of our present issues. Mr. Clay, the Whig candidate in 1844, was committed to our doctrines ; but by surrender- ing his opposition to the annexation of Texas, he lost the support of a portion of^e Northern vote, and was therefore defeated. His failure constituted another lesson to politicians, against the policy of uniting political opponents for the mere purpose of carrying an election. The annexation of Texas, with the avowed purpose of extending aud eternizing Slavery, constitutes an important chapter in the pro- gress of events, showing that the Democratic party then acted upon the doctrines now avowed, but evaded every effort to compel them to show their colors. In 1848, the two great parties, in their Na- tional Conventions and in their platforms, carefully avoided any issue upon the subject of Slavery. But such was the popular feeling, that a new party was formed ; aud although it did not adopt the rights of mankind, enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, as the basis of its organization, it founded its claims to sup- port upon its devotion to Freedom. Its num- bers were respectable, and so many votes were drawn from the Democratic party, that the Whigs elected their candidate. But the new Administration, upon its entrance into office, was beset with the same diflaculties which sur- rounded that of General Harrison, in 1841. General Taylor could find no definite doctrine nor policy on which he had been elected, or to which he had been committed. Of course, the conflicting elements were unable to unite ; they separated, and the party disbanded, and the necessity for selecting immutable truth as the basis for a political organization became still more apparent. At the assembling of the Thirty-first Con- gress, some eight members separated from the uld parties, avowing their determination to vote for no man to the office of Speaker, who hesi- tated to pledge himself so to arrange the com- mittees as to secure respectful reports upon Northern petitions in regard to Slavery. Both of the leading organizations saw that this would at once develop the great issue which they feared, and they rejected the proposition. Under those circumstances, no candidate could com- mand a majority of the votes, and after a con- test of three weeks they united in a resolution, declaring that the meml)er receiving the highest number of votes should be elected. Tiie Demo- cratic candidate was thus elected, aud the Whig party actually died l)y its efl'orts to pre- vent the development of that iuflueucc which defeated all its measures. From that day, it appears only in history. But it were in vain for historians to record transpiring events, if statesmen, politicians, and people, close their eyes to the obvious teachings of these exam- ples, and strive to maintain a political party composed of discordant elements, with no com- mon principle on which all can unite. The advocates of liberty had greatly increas- ed in 1852. Their National Convention was characterized for its dignity, and the high moral and political character of its members. Its platform of principles was more elevated and statesmanlike than had been previously put forth by any political party. But as neither of the old organizations openly denied the truths of our Declaration of Independence, the friends of Freedom forbore to reiterate them, as such reiteration would constitute no issue with either of the other parties. They had denounced all agitation upon the subject of Slavery ; indeed, they avoided ma- king any issue between themselves. Neither denied any doctrine or policy which the other asserted ; and this timidity determined many of their members to take a more distinct posi- tion whenever an opportunity should be pre- sented. The people generally felt it unbecom- ing intelligent men, unworthy of the descendants of our revolutionary sires, to fear the investiga- ^^ tion or the public discussion of human rights. ]fg" Fortunately, at that time the people who had i, • settled in Kansas were calling lor a Territorial ^^ Government. That region had been solemnly consecrated to Freedom ; and the right of its in- habitants to life, liberty, and property, was to be again recognised or denied by Congress. It appeared inevitaljle that members of this body must be driven from their hiding places. I had for some y^ars looked to that period with hope and expectation that it would bring out the issue between Liberty und Slavery. But the chairman of the Senate's Committee on Territories, feeling the difficulty of his position, and desirous of retaining the confidence of his constituents, and at the same time to avoid a conflict with the slave power, determined to ad- here to the old expediency of evasion ; yet he appeared undecided and vacillating. He re- ported his bill to organize the Territory, then moved its recommitment, changed it, and re- reported it; and finally resolved on denying the right of Congress to enforce within our Terri- tories that provision of the Constitution which declares that " no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; " and to assert, in opposition to this dis- tinct declaration, that the people of a Territory may, if they choose, deprive a portion of the human family of life, liberty, and property — may rob them of their intelligence, their man- hood. This doctrine being so modified as to limit the power of excluding Slavery to the Conven- tion which might frame their State Constitution, became for the time being the avowed doc- trine of their party leaders; and, after the lapse of more than sixty years, the dogma put forth by Mr. Paine in 1791 was avowed in the Sen- ate, in this House, and by individuals of the party throughout the nation. The advocates of this atheism attempted to sanctify it by calling it " popular sovereignty," and argued that a peo- ple, when forming a Government, may author- ize piracy and murder and robbery, if they choose to do so ; that the right to enslave our fellow men constitutes one of the very ele- ments of "self government." This avowal of unlimited tyranny, without ref- erence to the Constitution, or to that eternal law of right and wrong which was ordained by na- ture's God, so aroused the people at the elections in 1854, that the Democrats were left in a mi- nority in this body. But the opposition was composed of conflict- ing elements ; some were slaveholders, some Americans, but most of them were Republicans. These factions could not unite in the election of Speakei-, or on any subject touching Slavery. The Republicans adopted resolutions pledging their support to any member who would so ar- range the committees as to secure respectful reports on Northern petitions in regard to Slavery, precisely as the advocates of Freedom had done in 1849. The Democratic party and fourteen Americans discarded this reasonable proposition; but those two parties could not agree with each other, and a contest unequalled in our political history followed. For nine weeks the conflict raged, until a distinguished Repub- lican from Massachusetts was made Speaker; and it would appear that the whole nation must have seen the necessity for bringing the radical question of human rights before the people for decision. The Democratic party, in 1856, when assembled in General Convention, ofBcially avowed the doctrine proclaimed by their lead- ers in 1854. Thus, by the force of circum- stances, was that party driven, step by step, after more than twenty years' resistance, to take a definite position in regard to the greatest ques- tion which ever agitated the Christian world. These circumstances had been created by Adams and Slade and Gates and Palfrey and Hale and King and Allen and Wilmot and Root and Dur- kee and Julian, and other members of Congress, and by societies and lecturers and editors who had labored among the people, to drive the ad- vocates of opprpjsion to an avowal of their doctrines. To effect this object, I had toiled for many years. I had, in this body, asserted the doc- trine of man's inalienable rights, and called on gentlemen of the Democratic party to admit or deny it; but I had called in vain. I had trav- elled and spoken in thirteen States ; I had writ- ten essays and newspaper articles ; I had com- piled a volume of what I regarded as interesting incidents, showing the secret workings of the slave power. These had been gathered with 6 great labor from more than two hundred docu- ments reposing in our library under the accu- mulated dust of many years. To expose this mural and political infidelity, I had encountered Southern opposition and Northern distrust ; and I greatly rejoiced to see that party compelled to avow its doctrines; for I well knew that the avowal of its principles would show that its days were numbered. When the Republicans met in National Con- vention, in June, 185G, but one alternative lay before them; they were constrained to take position upon the undying truths promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and per- petuated in the Federal Constitution, or to dis- card those doctrines, repudiate the Constitution, and unite with the Democratic party. The plat- form of the Republican party was a necessity, rendered imperious by circumstances. So ob- vious was this necessity, that in the committee appointed to draw up a confession of political faith, not a member seemed to entertain a doubt upon the subject. I was myself oue of the com- mittee, and speak from actual knowledge. The entire platform, as it now stands,* was adopted in committee by a unanimous vote, and i-eported to the Convention, which adopted it without a dissenting voice. The issue thus formed was afterwards con- * TUo foUowiug is a copy of the Republican platform ailopt- ed at Philadelphia, Juno 18, 1856 : " Tills convention of delegates iissombled in pursuance of a call addressed to the people of the United Stales, without regard to past political differences or divisions, who are op- posed to the repeal of the Missouri Oim promise ; to the policy of the pres(!nt Administration ; to the extension of Slavery into free territ secure these rights t.) all persons under its exclusive jurisdiction ; that, as our repub- lican fathers, when thoy had abolished Slavery in all our na- tional territory, ordained that no person sliall bo deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, it bo- comes our duty to maintjiin this provision of their Constitu- tion, against all attempts to violat* it for the purpose of estab- lishing Slavery in the Territories of the United Stjitcs, by pos- itive legislation prohibituig its existence or extension therein. Tliat wedeny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legis- lature, of any individual, or association of individuals, to give legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained. "3. Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the Territories of tho United States, for their Government, and that in the exercise of this power it is both tho right and the dvity of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism, Polygamy and Slavery. " 4. Sesohvd, Tliat, while tho Constitntion of the United States was ordained and established by the people in order to form a more perfect union, esUiblish justice, insure domes- tic tranquillity, provide for the common drfence, and secure the blessings of liberty, and contains ample provisions for the protection of tho life, liberty, and property, of every citi- zen, tho dearest constitutional rights of the people ofKan.sas iave been fraudulently and violently taken from them ; their firmed by the Supreme Court, acting as the agent of the slave power. That tribunal, not able to contradict or evade the language of the Declaration of Independence, insulted the intel- ligence and cfimmon sense of the people by gravely deciding that the signers of that instru- ment said that iohicJi they did mA mean, and intended that which they did not say. But that decision transferred the issue to the record. It has passed into history, and will remain subject to the inspection of future generations. Our party was founded on these doctrines. Bv the inherent force of these principles it has in- creased beyond all precedent. The Republican States now include two-thirds of our free popu- lation. This platform was framed and adopted by a Convention authorized by the people, and must remain until another Convention of like powers shall assemble. Men who deny these doctrines may vote with us, preferring our or- ganization to that of the Democratic party. We should treat them kindly, encourage them in every proper manner; "but we cannot claim them as Republicans, while they deny our essen- tial doctrines. Men who believe in and adhere to our principles, do not propose any modifica- tion ; and those who do not believe them surely have no right to demand a surrender of them.' It is undoubtedly true, that some who desire Territory has been invaded bj'an armed force ; spuriousand pretended legislative, judicial, and executive olflcers have been set over them, by whose usurped authority, su.staincd by the military power of the Government, tyraunic;il and unconsitutional laws have been enacted and enforced ; the rights of the people to keep and bear arms havo been in- fringed ; tost oaths of an extraordinary and entangling na-. ture have been imposed, as a condition of exercising the right ofsuflVage and holding office ; the right of an accused person to a sjjeedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been denied ; the right of the people to be secure in their per- sons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, has beon violated ; they havo been deprived of life, liberty, and property, without due process of law ; that the freedom of speech and of the press has been abridged ; the right to choose their representatives has been made of no effect ; murders, robberies, and arsons, havo been instigated and encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished ; that all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction, and procurement, of the present Administration ; and that for tliis high crime against the Constitution, the Union, and Humanity, we arraign lie Administration, tho President, his advisers, agents, support- ers, apologists, and accessories, either before or after the facts, before the country, and before the world ; and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a sure and con- dign punishment hereafter." * * * " 7. Reaolved, That a railroad to the Pacific ocean, by the most central and practical route, is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country, and that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, and, as an auxiliary thereto, the imme- diate construction of an emigrant route on the line of the rail- road. " 8. Resolved, That appropriations by Congress for tho im- provement of rivers and harbors, of a national characior, re- quired for the accommodation and security of our existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justifledi by the obligation of Government to protect the lives and prop- erty of its citizens. " 9. Resolotd, That wo invite the affiliation and co-opera- tion of the men of all parties, however diflering from us in other respects, in supiwrt of the principles herein declared ; and, believing that the spirit of our institutions, as well as the Constitution of our country, guaranties liberty of con- science and equality of rights among citizens, wo oppose all legislation impairing their security." to defeat the Democratic party desire to modify the Republican platform ; and it is equally cer- tain that no man who desires the success of of our doctrines will advise us to abandon their support. It must be obvious that every effort to change our position tends to our defeat, though it may not be so designed. Our troops are in the field ; our enemy is before us ; our ranks are serried, and ready for the conflict ; and he must be a secret enemy or a doubtful friend who would advise us to change position in the face of the enemy, who is ready to charge so soon as he sees us begin to waver. Of the character of the issue thus formed, I rhay be pervnitted to remark, that no other ever has. and I think no other ever will, take so deep a hold upon the American mind as that which relates to the natural, the inalienable rights of mankind. These constitute the basis of the Republican platform now, as they did in 1776. The devotion of the American people to Liber- ty then proved invincible upon those battle- fields where they met the enemies of Freedom at the cannon's mouth ; and it will not prove less efficient at this day, when the conflict is at the ballot-box. We are not only stimulated by our love of liberty, by all the sacred recollec- tions which cluster around our Revolution, but we have sworn that "no person" under our jurisdiction " shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." Allegiance to the Constitution, to human nature, and to God, constrain us to maintain our republican doctrines. I speak of the fundamental truths which constitute the basis of our political faith, as they constituted the basis of the Declaration of Independence. These truths are immutable and unchangeable as their Divine Author. They must forever remain the basis of our ac- tion, while the Constitution shall be maintain- ed, or the party shall exist. On matters of policy, our platform may be changed to suit occasions as they arise ; but the great cen- tral truth on which we all unite must remain unchanged. The constitutional powers of Gov- ernment must at all times be wielded to secure every human soul under its exclusive jurisdic- tiction in the enjoyment of the rights which God has bestowed on him. To this doctrine there can be no modifica- tion. There is no neutral ground between right and icrong, between Liherty and Slaverij. Every human being is entitled to live, to tliat liberty which is necessary to unfold his moral nature, and prepare for heaven. And he that is not with us on this point, must be against us. And when politicians suggest that the Re- ?ublican party shall abandon this primal truth, reply, there is a million of electors in these States who \fi\\ not abandon this doctrine of the Constitution, this faith of our republican fa- thers. Men who have labored ten, fifteen, or twenty years, to bring out this great principle, will not suddenly abandon it, face to the right about, and again submit to the domination of the slave power. They will not be deceived, nor defrauded of their votes. They will sustain no man for the ofiicc of President or Vice Presi- dent, because they do not know whether he is right or lorong ; but candidates, to obtain sup- port, must show by their past action or present pledges that they stand unconditionally upon these primal doctrines. I am aware that our opponents charge the Republican party with abandoning their plat- form, because members of this body voted at our last session for the amendment to the Le- compton Constitution, in order to defeat that ! infamous measure. JEven the PrJ^dent, in i his message, repeats this charge. For the i benefit of that high functionary, and others, I j will say that members of Congress did not j make the Republican platform, and they cannot tinmake it. The people who framed it will see I to its preservation. True, the President has j cause to complain. We left our fortress, and, by strategy in the open field, we captured his ! Lecompton host ; but it is not usital for pris- oners thus to complain of the superior science of their captors. It has been objected, that a political party cannot stand upon moral and religious truth. I reply, it cannot at this day stand 2vithovt such basis. The progress of Christian civilization has demonstrated that the popular mind can be no longer satisfied with mere questions of policy, while the Government is made to sanc- tion the most arrant despotism, and encourage crimes of the most flagrant character. We do not say the black man is, or shall be, the equal of the white man ; or that he shall vote or hold office, however just such position may be ; but we assert that he who murders a black man shall be hanged ; that he who robs a black man of his liberty or his property shall be punished like other criminals. We deny that crime depends upon the complexion of him against whom it is committed. Sir, our Government should have led the na- tions of the earth in this glorious work ; but it is now too late for us to aspire to that proud position. The Emperor of Russia is at this time engaged in freeing the slaves of his Em- pire, while our President is seeking the exten- sion of human bondage. England long since repudiated African slavery. France imitated tlie noble example. Several Mohammedan Princes have shown themselves better Christians I than American statesmen, by abolishing slave- ry and the slave trade in their dominions. Even phlegmatic Holland is in advance of us in the great cause of emancipation. But it now appears to be generally expected, ^oth North and South, East and West, by states- j men and people, that the Republican party will ' come into power at the next Presidential elec- tion ; nothing can prevent this but their own divisions ; and it is proper that we should fore- warn the people of Cuba, and of Mexico, and 8 of Central America, that if, by any means, they come under the jurisdiction of our Constitution, its j>7-oci-swn.s icill he enforced ; and that " no person amoii/j them shall be deprived of life, libertv, or property, without due process of law." llavin;^ sworn allegiance to the doctrines of the fathers, we are expected to carry them out in