Glass E 44 , Book >, fy 3 S, Vat REMARKS SLAVERY, OCCASIONED BY ATTEMPTS MADE CIRCriiATE IMPROPER PUBLIC ATIOIVS KMt Souttvetn Statesi* BY A CITIZEN OF GEORGIA '7 SECOND EDITION. AUGUSTA: PRINTED FOR THE PUBLISHER. 1835. REHIARKS, &c. A NUMBER of publications have recently been sent to this place, and to other places at the South, by some of the Aboliliou Associa- tions at the North, for the purpose of distribution. One of these papers was phiced in my hands by a person to whom it was directed — and though it has since been returned to the quarter from wlience it came, yet I deem it not improper to malcension of the Saviour, and full of confidence in his power, inlimau'd tiiat he was not worthy he should come under Ins roof, but that li" ;;e wouhl bare- ly "speak the word,-'' the object he solicited woul ! be obtained: " For I," said he, " am a man under authority, havia^- ^M>ldiers under me, aiid I say to one go and hegoeth, and lo anolhc;- come and he cometli, undto my servant do this and he doclh it.' Thus imimat- ing his conviction that the Saviour had as absolute control over all [ 14 ] diseases, as he 'uid over his own servants. The Saviour commend- ed his faith, a:ui granted him the desired favour, but did not ques- tion Ins right U' iiold or own tlie servants of whom he spoke. During the v iiole period of our Saviour's ministry upon earth, he was surroundeii by tliose who were slave-holders — in one of his dis- courses with his disciples, we find him discriminating between ser- vants -Awd those in different situations: "Henceforth," says he, "1 call you not servants, for the servant knoweth not what his Lord doeth, but I have called you friends," &c. And we find that there were servants ainoiigst the crowds who heard the messages of Christ, and servants met the nobleman w^hose son Jesus had mi- raculously cured, and told him, "thy son liveth ;" and tkey, with the father and son, in this case, became believers in him whose mercy they experienced. There were servants, and probably many of them in that crowd, who went with Judas to arrest the Saviour, for when one of the disciples drew^a sword, and with it made a random blow, he "cut off the ear of a servant of the high priest;" and we afterwards find, in the 26th verse of the 18th chapter of John, that another servant o{ the high priest, who was kinsman to the one that had been wounded, charged Peter with being one of the disciples of Jesus, just before that crowing of the cock, whose sound pierced Peter to theli'^art; and there stood also at the same time other " servants with ihe officers, warming themselves" at the fire of coals that had been made. Yet v/e do not find that at this interesting period, or at auy time in the life of the Saviour, when he was sur- rounded by masters and servants, and when he well knew the con- dition of ail about him, that he ever pronounced it improper to own servants, or required those who did own, to liberate and discharge them. And I trust it will not be deemed irreverent to remark, that in his discourses we may confidently look for as correct opinions, and as pure morality, as we could rationally hope to find in any of the Abolition speeches or publications of the present day. The Apostle Paul not only recognized as legal the relationship of master and servant, but took great pains to restore a runaway slave to his owner. The account of this transaction is to be found in Paul's Epistle to Philemon. It seems that Philemon, who had been converted under Paul's preaching, was the owner of a slave named Onesimus, over wiiom, as the "law then stood, he had the power of life a; id death. In consequence of some misconduct for which he apprc bended punishment, or from some other cause, this slave ran away from his master, and fled to Rome, "a distance of several hundix d miles," where he accidentally heard Paul preach, and was conv( :ted. Paul of course became interested in his wel- fare, and knowing from his own confession, or in some other way, the manner in which he had left his master, he was desirous of send- ing him back, and seemed anxious that both master and servant should behave in a manner becoming their Christian profession. To insure One imus a favourable reception from his owner, Paul wrote the Ejiisile mentioned, whic'i has been much admired as a [ 15 ] prudent and masterly production (or the purpose iiifended, well cal- culated to restore the proper relations that had before exisled be- tween the parlies. St. Paul in this case coiiducled as becMine his Christian character — he knew ii to be improper lur Onosiii,.;b to ab- sent himself from his master's service without leave ; and he knew, also, that the maimer of his coming away might naturally excite a spirit of resentment which he was desirous to moderate — he there- fore induced the servant to return to his duty, and exerted himself to secure him a favourable reception from his owner. The latter. object could scarcely have been more effectually accomplished, that) by inforndng Philemon, that Onesimus had become a member of the same church with himself, and whom he might, therefore, in that respect, receive as a brother, without any r( linquishment of the services he had a right to claim from him as his servant, and which services he would, no doubt, under tlie change of circum- stances, demand with becoming tenderness and moderation. Had Paul been influenced by the spirit of some of our modern Abolition- ists, he would probably have disregarded the inaster's rights in this case, and have encouraged the slave to continue in a coutse of dis- obedience, and have aided in obstructing, rather than in promoling, his return to his duty. But Paul being a Christian, he knew what was becoming in Christians in all situations, and there can be no doubt but that both master and servant were made better by the Apostle's interference and advice. With these facts, and with a mnltilude of others that liiight be l)reseHted from the same source, will the Abolitionists i..-, ert that there is no sanction for slavery given in scripture, or will it not be necessary, before making such "assertions, to prove that all such facts should be expunged from the sacred records ? It will not, how- ever, be i)retended, though the scri|)ture sanctions slavery, that it any where commands it, and from the principle of brotherly love Avhich the sacred volume inculcates, no one will j)retend, I presume, that it would be a transgression of any of its rules, for the owners of slaves to emancipate them whenever they should deem it expe- dient to extend to them this privilege. But this is a matter resting altogether with those whose interests and whose feelings would be effected by such a proceeding. There exists no aulhorily in any body of men, so far as I know, to destroy the relationships existing between masters and servants in our country, without the volunta- ry consent of the master himself. * But the Abolitionists at the North openly avow a determination to effect an eventual emancipation of the" slaves in the Southern Slates at all events, and not to cease their exertions until this ob- ject is accomplished, whether their owners will consent to it or not. As an entering wedge on the subjf^ct, to be driven up accocding to the success attending their first eilbrts, thev propose an appliciilion to Congress, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and if this purpose is accomplished," they calculate upon more extended success. The petitions to Congress, tliose heretofore pivsented [ 16 j and those preparing, are predicated upon tiie exclusive authority vested in Congress for certain purposes over the District in ques- tion. But the authority of Congress does not in my view extend to this subject, even in Cohanbia. By the 16Lii clause of the 8th sec- tion of the first article of the Constitution of the United States it is declared, that Congress sliall have power "to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceed- ing ten miles square) as may by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat*jof government of the United iSiates, and to exercise like authority over all places pur- chased, by consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals," &c. Under this clause from the cessions of the States of Maryland and Virginia the seat of government was established in the now District of Co- lumbia ; but the authority granted to Congress to legislate exclu- sively over the District, was an authority to exercise control over such matters as were the usual subjects of legislaiive regulation. It never was intended, when the ten miles square should be ceded to Congress, that the citizens within those limits should hold their property by a different teimre from that, by which the inhabitants without those limits held theirs. It was never intended that Con- gress should have the exclusive right of disposing of the possessions of individuals within those limits, any more than that they should have the right to dispose of the possessions of individuals in other sections of the country. The inhabitants of the District of Colum- bia have the same exclusive right to all their possessions — to their houses, lands, money, goods or slaves, as the individuals of any other part of the country have to theirs, and Congress could with as much propriety pass a law to deprive any and every citizen of that Dis- trict of his house, his land, or his money, as of his slaves — for every citizen has the same exclusive right to one species of property as to another. With what propriety, then, could Congress pass a law de- priving the citizens of that District of their slaves, any more than they could pass a law for robbing them in any other way 1 I saw it stated in one of the anti-slavery publications, that there were a num- ber of " human beings framed in the image of God," held in slavery by the goveriniient of Columbia who ought to be liberated, &c. Now, according to my idea, tiiere is not a single human being held in slavery in the District of Columbia, by the government: if the government ovv^n any slaves there, they may certainly liberate or sell them ; but to say the government hold them in slavery, because individuals ov/n them there, seems not to be a very correct mode of speaking — it is making the government liold in its hands the pro- perty of its citizens, and to be able to dispose of it at pleasure. The governnient no more hold the servants of tiie citizens of Columbia District in slavery, than it holds the carriages, the horses, and the funds of the people there in its power. Congress have the same kind of legislative authority over the pl.ices purchased by the con- sent of leg'slatUiCG of the respective States, for forts, arsenals, ma- [ n ] gazines, &c., Ihal tliey Iiave over the Di.slrict of Coluinhia ; and will it be pretended lliat tliey would be authorized to jtass a law, liberating the slaves that might be found in these various locations in the different States, without the consent of their owners? Does the power of exclusive legislation granted by the Constitution, con- vey the right of making a sei)aration between property and its own- ers in those Districts, wiUiout regard to the claims or rights of those by whom the property is lield? Congress can legislate for the Dis- trict of Columbia, but the robbery of citizens can surely be no ))art of legitimate legislation. If the slaves are ever liberated in the Dis- trict in question, it must be by the voluntary consenl of those who own them : if this consent is obtained, the question is there at an end — without it, their rights are not to be shaken. In many of the speeches and publications of the Abolitionists, some pretty highly drawn descriptions of the state of slavery in the Southern States are presented, which those living there would scarcely recognize as correct representations of their country. From some of these, a person who did not know better, might be inclined to suppose that there was a con.staiit feeling of hostility or oppression, encouraged or maintained between the slaves and their owners, and that this feeling, Aiiere ))ower was altogether on one side, and unconditional submission on the other, led often to acts of cruelty and injustice ; and cases in conHrmation of this idea are sometimes furnished by writers, who appear to have given a furlough to trutli, that the imagination might range unrestricted. That acts of cruelty may and do occur in countries where slavery exists, no rational individual will question — and that acts of cruelty may and do occur in places where slavery is not knovvn, is most certainly- demonstrated both by experience and testimony; but to consider occasional acts of crudltv as preserding a correct view of llie coun- try in general, where they happen, would be as unreasonable as it would be to consider a country perpetually inundated, because a traveller on a journey happened to ftill in with a mill pond in it. Let the writers who are so sensitive on this subject make a visit to one of the Southern States, in company with some moderate or exten- sive slave-liolder, who has been with his fiinuly on a summer excur- sion, and let him witness the cheeiful excitement, the undisguised satisfaction and heartfelt joy manifested by the slaves at home, as the family return to their dwelling — let him v>itriess the delight with which the old servants and the young ones meet their owners and their children, and let hiui then judge for himself, whether there are any of those hostile feelings, those inimical sensations on either side, whicli he might have previously suppo.^ed botli sides to have entertained. The fiict is, there is a "warm and sincere attachment very generally fell by the slaves for their owners, and there is an affectionate regard felt and manifested by their owners towards them — a mutual sort of friendly feeling naturally growing out of the re- lation they sustain towards each other, anil which tends to the com- fort of both. And, in numerous cases, neither the prosperity or hap- [ 18 ] piness of the slave would be promoted by an acceptance of eman- cipation, if the anti-slavery associations could furnish it. In many cases 1 have no doubt it would be rejected ; and, where it was not, the instances would not be low where the condition of the slave would be made worse by accepting it. I happened, a few years ago, to be passing from Providence, in Rhode Island, to Boston. I stopped for awhile on my way at a large, well-known and elegant establishment, some miles from the latter ])lace. I sat down while there in the front piazza to converse a short time with the landlord, a very pleasant and intelligent man, who, finding where I came from, made various remarks upon the different classes of population at the South and the North, and seemed inclined to believe that the actual condition of the slaves in the Southern States, was not correctly understood in the quarter where he lived. He remarked to me, that, a few days before, an elegant carriage with a genteel family stopped at his house — that the driver, a fine-looking blac k man, was very active in relieving his horses and taking them to she stable, and that when they were provided for he was brushing and cleaning his harness and putting every thing in the best order. He said he went and entered into conversation with him, and found he was from South Carolina; that his owners had been on a summer trip, were now returning home, and he with them. The huidlord asked him if he wished to get back to the country where men of his colour were generally slaves, and whether he would not rather remain in that quarter, if he might be permitted to do so, where he might enjoy the sweets of liberty. He replied, that he wanted to get back to Carolina with his master and mistress; he said he had seen "enough of the free negroes in Boston, and that he would be very sorry to, change places with any of them." He appeared, the landlord said, to look with contempt upon the free blacks in the places where he had been, and seemed to rejoice that he did not belong to that "poor sort o'class." This case, I presume, was not a solitary one — many a Southern servant, who witnesses the miserable condition of much of the free colour- ed population of the Northern cities, returns rejoicing to that servi- tude in the Southern country, which many of the Northern emancipa- tors would try to persuade liim was enormously oppressive. The Carolina carriage driver, it is probable, would have retained all his Southern preferences, even if one of the leading Abolitionists in New York had introduced him into his drawing room, and had him amused with the pleasant notes of the piano; for, in defiance of such allurements, he would have indulged the pleasing anticipations of again enjoying the less refined, but more acceptable vocal mu- gic, whicli he well knew might be expected on his master's pre- mises. An account was published some days ago in a Northern paper, of an application made for the admission of a little white girl to the alms-house in New York. On inquiry, it w^as found tl.at she had been from her infancy under t!ie charge or in possession of an un- •* [ 19 ] # feeling man, who had treated her like a dog — she was tlien a good- looking girl, about fourteen years of age ; and, after the applicant had secured her a place where he wished, and was about retiring, he offered her his liaiid in taking leave of her. She shrunk back from his offered hand — and the circumstance being noticed, led to some examination by the person she was left willi, when it was found that her h:ind and arm was much bruised; and, "Oh ! sir," said she, "my back is very sore where my master has l)eat me" — and on investigation, it was found that she was cut with a whip from the shoulders to the calves of her legs, and some of the stripes were inflamed and festered. AVhelher the person who had cluirge of this little defenceless female belonged to the Abolition Society or not, 1 have not heard — ii is likely enough that he did, for such differences between theory and practice, amongst sentimental phi- lanthropists, sometimes happen. Re this as it may, here was an in- stance of cruelly, barbarous, unfeeling cruelty, which it is believed has few equals m the slave-holding Slates, towards any portion of their coloured i)opulation. lUit should we from this instance un- dertake to judge of the usual conduct of those having wititc servants, or friendless ciiildren under their care in New York1 Should we from this vile instance pretend to estimate the humanity and feel- ing of that great and polished city, or of that flourishing state.? Surely no reasonable being would do any such thing ; and yet it would be just as rational and proper, to make up a general opinion from this solitary case, as it would be to judge of the usual t^-eatment of slaves at the'South, from some instances of abuse, which an abo- lilion writer might collect, or which, in the exercise of his iiigeimily, he might invent ; from such a statement, for instance, as was pub- lished not long sinc-t in an Eastern pai>er, as "An extract of a letter from Georgia." With the sul)ject of slavery at the South, it wouKl certainly be as well for our Nnrtliern brethren in no respect to interfere; this is a matter belonging exclusively to the Southern people, and let them have the management of it. Many erroneous views are entertain- ed abroad in relation to the condition of this portion of our popula- tion. A vast proportion of the slaves in the Southern country, en- joy as many of the comforts of life as are allotted to many day la- bourers in any other country, and many of them would gain but lit- tle, as to rearenjoyment, if'lhey were to change j)laces w ith their owners; and 1 am'not sure thai any great mistake would lie made by an individual, who, in forming an' estimate on this subject, should assert that the coloured population was, on the whole, the happiest class of our community. ' They work, to be sure, as labcuners do in other countries, and as Labourers must do if they expect to live any- where. " In the sweat of his brow," it was' decreed, that man should eat bread, till he returned to the "dust from whence he was taken ;" but the industry necessary to man's sui^port is favour- able to his enjoyment, and the labourer who, by his own exertions, is enable 1 to supply his own wants, has a reasonable slinre of all [ 20 ] that happiness vvliich can be enjoyed here below. While the in- dustrious individual will usually be virtuous and happy, the idle one will be vicious and miserable in every condition of life. The differ- ent grades in society are necessary in the arrangements of Provi- dence, and are in accordance v.ith his will; and we should no doubt make very erroneous calculations, in attempting to judge of the happiness of one class of the community by contrasting its condi- tion and mode of living with that of another class. In the Divine benevolence a due degree of enjoyment is allotted to all, and one class, or one individual finds much satisfaction in a station or pur- suit which would afford little comfort to others. The slaves in the Southern States, contrary to the opinion of many who never wit- nessed it, engage in their labours with readiness and spirit; they seldom require coersive measures to urge them to duty. They who witness their cheerfulness when they njeet together of an evening, or even when employed in their usual avocations, would not suppose they ever yielded to depression of spirit, or felt regret at the stations they occupied ; in fact, dissatisfaction and regret s seldom manifested by them. A mischievous fellow, getting amongst them and bent upon evil, might be iiistrumental in excit- ing restlessness and discontent, wiiich otherwise would have been wholly unknown, and might occasion mischief, which, without him, would never have happened. But is this to be wondered at, when we witness the discontent which an artful or designing politician is sometimes instrumental in producing in the ranks o^ freemen, even under the most perfect forms of civil government 1 That evil men may be successful in exciting mischief, the mobs which occur in populous cities conclusively demonstrate. However unfavourably a state of slavery may be viewed, still, as it exists in this country, it has advantages over some other condi- tions which may be found in all communities upon earth. The slave is indeed obliged to work for his support, while he has health and strength, as many others have to do; but when he is sick he is certain of being provided for ; he knows his owner will take care of him. If he has a wife and children, he is sure they will not suffer in consequence of his indisposition. During his ilfness he is suppli- ed with nourishment and nursed with care, and that without anxiety or expense to himself; and when he recovers his health, he does not find that he has contracted a debt which he is unable to pay, and he does not therefore fear a justice's warrant, nor is he troubled with bank notices; and he feels confident that there will be no diminution of his family supplies, in consequence of his having his earnings for awhile suspended. Still it may be said, and truly said, that this individual is not free — that is, that he has not that sort of political freedom which liis owner enjoys. But what if he had this, would he then be any better off? would this something, of which he may be told without duly understanding it, actually di- minish his toils, or increase his enjoyment? Less labour than he now performs would not put him in possession of the comforts with [ 21 ] which he is now surroiindecl, and more he would not be apt to per- form by way of providing against niisfortiine. To a hirge proiior- tion of the slave population, emancipation would not be a blessing; they would not live better than they now do in consequence of the change; they would not work less for a su|)port; or, such of them as did work less, would probably acquire habits which would occa- sion to them the change of a comfortable habitation for a jail or a workhouse. Intent as the abolitionists are upon effecting a change in the con- dition of the slave population of our country, they a|)pear to make very little inquiry, whether they are prepared for the change they propose, or would be benefitted by it; they seem to think that a set of beings, who have long been accustomed to a situation in which they are useful, and where they are satisfied, can at once be trans- ferred to a different station, without any of the reijuisite prepara- tions for the alteration. It is the civil condition of the slave alone which excites their solicitude — their more important interests they very little regard. Were they to urge upon the owners of slaves the importance of communicating to them moral and religious in- struction, and were this subject properly treated, it is very possible they might be instrumental in doing some good, while in their pre- sent course of conduct they are only doing mischief, and that con- tinually. For, wliat benefit have they yet done to the coloured pop- ulation of our country? they have made their condition worse even at the North, and seem likely to make it worse at the South. It is to them the outrages against the negroes in the Northern States are to be attributed ; they have occasioned tlie house-burnings, the beatings, and the robberies that tiie poor negroes have sustained there, and how much good can they be supposed capable of doing thein here? I do not say, or pretend, that the leading Abolitionists at the North liave themselves gone to the negro houses, jtulled them down, and destroyed their contents ; but I have no doubt that they have, by their imprudent proceedings, occasioned these evils — they have resulted from their injudicious intermeddling with matters which did not belong to them". In relation to the religious and moral instruction of the slaves, it will not be jireteiuled lh:it there is not a lamentable deficiency in tliis respect almost everywhere ; were proper exertions made to communicate to them the important truths which the Bible contains, there can be no doubt their moral cha- racters would ])e greatly improved. The Bible contains nothing but what it wouUrbe desirable that every class of beings in com- munity should be made acquainted with ; and the more perfectly those in a state of servitude were instructed in the truths and doc- trines of the word of God, the better would they be qualified for dis- charging the duties of the stations they might be called, in Iho order of Providence, to fill. The Bible contains the rule of conduct for masters and servants — it enjoins a just and proper course upon all orders of men, and forbids any violent attempts to overturn the set- tled order of society, in pursuit of any selfish purposes. And while [ 22 ] the great rule " of doing to others as we would that they should do to us," is acknowledged to be obligatory, it should be understood, that in its application a due regard should be paid to the situation of the parties on whom it is to operate. And if a servant under this view were to conclude, (as he would do if he reasoned justly,) that if lie were a master he would not incline to have his rights invaded by his servant — and if a master were to reflect, that if he were a servant he would be unwilling to be subjected to injustice or cruel- ty ; — the reasoning of eacli would lead to a correct course of con- duct in both. It would tend to make each render to the other that which was right according to their respective situations. Each would be required to do to the other, what the other might be ex- pected to do to him, were there a change made in their respective stations. It is highly probable, that the want of duly discriminat- ng between the civil and moral condition of slaves, has, in many in- stances, occasioned erroneous impressions on the subject of their re- ligious instruction. All instruction communicated to them should have an exclusive reference to their moral improvement — with their civil condition their teachers should in no respect interfere : it is from the evil of sin they should aim to deliver them, and from its bitter consequences to secure them ; and while this object is faith- fully adhered to and regarded, much good might be effected. The consolations of the Gospel reach individuals in every situation of life ; its directions are not confined to any one class exclusively — its blessings are freely offered to all. The Saviour died to redeem the fallen race of man — through his merits and righteousness and the influence of his regenerating spirit, salvation can be obtained by the high and the low, the rich and the poor, the bond and the free. As the situation of servants necessarily circumscribes their spiritual privileges, their owners ought to fee! it a duty to provide for their proper instruction, for the more intimately they become acquainted with the great truths of the Gospel, the more will their moral characters be elevated. The inevitable tendency of the Gos- pel is to make men better in every condition of life. And it will not be questioned, I presume, but that all the important truths of the Gospel may be orally communicated to those who are incapable of reading them. The first salutary effect of the Moravian efforts amongst the degraded Esquimaux Indians, was produced by the mere reading to them the account of the Saviour's suffering and death. In the same way may all the important truths of the sacred volume be communicated. The Abolitionists, I know, are often free in their censures upon those regulations in tlu". slave-holding States, which prohibit the slaves from being taught to read. But as fa- vourable a subject as this is for declamation, I would ask, what pro- portion of the slave pojudation of our country could, under any cir- cumstances, be made to be a reading people 1 But what is of more importance to ask, what proportion of them, if all conld read, would confine their readitig to hooks that would improve their morals as well as ijiform their minds ? If those who could read, would read .rr [ 23 ] the Bible only, or books which teiuleU lo illustrate its truths, read- ing would tlien be beneficial to thein, and to those amongst whom they resided. But if they were to read, as they no doubt would be invited to do, those publications which the anti-slavery presses would furnish, their reading would then only tend to make them restless and discontented, and would probably .seduce them to a course that v^^ould ensure their ruin. A consideration of the dilficulty of keep- ing improper publications from those who could read them, has no doubt had its influence in producing many regulations on this sub- ject. When we consider the misciiief done in many communitie? o{ freemen by the circulation amongst them of vile and licentious publications, is it to be wondered at, that an opinion should be en- tertained, that a capacity for XQAiWwg similar production.^ might not be beneticial to a still more ignorant class 1 The Abolitioidsts them- selves occasion restrictions on this subject, which they afterwards take pleasure in condemning. It ought to be the desire of all benevolent individuals, and of all political economists, to be instrumental in producing the greatest amount possible of liuman hai)piness ; but such an object would be very little promoted by the liberation of the coloured poi)ulation of the f50uthern States \v\W\ their present acquirements, either as re- lated to themselves, or those amongst whom they resideil. As an evidence of this, look at the free negroes in those sections of coun- try where their numbers are comparatively few. Have their cha- racters been elevated as their civil privileges have been increased? Have they been found generally very desirable members of the communities in which they live 1 What is the proportion of crime committed by them, as estimated by their numl)ers, when com- pared with the white population amongst whom they reside, or with the slave population in any of the slave-holding States? I verily be- lieve there are fewer crimes of the more atrocious grades commit- ted by the slave population of the Southern States, taken altogether, than there are committed by an eipial number of other coloured people wherever they may be located ; and I do not know but I might safely say, there weie fewer of the higher order of offences committed by them, than would be found to be committed by an equal number of individuals in almost any other country whatever. There are fewer murders, for instance, occurring amongst the slaves in the slave-liolding States, than are committed amongst an equal number of individuals almost anywhere. Let those who doubt this examine the court records from* abroad, or of our own land, em- bracing a population of more than two millions of persons, and com- pare the criminal convictions there, with those which take place amongst our slave population, and see in wliose favour the compa- rison will i)reponderate. It is not int'.'Mded by these remarks to in- timate that slaverv is particularly fivourable to morality, but it is intended to sav that there has "been, and continues to be, a vast deal of misapprehension on this subject, especially amongst those Abolitionists who suppose, or pretend, that in the slavery of the L 24 ] South, there is a continued succession of crimes, as well as of in- justice and cruelty. I have very little doubt but that there are now- fewer crimes committed amongst the slave population of the South- ern States, than there should be in any brief period amongst the same individuals if they vrere made free — the change in their cir- cumstances would not proinote their industrious habits, and would, in all probability, occasion a resort to modes of living very little in accordance with tlieir moral advancement. I saw publislied a few days since, in a Northern paper, an account t-i meeting of the citizens of Palmyra, a town in the Slate of New York, for the purpose of taking measures for " ridding that place of the vagabond negroes," by whom it was alledged "to be infested to auralarming extent, and "for devising some efficient and legal means ab security against their nocturnal depredations and demoralizing "cfluence ;" and in the proceedings of the meeting it was declared, if that they had been seriously annoyed by these people," who they pronounce to be, " with few exceptions, lazy, dissolute, pilfering va- gabonds, generally refusing to labour for adequate compensation, not depending on their nigiitly thefts and the poor laws for their means of subsistence:" and they request "the owners of houses which they occupy to expel them forthwith, and hereafter to refuse to receive them as tenants." This meeting was held, and these de- clarations were made, by a part of the inhabitants of the State of New York, at the very time another part of them were sending their vile publications to this quarter, in order to effect a change which might convert the honest and industrious servants here, into such "dissolute and pilfering vagabonds," as they resolve to expel from their territories and exclude from tlieir houses. It can only be ne- nessary to state this fact, to enable every reader to form a correct opinion of it. If a {ew^ free negroes were found so offensive and troublesome to the citizens of New York, why should they be anx- ious to increase their numbers, where they have no certainty of being more acceptable or more orderly 1 Why not leave the colour- ed population here in quiet enjoyment of the comforts with which they are provided, and to that salutary employment which pre- serves them from the vices and debasement which are the usual consequences of idleness? The efforts of the Abolitionists, it is clear, are not calculated to promote the interests, or advance the comfort of the slaves or their owners ; but if they did either, what right have they to intermed- dle with this subject at al' ? what right have they to send their pub- lications or their emissarie here to promulgate doctrines calculated to excite discontent in any portion of our co^nmunity ? If let alone, the slave population of our country would quietly discharge their duties, and be satisfied with their situation. The'cultivation of the earth requires and must have labourer^ — but those labourers are nowhere without their com fort-, and, I have little doubt, if an ac- curate estimate could be mfnie, hut that there would be found to be as much actual enjoyment :inu)ngst the cultivators of the earth at [ 25 ] the South, as there would be amongst an equal number of labourers in any other places— there would be found as few individuals amongst them suffering for the necessaries of life, and as few wives and children in want. How often do we read of tunudtuous proceedings in foreign countries amongst lai)ourers from distresses experienced for want of employment, and how serious are some- times the evils of these tumults? But in the slave-holding States these difficulties do not occur — the labour that is required is per- formed as directed, and the industrious slave, having executed his task for his master, has often a part of the day to work for himself, and has a piece of land assigned him to work on, and he often re- alizes an ample reward for his industry. When there happens to be little work to do, the slave is not troubled in consequence of it ; and if the result of his labour proves less profitable than was hoped for, the slave is not incommoded thereby — his wants are supphed, and he is satisfied. Where is the necessity, then, for strangers to intermeddle with his condition 1 and what right have they to in- trude, like the serpent into the garden of Eden, to disturb the peace of those, who, without such interference, would enjoy unin- terrupted tranquillity? The slaves themselves are not, and cannot be benefitted by such intrusions, and they are usually far from de- siring them. As one amongst other evidences of this, I will men- tion the following circumstance, which I have understood recently occurred at no great distance from this place. A respectable planter had given permission to a white individual to hold religious meetings with his coloured people on his premises at pleasure. This individual, instead of attending to his proper duty, had the im- prudence to address his audience on the subject of their civil condi- tion, without an effort to communicate to them moral instruction. The negroes being unwilling to listen to what they knew could not benefit them, one of them went to his owner and informed him of the course pursued. The gentleman told him that he must be mis- taken, that the man he spoke of would not make such a return for the indulgence afforded liim. "Well," said his informer, "you come to-nigh(, massa, where loe hah merting, and you hear for 1/01/ rse/f." The gentleman accordingly took two friends with him, and placed hi r.self in a situation to become acquainted with all that transpired, and, to ills great surprise, he heard the speaker delivering a jiretty well finished aboliiion discourse to his people. Without any apcdo- gy for the little interruption he occasioned, he with his friends en- tered the house and took the orator, in the midst of his labours, un- ceremoniously, into custody ; he told the negroes (hat he hoped their speaker intended todothem good, but as he had forgotten the purpose for which he was admitted there, and was attempting to lead them into mischief, he would reward him according to his me- rits. He therefore adopted prompt measures for impressi/if: upon the speaker what he supposed would be a seasonable lesson of in- struction for his future course of conduct, and then dismissed him, with directions to make no more visits to that quarter. He accord- [ 26 ] ingly made an expeditious retreat from the civilities lie was receiv- ing, and, in all probability, was ready to complain of the little coun- tenance shown to his attempts to corrupt those he pretended to in- struct. And is it to be supposed that men of this stamp, when once known, are to have free access to the plantations of those whose con- fidence they thus abuse ] Or is it surprising that, when facts of this kind are disclosed, that even missionary services to the coloured population should sometimes be received with suspicion and caution? The conduct of the Abolitionists of the North, in their efforts to distribute their vile publications through the Southern country, is as little justifiable as was that of the individual just mentioned. They manifest an unwarrantable inclination to interfere with our domes- tic relations, and their conduct must have an injurious influence upon the intercourse between themselves and our citizens. It is calculated to occasion unpleasant feelings towards many who may come here for business or for pleasure — particularly may it create suspicions against persons coming here to solicit subscriptions for literary works, or for the delivery of sucli, after they have been subscribed for — and those suspicions once entertained, would be found seriously embarrassing to those against whom they existed. And why should inconveniences of this kind be submitted to, in or- der that a few visionary fanatics might be indulged in their extra- vagance and folly 1 Their conduct, also, while it tends to interrupt social intercourse, has a tendency to retard the instruction which otherwise many persons might be inclined to have communicated to their domestics. For, who would take the trouble of teaching his servants to read, when it was known that, after he had accomplish- ed this, a set of unprincipled beings would watch for opportunities of placing in their hands publications not intended to improve their moral characters, but to corrupt their hearts, and to destroy their usefulness ? Already have the Abolitionists done more injury to our coloured population, as relates to their improvement, than they can readily repair, even with the aid of Mr. Thompson, from Eng- land, who seems to have becoDie somewhat conspicuous amongst them. In relation to this individual, it may not be improper to re- mark, that, as a stranger in our laud, he seems to be more than po- litely officious in matters he has no business to meddle with. One would suppose that ordinary prudence would suggest to a person Just landed upon our shores, that the slave question was one which it belonged to our citizens to manage for themselves — but Mr. Thompson seems to imagine that he can communicate new in- formation to them on this subject, and that the warmth of his elo- quence is required to enkindle a new glow of fervour in relation to it. With the views he entertains, it may be a question, whether he has not committed an error in the choice of the section of country in which to exercise his powers — for, from what we have seen, there seems to be no deficiency of zeal in this matter at the North, and it would appear, therefore, that it would be at the South where his eloquence might most appropriately be employed. To make [ 27 ] speeches in New York or Bosloi!, jibout shivery in t^oiith Cmolina or Georgia, would seem to be doing nothing that could not be ef- fected without his aid. If he is desirous of changing the urganiza- tion of society at the South, to the South let him come — iet him here unfold his commission and deliver liis message, and 1 have no doubt he will have (kmonslrable evidence tliat his labours have not been altogether without effect. He would, no doubt, receive due attention from our citizens; and they would, in all probability, do ra- ther more justice I.) him, than he has in any ol his remarks ever yet done, or ever will do, to them. Notwithstanding the laboured representations ()f such iiilermed- dlers as Thompson and others, it is highly j)r()bable that the ne- groes here are actually better off than if they were free, and those from abroad better off, too, than if they had never come from Africa. That they are better olTthan if they were free, may be estimated by comi)aring the condition of the free negroes at the North, or in this quarter, with that of the slaves, audit would probably be found, with an occasional exception in both classes, that the slave popu- lation, as to comfort, usefulness and moral character, would have a decided preference. And as relates to Africa, it is well known that the negroes there are grossly depraved, corrupt, sup( -liiious and cruel — and utterly ignorant of those great tnilhs with which their eternal interests are connected ; and though their instruction here is acknowledged to be limited, yet none of them become, or continue to be, idolaters here ; almost all of them have opportuni- ties of hearing the messages of salvation, and it any of them be- come eminently pious. I know of more than one instance of an African negro, who, being asked if he was not sorry he was brought to this country, replied, " O, no, massa; I tank God I been brought here — if I had stay in my own country I would never hear about Christ. I got to die some time, but if I had not been come liere I should not ktiow what would become of me after I been deatl — but I now know I have a blessed Saviour I can trust to. Suppose my bodysufler sometimes here, what consequence is that, my soul is free, — tliere is one God for slave and for freeman — one Saviour for all — and all who trust in him and do their duly here, will be happy when done witli this world. ()! I bless God th'at I been brought to this country." This was tiie simi)le declaration of a poor African here, who, contented with his condition upon earth, was faithfid in the discharge of his duty, and who felt confident of everlasting hap- piness when his earthly course was completed. It has not been contenqilated, as far as I kimw, in the attempts to trample upon the rights of the Southern people, to make com- pensation for any slaves projiosed to be wrested from them, be- cause this would induce an expense tliat could not readily be pro- vided for. But this diflicultv, it is thought, may be overcome by a sort of refined robbery; that is, by taking the serva; t from the con- trol and service of his owner, ami turning him Un -2 in society, in defiance of those constitutional provisions, by v.iiicli it has hereto- [ 28 ] fore been sU()posed this species of property was protected. It would be needless to remark upon the j)al[>able injustice of such a course. Tliai circumstances may occur when a private injury must be submitted to for the public good, will not be questioned — as, for instance, when a fire is raging which threatens an extensive con- flagration, a d welling house or otiier building in the range of the destructive element, may be blown up, or pulled down, without any previous negotiation on the subject, for the exigency of the case recpiires and justifies the proceeding ; but no such necessity exists in the slave case, and it would be as reasonable to desire the passage of a law to deprive ship owners of their vessels, to be turn- ed adrift on the ocean, as to desire the passage of a law to deprive slave owners of their servants, to be turned adrift upon land. A desire, it would seem, as unnatural to entertain, as it would be un- reasonable to attempt to execute. Were there no slaves in the Southern States, and were the ques- tion now to be submitted to tlie inhabitants of them, wdiether slavery should be introduced there or not, it is highly probable the decision would be against the expediency of admitting it. But slavery is al- ready here — not brought here by the present generation of slave- holders, but by those, or the ancestors of those who are now op- posed to it — and it is so incorporated with the state of society here, in all its ramifications, that, whether it will ever be exterminated, is a question of no easy solution. That it cannot, and that it will not be removed by the efforts of the Northern anti-slavery or abolition societies, may be considered as unquestionably certain. Their im- prudent course will tend rather to retard than advance the object at which they aim; and their expectations of a speedy execution of their purposes, are altogether extravagant and preposterous. From an early period of the settlement of our country, slave labour has been employed in producing the valuable staple articles of the Southern States, and in advancing their prosperity. More than half in value of all the foreign exports of the whole United States is, at this moment, the produce of slave labour, and when to this is added the vast amount for interior consumption, and for the coasting com- merce, is it to be supposed that a sudden check can be put to that industry which produces such important results'? It maybe said, possibly, that il is not intended by the Abolilionists to check this in- dustry. But would not the success of their efforts effectually ar- rest it, by weakening the spring, or destroying the impulse which gave to it all its activity? Is it supposed that the consummation of their desires would not produce such a deleterious change in the or- der of society here, as seriously to affect the happiness and prosper- ity of all classes ? The labour usually required at the South must, at all events, be performed, and as no sagacity could speedily substitute free labour for slave labour, it is very'evident that the withdrawal of the latter could not fail of being extensively injurious. Who could calculate the injury that might be done to any labouring district, if all the labourers in it, who had uniformly felt itaduty to perform the [ 29 ] work assigned them, without even the mental elTort of j)lanning it, were, bv a sudden change of circumstances, left to |)lan and execute at their own pleasure — to do any thing or ntnliing, as inclination might direct? The results of such a transfunnation may be eagily imagined. That there will be no immediate change, therefore, in the or- ganization of society at the South, may be considered as abso- lutely certain ; but that there is a meliorating inlluence pervad- ing the whole system of slavery, need not be doubted. 'J'o what changes this may eventually lead, cannot now be deternjined ; but whatever these may be, they must be brought about by the slave owners themselves, without any foreign interference. And any legislative action on the subject, must be through the legis- lative authority of the States where slavery prevails, under spe- cial instructions from the citizens of those States — the exclu- sive control of this subject having been '' reserved to the States, respectively, or to the people thereof^' — no ])ower over it has ever been delegated by them to any olhcr authority whatever. As relates to the evil of slavery, of which much has been said, I will take the liberty to remark, that w