6lass t^-/X Book COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT Christopher Columbus. COLUMBUS AND THE Rew iIJoeld Heroes DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST, KMBRACIXG THE LIVES, VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE XORTiniEX, COLUMBUS, VESPUCIUS, BALBOA, THE CABOTS, MAGELLAN, CABEAL, CORTEZ, PLZARRO,DE SOTO, C ARTIER, FERNANDEZ, FROBISHER, DRAKE, DAVIS, HUDSON, BAFFIN, TASMAN, BEHRING, COOK, AND OTHER NAVIGATORS. WITH INTRODUCTION -BY- HON. GEO. R. DAVIS, DIRECTOR-GENERAL World's Columbian Exposition. Rhish-afed Articles of Description and History of the Exposition Enterpjrise, Grounds and Buildings, from the World's Coliunhian Exposition Offices, and by HON. WILLIAM T. BAKER, pRKsiDENT Columbian Exposition. HON. THOS. W. PALMER, HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, New Y^ork National Commissioner. MAJ. MOSES P. HANDY, Chief Dep't Publicity & Promotion, l*KHsii)ENT National Commission ^\)-ranr/ed, 7vith the History of American Discovery, by D. M. KELSEY, Author of '' Ploncrr Heroes,'''' ""Deeds of Daring by Blue and Gray,'' Stanley and the White Heroes in Africa,''"' Etc., Etc. 200 E-NGRAVINGS. ST. LOUIS AND PHILADELPHIA: SCAMMELL & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1892. 6J^^' Copyright, 1892, By H. B. SCAMMELL. All Rights Reserved. INTRODUCTION. By the Director-General World's Columbian Exposition. O man may draw so great a lesson from the life of Columbus as the American. The obscurity of his birth, the poverty of his youth, the struggles of his manhood, and the incomparable benefit to humanity of his one achievement, are in absolute sympathy with the American idea. In this country no station is so humble that therefrom the ambition may not reach the very pinnacle of citizenship. The history of our country furnishes innumerable instances where the most eminent scholars, soldiers, statesmen and financiers have reached their places of intellectual, political or commer- cial power by overcoming the same obstacles and subduing the same difiicul- ties as menaced and confronted this Genoese boy. Our form of government is inspired and the hope of citizenship is based upon ideal men of which Col- umbus was a type. And it is most fitting that the American people, in full harmony with the spirit of the New World, should evolve the World's Col- umbian Exposition, as a grand tribute to the man whom Providence elected as the instrument of the greatest gift to Christendom that history records. Columbus died a martyr to ingratitude, while his follower Vespucius was re- nowned above all men in the name distinguishing this continent. But the American people, true to their high sense of patriotic duty, true to their principles as a race, and true to the theory of their form of government, have rolled back the centuries to venerate the humble scholar who died alone at Valladolid. The great festival which is to commemorate the achievement of the Italian sailor boy, the son of a common workman, demonstrates how deep into our hearts has the spirit of democracy and universal rights found its everlasting place. I have been requested by the publishers to review the proof-sheets of this (ix) INTRODUCTION. volume. It has not been a task; it has been a recreation. It is appropriate that at a period when the people of the United States, in the zenith of their enlightenment, and in the unparalleled wealth and power of their nation, seek to venerate Columbus, the literature of the age should embrace a contribu- tion so valuable as an auxiliary, and so essential as an inspiration. As re- awakening our wonder at the great system of our development; as re-affirm- ing our belief in a Great Giver of all good; as arousing our emulation of those, the benefits of whose deeds we enjoy, and as a means of bringing the philosophy of the past, and the evolution of time, in quickened sympathy with the marvelous conditions of the present, the contents of this volume will doubtless find their grateful way into the hearts and minds of many men in this and future generations. Chicago, Ills. DISCOVERERS OP THE NEW WORLD. PREFACE. TN the pages which follow, it has been the aim of the writer to give a his- X ^^^"^ ^^ ^^^ discovery and earliest exploration of the New World, by 1 means of a chain of biographies of the principal discoverers, reaching from pre-Columbian times to the latter part of the eighteenth century. Not only does this chain extend through this period of time, but it encompasses the American continent, from the coast of Greenland to Cape Horn, and thence to Behring Strait, and even reaches to Australia and the archipelagoes of the South Pacific. All belong to the era of New World discovery. In these biographies, as found in the original form, there is much that is of little in- terest to the general reader; and much of scientific importance, that is dif- ficult to understand by those who have not a close acquaintance with the mys- teries of seamanship and astronomical observation. All these points have been passed over in silence, or so condensed and rendered into familiar lan- guage that it is thought no difiiculty will be experienced, even by boys and girls who might otherwise be repelled by the appearance of diflSculty. The original authorities have been consulted wherever practicable; the col- lection of travels published by the Hakluyt Society being included in that term. A constant effort has been made to retain as much individual inter- est as possible; though this could not always be done, when the expedition whose history was recorded comprised a great number of men, and the lead- er recorded merely the progress of his ships. But the materials of the present volume have been gathered from so many different sources, that reference to the authorities would encumber the book without adding to its value; for in many cases, the materials for a single chapter have been collected from many and various sources, and woven la- boriously into a single whole. (xi) PREFACE. In conclusion, the author has to thank many readers for their appreciation of previously published volumes, and ask that the present work may share their favor. St. Louis, Mo. D. M. Kelsey. CONTENTS. AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. Plan of Work— Divisions of History— Egyptian Knowledge of America— Other Legends — Carthagenian Discoveries— Records Found— A Grecian Tomb in America— Similarity of Picture Writing— Chinese Discoveries— Difficulties of Maritime Enterprises— Invention of the Compass— Irish Claims — The Welsh Discovery — Welsh-Speaking Indians — The Norse- men — Erik the Red — Discovery of Greenland — The Mainland — Leif's Voyage — The Round Tower— Vinland— The First Fight witli the Indians— The First White Native American— The Dighton Rock — The Skeleton in Armor 25 COEUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. Date and Place of His Birth— A Poor Man's Son— Education— Geographical Knowledge of the Time— Ideas of India— Marco Polo— A Splendid Banquet — The Scoffers Rebuked— "Lord Millions"— The Story of his Travels— The Grand Khan-rCipango— Imprisoned at Genoa — Influence on Youths of Genoa — Columbus Sees Service — Deceiving a Mutinous Crew —Prince Henry of Portugal— Columbus at Lisbon— Marriage— An Honored Profession— Friends— Evidence of a World Beyond the Waters— Growth of his Great Idea— Toscanelli Consulted— Religious Character of Columbus— Application to Genoa— To Venice- Voyage to Iceland— Application to Portugal— A Scurvy Trick— Condition of European Countries— A Friend at Last— Disappointment— A Sketch of Spanish History— The War Against the Moors — Effect upon the Project of Columbus— Friends at Court— Received by King Ferdinand— The Great Council of Salamanca— The Folly of the Wise— The Arguments of Columbus- Delayed Decision — A Wandering Court — Invitation to Portugal — Letter from England — Re- ligious Ardor Strengthened— The Council's Decision— Columbus Sets Out for France— At the Convent Gate— Friends at Palos— Appeal to the Queen— Demands of Columbus Rejected —A Courageous Courtier— Columbus Recalled— Isabella's Independence— Articles of Agree- ment 40 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. New Difficulties— Reluctant Seamen— The Three Vessels— A Town of Mourning— Sets Sailfrom Palos — Alarms — The Double Reckoning — Variation of the Compass — The Grassy Sea —Renewed Doubts— Indications of Land— Mutiny of the Crew- Hope Renewed— Confidence in Columbus— Night-Watch of the Admiral— Light through the Darkness— "LAND! "— The Landing of the Discoverer— Taking Possession— The Natives— Cruising— Self-Deception —Exploration of Cuba— Two Wonderful Plants— Desertion of the Pinta—liajti Discovered- Visits from Native Chiefs — Guacanagari — The Santa 3f aria Wrecked — Assisted by Natives — Tribute of Columbus to their Character- The Indians' First Aquaintance with Fire- Arms— (xiii) Xfr CONTENTS. Enviable Indians— Colony Projected— Efforts to Convert the Indians— Building the Fortress — Instructions to Colonists — Departure of Columbus — Rejoined by the Pinta — Explanations — Armed Natives— Hostilities— Dilflculties of Return Voyage— Storms— Piety of the Crew- Causes of the Admiral's Distress— His Precautions— Land Once More— Enmity of Portuguese —Liberated Prisoners— Departure— Storms Again— Off the Coast of Portugal— Reception in Portugal— The King's Advisers— Rejoicing at Palos— Arrival of the Pw?a— Pinzon's Treach- ery — His Death — Reception of Columbus at Court — Unparalleled Honors — Royal Thanksgiv- ing—Jealousy of Courtiers— Columbus and the Egg— The Papal Bull— Preparations for a Sec- ond Voyage— Various Arrangements— The Golden Prime of Columbus. ... 79 thp: second voyage of columbus. The Great Fleet— Precautions of Columbus— The Outward Voyage— Traces of Civilization —Evidences of Cannibalism— Hostilities— Doubts Confirmed— At Anchorage— The Fate of the Garrison— Story of the Natives— Attacked by Caribs— A New Colony— The Building of Isabella— Sickness— Exploration of the Island— Ojeda's Expedition— Return of Vessels— Slave-Trading Proposed by Columbus— His Reasons— Dissatisfaction— A Conspiracy Discov- ered—Action of Columbus— Columbus Explores the Island— Fort St. Thomas— Necessities of the Colony— "Gentlemen " at Work— A Voyage of Discovery— Welcome Reports— Cuba Voted a Part of the Mainland— Dangerous Illness of Columbus— Return to Isabella— Adven- tures of Bartholomew Columbus— Margarite's Rebellion— Enemies— Siege of St. Thomas— Ojeda'sDaring Enterprise— Spanish Cunning vs. Indian Cunning— Steel Bracelets— Spanish Cunning Wins— Condition of Colony— An Indian War— Victory— The Conqueror's Conditions — A Desperate Effort — Misrepresentations of Margarite — Isabella's Views on Slavery — Agua- do's Arrival— Wariness of Columbus— Discovery of Gold-Mines— Romantic Story— Return to Spain 128 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. Arrival at Cadiz— Reception at Court—" Gold in Bars"— A Miserable Maker of Jokes— A Thoughtful Queen— Third Voyage of Columbus— Departure from Spain— La Trinidad— The Continent Discovered — The Land of Pearls — The Earthly Paradise — Building of San Do- mingo — The Adelantado's Administration — Conspiracy of Indians — Roldan's Rebellion — Dangers of the Government — Indian Insurrection — Guarionex Captured — Roldan's Luck — Terms Made with the Rebels— Enemies of Columbus in Spain— His Sons Shamed— Official Action — Bobadilla in Hispaniola — His Course — Uncertainty of Columbus — Return to San Domingo— Columbus in Chains— Ilis Brothers Arrested— The " Reward of Services "—Em- barkation of Columbus — Arrival in Spain — Bobadilla's Action Disavowed — Ferdinand's Jeal- ousy and Distrust — Ovando Appointed Governor — Wrongs of the Indians — A Great Fleet — Columbus Plans a Crusade— Ferdinand's Substitute— Fourth Voyage of Columbus— Sails from Spain — Ovando Refuses Shelter — His Ships — The Predicted Storm — Results — Cruising — Adventures on Land — A Daring Messenger — Reaches Jamaica — Courage of Mendez — Anxiety of the Castaways — Mutiny of Porras — Columbus Predicts an Eclipse — Terror of the Natives — An Insolent Messenger — The Mutiny Ended — Assistance Arrives — Columbus Reaches Spain — Death of Isabella — Illness of Columbus — Assistance of Vespucius — Ferdinand's Delay — A Compromise Proposed — Rejection — A Last Gleam of Hope — Death of Columbus — His Burial — Ceremonies attending the Removal to Havana 155 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. Is "America" an Indian Word? — A City of Merchants — The Vespucci Family — Education — A Family Misfortune — Americus in Spain — Connection with Columbus — First Voyage of Vespucius—South America Discovered — An American Venice— Attacked by Natives — An CONTENTS. XV inland Visit — Friendly Natives — Repairing the Vessels — A Mission of Vengeance — A Desper- iite Conflict — Return to Spain — Disputes about tlie Voyages of Vespucius — Marriage — Visit to Court — Ojeda's Expedition — Second Voyage of Vespucius — Off the Coast of South America — Gentle Cannibals — Landing of the Spaniards Disputed — A Village of Giants — A Filthy Habit — Return to Spain — A Flattering Offer — His Third Voyage — A Stormy Passage — Land at I^ast — An Earthly Paradise — An Invitation Accepted — Murdered by Cannibals — Revenge Forbidden — Vespucius becomes Commander — Off the Coast of Africa — Return to Portugal — The Fourth Vo\'age of Vespucius — Misfortunes — An Anxious Condition — South America Again — A Colony Planted — Return to Lisbon — To Spain — Preparationsfor New Expedition — Causes of Delay — New Tasks Proposed — Appointed Chief Pilot of Spain — Visits Florence — His Death — His Family — Foundations of his Fame — Accusations — Original Application of the Name America 196 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. John Cabot— Settles in England— His Sons— Residence in Venice— Return to England — The Cabot Boys' Interest in Columbus — Henry VII. — John Cabot Goes to Court — A Patent Granted — Expedition Sails from England — Touches at Iceland — Nova Scotia Discovered — The Sailors Insist on Returning — A Second Venture — Death of John Cabot — A Colony Pro- posed — Mutinous Sailors — Exploration — A King's Injustice — In Spain — Henry VIII. — Sebas- tian Cabot Summoned to England— To Spain Again— Grand Pilot— A Disappointment— Return to England — Voyage to America — Rebellious Followers — Summoned to Spain Again — Import- ance of the Moluccas— An Expedition Thither — Sealed Orders — Fault-Finding — Swift Retri- bution — La Plata — A Fort Built — Ascending the River — A Bloody Battle — Tracked Across the Ocean — A Polite Refusal — Pursued upthe River — Cabot Defends Himself— Explorations — Innocent and Guilty Confused — The Fort Stormed — Return to Spain — Cabot's Reputation — Return to England— Grand Pilot of England— Variation of the Needle Explained by Cabot- Proposed Expedition to the Northeast — The Stilyard — Sir Hugh Willoughby — Ch-ancellor's Success — AVilloughby's Death — Cabot's Commercial Importance — Accession and Marriage of Queen Mary — Cabot Resigns his Pension — A Lively Old Man — Pension Renewed — Worth- thington's Unfaithfulness — Death of Cabot ', . . 227 BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. Early Life — Voyage in a Cask — Governor of Darien — "Where is your Comrade ? " — Ex- ploring Expeditions— Golden Gifts— The Savage ChiefsPromise- Difficultiesof the Governor — Aid from Hispaniola — "To the Land of Gold!" — A Toilsome March — The First Sight of the Pacific — A Splendid Vaunt — Return to Darien — Reception of News at Court — Balboa Superseded — Two Parties Formed — Pestilence and Famine — Balboa Appointed Adelantado of the South Sea Countries — Avila's Enmity — A Peacemaker — Avila's Treachery — Balboa's Trial — Condemned — Executed — Removal of Colony 2G3 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. A Royal Page — Portuguese Mariners — Albuquerque the Great — Royal Ingratitude — Mag- ellan goes to Spain — Westward to India— Reaches South America — The Giant Patagonians — Travelers' Tales— Conspiracy against Magellan— Punishment of the Plotters— The Straits of Magellan — Entering the Pacific — Terrible Privations — The Unfortunate Islands — The Islands of Thieves — Retaliation — Frightened into Friendliness — Trading for Gold — Missionary Work — In Portuguese Waters— Conversion of Islanders— Persecuting the Heathen— The Spaniards Demand Tribute — The Natives Resist — Poisoned Arrows — Magellan Mortally Wounded — A Determined Enemy — Flight of the Spaniards — At Borneo — Attacked — Return to Philippine Islands — To the Moluccas — Doubling the Cape — Starvation — The First Circumnavigation Ac- complished. 278 XV i CONTENTS. CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. Accidental Discoveries— Yasco da Gama— Portuguese Adventurers in India— A Seconc" Expedition— Cabral Commander— To the Southwest— The Coast of Brazil— Cabral Lands — Report Sent to Portugal— Sets Sail— A Fatal Storm— Doubling the Cape of Good Hope— Madagascar— Seeking Prester John— Calicut Reached— Fighting for the Rajah— A Corner in Spices — The Rajah's Trap — Cabral Falls into It — Attacked by the Arabs — A Massacre — A Hero Rescues a Child — Cabral's Vengeance — The Homeward Voyage — Reception at Court — Obscurity 300 HERNANDO CORTES, THE CONQUERER OF MEXICO. Settlements in the Xew World — Conquest of Cuba — Explorations of Continent — Youth and Education of Cortes — A Fortunate Fall — Sails for America — Plots against the Governor — Seeks Sanctuary — Swimming for Life — Reconciliation — Captain-General of Armada for Con- quest of Mexico — Velesquez Changes his Mind — "Time Presses!" — Departure of Cortes — Recruiting in Cuba — His Force and Arms — Embarkation for Yucatan — Preaching to Natives — The Long-Sought Captives— The Landing Disputed— The Battle of Lady-Day— Landing at Vera Cruz — In Montezuma's Realms — The Emperor's Gifts — Progress Forbidden — Planting a Colony — Dissensions of Natives — Totonacs Rebel against Montezuma — Cortes Sends a Report to Spain — Destruction of the Ships — "To Mexico I" — The Tlascalans Resist their Passage — A Night Attack — Cruelty to Messengers — Envoys from Montezuma — Cortes Reaches Cholula — Treachery of Cholulans — Its Punishment — Ascent of Popocatapetl — Montezuma's Despair — Cortes Enters the Capital — Visits Exchanged — Dangerous Position of Cortes — His Desperate Purpose — Pretext for Seizing Montezuma — The Purpose Accomplished — The Imperial Prisoner — Montezuma in Irons — Ship Building on the Lake — Supremacy of Spain Acknowledged by the Aztecs — "Honeyed Words" — Cortes Demands the Use of the Temples — Montezuma's Warn- ing — Cortes' Threat — Expedition of Velasquez — Winning over Enemies — March to the Coast — Submission of Velesquez' Army to Cortes — Return to Mexico — Alvarado's Mismanagement — Spanish Camp Assaulted — Montezuma Commands Peace — Taunted and Wounded — Attacking the Temple — Innumerable Enemies — Preparing for Retreat — Death of Montezuma — The Re- treat Begun — "The Melancholy Night" — Personal Feats of the Spaniards — Terrible Losses — Hardships of the March — Battle of Otumba — "There is our Mark!" — "The True Miracle is the Conduct of Cortes" — AtTlascala — Cortes Wounded — Reinforcements — Ship-Building — On the March Again — Desperate Resistance of Iztaplapan — Minor Cities Reduced — Cortes Cap- tured — Heroic Rescue — Conspiracy of Spaniards against Cortes — Siege of Mexico — Spanish Prisoners Sacrificed — Horrors of the Siege — Destruction of the City — The Siege Ended — Ex- plorations — Court Intrigues — Cortes Triumphant — The Conqueror's Authority Confirmed — Expedition to Honduras — Estrada's Insults — Cortes Goes to Spain — Reception at Court — Re- wards — Return to New Spain — Exploring the Western Coast — To Spain Again — "Deserving too Greatly" — Last Illness and Death — His Burial 313 FRANCISCO PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. A Foundling — Lack of Education — To America — San Sebastian — Grim Determination — Darien — First Expedition to Peru — Hunger — Attacked by Natives — Pizarro's Desperate Sit- uation — Return to Panama — Second Expedition to Peru — Exploring Party — Reinforcements — Dispute between Pizarro and Almagro — The Drover and the Butcher — Pizarro's Address to his Men — On the Island of Gorgona — Wonderful Stories — Return to Panama — The Third Ex- pedition Planned — Pizarro Goes to Spain — Arrested for Debt — Released — The Great Capitu- lation — Deceived Officials — Discontent of Almagro — Embarkation at Panama — The Land of Emeralds — Outrage upon the Natives — Dissensions among Peruvians — Disaster and Disap- pointment — Reconnoitering and Exploring — San Miguel Founded — Into the Heart of Peru — CONTENTS. Xvii Pizarro sends Malcontents Back — Envoy from the Inca — Crossing the Andes — An Embassy to the Inca — Seizure of Atahualpa Planned — The Inca Enters Caxamalca — A Call to the Uncon- verted— Atahualpa's Resentment— Slaughter of the Peruvians— Pizarro Defends Atahualpa— The Inca a Prisoner — He Offers Ransom — Immensity of the Treasure Promised — Atahualpa's Rival Murdered — Silver Horse-Shoes — Reinforcements — Atahualpa Brought to Trial — His Ex- ecution — De Soto's Rebuke — Story of Pizarro's Resentment — To Cuzco — Challcuchima's Re- bellion and Punishment — Manco's Submission — Spoil of Cuzco — Pizarro Assumes Title of Governor — He Builds Lima — A Messenger to Spain — New Recruits — Difficulties with Alma- gro— Almagro Leaves for Chili— Manco Escapes— Battles with the Peruvians— Cuzco Be- sieged— Almagro's Disasters— Returns from Chili and Takes Cuzco— Agreement between Pizarro and Almagro — Capture, Trial, and Condemnation of Almagro — His Execution — A Mission to Spain — Investigation Ordered — Conspiracy of the Men of Chili — The Plot Betrayed — Pizarro Attacked — " Down with the Tyrant ! " — Death of Pizarro — Burial. . . 375 FERDINAND DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER. Birth and Descent — Youth and Education — The Young Man's Love — A Stern Parent — A Treacherous Foe — Dangerous Honors — De A vila Recalled — De Soto in Peru — Return to Spain^ Marriage — His Great Expedition — Efforts to Colonize North America — Ponce de Leon — Narvaez — An Unfriendly Reception — Difficulties of the Journey — A Disgusted Lieutenant — The Indian Princess — Tuscaloosa — The Fight at Mobile — Discovery of the Mississippi — Ad- vancing Westward — The Retreat — De Soto's Death — Burial in the Mississippi — Return of the Expedition- A Broken Heart 416 JACQUES CARTIER, THE DISCOVERER OF CANADA. St. Malo — Youth of Cartier — Verazzano's Voyage — The Fisheries — Cartier's First Ameri- can Voyage — Sighting Newfoundland — The Mainland — Taking Possession — Protest of Natives — Donacoua's Friendship — His Sons Embark for France — Cartier Ascends the St. Lawrence — Returns Home — The Second Voyage — At the Mouth of the St. Lawrence — An Indian Drama — Visits Hochelaga — Curing Diseases — Returns to Ships — Fort Built — Tobacco and Scalps — Scurvy — Working and Praying — An Indian Remedy — Cartier Takes Possession of the Country Again — Donacona and his Sons Embark for France — Arrival at St. Malo — A Cool Reception — Cartier's Third American Voyage — A Colony Attempted — Failure — Cartier Re- turns to France— Roberval's Effort— After Years 440 JUAN FERNANDEZ, THE DISCOVERER OF ROBINSON CRUSOE'S ISLAND. Settlement of Chili— Difficulty of Southward Voyage— Expedient of Fernandez— Accused before the Inquisition — Discovers the Island of Juan Fernandez — Settles on Islands — Returns to Mainland — Other Discoveries — Discovery of Southern Land — A Mystery and some Expla- nations — Superstitions Regarding the Pacific — Alexander Selkirk — Robinson Crusoe. 454 THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR INIARTIN FROBISHER. Early Life — The Northwest Passage — Frobisher's Enterprise — The Expedition Sails — Re- ported Lost — Reaches the American Coast — The Boat Lost — Living Proof— Return to Eng- land — The Black Stone — Gold — The Second Voyage — The Faroe Islands — America — Conflict with Natives — Fire and Tempest — Mining — Captives — A Fort Built — A War Dance — Return to England — The Third Expedition — Misfortunes to the Ships — Surrounded by Ice — His Des- perate Resolution— Stone House Built— Ruins Found in 1861— Results of Voyage— Frobish- XVlll CONTENTS. er's Domestic Relations— Knighted by Drake— Letter from Queen Elizabeth— Relief of Brest — Frobisher Wounded — Return to England — Death 462 SIR FEANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. A Clergyman's Son — His Youth — Early Adventures — Sails under Hawkins — Attacked by the Spaniards — Return to England — Various Enterprises — Voyage to America — Assault of Nombre de Dios — Drake "Wounded — Retreat to Ships — Overland to Panama — Drake's Vow — Partial Failure— Return to Vessels— Treasure Secured— The Raft— Reprisals— Return to Eng- land — A New Enterprise — Sails for the South Sea — Along the Coast of Africa — Off Bra- zil — ThievingNatives — Skirmish — Plot Against Drake — Doughty Executed — On the Pacific — Storms — Mistaken for Spaniards — Prizes — Homeward Bound — Xew Albion — Coast of North America — Limit of Exploration — Camping on Land — Intercourse "with the Natives — Interest- ing Ceremonies— Takes Possession of Country— Across the Pacific- The Ladroncs— Ternate —Doubling the Cape— Arrival in England— A Day Lost— Knighted by the Queen— A New Commission — To the West Indies and Virginia — Return to England — The Spanish Armada — Surrendering to the Fortune of Drake — To Succor Portugal — Drake's Last Expedition-^The Spanish Main— Attacked by the Spaniards — War on the Coast Towns — Disappointments — Illness and Death of Drake 4S0 JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR. Character of Davis — Sails from England — Reaches Greenland — Among the Icebergs — The Land of Desolation — "Music hath Charms" — Exchange of Presents — Exploring Davis Strait — Esquimau Dogs — Return to England — Second Voyage — Friendly Intercourse with Green- landers — A Misunderstanding — Thieving — Hostilities — Coasting to Labrador — Return to En- gland — Ilis Third Voyage — Fishing and Exploring — Northern Limit of Exploration — Terrible Condition of Davis — Arrival in England — Lack of Interest in Explorations — Reasons — Cav- endish's Two Voyages — Davis Sails with Him — Return — Other Voyages — His Death. 510 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. Voyage of Verazzano — Commissioned by Francis I. of France — The Coast of America — Contrast Between French and Indian Actions — Return to France — Hudson's First Voyage — The Coast of Greenland — Return to England — Second Voyage — No Practicable Northeast Passage — Return — In the Service of Holland — Third Voyage — To the Northeast — Reasons for Changing Course — To America — Coast of Canada — Exi^loring the Coast of the United States — New York Bay — The Story from an Indian Standpoint — Meaning of the Name Man- hattan — New L^se for Implements — An Old Trick — Ascending the River — Mutinous Temper of Crew — Return — English Government Interferes — Weymouth's Voyage — Hudson's Last Voyage — A Peculiar History — Hudson Strait — Hudson Bay — Trial of Juet for Mutiny — Frozen In — Quarrels Among the Crew — Their Food — An Exploring Expedition — Famine — Tlie Plots Come to a Head — Persuading Prickett — The Plot — Hudson and his Companions Abandoned to their Fate — Hostile Natives— Return of the Conspirators to England — Impris- onment 521 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. The Parish Register Entries — Deductions — Beginning at the Foot of the Ladder — Danish Attempts to Explore Nortliern Waters — Baffin's First Recorded Voyage — Off Greenland — Es- quinuiux Visitors — Hall Mortally Wounded — A Disappointment — Return — Two Voyages to the Northeast — Exploring Spitzbergen — "Gibbons his Hole" — Second Voyage to America — Off Greenland Again — Measuring Icebergs — Exploring the Islands — Hudson Strait — Return CONTENTS. XIX to England— Baffin's Opinion about the Northwest Passage — Third Voyage to America — Up Davis' Strait— In Baffin's Bay— Limit of Exploration— The Sick Cured— Return to England- Maps of Baffin's Bay— Ross' Testimony to Baffin's Merits— Baffin's New Scheme— Employed by East India Companj-- Arrival at Surat- Exploration of the Red Sea— A Favored Em- ploye—Becomes Master of a Ship— Fight with Dutch and Portuguese in Persian Waters— A Drawn Battle— A Second Conflict— Return to Surat— To the Coast of Arabia— Alliance with the Shah— Siege of Ormuz— Baffin Levels the Guns— Killed 548 TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. The Dutch East India Company— Its Monopoly of the Spice Trade— Settlements in the East Indies — Voyages of Discovery — Torres and Quiros — Tasman's First Voyage — Instruc- tions—Discovery of Tasmania— Taking Possession for Holland— New Zealand— Fight with the Natives— Massacre Bay— Friendly Islands— Samoa — New Guinea- A Sudden Skirmish — Making Knives for Trading— Return to Batavia— Second Voyage— Results of Explora- tions 5GG VITUS BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. Peter the Great and Russian Civilization— Establishing a Navy — Behring Enters the Rus- sian Service— Exploration of Siberia— Siberian Knowledge of America— Expeditions East- ward—First Expedition under Behring— Difficulties— Exploration of Asiatic Coast— Passes through Behring Strait— Return to St. Petersburg— New Plans Proposed— A Second Expe- dition— Behring's Family— Personnel of the Expedition— Chirikof—Spanberg— Other Subor- dinates—Instructions—Preparations—Leaving St. Petersburg— Crossing Europe and Asia— Ship-Building— Delays, Difficulties, and Investigations— Sets Sail at Last — Doubts as to Course— Separation of Vessels— Chirikof reaches America— Returns to Siberia— Behring Dis- covers Mount St. Elias— A Discoverer without Enthusiasm— A Sudden Departure— Scurvy- Terrible Condition— Land Sighted— A Desert Island— Landing the Sick— The Long and Cruel Winter — Behring's Heroic Patience— His Death— Plans of Survivors— A Singular Ques- tion— Building a Vessel— Return to Kamchatka 574 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. Birth and Early Life— Contending with Difficulties— A Runaway Apprentice— Rises in the World— Enlists in the Navy— Distinguishes himself as a Maritime Surveyor— Appointed Ma- rine Surveyor of Labrador and Newfoundland— Transit ofVenns in 17G9— Cook's Expedi- tion— Previous Expeditions to the South Pacillc— Byron— " Foul-Weather Jack "—Wallis- Tahiti— Carteret— Bougainville— Chief Value of this Voyage— Cook Sets Sail— Doubling Cape Horn— Arrival at Tahiti— Observing the Transit— The Society Islands— Taking Pos- session—New Zealand— Unfriendly Natives— Exploring Coast— Tasmania— Australia— A Se- rious Disaster— An Anxious Night and Day— Exhausting Labor— Land Reached— Camping on Shore— Summing up of Difficulties— Following Coast of Australia— Batavia— Doubling the Cape— Home Again— Another Expedition Planned— To Discover the Southern Conti- nent— Bouvet's Discovery— Cook's Instructions— Precautions against Sickness— In Antarctic Waters— Separation of Vessels— To New Guinea— Re-union of Ships— Friendly Natives- Proposed Route— Reach Tahiti— Trading— Presents— Hu— Rough Treatment of Whites —Cook's Islands— The Friendly Islands— Final Separation of Vessels— To the Far South Again— Easter Island— Tahiti— The Friendly Islands— Whitsunday Island— An Offended Native— The New Hebrides— New Caledonia Explored— A Fortunate Discovery— Return Eastward— Staten Island Reconnoitered— Hunting— Reaches Cape of Good Hope— Re- port or Furneaux— A New Zealand Massacre— Return to England— A Pleasant Post — Honors— A New Expedition Planned— Cook Volunteers— Instructions— In Australasia— XX CONTENTS. Sandwich Islands Discovered — Reaches American Coast — Coasting Northward — To the Sand- wich Islands again — Strange Ceremonies — Explanation — A Change — A Tumult — A Serious Dispute— A Skirmish— Cook Seeks a Hostage— A Conflict— Cook Killed— Remains of Cook Recovered and Buried — Ships Northward — Pass Behring Strait — Return by Cape of Good Hope to England — News of Cook's Death — How Received — Honors to his Memory — His Suramarv of his Ov^n Life. ^ ..... 588 THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. By Hex. Tiio.MAS W. Palmer, President National Commission 637 THE ORGANIZATION AND ITS ACHIEVEMENTS. By Hox. Wm. T. Baker, President World's Columbian Exposition. . . . 6^4 NEW YORK AND THE WORLD'S FAIR. By Hox. Chauncey M. Depew, National Commissioner 651 THE BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. From the Offices of Maj. Moses P. Handy, Chief of Department of Publicity ANn Promotion. , , . . , . 655 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. English and Spanish Contending for Supremacy in the New World. . . Full Page iv Christopher Columbus Full Page v Columbus Before Isabella and the Council Full Page vi A Phoenician Vessel , . . . . 27 A Fleet of Roman Galleys in the Mediterranean 28 Discovery of Greenland by Norse Ships 32 Round Tower at Newport, Rhode Island. 35 Lief and His Men Find Tyrker 36 The Skeleton in Armor 38 Birthplace of Columbus Full Page 40 Sea Bishop and Mermaids. 43 The Phantoms of Fear 44 Marco Polo at the Court of Kublai Khan. 47 Marco Polo's Single Galley Attacked by Seventy from Genoa. . . . Full Page 48 The Years of Preparation ' 51 Diaz on His Way to the Cape 53 Isabella in Armor Full Page 63 Columbus in the Royal Presence 65 Columbus Before the Council Full Page 66 Columbus and His Son at the Monastery Gate. Full Page 72 Departure of Columbus from Palos, Spain. Full Page 78 "Land! Land!" Full Page 82 The Mutiny 86 Columbus Watching for Land Full Page 88 Columbus Approaching San Salvador Full Page 90 Landing of Columbus at San Salvador Full Page 92 The Fight with the Iguana 97 The Grateful Cacique 100 The Columbus Bronze Doors in the Capitol at Washington Full Page 105 The Return of Columbus 109 Columbus' Men Throwing Over the Casks Ill A Pilgrimage of Grace 114 Columbus Before the Sovereigns of Portugal 117 The Triumphal Progress Full Page 120 Reception of Columbus by Ferdinand and Isabella. Full Page 122 Columbus and the Egg Full Page 124 Columbus Relating His Discoveries to His Friend, Father Perez 126 Evidences of Cannibalism 130 Sailing Among the Islands. Full Page 137 Bartholomew Columbus 144 Spaniards Setting Dogs on Indians 150 An Aboriginal Race Working in Mines Full Page 153 Columbus Protecting the Indian Prisoners Full Page 156 "Gold in Bars" 158 (xxi) XXll ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. The Landing of Columbus at Trinidad 160 The Tidal Wave 161 Ruins of the House of Columbus at San Domingo 165 Kiveting the Fetters upon Columbus 171 Columbus Returning to Spain in Chains Full Page 174 Hooted by the Mob 175 Ovando's Fleet Shattered in a Storm 178 Columbus' Caravels Aground 185 Columbus and the Eclipse , . . . . 188 Death of Columbus Full Page 192 Statue of Columbus on the Portico of the Capitol at Washington. .... 195 Americus Vespucius 197 Vespucius Exploring the New Country 203 Natives of the Amazon 206 On the Orinoco 208 Lisbon in the Sixteenth Centurv 216 Shipwrecl^-ed. . . . ' Full Page 218 John Cabot Full Page 226 Sebastian Cabot. 230 Cabot at Labrador Full Page 232 Cabot's Return to England 234 Voyaging up the River 245 Great Ship of Henry the Eighth 250 Sebastian Cabot and the Cosmographers 254 Wintering in the Arctic Region. Full Page 257 Chancellor before the Czar. 260 Balboa. . . • 264 The Attempted Escape Full Page 266 Balboa Discovers the Pacific Ocean 272 Ferdinand Magellan , . . 279 Albuquerque Sends Tribute to the Shah of Persia. 280 The Savages' First Look Into a Mirror. 283 Magellan Punishes Mutiny. 285 Magellan's Vessels in the Straits 288 Magellan at the Ladrone Islands 289 Tatooed South Sea Islander 291 Heroic Death of Magellan 294 The Visit of the King of Borneo 297 Vasco de Gama 301 Cabral Before the Zamorin. 303 Cabral Takes Possession of Brazil 305 The Fleet Wrecked in a Storm • . . Full Page 308 Hernando Cortes. 314 Mexican Indians Bringing Gifts to Cortes 323 Cortes Marching on the City of Mexico Full Page 330 Ruins of Aztec Civilization 336 The Massacre at Cholula 338 Montezuma. Full Page 340 Mexican Idol and Ruins 347 Aztec Chief 349 The Spaniards Defending Themselves in the City of Mexico. . . . Full Page 354 Montezuma Wounded by His Own People 356 Desperate Battle on the Causeway 359 Cortes Fighting at Otumba 361 The Torturing of Guatemozin and His Minister. . 369 Francisco Pizarro 376 Pizarro Exhorts His Men to Follow Him to the Conquest Full Page 382 Pizarro Before the Emperor Charles V 386 Pizarro and His Men in Peru - 391 Atahualpa Taken Prisoner by Pizarro 399 The Execution of the Inca Full Page 404 ILLUSTRATIONS. XXlll PAGE. Pizarro and Altnagro Swearing Peace , 407 Battle with the Peruvians. 409 The Killing of Pizarro 414 Ferdinand de Soto 417 De Soto's Vovage to Florida Full Page 424 The Fight at Mobile 431 De Soto's Encampment in the Forest 432 De Soto Discovers the Great Mississippi Eiver Full Page 434 Indian Fleet Meeting De Soto 435 Burial of De Soto 437 Departure of the Spaniards. Full Page 43S Cartier Enters the St. Lawrence River 442 Donacona's Sons. 444 Plan of Hochelaga Fort. . . • -447 Cartier's Men Preparing to Winter at Orleans Island 449 Cartier at the St. Charles River, near Quebec. 452 Island of Juan Fernandez Full Page 456 Natives of Easter Island 459 Selkirk Follows the Goats too Far 461 Sir Martin Frobisher 463 Queen Elizabeth of England 468 Frobisher Departs on His Third Voyage 472 Among the Icebergs 475 Sir Walter Raleigh 478 Francis Drake as a Ferry Boy 481 Xaval Battle between the English and Spanish Fleets Full Page 482 Drake Capturing a Spanish Galleon 484 Drake's First View of the Pacific Ocean Full Page 486 Taking a Prize Full Page 490 An Abundance of Wild Fowl 492 Drake Visits the Islands of the South Sea 494 Indian Stalking Deer 498 Drake's Arrival at Ternate 501 Drake Knighted by Queen Elizabeth 502 Attack on the Spanish Armada. Full Page 504 Sir John Hawkins 506 Sir Francis Drake 507 Funeral of Sir Francis Drake Full Page 508 Death at Sea Full Page 518 The Xorth Cape 524 Henry Hudson and the Half-Moon on Hudson River Full Page 526 Henry Hudson and Crew at Manhattan Island 529 Hudson Trading with the Natives 532 Henry Hudson 534 Hudson and His Ship Frozen In 536 The Breaking Up of the Ice. . 539 Hudson Cast Adrift by His Crew Full Page 542 The Fate of Henry Hudson 544 James I., King of England. 547 Baffin in the Arctic Regions 552 Bafiln Explores the Coast of Greenland 557 Tasman's Men Attacked and Killed by Natives 568 Fight with Canoes 570 Peaceful Demonstrations by Natives. 572 Peter the Great, Czar of Russia. 575 Petropaulovski 581 The Sick Carried on Shore 584 Captain James Cook. 589 The Council Discussing What Direction to Sail 591 Patagonians on Horseback 593 King of Timor 595 XXIV ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. Patagonian Savages Feasting on Carrion. 597 The Landing Disputed 600 Attacked by a Malay Pirate Vessel 601 Making Their Visitors Sing and Dance 603 Madamoiselle Barre's Adventure 606 Tahitian Chief Fed by His Wives 608 Captain Cook Has a Fight with the Natives 610 Cannibalism Seen by Captain Cook at Tahiti 612 The Natives Make Signs 620 Native Festival and Dance in Cook's Honor 623 Discovering Remains of Cannibal Feast 628 The Natives Worship Captain Cook as a God. 631 A Toothsome Oft'ering 633 Native Monument on the Site of Death of Captain Cook 635 Director-General World's Columbian Exposition Full Page 656 Transportation Building 657 Machinery Hail Full Page 658 Administration Building. 660 Agricultural Building Full Page 062 Woman's Building Full Page 664 Art Palace Full Page 666 Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building Full Page 668 Electrical Building Full Page 670 Hall of Mines and Mining. 671 Horticultural Building 072 United States Government Building. 673 The Fisheries Building Full Page 074 United States Battle-Ship Exhibit 077 The Dairy Building 677 View Over the Lagoon 676 Illinois State Building Full Page 680 Map of Discoverers' Routes. Double Page Map of Columbian Exposition Grounds Double Page COLUMBUS AND THE New World Heroes OF DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST. AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. TT is our purpose in this volume to trace the history of the great discov- I eries beginning in the memorable year 1492; to show how not only y Columbus labored and waited until his great opportunity came, but the adventures and hardships through which his contemporaries and successors sought out the mysteries surrounding that New World which he gave to Spain. Before entering upon this task, however, it will be well to consider, very briefly, the stories told of various seamen who had sought and found the far-off continent, before the days of Columbus. We shall also see what dim and shadowy knowledge of a land beyond the great western ocean was cur- rent among the peoples of antiquity. History is usually divided into three parts. Ancient history ends with the fall of Rome, in 476 A. D. ; the History of the Middle Ages then begins, and extends over a period of about ten centuries ; since the end of which, the record is called Modern History. During the first period, there were certain traditions among some nations, of which we shall speak presently, regarding a country which was probably America; during the second period there may have been some daring sailors who reached the New World; the third period begins with its discovery, and the story of its exploration, settlement, and progress is no small part of Modern History. Solon, one of the seven wise men of Greece, who lived in the sixth and seventh centuries B. C, traveled into far countries, to learn all that the sages of other nations had to teach. When he reached Egypt, he thought to astonish the priests — the learned men of the country — by telling them something of the history of Greece, and particularly of Athens, of which city he was a native. " Solon, Solon!" exclaimed one of the oldest of them; " the Greeks are nothing but children, and an aged Greek there is none." (25) 26 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. Much surprised at this, the traveler asked the priest what he meant ; and received in reply such an account of the knowledge which the Egyptians possessed of other peoples, as to make him accept for truth what had seemed but an idle boast. Among other things, the old priest told him of avast island, or rather conti- nent, w^hich once lay in the great ocean, to the west of Europe, and which was reached by a short voyage after the sailor had passed the Pillars of Her- cules, as the Strait of Gibraltar was then called. The people of this conti- nent had often made war upon those of Europe, and had been much dreaded by thcni; but a series of earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and similar calami- ties, had caused this great island to sink into the waters of the ocean, w^ith all its vast hordes of inhabitants; and the peoples of Europe had thus been saved from these terrible enemies. The sinking of this island, the priest added, had so blocked up the ocean with mud as to make it forever afterward impassable. The date of its destruction he fixed at a point about nine thousand years before his own time. Solon returned to Greece, bearing this information with him; but it does not seem to have been made public until the time of his descendant Plato, Avho lived about two hundred years later; and we have no means of knowing how much Plato added to the original story from the treasury of his own mind. It is from this source that we derive the classic fables of the Lost Atlantis. There were legends, too, of the Gardens of the Ilesperides, and of the Fortunate Islands, and, later, of St. Brandan's Island and other favored places, far in the west; but whether these had any connection with a belief in land beyond the Atlantic, or whether this was simply considered a conven- ient situation for the scene of such stories, since nobody knew enough of this region to say the islands were not there, we cannot pretend to say. It is possible that America was reached by the Phoenician and Carthagin- ian sailors, the most adventurous of antiquity. But the Pha?nicians were early reduced to insignificance among the nations of the world, while the Carthaginians, whose city they had founded, rose into importance. But Carthage engaged in wars w^ith Eome, and was finally wholly destroyed by the armies of that great city; and all record of her colonies and discoveries was thj,is lost. It is certain that Carthaginian sailors discovered the Canary Islands, which were then uninhabited; and these islands wxre peopled from Carthage; yet, when they were re-discovered, the inhabitants had lost all tradition of their ancestors having come from another country, and thought themselves the only people in the world. Traditions which have survived the destruction of Carthage tell us that a vessel on the Mediterranean, which was sailing towards the Straits of Gib- raltar, the ancient Calpe, was driven by storms beyond it, and was heard of AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 27 no m6re. Did it reach America? At a meeting of the Mexican Geographical Society, some few years since, it was stated that some brass tablets had been discovered in the northern part of Brazil, covered with Phoenician inscrip- tions, which tell of the discovery of America five centuries before the begin- ning of the Christian era. These are now in the museum at Eio Janeiro. They state that a Sidonian fleet sailed from a harbor in the Eed Sea, and rounding the Cape of Good Hope, was driven by the south-east trade-winds, and then by the north-east, across the Atlantic. The number of the vessels, the number of seamen, and many other particulars are there given. A Phoenician Vessel. In 1827, a farmer near Montevideo, in Uruguay, South America, is said to have discovered a flat stone which bore an inscription in a language un- known to him. Beneath it was a vault of masonry, in w^hich was deposited two ancient swords, a helmet, and a shield. The stone which had covered the vault was taken to Montevideo, where it was found that the inscription was in most parts sufiiciently legible to be deciphered. According to those learned men who examined it, it was in Greek, and read as follows: — " During the dominion of Alexander, the son of Philip, King of Macedon, in the sixty- third Olympiad, Ptolemais." On the handle of one of the swords was a man's portrait, supposed to be that of Alexander; the helmet was decorated with a fine sculpture represent- ing Achilles dragging the body of Hector around the walls of Troy. If this is indeed a relic of times before Columbus, it would indicate that during the reign of Alexander the Great, about 330 B. C, a party of Greeks had crossed the Atlantic. Why the arms should have been deposited in this vault we do not know; itmay have been that one of their number, Ptolemais, possibly their leader, died; itmay be that they found it impossible to carry out the cus- toms of their nation, and reduce the body to ashes ; and hence entombed it 28 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. ill this vault, with the arms which their leader had used during his lifetime. More than two thousand years had passed before it was opened; and in that time every trace of tlie body and its softer clothing had been destroyed, leav- ing only the imperishable metals. ^ A Fleet of Ho.max Galleys in the Mediterkaneax. These are the stories of ancient times in regard to America. It will be no- ticed that while there are accounts of men who reached the western shores of the Atlantic, it would seem that there are none of whom it is said that they returned. Yet the fables of Atlantis shows that at some time the people of the eastern continent must have known something of the western. It is a curious fact, in this connection, that recent investigations have shown that the monuments of Mexico and Central America are surprisingly similar to those of Egypt; and there is a still greater degree of similarity between the picture-writing of these two far-distant parts of the world. How much of the civilization of Mexico and Peru, which has long been the wonder of white men, came originally from Eg3'pt, the mother of the arts and sciences known to Europe? At the very beginning of the Middle Ages, we find a claim of another dis- covery of America; but this time from the other coast. In 1761, Deguignes, AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 29 a French scholar whose name is now almost unknown, announced to the world that the Chinese discovered America in the fifth century, A, D. He derived this information from the ofiicial annals of the Chinese Empire, to which, he claimed, he had gained access. He tells us that he found that in the 3'ear 499 A. D., a Chinese Buddhist priest returned to Singan, the capital of China, from Tahan, or Khamschatka, saying that he had been to a coun- try twenty thousand li, or about seven thousand miles, beyond Tahan. It is supposed by Deguignes from this statement of the distance, that he had crossed Behring's Strait and journeyed southward to California, or perhaps as far as JMexico. The explorer called this country Fusang, from the fact that the maguey, or American aloe, so, plentiful in that part of North Amer- ica, resembles the plant which the Chinese call fusang. Before considering at more length the stories of those navigators who are said to have preceded Columbus in the discovery of America, let us see what difficulties were in the way. In the first place, the vessels which served for coasting voyages were, in very many cases, small and ill-fitted for buffeting with the storms of the Atlantic. We shall see hereafter, however, that an experienced sailor did not consider certain ships as unfitted for his purpose because they were smaller than many of his day; and, perhaps, in comparing the ships of the two periods, we are apt to place too much stress on the fact that the vessels of to-day are large, and conclude that because of their size they are safer. Possibly the small craft in Avhich the early navigators cross- ed the Atlantic were far safer and more manageable than larger vessels would have been, without the aid of steam to speed them on their way, A far greater difficulty lay in the ignorance of the sailors. Do we realize what it means to have no newspapers, no books except costly manuscripts, no schools except for those of high rank or who intended to enter the priest- hood? Can a modern sailor imagine what it would be to drift upon an un- known sea, without chart or compass? Yet that is what these early seamen did, when they ventured far to the west, in search of land of whose very ex- istence they were not sure. The mariner's compass was not known in Europe until about the twelfth century; although it had been in use much earlier than this in China. A learned Florentine, who visited England in 1258, wrote home a letter describ- ing one wonderful thing which he had seen. He had been to the great Univer- sity of Oxford, which had had a European renown for hundreds of years even then, and had been admitted to the study of Friar Roger Bacon, a man so wise that most persons thought he must have sold himself to the devil to learn all that he knew. One of the wonderful things which he saw was the power which a piece of magnetic iron ore possessed over iron and steel; and the great friar, putting a long, slender bit of such ore on a piece of light wood, and letting it float on some water, showed the astonished traveler how 30 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. constantly one end of the rude needle pointed to the North Star. It was too strange a power to be wholly right, thought the people of that time; it could only be by Satanic direction that such powers could be given to a bit of senseless iron; how could a piece of metal know more than a Christian? And good, devout Catholics, in stormy weather, were often puzzled to know in what direction to look for the North Star. So the sailors refused to go in any vessel whose master was known to carry this magical contrivance; and it was only when they found that exorcisms and blessings and signs of the cross did not take away this power of the magnet, that they began to believe it did not come from the devil after all. This foolish prejudice against the mariner's compass once removed, a great difficulty in the way of oceanic ex- ploration was smoothed away. If we may believe the claims of several nations, however, America was dis- covered more than once before the mariner's compass w^as in use among European sailors. There are some claims that the Irish, at a period which is not fixed, had sailed westward and reached the farther shores of the Atlan- tic ; and the people of the northern part of Europe told of a country which they called Great Ireland, in very much the same way as the people of the southern part, at a little earlier day, told of Atlantis. It must be remember- ed in reading of this Irish voyage, that in very early times Ireland was a much more highly civilized country than England. The schools of Ireland were famous throughout Europe, before those of Oxford and Cambridge and Paris were dreamed of, and while the wolves yet howled around the sites of Heidelberg and Leipsic. Such a nation, then, would have many men who knew the story of Atlantis; it might be told to some adventurous sailors, who would employ all the arts of the then civilized world in fitting out a vessel to voyage thither; and who might possibly accomplish the journey and return in safety. The next account which we shall notice is the story told by the AYelsh bards, that in the twelfth century America was discovered by some of their countrymen. The bards, or poets, were the historians of Wales, before, in the fourteenth century, it was conquered by the king of England and made a part of his dominions; in their songs we find all that can be known of the history of Wales; and this is not contradicted by the written history of other nations, in those particular instances where they tell of the same event. According to them, the death of a king named Owen brought about great dissensions among his sons, who each desired the kingdom for himself, ex- cepting Madoc, who seems to have been a lover of peace. While the other brothers were fighting to decide this question, Madoc sailed away to the west- ward in search of a country where there was no war. Leaving Ireland to the north, he continued his course until he reached a beautiful and fertile coun- try, supposed, by those who fully accept the account, to have been the coast AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS, 31 of the southern portion of the United States. But he was not content to enjoy this new-found paradise with the few Avho had come with him; he wished to share it with all who loved peace. He accordingly returned to Wales, and spread the story of his discovery far and wide. Three hundred answered his call, and with ten ships he sailed away again to the western land, but, sad to say, was never heard of more. In 1740, there appeared in the Gentleman's Magazine, an English period- ical of high standing, a letter dated more than fifty years before, narrating how the writer, a Welsh clergyman and a graduate of the University of Ox- ford, had, in company with some other persons, been captured by some In- dians of the Tuscarora tribe, near what is now called Cape Hatteras. This occurred about the beginning of the year 1661. The prisoners were in much danger from the Indians, but the reverend gentleman, much to his surprise, found that he could make them understand him by speaking in his native language, which was substantially the same as their own. By pleading with them in Welsh, he succeeded in making friends with them, and he and his companions were Avell treated during the four months that they remained with the Indians. He adds that he preached to the Indians in Welsh, three times a week during this period. To this communication the name of the Rev. Morgan Jones is signed. This testimony alone would be of little weight; for it was written twenty- five years after the occurrence, and published fifty-five years after it was written. Others, however, have told of the Indians who speak Welsh; and more than one Welshman, who knew no language except that and English, is said to have been able to talk to the Indians, and understand them, although they knew no language but their own. Mr. Jones describes the In- dians into whose hands he fell as being so light in color that he first took them for white men; and it is true that the Tuscaroras, who were the sixth of the famous Six Nations, were frequently called white Indians. It is said, also, that the Conestogas showed especial hatred to such whites as were of a fair complexion; and a red-haired, blue-eyed person, would be more cruelly treated by them than one with dark hair and eyes. An enthu- siastic Welshman declares that this was because their remote ancestors had had hard battles with Madoc and his followers, and they instinctively recog- nized persons of fair hair as bitter enemies. How much of the story of Madoc is true, we do not know, but it seems to fit in with what the Mexicans told the Spaniards : that they had been taught many things by white strangers from the east, who had gone back across the Atlantic, promising to return. If this were Madoc and his companions, it seems that they never reached America after leaving Wales the second time, but were lost to both continents. If, on the other hand, the ancestors of the Tuscaroras were Welshmen, Madoc 's ten ships reached their destination, but 32 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. those which tried to return were lost. One thing is certain ; Madoc and his handful of men could not have civilized Mexico and settled North Carolina. One claim or the other must be given up. Discovery of Greenland by Norse Smr; We come now to the account of the discovery of America by navigators from another country, whose claims to having actually reached the shores of the western continent are clearer and better proved than any of those who went before them. The discoveries of the Norsemen are recorded in their sagas; and being written history, these accounts deserve more credit than AMERICA BEFORP: COLUMBUS. 33 any mere traditions. The only question is, what land was actually reached; was it a portion of the New England coast, or was it nearer the coast of Greenland? From the Saga of Erik the Red we condense and modernize the following account: — Thorvald and his son Erik removed from the southwestern coast of Nor- way to Iceland, in consequence of murder, after several colonies had been established in that island. Thorvald died there, and Erik married. Moving northward from where he first settled, Erik's name of " The Red " seems to have been merited by new deeds of violence ; for shortly after the birth of his son Leif he was compelled to remove again, this time to the westward. Disputes between him and his new neighbors arose, as a result of which he was declared an outlaw. Gunnbjorn, a countryman of Erik's, had sailed to the westward and brought back word that there was land there; it is sup- posed that this land was Gunnbjarnasker, now concealed, or rendered inac-' cessible, by the descent of Arctic ice. Erik said he would come back to his friend if he found the land, says the old chronicle; and it would appear from this that he was desperate ; if he did not find land, he would perish in the waste of waters. He reached Greenland, seen then by European eyes for the first time, and touched at a point which he named Midjokul; the term jokul being applied to a mountain covered with snow. Reaching Greenland in the spring or summer, he remained there for two winters. The third summer he went to Iceland, and anchored his ship near the point from which he had sailed. He called the land which he had found Greenland, because, said he, "People will be attracted thither, if the land has a good name." Remaining in Iceland all winter, probably to get recruits for his new en- terprise, he sailed back to Greenland the next summer, with a fleet of thirty- five vessels ; but of these only fourteen reached their destination ; some were lost, and the others driven back. The saga places this settlement fifteen winters before Christianity was established by law in Iceland, or 985 A. D. ; Iceland having been settled 874 A. D. One of the settlers who accompanied Erik was named Herjulf. His son, Bjarni, was a bold and daring sailor, who possessed his own ship while still a very young man. It was his custom to spend every second winter with his father, the remainder of the time being given to the sea. Accordingly, he set sail from Norway in the summer time, and arrived in Iceland only to find that his father had moved to Greenland. These tidings, the old chronicler says, appeared serious to Bjarni, and he was unwilling to unload his ship. Then his seamen asked him what he would do; he answered that he intended to continue his custom, and spend the 34 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. winter with his father; and asked them if they would accompau}^ him to Greenland. They assented to this, though none of them had been in the " Greenland Ocean." Putting to sea, they had fair weather for three days; but after that, fogs arose, and continued many days. Finally, they saw land. They were doubtful, however, if this was Greenland; and sailed closer before they could determine. Seeing that it was without mountains, but covered with wood, they decided that it could not be the country which they were seeking, and leaving it on the larboard side, sailed two days before they again saw land. This, again, did not answer the description, being a flat land cov- ered with wood. The sailors, however, were tired of seeking a land the location of which they did not know, and wished to go ashore here; pretending, when Bjarni objected, that they were in need of wood and water. He stoutly refused to permit it, however, and at last they unwillingly turned the prow from the land. Sailing three days with a south-west wind, they saw another land, covered with mountains and ice-hills ; but this did not appear inviting to Bjarni, and he forbade the sails to be lowered. As they kept on their course, they saw that this was an island. Once more putting out to sea, they sailed four days, when they saw the fourth land. It seemed to Bjarni that this answered the description of Greenland, and putting about for shore, they chanced to land just at the point where Bjarni's father, Herjulf, had settled. What were the three lauds that he saw? If we carefully trace his course on the map, remembering that the Norsemen reckoned a day's sail at about thirty geographical miles, and keeping in mind what is said of the direction of the wind, we can but come to the conclusion that the first land seen was Connecticut or Long Island, while the great island was doubtless Newfound- land ; the second land was some point between the two. This is the first written record which we have of the discovery of the mainland of America. The voyage w^as made at some time in the late sum- mer or autumn of 985; but, as we have seen, the Europeans did not attempt to land. Bjarni went back to Norway, where he boasted of his discovery; but the fact that he had refused to land became somewhat a matter of reproach to him. His experiences, however, caused much talk about voyages of dis- covery, and Leif, the son of that quarrelsome Erik the Red, who had first settled Greenland, sailed away to the south-west with thirty-five men. One of these is called in the saga a Southern; he was probably a German. But we will quote the simple old story itself: — " Now prepared they their ship, and sailed out into the sea when they were ready, and then found that land first which Bjarni had found last. There sailed they to the land, and cast anchor, and put off boats, and went AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 35 ashore, and found there no grass. » * * * Then said Leif: ' We have not done like Bjarni about this land, that we have not been upon it; now will I give the land a name, and call it Helluland.' "Then went they on board, and after that sailed out to sea, and found another land; they sailed again to the land, and cast anchor, then put off boats and went on shore. This land was flat, and covered with wood, and white sands were far around where they went, and the shore was low." The country was accordingly named Markland, which means woodland in the Norse tongue. Returning to the ship, they sailed again into the open sea before a north-east wind. Two days later, they came to an island, sup- posed, from the distance and direction, to have been Nantucket; thence their course lay along the coast until they _ ^ ^ ^^=^ reached Mt. Hope Bay. They noted that on the shortest day in winter — for they remained here all winter — - the day was nine hours long; the sun rising at half-past seven and setting at half-past four. This circumstance confirms the conclusion drawn from the directioniind length of their course over the seas ; for the time of sunrise and sunset varies with the latitude; and the times given by them corres- pond with the actual length of the day at this point. Having determined to settle at this point, they "built there large houses." Was one of these buildings that Round Tower at Newport, the origin of which has been so much debated? Leif divided his party, sending half out upon journeys to explore the land, while the others remained at home. EouxD To^\ER AT NEwroRT, Rhode Island. They did not go far, it being understood that they were always to be back at night-fall. Leif himself sometimes accompanied these expeditions; some- times stayed at home. "It happened one evening that a man of the party was missing, and this was Tyrker the German. This took Leif much to heart, for Tyrker had been long with his father and him, and loved Lief much in his childhood. Lief now took his people severely to task, and prepared to seek for Tyrker, and took twelve men with him. But when they had gotten a short way from the house, then came Tyrker towai'd them, and was joyfully received. Leif soon 3 36 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. saw that his foster-father was not in his right senses. Tyrker had a high forehead, and unsteady eyes, was freckled in the face, small and mean in stature, but excellent in all kinds of artifice. Then said Leif to him: — " ' Why wert thou so late, my fosterer, and separated from the party?' Leu^ axd His Mex Fixd Tyrker. " Tyrker now spoke first, for a long time, in German, and rolled his eyes about to different sides, and twisted his mouth, but they did not understand what he said. After a time he spoke Norse : — " ' I have not been much further off, but still I have something new to tell of; I found wine-wood and wine-berries.' AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 37 " 'But is that true, my fosterer?' said Leif. " ' Surely is it true,' replied he, ' for I was bred up in a land where there ; no want either of Avine-wood or wine-berries.' "They slept now for the night, but in the morning, Leif said to his sailors: " ' We will now set about two things, in that the one day we gather grapes, nd the other day cut vines and fell trees, so from thence will be a loading 3r my ship.' " And that was the counsel taken, and it is said their long boat was filled 'ith grapes. Now was a cargo cut down for the ship, and when the spring arae, they got ready and sailed away, and Lief gave the land a name after s qualities, and called it Vinland." The next voyage was made by Thorvald, the younger brother of Leif. 'hese voyagers made for the point where Leif and his companions had spent le winter, but were less fortunate than they had been. Leaving these houses ehind them, they started upon a further journey of discovery; and here we nd the story of the first encounter between Indians and Europeans. Hav- ig landed, Thorvald and his men saw three skin-boats drawn up on the md; they approached them, and found that there were three men under ich. Dividing, they surrounded the natives, and attacked them. One es- iped; eight were captured and put to death. Thus early did the wanton ar upon the Indians begin. But the red man who had escaped had carried the tidings to his tribe ; and lat night, while Thorvald and his men were sleeping as peacefully as if they id not murdered their prisoners, were alarmed by the war-cry of the sav- ?es. They were repulsed, but one of the white men being wounded. That ae was Thorvald; and the wound was evidently with a poisoned arrow, for 3 died, and was buried at the cape where he thought it best to dwell. The next voyage was made by a third brother, Thorstein, who took his wife udrid with him. He died shortly after they returned to Greenland, and udrid married Thorfinn, an able seaman and merchant. Thorfinn fitted out vessel to explore Vinland, and again Gudrid went with her husband to the 3W country. Here a son was born to them, whom they named Snorre — the first child of uropean parentage born on the western continent. Thorwaldscn, the great •ulptor, and many other eminent Norwegians, claimed descent from Snorre horfinnson, born in America in 1007 A. D. Thorfinn and his party met the natives several times, but did not fight lem, as the early explorers had done. They traded peaceably with them )r awhile — cheating the Indians, of course — and thought there was no dan- ^r from them. But the roaring of a bull which the strangers brought with them ) frightened the natives that they fled at their utmost speed, and were not !en again for three weeks. Then they returned in force, attacking the 38 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. strangers, who were glad to withdraw to the houses which they had built. The Indians were repulsed, but the whites judged it wisest to leave a land where there was such danger from the natives. It must be remembered that these early Norsemen did not have the advantage of firearms, as those who came in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had. The Indians had knives and axes of stone; the Norsemen had weapons of iron, and this was the sole advantage which they possessed. Hopelessly outnumbered, there was nothing for them to do but withdraw. According to some authorities, one hundred of them refused to follow their leader back to Greenland, but remained in the new country, the land of corn and wine, as it truly seemed to these children of the frozen North. It is not certain, however, but what all of them went back to Greenland. There were some minor voyages after this time ; but during the century to which we have now come, a terrible plague swept over Norway, and so de- creased the population that there was no need for the people to seek new homes beyond the sea. Perhaps the traditions of the terrible natives had something to do with this; or perhaps their energies were turned in other di- rections. Certainly, the voyages of the Norsemen to the coast of North America had ceased long before the time of Columbus; and the records were stored away, to be brought to light again nearly a thousand years after the first of such journeys was made. We have already alluded to the Eound Tower at Newport, which is sup- posed by many to be the work of the Norsemen; antiquarians claiming that it resembles certain structures in the Old AVorld, which are known to have been built by this people. Another cu- rious relic is found in what is called The Digh- ton Rock, which is situated about six and a half miles from Taunton, Massachusetts. This rock, which is about eleven and a half feet long at the '\ ^i, ^^ base, and about five feet high, is covered on one ~--^ J^ _ ^'*^ -^ face with an inscription, which Norsemen claim The Skelet^1n~Akmok. i« written in the Runic characters which their ancestors used. The name of Thorfinn and the number of his followers are about the only points which they have been able to make out. It is right to state here that their claim of its Norse origin is not undisputed. Schoolcraft, the best authority upon all matters relating to the American Indian, says it is an Indian picture-writing, and can be readily read by any one acquainted with their mode of expression. Many Americans are acquainted with Longfellow's poem of " The Skeleton in Armor." This skeleton was dug up in the vicinity of Fall River; was it the body of Thorvald? We have no means of knowing. AMEKICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 39 It must be remembered that, in all these stories of the early discovery of America there is much that is uncertain and conjectural. Even those heroes whose adventures are recorded in the sagas, haVe had their claims contested; for they knew so little of geography that they could not clearly describe the po- sition of the lands which they discovered. The difference between the earlier and the later discoverers may be stated thus: Those persons who reached the shores of America before the middle of the fifteenth century, were wild adventurers, knowing nothing of any means of preserving the record of their exploits but the wild songs of their native minstrels; Colum- bus and many of his successors were men of science, capable of observing and recording points which made patent to the world the facts of their achievements. Thus ends the story of those who claimed to have discovered the western world before Columbus set out on his memorable voyage. We shall see, when w'e come to tell of his struggles to obtain recognition, whether he knew any- thing of what others had done before him by crossing the great Atlantic. COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERT OE AMERICA. T^AVING now reviewed briefly the claims of those nations which are l®J said to have discovered America before it was reached by the Genoese (^ sailor with his Spanish followers, let us learn what we can of the early years of the great discoverer — not only of his birth, childhood and educa- tion, but of the weary wanderings from place to place, the long years of labor and waiting, before he found friends with minds sufliciently large, and purses sufficiently filled, to assist him in this great undertaking. Were we to set down here only what is known of the first twenty years of his life, less than a page would be space sufficient. The very year of his birth is a question which has never been decided ; one of the greatest of his biographers, quoting the authority of a tract written by a contemporary of the Admiral, places the date of his birth at 1435, since the tract declares Columbus to have been seventy years old, a little more or less, at the time of his death in 1506. Other writers have placed the date as late as 1548; urg- ing that as Columbus was gray-headed at thirty, as his son says that he was, he would be reputed, among those who had known him a long time, to be much older than he actually was. He was the son of a wool-comber of Genoa, and the oldest of four chil- dren. Nothing is known of his sister, except tliat she married an obscure man named Savarello; of his brothers, Bartholomew, and Diego or James, we shall hear more, particularly of the first-named. After Columbus became famous, there were many efforts made to claim him as a native of other places than Genoa ; as it was said of the great Greek poet: — " Seven Gi'ecian cities strove for Homer dead, Through which the living Homer begged his bread." Had these places been as anxious to assist the struggling genius as they were to borrow some of his glory, there would be much less to tell about dis- appointments and long weary waiting. The claims of Genoa are proved by the wording of the will of Columbus himself; " I was born there, and came from thence." (41) 42 Columbus' life before the discovers of america- It is probable that, although his father was an humble tradesman or me- chanic, the family had been one of some importance. Genoa was a mercan- tile city; and a wealthy family, reduced by misfortunes to poverty, would still retain friendship among those who were less unfortunate. We shall see, as we go on, that Columbus had some such friends; but just how much they did for him, and how much he won for himself, we cannot tell. This much is certain: he was a poor man's son, born and brought up in a city the people of which derived their daily bread from trading. Look at the map of Italy, and remember that in those days there were not only no rail- roads, but no other roads that were safe and well kept; and you Avill readily see what part the sea played in the life of every Genoese. The great salt- water highway was the only one for their commerce; and every Genoese boy learned something of seamanship as naturally as a duck learns to swim. His book education was supposed to be completed at the age of fourteen. He had then acquired a knowledge of the rudiments, reading, writing and arithmetic; he knew something of Latin, no hard study for an Italian, and had learned to draw. Some time had also been spent at the University of Pavia, where he studied geography, geometry, astrononi}' and navigation. When Ave remember what parts of the earth have been discovered and ex- plored since the middle of the fifteenth century, it does not seem that there would be much geography for the boy Columbus to study. And there was not. Even the eastern continent was largely unknown to the geographers of that time. With the coast of Europe, from the northern point of Europe to the Strait of Gibraltar, and thence along the Mediterranean, they were thorough- ly well acquainted ; of Africa, they knew only the northern coast and a small part of the western, as far south as Cape Bojador, a name which means "The Outstretcher;" and of Asia they knew the Mediterranean coast, a part of the southern coast, and thought that they had reliable accounts of the part far- ther to the east. They were sure that the world was round, but thought it much smaller than it has since been proved to be. They reckoned that the known portions of the world covered about two hundred and twenty-five degrees of longitude, or about twice as great a proportion as modern geographers allow for it. The world, or rather the land of the world, was wholly surrounded by the "Ocean Stream," beyond which lay, they thought, the path to the other world. The great salt sea to the south of Asia was probably no part of this, but was surrounded by land, the eastern coast of Africa turning to the east, and joining the south-eastern extremity of Asia; but opinions on this point varied, for some believed the Indian Sea, as it was called, to be a part of the ocean; and stoutly maintained that it w^ould be possible to reach India by sailing around Africa. As to investigating the boundaries of the ocean, that would be the act of a madman ; for countless dreadful and unknown dan- COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OJ'^ AMERICA. 43 gers must be faced, besides the absolute certainty that no one would ever be able to return. The earth is round, these wise men argued; and if one were to sail down from the summit, where we live, he would never be able to sail his ship up-hill, to reach home again. Sea Bisnor and Mki-.maids. Besides, in and about that sea, in the dim light of fading day, crawled, seethed, fluttered and swam all the monsters that terror could conjure up. The enormous nautilus, able with one stroke of its live oars to capsize a ship; the sea-serpent, fifty leagues long, with a comb like a cock's; the sy- rens of Homer, ceaselessly pursued by the cruel sea-monk, which was still be- lieved in as late as 1826 ; and, finally, the dreadful bishop of the sea, with his phosphorescent mitre. Harpies and winged chimeras skimmed this mo- The Phantoms of Fear. (44) COLUMBUS LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 45 tionless sea in pursuit of their prey; there were sea-elephants, lions, tigers and hippocampi, who grazed in vast fields of sea-weeds from which no ship could ever hope to extricate herself. Out of this chaotic sea arose a colossal hairy hand armed with claws — the hand of Satan, La Main JSToire; its existence could not be doubted — it was pictured on all the maps of the time. From the bottom of the abyss there appeared also, from time to time, at regular intervals, the back of the kraken, like a new island, some said twice, others three times, as large as Sicily. This huge polypus, wJio, with one of its suckers — and it had as many as the cuttle-fish — could arrest a ship in full sail, was in the habit of rising to the surface every day. From its vent-holes issued two water-spouts six times as high as the Giralda of Seville. When it had squirted out the water, it would draw in a corresponding supply of air, thereby creating a whirlwind in which a ship would have spun like a top. The kraken was not an evil-disposed monster; but it could not be denied that its enormous dimensions rendered it, to say the least, an unpleasant object. And even without the kraken, and supposing that the Black Hand of Satan did not dare to descend on a fleet whoso royal ensign bore the im- age of Christ crucified, which had the ever-blessed Virgin for its patroness, how were they to escape from the two-headed eagle with its enormous wings, or from the formidable roc, which had seized and carried off in its talons, before the Arab traveler's eyes, a vessel equipped with a hundred and fifty men? These were some of the things which the boy Columbus learned at the great and famous University of Padua; when he became a pupil in the Uni- versity of Hard Knocks, he acquired information that was quite different. But why was India considered of so much importance? For, we have seen that it was debated whether or not it would be possible to reach India by sea; and although we have not yet reached that point in telling the life of Columbus, there is not a reader of these pages but knows beforehand that he expected to reach India by sailing westward. For a long time the regions of the far east had been considered the home of luxury of every kind. Perhaps the stuffs which merchants brought from there had something to do with this belief; perhaps it was only because peo- ple wanted to tell themselves some kind of a marvelous story, and imagined these things. Some of these stories had come down from ancient times; others had been told by the Arabs and Moors, who had settled in Spain, and with whom there Avas more or less intercourse. What we know as European Turkey was not in the hands of the Turks w^hen Columbus was a school- boy, if we accept 1435 as the date of his birth; so that nothing could have come from them. There were not wanting travelers' tales, to excite the i^opular curiosity re- 4() Columbus' life before the discovery of America. gardiiig the east. In the year 1295 there arrived at Venice three men, very shabbily dressed in travel-stained garments. The eldest of these declared that his name was Nicholas Polo, and that his companions were his brother ]\Iaffeo and his son Marco. But the relatives of the Polos, who had started upon a commercial voyage to the east some forty years before, refused to recognize or invite these shabby strangers to their magnificent houses, for they were all rich and aristocratic. The Polos, however, managed to obtain possession of their own dwelling, and then invited all the proud relations to a banquet. Perhaps it was out of curiosity that all went; such curiosity was most abundantly gratified. The three hosts, whose worn and travel-stained garments had so offended the ideas of the dainty Venetians, had been exchanged for rich robes of crimson satin, such as the nobles were in the habit of wearing upon state oc- casions. When, however, the guests had been received, these costly clothes were cut up and distributed among the servants, while the masters reappear- ed, robed in still richer costumes of crimson damask. These shared the fate of the other dresses, and the Polos arrayed themselves in crimson velvet. When the feast was over, they bade the servants bring in those robes in which they had returned to Venice; and ripping the seams, showed the as- tonished guests that these despised garments contained, thus hidden, jewels enough to have purchased the whole city of Venice. Marco Polo, the youngest of the three, seems to have come in contact with the people much more than his father or uncle; and he told them, day af- ter day, such stories of the magnificence of the princes whom they had vis- ited, always reckoning the income of each potentate as so many millions, that an irreverent American would have dubbed him "Old Millions;" the Venetians, more polite in their nicknaming, styled him Ser Milione — " Lord Millions." So great an influence did these stories have upon Columbus, that we must here pause and learn what j)arts of the earth were visited by these three travelers. We have seen that they left Venice about 1255, bound on a com- mercial journey to the east. At Constantinople, they sold the Italian goods which they had carried from home, and bought jewels M^ith the proceeds. With these they set out to trade with the Tartars, who had then overrun many parts of Asia and Europe, and were building cities on the Volga. Here they were fortunate enough to meet with a Tartar prince who was extremely hon- est; they trusted him with their wealth; and in return for this trust were loaded with favors during the year they remained at his court. But war broke out between him and his neighbors; and the strangers found that they could not get home. They accordingly, after three years spent at Bokhara, joined an embassy which was going to the court of the Grand Khan, or King of Kings, the sovereign of all the Tartars. COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE TUE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 47 This was situated at a city which Polo called Cambalu, since identified as Pekin. It was the capital of Cathay, of which wonderful stories had been told for many years; but the account which Marco Polo gave of its riches was still more wonderful. MaKCO PoI.O at TI!K ( To the east of this rich country lay an inland, the name of which is vari- ously spelled by different winters ; w^c shall use the form Cipango, since in that shape the name frequently occurs in the writings of Columbus. The palace of the king of Cipango, the traveler asserted, was covered, not with sheets of lead or copper, as was the custom in Europe, but with sheets of COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 49 old; and the golden plates used for its inside adornment were, in some cases, tvo inches thick. The island also produces pearls of fabulous size in large uantities, as well as great numbers of precious stones. It is so rich, he dded, that even the might}^ Khan, a prince far richer than any in Europe, ad tried many times to conquer it, but had failed to do so, since the inhabi- ints had a secret by which they were enabled to make themselves secure gainst any kind of wound. The sea between Cathay and Cipango is studded with seven thousand four undred and forty small islands, all of Avhich produce perfumes and valua- le woods most abundantly. The Great Khan, otherwise called Kublai Khan, was much pleased to re- vive these strangers from the distant west. He prepared a feast for them, ad asked, with much eagerness, for any information that they could give im of what was happening in Europe, requiring details of the government, f the various kings and emperors and their methods of making war. Maf- 30 and Nicholas fortunately spoke the Tartar language fluently, so they 3uld freely answer all the emperor's questions. This mighty prince of the East had also shown great interest in the doc- •ines of Christianity, as taught by the Venetian merchants; and had re- uested them to take a message to the Pope, asking him to send at once a undred learned men to instruct the wise men of Cathay in religion. All lese statements were proved by the golden tablets with which the Khan ad furnished them as passports, and by the magnificent jewels which they lowed as his gifts to them. How much of these stories was true? The contemporaries of the Polos 3garded them as grossly exaggerated; neither friends nor foes believed the alf was true. It is said that when Marco Polo was on his death-bed, some of is friends, distressed at the idea of his dying with all these falsehoods on is soul, exhorted him to retract what he had published ; or, at least, to dis- vow such parts as were fictitious. The dying man raised himself and lared fiercely at them, as he replied that it was all true; only, he had not aid half of the wonders that he saw. So much for the travels of Marco Polo. How did they affect Columbus? ''enice and Genoa are now close neighbors, cities of the same kingdom, their mguage and their laws alike. It was different then; the few miles between bem were multiplied by the dangers and difficulties of the way; they were nder distinct governments, and occasionally at war with each other; how ould the Genoese boy be influenced by the accounts given, a hundred and fty years before, by the Venetian traveler? It came about in this way. Shortly after the return of the wanderers, a renoese fleet threatened part of the Venetian territory ; it was necessary for Venice to defend herself. Of the fleet which was sent to oppose the enemy, 50 COLU-MIJUfcs' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. one galley was commanded by Marco Polo. Advancing, the first vessel of the line, upon the enemy, he was soon hotly engaged in battle. For some reason, the others did not follow as promptly as they should have done; and Marco Polo's single galley was surrounded by the seventy from Genoa. Only the fate of the commander is matter of record ; taken prisoner, he was thrown in irons, and carried to Genoa. Here he was detained a long time in prison, his captors refusing to accept any ransom. His prison was crowded daily with representatives of the nobility of the city, who came to hear the stories with which he had astonished Venice. At length, one of them pi-evailed upon him to write down the account of his travels. He consented; and sending to Venice for his papers and journals, produced the wonderful record now preserved in literature. In those days, before the invention of printing, books were of course costly and rare articles; but the stories in this one were of such interest that the student who had access to the volume would tell them to his less fortunate companions ; they again to others; and so on, until all Genoa knew the tale of Marco Polo, and how he had lived, a prisoner of their city, in that very building, and there written the story of what he had seen. And then, doubtless, the Genoese would talk among themselves of this wonderful Cathay and the island of Cipango,full of gold and jewels and rare woods and perfumes, and say to each other what a pity it was that no one should have made any effort to convert these heath- ens, though Kublai Khan had asked for missionaries. Then, perhaps, they would talk of Prester John, that wonderful Christian Prince, whose domin- ions were nobody knew exactly where, but to whom some messenger ought to be sent. Then they would get to talking of the difliculties in the way of these duties, and recount the terrors by land and by sea which would confront the traveler — great winged lions, giant cannibals, and tremendous sea-ser- pents. Did all this talk of far-off countries bear no fruit in Genoa for a hundred and fifty years? There were many Genoese youths who went from the city, bent on seeing far-off lands; but until the days of Columbus there was not one who had an idea that India and Cathay and Cipango could be reached by sailing to the Avest. Others were content to follow; and the name of the one great leader is the only famous one among them all. In regard to the wanderings of the young men of Genoa, a historian of that city says that they go with the intention of returning when they shall have acquired the means of living comfortably and honorably in their native place; but, he adds, of twenty who go, scarce two return; either dying abroad, or marrying foreign wives and settling in their country, or finding some safer and more comfortable home for their declining age than their na- tive city. For a few months after his return from Pavia, the boy Columbus worked COLUMBUS LIFE BEFORE THE DLSCOVERY OF AMERICA. 51 at his father's trade ; but this could not last long. Soon he, too, followed the example of so many of his countrymen, and engaged in a seafaring life. His first service was under the command of a relative, a Colombo who had for some time past held the rank of an admiral. We cannot tell the de- gree of relationship; probably it was very distant; for, as we have seen, the father of the discoverer was a poor man, a mechanic. In the fifteenth cen- tury, a man who worked was thought very little of; quite below consider- ation, in fact; and perhaps the old admiral was not very proud of his poor relations. The Years of Preparation. Cruising in the Mediterranean was then no child's play; for there was scarcely a part of the sea that was not beset with pirates ; petty states were constantly at war, and frequently their vessels would seize those whose mas- 52 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. ters were not engaged in war with any one. A merchant vessel had to carry arms, and be ready to use them at very short notice. Columbus, however, was not engaged in the merchant service. A French prince, John of Anjou, asserted his right to the kingdom of Naples, a small state in the south of Italy. The republic of Genoa was an ally, and sent ships and men to his assistance; the war lasted for about four years, and ended in the defeat of John of Anjou and his father, King Reiuier of Provence. Columbus was assigned to no small post in the fleet commanded by his rel- ative; 'boy as he was, he had dangerous work to do. He tells us of his being sent to rescue a galley from the harbor of Tunis. " It happened to me that King Reinier — whom God has taken to himself — sent me to Tunis, to capture the galley Fernandina, and when I arrived off the island of San Pedro, in Sardinia, I was informed that there were two ships and a carrack with the galley; by which intelligence my crew were so troubled that they determined to proceed no further, but to return to Mar- seilles for another vessel and more people; as I could not by any means compel them, I assented apparently to their wishes, altering the point of the compass and spreading all sail. It was then evening, and next morning wc were within the Cape of Carthagena, while all were firmly of opinion that they were sailing towards Marseilles." What the sailors said when they found out that he had deceived them as to the direction in which they were sailing by thus altering the point of the compass, does not appear; nor are we told the result of the cruise into the harbor of Tunis; probably the same bold and resolute spirit which had out- witted the crew gained a victory over the enemy. We shall see after awhile that he again deceived a crew, and again brought the voyage, by this de- ception, to a successful ending. Now and again we find some traces of Columbus in the history of the time ; but it is doubtful whether the person meant was the old admiral under whom the discoverer sailed as a boy, or a nephew called Colombo el Mozo, the Young- er, or the youngest and finally by far the most famous of the three. Prob- ably most of the exploits recorded are to be placed to the account of the first . or the second, for Christopher was not likely to have attracted so much at- tention in these years. It is probable that he was early attracted to the capital of Portugal as a suitable place for a man to live who was interested in adventures and ex- plorations by sea; for Lisbon was then the starting-point of many great ex- peditions. Prince Henry of Portugal was the first prominent person to en- gage in the work of carrying forward discovery; and during the first half of the fifteenth century, under his direction, Portuguese ships had ventured farther and farther along the coast of what is still the Dark Continent. Prince Henry died in 1463 ; but the work of discovery to which he had given COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 53 strength still went forward; Diaz was sent to find, in the interior of Africa, the king who has already been mentioned, Prester John; he found, instead, the Cape of Good Hope. It is worthy of remark, that Bartholomew Colum- bus was one of the sailors who ventured on this long voyage. There is a story of the manner in which Christopher Columbus first came to Lisbon, which may here be set down. While the story is not without foundation, it should be remembered that Columbus was a resident of Lis- bon some time before this; so that he was but returning to a place where he had lived. Diaz ox His "Way to the Cape. He was in command of a vessel of the squadron under the leadership of Colombo el Mozo. This admiral was really little better than a pirate; and having heard that four richly laden galleons were on their way from Fland- ers, as the Lov/ Countries were then called, to Venice, he gave orders to his captains to lie in wait for them off the coast of Portugal, between Lisbon and Cape St. Vincent. There was a desperate battle; the ships were lashed and grappled together; the sailors fought hand to hand, now on the deck of one, now of the other. The vessel commanded by Columbus was grappled with a huge galley of the Venetian fleet, the crew of which fought with even more 54 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. fierceness than their companions. A favorite form of warfare in that time consisted of throwing fiery darts and hand grenades; sometimes in throwing Greek fire, a nearly inextinguishable thing. Such missiles were thrown on this occasion; the ships took fire; they w^ere too firmly grappled together to be unloosed, and burned to the water's edge, side by side, Venetian and Ge- noese. The crews had but one common hope of escape; each man threw himself into the sea, grasping whatever wood was within reach. Columbus chanced to secure an oar, and although they were fully six miles from shore, succeeded in swimming to land. Thence he made his way to Lisbon, where he found many of his countrymen living; perhaps he found there his brother Bartholomew, known for his bravery as a navigator since he had accom- panied Diaz in that perilous voyage far to the south, when the Cape of Good Hope had been discovered. Certainly he found such a welcome that he decided to remain there for some time to come. Columbus went to Portugal about the year 1470. Although at this time, if we accept the earliest date given for his birth, he was in the very prime of life, being but thirty-five years old, his hair was as white as that of a very old man. In person, he was tall, well-formed and muscular; and he had achieved a victory over a naturally quick temper so completely as to mark his bear- ing with a grave and gentle dignity. Throughout his life, he had shown great regard for the church, strictly observing the fasts, vigils, and other forms of devotion prescribed by her priests; and this quality seems to have had fuller opportunity for development in the peaceful life at the Portu- guese capital than among the wild rovers of the sea. There is a certain convent in Lisbon, styled the Convent of All Saints, where young ladies of rank and family were then, as now in similar institu- tioi^s, received for instruction in all that a lady is supposed to learn at school. In addition to these inmates were some others, who boarded at the convent as a safe and proper shelter for women of their age and rank. One was a certain Dona Fclipa de Perestrello, the daughter of a man who had won re- nown and reward as a leader of explorers in the time of Prince Henry; and had, indeed, colonized the island of Porto Santo, of which he had held the office of governor. But this very office was the cause of his ruin. It was conferred upon him as a reward for his long-continued services, and seemed to be full payment. But the colonists took some rabbits with them to the island; and the little animals multiplied so rapidly that before long it was completely overrun by them. There was no demand for canned meats in those days, or knowledge of preparing them ; or the unlucky colonists might have done as nineteenth century men have done under precisely the same circumstances — killed the rabbits and exported the canned flesh. As it was, they fought the pests as long as they could ; but were finally compelled to give up the contest, and leave the island to the ravages of the rabbits. Columbus' life before the discovery of America. 55 Perestrello returned to Portugal, a ruined man; for all that he had prev- iously acquired had been invested in property in this island. He died, leav- ing a widow and three daughters, one of whom, as mentioned above, was a boarder in this Convent of All Saints. The services in the chapel of this convent were regularly attended by a certain Genoese who had recently arrived at Lisbon; and in some way, we cannot tell how, Christopher Columbus became acquainted with the ruined governor's daughter. Of this romance of four hundred years ago, we only know that it began with a meeting in the convent chapel, and ended with a marriage in the same place. For a time, the newly-married couple lived with the bride's mother; and the husband added to the family income by making maps and charts, and il- luminating manuscripts. This work was not regarded then as it is noAv; then, the map-maker was a man of science and an artist combined, and was re- spected accordingly. It is recorded that the Venetians struck a medal in hon- or of one cosmographer, who had projected a universal map, esteemed the most accurate that had ever been made. It is also a matter of history, that Americus Vespucius paid a sum equivalent to $555 in our time for a "map of sea and land." Thus Columbus engaged in a work which was well-paid, and which placed the workman in a position of no small honor. Nor was his new life such as to hinder his advancement. His wife's father had left numerous notes and charts of his many voyages, and these were placed at his disposal, when Madam Perestrello saw that his character and skill justified her in so doing. Then, too, although the Perestrello family had become reduced to poverty, there were still many influential persons whose acquaintance they retained; and by this means the Genoese wanderer re- ceived introductions to a higher circle than he could have reached unassisted; and was even received by the king himself. Once brought to their notice, he had no difiiculty in retaining their regard by his own merits. In the meantime, a younger daughter of Madam Perestrello had married Don Pedro Correa; and he had been appointed governor of Porto Santo. De Belloy says that he inherited this government from his father-in-law; but why the younger sister's husband should be the heir, does not appear; prob- ably his own influence was sufficient to procure the appointment, if the Peres- trellos were not against it. The two sons-in-law of the old governor appear to have been on excellent terms, and conversed much of the new lands which were constantly being discovered. Nor did Columbus only talk of them; he had, since his residence in Portugal, sailed occasionally in the expeditions to the Gulf of Guinea; and we may safely assume that he was well acquainted with the history of Portuguese discovery along the coast of that continent. Discovery was the great subject of interest in Portugal at that day ; and it was natural enough that when the learned map-maker Columbus was admitted 56 Columbus' life before the discovery of America. to the presence of nobles and princes, that they should inquire about his work, and remark upon recent changes. Perhaps they listened with interest to his accounts of his own voyages; perhaps he now and then unfolded some plan by which new routes to India and Cathay might be found. Certainly the King looked so kindly upon him, and showed so much interest in the sub- ject which so absorbed the stranger's attention, that he entered into con- versation regarding indications of lands yet undiscovered, and showed Colum- bus reeds as large as those which grow in India, which had been picked up on the coast of the Azores. Nor was this the only indication that there was a world beyond the waters. Many mariners had told of islands, seen casually in the ocean ; and the peo- ple of the Canaries told of an island which was sometimes seen, in clear weather, to the westward of their islands; a vast stretch of earth, diversified with lofty mountains and deep valleys. So persuaded were they of the real- ity of this island, that they asked and obtained the permission of the King of Portugal to discover it. Several expeditions were actually sent out, but not one succeeded in reaching the island ; for it had been but a singular optical delusion. Then arose the story of St. Brandan's Isle, an island which, it was said, was sometimes reached by those who set out for another port, but were driven from their course by storms; but could never be approached by any who set out with the intention of going there. This imaginary island was, for many years, laid down in maps as lying far to the west of the Canaries : and its existence was never actually disproved until the southern Atlantic was thoroughly explored. Columbus, however, appears to have been but slightly impressed by this talk of islands in the Atlantic. He always considered that the talk was oc- casioned by the existence of rocky islets, which, under certain conditions of the atmosphere, may assume the appearance of much larger and more fer- tile islands. Or, he reasoned, they may be floating islands, where a mass of earth is supported by twisted roots, and borne along by the ocean currents and the winds. More conclusive evidence was found by him in the things that had drifted ashore. Great pines, unlike any known in Europe, had drifted ashore; pieces of wood, curiously and delicately carved, but unlike the handiwork of any known people, had been brought by the same agency to the coast of the Azores and the Madeiras; and the same shores had received, from the same westward direction, the bodies of two men of some strange race. These were the subjects on which he conversed with his brother-in-law, like himself a bold and clever seaman. Correa had seen these carvings, and perhaps added many a rumor to the stock of information which Colum- bus had gleaned from many different quarters. Direct testimony was not wanting. Martin Vicenti, a pilot in the service Columbus' life before the discovery of America. 57 of the King of Portugal, related to Columbus that after sailing four hundred and fifty leagues to the west of Cape St. Vincent, he had taken from the water a wonderfully carved piece of wood, which must have drifted from the far west; a mariner who had sailed from the port of St. Mary narrated how, in the course of a voyage to Ireland, he had seen land far in the west, which the crew took for some remote part of Tartary. There is also a story, which seems to have no good foundation, that a cer- tain pilot sought shelter in Columbus' house, and finally died there, after having told him of an unknown land in the west, to which he had been driv- en by adverse winds; this pilot, says the story, left to Columbus the chart by which he had guided his vessel, and thus Columbus was enabled to cross the ocean by a path which had already been marked out, with the certainty of finding land at the end of his voyage. This story was mentioned by the first historian who gave it a place in his pages, as a vulgar, idle rumor; and he showed the falsity of it. Others, however, copied his summary of it, but not his contradiction; and a hundred and fifty years after it was said to have occurred, Garcilaso de la Vega told it, complete with names and cir- cumstances, as he had heard it told in his childhood by his father and other old men, who talked of it some seventy or eighty years after the death of the pilot. On such slender foundations does this attack upon the originality of Columbus rest. Columbus and his wife accompanied Don Pedro Correa and his wife to the island of Porto Santo, when the new governor went there to assume the du- ties of the office; and there the great navigator's eldest son, Diego, was born. His residence on this island was probably of but short duration; and was followed by voyages along the coast of Africa. In 1473 we find him at Savona, assisting his aged father, whom debt had compelled to flee from Genoa; before this time, he had contributed regularly to the support of his parents and the assistance of his younger brothers. All this time, there had been growing up in his mind the idea that it would be possible to reach India by sailing to the west. We have seen what trifles confirmed his theory that there was land beyond the Atlantic, while he rejected those widely-believed stories about islands that had been seen ; this theory was drawn from a close study of the learned writers, and the re- ports of navigators, and the known shape of the earth. In the year 1474 these ideas were fully matured ; but either they had not been unfolded to any one in Lisbon, or they had been coldly and contempt- uously received. Columbus determined to take the subject to the highest liv- ing authority upon such questions, and wrote to the learned Toscanelli, of Florence, submitting to him the question whether it would be possible to reach India by sailing in a westerly direction. Toscanelli showed his great- ness by appreciation of Columbus, and respoixled with a letter, applauding 58 COLUMBUS' LIl'E BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OE AMERICA. the bold and original design of the Genoese. Nor was the. letter all that was sent; there was also a chart, drawn by Toscanelli himself, partly from the ancient authority of Ptolemy, and partly from the descriptions of Marco Polo. In this chart, India, Cathay, and the longed-for Cipango, were depicted as lying directly to the west of Europe, and but a short distance away. This was in accordance with the prevailing idea, before noticed, that the earth w^as much smaller than it has since been proved to be; and both Toscanelli and Columbus supposed Asia to be much larger than it really is. Thus two er- rors combined to make Columbus more ready to undertake his great work; had he known that the earth is more than twentj'-five thousand miles in cir- cumference, and that Cipango, as he called Japan, is half way around the world from the Azores, he would not, in all probability, have dared venture to seek India by way of the west. At any rate, whatever his own boldness might have been willing to risk, he w^ould have got neither ships nor men from any safe and prudent prince. Why should Columbus attach so much importance to reaching India by a shorter and safer route than any which was then used? His purpose was founded upon the deeply religious character of his mind. We have seen that Kublai Khan requested the Pope to send a hundred learned men to instruct his courtiers in the Christian religion ; this had never been done. Again, much wealth might be gained by trading with these countries; and while the many wars for the recovery of the Holy Land from the Mohammedans had failed, it might be that the country of Palestine could be bought from them, if a sufficiently large price were offered. This motive explains many things in the life of Columbus which otherwise would not be clear. This plan was complete in his mind before 147(3; and in that year he went to his native city and offered to conduct a fleet from Genoa across the west- ern ocean to the land of Kublai Khan. But the world was not yet ready for the idea thus laid before it; and the Councilors of Genoa, wrapping their furred mantles around them, replied with courteous dignity that their city had been too much impoverished by her numerous wars to undertake any such expensive enterprise. Disappointed, but not disheartened, Columbus went to Venice, and made the same offer, only to meet with the same reception. He seems to have perceived, in this second refusal, that it was useless for him to talk more about it for the present; so, after a short visit to his father at Savona, he again went to sea. His voyage in this year 1477 was in a new direction — to the far northwest. This is the record which he has left of his visit to Iceland, of which the Norsemen have made much: — " In the year 1477, in February, I navigated one hundred leagues beyond Thule, the southern part of which is seventy-three degrees distant from the Columbus' life before the discovery of America. 59 equator, and not sixty-three, as some pretend; neither is it situated within the line which includes the west of Ptolemy, but is much more westerly. The English, principally those of Bristol, go with their merchandise to this island, which is as large as England. When I was there the sea was not frozen, and the tides were so great as to rise and fall twenty-six fathoms." It is sometimes claimed that Columbus must have heard, during the course of this voyage, of the journeys of the Norsemen to Vinland and neighbor- ing countries. Even if he did, if he read all the sagas that tell of their ad- ventures, the knowledge thus gained only confirmed his theory, without de- tracting from the greatness of his discovery; he intended to find a new route to India; these lands w^hich had been discovered had nothing in com- mon with the thickly populated, wealthy and highly civilized domains of Kublai Khan. The Norsemen had never reached India. But wiiile Columbus spoke several of the languages of the south of Eu- rope, we have no assurance that he was able to communicate with the Icelanders in their own tongue ; and it is more than doubtful whether he ever heard of Vinland the Good. Upon his return to the south, he did not push his project for some time; perhaps he had already laid it before the King of Portugal and received no encouraging answer; but of this we have no record. In 1481, the old King died, and was succeeded by his son, John II., a young man in his twenty-fifth year. Perhaps Columbus hoped from the adventurous daring of j'outh what he could not find in the prudence of the old King; at any rate, he laid his plans before the young ruler. There was another reason why Columbus should be bolder in pressing his desires than before ; there ^vas an invention recently perfected which en- abled the mariner to shape his course with more certainty, since by means of this instrument he could readily ascertain his djstimee from the equator. This was the astrolabe, which has since been discarded for the quadrant and sextant. It was intended to show the altitude of the sun, and by this means to fix the latitude. It must be remembered that for a hundred years Portugal had been fore- most in discovery and exploration ; such had been the liberality of her re- wards for successful navigators, that men of all nations had been attracted to her service; learned men had been gathered from all quarters to pass upon the value of the information which might be brought back by the dar- ing sailors; and skilled cosmographers were busy at Lisbon making maps and charts which embodied this information. It might well be thought that this, of all others, w^as the country where Columbus, whose home had so long been within its borders, would meet with appreciation, and with that assistance which he sought. So Columbus hoped, as he patiently awaited the decision of the King, who 60 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. had listened to liim with the closest attention. The arguments of the navi- gator strongly impressed the royal mind; but when it came to proposing terms, the monarch recoiled from the adventurer with surprise and dismay; for Columbus, believing that he had a world to bestow, demanded rank and honor and wealth in exchange for it. King John referred the matter to three persons who were in general charged with all matters relating to maritime discovery. These were two noted cos- mographers, and the Bishop of Ceuta, who was also the King's confessor. These learned men heard all the arguments of Columbus, and returned their answer to the King: he was an extravagant and idle dreamer. Still the King was not satisfied; he convoked his great council, composed of prelates and the most learned men in the kingdom; and laid before them the proposition which had been condemned by the three special advisers. Two views were taken of the subject of maritime discovery; the Bishop of Ceuta maintained that the country had enough to do without engaging in any more such ventures; his opponents replied that Portugal had won hon- or and glory and extended her dominion by this means, and should not hesi- tate to continue the work until a passage to India should be reached. But this passage to India was to be by way of the Cape, they thought; and the project of Columbus was almost wholly ignored. Thus it had been condemned a second time; but still the King seemed to long to help him. Seeing this, the wily Bishop advised that means be taken to ascertain privately the value of the theory; should the King grant ships and men, and the adventurer turn out to have been but an idle dreamer, Portu- gal would be the laughing-stock of all who heard of it ; but if a small expedi- tion be sent out privately, it could be soon told what was the value of the idea, without committing the dignity of the crown; if it should turn out that Columbus was right, the King could, out of his royal generosity, reward him, though not, of course, at the extravagant rate which the adventurer had fixed. This advice suited the King very well; and Columbus was accordingly informed that the matter was still under consideration; that the King was not yet ready to give him a definite answer. While he was yet awaiting the answer, he learned that some sailors, who had lately taken part in some mysterious expedition, were ridiculing him and his ideas. He resolved to search them out, and find what they really knew of the subject. He found them, and learned that they had been sent out by the King to see if there really was a path to India across the ocean; but storms had arisen; the ocean had proved impassable; they told of dreadful things opposing their further progress ; and had been only too glad when the winds beat them back to the shores of Portugal. We do not read that Columbus said anything to these sailors; only that he decided at once to leave Portugal. He declined positively to treat with COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, 61 King John any further; though the King, when he saw that the poor adven- turer who had asked his assistance was angry at the trick that had been phiyed him, made some effort to detain him in Portugal still longer. Dona Felipa was dead; there was but one tie which still bound him to Portugal — his little son; but father and son could roam the world together. His re- solve was soon taken. His brother Bartholomew was dispatched to Eng- land to seek for aid there ; and secretly, lest he should be prevented by the King, or, as some authorities say, by his creditors, Columbus and his little son left Portugal, to return no more. Of the countries of modern Europe, Russia was then almost unknown; certainly no one would think of journeying to its distant capital to ask help of its half-savage sovereign in any such enterprise. What is now Prussia was then a number of small independent states, frequently at war with each other. England was desolated by fifty years of civil war — the Wars of the Roses — which had just ended with the marriage of the heir of one line with the heiress of the other. King Henry VII. might render the wished-for aid, but Columbus seems to have had small hopes from this quarter. France was in a little more prosperous condition, though her King was much ham- pered by his nobles, who were more independent of him than he was of them. Italy consisted of a great number of small states, several of which he look- ed upon with hope, as not unlikely to give ships and men for this purpose. Spain was engaged in war with the Moors within her very borders; and hence could ill afford anything which would drain her treasury. Italy was the most promising; and Columbus carried his plans there, sub- mitting them to Venice again. But they were declined, on account of the critical state of affairs there. The poverty and unsettled condition of the other states warned him that what Venice would not, they could not give; and he went to Spain. But it was not to the court. He laid his plan first before a wealthy noble, the Duke of Medina Celi, whose estates were like principalities, and whose retainers were an army in themselves. This powerful and wealthy noble lis- tened with attention to the navigator, and saw how reasonaljle was the thing which he proposed. His kinsman, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, warned him that the promises which Columbus made were too splendid to be true, and that the stranger was only an Italian visionary; but he refused to be con- vinced of this. He entertained Columbus for some time in his house, and made himself thoroughly master of the project. He gave orders that four caravels Avhich lay in his harbor of Port St. Mary should be made ready for sea; and it seemed to Columbus that he was on the very threshold of success. Suddenly, however, the Duke changed his mind; he saw that the empire which Columbus promised to give the promoter of this enterprise was too (]-2 COLUMBUIS' LIFE BEFORK TIIIO DISCOVEllY OV AMERICA. great for any subject to hold; perhaps lie foresaw wars against his sove- reigns, shoukl he try to hold it; such wealth was too great for any but a sove- reign prince. On the other hand, should Columbus fail, it would still be known at what he had aimed; and the Duke of INIedina Celi would be an object of suspicion forever to his King and (^ueeu, as having aspired to do- minion which (hey had not given. Columbus now determined to apply to France for help; but the Duke, disliking to sec such advantages offered to a rival power before Spain had been allowed to decide upon them, wrote to the Queen, recommending it. A favorable reply was received, and Columbus was invited to the court. Bcfoic the middle of the eleventh century, Sancho the Great, Emperor of Spain, hail divided his dominions, at his death, among his four sons. Na- varre remained an independent kingdom for a longer time than the others; Castile and Leon were re-united shortly after this division; Arragon re- mained apart. In addition to these kingdoms, there was another monarchy in Spain, which had grown up during the eighth century. The early Mo- hammedans had been possessed with a thirst for the conquest and conversion of the world; they had overrun many countries, offering the inhabitants the Koran or the sword; and one army of Arabs had even established themselves in Spain, making their capital at Cordova. There was war, nearly constant, between them and the various Christian kingdoms; but the latter, being un- able to unite anu)ng themselves, even for the expulsion of the infidels from their country, did not accomplish as much as they might have done. But the Mohammedans were hard pressed, notwithstanding; and in time had to call to their assistance the Moors. The Arab kingdom, which had its capital at Cordova, was tinally overthrown; but in its ])lace was established a Moorish kingdom, with its capital at Granada. The Christian kingdoms preserved a distinct existence, their fortunes vary- ing with the character of their kings, until, in 14t>i), Isabella, the sister of the King of Castile and Leon, and heiress to its crown, married Ferdinand, heir of Arragon. When they succeeded to the crowns of the two kingdoms, the united realms Avere called Spain; but for some time each was independent sovereign of the hereditary kingdom. They were rulers, bound by the strii-t- est kind of alliance, but Isabella was no more Queen of Arragon than Fer- dinand was King of Castile and Leon. It is necessary to remind the reader of this, that we may understand more clearly the part which each of these two sovereigns took in the expedition which discovered America. When Columbus lirst went to the court of Spain, he was the bearer of a letter from the Duke of INIedina Celi, who asked, that since he had resigned the pleasure of this undertaking in favor of the royal pair, he might yet have a share in the expedition, should it be carried into effect, and the armament be fitted out from his port of St. INIary. .A-/- ro. im Isabella in Arjior. C>i COLUMIil's' LIKK liKI'OUK IIIK DISCOVKKY OK AMERICA. liiil il wuH not a gocxl lime, lo .soliCil aid from Uio Spaiii.sh rulers; tlicy had (iiitorod upon a war willi IIm; kiiii,s(;ovr;RV ok A.AiKrncA. r,.-) ;inco, lie was u man of sound judgment and quiek undeisianding; and allliough he know but little of the scieneo of geography, readily gave audi- ence to the prof eye of QuintanilJa. At first, it seemed to him that the the- ory of Columbus was opposed to tlie dirciet statements of Scripture as to the form of the earth; but b(!ing convinced that this was not so, ho admitt(!d that there could be nothing wi-ong in seeking to extend the bounds of huinun knowledge, lie was pleased with Columbus himself, whom he at onco saw to be free from the vanity which attends the small mind, and wholly wrap- p(!d np in his subject. lie saw that the navigator urg(!d no wild dnsam, but a th(!ory based on extensive knowledge and careful thought; and he con- sented tf) l)ring the matter to the attention of the sovereigns. COUIMHCS IN •iUV. If-OVAt, I'l'.KSKNCE, Proba}>ly Tsabelhiwas not present at the first. interview which was granfed Columbus by Ferdinand; one of his biographers distinctly says that he did COLUMBUS LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 67 not see the Queen until the siege of Malaga, which took place some time after this interview ; but although not admitted to an interview, he surely must have seen her while in Cordova. Be this as it may, Ferdinand received him, and listened, coolly and warily, to all that he had to say; reserving his decision with characteristic caution, until he had heard the opinions of the learned men of his kingdom. His ambition was excited by the thought of what might be done for Spain, were this dreamer to Avork out the fulfillment of his vis- ions; and he foresaw that Portugal, which had labored so long to establish a road to India around the Cape of Good Hope, would be forestalled in her anticipations of commercial gains if this Genoese adventurer should succeed in finding a shorter, more direct passage across the Atlantic. Still, the opin- ions of the learned must be considered before the King could give any definite answer. During the progress of the congress which was held at Salamanca for this purpose, Columbus was lodged and entertained with the magnificence due to a guest of the King, at the college convent of St. Stephen, a house of the great Dominican order. It was here that the conference was held; and the men gathered to decide the great question were mainly churchmen, since few of the laity had any learning. "What a striking spectacle must the hall of the old convent have pre- sented at this memorable conference ! A simple mariner, standing forth in the midst of an imposing array of professors, friars, and dignitaries of the church; maintaining his theory with natural eloquence, and, as it were, pleading the cause of the New World. We are told that when he began to state the grounds of his belief, the friars of St. Stephen's alone paid any attention to him; that convent being more learned in the sciences than the rest of the university. The others appear to have entrenched themselves behind one dogged position that, after so many profound cosmographers and philosophers had been studying the form of the world, and so many able navigators had been sailing about it for several thousand years, it was great presumption in an ordinary man to suppose that there remained such a vast discovery for him to make." — Irving. But there were other and more definite objections than this. We pass over some which will readily suggest themselves, as being reasonable in this time; and state a few of those which show the ignorance and prejudice of these learned men, chosen to assist the King with their knowledge : — It is a piece of great foolishness to think that there can be such a thing as an antipode; can people walk with their feet upward, as flies cling to the ceiling of a room? Is there a part of the earth where the sky is beneath all, where rain and hail ascend, and where the trees grow downward with their branches? Certainly not, said these wise men; and shook their learned heads at Columbus. 5 68 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. Again, they quoted St. Augustine to prove that the ideas advanced by Columbus Avere in direct contradiction to the Scriptures. To maintain that there are inhabited lands across the ocean is to suppose that there are men who arc not descended from Adam ; since these supposed Aborigines could never have crossed the sea. Again, the Bible says that the heavens are stretched about the earth like a tent; how could this be possible, and yet allow free passage around it? Certainly, the earth must be flat. Those who maintained this knew considerably more of theology and such subjects than they did of geography. There were others, who were quite willing to admit that the earth is round, who yet had other objections to urge. One of these was, that the insufferable heat of the Torrid Zone Avould make it quite impossible to cross the ocean in the direction indicated. Even granting that this should be passed, they claimed that the circumference of the earth is so great that it would require three years to reach the land on the other side of the ocean — an error curiously differing from the error of Columbus, who supposed the earth to be smaller than it actually is. Again, the Greek philosopher, Epicurus, was quoted to prove that only half of the world w^as habitable; that the sky extended over no more; and that the remainder was a waste of waters, a chaos, a gulf. Others argued that even if a ship should succeed in reaching India, the return voyage would be impossible; for the waters would then rise like a kind of mountain, since the earth was round, and he could not be so foolish as to think of sailing up-hill. It must have taxed the patience or Columbus to listen to such arguments as these, and reflect that the fate of his enterprise, so far as help from Spain was concerned, lay in the hands of men who knew so little about the sub- ject. He kept his temper, however, and answered gravely and respectfully as the arguments were pressed: the sacred writers, he said, were speaking in figures adapted to the comprehension of men before science had made any advancement; the commentaries of the fathers, he contended, were not intended as scientific treatises, and hence it was unnecessary to speak of them, either to support or refute ; he showed that the most illustrious of the an- cient philosophers believed both hemispheres of the globe to be habitable, although separated from each other by that impassable Torrid Zone; but he had himself voyaged to the Gulf of Guinea, which is almost directly under the Equator, and could thus assure them from his own experience that the Torrid Zone abounded in fruits and population, instead of being uninhabit- able. But as he argued wnth them, he forgot the petty objections wdiich they had urged, and poured forth such eloquence as they had never listened to be- fore; and surely, outside of religion, no man ever had such a grand subject. COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 69 It may be said that he was not speaking wholl}^ of the things of this world ; for he called upon them as Christians to send the missionaries of the Cross to these millions awaiting them in far Cathay. A more sacred duty even than this, according to the ideas of the times, called them ; the Holy Sepulchre was in the hands of the infidels; this scheme offered the means of redeem- ing it, and placing it once more within the control of Christian princes. How many converts were made by this eloquence? We have the record of but one, Diego de Deza, then the professor of theology in the convent where the conference was held, and afterward Archbishop of Seville, a church dignitary of Spain who is second only to the Archbishop of Toledo. By his efforts many of the churchmen were brought to give the matter a more dispassionate hearing; he removed many of their prejudices, founded on a mistaken belief regarding the meaning of the Scriptures and the com- mentaries of the fathers ; in short, he repeated, with all the force which only a churchman in good standing could give to an argument in that time, the reasoning which Columbus had already used, but which was not regarded from the lips of a layman. Thus in making one convert he made a host. What was the result of the conference? It may be stated in a single word — nothing. Spite of the eloquence of Columbus, seconded as it was by that of Deza, there were too many narrow-minded, ignorant, prejudiced men in that assemblage, for the question to be fairly considered on its merits ; and although there were several meetings, the decision was put off from time to time, un- til the court left Salamanca for Cordova, in preparation for the spring campaign. We are not to understand that Columbus spent this waiting time idly, or even engaged in study; several times, during the course of the campaign, he would be summoned to attend a conference with the sovereigns, and would be led into the very heart of the country Avhere the war was going on; but before he had reached the point designated, the fortunes of war would have carried the King or Queen to another place, and the conference would be in- definitely postponed. The siege of Malaga took place between the spring and summer of 1487, the town surrendering in August. It was during this siege that a fanatic Moor tried to assassinate Ferdinand and Isabella, but mistook two of their courtiers for the persons of the King and Queen; the wounds, fortunately, were not fatal. The fortunes of Columbus were doubly imperilled by this act; for not only had Isabella, who afterward proved the friend that he sought, been threatened by the blow, but it had actually fallen upon the Marchioness of Moya, who pleaded his cause before the Queen when it came to be considered. The campaign ended with the fall of Malaga, and the court returned to Cordova; but still the plans of Columbus were not to be considered by the 70 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. sovereigns. Just at the time when they might have had leisure to do so, the pUigue broke out in Cordova, and the court was driven from the city. While he was thus engaged in following up a court Avhich was continually moving from one place to another, and which found its sole interest in the war which it was prosecuting, Columbus received a letter from King John of Portugal, inviting him to return to Lisbon, and assuring him that he should not be molested by any suits of either a civil or criminal nature. What was the offense which Columbus had committed against the laws of Portugal it was impossible to determine; probably it was a debt which remained unpaid; for it will be remembered that long after this date there was such a thing as imprisonment for debt; and suits of this kind were sometimes converted into criminal prosecutions. But no matter in what way he had rendered himself liable to the laws of Portugal, he evidently had no intention of returning to that country. King John had proved himself utterly untrustworthy, and Columbus declined the offer thus made him. He also received a letter from Henry YH. of Eng- land, which country his brother Bartholomew had reached after long delay, holding out promises of encouragement. Probably these things reached the ears of King Ferdinand, and he saw that something must be done to prevent Columbus from accepting the of- fers. Certainly he summoned the navigator to appear before a conference of learned men, to be held in the city of Seville; a royal order was issued, providing for his lodging and entertainment in that city; the Castilian treas- urer had been directed to pay him a certain sum of money, probably to pro- vide for his expenses to the city of Seville; and the magistrates of all towns through which he might pass were commanded to furnish him with entertainment, since the miserable inns did not afford fitting accommoda- tions. But again, as so often before, the conference was delayed by war. This time, however, we find Columbus, not patiently following the court about, and waiting for a hearing, but actually " fighting, giving proofs of the dis- tinguished valor which accompanied his wisdom and his lofty desires." His religious ardor received new strength during the course of this cam- paign. Two friars of the convent established in Jerusalem, came as messen- gers to Ferdinand and Isabella, to tell what threats the Grand Soldan of Egypt had made, if the Spanish sovereigns did not end their war against the ^Mohammedans of Spain. He would put to death all the Christians in his dominions, raze their churches and convents, and utterly destroy the Holy Sepulchre and all other places esteemed sacred by the Christians. It was impossible for the Spaniards to give up the Avar; for it had come to be a question of life and death between the Moorish and the Christian king- doms: it was impossible for both to continue in Spain. Isabella, however, COLUMBUS* LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 7l granted a perpetual annual gift of a thousand ducats in gold for the main- tenance of the convent, and sent a veil embroidered by herself to be hung before the shrine; then, dismissing the friars, turned to the prosecution of the Avar again. But their coming, and the message which they brought, had a great effect upon the minds of many soldiers of high rank; and particularly was Colum- bus affected by it; it was a new and stronger proof than ever of the need of finding the rich regions of the east, and bringing home treasure enough to pur- chase the Holy Sepulchre from the heathen who so persecuted Christians. Again we find a similar series of events filling the next year. Finally, in the spring of 1491, Columbus determined that he would wait no longer; he pressed for a reply to his suit. With some difficulty, the King was persuaded to tell Bishop Talavera that the learned men who had been so long in con- ference must render their decision. Their answer was ready, after some de- lay, and the King was gravely informed that the proposed scheme was vain and impossible, and that it did not become such great princes to engage in an enterprise of the kind on such v/eak grounds as had been advanced. Not all the members of the conference agreed in this report, however; there was what, in modern parlance, is called a minority report as well; and this, fortunately for Columbus, was rendered by Fray Diego de Deza, tutor to Prince Juan, who had access to the ear of the King and Queen when others were denied. But the most favorable answer that even this suitor could ob- tain was a message that the expenses of the long war had been so great that the King and Queen could not now engage in any new enterprise demanding money and men. Disheartened at this message, Columbus repaired to court, to learn from Ferdinand and Isabella themselves if this was really the answer they meant to give him, after keeping him waiting their pleasure for so many years. When he found that it was so, he thought that it was but a polite way of tell- ing him that they considered his schemes impracticable and visionary, and that they consequently had no intention of assisting him. He accordingly re- solved that he would leave Spain at once, and seek in the court of France the aid which had been refused him by the Most Catholic King. Before he went, however — and a journey from Spain to France was some- thing of an undertaking then — he must see and talk with Don Pedro Correa, who, it will be remembered, had married one of the Perestrello sisters, and was therefore, by courtesy, brother-in-law to Columbus ; and who had been one of those who communicated to the future discoverer what signs of land to the west of the ocean had been perceived, from time to time, by those ac- quainted with the western islands. He set out on foot; for his stock of money, never large, must be carefully husbanded; he could not tell when he should have any more. COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 73 He was not alone on this journey; his son Diego, who was probably not more than fifteen years old, accompanied him; three-year-old Fernando, we may conjecture, remained in Cordova with his mother. We may easily imagine the picture — father and son toiling along the lonely road from Sev- ille to Huelva, near the little seaport of Palos de Moguer. Half a league outside the walls of the last-named town, there is still stand- ing an ancient convent of the Franciscan order, dedicated to Santa Maria de Kabida. Before its gates, one day four hundred years ago, a stranger, lead- ing a boy by the hand, stopped, and asked for some bread and water for the child. There was nothing unusual in the request; for at that time there were no inns of any kind ; and the traveler expected to find lodging and food in the castle or the convent. The request was granted as a matter of course; and while the child ate and drank, the prior of the convent, who chanced by, entered into a conversation with the father, whose plain garments did not conceal the evident distinction of the wearer. The prior had taken much interest in geographical and nautical science ; for the seaport of Palos sent many enterprising navigators out to explore unknown paths upon the ocean; but the stranger opened a new line of thought to him. India could be reached by sailing westward across the ocean, and there were no insuperable difficulties in the way — that was the wonderful idea which the stranger unfolded to the prior, Juan Perez de Mar- chena. But the wanderer had more to tell than that he had conceived this idea. He told of long and patient waiting for help from the sovereigns of Spain, and their decision that the fulfillment of his hopes from them must be indefin- itely postponed ; and he told the prior how, disappointed, but not wholly disheartened, sure that the truth which he alone saw Avould be apparent to others could he but point it out, he was now on his way to the court of France, to offer to Charles VIII. the wonderful things which Ferdinand and Isabella had refused to accept from him. The good prior was dismayed to find that these things were to be lost to Spain; it must be that the petition of Columbus had not been rightly pre- sented. He knew of a power which he himself possessed; he had once been confessor to Queen Isabella, and knew that he could reach her ear at any time. But before he ventured to appeal to her — and his caution shows why the appeal was listened to when it was made — he determined not to trust altogether to his own judgment, which might have been led astray by the wonderful eloquence of the stranger. He accordingly detained Columbus and his son as his guests, and sent for his friend, Garcia Fernandez, a phy- sician of Palos. Fernandez came; and Columbus again explained his belief and aims. Like the prior, the physician was impressed by the boldness and originality of the 74 COLUMBUS* LIFE BEFORIii TJIli DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. mariner; and listened eagerly to all that he had to say. But other friends must be found for him; the question must be submitted to the judgment of practical sailors, many of whom were to be found in Palos. Several veter- ans of the sea were invited to the convent, to talk with the mariner who had lately come there; one of these was Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the head of a family of rich and experienced seamen, who had made many adventurous ex- peditions. Remembering how the Portuguese had won fame and wealth by voyages of discovery along the African coast, these experienced mariners saw no reason why, under the leadership of a man daring and original enough to plan and lead such an expedition, new worlds might not be opened up in an- other direction. What had been to churchmen a stumbling-block, and to philoso^jhers foolishness, was to these practical, brave and generous sailors the highest wisdom. Pinzon, particularly, was so impressed with the genius of Columbus, that he offered to take part in such an expedition when it should be organized; and in the meantime, if Columbus would but renew his application to the Spanish court, to defray the expenses connected with doing so. The prior begged Columbus to remain in the convent until an answer could be received from the Queen ; and dispatched a letter to her by a trusty messenger. It was not difficult to prevail upon Columbus to stay; for he dreaded to be put off in France as he had already been in Spain. The Queen was at Santa Fe; and the messenger required only fourteen days for the journey of something like four hundred miles from Palos and return. Isabella had always been more favorably disposed toward Colum- bus than the wary and cold Ferdinand; and she now wrote kindly, bidding Perez come to court, leaving Christopher Columbus in confident hope until he should hear further from her. The prior at once set out, late at night as it was when the messenger returned; and alone, riding his good mule, the steed which the ideas of the day assigned to churchmen, he traversed the conquered territory of Granada, and entered the presence of the Queen. The friar pleaded the cause of Columbus eloquently and fearlessly. Be- fore this time, it is probable that Isabella had never heard the case fully stated; for it is Ferdinand whom we find active in receiving the reply of the learned conference, and deciding upon the case. The Queen listened with such interest that Perez felt great hopes of the result, even before she com- manded Columbus to return to court; and, with a true womanly attention to details, ordered that a sum equal, at the present day, to about three hundred dollars of United States money, be sent him for the expenses of the journey. The arrival of Columbus at the Spanish court was marked by what the men of that day considered one of the most important events in the history of Spain — the final downfall of the Mohammedan power in that country, Columbus' life BEioRE tuk discovery of America. 75 and the surrender of the capital city of the Moors, Granada, to Ferdinand and Isabella. It was indeed an eventful time when Columbus arrived, for he came to offer still more extended empire, and multiplied wealth, to Spain; he came, bringing in his hands the gift of a New World. We shall not dwell, as Irving does, upon the glittering magnificence of the scene of surrender at Granada; nor upon the rejoicings which followed it. Columbus obtained a hearing, and commissioners were appointed to consider the case. But his demands appeared to them exorbitant; this penniless for- eign adventurer demanded that he should bQ created admiral and viceroy of the provinces which he should discover, and receive one-tenth of all gains, either by trade or conquest. The proud Spanish nobles looked coldly upon the man who sought to raise himself to their rank, and remarked that it was a shrewd arrangement which he wished to make; having nothing to lose, he demanded, in case of success, rank, honor and enormous wealth. . Co- lumbus, nettled by the sneer, promptly offered to defray one-eighth of the cost of the expedition, if he might enjoy one-eighth of the profits. He had friends in Palos, he knew, who believed in him and his enterprise; and Mar- tin Alonzo Pinzon, if all others failed him, would bear him out in this proposition to the royal commissioners. By Talavera's advice, the Queen declined to accept his terms ; and offered conditions which, while more moderate, were yet advantageous and honor- able; but Columbus would not yield an inch; and mounting a mule which he had bought for the journey from Palos to Santa Fe, he mde forth again, once more to seek the French court. But although Columbus had failed to convince Ferdinand and his more generous, enthusiastic wife, he had made many friends about the court who appreciated his powers of mind to the full. One of these was Luis de St. Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues of Arragon. Like others of high rank and place, he was filled with dismay at seeing the great man de- part from Spain, to throw into the lap of another country what had been wantonly rejected by Arragon and Castile; and he had the courage to tell Isabella what he thought. He pictured not only the enormous addition to her revenue and dominions, as well as her fame among rulers; but he told, with impassioned fervor, of the religious aspect of the enterprise. He painted the millions in the realms of Kublai Khan, waiting eagerly to receive the gospel; and then prophesied of the honor in which they would hold the name of her who should carve out a path for the missionaries of the Cross to reach them. He showed what more this discovery might do for the exaltation of the Church; how the boundless riches of Cathay would buy the Holy Sepulchre from the Mohammedans, and the most sacred spots on earth be forever free to the feet of the pilgrim. He told her how sound and practicable were the plans of Columbus; that they had received the endorse- 76 COLIMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. merit of vcterau mariners; and that he was no idle visionary, but a man of wide soientitie knowledge and sound practical judgment. He told her that failure would bring no disgrace upon her; for it was the business of princes to investigate such great questions as this; and then informed her that the expense of the expedition, of which so much had been said, would amount to no more than two vessels and about two thousand crowns. Isabella listened with renewed interest; but Ferdinand was at her side, ready to oppose any such unwise scheme. The war had drained the treas- ury of the united kingdoms; they must wait until it had been replenished. But Isabella was too deeply interested in the advancement of the Church; though she was the wife of Ferdinand, she was also Queen-Regnant of Cas- tile and Leon, a kingdom equal in importance and wealth to Arragon. "I undertake the enterprise," she answered St. Angel, after a short in- terval of suspense, "for my own crown of Castile, and will pledge my jew- els to raise the money for it." It is because of this speech on the part of the Queen that the famous verse reads: — " To Castile and Leon Columbus gave a new world," Ferdinand had neither part nor lot in the enterprise. It is true that Isa- bella did not tind it necessary to pledge her jewels to raise the necessary funds; that the sum required was taken from the treasurv of Arra-on- for that was not so emptied by the war as the King had implied; but the credit of the kingdom of Castile and Leon was pledged to repav this debt, and it was afterward repaid in full. to^p!r"'H '''"' T'T"' ""^"f '"'° '^"S"^-'-''^ '"iles-on his way back to Palo» thence to Frauce, when this decision was reached. It was not be the ca,e, a eouner was dispatched to summon him back to Santa Fe He d,d not return w.thout hesitation; for his hopes had been raised often be! fo.-e th,s but ho was told that the Queen had now positively pronied to undertake the enterprise ; and his doubts thus re.noved, he tu/ned h"s mule'! h^doace aga.u toward Santa Fe, and Joyfully retraced hislteps fo?^ „ f .nd h? "ir""1 '"■•"™ T P''"""^'' ''"'' Colun,bus should have proHts. ^eb..el^, and receive one-eighth of the Pinr;T:S:reT:rhtV,!:UtTr' PHvile,eColumbus, with the aid of tuird ^ esse] to the arman,ent of two which Isabella furnish- COLUMBUS* LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 77 ed. These articles were signed by Ferdinand and Isabella, April 17,1492; for although Isabella bore the whole expense, the expedition was under the patronage of the united sovereigns of Spain; and the signatures stand side by side on this important document: " I, the King," "I, the Queen." A letter of privilege, or commission, was granted to Columbus the last of the same month; confirming the offices mentioned to him and his heirs, and authorizing the use of the title Don by him and his descendants. A little later than this, the Queen issued letters-patent ; appointing his son Diego a page in the household of her son. Prince Juan. This was an honor usually shown only to boys of high rank; and was thus a marked compliment to the Genoese traveler. May 12, 1492, Columbus set out for Palos, to make ready the vessels for his expedition. He was now in the fifty-sixth year of his age; eighteen years had passed since the plan was matured in his own mind so far that he was ready to ask the advice of the learned Florentine ; fully half of that time had been spent in waiting the convenience of the great ones of earth; but at last he who was really great was to venture his all upon three small vessels, scarcely sea-worthy. THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. •i"HE port of Palos had committed some offense against the sovereigns; \^ in punishment for which it had been sentenced to furnish two caravels ■^ for royal use, for the period of one year. These were the vessels assigned for the use of Columbus, and he was emi^owered to procure and fit out a third vessel, at his own expense, in accordance with the terms of the agreement. Having reached Palos, and again become the guest of Fray Perez, Colum- bus proceeded to the most public place in the town, the porch of the church of St. George ; and having caused the authorities and many of the inhabi- tants to assemble there, read to them the royal order that they should, with- in ten days, furnish him with the two caravels for the service of the Crown. The crews were to receive the ordinary wages of seamen, payable four months in advance ; and the strictest orders were given in regard to the fur- nishing of such supplies as Columbus might require. But bold and adventurous as the seamen of Palos were, they shrank from undertaking any such voyage as this. They had listened eagerly to the offers of pay and privilege, but when they were told where they were to go, they would have none of it. Not a man could be induced to enter the service of Columbus. Weeks passed, and not a vessel could be procured, nor a sailor to man it had one been found. Then a royal order was issued, and an officer of the royal household detailed to see that it was executed: any vessel belonging to Spanish subjects might be pressed into the service, and the masters and crews obliged to sail with Columbus wherever he might give orders. But this method of securing men and ships proved no more successful than the other. It was not until Martin Alouzo Piuzon and his brother, Vicente Yanez Pinzon, volunteered to take part in the enterprise and furnish one of the vessels required, that any beginning was made. Even this did not give encouragement to others; but the other two vessels, and many of the men composing their crews, were pressed into service under authority of the roy- al commands. (79) 80 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. After the necessary ships were secured, and the men engaged, there were many difficulties arising. The men employed to caulk the vessels, for in- stance, did their work so badly that they were ordered to do it over again; whereupon they disappeared from Palos. Some of those who had volun- teered after the Pinzons had set the example, repented of what they had done, and deserted and hid. Had it not been for the example and influence of the Pinzons, Columbus would probably have found it impossible to fit out even the modest armament which he had required. The Santa Maria was prepared especially for the expedition, and was the only one of the vessels that was decked. It was commanded by Columbus himself. The Pinta was commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and had his brother Francisco as pilot; the JSfina was under the authority of Vicente Yanez Pinzon. There were three pilots besides Pinzon, a number of officers of the Crown, including a royal notary, who went along to take official notes of all transactions, a surgeon, some private adventurers, and ninety mariners — a total of one hundred and twenty persons. Before setting sail, each one, from Columbus to the meanest sailor, con- fessed himself and partook of the sacrament. They were looked upon by their kinsmen and friends as doomed men; Palos was a town of mourning; for nearly every household had some member or friend engaged in this dreadful enterprise. Nor was this feeling confined to those who remained onshore; it was fully shared by the sailors themselves; and when, half an hour before sunrise on the morning of Friday, August 3, 1492, the little fleet sailed from the harbor of Palos, there was but one man on board who felt any certainty that they would ever see Spain again. Not three days had passed before Columbus had evidence of the ill-will of those who had furnished the expedition. On the third day out, the Pinta made signals of distress ; and it was found that her rudder was broken. It was clearly due to the contrivance of her owners, who had thus tried to dis- able their vessel so that she might be left behind. Pinzon, who commanded the Pinta, secured the rudder with cords until the following day; when, the wind having lulled, the other ships lay to while the necessary temporary re- pairs were being made. But the vessel proved to be leaky; and Columbus decided that they should put in at the Canary Islands until she should be repaired; return to Spain he was resolved that he would not. The pilots had asserted that the Can- aries were far distant from the point where the injuries of the Pinta were discovered; but Columbus differed from them. The event proved that he was right; and this added somewhat to their opinion of his knowledge and abilities. This new confidence in him enabled him to pacify the sailors when they became alarmed at seeing the volcano of Teneriffe sending forth flame and THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 81 smoke. He recalled the examples of Etna and Vesuvius, which were well- known to them, and thus allayed their fears. But he himself became alarm- ed when he found that a Portuguese fleet had been seen hovering off the Canaries ; he suspected the wily King of Portugal, who had thrown away his own chances of engaging in this great work of discovery, of being anx- ious to revenge himself upon Columbus for having entered the service of Spain. The Admiral, as Columbus may now be called, accordingly gave hasty orders that his ships should be put to sea at once. It was the morning of September 6 when they saw the heights of Ferro gradually fade into a dim blue line upon the horizon, and knew that an un- explored ocean lay before them. As the sun rose higher, their hearts sank lower, and all three ships were filled with the complainings and lamentations of the sailors. Many of the most rugged were not ashamed to shed tears because of the land which, as they thought, they had left behind them for- ever. It required all the eloquence of Columbus to sooth them, even par- tially, with glowing word-pictures of the riches and magnificence of the countries to which he was conducting them. Columbus gave strict orders that, should the vessels by any mischance be separated, each should continue its course due westward; providing, that when they had gone seven hundred leagues, they should lay by from midnight until dawn, each night; for that was the distance at which he expected to find land. It was now that he resorted to his stratagem of concealing from the crew the true distance from Europe; keeping two reckonings, one of which, intended for his own guidance, was correct; the other, published to the crews of the three vessels, considerably less than the truth. They had sailed five days after leaving the Canaries when they fell in with a spar, evidently part of the rigging of a vessel much larger than any of their own. This did not tend to raise the spirits of the men, but was rather an indication of the fate which had befallen others, and which they might expect. Two days after this, Columbus noticed that the needle of the compass, hitherto considered an unfailing guide, no longer pointed exactlyto the north. This appears to have occasioned some alarm even to his courageous soul; and he observed it attentively for three days, during which time the variation be- came greater and greater. At the end of that period, it was noticed by one of the pilots; and from him the alarm spread to his comrades, thence to the others. It was a fortunate thing that Columbus should have observed this so long before the others discovered it; for he had opportunity to consider the case, and reason out a theory to account for it. When the pilots, then, acquaint- ed him with their discovery, he assured them that the pole star is not a fixed point, but revolves around the pole like other stars; and thus the Land! Laxd ! THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 83 needle of the compass is subject to variations. Ignorant as they were, they had a high opinion of his ability as an astronomer, and accepted this explan- ation. Columbus seems to have been well pleased with it himself; and there is no reason to suppose that he ever held any other theory regarding the variation of the needle. The next day they saw what they believed to be certain indications of land. Two birds of different species, neither of which they supposed would be found far from laud, hovered about the ships. The next night, a great flame of fire, as Columbus describes it in his journal — presumably a meteor — fell from the sky about four or five leagues away. As they sailed along, borne by the trade-winds through a sea of glass, they saw the surface of the water flecked, here and there, with great patches of sea-weed. These increased in number and size as they advanced; and Columbus recalled the accounts of certain mariners who were said to have been driven far to the west of the Canaries, and found themselves in the mist of a sea covered with great patches of weeds, resembling sunken is- lands. Some of these weeds were yellow and withered, while others were quite fresh and green; and on one patch a live crab was found. Up to the eighteenth of September this favoring weather continued; and the sea, to use the words of Columbus, was as calm as the Guadalquivir at Seville. Great enthusiasm prevailed among his followers, lately so filled with fear; each ship tried to keep in advance of the others, and each sailor hoped to deserve the pension of ten thousand maravedis which had been promised to the first who saw land. September 19, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, whose vessel was in the lead, hailed the Santa Maria, and informed Columbus that from the flight of a great number of birds and from the appearance of the sky, he thought there was land to the north. But Columbus refused to turn from the course which he had marked out; he knew that land was to be reached by sailing due west, and in no other direction would he go. Every sailor knows how deceptive are the clouds, particularly at sunset; and he felt sure that Pinzon was but the victim of such an illusion as often deceives those on the lookout for land. As the enthusiasm of the sailors began to die down, doubts of the Admiral took its place ; and they thought that they should never see home again. It is true that there had been many signs of land; but these had now been observed for many days, and still there was no land to be seen. Even the favoring wind became a cause for alarm ; on a sea where the wind was forever from the east, how were they ever to sai-1 away from the dreaded west? But the next day the wind veered, and there was a faint gleam of hope; small birds were also observed, singing, as if their strength was not exhausted by their flight from the land where they had nested. 84 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. The next day, there was no wind ; but the ships were in the midst of fields of weeds, which covered the surface of the water, and impeded the progress which might have been made had there been any wind. They began to recall some vague traditions which had reached even their untutored ears, about the lost Atlantis, and the sea made- impassable by the submerged land. Their fears were not borne out, however, by the soundings ; for a deep-sea line showed no bottom. Columbus was kept busy arguing against their fears ; for as fast as one was allayed, another would take its place. If there was wind, they feared a storm; if there Avas none, they were forever becalmed; if there were no signs of land, they knew that they should never return ; if there were signs of land, they had been so often deceived that they could not trust again. One great source of ahirm was the calmness of the sea, even when there was wind; and Columbus could not convince them that this was due to the presence of a large body of land in the quarter whence the wind blew; which had not, therefore, sufficient space to raise great waves in the ocean. Finally, on Sunday, September 25, there was a great swell of the sea, without any wind; and the sailors were reassured by this phenomenon, as by something familiar to them of old. Columbus piously regarded it as a special miracle wrought to allay the rising clamors of his crew. But this was only temporary relief; the discontent among the crew contin- ued, and they resolved that they would go no farther. They had now advanced far beyond the limit reached by other seamen, and would certainly be entitled to much respect from their acquaintances should they return at once. As for Columbus, he had few friends, for he was but a foreigner any- how; and even if they felt that they could not rely upon the many persons of influence who had opposed this enterprise, and who would be glad to learn that it had failed, they could easily get rid of the Admiral. If they took back the story that he had fallen overboard one night, while busy with his instruments and the stars, who but those who threw him into the sea were to know that the tale was not true? The wind again became favorable, and the ships were enabled to keep so close together that a conversation could be maintained between the com- manders of the Santa Maria and the Pinta. While this was the state of affairs, and Columbus was busily studying a chart about which they had been talking, Martin Alonzo Pinzon suddenly cried out: — "Laud! Land! Senor, I claim my reward!" As he spoke, he pointed toward the southwest, where there was indeed an appearance of land. So strong wer-e the indications, that even Columbus was deceived; and yielding to the insistence of the crews, gave orders that the three vessels should sail in the direction indicated by Pinzon. Morning came, after a night of much excitement and hopeful pressage, and showed THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 85 that what Pinzon had beheld, was but "the baseless fabric of a vision," a sunset cloud which had passed away during the night. This occurred Sep- tember 25 ; and from this time forward, the sailors appear to have been some- what more hopeful; indeed, so frequently was the cry of "Land" uttered that Columbus found it necessary to rule that if any one gave such notice, and laud was not discovered within three days thereafter, he should forfeit all title to the reward, even should he afterward be the first to see land. By the first of October, according to the belief of the crew, they had reached a point five hundred and eighty-four leagues west of the Canary Islands; Columbus knew that they were in reality seven hundred and seven leagues from those islands, but he still kept this knowledge to himself. October 7, it was thought by those on board the Nina that land lay in the west; and that vessel crowded all sail to follow the indications; for no one dared give notice to the Admiral, for fear of losing the reward. Pressing forward, it was not long before a flag was hoisted at the masthead of the little ship, and a gun boomed over the waters — the preconcerted signal that land had been seen. As before, Columbus fell upon his knees, and repeated the Gloria in Excelsis, in which he was joined by all his crew. But the end was not yet; as the JSfina confidently advanced, to follow up the great discovery, with the other vessels close in her wake, it was seen that there was no cause for exultation. Again the fancied land was seen to be nothing but a cloud on the horizon; and the flag which had been hoisted in such proud anticipation was slowly and regretfully hauled down. On the evening of this day, he determined to alter slightly the course to which he had held so rigidly, and proceed to the west-south-west. This was in accordance with the repeated solicitations of the Pinzons, and with his own recently conceived idea that there might have been some mistake in cal- culating the latitude of Cipango. The fleet kept this course for three days. It was the night of the tenth of October when the long repressed mutiny of the crew broke forth. Their fears were no longer to be controlled, and they demanded that the Admiral should at once return to Spain. It was in vain that he urged what signs of land appeared daily; they replied, surlily, that such had been seen a month before, and still the watery horizon was unbroken by anything but clouds. It is said that Columbus promised them that if land were not discovered within three days, he would consent to return; but there appears to be no good authority for this story, which was probably invented to satisfy those who love to hear of marvelous coinci- dences. Nor does it seem likely that Columbus, who had persevered for eighteen years in seeking help to fit out this armament, should have been willing, after a voyage of but little more than two months, to compromise matters in this way. The story rests upon the testimony of a single historian, who is accused of many inaccuracies in other respects. 86 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. Finding soothing words and fair promises of no avail, Columbus was obliged to use a more decided tone. He told them that the expedition had been sent by the King and Queen to seek the Indies ; and that whatever might be the result, he was determined to persevere, until, by God's blessing, he should have fulfilled their commands. The Mutixy. Having no answer ready to oppose to these resolute words, the men drew away from the leader. We may imagine how they hung together in little knots, muttering deep curses against the folly of the man who had brought them hither, and almost wailing in their grief because they would never see their country again. How often during that night the old scheme of throw- ing Columbus into the sea was brought up, how often they debated whether THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 87 or not they might not keep him a prisoner until Spain was reached, how often they reckoned over their grievances and many causes for fear, no man knows. Morning found them sullen and despairing; their commander was still defiant. But as the day went on, those signs of land, which the sailors justly said had been seen so long as to be completely misleading, became more and more certain; fresh weeds, such as grow in rivers, were seen on the surface of the water; then a branch of thorn with berries on it; and finally, a reed, a small board and a staff of carved wood. Their gloom and rebellious feel- ing gave place to hope ; and they were eagerly on the watch throughout the day. At sunset, the crew, according to their custom, sang the Salve liegina; after which Columbus addressed them again. He pointed out to them the goodness of God, who had given them, throughout their perilous voyage, favoring breezes and a summer sea; he reminded them that when they left the Canaries, he had given orders that after proceeding seven hundred leagues to the west, they should not sail after midnight — a proof, as he told them, that he had not gone farther than he had then thought it would be necessary. He told them that he thought it probable, from the indications seen that day, that they would make land that very night; and he gave orders that a vigilant look-out should be kept from the forecastle of each vessel; and he promised, in addition to the pension given by the sovereigns, to give a velvet doublet to the first who should discover land. As the evening closed in, Columbus took his station on the top of the castle or cabin on the high poop of his vessel, and kept an unwearied watch for land. Throughout the number of followers, there was the same excite- ment, greater than had ever before prevailed, even over the false alarms given by the Pinzons; for now the Admiral himself, for the first time, was confident that they were approaching land. The very failures of the others gave strength to their trust in Columbus ; and they forgot their rebellious clamor of the previous night. It was about ten o'clock when Columbus first thought he saw a light glim- mering at a great distance — could it indeed be land? Literally, he could not believe his own eyes; but fearing that his hopes deceived him, he called to Pedro Gutierrez, a gentleman of the King's bedchamber, and asked him if he saw a light. The adventurer replied that he did; but still Columbus was not convinced. Rodrigo Sanchez was called, and the same question was asked him ; he answered that he saw none; and both Columbus and Gutierrez saw that the light had disappeared. But in a moment more they saw it gleam forth again ; and it continued to waver thus, as if it were a torch in a boat that was tossed on the waves or carried from one hut to another on shore. So uncertain was it, that the others were inclined to doubt its reality; CoLUJiBus Watching for Land. THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 89 but Columbus, once assured that it was not a fiction of his excited imagina- tion, considered these gleams of light as a certain sign that they were approaching an inhabited land. Contrary to the orders which he had given on. leaving the Canaries, they did not pause during the night. It was two o'clock when a gun from the Pinta gave the signal that land was actually descried. It was about two leagues away, and had first been descried by a mariner named Rodrigo de Triana; but the pension was adjudged to Columbus himself, as having seen the light four hours before the signal was given from the smaller vessel. For more than three weary hours they lay to, the waves gently rocking the adventurous barks on the smooth warm waters. As day dawned, the dis- coverer saw before him a level island, well-wooded, and apparently several leagues in area. The supposition of Columbus that they were approaching inhabited land proved to be correct; for the dusky inhabitants thronged the shore and stood gazing in wonder at the ships. The vessels had come to anchor; and Columbus, attired in a rich suit of scarlet, befitting the dignity of the Admiral and Viceroy of India, entered this boat, while the two Pinzons entered those belonging to the vessels which they commanded. Each boat bore a banner on which Avas a green cross and the initials of the sovereigns Ferdinand and Isabella, surmounted by a crown imperial. What effect did this splendor of color and glitter of armor produce upon the natives? When they first saw the ships, so huge in comparison with their own slight canoes, they had been filled with wonder; as the day dawned, they beheld the vessels more plainly, and that they were borne along, apparently without effort, while the great white sails seemed to them like wings. As the boats were launched, and came toward the shore, their astonishment was changed into terror of the strangers; and they fled into the woods. Meantime, Columbus had landed ; and kneeling upon the earth, he kissed the soil of that new world which he had been first to discover, surrounded by his now devoted followers. Then he rose and drew his sword, and solemnly took possession of the newly discovered country in the name of the sovereigns of Castile. He then called upon all his followers to take the oath of allegiance to him, as Viceroy and Admiral, the representative of these sovereigns. As the natives witnessed these ceremonies from their hiding-places on the edge of the woods, they gradually regained confidence, and drew a little nearer the strange white men. When they saw that the new-comers seemed to have no intention of injuring them, they approached and made signs of friendship. These were responded to, and the natives came still nearer, and stroked the beards of the Spaniards and examined their hands and faces. THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 91 evidently wondering at the whiteness of their skins. All these demonstra- tions were preceded and accompanied by frequent prostrations and other signs of adoration. To the simple-minded inhabitants of the island, it seemed that these men had come in their great winged vessels straight from the blue heaven which bent over their island, and touched the ocean all around them. As Columbus supposed that he had reached India, it was natural that he and his followers should speak of the natives of the newly discovered country as Indians ; a name which was so much used before it was fully ascertained that he had reached another continent, that reason has never been able to displace it. The Indians wore no clothing, but had their bodies painted with various colors. Their only arms were lances with heads of sharp flints or fish-bones, or hardened at the end by fire. They evidently had no knowledge of sharpened iron or steel, for one of them took hold of a sword by the edge and cut his hand. They received with eager gratitude the trifles which Columbus and his followers presented to them, offering in return balls of cotton yarn, tame parrots, and cassava bread. These, however, were not the articles of traffic which the Spaniards had come so far to procure ; the small golden ornaments which some of the natives wore in their noses were of much greater interest than their twenty-pound balls of cotton, and Columbus at once made inquiry regarding the source from which they were derived. He learned that these precious ornaments came from the southwest, where there dwelt a king who was always served in vessels of fine gold. Much more has the great discoverer set down of the same kind, but it is probable that he deceived himself in much of what he understood them to tell him by signs. He felt assured that he had now reached the outlying islands of Asia, and was near the countries of fabulous riches of which Marco Polo had written; and he readily believed that the gestures of these naked Indians indicated much more than the savages tried to express. The island, which Columbusthoroughly explored, was named San Salvador. Around it lay beautiful and fertile islands, so that he was at a loss which to choose as the next to be explored. He set sail two days after landing, taking with him seven of the natives, to whom he proposed to teach the Spanish language, that they might serve as interpreters. As these became better able to communicate with him by signs, and understood more clearly what information he wished to obtain, he learned that he was in the midst of an archipelago, numbering more islands than the limited arithmetical skill of the savages could reckon. They enumerated more than a hundred, and gave him to understand that they were all well peopled, and that the inhabitants were frequently at war with each other. All this was in full accordance with what Columbus had heard of the islands about the eastern coast of Asia. THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. , 93 Several islands were visited in succession, but without finding the vast stores of gold which they had understood from the natives were in the pos- session of their neighbors. They learned, however, that their coming was regarded as a wonderful event by the natives, as a single Indian in a canoe was taken into one of the ships, and found to be a messenger dispatched to carry the news among the different islands. How many similar messengers were dispatched, the Spaniards did not know ; but they were less proud of their own courage in venturing across the ocean when they reflected that this naked savage had entered upon a voyage of such length and danger in his frail canoe without a single companion to assist him in storms or tell of his fate if he should perish. Wherever he went, Columbus heard of an island of much greater extent than any that he had seen, called Cuba; and he determined that this must be the long-sought Cipango. He determined to set sail to this favored country; but his departure from the smaller islands was delayed for some days by calms and contrary winds. It was the 28th of October before he finally reached the coast of the Queen of the Antilles. In his journal, Columbus seems never tired of expatiating upon the beauty of the islands which were now seen by Europeans for the first time ; their mild climate, the smoothness of the waters in which these jewels of ocean were set, the majesty of the forests, the beauty of the birds, the magnificence of the flowers, even the glittering sparkle of the insects, are constantly the subjects of his pr?ise. While coasting along Cuba, Martin Alonzo Pinzon learned from some na- tives that there was a country in the interior called Cubanacan. Later re- searches have developed the fact that nacan is simply the native word mean- ing the interior, so that Cubanacan means only the interior part of Cuba; but the heated imagination of Pinzon connected this name with the word Khan, and the amazing discovery was communicated to Columbus. The discoverer at once concluded that he was mistaken in supposing Cuba to be Cipango, or Japan ; it was a part of the mainland, and he was now in the territories of the Great Khan. The Admiral settled it in his own mind that he was about a hundred leagues from the capital of this mighty potentate, and resolved to send embassadors to him at once. Two envoys were selected ; one of them a converted Jew, who was acquainted with Hebrew and Chaldaic, and had some knowledge of Arabic, in which language, it was supposed, he would be able to communi- cate with some one in the court of the Khan. These embassadors were in- structed to inform the Khan that Columbus had been sent by the King and Queen of Spain, for the purpose of establishing friendly relations between the powers; they were also to ascertain exactly the situation of certain ports, provinces, and rivers; and they were to find out if certain drugs and spices, of which they were provided with samples, were produced in that country. 94 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. While awaiting the return of these embassadors, Columbus occupied him- self in attending to the necessary repairs of his vessels. Having arranged for this work, he spent some time in the exploration of the interior; and again received much remarkable information from the natives. We cannot help suspecting that the natives found Columbus such a willing listener that they indulged their imaginations considerably; for they gravely assured him that there were tribes at a distance, of men who had but one eye; that there were others who had the heads of dogs, and that there were still others who were cannibals, killing their victims by cutting their throats and drinking their blood. Mingled with these stories, were accounts of a place which they called Bohio, where they declared that the people wore anklets and bracelets and necklaces of gold and pearls. While Columbus was being thus ably entertained by the Indians of the coast of Cuba, his embassadors had penetrated to the interior in search of the capital of Kublai Khan. They returned Nov. 6, having reached a point twelve leagues from the coast, and learned there that there was nothing of interest beyond it. The village which was the capital of Cubanacan contained about fifty huts, and at least a thousand inhabitants. The envoys had been treated w^ith courtesy and hospitality, though, to their surprise, they found that Hebrew and Arabic were but gibberish to the natives, and were obliged to rely upon the services of an Indian who had occompanied them, and who had picked up a little smattering of Spanish. They saw no gold or precious stones; and when the white men displayed their samples of cinnamon, pep- per, and similar commodities, they were informed that such things grew far off to the southwest. During their absence, Columbus had become acquainted with the proper- ties of a plant, which, one of his biographers justly observes, was destined to be of more real value to the people of the eastern continent than all the precious metals that have been mined in the New World. This was the po- tato. The embassadors sent into the interior saw in use a plant which has not, indeed, the wide usefulness of the potato, but which has become necessary to the comfort of many of the white race. This was tobacco, the name of which is derived from the Indian word designating a sort of rude cigar; the term being applied by the Spaniards to the plant and its dried leaves. The strangers at first regarded this practice of smoking as singular and nauseous; but as it is said of vice that — "We first endure, then pity, then embrace," SO the white men were taught by curiosity to learn what the Indian found in tobacco that was pleasant, and speedily acquired the habit. Columbus was now convinced, by the report of his envoys, that he was not within such a short distance of the capital of the Khan. He still listened THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 95 eagerly, however, to the tales which the Indians had to tell of Babeque and Bohio, although he was not quite certain whether these terms applied to the same place or not. He decided to go in search of Babeque, which he hoped to find the name of some rich and populous island off the coast of Asia. Later researches into the language of the natives of these islands have not made it wholly clear what they intended to convey by these two words ; accord- ing to some authorities, they are names applied to the coast of the mainland; others that bohio means house, or populousness. November 12, the little fleet weighed anchor, and sailed eastward along the coast of Cuba. A storm obliged them to take refuge in a harbor to which Columbus gave the name of Puerto del Principe, and several days were spent in exploring that cluster of small and beautiful islands which have since been called El Jardin del Eey, " The Garden of the King." On the 19th, he again put to sea, and for two days made ineffectual efforts to reach an island which lay about twenty leagues to the eastward, supposing it to be Babeque. Find- ing this impossible, on the evening of the second day he put his ship about, and made signals for the others to do the same. The Pinta was considerably to the eastward of the Santa Maria and the JVina, and, to the surprise of the Admiral, failed to answer the signals or comply with the commands which they indicated. He repeated the signals ; but still the Pinta paid no attention. Night came on; and hoisting signal lights at the masthead of the Santa Maria, so that the Pinta could easily follow through the darkness, he sailed on.ward. Morning came, but nothing was to be seen of the Pinta. Columbus was not a little disquieted by this action of Pinzon. The rich navigator of Palos, who had furnished a large part of the money required for the expedition, and without whose aid Columbus would probably have been obliged to seek assistance at some other court than that of Spain, was fully aware of the importance of the services which he had rendered to the Gen- oese adventurer. Thoroughly familiar with the theories of Columbus, he had adopted them as his own, and probably came gradually to consider them as much his property as they were the foreigner's. Several times, during the voyage, there had been serious differences of opinion between Columbus and his chief subordinate; and when the Admiral saw that the Pm/« had thus deserted the flag-ship, he suspected that Pinzon intended to return to Spain at once and claim all the honors due to the successful prosecutor of this great enterprise. But Columbus was not to be deterred from his purpose of discovering the rich and populous parts of the far east; he continued coasting along the northern line of Cuba until, Dec. 5, he reached the eastern extremity, to which he gave the name of Alpha and Omega, supposing it to be the eastern point of Asia. He was now undetermined what course to pursue. Return to Spain would be unadvisable at this season of the year; and so far as the 96 . THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. Pinta was concerned, she was so much swifter sailer than the other vessels, and had the start of them by many hours, that it was useless to think of chas- ing her across the Atlantic. If he kept along the coast, following its trend to the southwest, he might find the country of the Khan; but then he could not hope to reach Babeque, which his Indian guides now assured him lay to the northeast. Thus undecided, he continued cruisingaimlessly for some days in the waters around the eastern end of Cuba; and at last descried land to the southeast, which he decided to make. The natives protested against his seeking to do so, assuring him that the people were fierce and cruel cannibals. But these remonstrances were unheeded, and Columbus steered toward Ilayti. He anchored in a harbor at the western endof the island, to which he gave the name which it still retains — St. Nicholas. As they explored the northern coast of the island, they caught many fish, several species of which were sim- ilar to those which the sailors had taken in Spanish waters ; they heard from the wooded shore the notes of song-birds which reminded them of the night- ingale and other birds of Andalusia; and they fancied they saw, in the beauti- fully diversified country, some resemblance to the more beautiful parts of Spain. Accordingly, Columbus named the island Hispaniola, or little Spain. While exploring the island, Columbus found plants and birds of much different species and more abundant than those he had seen in Europe. Animals were also less rare, more various, and of greater size; amongst others the iguana, a sort of gigantic lizard, whose likeness to the crocodile, or at least to the representations of it then extant, made some of the crew mistake it for one of those dreadful monsters. Glad to make use of his courage in reassuring his men, who were frightened at everything that was new, Columbus did not hesitate to attack this beast; he rushed at him with uplifted sword, and pursuing him into the waters of the lake, did not come out until, to the universal satisfaction, he had made an end of him. The skin which he carried back with him to Europe, measured seven feet in length, much more than the average length. Columbus must have smiled at the recollection of this exploit, when he found out that this terrible-looking beast, with its enormous crop, its long and powerful tail, its spine notched like a saw, its sharp claws, is as harm- less as our common lizard, and is even esteemed a great delicacy by the In- dians. The natives had abandoned their villages and fled into the interior at the approach of the vessels, leaving their cultivated fields and large villages. Columbus sent well-armed parties in search of them, and one such party suc- ceeded in capturing a young woman, who was induced by presents of clothes, trifling ornaments, and trinkets, and by the kind treatment which she experi- enced, to act as embassador to her people. It was no difficult matter after THE FIKST VOYAGE OF (OLUMBUS. 97 this to secure the presence of large numbers of the natives, who were well disposed toward the strangers when they found that there need be no fear of them. The Fight with the Iguana. They were frequently visited by chiefs of various degrees of importance; and, Dec. 22, received a message from a chief named Guacanagari, borne by a number of natives, who filled one of the largest canoes that the Span- iards had as yet seen. This cacique, as the chiefs of these islands are called by Columbus, asked that the ships might be brought to a point opposite his village, which was a little farther east than the point where they then were. But the wind was not favorable, and Columbus had to content himself with sending a deputation to visit Guacanagari, by whom they were received with great state and honor. But, as before, the Spaniards learned from this chief 98 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. nothing of the vast stores of treasure for which they were seeking; and although the cacique and his followers freely gave them any of their few golden ornaments, it was evident that these were not drawn from any mine worked by Guacanagari and his tribe. The envoys returned, bearing the most friendly messages with them; and as soon as the wind proved favorable, Columbus gave orders that the two vessels should sail toward the village of Guacanagari. His hopes had again been raised by the statements of various minor caciques who had visited him during the absence of his messengers, and who talked much of a place which they called Cibao, the cacique of which had banners of wrought gold. To the ears of the great discoverer this name was nearly enough like Cipango to mislead him completely; and he believed that at last he had come upon the traces of that magnificent prince mentioned by Marco Polo, whose wealth ex- ceeded even that of the ruler of Cathay. It was the morning of December 24 that the two vessels departed from their resting-place to proceed toward the residence of the cacique. The wind was so light as hardly to fill the sails, and they made but little progress. At eleven o'clock that Christmas eve, they were about four or five miles from the harbor where the cacique's village was situated; the sea was calm and smooth, and the coast had been so explored by the party of mes- sengers that Columbus felt no fears regarding rocks or other sources of danger. He according retired to the rest which he had earned by sleepless nights spent in watching the course of the vessels along an unknown coast. Scarcely had he fallen asleep, before the helmsman, in defiance of the com- mander's plain orders, gave the helm over to a boy, and himself went to sleep. It was not long before the whole crew of the Santa Maria was locked in slumber; the only wakeful one being the boy at the helm. The currents along this coast are swift and strong; and when the ship was once in the power of one of them, she was swept rapidly along. To older or more heedful ears the sound of the breakers would have given warning of the danger; but the boy thought nothing of what he was doing. Silently and swiftly the current bore the ship upon a sand-bank; suddenly the boy- helmsman felt the rudder strike, and heard the tumult of the rushing sea. Frightened, he called loudly for help; the Admiral, a light sleeper, and always feeling the responsibility which rested upon him, Avas the first upon deck, followed hastily by the sailors who had been sleeping when they should have watched, and by those others who were not on duty. He quickly gave orders to carry an anchor astern, that by this means the vessel might be warped off. The boat was launched, and the men detailed for the pur- pose entered it; but either, insane from fright, they misunderstood the order, or purposely disobeyed it, by seeking their own safety first, and at once rowed off toward the other vessel, which lay half a league to windward. THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUxAIBUS. \)^ The Santa Maria had swung across the stream, and lay helpless, the water continually gaining upon her. The Admiral gave orders that the mast should be cut away ; hoping to lighten her so that she w^ould be carried off the bar before any more serious damage was done. The order was obeyed; but the keel was too firmly bedded in the sand for this measure to prove effective. The shock had opened several seams, through which the water entered in large quantities. The breakers struck her w^ith force again and again, until she lay over on her side. Had the weather been less calm, this vessel, the largest of the armament which a queen had fitted out for the dis- covery of a New World, would have gone to pieces on the shore of that far- away island. In the meantime, the boat had reached the caravel Nina and given information of the condition of the larger vessel. The commander of the caravel reproached the sailors for their desertion of the leader in such mis- fortunes, and immediately dispatched a boat to his relief. Columbus and his crew took refuge on board the JSfina until morning, and envoys were at once sent off to inform the cacique of what had happened. Guacanagari showed great distress at the misfortunes of his expected visitors; nor did he confine himself to mere words of sympathy and con- dolence, but showed himself active in measures for their relief. All the canoes that could be mustered were pressed into service, and all his people assisted in unloading the vessel. The lading was stored n-ear the palace of the cacique, and an armed guard placed around it to prevent depredations; the cacique and his brothers having kept close watch while the w^ork of unloading was going on, to prevent the helpers from being overcome by temptation to help themselves to these wonderful things. To Columbus and his companions, this course appeared unnecessary; so much sympathy with the shipwrecked sailors was shown by all who, at the command of the chief, were engaged in assisting them; and Columbus after- ward bore this testimony to their character, in his Journal : — "So loving, so tractable, so peaceable are these people that I swear to your majesties there is not in the world a better nation, nor a better land. They love their neighbors as themselves; and their discourse is ever sweet and gentle, and accompanied with a smile ; and though it is true that they are naked, yet their manners are decorous and praiseworthy." The day after Christmas, Columbus was visited on board the JSFina by Guacanagari, who assured him again of his eagerness to render the Spaniards any assistance which lay in his power. The Admiral, who was at dinner when he came on board, observes in his journal with regard to this visit, that the cacique would not allow him when he entered the cabin to rise or use any ceremony, and that, when invited to partake of any dish, he took just as much as w^as necessary for him not to 100 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. appear impolite. He did the same if anything was given him to drink; he put it to his lips, merely tasted it, and sent it to his followers. His air and his movements were remarkably grave and dignified. The Grateful Cacique. His dignity and discretion, however, were not proof against all the attrac- tions that surrounded him. While, with the help of the Indians he had brought with him as interpreters from San Salvador, Columbus was enter- taining his royal guest, he noticed that the cacique turned his eyes again and again, as if in spite of himself, on the quilt that covered his bed. Columbus, seeing this, hastened to present him with the coveted object, together with a pair of red shoes and a necklace of amber beads. The gratitude of the cacique and his officers knew no bounds, and there is no doubt that these THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 101 gifts did more to exalt the power and grandeur of Spain and her sovereigns in their eyes than all the words of Columbus and his interpreters on that subject. While they were conversing, a canoe arrived from another part of the island, bringing bits of gold to be exchanged for small bells, such as were worn by the hawk used at that time in hunting. To the Indians, these appeared the most desirable articles which the Spaniards had to distribute among them ; they hung the bells on their arms" and legs when preparing for the dances of which they w^ere so fond, and which were performed to the cadence of certain songs. They had found that the Spaniards valued gold more than anything which their savage treasuries contained, and readily brought all that they had to exchange for the wonderful musical bells. Sailors who had been on shore, trading, informed Columbus that gold was easily obtained in trade with the natives; and this restored the drooping spirits of the Admiral to something of their normal state. The cacique saw the change in his countenance, and inquired what good news the sailors had brought. He was told how desirous the Admiral was of obtaining the yellow metal; and replied that there was a place not far off, among the mountains, where it could be obtained in large quantities. He promised to get as much as Columbus might desire, the metal being there in such abundance, he said, that it was not held as very valuable. This place he called Cibao; and Columbus at once recognized this name, and again confounded it with Cipango. When Guacanagari had been entertained by Columbus, he insisted that the Admiral should be his guest on shore. The request was granted ; and the guest received such honor and sympathy as to make him admire the kindly yet dignified savage chieftain more than ever. In return for the cacique's efforts at entertaining him, he sent on board the ship for a skilled archer and his arms, and showed the assembled Indians the accuracy of such weapons. The people of Guacanagari were of so unwarlike a nature that they had no similar skill to display; but the cacique informed Columbus that the Caribs, who sometimes made forays upon them, had bows and arrows which they used with deadly precision. Columbus assured the chief that he had nothing more to fear from the Caribs, for the great monarchs of Spain had weapons far more terrible than these, which they would not hesitate to use in the de- fense of a people who had assisted their Admiral. To illustrate his words, he ordered an arquebus and a heavy cannon to be discharged. To the Indians, it seemed that a thunderbolt had fallen from a clear sky; and they fell prostrate on their faces in terror. When they had recovered a little, Columbus called their attention to the place where the cannon-ball had crashed through the trees, carrying away great branches; and they were filled with renewed dismay. But he assured them that these arms would not be used against them, but for their protection against the cruel and dreaded 102 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. Curil)s; and secure in the friendship of these children of light who were armed with thunder from their native skies, the simple savages Avere more than content. "^^^"^The fame of the hawk-bells had gone abroad, and there w^as not an Indian who had a golden ornament who was not more than w^illing to trade it for one of these precious articles. Las Casas, wdiose work is one of the chief authorities regarding this part of the life of Columbus, tells us that one In- dian offered a handful of gold-dust in exchange for one; and when the trade had been made, hurried off as fast as his feet would carry him, lest the Span- iards should regret that they had sold it so cheap. The Spaniards who had endured so many hardships and dangers became enamored of the easy, luxurious life which the Indians led ; in a land where the earth produced, almost spontaneously, roots and fruits enough to feed more than the inhabitants, wdiere there w^as evidently no winter to be feared, where shelter and clothing were looked upon as unnecessary, Avherethe main part of the day was passed in indolent repose, and the main part of the night in dancing to the music of their songs or the beating of their rude drums, the Indians were indeed creatures to be envied. Gradually the sailors came to long to share this life, so full of ease and enjoyment, and Columbus formed the idea of establishing a colony of those who wished to remain; while he, with his one vessel and a small crew, would return to Spain to carry the news of his discovery — unless he had been anticipated by the captain of the Finta — and to procure the needed supplies and reinforcements. Had the natives been less peaceable and friendly, such a course would have been the height of madness; but armed as the Spaniards were with cannon and smaller fire- arms, and surrounded by those whose chief w^sh seemed to be to minister to the white strangers, there appeared to be no difficulty in the Avay. But he did not propose to take any unnecessary risks; the stranded vessel was to be broken up to afford materials for a fortress; and it Avas to be armed with her guns. Provisions enough could be spared from the general stock to maintain a small garrison for a year; so that whatever change there might be in the feelings of the natives, the white men who were left behind would be entirely safe. He intended that they should occupy themselves with explor- ing the island and becoming acquainted with the location and extent of the gold mines on Avhich they all laid such stress, and in trading Avith the natives forAvhatever of the precious metal they might possess. At the same time, they could learn the language of the country more perfectly, so that com- munication Avould be easier and surer ; and acquaint themselves Avfth the habits and customs of the people, so as to make future intercourse all the smoother. Columbus did not suppose that the fortress, except under very improbable circumstances, Avould be necessary for the defense of his folloxA-'crs from the natives; for the latter had too clearly proven their unwarlike nature and their THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 103 friendly disposition; but he considered that some sort of military organiza- tion and round of requiredduties was necessary to keep the Spaniards in good order during the absence of a ruler specially appointed by the Crown, and to enable those who were disposed to do what was right by the natives to hold in check those who might otherwise have proved tyrannical, unprincipled, and cruel. For the discoverer, who was so enchanted with the beauty of nature and the character of the inhabitants in this New World, entertained fond hopes that all these people would speedily be converted to the Christian faith. Wherever he had gone, he had found them of the same gentle, loving dispo- sition, ready to listen eagerly to whatever the strangers could make them un- derstand, and readily learning by rote such prayers as the sailors taught them, and making the sign of the cross with becoming devoutness of aspect. This is not the place to discuss the good done by pra3'ers which are not understood by those who utter them; but it is a fact that these Spaniards of the fifteenth century thought they had done good when they taught an Indian the Latin words of a prayer, of the meaning of which the savage had not the slightest conception ; and which may have been rather hazy to the Spaniard. Columbus looked eagerly forward to the time when all these untaught savages should receive the rite of baptism, believing that that was all that was necessary to make them good Christians. Throughout the time that he had sought assist- ance in working out his theory, he had held fast to the idea of advancing the dominion of the Church ; and this feeling was probably at the bottom of his reasons for seeking assistance from Spain. Isabella M^as known for a de- vout Catholic, and ardent in the cause of religion; hence, although the country was convulsed with civil war, he sought assistance from her, rather than from the cold and crafty men v/ho sat on the thrones of France and England. The project of building a fortress and leaving a colony was broached to the natives, who were enraptured with the plan. That the wonderful white men who had come from heaven with their thunderous weapons should remain to protect them from their dreaded enemies the Caribs, while the Admiral re- turned to the skies for more white men and hawks' bells, Avas almost too good to be true; and they eagerly assisted in building the fortress. A site was chosen, the wreck was broken up and brought to shore. A large vault was to be dug, and over this a strong wooden tower was to be erected ; finally, the whole was to be surrounded by a wide and deep ditch, with the usual draw-bridge. In the vault were to be stored such supplies of arms, ammunition, and food as should be brought from the wreck, and could be spared by those who were about to undertake the homeward voyage. So industriously did the Spaniards push the work, and so eagerly did the many natives assist them, that the whole fortress was completed in ten days 104 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. from the time that Columbus had given orders to begin it. He gave it the name of La Navidad, or the Nativity, because they had been rescued from the wreck of the vessel on Christmas Day. Having concluded the account of the building of this tower, the devout Admiral points out the care which Providence had exercised over his voyage; so that even the shipwreck, which appeared at the time to be such a great misfortune, was the cause of his find- ing Avhat riches lay hid in the island, where otherwise he would only have touched at the coast and gone farther on. As seen more clearly by those who have a knowledge of later events, the wreck of the /Santa Maria appears the misfortune which it seemed at first; since because of it Columbus devoted so much of his time and attention, in later years, to this very island, and suffered much because of his connection with it. While they were engaged in building the fortress, some Indians brought word that a large vessel, like that of Columbus, had been seen in a harbor at the eastern end of the island. There could be but one explanation of this: it must be the Pinta. Columbus at once sent a Spaniard, with a crew of natives in a native canoe, to take a letter to Pinzon, urging him to join com- pany at once, but making no complaint regarding his desertion, or saying a word that Avas not entirely friendly. A close search, however, by these mes- sengers, failed to disclose the presence of any such vessel ; and they returned to the Admiral. Other rumors reached them of a ship like theirs, but Co- lumbus resolved to take no further steps toward searching for the lost vessel until something more definite should be heard. In the meantime, it was a subject of much anxiety to Columbus, how the voyage back to Spain would be accomplished. The Pinta, the swiftest of the ships, had deserted, and they knew nothing of her fate; she might have escaped across the ocean, or she might have been wrecked on the shore of some distant island, or she might have foundered at sea and gone down with all on board. The Santa Maria, the largest of his ships, had been wrecked and destroyed. There remained only the Nina, which really was fit only for -coasting. Indeed, it was not wholly because Columbus had feared to demand large ships that he had accepted small ones; he had selected those which seemed to him best fitted for coasting and for tracing an intricate course in channels between islands. But the JSfinay^as not the vessel in which any sane sailor would have wished to cross the Atlantic without a consort; much less was it one to which a man who had labored and waited for a score of years to secure the realization of his dreams would wish to entrust the fulfilhnent of those dreams. For, should the Xina be lost on the homeward voyage, what record would remain of Columbus? It would only be known that he maintained a theory which the most learned men of Spain condemned as impracticable; that he had sailed into the western ocean, and had been lost there, as they had predicted. The Columbus Bkoxze Doors ix the Capitol at Washixgtox. (10.")) lOG TIIK FIRST Y0YA(;K of COLUMBUS. > Return he must, however; and preparations for the homeward voyage were begun about the same time as the fortress. Thirty-nine persons were selected to remain behind at La Navidad, while the others, numbering a few more, sailed eastward again. Minute instructions were given the colonists, to treat the natives always with gentleness and justice, remembering how much they were indebted to Guacanagari; to keep together, for mutual safety, and not stray beyond the territories of the cacique who had so befriended them; and to acquire a knowledge of the productions and mines of the island, to pro- cure as much gold and spice as possible by trading, and to seek a better situ- ation for a settlement, as this harbor was far from being a safe one. Tiie boat of the Santa Maria was left with them, as well as a variety of seeds to sow, and a quantity of articles to be used in traffic. A commandant of the post was appointed in the name of the sovereigns, and two lieutenants, upon whom, successively, the command was to devolve in case of his death. Having made all arrangQments f or the safety and well-being of the colony, as far as such arrangements could be made by any man, Columbus, on the 4th of January, 1493, sailed from Hispaniola eastward across the broad ocean; five months and one day after he left Palos. The student of idle superstitions may well remark the recurrence of a cer- tain day of the week in the history of this first voyage of Columbus; it was on Friday that he set sail from Palos; it was on Friday that he first saw the shores of Guanahani, the first land of the New "World on which his eyes rested; and it was on Friday that he left Hispaniola on his return. The sixth day of the week is far from being considered a day on which to begin great undertakings; but the greatest event of modern times is thus associated with it. The first hvo days of the return vo3'age Avere without event; on the third, the lookout gave the cry that he saw the Pinia at a distance. The report was an animating one; for there was not a man on board but fully realized the dangers of their long and lonely voyage. The Pint a hastened toward them as soon as the Nina was descried by her lookout; and conversation proving impracticable by reason of the state of the weather, the two vessels, at the command of the leader of the expedition, put back to the bay a little west of what is now called Monte Christi. Here the Admiral and his chief subordinate landed, and here was told the story of the P^?^^« '5 adventures. According to Martin AlonzoPinzon's account, he had been compelled to part company by stress of weather, and had ever since been seeking to rejoin his companions. Columbus received this statement without contradiction, although he did not believe it from the first ; and made investigations afterward which brought the truth to his ears^ One of the In- dians on board the Pinta had given information of a gold-bearing country to the eastward which had excited the imagination of the master; he had taken THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 107 advantage of circumstances to separate from the others, and had sought to be the first to discover this rich country.' For some days he sailed about among a group of small islands, unable to shape his course so as to avoid them ; but the Indians had finally conducted him to Hispaniola; the rumors that Colum- bus had heard were not wholly false, although unreliable, or perhaps misun- derstood, in their statements of localities. Pinzon had remained three weeks near the shore of this island, and had collected by trading no small amount of gold; half of this he had retained for himself, half had been divided among his crew, to insure their silence regarding the transaction. But Colum- bus, even though the treachery of Pinzon could be clearly proved, could as yet take no steps to punish him in any way, or even appear to disbelieve his assertions. Many of the sailors were relatives or townsmen of Pinzon, and a break with him, at this juncture, might have been fatal to Columbus. A supply of wood and water was procured for the voyage, and the two ves- sels coasted a short distance along the shore which had been explored by Pinzon. Arrived at the mouth of a river which Columbus named Rio de Gracia, but which is now Porto Caballo, the Admiral received news that his lieutenant had, during the period of his desertion, carried off four men and two girls from among the Indians of that section. The complaint was inves- tigated, and it was found that the captives were on board the Pint a, and that it was the intention of that vessel's commander to take them to Spain and sell them as slaves. The Admiral at once gave orders that they should be released and returned to their own people; being clothed and given many presents as a kind of restitution for the temporary loss of their liberty. This proceeding was not conducted without protest from Pinzon, and we shall find, as we proceed, that Columbus learned to look with less horror upon the project of selling Indians as slaves; but at this time he was careful to take none with him but those who voluntarily accompanied him. As they continued their course along the coast, they came to an arm of the sea extending so far into the land that at first they supposed it to be a chan- nel separating the island of Hispaniola from some other near neighbor; but it proved to be only a gulf. On the farther side of this inlet, they found a people differing very much from those others Avith whom the discoverer was so much pleased. These were of a ferocious aspect, and hideously painted ; they were armed with war-clubs, or with bows as large as those used by English archers, the arrows being made of slender reeds and tipped with bone or with the tooth of a fish. They also had swords of palm-wood, the weight and hardness of which excited the wonder of the Spaniards. Though ferocious in appearance, and thus armed, they did not seem hostile, but sold two of their bows to the Spaniards, and one of them was induced to go upon the Admiral's vessel. He was sent back with many presents, to induce his comrades to trade with 108 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. the Spaniards. The men in the boat which conveyed him back to hind were alarmed at the sight of about fifty fully armed warriors, who gathered on the shore; but at a word from the savage in the boat, they hiid down their arms and came to meet the white men. Suddenly, in the midst of a peaceful con- ference, they rushed toward the spot where they had left their arms, and returned with a quantity of strong cord, as if to bind the strangers. The latter at once attacked them, wounding two. The others took to flight. The Spaniards would have pursued them, but the pilot who commanded the boat forbade it. Such was the first conflict between the natives and the people of southern Europe; if we regard the fight of which the old saga tells as unworthy of credit, the first on the soil of America between Indians and white men. Columbus had been so anxious to keep the peace with all the natives, that he was much troubled at the occurrence of this fight; but he consoled himself by thinking that the Indians had now had a taste of the superiority of the white men's weapons, and would be careful how they attacked them in the future. He w^as pleased to find that the enmity of the Indians had not been excited by this occurrence, as they returned the next day and appeared more desirous than ever of being friends. They told him of the islands to the east in such terms that Columbus decided to stop there, and prevailed upon four of their young men to accompany him as guides. Following their guidance, Columbus at first steered to the northeast, then to the southeast; but he had gone but about fifty miles in all when there sprang up a breeze which, it seemed to him and his sailors, would waft them straight to Spain. He saw the discontent on their faces as they thought how far from the direct line of the homeward path they were diverging; he con- sidered how shaky was the allegiance of Pinzon; and how uncertain was the fate of either vessel, should it be exposed to even an ordinary storm among these many islands. He considered that the whole fate of the path w^hich he had marked out to India depended upon his safe arrival on the eastern shore of the Atlantic; and repressing all desire for further exploration of the islands w4iich he had discovered, he gave orders to shift sail and make direct for Spain. The outward voyage had been full of doubts and anxieties ; had it been through one-tenth of the difficulties and dangers which beset the homeward voyage, the New World would have remained undiscovered; for the rebellion of the crew w^ould have been determined enough to have broken even the iron resolution of Columbus. The trade-winds which had so prospered the outward \'03^age were of course unfavorable to their return; and it was not until they had run far to the north, and got completely out of the track of these wnnds, that they were enabled to make any headway. So often had they changed their course to THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 109 take advantage of the least wind that promised to bear them homeward, that the pilots had lost their reckoning completely; and could no more agree with each other than they could guess at the true situation. Columbus alone retained a clear idea of where they were, having powers of minute observa- tion which often caused his conclusions to seem little short of inspirations; but he did not enlighten the pilots; since he wished to be the only man who had a clear idea of the route followed in crossing the Atlantic. The Return of Columbus. While they were yet in the midst of the Athmtic, barely two-thirds of their voyage done, they were looking for land, supposing themselves to be in about the latitude of the Madeira Islands. Columbus knew that they were more nearly in a line with the Azores, but that they were not likely to reach even these outposts of the known world for a few days. February 12, a storm began to come on; and it was only with great labor and danger that the ships could keep on their eastward course. The wind and heavy sea lasted all that day and the next; increasing greatly after sun- set on the 13th. Flashes of lightning gave promise of a still greater tempest, which soon burst in such fury that they were obliged to take in all sail, and scud all night under bare poles. The next morning there was promise of a break in the storm; but it was not fulfilled. The wind rose again, and lasted all through the night. The open vessels labored hard, every moment threatening them with engulfment in the angry waves. As night came on, the two ships Avere separated; Columbus kept on a straight course to the northeast, endeavoring to signal 110 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. by lights to the JPinf a; but no answering lights could be seen through the blackness of the stormy night. The weakness of her foremast had prevented her from holding the wind, and she had been obliged to run before it due north. Day broke over a waste of waters, still angry and threatening. All through the dreary day the helpless little iV^^?^a was driven along before the wind, not knowing what had become of her companion vessel. The ship was nearly disabled, and all seamanship was in vain; there was but one source of help in such emergencies, and thither Columbus and his crew betook themselves. Thinking to avert the wrath of Heaven as manifested in this terrible tempest, he determined to offer solemn vows and acts of penance. Pilgrimages to peculiarly sacred places were in that day a favorite means of showing devo- tion, and were esteemed acceptable worship. At the suggestion of Columbus, it was determined to cast lots, to see who should vow to make a pilgrimage, immediately after landing, to the shrine of Santa Maria de Guadaloupe, bearing a wax taper of five pounds' weight. A number of beans, one of which was marked with a cross, were placed in a cap, and the crew assembled to draw from among them. Columbus, of course, was the first to do so; and he drew the marked bean, which indicated that he was to make the pilgrim- age. Another lot was cast, to decide who should undertake a pilgrimage to the shrine at Loretto; and Columbus agreed to pay the expenses of the sea- man wdio drew the marked bean. A third time was chance invoked to decide who should become a pilgrim, this time to the shrine of Santa Clara de Moguer, and coupled with an obligation to procure a solemn high mass, and to watch all night in the chapel; and this, like the first, fell upon Columbus. But in spite of these pious vows, the tempest was not abated; and the whole crew agreed that wherever they first landed they would go in proces- sion, barefooted, and clad only in their shirts, or close under-tunics, to some church dedicated to the Virgin, and offer up a solemn thanksgiving for their safety. Each man, besides, made such private vows of penance or reformation of life as seemed good to him ; and the whole crew anxiously waited to see the result of their acts of piety. But even to the eye of faith it was not perceptible, and all gave themselves up for lost. The storm continued unabated. Their danger was increased by the lightness of the vessel; the water casks being nearly emptied, and the provisions having run low. To remedy this evil, Columbus gave orders that the empty casks should be filled with sea-water; and thus ballasted, the cara- vel rode more steadily. The condition of the mind of Columbus is better pictured by his own words, as found in a letter to the sovereigns, than in any which could be found to express it. He says: — " I could have supported this evil fortune with less grief, had my person THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. Ill alone been in jeopardy, since I am a debtor for my life to the supreme Crea- tor, and have been at other times within a step of death. But it was a cause of infinite sorrow and trouble to think that, after having been illuminated from on high with faith and certainty to undertake this enterprise, after having victoriously achieved it, and when on the point of convincing my op- ponents, and sccui-.. ' ^ li'i -^< 'J,* H glory and vu-t increase of COLUMBUO' Mex TTlI;o^M^o Ovir tiu: C\sk. dominions, it should please the Divine Majesty to defeat all by my death. It would have been more supportable, also, had I not been accompanied by others who had been drawn on by my persuasions, and who, in their distress, cursed not only the hour of their coming, but the fear inspired by my words which prevented their turning back, as they had at various times determined. Above all, my grief was doubled when I thought of my two sons, whom I had left at school in Cordova, destitute, in a strange land, without any testimony 112 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. of the services rendered by their father, which, if known, might have in- clined your highnesses to befriend them. And although, on the one hand, I was comforted by the faith that the Deity would not permit a work of such great exaltation to his Church, wrought through so many troubles and contra- dictions, to remain imperfect; yet, on the other hand, I reflected on my sins, as a punishment for which he might intend that I should be deprived of the glory which would redound to me in this world." AMiile in this state of uncertainty as to what had become of the Pinfa, and what was to become of the JSfina, the tireless Admiral of the Indian Seas de- termined to take every means to perpetuate the knowledge of his discovery, even should he be lost. An account of his voyage was carefully written out on parchment and enclosed in a waxed cloth, which was placed in the center of a cake of wax. The whole was then shut up in a large barrel, which was cast into the sea. The account of his voyage Avas addressed to the King and Queen of Spain, and superscribed with a pro;nise of a thousand ducats — about six thousand dollars according to present values — to whoever should deliver it unopened. He made two copies of the account, and placed one, enclosed in a similar way, on the poop of his vessel ; so that, if he should be lost, there would be two copies afloat on the ocean. About the year 1852 a report was circulated, through the English news- papers, that this cask, committed to the waves so long ago, had been picked up by an American vessel off the African coast. Lamartine, one of the great writers who have devoted their talents to a study of the life of Columbus, has accepted this story as correct. Of the other principal biographers of the great discoverer who have written since the date of its publication. Helps is the only one who mentions it ; and he says the story has never been substan- tiated, but probably originated in the brain of some fertile newspaper writer. It seems incredible that, if such a thing were indeed discovered, the fact should not excite wude-spread comment, and the article itself be deposited in some public place, where it could be examined by historians and antiquarians. Although taking such precautions to prevent the knowledge of his discov- ery from being wholly lost, Columbus did not let his men know what he was doing; but gave them to suppose that he was performing some religious vow. So great was the variety of such vows in those times, and so whimsical did they sometimes appear to those who did not know the full meaning which the devotee attached to that particular form of doing things, that this excited no surprise in the minds of his followers. If his vow obliged him to throw a cask overboard, it was his duty to do so, especially in such a storm as this, which might have been sent to remind him of a neglect of duty, A streak of clear sky appeared in the west about sunset, and the wind changed during the night; but the sea still ran high, and they could carry but little sail during the night. THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 113 At daybreak on the morning of the 15th, the lookout gave the welcome cry of " Land!" It was plainly to be seen, about five leagues to the east-north- east, directly over the prow of the caravel. The rejoicing sailors began to discuss the question of what land it was ; one thought it one of the Madeira Islands; one said that it was a rock near Lisbon; and many of them strove to recognize some Spanish headland in its outlines. Columbus was assured that it was one of the Azores; and this it proved to be. As they approached the land, the wind veered directly around; and for two days the tempest-tossed mariners were kept by the contrary wind in full sight of the laud which they longed to reach, but could not. They succeeded in coming near enough to cast anchor on the evening of the 17th; but the cable parted, and they were obliged to put to sea once more. Beating about all night, they were more successful the next morning, and an- chored in a harbor on the northern side of the island, as they had now found it to be. A boat was sent to land, and it was found that this island was St. Mary's, one of the Azores, and a dependency of the Crown of Portugal. When the inhabitants saw the caravel, and learned that it had been at sea during the tempest, and yet had lived through it, they were wonder-struck; for the storm had raged for fifteen days with unexampled severity. When they learned, however, from what port it had sailed, and that it had crossed the ocean and found land on the west, from which it was even now returning, their wonder and excitement knew no bounds. In reply to inquiries, they pointed out a harbor where the caravel might ride in safety; but insisted that three of the seamen should remain on shore to give them full particulars of the ex- traordinary things of Avhich they had told. Morning came; and Columbus, grateful for the preservation of his vessel from the fury of the storm, reminded his men of the vow which they had made, to be fulfilled as soon as they should reach any land where there was a shrine of the Virgin. The crew could not all go at once; so that it Avas re- solved that half should go first; and when they had performed this pious duty and returned, the others, among whom was the leader himself, should follow their example. There was a small hermitage, dedicated to the Virgin, at no great distance from the spot where they lay at anchor, although hidden by an intervening point of land. This was the end of their pilgrimage; and messengers were sent to the village to procure the services of a priest in celebrating mass. The governor of the island, Juan de Castaneda, had, on the previous even- ing, sent refreshment to the tempest-tossed mariners, and claiming through his messenger an acquaintance with Columbus, had been profuse in his com- pliments and congratulations. He had apologized for not coming in person, but promised to pay them a visit the next morning, bringing more supplies 114 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. and the three seamen whom he now detained on shore. It w^as then with a feeling of perfect security that the devotees left the vessel and marched bare- footed to the little hermitage. What was their surprise when, in the very midst of their prayers and thanksgiving, they found themselves surrounded by a mob, mounted and unmounted, from the village, headed by the governor himself; and were all taken prisoners! A PlLGRIMAOK OF GkACE. Eleven o'clock arrived, and the Admiral was anxiously awaiting the return of his men; but still they came not. He now began to fear that they had been detained by the Portuguese; for he was by no means certain that any official of that government would be disposed to treat him well. There was another alternative: the boat might have been dashed to pieces upon the rocky and surf-beaten shore. He accordingly gave orders to weigh anchor and stand out to sea far enough to command a view of the hermitage and of the path leading to it. Much to his dismay, he saw a party of armed men approach and enter the boat. They rowed to the side of the caravel ; and the governor, who was one of their number, demanded an assurance of his personal safety in case he boarded the vessel. This was given, readily enough ; but still he seemed reluctant to trust himself within reach of Columbus. The Admiral then broke THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 115 forth into reproaches, declaring that the perfidy of the governor did wrong not only to the Spani.sh monarchs, whose representative ColumbUs was, but to the King of Portugal, whom Castaneda represented here. He stated in sonorous Spanish titles, his own rank and dignity, displayed his letters patent, with the royal seal of Castile affixed, and threatened him with the vengeance of Ferdinand and Isabella. Castaneda replied contemptuously, and the boat, after an hour's altercation, returned to shore. Columbus feared that a war had broken out between Spain and Portugal since his departure fromPalos, and that this was the explanation of the treat- ment which he had received. But whatever the reason, he did not have long to speculate; all his attention was required to keep the vessel safe. The weather became stormy again, and she was driven from her anchorage; not only was she short of hands, because of the detention of half her crew on shore, but the greater part of those who remained were landsmen and Indi- ans, who were almost useless in navigating the vessel. The evening of the 22nd, Columbus returned to his anchorage; forthe storm had abated. Shortly afterward, a boat, containing two priests and a notary, as civil officers were called, put off from shore and approached the caravel. After considerable parleying, they came on board; and requested to see the papers of Columbus. These were readily shown; and the officials departed, satisfied. The next morning the sailors Avere liberated, and permitted to de- part in their own boat. During their detention, they had learned the reason for this action on the part of the governor. Jealous in the extreme of the sovereigns of Spain, since they had embraced an opportunity which his own craftiness and deceit had lost to him, he had given orders to all the governors of his outlying col- onies to seize and detain Columbus wherever he should be met with. Castan- eda had hoped, by courteous treatment, to allay any suspicions which Colum- bus might entertain, and then surprise and capture him while he was without the assistance of so many of his men; but the caution of Columbus had pre- vented this; and the Portuguese governor had to own himself beaten. Two days later they set sail from St. Mary's, the wind being favorable for a direct passage to Spain. But this state of affairs did not long continue. They seemed to be repulsed, on their return, "from the very door of the house." Several days of stormy weather had been experienced when, on the 2nd of March, a squall struck the little vessel and rent hersails into ribbons. Again she scudded under bare poles; and again the crew, at the suggestion of Columbus, cast lots to see who should perform a pilgrimage. The devotee was to go to the shrine of SantaMaria de la Cuevain Huelva; and once more the lot fell upon Columbus. The devout Las Casas, remarking upon the fact that Columbus had drawn the lot for three pilgrimages out of the four, con- cluded that it was an intimation from God that these storms were all on his 8 IW TIIK FIRST VOYA(JK OF COLUMBUS. Mccoiiiil, to limuhUi liis pride, iiiul show liiiu how Ciisily hi^ might have boon lost, -with nil knowledge of Avhat lie had done, had Providenee so willed it. It is not improbable that Columbus himself took this view of it. They saw various signs of the vieinity of land; but in such a storm as was raging, this only increased their fear. The tempest continued; and the light caravel seemed but the plaything of the angry winds and waves. During the first watch of the night of the 8rd, the cry of land Avas given; but by strong exertions they nuinaged to keep to sea until daylight should point out a safe path. They found themselves off the rock of Cintra, at tlu^ mouth of tlu' Tagus; and although Columbus had good reason to doubt how ho Avould be treated in Portugal, he had no choice but to bring his battered little vessel to land. He accordingly anchored opposite to Kastello, the crew returning hearty thanks to God for their escape from so numy dangers. From the inhabitants of that part of the shore, Avho flocked to congratulate them upon what seemed a miraculous preservation, the seamen learned that this h;id been a remark- ably stormy winter; and that many vessels had remained storm-bound in port for months, while many others had suffered shipwreck. Yet the frail and crazy bark JVina had crossed the broad and unknown Atlantic in safety, and reached port at last. Columbus at once dispatched a courier Avith letters to his royal patrons; and another Avith a letter to the King of Portugal, asking permission to take his vessel to Lisbon, and assuring him that he had not been to the coast of Guinea or any other of the Portuguese possessions, but had reached India by sailing to the Avest. Before this letter had reached its destination, indeed, the very day after ho had anchored, Columbus received a message from the connnander of a Portuguese man-of-war summoning him to give an account of himself and his vessel. The Admiral of the Indian Seas refused to leave his vessel at the bidding of any power but that of Castile, and so replied to the messengers. When the Portuguese otHcer learned Avhat a voyage ho had made, ho visited him on board the caravel, and offered his services in any Avay in which they might be desired. From this visit, and from the accounts given by the people living near the mouth of theTagus, the news Avas transmitted to Lisbon, reaching thei)opular ear at almost the same time that the letter of Columbus Avas delivered to the King. The people Avere Avild Avith excitement; since for a hundred years the chief glory of Portugal had been derived from her maritime explorations, and here Avas an achievement Avhich thrcAV into the shade their hitest success, the doubling of the Cape of Good Hope. As soon as the King received the letter, he dispatched a cavalier with an answer, inviting Columbus to Valparaiso, Avhere the court then Avas; and or- THE FIRST VOYAGE OE COLUMBUS. 117 dcringthat everything which Columbus might require for himself, his men, or his ship, should be furnished at the expense of the royal treasury. Columbus, remembering the treatment which he had received at the hands of this very monarch, was a little distrustful; but being already in his power, dared not show suspicion by decliningthe invitation. He went, accompanied only by his pilot; and was received with high honors. So anxious was the King to show him all possible respect that the visitor was commanded to be seated in the royal presence; an honor which generally was accorded only to royally. Columbus Bkfork thk Sovereigns of Portugal, After the interview l)et\vecn them, in which Columbus gave an account of his voyage and of the lands which he had visited, the King held a conference 118 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. with some of his udviscr.s„ lie was uneasy lest these discoveries should inter- fere with his claims of territory which had been granted him by a papal bull, of the land from Cape Non, on the coast of Africa, to the Indies; and his courtiers were only too ready to suggest that the islands which Columbus had discovered lay very near the Tercera Islands, and therefore rightfully belonged to Portugal. t was even advised that Columbus should be prevented from returning to Spain or making more voyages of discovery, by the simple and effective means of putting an end to his life. It could be done, the wily advisers told the King, without any appearance of violence unbefitting the King; Columbus could be led to resent some remark, for his pride was evident to them all; this would lead to an altercation, such as could be settled, between gentlemen, only by an apjDeal to arms; and in the resulting duel the adventurer Avould be slain. But this advice Avas less pleasing to the King than another bit of counsel. If he followed the leading of some of his courtiers, he would permit Colum- bus to depart for Spain, unmolested; for it was his duty as a prince to pro- tect and further the journey of all who were driven by storms to seek shelter in his harbors. But if he should at once proceed to fit out an armament, and should send it to take possession of the countries which Columbus claimed to have discovered, it would require a w^ar for Spain to dispossess him; and his right would be made all the stronger, before such w^ar could be begun, by his having possession of the country in dispute. Thus the King of Portugal and his Council first persuaded themselves that the countries discovered by Columbus rightfully belonged to Portugal — no difficult task, since they wished to believe it — and then contrived a plan by which, they thought, Spain and her envoy could be cheated out of the results of that envoy's genius and labor and peril. In accordance with this plan, Columbus was treated with the most disting- uished considerJttion by all connected with the Portuguese court. King John offered, if he preferred to enter Spain by land, to bear all the expenses con- nected with his journey, and to furnish a giiard of honor such as was fitting for a personage of his rank and achievements. Columbus, however, declined this flattering offer, since the weather had become more calm; and put to sea March 13, arriving at Palos two days later, the day of the week being Friday. If the day, nearly seven months and a half previous, when the little fleet set sail from Palos had been a season of general mourning, the day of the Xina's return was one of general rejoicing. There are but two important dates in the history of this Spanish seaport; one is August 3, 1492; the other is March 15, 1493. Yet, although the bells were rung, the shops shut, and all business sus- pended, there was but one of the vessels that had returned in safety; one THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 119 had been wrecked, and the fate of the other was dreadfully uncertain. Of the mariners who had manned these vessels, thirty had been left on the strange shore which the expedition had discovered; about the same number were still battling with the ocean, in the Jr*infa, or were buried with her beneath its waters. But this uncertainty was soon to be dispelled; for on the very day that Columbus arrived at Palos, and only a few hours later, the Pinta sailed up the river. Driven before the storm into the Bay of Biscay, Pinzon had suc- ceeded in making the port of Bayonne. Confident that in a tempest which the stronger and more sea-worthy Pi)ita could hardly weather, the Khia must have perished, he wrote a letter to the rulers of Spain, announcing the discoveries which he had made; and requesting permission to come to court and communicate the particulars in person. Full of brilliant anticipations of a triumphant entry into his native town, he then set sail for Palos. The bells were still ringing when he entered the harbor; but he knew no reason for this glad demonstration until he saw, riding at anchor before him, the battered and tempest-tossed Xina, which he had thought w^as at the bot- tom of the Atlantic. At once all his bright hopes were dashed to the ground ; and fearful of being called to account by Columbus for his desertion off Cuba, he caused his boat to be lowered, and landed privately; keeping well out of sight until he learned that Columbus had left Palos. Concealed in the home which he had dreamed would be the scene of such honor, he at last received the answer of Ferdinand and Isabella to his letter. It reproached him with endeavoring to take to himself the honor which right- fully belonged to another, and ended by forbidding him to come to court. It was too much for the hardy and adventurous mariner; and he who perhaps had done more than any one man to make the expedition of Columbus possible died a few days afterward, the victim of deep chagrin. " His story shows how one lapse from duty may counterbalance the merits of a thousand services; how one moment of weakness may mar the beauty of a whole life of virtue; and how important it is for a man, under all circumstances, to be true not merely to others, but to himself." Columbus had gone to Seville, shortly after landing, there to await the commands of Ferdinand and Isabella; he had taken with him six of the Indians who had voluntarily accompanied him to Spain; one having died on the voyage, and three being left, ill, at Palos. At Seville he received an answer to his letter, addressed to " Don Christo- pher Columbus, Our Admiral of the Ocean Sea, and Viceroy and Governor of the Islands Discovered in the Indies." It is said that the Spaniards arc particularly fond of long and sounding titles; and this address would surely have satisfied the most ambitious of them. The contents of the letter were as flattering as the superscription was imposing. The sovereigns expressed I Tile Tkiumphal Pkogkess. (120) THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMHUS. 121 their unbounded delight at the services rendered by Columbus, and requested him to repair to court at once, to make arrangements for a second voyage. If there was anything which they could do to expedite such a journey before he could come to them, he was to send them word, and it should be done. They desired to take advantage of the approaching summer, since that was the most favorable season for such journeys of discovery. His journey to Barcelona, where the court then was, was like the triumphal progress of a sovereign ; never before had a man sprung from the people received such honors from Spaniards; for never before had any man done such service to the Crown and the empire. Arrived at Barcelona, he was welcomed by such a crowd of spectators of the brilliant cavalcade which escorted him, that they could hardly make their way through the streets. The King and Queen had ordered their throne to be placed in public under a rich canopy of brocade; and seated here, attended by their son and the highest nobles of the court, they awaited the coming of the discoverer. As he approached the throne, they rose, as if receiving one of their own rank; and as in the court of Portugal, so in the presence of the proud and punctil- ious Spanish monarchs, Columbus was actually permitted to be seated. To us, such a distinction appears trivial; but it did not seem so to those who witnessed the reception of Columbus by the sovereigns whom he served. An account of the voyage was given their majesties, and the natives and other spoil acquired duly displayed. When Columlius had finished speaking, the King and Queen, followed, of course, by all present, fell upon their knees; and raising their clasped hands, poured forth a thanksgiving to the Power which had so blessed the enterprise. The emotion of those assembled was too deep for ordinary acclamations; and when the prayer was concluded, there was a solemn silence, until the voices of the choir of the royal chapel, accompanied by instruments, rose in the sacred strains of the psalm, "Te Deum Laudamus." Their thoughts were borne upward on the swelling strains, as though, says Las Casas, " in that hour they communicated with celestial delights." It would be tedious to tell of the round of entertainments prepared in honor of Columbus by the obsequious courtiers, and the honors which they strove to shower upon him. Everywhere that he went', he was the object of a respect so profound that its like had never been shown to any man not of royal descent. Yet there were not wanting some who were meanly jealous of him, and who asserted that his service was but small; had he not discovered these countries, there -were yet others in Spain who were capable of doing so; that his success was due simply to a series of lucky accidents, which might have befallen any adventurous mariner. At one of the banquets given in his honor, a courtier had the hardihood to suggest this to Columbus himself, by asking if he thought there was no one else in Spain who could have accom- RECEFnox oi' Columbus i;y Fei^dixaxd axd Fsabella. (122) THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 123 plished the discovery. For answer, Columbus took an egg, and asked his would-be detractor to set it on end; saying that it was an easy thing to do. The courtier tried to balance it, but failed; meantime, the attention of all present was attracted to this " most excellent fooling," which seemed to be directed by the great man himself. When the trial was ended, and the proud Spaniard acknowledged that he could not do it, one after another, believing he saw wherein lay the difficulty, and encouraged by the amused smile of Co- lumbus and his assurance that it was easy enough, begged leave to make the trial. One after another they essayed it; and one after another they failed, and were obliged to give up. The discoverer took the egg in his hand, and knocked one end against the table until it stood firmly upon the broken part. No words were needed to complete the lesson; the envious belittler of a great man's fame had learned that there are things easy enough to do when one knows how, but impossible to those who have not learned, unless natural capacity supplies the place of teaching. The story is as well known as that later one of George Washington and the cherry tree; but it is better authenticated than that. The simplicity of the reproof is quite in accordance with the character of Columbus, who was eminently practical, and always ready to use the means at hand, no matter how trifling. Although it was supposed that the land discovered by Columbus was a part of the twritory of a people who had made a considerable advance in civiliza- tion, the Spanish sovereigns felt not the slightest doubt of their right to take possession of it, and appoint governors and other officials as they saw fit. This was in accordance with the principle which the rulers of Europe had established for themselves during the Crusades, that Christian princes have undoubted rights over all countries not Christian. This principle, highly satisfactory to those who were benefitted by it, combined with the principle of the right of discovery, sustained Ferdinand and Isabella in their intention of taking possession of the Indies. It was further believed that the Pope, as the head of the Christian w^orld, possessed the right to assign these terri- tories of paynim peoples to the Christian nations. In accordance with this belief, the Spanish rulers, to strengthen their right of discovery, applied to the Pope for a bull to sanction their further proceedings. This request was not made without an intimation that the Spaniards scarcely considered it necessary, but regarded it merely as a ceremony due from them to show their respect for the Holy See. Thus politely informed that if he did not give his consent to their holding and colonizing these lands, they would do so without his permission, the Pope granted the request, and issued the desired bull. To prevent any conflict between Spain and Portugal regarding the countries which the Holy Father had granted to them respectively, it was decided that an imaginary line to be drawn from pole Columbus axd the Egg. (124) TIIK FIRST VOYA(iE OF COLUMBUS. 125 to pole a hundred leagues to the west of the Azores, should be the boundary between their possessions; all to the east of this was to belong to Portugal; while all land to the west of it was to belong to the Crown of Spain. While these negotiations were being carried on, Ferdinand and Isabella ex- erted themselves to honor Columbus to the utmost. The outcome of their efforts seems to have been the assignment of a coat of arms, in which the group of islands surrounded by waves, which was the design of the heralds, was quartered with the royal Castle and Lion, which Isabella bore on her shield in allusion to the names of her two kingdoms, Castile and Leon. To this device, a motto was afterward added, a Spanish couplet which is, trans- lated into English prose: "To Castile and Leon Columbus gave a New World." It took time to procure the papal bull; and the Spanish monarchswere not willing to delay their preparations for another voyage. They proceeded with the work, first organizing it so as to insure regularity and dispatch in trans- acting the business relating to this vast new empire. Juan Eodriguez de Fonseca, Archdeacon of Seville, was appointed to superintend them, and finally, aft(T several ecclesiastical promotions in Spain, made Patriarch of the Indies. Francisco Pinclowas associated with him as treasurer, and Juan de Soria as comptroller. These officials were to be located at Seville; although they also had charge of the custom-house at Cadiz, where ships from the New World were required to land. An office was also ordered to be established in Ilispaniola, under the direction of the Admiral. An' accountant was to sail with each vessel, and strict reports were to be rendered to the sovereigns of the amount of cargo carried; since they were responsible for the expenses, and received all the emoluments, excejit for that small proportion which they had agreed to allow to Columbus. The narrow and jealous spirit of the Spaniards was shown in the restric- tions which were put upon emigration and commerce; for a long time no one but subjects of Isabella were permitted to trade in the Indies discovered by Columbus; he had given the New World to Castile and Leon, and to no other country. Although Ferdinand was called the ]\Iost Catholic King, and Isabella was noted for her piety and devotion, the means which they employed or per- mitted to furnish this armamentscem to us to smack of the grossest injustice. We have seen that on the first voyage they had ordered that men and vessels should be joressed into service when it was found that they could be obtained in no other way; and now again they ordered that Columbus and Fonseca should select whatever vessels pleased them, and pay to the owners what seemed to the Admiral and the Archdeacon a fair price, regardless of whether the owner desired to sell or not. The same order was given in regard to the supplies of provisions, arms, and ammunition; and they were further author- 126 TIIK FIKST VOYAGE OF ClOLl'MHUS. izcd to ooni})('l ;niy oflicor or seaman who niiglil add to llic cniciency of the service to embark on the fleet at a reasonable pay. The revenue for this expedition was drawn partly from the church tithes; two-thirds of that revenue being set aside for the purpose. The Jews had been banished from the kingdom during the preceding year, their jewels and many other valuables being confiscated; and these were now sold, and the proceeds applied to the expenses of the expedition. The deficiency which existed after these resources had been exhausted was supplied by a loan. Twelve zealous and able churchmen were to sail with the Admiral, to assist in the conversion of the heathen inhabitants. The six Indians, also, having been duly baptized with great state and ceremony, were intended to assist in this work among their countrymen; but one of them remained behind, at the request of Prince Juan, the heir to the throne, as a member of his household. He died not long afterward, however; the first of his race, says the pious Spanish historian, to enter fhe kiuiidoni of Ilcavon. U Pl'.CEZ. Seventeen vessels wx>re prepared for this second expedition to the western lands; all kinds of skilled workmen w^ere provided for every need of the new colony; domestic animals of all varieties were secured, and there was a plentiful stock of seeds and plants, as well as of the special kinds of merchandise for traffic with the natives. Provisions, ammunition, arms, and medicines were a matter of course. The number of persons engaged in the enterprise was at first limited to a thousand; ])ut so great was the enthusiasm respecting the New World, and so vast was the army of adventurers, whose THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 127 occupation had been gone since the Moorish wars and the late contests with France had ended, that the sovereigns found it necessary to raise the limit to twelve hundred. These enlisted without pay, trusting to the fabulous amount of wealth which they believed to exist in the Indies to repay every exertion Avhich they might make. So intense was the desire of many to go, that they hid themselves on the vessels until after the departure; and the real number on board the ships, including these stowaways, was not far short of fifteen hundred. Not all the requisitions which Cohimbus made for men and supplies were honored without question by the officials appointed for the superintendence of these affairs. Both Fonseca and Soria demurred to various demands of his; but an appeal to the royal authority always ended in Columbus being upheld, and the objecting officials being commanded to furnish all that he might desire. It was the golden prime of his favor with the sovereigns; for a little while he was to be the man whom the king delighteth to honor; and then his star was to set at the Spanish court, to rise again, after a short obscuration, over the wide world. THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. W HEN, ill the early part of August, 1492, three small vessels sailed from the port of Palos, the men on board of them were regarded as doom- ed to be lost at sea, and the leader of the expedition was regarded as a foolhardy adventurer, who had succeeded in exciting the cupidity of the sovereigns until, for the hope of visionary gains, they were willing to im- peril these vessels. Nearly fourteen months later, or Sept. 25, 1493, the same man was the commander of a fleet which lay off Cadiz, waiting for the sun to rise before they sailed over the same course ; but how different w^as the feeling with which he and his followers were regarded! Now, he was the great discoverer of a new route to the opulent Indies, the friend and favored oiEcer of great sovereigns; while his followers w^ere the most fortun- ate of mortals in being permitted to seek these regions of riches incalculable. The fleet, as we have seen, consisted of seventeen vessels; three of which were of the class called carracks, of about one hundred tons' burden each; two of the caravels were much larger than the others; and there was not a vessel of them all that was not far superior, in its sea-going qualities, to the crazy bark in which the great Admiral had made the homeward voyage. Columbus had purposely selected many small vessels, as being better fitted for navigating the straits separating the many islands of the New World from each other and from the main land. It had been for this reason, partly, that he chose small vessels for his first voyage; for it was even then known that there were many small islands along the coast of Asia. Leaving Cadiz at sunrise on the 25th of September, they reached the Canaries October 1, and remained there several days, taking on board a number of domestic animals in addition to those already provided, and seeds of lemons, oranges, and such other tropical fruits as seemed to Columbus appropriate to the climate of the islands w hich he had visited. Before leav- ing these islands, Columbus delivered to the commander of each vessel sealed orders as to the course to be pursued; these orders to be opened only in case the vessels should become separated. He pursued this course in order to prevent the path to the New World from becoming generally known; (128) THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 129 for he feared lest adventurers of other nationab"ties, and particularly the Portuguese, would follow in his steps should the road once become familiar, and rob the Spanish rulers of the sovereignty and emoluments which justly belonged to them. It was the thirteenth, however, before the wind proved favorable for their westward voyage; and on that day they set sail from the Canaries. The journey was not attended by any misfortunes, such as had marked the recent homeward voyage. Toward the latter part of October they were con- siderably alarmed by a storm, accompanied by the vivid lightning and heavy thunder of the tropics; this lasted for four hours; but they were reassured when they saw the lambent flames playing about the masts: with the super- stition of the time, they said that St. Elmo appeared on the mast, with seven lighted candles. Having seen this appearance, they chanted litanies and orisons, confident that when St. Elmo showed himself in the storm there would be no damage done. Sunday, November 3, land was descried; and because it was seen on Sun- day, dies Domini^ Columbus named the island Dominica. Six other islands were seen during the day, on one of which he landed to take formal possession of the archipelago in the name of Spain. Continuing their course, they landed the next day on an island that Colum- bus named Guadaloupe, in fulfillment of a promise to the monks of Our Lady of Guadaloupe in Estramadura to call some newly discovered place after their convent. The natives fled at their approach, in such haste that some of them even left their children behind them. The huts they found con- structed in a similar manner to those of the other islands which Columbus had visited; but much to his surprise, he found in one of them an iron pan, tlie first bit of that metal which he had seen in the New World. In another house was the stern-post of a vessel, which was very much like those of European manufacture. Columbus wondered much to see this, and was at a loss to know how it had been obtained. Had it been brought from some country near by, where the people were more civilized, as he was certain that the subjects of Kublai Khan were? Or was it the sole remnant of some un- fortunate vessel which had been driven out to sea from some voyage along the coast of Europe or Africa, and lost, its fragments drifting to this distant shore? It surely could not be the stern-post of that vessel of his own which had been wrecked off Hispaniola, for the parts of that had been used in the construction of the fortress, toward which they were presently to continue their voyage. But the most horrifying sight which they beheld, was the evidence of the cannibalism of the inhabitants; human skulls were used as vases and house- hold utensils ; and other human remains were present in abundance. Fortun- ately for the crew of the boat that was sent to land, the men of the island 130 THE SECOND A^OYAGE OF COLUMBUS. wore absent on one of the predatory expeditions by which they terrorized the neighboring ishinds; and only women and boys remained to defend their homes. This much was ascertained from several women and a boy, who were captured, and who were able to communicate with them, although imperfect- ly, through one of the Indians who had been to Spain and returned on this voyage. EvniKNCES OF CaXNTI!.\1,I.SM. Much alarm was occasioned by the tidings that the captain of one of the caravels was missing, together with eight of his men. Every effort was made THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 131 to find them; and when search proved unavailing, signal guns were fired to attract their attention. They did not make their appearance for several days ; when they told a pitiful story, confirmed by their haggard looks and exhaust- ed strength, of being lost in the impenetrable forest, and wandering about, unable to find their way back until they at last reached the shore ; and by following that for a considerable distance, had come within sight of the fleet. Although the account which they gave of their sufferings was evidently true, Columbus ordered them to be placed under arrest; for they had left their vessel without leave and it was necessary to maintain the strictest discipline if the order of the expedition was to be preserved. While the fleet had been waiting their return, several women, who were captives of the fierce Caribs that inhabited this island, had sought shelter from their harsh nuisters in the ships of Columbus, and had found sympathy and assistance. These were on board Avhen he set sail Nov. 10; and he had agreed to return them to their homes. Olf the island, to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz, a number of Spaniards, who had been sent on shore to procure water, and to get such in- formation as they could, were attacked while returning to the fleet, by a canoe-load of natives. The white men endeavored to protect themselves with their bucklers; but the long arrows of the Indians pierced these shields through and through, and two of the Spaniards were wounded by the shafts. Approaching that island now known as Porto Rico, he learned that it was the native country of nu3st of those who had sought refuge on board his ships. He landed and spent two days here; but the natives had fled in terror as soon as they saw the squadron, and it was exceedingly difficult to persuade •them to return. FimUly, after cruising for some days among these islands, Columbus and his captains proceeded toward Hispaniola, which was to be the end of their voyage. Here they would find their comrades who had elected lo remain in the New World; and here they would find what progress had been made in trading with the natives. They arrived off the eastern extremity of the island Nov. 22, and followed the shore for a short distance before any attempt was made to land. Then a boat was sent ashore, the crew of which had been detailed to bury the body of a sailor who had died of a wound received during the skirmish which has ])een mentioned. Here also a number of natives came on board, inviting Co- lumbus to land, and promising to procure him all the gold which he might desire. He was only anxious, however, to reach La Navidad, and dismissed them with presents and kind words. Arrived at the gulf now called Semana, he sent ashore one of the Indians who had accompanied him to Spain, and who was considered converted to Christianity, having been l)aptized. The native was loaded with trinkets of all kinds, and instructed to make friends with his countrymen in the name 8 132 Tiiic si-:(;oNi) voYA(iK of columbus. of the white men, and iiidiicc Ihcin to meet the Admiral in council at La Na- vidad; but whether he forgot the promises nuide while a captive, when once he had regained his liberty, or whether he was robbed of all his wealth of trinkets, and perhaps murdered, was never known ; for nothing more was seen or heard of him. As several of the mariners were ranging ah)ng the coast, they found the bodies of a man and a boy, but so far decomposed that they could not tell if they were Spaniards or natives. The next day, however, their worst doubts were confirmed; for two other bodies were found, one of which was certainly a European, as was seen by the beard. What had happened to the fortress and garrison of La Navidad? The frank and fearless manner of the natives, who came in numbers to visit the vessels, forbade the supposition that they had been massacred by the Indians; yet he could not explain the finding of these two bodies in the wild forest. Arrivinglate on the evening of the 27th opposite the harbor of La Navidad, he was obliged to cast anchor for the night, on account of the dangerous reefs, which he feared to pass in the darkness. But he determined to comnmnicate at once to the garrison the glad tidings that their friends had arrived. He accord- ingly ordered two cannon to be fired, hoping to hear an answering report from the shore. But as the echo of his own guns died away, there was only the breaking of the waves to be hoard through the stillness of the night. About midnight, a canoe approached the Admiral's vessel, and after the Indians in it wei-e sure that Columbus was on board, they entered the ship. One of them who said that he was a cousin of Guacanagari, broughtas a present two masks ornamented with gold. lie informed the Admiral that several of the Spaniards had died of sickness; others had fallen in a quarrel among them-, selves; and others had removed to another part of the island, and married Indian women. Guacanagari had been attacked by Caona])0, the cacique of the fierce tribe that inhabited the gold-bearing region of Cibao; the friendly chief had been'Avounded, his village had been burned, and he now lay, help- less by reason of his injury, in a neighboring handet. Some difficulty was experienced in making out the story of this Indian ; for the only interpreter, the sole survivor of those Indians who had nuule the journey to Spain, was a native of another island, and spoke another dialect of the language common to many tribes. But this news relieved the mind of Columbus of one fear: whatevcrhad happened to the garrison of La Navidad, Guacanagari had not been treacherous, but was worthy of the confidence which the Admiial had reposed in him. The Indian envoys departed in the night, after making many promises that Guacanagari would visit the Admiral in person in the nu)rning; and the ma- riners anxiously awaited the dawn, that they might learn how many of the garrison renuiined at the fort. THE SECOND VOYAOE OF COLUMBUS. 133 Thoy waited in vain for the promised visit from the cacique; and no other Indians in their canoes thronged the harbor, as they had been wont to do when the Admiral first sought shelter from his wrecked vessel here. Finally, Co- lumbus sent a boat ashore to reconnoitcr; the crew at once sought the fort- ress. The ditch had been partially filled with the debris of the ruin; the palisades had been beaten down; here and there, among the charred rem- nants of the walls, they found broken chests, spoiled provisions, and the ragged remains of European garments. Now and then they caught sight of an Indian in the distance, watching them from his lurking-place behind a tree; but not one approached the search party. Fully assured that the people of Guacanagari had wrought this destruction of the fortress, the party returned and reported to Columbus. He went on shore, to see for himself Avhat was the condition of the colony. He found that they had given a correct report; and the minutest search failed to re- veal any traces of a human body in the ruins. Returning to the vessel, he gave orders that guns should be discharged at regular intervals; for he thought that if they had found shelter anywhere in the neighborhood, they would be attracted to the shore by these sounds. But not one came. Further search revealed the bodies of eleven men, buried in different places, at some distance from the fort; which were known by their clothing to be Europeans. These men had been dead for some time, for the grass was beginning to grow upon their graves. The Indians, after hovering timidly at a distance for some time, were finally induced to approach nearer, upon assurances that they would be allowed to dei)art when it pleased them. From them the story of the first European colony in the New World was learned by degrees. Scarcely had the Admiral sailed away, that the men whom he had left behind forgot his prudent coun- sels, and surrendered themselves to their vices. The avaricious seized upon the ornaments of the natives wherever they were found; the sensual were not content with the privileges allowed them by Guacanagari, but gave their pas- sions loose rein; and they quarreled among themselves with such fierceness that the wondering Indians, who had thought them the children of Heaven, came to have an entirely different idea about their origin. Nor did they obey those wise orders of the Admiral, that they should main- tain a military discipline, and keep within the bounds of the territory gov- erned by Guacanagari. The two lieutenants sought to make themselves equal with the commander; and failing in this, withdrew from the fortress, and set off for Cibao. This part of the island was governed by the Carib chief (^aonabo, who had invaded the country, and finally settled there with his fierce followers. He was held in great fear by the peaceable natives; but he knew very well that his reign of terror would bo over if the white men, with their arms of thunder and lightning, should establish themselves in the island. 134 Till] SKCOND VOVA(iK OK COLUMBUS. Accordingly, no sooner had tliosc rebels ventured into his territory, than he went upon the war-[)alh, captured them, and put them to death. Having full information of the original strength of the garrison, and know- ing what proportion of tho mcu had fallen at the hands of his tribe, Caonabo resolved to attack the f orti-ess. He made :i league with tho cacique of JNIarien, who dwelt to tho westward of Guacanagari; and arrived in the vicinity of the friendly chief's village without his presence being suspected. Only ten men were in tho fortress; the others were scattered around in various houses of the village; and even the handful who remained at their post maintained no guard. The Caribs are supposed to have migrated from the mainland of North America; and we find this attack upon the Spaniards nnicli like the attacks upon English colonies within the bounds of tho present United States. There was a sudden burst of frightful yells ; and before the startled sleepers realized what had happened, tho whole place was wrapped in flames, every point of egress barred by a phalanx of painted savages. Eight of the Spaniards rushed toward the sea; with what intent, we know not; but plunging into the waves as a refuge from their savage foes, they were drowned. The others were massacred. Guacanagari and his people suffered for having been friends to the whites; their village was attacked at the same time as the fortress; their huts were burned to the ground, several of his people killed, and the cacique himself wouiuled. Columbus visited the wounded cacique at his placeof refuge, and the chief himself repaid tho visit by coming to the fleet. The fact that although he claimed his wound was very painful, no external evidence could be perceived, excited tho suspicions of some of tho followers of Columbus; and Guacana- gari, seeing that he Avas -not regarded with full confidence, as on previous oc- casions, returned to shore, and disappeared, with all his followers, during the night. This gave new force to their suspicions; and Guacanagari was generally regarded as the traitor and tho destroyer of the fortress. The crowded condition of the ships made it necessary for the Spaniards to land as soon as possible; but the associations connected with this beautiful point were not such as to make them desirous of rebuilding La Navidad. They accordingly Aveighod anchor, intending to proceed to apoint at some distance; but, compelled by the Aveather to put in at a harbor about ten leagues to the east of IVfonte Christi, the Admiral AvasstruckAvith the advantages and beauty of the situation, and gave orders to begin the building of a fortress and resi- dences. It Avas the middle of December; but in that land Avhere there is no Avinter, the trees were in leaf, :ind the birds Avere singing as in spring. To the men Avho had been shut up on board ship for nearly three months, the beauty of TIIK SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 135 this teeming plain must indeed have appeared almost heavenly. An encamp- ment was at once formed about the point of land, protected on one side by the impervious forest, and on the other by a natural rampart of rocks; and the various artificers who had been brought from Spain busied themselves in erecting the houses of the new city, Isabella. Streets were laid out, and the plaza, that indispensable part of a Spanish town, was marked out. A church, a public storehouse, and a residence for the Admiral, were begun, all built of stone. Private houses were built of reeds, wood, plaster, or any other material which ingenuity might suggest. For a short time, they all worked with feverish energy. Then the enthusiasm ran its course, and work became more distasteful. Many of them had suf- fered much from seasickness, having never been accustomed to the sea; and these needed rest and relaxation, rather than unremitting labor. Others, again, had been victims of scurvy, having lived so long upon salt provisions and mouldy sea-biscuit. Another source of disease was found in the un- wonted exposure, since everybody could not be housed at once; and in the rank exhalations of that moist, warm earth which produced such luxuriant vegetation. Ill in body and dispirited in mind, finding that gold was to be obtained only in small quantities and by dint of hard work, the adventurers were disheart- ened at the very outset. Columbus himself did not escape the prevailing evils, but was stretched on a sickbed for several weeks. There is nothing like necessity, however, for calling forth the best powers of the mind; and conscious that the success of the expedition lay almost entirely in his hands, Columbus felt that he must succeed. Thus, although the cares and respon- sibilities and distress regarding the destruction of the fortress weighed far more heavily on him than on any other, he did not give up; but continued, with indomitable energy, to direct from his sickbed the building of the cit}', and to give a general supervision to the affairs of the expedition. But this was not all that he had to think of. He had expected that when he returned to Hispaniola, he would find that the garrison of La Navidad had collected a considerable amount of treasure by trading with the natives; or that, at least, they would have ascertained where the richest mines lay, and where were the sources of wealthy traffic. The destruction of the fortress had of course ended all such hopes ; but there were the ships, waiting to make the return voyage, and there was for their cargo no such store of treasure as his royal patrons expected to receive. There was nothing to send in them. He decided that the island should be thoroughly explored; convinced that Cibao was but another form of the name Cipango, he was sure that there must be rich and populous cities somewhere in the interior; and this terrible cacique, Caonabo, whose name signified " The Lord of the Golden House," was the very potentate from whom these stores of gold must be obtained. 1.3() TIIK SKCOND VOYACK OF COIAJMIUIS. As leader of the oxploi-iiiii^ party he chose Alonzo do Ojeda, a Spanish cav- alier who had gained a great reputation for courage during the Moorish wars; but whose bravery seems, to the dispassionate eyes of the nineteenth century, rather foolhardy daring than true courage ; for true courage does not court danger; it only faces it calndy when unavoidable. To such a man, however, this expedition into the interior w\as extremely alluring; and the more that was told him about the terrible reputation of Caonabo, the better pleased was he to see him in his mountain fastnesses. Many difficulties, resulting from the nature of the country, were encoun- tered before they reached the mountains; but they were not molested by the natives. The Indians, on the contrary, appeared to welcome them with kind- ness; the dreaded Caonabo was absent in some other part of his dominions, and only women and children were left to receive the strangers. Of course, they found no traces of the rich and magnificent cities which they had expected to behold; but they saw what seemed to them unmistaka- ble signs of the vast wealth of these regions. The sands of the mountain- streams glittered with particles of gold ; nuggets of considerable size were sometimes found in the beds of these rivulets; and rocks were discovered, richly seamed and streaked with the yellow metal. While Ojeda was absent on this exploring expedition, Columbus had sent another party, on a similar errand, in another direction, under the leadership of a young cavalier named Gorvalan. Both parties returned about the same time, bringing glowing accounts of the riches of the island. Columbus now felt assured that it was only necessary to explore the mines of Cibao thoroughly, in order to open up inexhaustible sources of wealth, and his sanguine expec- tations were fully shared by his follow^ers. He dispatched twelve of the vessels of his fleet to Spain, sending such specimens of the wealth of the island as had been obtained; and also, speci- mens of all the fruits, or plants which appeared to bo valuable, or were par- ticularly curious. The natives captured in the Caribbee Islands were also sent, with a recommendation that they should be carefully instructed in the Spanish language and the Christian faith. Columbus asked that further supplies might be sent him; as their provis- ions were already growing scanty, and nuich of their wine had been lost through the badness of the casks. The colony was also in need of medicines, clothing, and arms. In addition to these, W'orkmen skilled in mining and smelting and purifying ore would be required if the teeming mines of Cibao were to be worked; while horses were needed to use on the public works and in tilling the ground, and also for military service; for the Indians, un- accustomed to any but the smallest quadrupeds, showed the greatest fear of the immense beasts, horses and horned cattle, which the Spaniards had brought in their wonderful ships. Salllng among the ISLA>a)S. (137) 138 THH SKCONO VOV.\adilla did not wait for Columbus to appear before him. There had been a conspiracy to murder Columbus and Roldan, who had been active in the pursuit of some of his late companions and followers in rebellion; and Columbus, who saw that lenity was mistaken for weakness, resolved to take stern measures. Some of the offenders were executed; others were thrown, chained, into prison. Bobadilla at once demanded the release of these; and when Don Diego and his officers represented that these men were imprisoned by order of the Admiral, and could only be released by his order, the new envoy took matters into his own hands, and forced open the doors of their prison. He then seized all the property of Columbus, even his most private pajjers, and spoke publicly of him in the most disrespectful terms, saying that he was empowered to send him home in chains, and that neither he nor any of his family would ever be permitted to rule in Hispaniola again. Columbus could not believe the reports that he heard; he would not be- lieve that this man was really accredited by the sovereigns to whom he, Co- lumbus had rendered such great services. It must surely be some adventurer, who had possessed himself of the fortress, and was usurping the government of the city. When he learned the contents of the letter which Bobadilla bore, he didnot know what to do; but of one thing he was sure, and that was, that the sov- ereigns had never intrusted him with such powers as he claimed; they had sent him out, in accordance with the Admiral's request, to perform the duties of a judge, and had armed him with provisional powers to make inquiries into the disturbance, of which Columbus himself had complained. Hethere- TIIK LAST V0VA(;KS OF COTA'MlUiR. 171 fore wrote to Bobadilla, welcoming liiin to the island, iind cautioning him against hastily granting licenses to collect gold. Bobadilla did not answer; and Columbus, hearing on all sides of the license which the newcomer prac- ticed, published his belief that his own powers were granted to him in per- petuity, and that Bobadilla could not supersede him in the government. Then Bobadilla sent him the letter of credence, which we have copied above; and Columbus forced himself to yield to the usurper, and departed, almost alone, for San Domingo. Rivi-.Tixa TIIK Fetters urox Coli-jmbi What authority had Bobadilla to act against the Admiral ? It was contained in a letter of instructions from the sovereigns, which authorized him to " seize the persons and sequestrate the property of those who appeared to be culpable, and then to proceed against them and against the absent, with the highest civil and criminal penalties." This was clearly directed against Eol- daii and his followers, whom the King and Queen supposed to be still in re- bellion; but as no names were mentioned, Bobadilla took advantage of its being so indeiinite to make this language apply to the highest official of the New "World, Colum])us arrived at San Domingo; and Bobadilla at once gave orders to arrest him, put him in irons, and contine him in the fortress. For a time, it 172 TIIK LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. seemed that no one would obey this order, so shocked were even his enemies jit the idea of offering such indignities to so old a man, who had rendered such services to their sovereigns, and who had been honored by them in every possible way. Finally, one of his own servants undertook the task of fetter- ing the great Admiral ; "a graceless and shameless cook," according to Las Casas, who was nearly a contemporary of Columbus, " Avho, Avith unwashed front, riveted the fetters with as much readiness and alacrity as though he were serving him with choice and savory viands. I knew the fellow, and I think his name was Espinosa." What was the charge against him? " I make oath that I do not know for what I am imprisoned," Columbus wrote to a Spanish lady of rank who had been the nurse of Prince Juan. In another letter, he says that he was seized and thrown into prison, without being summoned or convicted by justice. It is probable that Bobadilla had no formal charge to make. There were many individual complaints, but they would scarcely bear investigation as charges against the Admiral; for the evils from which the colonists suffered so much were either unavoidable, or were brought about by their own faults. The great mistake which Columbus had made was in sending, and in permitting others to send, Indians to Spain to be sold as slaves. This had first dis- tressed, and then angered Isabella; and in whatever way the slavery might be excused, by representations that these Indians were prisoners of war, or had committed grave offenses against the laws, she could not forget that these Avere her subjects, and that she owed them the same privileges that she gave to those of Castilian birth. Isabella was offended at the persistence of Columbus in treating the Indians as deserving slavery; Ferdinand had lost confidence in his promises of riches from these new lands; and thus Boba- dilla was given the power which he used for the humiliation of the Admiral. Bobadilla now had Columbus and his brother Diego in his power; but the Adelantado was in Xaragua, in pursuit of some rebels, and had a considera- ble armed force at his back. The new governor had evidently heard of his determined spirit, and feared the result that would ensue from sending to arrest him. Columbus was accordingly enjoined to write to his brother, re- questing him to repair peaceably to San Domingo. He readily complied, and exhorted his fiery brother to submit to the authority of the person appointed by the sovereigns, and to endure all wrongs and indignities patiently, under the full hope that when they arrived in Castile, all would be remedied. Thus it was that Don Bartholomew Columbus came quietly to San Domingo and rendered himself up; instead of marching at the head of his army to assault the place, rescue his brothers, and put the new governor in their place, as he doubtless would have much preferred to do. Like his brothers, he was put in irons; and they were removed from the fortress to one of the caravels, where they were confined separately, not being permitted to hold THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. l73 .any conversation with each other, or to be visited ])y any one from the city. We need not describe the condition of affairs in the town, where every one who had a complaint to make against the late government was regarded as a patriot and a hero who had suffered at the hands of a tyrant. The vessels made ready to sail, Alonzo de Villejo being appointed to take charge of the prisoners. He was, says Las Casas, "An hidalgo of honorable character, and my particular friend." When he arrived with a guard to conduct the Admiral from the fortress to the ship, he found him in chains, silent and de- pressed. When he saw the officer enter with the guard, he thought that it was to conduct him to the scaffold; for though he had not had any trial, and did not know the charges against him, the treatment Avhich he had received had been such that he could not tell Avhere it would end. " Villejo," said he, mournfully, " whither are you taking me? " " To the ship, your Excellency, to embark," replied the officer with true manly respect for the misfortune of another. " To embark? '^ echoed Columbus, catching at the word; " Villejo, do you speak the truth? " " By the life of your Excellency," was the reply, " it is true!" Such was the conversation between them, as narrated by the historian whose description of Villejo has been quoted; and doubtless Las Casas heard from the lips of his " particular friend " himself the words which passed between that friend and the great Admiral. The caravel sailed early in October, 1500. Villejo and Andreas Martin, the master of that in which Columbus was ordered to be confined, although they were both supposed to be attached to the enemies of Columbus, were deeply grieved at the treatment which had been accorded him, and did all in their power to show, by their profound respect and assiduous attention, that they had not chosen their office as his jailers. They desired to take off his irons : " No," he replied proudly, "their majesties commanded me by letter to submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their name; by their authority he has put upon me these chains ; I will wear them until they shall order them to be taken off, and I will preserve them afterward as relics and memorials of the reward of my services." And he kept his word; for, says his son Fernando: "I saw them always hanging in his cabinet, and he requested that when he died they might be buried with him." The arrival of Columbus in Cadiz produced very nearly as great a sensation as his return from his first voyage, though of a different kind; then, no honor could be too great for him; now, he was fairly hooted by the mob, an object of contempt to all. But the friendship of Martin had one good effect upon the fortunes of the Admiral; he permitted him to send off that letter to the nurse of Prince Juan by express, as soon as the vessel landed; while the re- THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 17: port of Bobadillii was sent by more formal and dilatory messenger. This let- ter was at once shown to the Queen ; and was the first intimation she received that Columbus had not been treated with the respect due to him. The tide of royal and of public opinion changed at once ; the enemies of Columbus had defeated their own ends by the violence with which their agent had acted. Orders were at once sent to Cadiz that the prisoners should be released, and treated with all distinction. They then wrote a letter to Columbus himself, expressing their grief that he should have been offered such indignities, and inviting him to come to court at once. Two thousand ducats were sent to pay the e\pcnse& of hi^ journey. -r^'"m^- \\rr II ,r r^ i^v y^7'i, r-t^^.^ jinL K>. Diego Mendez, the lieutenant of Columbus, and a Spaniard who had shown himself, during this voyage, the boldest of his officers, undertook and per- formed the difficult task of establishing a regular market in which the natives traded their fruit, cassava-bread, fish, and game for such articles of European manufacture as the Spaniards possessed. But how could they communicate with their countrymen on Hispaniola! A journey to the eastern end of 186 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. Jamaica would be fraught with danger, for it woukl be through the midst of tribes which were not at peace with each other; so that the Spaniards woukl find the friendship of one a cause for dreading another. But even were that point reached in safety, they knew that there wore forty leagues of rough water between the two islands; and they had no vessel in which the European sailors would risk such a. voyage. It was a case of necessity, however; and with the truest kind of courage, Mendez, having carefully considered the case, and knowing very well the dangers, volunteered to undertake the voyage around Jamaica and across to Hispaniola in a native canoe. But one other Spaniard of like courage was found to accompany him; and with six Indians, the two white men set out. While they were detained by rough weather at the easternmost point of Ja- maica, they were attacked by a number of savages, and, by sheer force of numbers, overpowered and carried off as captives. But INIendez had taken with him some beads and other trinkets to use in barter with the natives; and while the captors were quarreling over this rich spoil, the captives escaped, and, managing to reach their canoe, returned in safety to their comrades at Santa Gloria. Mendez was ready to try it again; but he stipulated that a sufficient force to guard against such accidents must accom^iany him to the most eastern point of the island. His courage was not without result, for, because of the exam- ple which he had set, a dozen of his comrades volunteered to try the danger- ous voyage; and in two canoes, with an armed escort on shore commanded by the Adelantado, the intrepid lieutenant again set out. The two canoes reached the shore of Hispaniola in safety; and Mendez, leaving his companions, proceeded alone to San Domingo, to ask for the help which was needed. The Governor had left for Xaragua; and Mendez made his way alone, through a hundred and fifty miles of wild forest country, to de- liver the message of the Admiral. Ovando received him with great kindness. He could not find words to ex- press his trouble at hearing of the situation in which Columbus w^as placed. Certainly he would send the help which was asked, only at present it was im- possible, because there were no vessels of sufficient burden at San Domingo. And thus, for seven weary months, he put off, from day to day, and from week to week, the request of Mendez. At last, Mendez received permission to go to San Domingo and await the arrival of certain ships which were ex- pected, one of which he might perhaps purchase for the use of the Admiral. He at once set off, on foot, although the distance was more than two hundred miles — for he had followed Ovando from place to place — and the path was neither safe nor easy. While Ovando was thus temporizing, ashamed to refuse help, and afraid to give it, the castaways at Santa Gloria did not even know if their envoys had THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 187 reached Hispaniola or not. It might have been supposed that they woukl not bhune Columbus with what had occurred; that they knew too well that their misfortunes were the work of the elements. Nothing of the kind; the Ad- miral was responsible for all that they had suffered; it was the business of the Admiral to take them back to Spain. The murmuring grew louder and louder, until it reached the ear of Columbus himself. Francesco Porras was chosen as the leader of the mutineers ; and one day in January he went to the Admiral, who was confined to his bed by the gout, and stated plainly the intentions of the people. The Admiral, said Porras, was evidently afraid to return to Spain; but the people had determined that they would not remain to perish; they intended to depart at once. The fol- low'ers of Porras had pressed close upon his heels, even into the sick-room of the commander; and as these words were spoken, they shouted, as with one voice: — " To Castile ! To Castile ! We follow ! " It was useless for the Admiral to tell them, as he tried to, that there was great danger in leaving the island in the canoes which were the only vessels which they had; and that they were blind indeed if they could not see that his interest was the same as theirs. They would not listen ; but seizing upon all the canoes, the mutineers set out; only such as -were sick remaining with Colum- bus and his brother. Porras and his followers made several attempts to cross to Hispaniola, but were prevented by storms. Thus foiled, they proceeded to roam over the islands, committing every excess that imagination could devise, and in every way making themselves objects of hatred and terror to the natives. Unable to distinguish between just and honorable men, such as the Span- iards under the rule of Columbus had seemed, and the ruffian horde of Porras, when both classes w^ere white and apparently of the same kindred, the In- dians showed contempt and hatred for the few remaining at Santa Gloria; food could no longer be obtained from them; famine stared the Admiral and his followers in the face. It was in this dilemma that he determined to pit his science against their superstition. He knew that an eclipse of the moon would take place on a certain night. Of course, the Indians, wdio lived in the open air, had fre- quently witnessed such phenomena; but eclipses appear at such irregular in- tervals that the unlearned natives could not know wnth wdiat certainty these obscurations can be foreseen. He accordingly assembled the caciques and their principal subjects, and assuming that Mendez had reached his destina- tion, thus addressed them through an interpreter: — " The God who protects me will punish you. You know what has hap- pened to those of my followers who have rebelled against me, and the dangers which they encountered in their attempt to cross to Hayti; while those who 188 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. went at my command made the passage without difficulty. Soon, too, shall the divine vengeance fall on you; this very night shall the moon change her color and lose her light, in testimony of the evils which shall be sent upon you from the skies." COUMBUS AND THE ECMPSE. The natives listened, but little impressed by what was said. But as the shadow began to creep over the face of the moon, they became less scorn- ful; and as the dimness increased, they drew together in affright. Now one set up a cry; it was echoed again and again; and the most doleful howls filled the air. They crept to the very feet of Columbus, and begged him to inter- cede for them; he should want for nothing, only let the threatened danger be averted. As a proof of their sincerity, they hastily collected such food as they could readily lay their hands upon, and brought it to him. Columbus pretended to turn a deaf ear to their solicitations; but finally, at the time when he knew that the eclipse must soon begin to pass off, he re- lented, and promised to intercede for them. He retired to his cabin, where they supposed that he performed some kind of strange rite, which caused the shadow to pass from the face of the moon, in token that, their repentance and iDromise of better things were acceptable to the white man's God. Hence- THE LAST AOVAGES OF COLUMBUS. 189 forward the castaways suffered no more hunger, but were most abundantly supplied with food. Since the mutiny of Porras and his companions, Columbus had gradually won back many of the rebels to his side; but there was constant dissatisfac- tion, and soon another mutiny was on the point of breaking out. Before it had quite come to a head, however, a ship was descried standing toward the harbor; how eagerly it was watched by tlfese poor shipwrecked creatures, who had almost lost hope of seeing home again, we can scarcely understand. The vessel was of small size, too small to have been sent to convey them to Hispaniola or to Spain; but there might be messages of cheer borne by it. They watched a boat lowered over the side, and rowed toward the land. As it approached, they saw, seated in the post of honor, Diego de Escobar, a man whom Columbus had condemned to death for participation in the Rol- dan mutiny, but who had been pardoned by Bobadilla. Coming alongside the ships, Escobar put aboard a letter from Ovando and a cask of wine and a side of bacon, which two last articles he said that Ovando intended as a token of his esteem and goodwill for Columbus; and withdrew to a distance, so that communication must be kept up by shouting aloud. Columbus was assured that Ovando greatly regretted the fact that he had no vessels of suf- ficient size to afford the relief desired; but that one would be sent as soon as possible. The messenger requested that any letter to the Governor might 1)6 written as soon as possible, for he was in a hurry to be off. Columbus ac- cordingly prepared an answer to the letter which he had received, and Esco- bar immediately put to sea. The choice of a man well known as an enemy of Columbus to act as mes- senger in this instance shows that Ovando was not well disposed toward the Admiral; but Columbus made the best of it; and assured his followers, who were muchdisappointcvd that the vessel should sail off so quickly, that Esco- bar had been sent to convey to Hispaniola a portion of his command; bat that he, the Admiral, had refused to leave any of his followers behind him, on a wild and inhospitable coast like that of Jamaica. There is no evidence that they quite believed these assurances; butthey could not contradict them, since only the Admiral knew the contents of the letters; and Escobar had not permitted any communication between his men and the castaways. Columbus sent half the bacon and wine as a peace-offering to the mutineers, with whom he was anxious to make terms; but his overtures were scornfully rejected; and Porras persuaded his followers that Escobar's caravel, which they had all seen, was nothing but an apparition conjured up by the magic arts of Columbus; for a man who possessed such strange instruments, and was so learned about the stars, and could foretell storms when there were no signs that any one else could see, and could find his way about the waters like this man, must of course be a magician or a sorcerer. 1!>0 TIIIO I>AST VOVA«ES OF COLl'MHUS. Tlioro Avas good reason wliy Porras should liavctlius persuaded his foHow- crs; for ho was even then phumiug a descent upon the ships, to seize the few remaining stores and capture the Admiral. The Adelantado received infor- mation of this ; and placing himself at the head of tifty men, all that the little force could furnish, marched against the nuitineers, attacked them, and ended by defeating them and carrying off their leader as a prisoner. The mutineers at once submitted unconditionally to the Admiral, who par- doned them for their revolt against his authority; reserving the ringleader for future punishment. Ilis offense was, according to the laws of every na- tion, then as now, a capital one; and Columbus, as Viceroy and Adnn'ral, was certainly empowered to try such oifenders and pronounce and execute sen- tence when they had been found guilty; but ho judged it best to defer this action until ho had other spectators than a handful of men who had either been lately brought back under his authority, or who had been on the point of rebelling against it, though they had not actually done so. June 24, loOS, the two weather-beaten vessels had found shelter at Santa Gloria; June 28, 1504, two caravels arrived to convey them to Ilispaniola. One of these had been sent by the tardy Ovando; the other by the faithful Mendez. The voyage was a long and stormy one; and the vessels did not reach San Domingo until the 13th of August. Much to the surprise of Columbus, Ovando received him in state, proceeding to the harbor, attended by a nu- merous suite, for that purpose. But this was only an empty show of respect ; he soon announced that he intended to institute a general inquiry as to the affairs which had taken place in Jamaica, in order to decide whether Poi-ras and his associates had been justified in their rebellion against the Admiral's authority; and be insisted upon releasing Porras. " My authority as Viceroy must have sunk low indeed," remarked Colum- bus, sadly, "if it does not enable me to punish those of my ollicers who mutiny against me." But Ovando possessed the actual power, and Porras was released. Colum- bus determined to return to Spain; and set sail, in the caravel which Mendez had sent to Jamaica for him, a month after his arrival at San Domingo. It seemed that storms pursued him wherever he went; for twice his little vessel nearly foundered ; twice, in successive tempests, her masts Avere sprung. Dis- ease laid her hand yet more heavily upon him than ever before; and it was a man who possessed neither means, nor health, nov favor with the sovereigns, nor hope of any better things to come, Avho landed from the frail and battered vessel at Seville, Nov. 7, 1504. Through all his troubles, since he had first found an advocate in the per- son of Juan Perez de Marchena, he had had one powerful friend; at times, her ear had been poisoned by the reports of his enemies; but always, when THE LAST V(JYA(JKS OF COLUMIUJS. 11)1 she heard the truth, or even when, without hearing any other side of the story, she reflected upon the service wliich Columbus had rendered, and thought what manner of man he was, Isabella of Castile had shown her true greatness by her appreciation of the great Admiral. But now, even this friend failed liim. The death of her son, of her grandson and heir, of her favorite daugh- ter, and the insanity of her remaining daughter, combined to make the great Queen one of the mostuidiappy of women. A deep melancholy settled upon her; and when Columbus arrived at Seville, it Avas well known that she had not long to live. lie was too ill to go to court, even had he been certain that he would ])e well received; and he sent his son Diego to manage his affairs for him. But he heard no news from there; couriers are arriving every day, he saj's, but none for him, though he would desire to have news every hour. Nov. 26, the Queen died; and the noblest epitaph that has been written upon her is contained in a letter of her greatest servant, written to his son Diego, in haste and brevity, just as he received the news: — " The principal thing is to commend affectionately, and with great devo- tion, the soul of the Queen our sovereign to God. Her life was always catholic and holy, and prompt to all things in his Holy service; for this rea- son we may rest assured that she is received into His glory, and beyond the cares of this rough and weary world." During the remainder of the winter and s[)ring, Columbus remained at Seville, too ill to bear a journey; but, active in mind, directing the effoi'ts which were made to obtain a recognition of his services and a redress of his wrongs from Ferdinand. One of the persons employed by him in his missions to the court was Americus Vespucius, who is described by Colum])us as a worthy but unfortunate nuin, who had not protitedas nuich as he deservedby his undertakings, and who had always been disposed to render him — Colum- l)us — service. It was expected that Vespucius could prove the value of the latest discoveries of Columbus, since he had recently touched at the same coasts. Not until May was Columbus aljle to make the short journey that was re- quired. His applications nuule by proxy had been listened to coldly; and no sign had been given that those in authority thought that the Viceroy of the New World had any right or interest in its concerns. Columbus himself cared little for the revenues that he should have derived from mining and commerce; but he was exceedingly anxious that his dignities should be re- stored. He cared not to be a rich man, or to leave his heirs a vast accumula- tion of money; but he was, by solemn agreement with the sovereigns. Ad- miral of the Ocean and Viceroy of India; these titles, according to that same agreenuMit, Avere to descend to his children; and he desired that Ferdinand shoukl recognize his own action of previous years. THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 1J)3 This the King was in no hurry to do, however; the causes of delay have already been given. He did not refuse absolutely; for the breach of faith would have been too flagrant; but he delayed as long as he could, and ended by referring the matter to the Board of Dischai-ges of the Royal Conscience. The title of this august body sounds like it might have originated in one of the novels of Dickens; but there was actually such a board in Spain at the beginning of the sixteenth century; it had been appointed since the death of the Queen, to superintend the fulfilling of her will. Two consultations were held regarding the affairs of Columbus; but the Board was placed in a deli- cate position; nominally appointed to carry out the will of Isabella, they knew very well what she would have wished ; but the King was a living power, and they Avere just as sure of his wishes as of hers. Nothing w^as settled in regard to this difficult question. Columbus endeavored to console himself w^ith the idea that the King w^as but waiting to consult his daughter Juana, who was her mother's heir, and who was daily expected to come from Flanders with her husband; but Juana's coming was rendered uncertain by her frequent attacks of insanity, which deranged all the plans made for her. In fact, however, Ferdinand had no intention of consulting any one; he knew that Columbus was fast sinking under the w^eight of years and infirmities, and he w^as determined to delay his decision until the great man should be placed beyond all reward. Still he was profuse in his compliments to Columbus, though showing him no signs of real favor. Finally, not having been able to exhaust the patience of Columbus entirely, he offered to compromise the case by giving him, in place of his New World dignities, titles and estates in Castile. The offer w^as rejected with indignation by the Admiral, who justly considered his proudest title to be that which linked his name with the history of his discov- eries. And at last he despaired. He wrote to his friend, Diego de Deza: — " It appears that his majesty does not think fit to fulfill that which he, Avith the Queen, who is now in glory, promised me by word and seal. For me to contend for the contrary would be to contend with the wind. I have done all that I could do. I leave the rest to God, whom I have ever found propi- tious to me in my necessities." Yet, even after writing thus, he felt one last gleam of hope; it might be that Queen Juana and her husband, when they came to take possession of the throne of Castile, w^ould hear him. They had arrived in Spain; but Colum- bus was again utterly prostrated, and could not go to Laredo to present his suit. His faithful brother, the Adelantado, undertook the mission. He was received with respect, and listened to graciously; the claims of the Admiral received due attention from the young sovereigns of Castile, and there was every reason to believe that there would be a speedy and prosperous termina- tion of his suit. 194 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. But even while hope was thus dawning anew, darkness was approaching, like a storm at morning. The great discoverer had made many voyages; first to every part of the known world, and then to mark out a path to the New World; he Avas now about to set out on that last journey, to — " That undiscovered country from whose bourne No traveler returns." As the spring of 1506 progressed, it was seen that his malady was gradually assuming a worse form than ever. He set his house in order, making a mili- tary testament May 4, and supplementing this by a formal will drawn up about two weeks later. Providing for the maintenance and perpetuity of his family and dignities, he ordered his heir to build in Hispaniola a chapel where masses might be said daily for the repose of the souls of himself, his parents, his wife, and all who died in the faith. He provided that his heir was to call him- self always The Admiral, no matter what other titles might be given him; and directed that measures should be taken to insure his remembrance in Genoa, the city of his birth. Provision was also made for the payment of various debts and rewards for services. Having attended to every claim upon his loyalty, affection and justice, Co- lumbus turned his thoughts from earth forever, and received the last sacra- ments of that Church of which he had been so devout a member. As death drew near, he murmured the Avords, sanctified by so many associations: — In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum — "Into Thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit;" — and passed quietly away. His body Avas at first deposited in the convent of San Francisco, but in 1513 Avas removed to the Carthusian monastery of Las Cuevas at Seville. TAventy-three years later, his remains, Avith those of his son Diego, Avho had been buried beside him, Avere removed to Hispaniola, and re-interred in the principal chapel of the cathedral at San Domingo. But, a Avanderer through- out life, even his dust Avas not permitted to rest in peace ; and toAvard the close of the eighteenth century, all the Spanish possessions in Hispaniola having been ceded to France, Spain retained possession of the ashes of her greatest servant, and removed them to the cathedral at Havana. The re- moval was performed Avith all the pomp and ceremony befitting the funeral services of the Admiral and the Viceroy of the Indies. " When Ave read of the remains of Columbus, thus conveyed from the port of San Domingo, after an interval of nearly three hundred years, as sacred national relics, with civic and military pomp, and high religious ceremonial; the most dignified and illustrious men striving Avho most should pay them reverence, Ave cannot but reflect that it AA^as from this very porthe Avas carried off, loaded Avith ignominious chains, blasted apparently in fame and fortune, and followed by the revilings of the rabble. Such honors, it is true, are nothing to the dead, nor can they atone to the heart, noAV dust and ashes, for THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. li)5 all the wrongs and sorrows it may have suffered ; but they speak volumes of comfort to the illustrious, yet slandered and persecuted living, encouraging them bravely to bear with present injuries, by showing them how true merit outlives all calumny, and receives its glorious reward in the admiration of after ages." — Washington Irving. Statue of Columbus ox the Poiitico of the Capitol at Wasiiixgtox. AMERIOUS VESPUCIUS. ^^HERE has been some effort made, of recent years, to show that the rQ name America is really derived from an Indian word ; and that the ^^ man whose name heads the present chapter derived it, as a surname, from the fact that he journeyed to the new-found continent, and wrote much about it. It is possible that in some of the languages or dialects of the various tribes of Indians there is a word, resembling in sound the name of America, which was applied to their country, or even to land in general ; the western continent being the only large body of land with which they had any acquaintance; but Vespucius certainly did not derive his name from any cir- cumstance connected with his explorations or writings; for a letter written by him in 1478 is signed " Amerigo Vespucci." Dismissing this theory at the outset, then, we proceed to study the life of the man from whom the New World received its name. He belonged to a noble family which had originally lived a few miles from Florence, but under the government of that city. About the beginning of the thirteenth -century, however, the representatives of the Vespucci established themselves in the city itself; and from that time they have remained identified with it. Florence was in many respects a peculiar city. Rich and powerful, its nobles were proud of their long descent, of their stainless honor, of their patronage of the arts and sciences, of their high station and the estimation in which they were held by others. In these things they resembled the nobles of other nations. But unlike others, they saw no shame in engaging in commerce ; the city was a city of merchants, and her rulers were among the most success- ful of the great mercantile families. No false and foolish pride kept them in the poverty which a Spaniard would have endured uncomplainingly, when a successful business operation might have retrieved the fortunes of the fam- ily. So marked was this feeling among the Florentines, that it had come to be a custom for each noble family to set aside one son as a merchant, just as a high-born English family may destine one son to the army, one to the bar, and one to the church. This feeling had so marked an influence upon the life of Americus Vespucius, that we have thought best to notice it before enteriu"" upon the story of his life. (19<;) AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 197 Aiiastatio Vespucci, Secretary of the Senate of Florence, was the head of the family in 1451, and lived in a stately mansion, now occupied as a hospital for the poor, near the gate of the city now known as Porta del Prato. The Vespucci coat of arms ajDpears over the doors of many houses in this quarter AjreRicrs Vespucius. of the city, indicating that the family was not without a share of this world's goods; their wealth seems to have been acquired by an ancestor, sometime before the date specified; and Auastatio had but little besides his palatial dwelling and the salary attaching to his high office. Yet the name vv^as a well- known one in Florence; for the wealthy ancestor had built more than one 198 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. hospital for the suffering poor, and ti magnificent chapel, where his own and his Avife's remains still repose. March 9, 1451, the third son of this official was born, and duly christened Amerigo when three days old. The name had descended to him from an an- cestor who had filled a high office in 1336; how much older it was, or how many had borne it during that century, we do not know. Almost from his cradle, the boy was destined tobecome a merchant. This did not mean that he was early to be confined to the drudgery of the count- ing-house; he must first receive such education as Florence could give to the son of an old and distinguished family. His father's brother, a monk of the Order of San Marco, was a distinguished scholar; and before the birth of Americus had become famous as a teacher of the noble youths of the city. To this school went the future navigator. Mathematics, astronomy, cosmography, and the classics, seem to have com- prised his principal studies ; and he became especially interested in geography. It was his ambition to excel as a geographer; and with this aim, it is not . to be wondered at that he sought the society of the great Toscanelli, that cosmographer to whom Columbus submitted the first draught of his wonder- ful scheme, and who so warmly approved the idea of the Genoese adventurer. Americus seems to have remained a student under his uncle's direction for a number of years. His studies were interrupted in 1478, when the plague appeared at Florence and the Vespuccis sought safety in the country. He appears, however, to have resumed them on his return to the city, after the pestilence had run its course. Just when it was that he fulfilled the wishes of his father, and entered up- on mercantile pursuits, we have no record; but it is certain that he did so at some time between the year 1478 and 1490. But however busily engaged in commercial operations he may have been, he never lost his early interest in geography; all the best maps, charts and globes obtainable were bought by him, however high the price; and we have already noted that for one map he paid a sum equivalent to five hundred and fifty-five dollars of United States money. About the year 1480, his elder brother, Girolamo, had left home to seek his fortune in foreign climes, and had established himself in business in a city of Asia Minor. As time went on, the entire family contributed of their means to increase his capital ; for he was very prosperous, and needed only to increase his operations to become immensely wealthy in a short time. Things went Avell with him until one day, while he was at church, thieves broke into his house and robbed him of all that he possessed. The circumstances that made it possible for the thieves to secure so much booty are not clearly described ; we are interested only in the result of the robbery. The family was so impoverished that Americus determined to leave AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 199 Florence, to retrieve his brother's losses by making greater gains elsewhere; and he selected Spain as the scene of his future labors. Many young nobles from other countries were then in Spain, under the banner of Ferdinand and Isabella; for the war which these sovereigns were waging against the Moorish kingdoms in the southern part of the peninsula was regarded as a holy war, a Christian crusade against the Infidel; and repu- tation and military experience were to be gained by engaging in it. Of course, this made many wants to be supplied by merchants and bankers; and Italian business men were quick to take advantage of the situation. Vespucius went as the agent of one of the Medici, the ruling family of Florence ; he was com- missioned to deal with Berardi, an Italian who had already established him- self in Spain ; and the esteem in wdiich he was held in his native city is shown by the fact that a number of young men accompanied him, to see the world of business under his supervision. At the beginning of 1492 he was associated in business with one Douato Nicollini; but he Avas also closely connected with Berardi, who, after the return of Columbus from his first voyage, was commissioned to furnish and equip four armaments, to be sent out to the New World at different times. Some writers have supposed that Vespucius accompanied Columbus on his second voyage; but the probabilities are against his having done so. The acquaintance of (yolumbus and Vespucius probably began after the great discoverer returned from his first voyage. The merchant was greatly excited by the reports of the discoveries of Columbus and had eagerly investigated them; but he arrived at very different conclusions from those supported by Columbus. He thought, for one thing, that Columbus, Toscanelli, and other geographers of the time were greatly mistaken in their estimate of the dis- tance from the western coast of Europe to the Eastern coast of Asia; and, while we cannot positively say when the idea was first formed, he shows, by liis letters, that he had a very clear notion that Cuba was not the main land, as Columbus supposed it to be, long before that great island was circum- navigated. Juan Berardi, the head of the mercantile house Avith which Vespucius had connected himself on first coming to Spain, died in December, 1495, and the management of affairs devolved upon the junior partner. But he wearied of seeking the favors of fortune; he determined to abandon mercantile affairs, and direct his attention "to something more laudable and stable." It is thus, in a letter directed to an old schoolmate, that he speaks of visiting the various parts of the world. Contrary to the agreement which had been made with Columbus, the sovereigns, after his second voyage, permitted private adventurers to pro- secute discoveries in the West Indies; and even assisted in fitting out fleets for other leaders than the Admiral. One of these leaders was that Ojeda 200 AMERICUS VKSPUCIUS. who had douc so much to subdue the natives of Hispaniola; and his squad- ron consisted of four vessels. Aniericus Vespucius was one of those who accompanied him ; according to some accounts, as one of the principal pilots; according to the explanations of others, as a sort of agent of the sovereigns, having a voice in the direction of the ships, and thus classed as a pilot and captain. May 10, 1497, they left Cadiz; and after reaching the Canaries, sailed so rapidly that at the end of twenty-seven days they came in sight of land. This they judged to be a continent, although he does not tell us what were the grounds for supposing it to be so. They anchored, and attempted to hold some intercourse with the natives; but the Indians proved so shy that they sought a more secure anchorage. This (lifKculty in communicating wJth the natives lasted for some days; but finally they managed to get near enough to the inhabitants to display the articles which they had brought for the purpose of making presents or trad- ing; and won the good-will of the savages by gifts. The news of the strangers' generosity spread along the coast, and for some time, wherever they went, they were well received. Coasting along the shore of South America — for they were right in suppos- ing this to be a continent — they came upon a village, which, nuich to their surprise, w;as built after the Venetian fashion; the houses, upon piers in the water, had entrances by means of draw-bridges; so that the inhabitants, by leaving the bridges down, could traverse the whole town without difficulty. In allusion to the city which this village resembled, they called it Venez- uela; a name which has endured to the present day. At the first sign of the newcomers, the inhabitants had shut themselves up in their houses, and raised the draw-bridges; and as the ships came nearer, the savages embarked in their canoes and rowed out to sea. Twenty-two of these small vessels approached the larger ones from across the water; and the Spaniards made every sign of friendship that ingenuity could suggest, inviting the Indians to come nearer. As the invitation was disre- garded, they thought to go toward them; but at the first indication of this intention, the Indians turned their canoes toward the land, and hastened away; making signs for the Spaniards to wait where they were, for their return. They came back, bringing with them sixteen young girls, as if these would be the means of making peace. So impressed were the Europeans by the trust which the Indians evidently reposed in them, that their suspicions were not awakened by the sight of numbers swimming toward the ships. Suddenly, they noticed that some of the women, at the doors of the huts, were wailing and tearing their hair, as if in great distress. AVhile they were AMERICl'S VESPUCIUS. 201 wondering what this meant, the girls, as if by one impulse, sprang from the boats which they had entered from the canoes, and the Spaniards discovered that every man in the canoes had a bow and arrows, and every man swimming around them in the sea had a lance. Hardly had they noted this, before they were furiously assailed. The Spaniards not only defended themselves, but took the offensive. They overturned several of the canoes, killed fifteen or twenty, and wounded many more; taking two girls and three men prisoners. "Conscientious scruples," a rare thing among these old navigators, prevented them from burning the town, and they returned to their ships, where the three men whom they had captured were put in irons. However, morning showed that this latter precaution had been ineffectual in one case; for, during the night, the two girls and one of the men " escaped in the most artful manner in the world." The next day, keeping their course continually along the coast, they came to anchor about eighty leagues from this New World Venice, and saw a throng of about four thousand persons gathered on the shore. These, how- ever, did not wait to receive them, but fled to the woods as the Spaniards let down their boats. The white men followed them, and found their camp, where two of them were engaged in cooking iguanas, an animal which the early discoverers and explorers were accustomed to describe as a serpent, and to regard with much horror as an article of food, until some one of them found himself virtually compelled by circumstances to taste it; and found the flesh so delicious that he never again hesitated to eat of it. The two cooks fled, of course; but the whites, in order to reassure the natives, disturbed nothing in the camp, but left many of their own articles in the rude tents. Efforts to make friends with them proved more successful the next day; and when the Indians saw the two prisoners that the Spaniards had taken, they Avere doubly friendly; for these men belonged to a tribe Avith which they were at war. They finally informed the whites that this was not their dwell- ing; that they had merely come here for the fishing; and invited the strangers to go with them to their villages, for they wished to receive them as friends. This invitation seems to have been received with no great satisfaction by the whites; for Vespucius says: — " They importuned us so much, that, having taken counsel, twenty-three of us Christians concluded to go with them, well prepared, and with firm resolution to die manfully, if such was to be our fate." After remaining for three days at the fishing-camp, they set out for the interior; where they visited so many villages that they were nine days on the journey, and their comrades on board the vessels grew very uneasy about them. 202 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. They were escorted back by a great number of the savages, both men and women ; and their guides were so eager to serve them that they were not per- mitted to fatigue themselves at all. Did a white man seem tired of the walk? A hammock was ready, slung on the shoulders of strong and willing Indians. Did one of them find it impossible to carry the presents which had been given him? Another hammock was at hand, and the presents stowed in that ; while the bearers proved absolutely honest. Was there a river to be crossed? For every white man, there was a stout Indian back, ready to receive this burden. Arrived at the shore, their boats were almost swamped by the number of those who wished to accompany them; while swarms who could not get into the boats swam alongside to the ships. So many came aboard, that the mariners were quite troubled ; not being quite secure against sudden treachery. As the savages were naked and unarmed, however, they subdued their fears; contenting themselves with an effort to impress the natives with a sense of their power, by discharging a cannon. This so frightened them, says Vespu- cius, that many of them leaped into the seas as suddenly as frogs sitting on a bank plunge into the marsh at the first sound that alarms them. Those who remained were reassured by the mariners; and took leave of them with many demonstrations of affection. They had now been thirteen months at sea, and the ships and rigging were much worn. By common consent they agreed to careen their vessels on the beach, in order to calk and pitch them anew, as they leaked badly, and then to return to Spain. They made a breastwork of their boats and casks, and placed their artillery so that it would play over them; then having unloaded and lightened their ships, hauled them to land, and repaired them wherever they needed it. Although they had made such elaborate preparations for repulsing any at- tack which the natives mighthave made upon them, the Indians gave no sign of hostility, but brought them such quantities of food that they consumed a very little of their own stores. This was a fortunate thing; for their pro- visions were so much reduced in quantity that the mariners feared they would not have enough to last them until they got back to Spain. Thirty-seven days were thus spent in repairing the vessels. Before they set sail, the natives complained to them that at certain times in the year there came from the sea to their country a very cruel tribe, who, either by treachery or force, killed many of them and ate them ; capturing others, and carrying them away as captives. Against these enemies, said the friendly natives,, they were not able to defend themselves; and, when the Spaniards promised to avenge their injuries, no words could express their gratitude. Many offered to go with them ; but the whites wisely rejected such offers, and permitted but seven to accompany them ; these going upon the express condition that they should return in their own canoes. AMKRKUIS VKSrdCHJS. 2oa 'l\'ikin<,^ :i iiorlhciislcrly coursis ut i\w, end of s<^V(mi days they fell in willi sonic islands, many of which were pcoplt'd. On ono of these, which they found was called by the natives Iti, they laiKh^l; but not without difficulty. As the l)oats were lowered, the Spaniards saw about four hundred men and women gatlnu- on the beach, the meu armed with bows and arrows and ]anc(\s, their naked IxmHcs painted with various colors, while feathers were libcsrally us(hI as ornaments. As the strangers approached within bowshot of tin; sliorc!, these savages sentallight of arrows at 1 hem, in dcicrniincd effort to prevent them from landing. Yisi I'lxi'l.OKT Nkw Countuy, So persistent were they intluiir efforts to prevent the Spaniards from land- ing, that the latter finally concluded to use their artillery. A round was fired ; and the astonished Indians, hearing the thunder, and seeing some of their number fall dead, hastily retreated. Forty of the whites resolved to leap 204 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ashore aud fight with the islanders. They fought for about two hours with- out any decisive victory on either side; some of the Indians were killed, and some of the whites were injured. It was only wdienthe newcomers succeeded in making it a hand-to-hand combat, where the temper of their swords counted for more than quickness or accuracy of aim, that they were enabled to beat off the Indians. Tired out, the whites were glad enough to return to their vessels. The next day, the natives again approached the shore, making many hostile dem- onstrations. A force of fifty-seven men was sent ashore, Americus being then, as on the previous day, one of the fighters; this body landed without resist- ance, for the natives feared the cannon. After a long battle, having killed many, the strangers put the islanders to flight, and pursued them to a village, taking about twenty-five — according to some authorities, two hundred and fi.fty — prisoners. They burned the village, and returned victorious to the ships with their prisoners, leaving many killed and wounded on the side of the enemy, while on their own not more than one died, and only twenty-two Avere wounded. They soon arranged for their departure; and the seven Indians from the continent, of whom five were wounded, took a canoe from the island, and with seven prisoners returned to their own country, with a most wonderful story to tell of the power of the white strangers. The mariners set sail for Spain, and arrived there Oct. 15, 1498, after an absence of about nineteen months. There is some question about the first voyage of Vespucius. The belief that the expedition was commanded by Ojeda is not shared by all; some au- thorities stating that it was a private enterprise, in which Vespucius bore as great a part as any ; while he seems to have been altogether subordinate to Ojeda on the second voyage, when he himself states that that gallant cavalier was the commander. The truth is that one early historian sought to prove that Columbus had been the first European to visit the continent; the above account, drawn from the letter of Vespucius, shows that the voyage was completed only a few months after Columbus set sail on his third voyage, the first when he reached the main land. In this effort, the historian has not hesitated to twist things to his own purpose; and has succeeded in creating some doubt about the details. However this may be, Ojeda was certainly the leader in the second voyage which Vespucius made, if we are to trust the assertion of Americus himself. The cavalier had a strong friend at court, a relative of his being a close friend of Bishop Fonseca, to whom the management of all affairs connected with the Indies had been entrusted. Fonseca had been a bitter enemy of Colum- bus, ever since the great discoverer had insisted on having a larger household than Fonseca had thought necessary; and having appealed to the sovereigns, had received a decision against the Bishop. Fonseca was ready to do anything AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 205 which might annoy or injure Columbus; and it is supposed that he actually gave to Ojeda the chart Avhich Columbus had submitted to the sovereigns, as showing the nature and extent of his discoveries, and the route which he had taken. This, of course, was a gross breach of faith ; for Columbus was espec- ially anxious to keep his course a secret as long as possible; and the chart had been committed to Fonseca's care in his official capacity, with the under- standing that he was not to show it unless formally required to do so. In the short interval between his first and second voyage, Yespucius found time, opportunity and inclination for somethingquite different from the study of geography. He embarked upon the sea of matrimony, with, as first and only mate, a lady of Seville, of an honorable though not wealthy family. They had been betrothed before the first voyage, but for some reason the wedding was postponed until after his return. Soon after his marriage, Yespucius visited the court, w^here he was received with much kindness by the King and by Bishop Fonscca. He was consulted respecting the expedition which was then being prepared, and the accounts of what he had himself seen were listened to with much interest. Ferdinand was gratified to find that others besides Columbus could succeed in discover- ing and exploring these new lands; and begrudged the Admiral the glory of having shown these others the way. Fonseca was equally pleased to find some one willing and capable to take up the work which he was only too anxious to wrest from the hand of Columbus. Ojeda had no experience as a mariner, and looked upon the proposed voy- age rather as a marauding expedition. He was therefore desirous of securing the assistance of experienced navigators; and in this wish he was fully sec- onded by the King and his minister. The reputation of Yespucius as a geo- grapher was such as to mark him as the man that was wanted; and he seems to have had some repute as a practical navigator. He was strongly urged to make one of the expedition, but was at first disinclined to leave home so soon after his return; but to his natural inclination for such a journey were added the urgings and entreaties of Ojeda and Fonseca, and the known wishes of the King; and Americus decided to visit the New World again. It was probably due to the influence of Yespucius that so many of the rich merchants of Seville joined in staking a portion of their fortunes on the suc- cess of this expedition. A fleet of four vessels was speedily equipped; and the latter part of the spring of 1499 saw them ready for sea; many of the adventurers who had sailed with Columbus and returned in disgust from His- paniola having been tempted to enlist in this new enterprise, in which they hoped to achieve the wealth they had vainly sought before. They set sail from Cadiz ]\Iay 18, 1499; and spent twenty days in the voy- age to the Canaries. Twenty-four da^'s later, having sailed but very little west of south, they saw land; and having given thanks to God, launched 206 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. their boats, aad endeavored to lind a landing-place. The shore, however, was so low, and so densely covered with the evergreen aromatic trees, that they concluded to return to the ships and try some other spot. Natives ov the A^tAzox. One remarkable thing tiiat they observed in these seas Avas that at a dis- tance of fifteen leagues, or forty-five miles, from land, they came upon a cur- rent of fresh water, from which they filled their casks. The latitude, as stated by Vespucius in his account of this voyage, does not agree with the supposition that this was the Amazon; though the description of the coast and the volume and strength of the current so far out at sea would lead us to believe that this greatest of rivers must be the stream that he meant. He adds that, as they sailed along the coast, they saw two large rivers, one four leagues wide, running from west to east, the other three leagues wide, running from south to north: and concluded that these must be the cause of that current AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 207 of fresh water; yet he says nothing of having entered an arm of the sea, or of having hind on cither side of the vessels. Having prepared their boats, and put in provision for four days, with twenty men well armed, they entered the river, and rowed nearly two days, ascending it something more than fifty miles. But the land was as low as at the mouth; and the roconnoiteringparty, concludingthat the ships could not land here, floated down the stream to the fleet again. They raised anchor and set sail, continuing in a southerly direction, and standing off to sea about forty leagues. They now encounted that great equatorial current which sweeps along the coast of Brazil, dividing into two great streams at Cape St. Roque. This Avas the northern half into which thejr vessels came; for he says that it " ran from southeast to northwest; so great was it, and ran so furiously, that we were put into great fear, and were exposed to great peril. The current was so strong, that the strait of Gibraltar and that of the Faro of Messina ap- peared to us like mere stagnant water in comparison with it. We could scarcely make any headway against it, though we had the Avind fresh and fair. Seeing that we made no progress, or but very little, and the danger to which we were exposed, we determined to turn our prows to the northwest." Before, however, they quit the waters south of the equator, Vespucius made many endeavors to fix upon that star in the southern heavens which corres- ponds to the North Star in the other hemisphere. Many a night's sleep he lost, he tells us; but the nights were so bad, and his instruments, quadrant and astrolabe, were so primitive, that he could not distinguish a star which had less than ten degrees of motion around the firmament; so that his ambi- tion to fix upon the South Pole Star was not gratified. They continued on their northwesterly course until they had passed ten de- grees north of the equator, when they again saw land. Arrived at this is- land — for such it proved to be — they anchored about a mile from the beach, fitted out the boats, and Avith twenty-two well-armed men, rowed to land. Many of the inhabitants Avere gathered upon the shore from the time that their ships first came in sight; but as the strangers landed, they took fright, and ran into the woods. It took much exertion to reassure them so that they Avere Avilling to return. Fortunately, two of them had been captured on the first landing, and one of these Avas employed as an envoy. These people, al- though he says they Avere of a gentle disposition, are described as cannibals; eating the bodies of those Avho are killed or taken in Avar; and Vespucius adds that the Spaniards saw the heads and bones of those Avho had been eaten, and that the savages did not attempt to deny this practice. Sailing along the coast of this island, they came to another village of the same tribe, Avhere they Avere h()spital)ly received and fed by the inhabitants. From this point they made sail to the Gulf of Paria, and anchored opposite 208 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. one of the mouths of the Orinoco. Here there was a large vilUige close to the sea, the inhabitants of which regaled the mariners with three different kinds of wine, and presented them with eleven large pearls, more than a hun- dred smaller ones, and a small quantity of gold. On the Okixoco. They remained here seventeen days, feasting on the fruits and savory acorns with which the place abounded. They then continued their journey along the coast, stopping occasionally to hold intercourse with the natives. But they soon passed the part of the country where the natives were dis- posed to be friendly. Vespucius says these more hostile tribes " stood wait- ing for us with their arms, which were bows and arrows, and Avith some other arms which they use. When wg went to the shore in our boats, they disputed our landing in such a manner that we were obliged to fight w^th them. At the end of the battle they found that they had the worst of it, for as they were naked, we always made great slaughter. jNlany times not more than sixteen A.MERICUS VESPUCIUS. 20'J of US fought Avith two thousand of them, and in the end defeated them, kill- ing many, and robbing their houses. *' One day we saw a great number of people, all posted in battle array to prevent our landing, "We fitted out twenty-six men well armed, and covered the boats, on account of the arrows that were shot at us, and which ahvays wounded some of us before we landed. After they hindered us as long as they could, we leaped on shore, and fought a hard battle with them. The reason why they had so much courage and made such great exertion against us, was that they did not know what kind of a weapon the sword Avas, or how it cuts. "While thus engaged in combat, so great was the multitude of people who charged upon us, throwing at us such a cloud of arrows, that we could not withstand the assault, and nearly abandoning the hope of life, we turned our backs and ran to the boats. While thus disheartened and flying, one of our sailors, a Portuguese, a man of fifty-five years of age, who had remained to guard the boat, seeing the danger we were in, jumped on shore, and with a loud voice called out to us: — "Children! turn your faces to your enemies, and God Avill give you the victory! " *' ThroAving himself on his knees, he made a prayer, and then rushed furi- ously upon the Indians, and we all joined Avith him, Avounded as AA-e Avere. On that they turned their backs to us, and began to flee, and finally aa'c routed them, and killed a hundred and fifty. AYe burned their houses, also, at least one hundred and eighty in number. Then, as we Avere badly wounded and weary, we returned to the ships, and Avent into a harbor to recruit, Avhere Ave stayed tAventy days, solely that the physician might cure us. All escaped, ex- cept one Avho was wounded in the left breast." As they Aventon, they Avere obliged to fight Avith a great many people, he tells us, but ahvays had the victory. No other adventure is detailed until they landed at an island, some fifteen leagues from the land; but he docs not state its position more definitely than this. Tavo remarkable circumstances are stated in regard to the inhabitants of this island, one in each of the two long letters Avhich Vespucius Avrote, describing Avhat he had seen on his voyage. In one letter he says that, seeing no people near the shore, eleven of them landed and walked two leagues inland before they came upon a village. There Avere tAvelve houses here, but only seven persons, all of Avhom Avere Avomen. There Avas not one among them, he gravely assures us, Avho Avas not a span and a half taller than himself, although he Avas not beloAvthe average height of men. "While they Avere being entertained by these giantesses, and repaying the hospitality l)y planning to carry off tAvo young girls as a present to the King, thirty-six men entered the toAvn, and came to the house Avhere the strangers Avere drinking. So tall Avere they that each upon his knees tOAvered above the tallestof the Avhite men standing. The travelers Avere not 210 AMERICUS VESrUCIUS. a little alarmed at the sight of so many giants, evidently strong in proportion to their height; but the huge Indians proved as kindly as their women, and after conversing with the strangers by signs, escorted them back to their ships. In another letter, he says that the people of this island were the most filthy and bestial that he had ever seen; but at the same time so peaceable that he was able to become acquainted with some of their customs. One of these, which particularly disgusted the fastidious Florentine, is thus de- scribed : — " They all had their cheeks stuffed full of a green herb, which they were continually chewing, as beasts chew the cud, so that they were scarcely able to speak. Each of them wore, hanging at the neck, two dried gourd-shells, one of which was filled with the same kind of herb which they had in their mouths, and the other with a white meal, which appeared to be chalk-dust. They also carried with them a small stick, which they wetted in their mouths from time to time, and then put into the meal, afterwards putting it into the herb, with which both cheeks were filled, and mixing the meal with it. "VVe were surprised at their conduct, and could not understand for what purpose they indulged in the filthy habit." Evidently, Yespucius was nothing of a prophet, or he would have foreseen that Europeans and their American descendants would learn to indulge freely in practices just as filthy as that which he so condemns. It is probable, how- ever, that the weed which they chewed was not tobacco, but a species of that plant so much esteemed in the East Indies, and there known as the betel. The dust was calcined oyster shells; and he discovered that the reason for indulging in this habit was found in the lack of fresh water on the island. There were no streams or springs; but the natives were accustomed to col- lect the dew which fell upon certain large-leaved plants, and allay their thirst Avith that. As this supply was of course very small, they were driven to chewing these substances to prevent thirst. They had now been at sea about a year. Their stock of provisions was nearly exhausted, and much of that which remained had been spoiled by the heat. Their ships were sea-worn and leaky, so that the pumps could scarcely keep them free from water. They decided to go to Hispaniola, from which they were, according to the pilots, about three hundred and sixty miles away; there to repair their ships, and allow the sailors some little recreation. Reaching the only New World settlement of Europeans after a voyage of a week, they remained there for two months, refitting their ships and provis- ioning them for the voyage of three hundred leagues of ocean which lay be- tween them and Castile. So Yespucius states the distance; but our modern maps show it to have been from two to three times as great. They were so refreshed by their stay in Hispaniola that they concluded to AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 211 make their voyage longer; and cruised for some time among the numberless small ishinds north of Hayti, discovering more than a thousand. This por- tion of their voyage was fraught with dangers, on account of the numerous shoals; and more than once they came near being lost. But the provisions which they had procured in Hispaniola began to give out; they were reduced to six ounces of bread and three small measures of water per day for each man; and the ships showed the effects of the long voyage in the torrid zone, oven though they had so lately been repaired. The leaders of the expedition therefore concluded to take some slaves, and return to their home. In accordance with this resolution, two hundred and thirty-two unfortunate natives were torn from their island homes and their pleasant, indolent life, and taken aboard the ships. Sixty-seven days were required for the voyage to the Azores, where they stopped for supplies; and as the winds were con- trary when they left these islands, they were obliged to steer southward to the Canaries before they could reach Cadiz. They arrived at the starting-point June 8, 1500, after an absence of about thirteen months. Of the fift3'-seven men who had set out, two had been killed by the Indians; the others returned home. Thirty-two of the captives had (lied on the voyage; the others were sold. But the merchant-traveler notes that the profits of the voyage, after expenses were paid, were very small; only five hundred ducats being gained, which, divided into fifty-five shares, would give each man a sum equivalent, at the present day, to a little over fifty dollars of United States money. But this small result, in a pecuniary point of view, did not deter him from desiring to undertake another voyage as soon as preparations could be made ; nor did sickness, incurred while in the unhealthf ul climate of the West In- dies, lessen his taste for wandering. He set to work at once to make ready anew fleet, being assisted by some merchants of Seville; and had planned to sail in September of the year 1500,, or but three months after his return. The letters of Vespucius describing the countries which he visited had been widely published; indeed, there is a dispute about the address of one of them which one of his biographers explains by the assertion that copies of it were probably sent to many prominent men of the time, as if it were a special letter to each. His letters were meant to be circulated, and this intention of the writer was carried out by the recipient. He was virtually the fifteenth- century forerunner of the modern newspaper correspondent. By means of these letters he had gained a wide celebrity. Probably his name was, even at this early day, as closely connected with the idea of the New World as was that of its real discoverer. He had become as well known as Columbus, but had not received those sounding titles and wide-extended rights which Ferdinand and Isabella had granted to Columbus before his great discovery was made. 212 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. Such being the reputation of the man, it was no Avouder that the attention of the King of Portugal had been directed to him. The Portuguese had never ceased to regret their treatment of CoUimbus; a nation proud above all things of its maritime discoveries and enterprise, they had seen their achieve- ments far eclipsed by those of a sailor who had first offered his services to their king, and had them rejected. It was useless to try to win him from the service of the King of Spain; for, disgusted at the duplicity of Portugal, he had refused to listen to her before Ferdinand and Isabella had accepted his proposition. But here was a navigator of almost equal renown; he had visited the very countries at which a Portuguese fleet had recently touched ; and which, by a new agreement between the two countries, now belonged to Portugal. We quote from another letter of Vespucius, written after the voyage was accomplished: — " I was reposing myself in Seville, after the many toils I had undergone in the two voyages made for his Serene Highness Ferdinand, King of Castile, in the Indies, yet indulging a willingness to return to the land of pearls, when fortune, not seeming to be satisfied with my former labors, inspired the mind of his Serene Majesty, Don Emmanuel, King of Portugal — I know not through what circumstances — to attempt to avail himself of my services. There came to me a royal letter from his Majesty, containing a solicitation that I would come to Lisbon and speak with his Highness, he promising to show me many favors. I did not at once determine to go, and argued with the messenger, telling him I was ill, and indisposed for the undertaking, but that when I recovered, if his Highness wished me to serve him, I would do whatever he might command me. *' Seeing that he could not obtain me, he sent Juliano di Bartolomeo del Giacondo, wdio at that time resided in Lisbon, with commission to use every possible means to bring me back with him. Juliano came to Seville, and on his arrival, and induced by his urgent entreaties, I was persuaded to go, though my going was looked ui)on with ill-favor by all who knew me. It was thus regarded by my friends, because I abandoned Castile, where I had been honored, and because they thought that the King had rightful possession of me, and it was considered still worse that I departed without taking leave of my host. " Having presented myself at the court of King Emmanuel, he appeared to be highly pleased with my coming, and requested that I would accompany his three ships which were ready to set out for the discovery of new lands. Thus, esteeming a request from a king as equivalent to a command, I was ■obliged to consent to whatever he asked of me." There must have been some reason why Vespucius was so ready to go to Portugal, and to accept the requests of the King as conmiands; but these cannot now be determined. It is probable, from hints that he gives through- amp:kicus AEsi'ucius. 213 out his letters, that his prominence had made enemies for him in Spain; per- haps Fouseca, who seems to have been constitutionally jealous of all who succeeded, had indulged in some of his acts of petty tyranny. There was no open quarrel; and whatever hard feeling there may have been was dissipated by time. Sailing under the authority of the King of Portugal, it was possible for them to take a slightly different course from any that had been followed by Spanish expeditions. The three armed caravels left Lisbon May 13, 1501; and after touching at the Canaries, turned to the south, and ran along the coast of Africa as far as Cape Verde. Here they rested for a while, and then set sail, directing their course "toward the Antarctic Pole." The wind, however, Avas easterly, so that their course was not directly south. The voyage was a long and stormy one. From the time that they left Lisbon, they sailed " ninety-seven days, experiencing harsh and cruel fortune. During forty-four days, the heavens were in great commotion, and we had nothing but thunder and lightning and drenching rain. Dark clouds covered the sky, so that by day we could see but little better than we could in ordinary nights, without moonlight. Our nights were of the blackest darkness. The fear of death came over us, and the hope of life almost deserted us. After all these heavy afflictions, at last it pleased God, in his mercy, to have com- passion on us and to save our lives. On a sudden, the land appeared in view, and at the sight of it, our courage, which had fallen very low, and our strength, which had become weakness, immediately revived. Thus it usually happens to those who have passed through great affliction, and especially to those who have been preserved from the rage of evil fortune. " On the seventeenth day of August, in the year 1501, we anchored by the shore of that country, and rendered to the Supreme Being our most sincere thanks, according to the Christian custom, in a solemn celebration of mass. * * * * * * ]\Xany other things I would describe, but have studiously avoided mentioning, in order that my work might not become large beyond measure. One thing only I feel that I should not omit: it is that, aided by the goodness of God, in due time, and according to our need, we saw land; for we were not able to sustain ourselves any longer; all our provisions had failed us; our wood, water, biscuit, salt meat, cheese, wine, oil, and, what is more, our vigor of mind, all gone. By God's mercy, therefore, our lives were spared, and to him we ought to render thanks, honor, and glory."' They had reached South America at a point about a hundred and fifty miles south of where they had first touched on the preceding voyage, or about eight degrees south of the equator. Their coasting voyage was prolonged until they had reached a point on the coast of Patagonia, fifty degrees south. But they did not know that this was the same continent as that which they had previously explored; they had been so driven by the storms that, with- 214 AMERICUS AEsrucius. out observations, it was impossible for thorn to be at all certain of their lati- tude or longitude; and the weather of course had prevented them from de- riving any aid from the heavenly bodies. But the storms were not the only source of danger, as Vespucius tells us: — " "We had arrived at a place which, if I had not possessed some knowledge of cosmography, by the negligence of the pilot would have finished thecourse of our lives. There was no pilot wdio knew our situation within fifty leagues, and we went rambling about, and should not have known whither we were going, if I had not provided in season for my own safety and that of my com- panions, with the astrolabe and quadrant, my astrological instruments. On this occasion I acquired no little glory for myself; so that, from that time forward, I was held in such estimation by my companions as the learned are held in by people of quality. I explained the sea-charts to them, and made them confess that the ordinary pilots were ignorant of cosmography, and knew nothing in comparison with myself."' The country %vas thickly inhabitedby tribes who proved tobe very friendly; and the mariners landed frequently as they journeyed along the coast. Their horror was excited when they learned that these savages went to war and fought with incredible fierceness, for no other reason than that their ances- tors were at war with the same tribes, and the death of those who had fallen in battle must be avenged. Most of them, too, were cannibals, he declares; eating not only the bodies of their enemies, but those of their own acquaint- ance and even kindred. Yet thenuignificence of the vegetation, the stories which the Indians told of gold and jewels, the gorgeous plumage of the birds, the fragrance of the woods, and the strange and varied fruits and grains brought forth in the greatest abundance by the untilled soil, so excited the wondering admiration of the navigator that he exclaims: " If there is a terrestial paradise in the world, it cannot be far from this region." We omit his descriptions of the stars of the southern hemisphere, which he gives, not only in this letter, but in an account Avliich he presented to the King; judging his astronomical discoveries of equal value, at least, with the geographical results of the expedition; nor have we space for his description of the rainbow which he saw at midnight, nor of the new moon seen at mid- day. Not all the natives, however, proved friendly. At a point five degrees south of the equator — for they had gone north a short distance — they found it impossible to attract the natives to a conference. They accordingly left a number of articles, such as bells, looking-glasses, and similar trifles, on the shore; hoping that the savage inhabitants would see by this that the strangers were well-disposed toward them. The next morning, they saw from the ships that the Indians Avere making A.AIEKICUS VESI'UCILS. 215 bonfires along the coast, and thinking that this was an invitation for them to coine ashore, aparty of the white men landed. The natives kept at a distance, but made signs that they wished the strangers to go farther inland with them. This was a serious matter; and the leader was at first not inclined to per- mit any of them to go; but two of them persuaded him to give his permission for them to make the venture; and left, having strict orders not to be gone more than five days. Six days passed, while the men in the ships awaited the return of their comrades. Every day, some of the natives came down to the shore, but would hold no communication with the sailors. On the seventh day they lauded, resolved to investigate the fate of their comrades. There were many women among the natives gathered on the beach, and they could see that the men were urging them to speak wnth the newcomers; but all their arguments and commands seemed to be in vain. The Europeans, thinking that perhaps the naked natives were afraid, determined to send one of their own men into their midst; and a very courageous young man volunteered for the duty. In order to encourage the natives the Europeans entered the boats while this one of their number went forward to meet the women, who advanced toward him. When he drew near them, they formed themselves into a great circle about him, touching him and looking at him as with astonishment. While all this was going on, the watchers in the boats saw a woman coming down from the mountain, carrying a large club in her hand. AVhen she arrived where the young man stood, she came up behind him; and raising the blud- geon, struck him such a blow that she laid him dead on the spot. Immedi- ately the other women seized upon his body, and dragged him by the feet away to the mountain. The men then ran down to the shore, and assailed the mariners with their bows and arrows. The boats had grounded; and in the confusion of the moment, the frightened white men did not know where to turn. Terror and panic subsided, however, after a few moments; and they discharged four guns at the savages. The noise frightened them; although the aim was so uncertain that no one was hit; and they fled toward the mountain. They now had leisure to look toward the point where the women had dragged the body of their victim; and saw that they had cut him to pieces, and were roasting him in sight of his comrades. As each bit of the horrid feast was ready, one of the hags would hold it high up, that the men in the boat might see, and then they would fall to and devour it. The Indian men made signs from a safe distance, that the same fate had befallen the other two, who had accompanied them into the interior. Their inhuman conduct enraged the whites, and more than forty of them, among whom was Americus, determined to rush on shore and avenge their •iic AMIORICUS >'K8T'UCIUS. shuiuhtcrcd conirndes. But the cxpodilion was uiidor UuM-oiniuaiKl of a Por- tui>iK>so otHcial, whom Vespucius stylos the Superior Captain ; andht^ i'orljade this course, Burnini; with indignation agtiinst the canni])al shiyc>rs of llieir companions, lh(>y were ol)li<;ed to forego the satisfaeliou of revenge, and sailed away from lliis part of llie eoasl. When they had been ten months on the voyage, having found no minerals in the country, although there Avas an abundance of valiuiblo woods of various kinds, they concluded to take their leave of this coast and try some otlu-r part of the ocean. A council was held, composed of all whoso skill as navi- gators might entitle them to express an opinion; andVespucius was invested with full connnand of the fleet, to pursue whatever course appeared best to him. Ho ordered that all the vessels should bo provided with wood and water for six months; and being thus provided, gave the signal to sail February 15. I.ISHOX IX TllK SiXTKKNTH CkXTU1{Y. By April ii, they had sailed fifteen hundred miles from the port that they had left. On this day began a storm, which Avas so violent that they were obliged to take in all their sails and run under bare poles. The storm was so furious that all wore in great fear; nor did it abate before the seventh of the month. AVhile driven by this storm, they came in sight of new land, and ran within twenty leagues of it; tinding the whole coast wild, and seeing neitlu'r harl)or nor inhabilauts, Ycspucius attributed the lack of population to the AMEKICUS VKSPUCIUS. 217 extreme cold, which was so great that the Europeans could scarcely endure it. Finding themselves in great danger, and the storm so violent that they could hardly distinguish one ship from on board another, on account of the high seas that were running and the misty darkness of the weather, they agreed that signals should be made to turn the fleet about, and that they should leave the country, and steer for Portugal. They took the wind aft, and during that night and the next day the storm increased so much that they were very apprehensive for their safety, and made many vows of pilgrimage and the performance of other ceremonies usual with Catholic mariners under such circumstances. They did not intend to sail straight for Portugal, but first to touch at some African port. Winds and currents brought them to Sierra Leone, where they stayed fifteen days, obtaining supplies of food and other necessaries, before they steered for the Azores. They arrived at these islands the latter part of eTuly, and remained another fortnight; when they left for Lisbon. One of their vessels had been burned as unseaworthy at Sierra Leone, so that it was only two ships which entered Portuguese waters September 7, 1502, after a voyage of about fifteen months. The adventurers were received with much joy in Lisbon; and Americus. especially, was singled out for distinction by the King. His ship had become unseaworthy, but it was broken up with much ceremony, and portions of it carried in solemn procession to a church, where they were suspended as sac- red relics. Nor were the rejoicings confined to Portugal. Florence received the accounts of the discoveries of her illustrious son with much pride, and honors were bestowed upon those membersof his family who still lived in the city on the Arno. The reputation of Americus rested not only on the account which he had given of new countries, but upon his astronomical discoveries as well. He was confessedly far in advance of most other learned men of the age in the sciences of astronomy and geometry ; and although his calculations are undoubt- edly defective in many points, yet they agree more nearly with those of the present clay than do those of any of his contemporaries. He was the discoverer of the method of obtaining longitude at sea, by observing the conjunction of the moon with one of the planets; his observation and enumeration of the stars in the southern heavens were of great value to mariners who came after him ; and thus his many sleepless nights were not without benefit to man- kind. Believing that Americus Avould have reached Indiabythe way of the south- west, had not his last voyage been interrupted by the severe storms which he had encountered, the King of Portugal lost no time in fitting out another ex- pedition. Six vessels were prepared, and Gonzalo Coelho appointed to the bmi'MJtKCKKD (218) AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 219 chief comnuind of the fleet. Americas was placed in command of one of the vessels, and was recognized as the scientific authority of the squadron. Their destination was the " Island Malaca," which was thought to be " the warehouse of all the ships which come from the Sea of Ganges and the Indian Ocean, as Cadiz is the storehouse for all the ships that pass from east to west and from west to east by the way of Calcutta." This island is described as being situated farther east and much farther south than Calcutta, being about the third degree of north latitude; it is impossible to determine, from the ac- counts given by Vespucius, whether the peninsula of this name was then sup- posed to be an island, or whether the name which is now ai)plied to the main land was then given to the island of Sumatra; both answer the description, as to location, equally well. May 10, 1503, they set sail from Portugal ; making up their cargo at the Cape Verde Islands. But letVespucius tell the story of the voyage, in the letter which he addressed after his return to his old school-fellow, Piero Soderini : — " Our Superior Captain was a presumptuous and very obstinate man. He would insist upon going to reconnoiter Sierra Leone, a southern country of Ethiopia, without there being any necessity for it, unless to exhibit himself as the captain of six vessels. He acted contrary to the wish of all our other captains in pursuing this course. Sailing in this direction, when we arrived off the coast of this country, we had such bad weather, that though we re- mained in sight of the coast four days, it did not permit us to attempt a land- ing. We were compelled at length to leave the country, sailing from there to the south, and bearing southwest. " When we had sailed three hundred leagues through the Great Sea, being then three degrees south of the equinoctial line, land was discovered, which might have been about twenty-two leagues distant from us, and which we found to be an island in the midst of the sea. We were filled with wonder at beholding it, considering "it a natural curiosity, as it was very high, and not more than two leagues in length and one in width. This island Avas not in- habited by any people, and was an evil island for the whole fleet; because, as yourExcellency will learn, by the evil counsel and bad management of the Superior Captain, he lost his ship here. He ran her upon a rock, and she split open and went to the bottom, on the night of St. Lorenzo, which is the tenth of August, and nothing was saved from her except the crew. She was a ship of three hundred tons, and carried everything of most importance in the fleet. "As the whole fleet was compelled to labor for the common benefit, the Captain ordered me to go with my ship to the aforesaid island and look for a good harbor, where all the ships might anchor. As my boat, filled with nine of my mariners, was of service, and helped to keep up a communication be- tween the ships, he did not wish me to take it, telling me they would bring it 220 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. to mc at the island. So I left the fleet, as he ordered me, without a boat, and with less than half my men, and went to the said isUmd, about four leagues distant. There I found a good harbor, where all the ships might have an- chored in perfect safety. I waited for the captain and fleet full eight days, but they never came; so that we were very much dissatisfied, and the people who remained with me in the ship were in great fear, so that I could not con- sole them. On the eighth day we saw a ship coming off at sea, and for fear those on board might not see us, we raised anchor and wenttoward it, think- ing they might bring me my boat and men. When we arrived alongside, af- ter the usual salutations, they told us that the Captain had gone to the bottom , that the crew had been saved, and that my boat and men remained with the fleet, which had gone further to sea. This was a very serious grievance to us, as your Excellency may well think. It was no trifle to find ourselves three hundredleagues distant from Lisbon, in mid-ocean, wnth so few men. " However, we bore up under adverse fortune, and returning to the island, supplied ourselves with wood and water with the boat of my consort. * * * Having taken in our supplies, w^e departed for the southwest, as we had an order from the King, that if any vessel of the fleet, or its captain, should be lost, I should make for the land of my last voyage. We discovered a harbor which we called the Bay of All Saints [it still retains the name], and it pleased God to give us such good weather that in seventeen daj's we arrived at it. It was distant three hundred leagues from the island we had left, and w^e found neither our captain nor any other ship of the fleet in the course of the voyage. We waited full two months and four days in this harbor, and seeing that no orders came for us, we agreed, my consort and myself, to run along the coast. " We sailed two hundred and sixty leagues further, and arrived at a harbor where we determined to build a fortress. This we accomplished, and left in it the twenty-four men that my consort had received from the captain's ship that w^as lost. " In this port we stayed five months, building the fort and loading our ships with dye-wood. We could not proceed farther for lack of men, and besides, I was destitute of many equipments. Thus, having finished our labors, we determined to return to Portugal, leaving the twenty-four men in the for- tress, with provisions for six months, with twelve pieces of cannon, and many other arms. We made peace with all the people of the country, who have not been mentioned in this voyage, but not because we did not see and treat with a great number of them. As many as thirty men of us went forty leagues inland. * * * AH this being performed, w^e bade farewell to the Chris- tians we left behind us, and to the country, and commenced our navigation on a north-north-east course, with the intention of sailing directly to the city of Lisbon. In seventy-seven days, after many toils and dangers, we entered AMEKICUS VESPUCIUS. 221 this port on the eighteenth day of June, 1504, for which God be praised. We were well received, although altogether unexpected; as the whole city had given us up for lost. All the other ships of the fleet had been lost through the pride and folly of our commander, and thus it is that God rewards haugh- tiness and vanit}'." Thus ended the last voyage of Americus Vespucius. Wishing for repose, and perhaps disheartened by the unfortunate result of this cruise, he abandoned the idea of again going to sea, and devoted himself to writing the account of what he had already accomplished. This was to be the end of his active ser- vice, he thought at the time; although he was younger by four years than Columbus had been when the great Admiral set sail on his first voyage to the unknown west. He remained in Portugal but a few months after the return of his ship; perhaps he was not received with such distinction as when he had brought home glowing accounts of new lands; perhaps the King regretted the loss of his four mighty ships, and thought that the disasters might have been averted, had these survivors acted differently; perhaps he was only desirous of visiting again that country where he had lived for some years, and which was the home of his wife's family. Whatever may have been the cause, we find him in Seville again in the latter part of 1504; and in February, 1505, acting as messenger for Columbus, who was prostrated by illness at Seville and desirous of laying his case before the sovereigns at Segovia. The death of Isabella had taken place about the time that Americus re- turned to Spain. This was the greatest calamity which could have befallen Columbus; but historians suppose that it was of great advantage to Vespu- cius. The Italian biographers of the great astronomer and cosmographer suppose that he was more of a favorite with the King than with the Queen; and one Spanish historian inclines to the opinion that King Ferdinand sent for him, that he might be informed of the plans and projects of the Por- tuguese government, both in regard to their expeditions to the shores of the New World, and the progress which they were making in their voyages and es- tablishments in the East Indies. His sudden departure from Spain and entering into the service of a rival nation was not noticed ; or at least was not made the pretext for any coldness on the part of the King; for Ferdinand wished to use him. On April 11, 1505, a royal grant of twelve thousand maravedis was made him ; and on the 24th of the same month, letters of naturalization on his behalf were issued, in consideration of his fidelity and his many services to the Crown. Preparations were at once begun for a new expedition, of which Vespucius and Vicente Nanez Pinzon were to be the commanders. Vespucius had by this time reconsidered his determination of remaining on shore and writing the accounts of his former voj'ages ; the old spirit of adventure and discovery 222 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. was again aroused in him; and ho busied himself at Pak)s, consulting with his colleague and making every possible preparation for the voyage. But since he was under royal patronage, and the ships were provided and equipped out of the royal treasury, he was dependent, to a considerable ex- tent, upon official activity; and the state of the country at that time made the officials very anxious to act as little as possible, lest they might offend one of their two masters. The late Queen had willed her dominions to her daughter Juana and her husband Philip. Should Juana be absent or incapacitated — for she was sub- ject to fits of insanity — King Ferdinand was to act as regent for the little prince, Charles, the son of Juana, who afterward became the great Emperor, Charles V. Ferdinand was so unpopular in Castile that, as soon as Philip and Juana arrived from Flanders, where they had been at the death of the Queen, he was obliged to resign his authority to them, and retire to his own kingdom of Arragon. An entire change took place in nearly all the departments of the government; and those officers who remained in their old positions found it very difficult to do anything which would not displease either King Ferdinand or King Philip, or perhaps both. Such was the position in which the officers who had charge of the prepara- tions for this expedition were placed. Tlieir perplexities were suddenly ended by the death of Philip, barely two months afterthe arrival of the royal couple in Spain. Castile now seemed likely to suffer as much from the lack of rulers as she had lately suffered from having too many; for the Queen was insane, and her father, King Ferdinand, was in Naples, attending to the affairs of that kingdom. The country was on the verge of anarchy; and, naturally enough, the officials declined to take active steps to prepare for this expe- dition. King Ferdinand returned, and sent for Vespucius and Juan de la Cosa, an experienced navigator of high repute, to come to court. They were soon engaged in consultation with the King and his ministers regarding the nauti- cal affairs of the kingdom. The vessels which had been prepared for the voyage of discovery had been dispatched on other errands before the King's return; and the idea of the expedition seems to have been given up. The work which had been assigned to the two navigators above mentioned was of a different sort; Cosa was to take command of two caravels, which were to be fitted out and armed as convoys to vessels coming and going between Spain and the settlement in Ilispaniola; for Ferdinand was afraid of the neighbor- ing country of Portugal, and anticipated some effort to interfere with his commerce. Americus was charged with the provisioning and support of these vessels, andPinzon was to attend to providing arms and military stores. Shortly after this arrangement was made, Vespucius was formally appoint- AMERICUS VEsrucius. 223 ed to the position of Chief Pilot, with a salary of seventy-five thousand mar- avedis a year, or about seven hundred dollars of United States money, ac- cording to 25resent values. This high and responsible post, with many duties attached, was held by Americus for the rest of his life, and shows clearly how highly he was esteemed by the cold and wary Ferdinand. This office did not require his unremitting attention, however; for shortly after his appointment he visited his native city. It was during this voyage thatBronzino painted the portrait from which all engravings are copied. When he returned to Spain we have no record; but in all probability the visit to Florence Avas a comparatively short one. The next four years are filled up with his oflScial duties, as showed by the entries in the Spanish archives; but of the life of the man during these years we know nothing — only the acts of the official. Whether the flame of life sank gradually, for lack of fuel, or was quenched suddenly, as by a flood of water, we know not; all that is told us is found in the warrant appointing his successor; and this states that Amerigo Vespucci had died February 22, 1512. His wife survived him for many years. They had no children, but Ameri- cus had long cared for one of his nephews as for a child of his own. From this nephew are descended the present representatives of the great explorer; for the Vespucci, though reduced from their former wealth to poverty, still live in Florence. The astronomical discoveries of Vespucius would never have made his name known except to scientists and seamen, and his explorations of the coast of the western continent would excite comparatively little interest, were it not for the fact that his name has become indissolubly connected with the Nev*^ World; for, valuable as Avas the information which he brought home, he was but one of the many who visited the continent discovered at the close of the fifteenth century; and the astronomical achievements Avere of far more moment than the geographical knowledge obtained. But from him the vast New World derived its name. It is often said that Vespucius robbed Columbus of his honors, and that the New World should have been called Columbia. Had the discoverer thought so, it would have been easy enough for him to have bestowed his own name upon the island which he called Hispaniola, or upon that larger island which he always thought was a portion of the continent, and which has retained its native name, Cuba. Columbus himself appears to have felt no jealousy of Vespucius, on this or any other account; but they were good friends after the voyagings of both had been completed. Americus, then, did not offensively claim the honor of having discovered this country; nor w^as he, in all probability, the first to give his name to it. It Avas a custom then, and has been the custom ever since, to call newly dis- covered bodies of land or water after the actual discoverer, or those who 224 AMERICUS VEsrucius. made his journey possible, or the land from which he came. To ilhisli-ale by the continent which Ave know best, the map of Xorth America, from Hudson's Bay to Cape R()l)ert Lineoln, is dotted with names so "iven. There seems to have been no effort to give a eolleelive name to the Now World for many years after its discovery; indeed, it was so long supposed to be a part of Asia that it Avas unnecessary. A Latin book on cosmography, however, printed at Strasburg in 1509, the Avork of an Italian named Ilaco- milo, suggests that as this country Avas discovered by Americus, it should be called America. Vespucius has been accused of trying to show that he discovered the main land before Columbus saw it; and, fortius purpose, fabricating the account of the first voyage out of Avhat he learned on the second. That is, he took but three A'oyages, the first setting out in 1409; and after this Avas over, he proceeded to Avritethe account of four, pretending that he sailed first in 1497, and again in 1499. The points of similarity between the two give some color to this theory; but Ave cannot understand how, if this had been the case, he should still have been regarded as a friend by Columbus, Avho cared but little for the material advancement Avhich he had gained, but AA'as only solicitous for the honor and the glory Avhich Avere justly his. If Vespucius had thus falsified the history of his life, Avith a A'iew to depriving Columbus of some honor, the Admiral must have heard of it; and Avould not have employed him as a messenger in his suit, or have spoken of him Avith respect and affection. The name America, in accordance Avith the custom Avhich still obtains among geographers, Avas first applied, naturally enough, to the coast Avhich Americus explored and described. But a portion of this coast Avas the source from Avhich valuable dye-woods Avere derived, especially a kind Avhich Avas called brazil, from the Portuguese Avord braza, meaning a live coal, or glow- ing fire; and the names America and Brazil AA'cre both used to denote the same coast. After a Avliile, the second of these names Avas confined to a cer- tain part of the coast, Avhere the Avood Avas actually obtained; Avhile the other name Avas applied to the part north and that south of it. From this, it Avas but a short step to speaking of all that great southern peninsula as America; and gradually the name came to be applied to the whole Avestern continent. Not in the life-time of the great Vespucius, however, Avas it so used. As late as 1550, North America Avas called Terra Florida on the Spanish maps, Avhile America and Brazil Avere tAvo names given to the same coast. A Avriter in the yoHh American Bcvicic, more than seventy years ago, thus comments upon the changes Avhich the application of the name has undergone: — ''The fortune of the name of America itself is not a little singular, as an instance of the mutations of human affairs; Avhich, having been first given to a single province, next spread over the Avhole southern continent, then passed on to the modern, and now, from being the appellation of the Avhole New A.MERICUS VEsrucius. 225 World, it scctns about to bo confined, by foreign nations at least, to our own youthful and aspiring republic." Americus Vcspucius sleeps in an unknown grave; but his epitaph is the name of a double continent. It is worthy of note that both the man who first discovered America by landing upon one of its outlying islands, and the one who later had the honor to be the earliest white man to tread the main- land of South America, were alike noble in character and aims. JoTix Cabot. C2-2r,) SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. •^^HE conflict known in English History as the AYtirs of the Koses lasted, {^^ with considerable intermissions, for thirty years, or from 1455 to 1485. ^T During one of these intermissions, probably early in the reign of Ed- ward IV., who came to the throne in 1461, a Venetian navigator, named John Cabot, settled at Bristol, England. It is probable that he was at- tracted to that country by the reports of the extravagance and luxury of the King; for the Venetians of that time were thrifty merchants, who dealt in those rich and costly articles of dress and ornament which seemed peculiarly fitting for princes. Certain it is, that John Cabot was a merchant as well as a sailor; probably one who had wealth sufficient tobuy and lade ships, and skill enough as a seaman to direct their course whither he would. At Bristol, in the year 1476 or 1477, a son was born to this foreign merchant, to whom the name of Sebastian was given. He was the second son, his elder brother being named Lewis; and another child, also a boy, was born to John Cabot and his wife, after this, who was called Santius. The boy Sebastian was about four years old when his father returned to Venice and remained there for a number of years. The reason for this move we do not know; certainly it was not the troubled condition of England, for he had lived there during years of civil war; and at that time things were comparatively settled. It may have been that he had established a sort of branch house, and was obliged to look after the details of his Venetian busi- ness in person. This removal did not interfere with the education of the three boys; for they received their instruction mainly from their father, who possessed con- siderable skill in mathematics. As soon as they were old enough, they re- ceived a thorough training in arithmetic, geography, and cosmography — the three branches of knowledge most essential to a seaman; and they acquired, while still very young, a considerable skill in practical navigation. This residence in Venice gave rise to the belief that Sebastian Cabot was a Venetian by birth, as his father undoubtedly was; but when he had acquired a sufficient degree of celebrity to make such particulars interesting, he was 15 • (227) 228 SEBASTIAN CABOT, TJIK DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. asked about it; and the answer is thus recorded by one of the earliest histor- ians of America, Richard Eden : — *' Sebastian Cabotetould me that he was borne in Bristowe, and that atfoure yeare OLdd he was carried with his father to Venice, and so returned agayne into England with his father, after certain yeares, whereby he was thought to have been borne in Venice." While he was still a boy, his return to England took place ; but we have no record of the year. He was certainly in England when Columbus returned from his first voyage, and set all Europe afire with interest in his discoveries. At that time the Wars of the Roses had ended; the King recognized by one faction w^as on the throne, and his wife was the heiress of the rival line. Eighty princes of the blood had fallen in battle during this dreadful war, and a proportionate number of nobles; so that there were but few to resist the rule of Henry VH., had they been so inclined. This prudent ruler had declined to engage in any wars with his neighbors, probably feeling that the country had had enough of that kind of thing; and he was anxious to extend his do- minions, and increase his revenue, by any other means which might present themselves. To the people of England, who were as sick of war as their King, but who, like him, were anxious to "hear some new" thing," the tidings of the success of Columbus brought great excitement. Particularly, we may suppose, were the three Cabot boys interested. Columbus was, like theirfather, a seaman; like their father, an Italian; and if he had only succeeded in making his ap- peal, by his brother Bartholomew, to the court of England before his offers were accepted by the sovereigns of Spain, w^ho knows but what their father might have been captain of one of his vessels? Who knows but what he might have taken his three sons, skilled sailors as the boys were, with him? Such were the thoughts that doubtless kindled the enthusiasm of the young Cabots, and such questions they doubtless asked each other, as they talked over the most astonishing news of the year. Of the year, we say; for there were no nine days' wonders then; apiece of news was worn threadbare by discussion in all possible lights and circumstances, before another came to replace it. Nor was John Cabot less enthusiastic than his sons; but his thoughts turned rather to what might be than to what might have been. Where one daring Italian had ventured, another might go; and a western route to the Indies from England might be found as readily as the same thing from Spain. Doubtless, this native of the City of the Sea loved the salt water; for he tells us: "By this fame and report, there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing;" and he seems to have turned natu- rally to the ocean as the avenue to success. Henry VII., learned that Columbus had once had anideaof applyingto him SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 229 for patronage, had endeavored to secure his services after his success had been demonstrated. But Columbus was faithful to the spirit of the contract which he had made with Ferdinand and Isabella; he had accepted their aid, he had been loaded with honors by them, and he would enter into the service of no other prince. But Henry VII., who loved money very well, desired to have a share in the riches of the Indies, and was not content to give it up in this way. He looked about for anothernavigator less eminent, but still capa- ble of conducting such an enterprise. Wliile he w^as searching for such a man, he learned that a certain merchant of Bristol was an enthusiast on the subject of the Columbian discoveries. This was John Cabot, who was ex- ceedingly anxious to follow the example of the great discoverer, and find a northwest passage to India. The King sent for him; he found that, like Co- lumbus, he wasnot willingto embark in such an enterprise without being under the special patronage of some government, as the results would be so great that no private individual could successfully manage the affairs without ex- citing jealousy of governments. Unlike Columbus, Cabot was amply supplied with this world's goods, and was well able, if the patronage of the King could be secured, to fit out his own armament. This suited the King exactly; for while he lost no opportunity of getting money, and even went to the verge of tyranny by reviving forgotten laws regarding the collection of taxes, he hated to pay any of it out, especially for an uncertainty, such as this enterprise must be. March 5, 1496, a patent was granted to John Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, authorizing them, their heirs, or deputies, " to sail to all parts, countries, and seas of the East, of the West, and of the North, under our banners and ensigns, with five ships, of what burden or quantity soever they be, and as many mariners or men as they will have with them in the said ships, upon their own proper costs or charges, to seek out, discover, and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions, or provinces of the heathen and infidels, whatsoever they may be, and in what part of the world soever they be, which before this time have been unknown to all Christians." Under this charter, Cabot was empowered to set up the royal banner, and take possession of the territories discovered by them, as the King's vassals. They were required, on their return, to land at Bristol, no other port being permitted to them; and while they were to have the exclusive right to resort to the lands discovered, and trade there, the Crown was to receive a fifth part of the proceeds of such commerce. But John Cabot was not the principal person concerned in this charter. Late researches have made it appear that he was only chosen as the one whose name came first in the grant, because he was a well-known and responsible man. He was anxious that a shorter route to the Indies should be discovered, for he was a merchant, and much of his business was connected with the In- 230 SEBASTIAN CAHOT, THE IMSCOVEKEK OF NORTH AMERICA. dian trade; but as far as discovery was concerned, he cared far less than his second son; and ho naturally felt little or no interest in extending the domin- ions of the King of England; for although he had lived there so many years, he is described in the charter as a " citizen of Venice." Sebastian Cabot. Sebastian Cabot was at this time but twenty or twenty-one*; but it was at his instance that his father had gone to court and accepted the proposition of the King. He it was who was most, of all the family, cnflamed with the desire of discovery; and he is the one who is justly dignified with the title of Discoverer of North America. The world moved more slowly in the fifteenth century than it does in the last years of the nineteenth; and it was thought a wonderfully expeditious piece of work, when the five ships were ready to sail about a year after the patent had been granted. In the spring of 1497 they sailed from Bristol, their first landing-place intended being on the coast of Iceland. A flourishing trade had already been established between Bristol and Ice- land, so that this part of the voyage was through well-known waters. In this Cabot had nmch the advantage of Columbus; for tdthough the Azores SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 231 lay farther west than Iceland, these islands were regarded by the navigators of Southern Europe as the extreme western land; while the daring Scandi- navian sailors who had settled in Iceland knew of settlements which men of their race had established in Greenland, five hundred years before; and with these two stepping-stones, Iceland and Greenland, the Atlantic does not seem such a boundless extent of water. It was supposed by Cabot that the land discovered by Columbus was — as indeed he and all other persons believed — islands fringing the coast of Asia. They thought that whatever land there might be to the south, there must be an open channel to the south of Greenland, by which the coast of Asia could be reached ; and this was the passage which they sought. Sometime was spent in Iceland before they steered to the southwest; they were not intending to visit Greenland, for terrible pestilences had swept over that cold and barren land and carried off all but a few miserable remnants of the inhabitants, who had been glad to escape to a milder country. Through the long summer days they sailed across the ocean, not meeting with any adventure worthy of note; for the sea was as calm as the most timid sailor could wish. At five o'clock on the morning of June 24, the sailors were startled by the cry of " Land I " They had not expected it so soon ; for, according to Cabot's calculations, they were still at a considerable distance from the coast of Asia, and did not suppose that there were any islands so far north. At first, he supposed it only a small island, and sought to ascer- tain its extent by coasting around it. As he approached it, he found himself in a passage between two bodies of land, both ^f which were evidently of considerable extent. One of these he named Terra Primum Visa, "Land First Seen;" the other, an island of smaller extent — for he still clung to the belief that the first was an island — he named after St. John, because it was on the feast of that saint that it had been discovered. His efforts to circumnavigate this supposed island proved unsuccessful ; for it was nothing more or less than a portion of the American Continent, the peninsula now known as Nova Scotia. The island which he called St. John's was that now named Prince Edward's. He thus writes of his disappoint- ment : " After certayne dayes, I found that the land ranne towards the north, which was to mee a greate displeasure." Such were the feelings of the man who first discovered North America, when he found that it was not a small island at which he had touched. Cabot's followers were full of wonder at the result which had been attained, and were all for chasing the white bears and the great stags, greater than those of England, with which the country seemed to abound; but the navi- gator, young as he was, was too determined and persistent in his disposition to be thus allured from what he had undertaken. He steadily followed the i^^ j Cabot at Labrador. (232) SEBASTIAN" CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH A:MERICA. 233 coast northward, hoping to find that passage of which he was in search. How far he went, is uncertain ; in the map which he published nearly fifty years afterward, there is nothing laid down above the sixtieth parallel; but it is possible that he reached a point three or four degrees north of this. Some of Cabot's biographers have supposed that he entered Hudson's Bay; but of this there is no certain proof. It is true that he came to a point where the direction of the coast, for some distance, was generally westward, and that he sailed with much exultation into the extensive sheet of water, which he believed to be the ocean that skirted the newly discovered continent on the north, and the passage to India wdiich he wished to find. Ungava Bay would answer the description given, and would fall within the limits of the mai3 drawn by him so many years afterward. The early navigator was at the mercy of his sailors; when they chose to assert themselves, wdiat leader could hold out against them? Columbus did so, but probably only for a few days after they were really determined to take things in their own hands; but Columbus was a mariner of tried ability; and had demonstrated to his crews that he was skilled above all the pilots on board. Sebastian Cabot was but a youth; and his father, to whose experi- ence more deference might have been paid, had he been actually in command, seems to have gone with his son only to give occasional advice, and to super- intend any arrangements that might have to be made about trading with the countries of the East, when they should be reached. The sailors were tired of the long voyage; they w^ere fearful that new and unsurmountable dangers awaited them if they went farther; they knew that their provisions were nearly exhausted, and they saw no prospect of obtaining anymore on these cold and inhospitable shores; they urged an immediate return. Cabot had lost no enthusiasm, and was as eager in his desire to press forward as when he left Bristol; but the sailors had lost confidence, and in- sisted on returning. He argued, coaxed, and commanded; but with the same result. He was compelled to put his ships about, return to the point wdiere they had first seen land, and, nearly in the track by which they had come, make his way to Bristol again. Cabot's discovery w^as not received with anything like the warmth which its importance warranted. Almost the only indication which we have of the time of his return is found in an entry in the Privy Purse expenditures of King Henry VII. : " 10th August, 1497. To him that found the New Isle, £10." Thus the discoverer of North America an^ the author of " Paradise Lost" were rewarded by exactly the same amount of money for that which rendered them famous. But Cabot w^as not content to rest upon his laurels; perhaps they were as yet too few to afford a soft bed. Perhaps, too, his expenditures in the first voyage had been such that he was anxious to get some return for them; and 234 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. this could only be done by a trading venture with the inhabitants of the New Isle, as we have seen that it was then called. Accordingly, he applied for per- mission to undertake another voyage; and a second patent was issued, in his father's name as before. This patent, which was dated Feb. 3, 1498, allowed the Cabot's " six English shippes, so that and if the said shippes be of the bourdeyn of two hundred tonnes or under, with their appareil requisite and necessarie for the safe conduct of the said shippes," The Cabots were au- thorized to " them convey and lede to the lande and isles of late found by the said John in oure name and by oure commandment." The use of the expression " land and isles " shows that the King w^as fully aware that the continent had been discovered; so that we cannot excuse the meagerness of Sebastian Cabot's rewardby supposing the thrifty Tudor to be ignorant of the extent of his services. Cvfot's Rfturx to ]>n(,i \xd. Yet the King, in the fitting out of this second expedition, showed himself more liberal than he had been on the previous occasion. He could well afford to venture something now, for the results were, to some degree, assured; land was known to exist at a certain distance, reached w^ithout great difficulty or danger, by English ships; and returns of some sort might be confidently expected. SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 235 "What the King really contributed to fitting out this expedition, does not appear; probably one, or at the most, two ships, and a considerable amount of money. " Divers merchants of London also adventured small stocks," reasonably assured that some gain might be expected; and some mercantile adventurers exerted themselves to freight several small vessels, which were to accompany the fleet under the command of the Cabots. Before this was ready to sail, however, John Cabot died. It shows that he was but the figurehead, when we learn that preparations w^ere in no way in- terrupted or delayed by his death ; but that his son Sebastian stepped calmly to the front, and became the acknowledged, as he had always been the actual, head of the expedition. Had we such a record of the voyages of Cabot as we have of those made by Vespucius, the discoverer of South America, the story would doubtless be full of interest. But Cabot lacked that enterprise which led Vespucius to put himself forward as the learned cosmographer who, by voyages to un- known lands, had vastly advanced the knowledge of the world; the Floren- tine wrote descriptions of his voyages and the strange countries which he reached, and addressed copies of these so-called letters to all the prominent men whom ho thought likely to be interested; the Venetian merchant's son sharing something of the cold pride of the island people among whom he was born, entrusted to the keeping of a few hastily written pages the results of his adventures; these were left by him at his death, nearly ready for pub- lication; but by some carelessness they were lost. It is only the bare outlines, then, of his adventures upon this voyage which can be given. Besides the hands required to man the vessels, he took with him three hundred men, with a view of establishing a colony on the coast which he had discovered. It will be remembered that his knowledge of the coast between Nova Scotia and the entrance of Hudson's Strait was acquired in a very few weeks beginning with the 24th of June ; probably not more than two or three weeks. At this season of the year there would be few indica- tions of the severity of the winter, and knowing that this territory corre- sponded, in distance from the equator, with that part of Europe which is in- cluded between the parallels just north of Spain and of Scotlnad, he would not expect any great difficulties from the climate. He landed his three hun- dred colonists on the coast of Labrador, and having instructed them to ex- plore the country so as to find the best possible location for a colony, he sailed on in search of the Northwest Passage. He followed the coast as far as sixty-seven and one-half degrees north, probably passing into Hudson's Bay; although this, as in the first voyage, is by no means certain. He might have crossed, from island to island, at the inner end of the strait; having no idea of the vast inland sea on the verge of which he was sailing. It is not reasonable to suppose that, had he actually 23(5 SKl'.ASTIAN (;A150T, TIIK ])lS(-OVERKIl OK NOlfTIL A^IKIUCA. reached the bay, lie would have returned without thorougii investigation; since the great extent of this body of water would naturally lead him to sup- pose that he had found an open sea north of fhc continent. Meanwhile, the proposed colony on the coast of Labrador was not pro- gressing. Although it was the midst of summer, and " the dayes were very longe, and in manner without nyght," the settlers found it too cold for com- fort; they had no shelter but their tents, and only the provisions which had been left them from the ship's stores. They missed the comforts of civilizetl life — such as Englishmen of the latter part of the fifteenth century knew anything about — and longed only to return to their own country. They were very far from being such stuff as heroes are made of. They made a few spasmodic efforts to explore the country, as the young commander had directed; but nothing of any consequence in this way was achieved. The number was lessened by daily deaths; so that when Cabot re- turned, disappointed at not having found any open passage to the west, he received new set-backs to his enthusiasm from the colonists. They had taken no steps to form a settlement, and they boldly told him that they did not in- tend to remain any longer on that coast. This being the case, Cabot had no discretion but to take them all on board again. But he was not ready to return to England. He decided that as long as nothing could be accomplished by sailing to the northward, he would try the other end of the coast; and put his ships to explore south of where he had landed. He explored the coast as far south as the thirty-eighth parallel; and then set sail for England. What had he accomplished? No passage had been found, for his sailors had compelled him to turn back when they reached the Arctic Circle; no colony had been established, for those who had undertaken to found the settlement had refused to remain. The one thing which gives distinction to this voyage is the fact that, during its course, Cabot explored the eastern coast of North America for one thousand eight hundred miles, measured as the crow flies. But this achievement, then unparalleled, did not satisf}' the King. Good money had been paid out of the royal purse, to assist in fitting out this ex- pedition; and nothing had been brought back. There was not even a settle- ment established, as a promise of future trade. Could this be reckoned as service to the Crown? Did a man Avho did no more than spend the King's money expect to be received with honors? Certainly not. Besides, the sec- ond patent had not been worded like the first. The first, as we have above quoted it, named John Cabot, his three sons, and their heirs or deputies, to enter on this work of discovery; the second had named simply John Cabot and his deputies. Clearly, reasoned the King and those who wished to stand well with him, since John Cabot had died before the expedition set out, Se- SEBASTIAN CAIJOT, TIIK DISCOVKdKK OF NORTH AMERICA. 287 bastiaii had undertaken more than he was entitled to attempt, when he took command in his father's phice, without being formally appointed by the King. Of such a quibble the King of England availed himself, to avoidrewarding Cabot for what he had done, and to rescind the privileges of the first patent, in which the names of John Cabot's three sons appeared Avith that of the father. This was a more flagrant injustice than any with which Columbus ever met; for Ferdinand of Arragon, while he might intend to cheat the dis- coverer of his rewards, never openly acknowledged such an intention ; he contented himself with putting oif the Admiral's claims from time to time, always promising justice for the future; Henry VII., less deceitful, but fidly as unjust, bluntly refused to reward Cabot for his discoveries. Yet in 1499 we find him again asking royal assistance in fitting out a fleet. Perhaps he could not realize the depth of meanness of which the King could be capable. He met, however, with " noe great or favourable entertain- ment," and is supposed to have fitted out the vessels from his own means, lessened as they were by the expenses of the previous expeditions. On this voyage, we are told, he made great discoveries; but what they were worthy Master Eden does not think it worth while to say; perhaps he was not altogether sure himself, but put in one general assertion what was usually believed. Beyond this mention of a third voyage, we know nothing more of him untd 1512. We then find him at Seville, in the employment of the Spanish Govern- ment. What position he occupied is uncertain; he was probably high in the naval service, under the general direction of Vespucius, who, however, was drawing near the close of his life. The abilities of Cabot were not recognized by the Spanish monarch until there seemed danger of his enriching some other country with the results of his daring and his labors. Henry VIL, had died in 1509, leaving a treasure of two millions sterling to his son and successor, Henry VIII., a boy of eighteen. This sum, which is now far exceeded by the fortune of several railway magnates of the United States, was then regarded as an unparalleled amount of money; and to the young King it seemed inexhaustible. For a time he seemed bent on no discovery but one; he desired to find if his father's long purse had any bot- tom. Gradually, however, as the various excitements palled upon him, he began to awaken to the fact that other nations had pushed their geographical discoveries and were reaping the reward in added territory and prospects of greatly increased revenues; while England had suifered these rewards of en- terprise, fairly earned by a navigator in her employ, to slip through her fingers. Cabot once more became a person of importance; perhaps of more importance than he had ever been thought before; and a messenger was dis- patched to Spain to summon him to England, with a view to sending him on some new voyage of exploration and discovery. 238 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. But, by the time that Cabot arrived in his native country, the King was busily engaged with some other project; and the discussion of the exploration of the New World was postponed to suit his Majesty's convenience. Mean- time Ferdinand had discovered that Cabot was a man of much ability; he was assisted to that conclusion by the danger of Cabot's taking service under Henry and adding glory to the English Crown which might just as well be- long to the Spanish sovereign. He accordingly wrote to Lord Willoughby, Captain-General of England, requesting him to send Cabot back to Spain; and, as Henry VHI. was not yet ready to use his services, this was done. The discoverer returned to Spain, arriving there September 13, 1512. This was shortly after the death of Vespucius; and King Ferdinand gave Cabot nearly the same position. He was given a liberal allowance, and for a time at least his position seems to have been a sinecure, for no duties were assigned to him. In 1515, however, he was engaged in making, under royal patronage, a general revision of maps and charts — a work requiring much skill and accurate knowledge. His assistants included the best cosmogra- phers of the age. The same year he was chosen a member of the Council for the Indies — an unusually high honor for a foreigner not yet forty years of age„ But this was not all; Ferdinand seemed to delight in heaping honors upon the man whose services had been disregarded by England; and, having determined on an expedition to sail the next year in seai'ch of the Indian Passage — for it was fully known by this time that Columbus had not discovered the eastern coast of Asia — he placed Cabot at the head of it. Preparations went rapidly forward, and at the beginning of the year 1516 Cabot's lucky star seemed to be in the ascendant. In the very prime of life and strength, the favorite of a great monarch whose chief ambition was one that a man of Cabot's abilities and training could advance better than any one else could, taken from a post of great honor to be placed in one that satisfied every dream of his boyhood and manhood, what more could any one hope for, or wish for? It was literally too good to be true; for before the end of January, Ferdinand died, and, with him, the expedition for seeking the Northwest Passage to China. His successor was the Emperor Charles V., who was then in Brussels; and it was sometime before the new King came to Spain. In the meantime all was confusion there, every one seeking to do what he imagined would best recommend him to the favor of the young sovereign; for Charles was but sixteen years old. The Spaniards, by means of one of his ministers, could get some access to him, and many of them emploj-ed this opportunity in black- ening the characters and talking against the projects of their enemies. Cabot was one of those who were thus intrigued against. The favorite of a mon- arch is always an object of jealousy; and it would seem that Cabot had SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 239 suddenly been raised to this much envied, but really unenviable, position, from one of comparative obscurity. Added to this was all the national hatred of a foreigner. The Spaniards who endeavored to influence Charles V. against Cabot called him a foreign impostor, denied that his early voyages had accomplished anything, and even insinuated that he had not really reached land, as he claimed. All this was not without effect upon the boy- ruler; and Cabot, who seems to have foreseen this state of affairs, returned to England almost as soon as Charles reached Spain. He was well received here, for Henry saw the mistake that he had made in allowing him to depart; fortunately for England, the death of Ferdinand had prevented Cabot from accomplishing any great service to Spain, and had sent him back ready to serve his native country. The explorer at once set about preparing a number of vessels for a new voyage, being determined to under- take on his own account that which Ferdinand had been about to do for Spain. The King of England took an active interest in the fitting out of the expedition, and furnished not only " certen shippes," but some money, and appointed Sir Thomas Perte as Cabot's second in command. This expedition sailed from England in 1517; bound, according to some authorities, on a trading voyage to the Spanish settlements in the West Indies. It is more probable, however, that these writers have confused this with a later voyage, and that Cabot was now once again in search of the Northwest Passage. Accounts of the course pursued are considerably confused, and in the absence of any record from Cabot's hand will never be exactly determined. We find them at one time off the coast of Labrador; at another, off the coast of Florida. Most likely they sailed up and down the coasts of what are now Canada and the United States, seeking for some opening which would permit them to pass to the Pacific. This was no wild project, according to the be- lief of the times; and, at a later day, the settlers on the Atlantic seaboard thought they had but to cross the Alleghanies to view the Pacific. They penetrated to the sixty-seventh degree of north latitude, and on this third voyage to the coast of North America certainly entered Hudson's Bay, giving English names to many a prominent point. But again the crew, wearied by the long voyage, suffering from privations and from the severity of the climate, insisted upon returning to England. They asserted that there Avas no Northwest Passage to be found; or at least that Cabot did not know where to look for it; and open mutiny was imminent. In such a case as this Cabot should have been able to rely upon his officers; the one who stood next to him should have been particularly trustworthy; but this was the very one who failed him. Obedient to the leader, the pilots tried to convince the crews that the passage certainly existed, and that it must be found near where they then were ; the sailors refused to listen to 210 SKMASTlAIsr (AlUVr, 'IIIK DISCOVF.UKK OK NOlfTIL AMKHK'A. tluMV arjiiiiuonts; niul Sir Tlioinns P(>rlo jusliHod thotii openly for so acting. On a modern vessel, Perle would lia\-e l)een punished aloni? Avith the other nuitineers; but not so at the time of which we write. Discipline, as wo under- stand it, was then a tiling uidieard of; slandini;' armies and organized naval forces wer(^ unknown; chiss distinclions there! were, of t ho broadest kind; but of ollicial authority thei'e ^vas very little, especially in a wihhn'ness three thousand miles away fi'om the cent t>r of govei-nment . Cabot, could not pro- ceed against his licnitcnant , for l\>rte was ap[)ointed by ro.val authority; and l)robably j)ossi>ssed intluence enough to have ruined Cabot, had he been humiliated by him. The commander, then, whose or(h>rs were thus (h'tied, made the best of it, and put his shii)s about for home. On their return, Cabot was generally connnended for the resolution which he had shown; while a contemporary writer says of Perte: " His faint heart was the cause that the voyage took none effect/' Hut although the blame for the failure was thus justly })laced, it, did not alter the fact that it was a failure. The King was busy with other things, and did not choose to turn his attention to the projects of a man Avho had made three voyages and not found the Northwest Passage yet. Besides this indilTcrcnce of the (Jovern- ment, the iH>ople had no heart for such enler{M-is(>s. A tcrril)le plague had desolated tln^ country while Cabot had been away, and they had not yet recovered their (Miergy and resoluticm. Fortunately for him, howt>v(M% the alTairs of S|)ain wer(> in a more })i-omis- ing condition; and there was a i)rospi>ct of hi-ttcr things thcrt>. \\'hen Charles V. came to examine into matters, lu> was surprised to lind that Cabot had disai)peared. He knew something of the estimation in which his grand- father had held this Englishman; he knew the jealous and intriguing charac- ter of the Spaniards, and he saw that the state records bore w'itness to his faithfulness and services. Anxious to atone for past injustice, Charles st>ems to have sent for Cabot as soon as he returned from the New World. He was well received at court, and in 1518 appointtnl to the high otHce of Pilot-lNIajor of Si)ain. His duties were now numer(nis and responsible; and for some tinu' we llnd no more expeditions to the AVest; he had enough to occupy him at home. Ibit the f(>v(M- of discovery could not long be re[)ressed, when it had reacdied such heights as it. h;id in tlu^ annals of Spain. A vast treasure-house of tlu' nativ(\s had been opened in AnuMica by an intrepid Spaniard; it was in a ti'opieal «'limate; all soiithei-n lands might yield just sui-h riches; and Si>ain nnist prosecute her discoA crii's in t he soutlu>rn luMnisphci-c. ** 'I'o t he South, to the South 1" »>xclaims one of the historians of Spanish Amerii-a; "they that seek for riches nuist not go to the cold and frozen North I" The INIolueea. Islands had long been regarded as thesource of nuuh wealth; chielly, jierhaps, because of the spice which was there produced. Cabot, SKHASTIAN CAMOT, TIIK DISCOVKKIOK OF NOKTIf AMERICA. 241 following? the lead of popular opinion, or porliaps directing it, advised that an expedition should be fitted out to visit the Moluccas, the route chosen be- ing by way of the Straits of MageUan, then but recently discovered. But as soon as this proposition got wind, the Portuguese Government was up in arms. The Molucca Islands belonged to Portugal, being included in that portion of the earth which had been assigned to that country by the Pope, when the undiscovered countries of the globe Avere virtually divided by papal authority between Spain and Portugal. Of course, S[)ain was not ready to allow this claim, and it was finally agreed to submit the question to a council of learned navigators and cosmographers, to meet at Badajos in 1524. Cabot's name heads the list of those who were summoned to this conference, showing in what high esteem he was held. The council met in April, and deliberated for more than a month. The de- cision, which was rendered the last of May, was to the effect that the islands in dis[)ute lay twenty degrees within the line which bounded the Spanish dominions. The Portuguese envoys were furious at this reversal of their claims, and retired, uttering many a threat of maintaining their rights by force of arms. These threats we leave unheeded for the [)resent, following more closely the actions and fortunes of Cabot. A company was at once formed for the prosecution of trade with the Mo- luccas, and of this Cabot, with the permission of the Council of the Indies, accepted the chief office. He received the title of Cai)tain-General. Three shi})s and one hundred and fifty men were to bo provided by the P]m[)eror, who was to receive, out of the profits, a certain share, not less than four thousand (hicats. The company was to supply all funds necessary for trading, and C^abot was obliged to give bond for the faithful performance of his duty. Tlie Portuguese found that their threats produced no effect whatever upon the young Emperor, so they resorted to other tactics. A remonstrance was made in due form, whereby they showed that an invasion of the Portuguese monopoly in trade with the East Indies would bo the ruin of the country; and 1 hat the relationship between them, and the ties of marriage — for the King of Portugal had married the Emperor's sister — ought to prevent Charles from undertaking anything which would ruin his cousin and bi'other-in-law. The Emperor replied that he could not relinquish, for any such considerations, an (Hiterprise which it was his right to pursue. Threats and remonstrances being alike useless, t\u) King of Portugal re- solved to try still other means, and fitted out a sOKlll AMKKUA, ououizhA^ibot Josirod lo apjuMtu his own clxlci' lioutouant . ami iiominatod a tni>t\vonhy fiioiul o( his to that high ollioo. The other otUcoi-s o( l\\c (.\Mn[nin.\ , uho ooiistitutod the board of nuvnagors, objoetod to this, aiul in- sisiod u[ion tho ai^pointimMit of ^Martin Mondoz, who had saihultrndor >hii:cl- lan. li is.iuiio po--ihlo that Cabot was unjustly prejudiood against this man. and thai his i^pposit ion to his appointniottt was titifoasonabK^ ; hut in an o\- podilion liko this thoro >hinihl ha\ o boon iH>ft\\'t oonoord hoiwoon tho ohiot" otUoors; Caliot had soon ono oxpodition, o( \vhioh ho was tho loador, fail, ho- oausehe had not boon nphohl by tho sooond in ooniniand: and uow tho most that ho ooidd hv^po fi-om a liouionant appoiniod aLvain-^i his protest was tl\at his ordors wouKl not bi> op^ndv opj^osod. I'horo oouUl bo no roal agroomont bolwoon thorn. As if to strongthon. tho party of Mondo/ — for i>artios thoro nnist bo undor such ciroiimstanoos — two broihors. Miguol and Kranoisoo do Kolas, th'\iUi>d folhnvors of "Momhv.. w<>ro attaohod to tho <.>\[H\litiini ; ono o( thorn boing oonunandor oi' ono o( ihc ships. Finally, as if to niako C'ahot's position as dangorous as possible, without oiumly sottiui:- a inioo upiMi his heail. sealed orders were furnished to the ea[Maiit of eaeh ship, with instrnetions that they should not be t^pened until they N\ ere fairly at sea. In these ordof^. ele\ en per-mis were named, upon whom, in order of sueeession, tho ovunmand should devolve in ease i>f Cabot's death. If all thoseshould die, tho loader nuist bo ehosou bytho goneral vote ; providing, that if there slundil bo a tie. the eandiviates reeeiving the highest number of votes should east lots. It is doubtful whether Cabot knew what iustruetions wm-e given until the ordors wore opened at sea. If he did. there is ntended in so nuiny instances with tho agents of the C\unpany — for his judgment was almost invariably ditforont from theirs — that he was unwilling- to attempt to resist this last assertion of their authority, and trusted to his own resolution to jn-e- vail over their arts. Outwardly, tho course of the expedition soouuhI to bo favored by fortune for a b)ng time after setting out. They touched at the Canaries and the Cape Verde Islands, both belonging to rortugal; but their intereourso with the islanders was as friendly as if [Hn-f<\i otmeord had e\i>it>d between the rulers of tho two natiims. Their objeet was probably to complete the\ ietualling of tho ships: and from the Cape \'erdi> l>huuU. ^vhen this had been aeoiunplished, they struck boldly aeross the Atlantie. Caju^ St. Augustine being their next stopping-i>laee. But beneath this show of peace rebellion was constantly seething. Dis- putes had arisen between some of tho sailors befine leaving Seville, and Mondez and the Kojas began to eomplain that Cabot did nothing tv^ allay SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 243 them. It was said by tliem that the commander had laid in no sufficient stock of provisions for so long a voyage, and that they were bound to starve before they reached their destination; when this was doubted by some who were too well-informed to accept it, the conspirators acknowledged that there might be enough provided, but that the greater part of the stores had been placed on Cabot's own ship, where it could not be reached by those on the other vessels. The men were urged to depose a tyrant, and put true men in his place. There never was a man who had been accustomed to command who was less a tyrant than Sebastian Cabot. Those of his companions whose testimony has come down to us have spoken of him with sincere affection ; many things show the gentleness of his character; and there are but few instances re- corded where he exercised any severity. But those who are determined to find fault with the proceedings of any one can generally find something on which to base their complaints; and in all considerable bodies of men there will be discovered some who are not satis- fied with the rule of those in authority. Mendez and his confederates worked upon the dislike of those who had been justly punished by Cabot, or who had failed to receive from him what they considered was their due. These, in turn, influenced others, and at length the plans of revolt were fully matured. All this was underhand work: it was not until they had sighted Cape St. Augustine, and were coasting southwardly along the shores of Brazil, that their criticisms of every order issued by Cabot became openly insolent. Should it come to formal rebellion, Cabot did not know on whom he could rely; for there were but two Englishmen in all the crews, and every Spaniard might be an enemy. At every turn he saw lowering countenances, and heard hints of the unde- served favor which had raised him, a mere foreign adventurer, to a place which rightfully belonged to a Spaniard. He paid no attention to all this, until he was ready to act. Then, with that sharp decision which sometimes marks the mildest and gentlest character, making no attempt to argue the case or to effect a compromise, he ordered ]\Iendez and the two Eojas brothers to be seized. The sudden and unexpected orders were obeyed, Francisco de Rojas being taken without ceremony from the vessel which he commanded. When they had been brought before the commander, he ordered two seamen, of whose faithfulness he was well assured — probably those two countrymen of his— to enter an open boat with the culprits, and put them ashore at the nearest island. He was obeyed without question, and the ships sailed on without the three men who were next in command to Cabot. The subordinates in the plot, awed by this severe treatment of the ring- leaders, cleared the sullen frowns from their faces, and paid such respect as 16 244 SEBASTIAN" CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. they knew how to give to the energetic leader. But the loss of these officers, Cabot considered, made such a change in the personnel of the expedition as to defeat any plans which the Company mighthave entertained, of directing the course in accordance with the views of all the high officers ; he was un- willing to take the sole responsibility of prosecuting the original enterprise. He accordingly decided to put into the mouth of the Rio de la Plata for a time, and there consider what course should be taken. Perhaps he had some idea of sending back for the mutinous officers, or at least of affording them ah opportunity of rejoining the vessels. Just before reaching this point, however, he lost one of his vessels, it being wrecked in a storm which the others barely escaped. This left but two; and he decided that it would not be well, without more ships, to attempt the crossing of the great South Sea. He therefore turned his attention to the exploration of the country about La Plata. He had been preceded in the office of Pilot-Major by Don Diego> de Solis, who had come on a voyage of discovery and exploration to this very spot. Landing at the mouth of La Plata with a body of fifty men, Solis had been attacked by a large band of savages; many of his men were slain f the" others were captured; and the cannibal victors feasted on the bodies of those whom they had slain in battle and of the prisoners whom they had put' to death afterward. The vessel under the command of Solis, from the deck of Avhich the rem- nant of his force witnessed these horrible proceedings, without the power of avenging their comrades, returned to Spain with the account of that tragedy. The same man who had acted as pilot to Solis held a similar position on board the vessel of Cabot; and thus to these newcomers the scenes of their prede- cessors' melancholy fate was pointed out by one who had been an eye- witness. Just off that point Avhere the city of Buenos Ayres is now situated, lies a small island, called San Gabriel; and here Cabot decided to land. Their purpose was stubbornly resisted by a. considerable body of natives; but the Spaniards were equally determined, and finally drove off the savages. A suitable place being found for anchoring the ships, Cabot, with most of his crew, proceeded in open boats on a voyage of discovery up the river. They journeyed something over twenty miles in this manner, before they decided to land. They were then at the head of that wide estuary which we are accustomed to call the Rio de la Phita, at the mouth of the Parana, and nearly opposite the mouth of the Uruguay. They were near an island which Cabot called San Salvador, and it was on this that they proposed to land. But their progress up the river had been jealously watched by savages, half hidden among the trees that clothed the shores of the stream ; and when these enemies saw that the newcomers were preparing to land, they concen- SEBASTIAN CABOT, THIO D1SGX)VEUEU OF NORTH AMERICA. 245 trated their forces iii.stanU}-, and sent a storm of arrows, from every direction upon them. Two of the Spaniards were killed, and the others were glad to retreat to their boats. The natives obtained possession of the bodies of the slain, but declared to the Spaniards that they did not mean to eat them; the flesh of Solis and his tou^h soldier followers had been enough. Voyaging up the River. Finding that the island of San Salvador was furnished with an excellent harbor, Cabot dropped down stream to his ships, and caused them to ascend to the safer and more retired anchorage which he had just found. Leaving them there, under the command of Antonio de Grajeda, with a small guard, he prepared a caravel and several smaller boats for an ascent of the Parana. He found the people living on the banks of this river much less hostile than those on the sea-coast, and made friends with many of them. Notwith- standing this, he built a fort, some miles above the mouth of the Parana, which he named Sanctus Spiritus. Continuing the ascent from this point, his little force, considerably lessened by the frequent deaths which had occurred, became discontented; and it was all that he could do to hold them to his purpose. It was his idea that if this river were ascended far enough, it would lead him either to the rich silver mines of Potosi or by a new passage to the Pacific. Tiie country through which they traveled is described as " very fayre and inhabited with infinite people." 246 SEBASTIAN CABOT, TIllO DISCOVEUKR OF MOKTH AMERICA. When they reached the point at which the Parana receives the waters of the Paraguay, the expk)rers did not continue to follow the main stream, Avhich here changes its course entirely, but kept straight on up the Paraguay. They found the inhabitants more highly civilized than any they had yet met; they were industrious tillers of the soil, which they cultivated to advantage; and they seemed to have a clear idea of each other's rights; but they were bitterly opposed to the invasion of their country by any foreigners; and seemed to entertain a particular hatred to the Spaniards and Portuguese. Seeing that this was the condition of affairs, Cabot exercised great care to prevent a conflict between his followers and the natives; but care was to be rendered ineffectual. Three of the Spaniards left the boats one day, to gather the fruit of the palm-trees Avhich hung in tempting profusion almost over the water. They were set upon by a considerable party of the nativ^es; and being taken by surprise, and greatly outnumbered, were easily captured. The fiery Spaniards were determined to revenge themselves on the Indians for having thus captured their comrades; and Cabot at once became a mili- tary commander. What disposition was made of his small force we do not know; but he was ably seconded in his efforts by the hardy courage of his men, who were burning to fight with the captors of their friends; and who were so accustomed by theirprofcssion to hardships that they scarcely regarded the dangers which they must now face. Ignorant of the country and mode of warfare practiced by their enemies, they fought with desperation. The conflict lasted for the greater part of a day; and the slaughter was something terrible. Twenty-five white men and more than three hundred Indians fell before the dusky foe could be driven from the banks of the river. At last, however, as night fell, the whites saw that their valor had won the day; the enemy had retreated, leaving them in possession of the river which had been the field of battle. Cabot at once dispatched a messenger to the conmiandcr of Fort Sanctus Spiritus, giving an account of the battle and a record of the men whom he had lost, together with an estimate of the enemy's loss. It was a severe blow to him; for not only w^as his force materially weakened by the death of so numy men, but the spirits of the survivors were unfavorably affected. lie had had considerable difficulty in keeping them to his purpose thus far; he had been obliged to holdout before them, constantly, the prospects of enor- mous wealth, to be acquired when they should reach the silver mines of Potosi; but now, when they had come so many miles, and had seen so many of their comrades slain before their eyes, and had no assurance that other hostile hordes of natives did not await their coming along the whole route to the mines, they felt their courage and desire for w^ealth vanishing together. Such was the condition of affairs wdien the sailors received a support, unex- pected equally by themselves and by their commander. SEHASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVEREK OF NORTH AMERICA. 247 In order to understand what this support was, we must return for a little while to the fort at Sanctus Spiritus, where the messenger with the news of the battle had just arrived. Scarcely had Cabot's letter been delivered to Grajeda, when a party was seen coming up La Plata. With his mind full of the misfortune which had already happened, and dreading worse things to come, Grajeda hastily concluded that the mutinous officers had escaped from their lonely island by the aid of some passing vessel, and had, by their false representations, secured the sympathy and assistance of its commander and crew. But it was another enemy than jNIendez. We have seen, some pages back, that the Portuguese envoys to the con- ference atBadajoswerefurious when that convocation of learned geographers and map-drawers decided that the Molucca Islands were within the meridian that bounded Spanish possessions. They uttered many a savage threat, which Avere all disregarded by the triumphant Spaniards. Even if any danger had been anticipated from them, all fears were allayed when the King of Portu- gal sought to obtain, by remonstrance with the Emperor, that which it had been decided did not belong to him of right. But when this had failed, then the threats, considered as empty and idle by the Spaniards, were put into ex- ecution; and three ships were secretly prepared to embarrass Cabot's move- ments. The command of this squadron Avas placed in the hands of Diego Garcia. Garcia sailed in 1526, following Cabot's track very closely, to the Canaries, the Cape Verde Islands, and the coast of Brazil. Along this coast he seems confidently to have expected to come up with the Spanish expedition, and entered all the considerable indentations in search of the vessels. Entering La Plata, he ascended the river; and it was he whom Grajeda supposed to be Mendez. The new-comer was somewhat surprised to be met by several armed boats, led by Grajeda in person. At first, he was inclined to allow Grajeda to believe that he was a commander who had taken up the cause of Mendez and the Kojas; but finding that Grajeda was determined to do battle with such a per- son, acknowledged that he was the leader of a Portuguese fleet; and peace was established between the two. Garcia had allowed one of his vessels to engage in the slave trade; and this, laden heavily wuth its human chattels, he ordered to return home; while the others, manned by desperate, resolute men, he caused to anchor in the harbor of San Salvador. Leaving his ships and a part of the crews there, Garcia manned two brigan- tines with sixty men, and ascended the river, still on Cabot's track. He landed at the fort called Sanctus Spiritus, where Gregorio Caro had been placed in command of the snuill garrison; and summoned him to surrender. " Although ready to serve my guest in every possible way," was the very 248 SEBASTIAN OABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. polite answer, " I shall continue to hold coniniand of the Fort Sanctus Spir- itus in the name of Senor Cabota and his master and mine, the most gracious Emperor." Whether Caro fully understood that Garcia was indeed demanding a sur- render, he kept possession of the fort, as he said that he would, and managed to be on good terms with the Portuguese. Perhaps they admired his courtesy in unfavorable circumstances too much to use any impolite methods, such as would have been necessary in attacking the fort; more probably, Garcia smiled contemptuously at the answer, and decided that it was not worth while to assault a fort commanded by such a man. Caro seems to have been wholly in the dark as to the character and inten- tions of the newcomers; for he asked, as a favor, that Garcia would liberate any of Cabot's party who might have fallen into the hands of the natives; binding himself to repay faithfully whatever Garcia might have to pay as ran- som for such persons; and finally begged that he would befriend the follow- ers of Cabot, should they, in any battle occurring after that of which he had received news, have lost their commander. Arrived at the point where the city of Corrientes is now situated, Garcia seems to have been in doubt what course to pursue. According to what he had learned from Caro, Cabot had followed the river which came from a northerly direction; but the Parana was so evidently the main stream, that for some distance he followed that, believing that Caro must have mistaken the course pursued, or perhaps been misled by Cabot. But he soon learned that Caro's information was correct, and, returning to the junction of the rivers, ascended the Paraguay. Cabot's force was still stationed at the point where the battle had taken place; for there were some who had been wounded in the fight whom it was judged best not to move until their injuries should be partly cured. We can- not suppose that the meeting Avas marked with very much friendliness on either side; but there were no open hostilities. Garcia, however, remarked the weakness of Cabot's force, lessened as it was by death, and rendered un- available by wounds and fatigue. He demanded that Cabot should surrender at once to him ; basing his demands on the fact that Brazil, having been dis- covered by a subject of Portugal, belonged to that country; and at that time, the name of Brazil was applied to almost the whole coast of South America. Cabot steadily resisted this demand; but knew that he had not force suf- ficient to defy the arrogant subject of Portugal. He therefore put him off as best he could; probably with a promise to refer the whole matter to Europe for decision, and the united force returned to Sanctus Spiritus. Garcia, having stationed a considerable body of his followers here and at San Salvador, set sail at once. Cabot, convinced that he had gone to Europe to make as much mischief as possible, and fearing that he would circulate, SEBASTIAN CA^SOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 249 ■even in Spain, reiDorts which would l3e injurious to him, resolved to send messengers at once, to lay the true state of affairs before the Emperor. They were to inform the sovereign of the treatment which had been accorded to the mutinous officers, of the.changes of destination and the reasons for mak- ing such a change, and of the particulars of the ascent of the river. Francis Calderon and George Barlow were chosen as the messengers; their report is still in existence among the archives of Spain. Cabot defended his change of destination, not only by the necessity of the case, but by the claim that he expected from this route fully as much gain as if he had pursued that originally marked out. He had found, on the banks of La Plata, many natives wearing ornaments of gold and silver; and, makr- iiig friends with them, "he came to learn many secrets of the country," One of these secrets was the intelligence of the route to the rich silver mines of the interior; and he hoped to secure enough treasure there to repay the generosity of the Emperor, and enrich all those who had taken part in the expedition. He remained at the fort, awaiting the result of his application for provis- ion, ammunition, goods for trading with the natives, and a larger force of soldiers and seamen, all of which would be necessary for the prosecution of the enterprise. Whatever Garcia might have done, or tried to do, he had certainly not suc- ceeded in poisoning the mind of the Emperor toward Oabot; for the envoys of the Pilot-Major found the monarch most favorably disposed when they laid their leader's requests before him. The Company, on the other hand, thought Cabot demanded too much, and decided to allow their rights in the matter to pass to the Crown. Charles V. willingly accepted the surrender, and prom- ised to be personally responsible for the enterprise. But he was carrying on a war with his neighbor, the King of France; and wars are expensive luxuries. His soldiers were clamoring for their pay, and, being mercenaries, threatened to desert his standard if they did not receive it; the Moluccas had been mortgaged, and the Cortes, the Spanish parliament, refused to raise any more money by taxes. Under such circumstances, Charles, however willing he might be to assist Cabot, was unable to do so. Besides, just at this time, a more flattering offer than that of Cabot's had been made to the Emperor. Pizarro had offered to equip an expedition, at his own expense, for the reduction of Peru, and promised to resign all con- quests to the Crown. The entire and exclusive range of the coasts of Peru was granted to him; and the promises which the Emperor had made when Cabot's messengers first applied to him were set aside, never to be fulfilled. Meanwhile, Cabot was awaiting their return very anxiously, at his lonely post in the New AVorld. But he was not idle; that would have been a certain means of inviting mutiny and dissatisfaction among his men. He employed 250 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVEREK OF NORTH AMERICA. his time and theirs in making short excursions about the forts, until the Avholc neighborhood of the river had been thoroughly explored. He employed them in close observations of the products of the country; so that when they were thrown upon their own resources for the means of obtaining food — for no supplies came from Spain — they were not altogether helpless. Often but one or two were left in charge of the ship, while the others penetrated far into the interior, depending upon their tents or the huts of some friendly natives for shelter by night. Great Ship of Henry the Eighth. Cabot's men seem by this time to have given up the idea of returning to their own country, which is always the first wish of dissatisfied wanderers; and were only anxious to penetrate to that rich country which was to afford such an ample rcAvard for all the labors and dangers which had beset them since they left Spain. It was with no small difiiculty that he held them in check until he should learn the pleasure of the Emperor ; and the delay was as distasteful to him as it was to them. SKBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVEKER OF NOIiTlI AMERICA. 251 While they were thus engaged in exploring, observing, and cementing friendly treaties with the natives, the men whom Garcia had left vfore bring- ing misfortune upon themselves and the Spaniards on whom they were quar- tered. They had many disputes with the natives, until the patience of the Indians was quite worn out. At last the crisis came. A more bitter dis- agreement than usual so enraged the savages that they swore to take vengeance for what they had suffered at the hands of Garcia's men; and, in order that not one guilty man should escape, they vowed to destroy every one of the whites. They had entered into a treaty of peace with Cabot; but they did not understand the difference of nationality; and they considered that he must be, after all, responsible for the actions of all white men at the forts. They considered him a traitor to the treaty, and resolved to act accordingly. Theirplans were carefully laid, and warriors from a number of different tribes were secretly assembled. One morning before day-break they stormed Fort Sanctus Spiritus. The surprise was complete; the inmates were hardly awake before the savages were in possession of the stronghold; and the vic- tors marched against the fort at San Salvador. Here, however, the garrison was more on the alert, warned by the fate of their comrades farther up the river. They held the enemy at bay until the commander could have his one large ship prepared to receive the remnant of his forces; the others, caravel and brigantincs, must be left behind. All the available stores w^ere put on board, and the reduced force embarked, driven from America by a tribe of enraged natives. They arrived in Spain, 1531, after an absence of five years. Authorities differ as to the reception with which Cabot met; some declaring that it was entirely satisfactory, others saying that he met with coldness and ill-nature. Perhaps both are, in some degree, true ; he was probably received with reproaches by the merchants whose hopes he had disappointed, and with kindness by the P]mperor who had always entertained resj)ect for him, and who never lost that feeling. There was some inclination, among the Spaniards in general, to blame Cabot for the treatment which Mendez and his two confederates had received at his hands; but Cabot had so united the sailors and soldiers to him by his course at La Plata, and had shown his admirable character so clearly there, that there was uothing to be said against him in their presence; while his large-minded admiration of Columbus, and perfect freedom from jealousy of that great navigator, made him many friends; for the Spaniards had out- grown, in the years since the death of the Admiral of the Indies, all narrow jealousies, and had exalted him to the place of a national hero. Cabot did not hesitate to declare the exploits of Columbus to have been " more divine than human," and was respected accordingly. Cabot resumed the office of Pilot-Major, which he continued to fill for some 252 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. years, giving general satisfaction, and respected as the first navigator of the age. In Ilakluyfs voyages is quoted the opinion of a gentleman who had asked for some information on matters rehiting to the sea, and was referred to the Pik)t-^Iajor; and this quotation we here reproduce: — ■ "It was tokle nice that there was in the city a valiant man, a Venetian born, named Sebastian Cabot, who had charge of the navigations of the Spaniards, being an expert man in that science, and one that could make cardes [charts] for the sea with hisowne hand, and by this report, seeking his acquaintance, I found him a very gentle and courteous person, who enter- tained mee friendly, and shewed mee many things, and among other a large mappe of the world, with certaine particuler navigations, as well of the> Portugals as of the Spaniards, and he spake further unto me to this effect." Another contemporary s^ays of him : — ■ "He is so valiant a man, and so well practised in all things pertaining to navigations, and the science of cosmograiDhie, that at this present he hath not his like in all Spaine." While holding this office, he frequently went as chief of small naval expe- ditions of com^^aratively short extent; but nothing new, of sufficient magni- tude to be here set down, was undertaken. These voyages served only to keep public interest alive; they cannot be reckoned as promoters of discovery. Cabot thus wrote of them, in a letter dated several years after: — "After this I made many other voyages, which I now pretermit, and, wax- ing old, I give myself to rest from such travels, because there are now many young and lusty pilots and mariners of good experience, by whose forward- ness I do rejoice in the fruit of my labors, and rest with the charge of this .office, as you see." For seventeen years did he " rest with the charge of this office," content, to all appearance, so to spend the remainder of his days. But, as he passed the limit of three-score and ten, there came upon him a longing for his native land. Perhaps the fact that Henry VIII. was no longer King had something to do with it; for Cabot's patience must have been tried by the manner in which the King took up the subject of maritime enterprise, and then cast it entirely aside. This was in the youth of " bluff King Hal," and his later years did not show even so much interest in the subject, absorbed as he was in maintaining himself and the English Church against the Pope and Luther, and given to sensual self-indulgence. He died in 1547, and was suc- ceeded by his son, Edward VI., a mere child. From the nobles in charge of the Government Cabot expected recognition. Young as he was, the royal child had shown signs of interest in naval affairs, and knew all the ports and harbors of his own dominions, as well as those of France and Scotland. To the country ruled by such a King, the greatest of living navigators, himself a native of that country, was naturally attracted. SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 253 Kesigiiing his high office, he returned to England iu 1548. But scarcely had he left Spain before the Emperor discovered that it had been a mistake to allow him to go. A formal demand was accordingly made, that " Sebastian Cabote, Grand Pilot of the Emperor's Indies, then in England, might be sent over to Spain, as a very necessary man for the Emperor, whose servant he was, and had a pension of him." This wording would seem to imply that Cabot had tendered no formal resignation, and taken no formal leave of his patron and friends. It is not improbable, however, that the resignation was ignored on this occasion, and that permission had been given him to journey to England, before the Emperor concluded that the Grand Pilot of the Indies was " a necessary man" to him. Although he was seventy-three or seventy-four years old at the time of his return to England, Cabot does not seem to have gone there simply to end his days in his native land; there was much good work in the old man yet; it seemed that he had found that fountain of youth which Ponce de Leon had vainly sought in the New World; and whether it was from any definite un- derstanding that he would accept a commission under Edward VI., or whether it was merely from a general expectation that he, an Englishman, would serve the King of England when his services were required, certain it is that the ministers of the young King refused the demand of the Emperor; and Cabot received, shortly after his arrival, the appointment to an office, then first created, of Grand Pilot of England. The similarity of this title to that which he had borne in Spain gives rise to the suspicion that the office was created especially to win him from the Emperor's service, by showing him that England was ready to give him honors as great as Spain had offered him. At the same time, a patent was issued, granting "our beloved servant,, Sebastian Cabota," an annual pension of one hundred and sixty-six pounds,, thirteen shillings and four pence, to be paid quarterly. If we accept the calculation of Irving, that money was then worth about three times as much as at the present day, this was equivalent to two thousand five hundred dollars, per year of United States money. The title being given, and the salary attaching to the office fixed, it remains to ascertain the duties. But this is a matter of more difficulty. On one occasion, according to the records, a French pilot, who had made eighteen voyages to the coast of Brazil, relating his experiences to Sir John Yorke, "before Sebastian Cabote," which seems to imply that it was his business to ascertain all that had been accomplished by the discoverers and explorers of the different nations, and perhaps to combine the information so obtained in the form of charts, for the guidance of future expeditions. It was during this period of honored repose — for his duties could not have been very exacting — that Cabot, for the first time in his long and busy life, found time to elaborate a theory which had occurred to him while still a very 254 SEBASTIAN CAIiOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. young man. During bis first voyage to the west, he had noticed, as Columbus and all following navigators have noticed, the variation of the magnetic needle. We know now that the magnetic pole, to which the needle points, is at some distance from the astronomical pole of the earth, and, consequently, that the compass nuiy sometimes point in a different direction from due Sebastian Cabot and the Cosmograpiiers. north. But this was not dreamed of in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; and many of the most eminent navigators of the day puzzled their brains in vain to find a solution of the difficulty. Cabot had noted the fact as a youth of twenty ; and after the lapse of more than fifty years he had not found an explanation. SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 255 But ill the court of Spain or the wilds of La Plata, while there had been no consecutive days and hours of meditation, there had doubtless been many a moment when his mind would recur to the great problem. An explanation would suggest itself to him, and be turned over in his mind ; then some press- ing duty w^ould call him away from his quiet thought, and the subject must be laid aside. The next time that he had such a short period of leisure, he would perhaps see the flaw in the preceding day's argument, which had not been seen then ; and yet another theory would be thought out. Thus year after year went by, and still the variation of the magnetic needle was not explained. When the young King learned that Cabot had studied long on this subject, and believed that He had found the reason of the variation, he insisted that there should be a convocation of the learned men of the kingdom, before whom the Grand Pilot might lay the result of his studies; thus giving ofiicial recognition to the fact that he had first explained it. He showed the extent of the variation by a carefully prepared chart, where the results of his many observations were carefully noted; and showed that in the same longitude it was different in different latitudes. His theory was not that which has since been generally accepted, but it attracted the attention of learned men all over England, and the fame which he acquired by this means spread to the continent. From a variety of causes, English commerce had become almost extinct; and in 1551 the merchants of that country resolved to find the causes of the stagnation of trade, and remove them if possible. "Certaine grave citizens of London, and men of great wisedome and carefulle for the good of their countrey, began to thinke with themselves how this mischief might bee remedied. * « * * And whereas at the same time one Sebastian Cabota, a man in those days very renowned, happened to bee in London, they began first of all to deale and consult diligently with him." It might seem, to the casual observer, that the man of seventy-seven years was better fitted to explain his theories to a gathering of learned men that to propose remedies for business stagnation, particularly when he was expected to take an active part in applying those remedies; but in fact, Cabot was so active and energetic in his age that we might suppose he was a much younger man than he was then thought to be, if there were no record of his having been in command of an expedition which sailed from England fifty-five years before these "grave citizens of London" bade him bestir himself to revive English commerce. To Cabot, it seemed that the English, who had failed to find a market among neighboring nations for their wares, might find one in the far North, if it were only better known. But at the very outset, the merchants were opposed by a powerful foreign corporation, having an establishment in Lon- 256 SKBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISC0VP:RKR of north AMERICA. don, and claim iiii? a monopoly of tlie trade with the northern nations. This corporation was composed of the agents of certain large commercial houses, chieily in Antwerp and Hamburg; obtaining first the privilege of trading with Englishmen — for all business was conducted by royal permission then — they had gone on, step by step, until each of the principal nations of Europe, including England, had granted them a monopoly of the trade with the far North, It was against this corporation, known as The Stilyard, that the efforts of the merchants must be first directed. When an individual or a corporation has had a monopoly of any branch of business for any length of time, it is not difficult to find abuses and infringe- ments of the laws, committed because they consider themselves characters privileged above ordinary citizens. It was thus with the Stilyard; the cor- poration, by its agents, was found to be guilty of certain fraudulent acts; and a complaint was entered by the new" company before the King's Privy Council. In ascertaining the nature of their offenses Cabot had taken a prominent part ; and his name lent much w^eight to this })etition. We find this paragraph in the diary of the young King: — " .February 23, 1551 . A decree was made by the Board, that, upon know- ledge and infornuition of their charters, they had found: first, that they — the Stilyard — w^ere no sufficient corporation ; secondly, that their number, names, and nature, were unknown; thirdly, that, when they had forfeited their liberties, King Edward the Fourth did restore them on this condition, that they should color no strangers' goods, which they had done. For these con- siderations, sentence was given that they had forfeited their liberties [privi' leges] and were in like case with other strangers." But the great corporation was not willing to yield so readily; and the case was again brought before the Council. The former judgment was confirmed; and probably because of his exertions in this matter, and exposure of frauds which had been practised on the people, Cabot received a considerable sum of money from the royal treasury, which is thus entered on the ac- counts: — "To Sebastian Cabota, the great seaman, two hundred i)()unds, by way of the King's Majesty's reward, dated in March, 1551." Thus for discovering flaws in mercantile transactions he had received just twenty times the sum that was considered sufficient recompense for having discovered the "New Isle," although that was the continent of North America. Three ships w^ere prepared for the expedition; great care being taken in their construction, from the choice of the plank, " very strong and well sea- soned," to the minutest detail of the rigging. For the first time in the his- tory of English shipping, copper w^as employed to sheathe the bottoms of the vessels. The best seamen obtainable were secured; and the venerable Grand AVlNTElUNG IN HW, AkCTIC KeGIOX, (257) 258 SKIIASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVKKKU OF NOIITII AMERICA. Pilot of Kiiiilniul wrolo 'willi his own hand a vohime of instructions in (hity, which were orikucd to be iciul before the shii)s' crews every week. May 20, 1558, the t luce vessels, under the chief captaincy of tall and hand- some Sir Ilngh Willoughby — he was chosen as leader because " of his goodly I)ersonage, as also for his singular skill in the services of warre " — dropped down the Tluunes to Greenwich. The court was waiting; and "presently the courtiers came running out, and the common people tlockt together, standing very thick upon the shoare; the Privie Council, they lookt out of the windows of the court, and the rest ranno up to the toppesof the towers; the ships hereupon discharge their ordnance, and shoot off their pieces after the manner of warre, and of the sea, insonuich that the to})i)es of the hills sounded therewith, the valley and the waters gave an echo, and the nuiriuers they shouted in such sort that the skie rang again with the noise thereof." The venerable seaman w ho had planned and directed the expedition, the stalwart young soldiers and sailors Avho were to conduct it, the " grave and reverend seigniors" by whose advice the authority to do so was given, the children who looked eagerly on at an enterprise such as their young ambition might now only dri-am of, were all there; only the boy of sixteen, in whose nanu^ all those things were done, the high and mighty Prince, King Edward the Sixth, was absent ; for he lay sick of that disease which soon afterward caused his death, A rendezvous was api)ointed for the vessels in case they should be sepa- rated by storms; and they sailed gaily away from the coast of England. The precaution proved only too necessary, alt hough the ships did not all reach the point which had been agreed upon. Chancellor, who was second in com- maiul, became separated from the others by a storm off the coast of Korway; and having cruised ior some time, in the hope of rejoining his companions, put by chance into the Pay of St. Nicholas, on the coast of llussia. Here ho found the Grand Duke, as the ruler of that country was then called in Europe, at war with the Livonians. However, he was enabled to obtain an audience of him, and succeeded in making a commercial treaty and estab- lishing a trade whit-h was long pursued, with great success, by the English. The accounts of the adventures of the other tw^o vessels are draw^i from the journal of Sir Hugh AVilloughby himself. It must hero bo very brieily sum- marized. Having wandered about the unknown northern seas for some time after parting with his consort, the two ships nuule land in the seventy-second degree of north latitude; the place being called, on many old maps, Sir Hugh Willoughby's Country. He followed the coast for some distance, and finally was forced, by the atlvance of winter, into a harbor on the coast of Lapland. The journal gives a pathetic picture of their attempts to reach the rendezvous, their resolution to pass the winter on this unknown coast, and their extreme destitution after the huuling was effected. The inhabitants of that part of SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 259 the country, we are told, leave the coast during the winter, finding it warmer inland; they probably migrate southwardly; thus Willoughby and his men built their rude huts upon an uninhabited coast. Before the winter was fairly upon them, however, they made many efforts to find some trace of inhabitants. We find this entry in the journal, written in September: — " We sent out three men south-south-west, to search if they could find people, who went three days' journey, but could find none; after that, we sent other three men westward four days' journey which also returned with- out finding any people. Then sent we three men southeast three days jour- ney, who, in like sort, returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation." For three months, probably, they lingered on in this far northern land, suffering untold agonies by reason of want and cold. The next year, two fishers, chancing to pass that way, found the huts which they had built; in them were the seventy-two persons who had constituted the crews of the ships which lay deserted and decayed, driven by the winds upon the shore. Near the body of one of the men, all of whom had evidently starved or frozen to death, lay a volume of manuscript; he was the tall and goodly Sir Hugh Willoughby, the commander of the expedition; and this was his journal. It ended with the passage above quoted. Willoughby had fallen a victim to the frozen North, which has destroyed so many other brave men; we have seen that his companion was more suc- cessful. In consequence of the treaty which Chancellor succeeded in nego- tiating with the Russian Government, a charter Avas granted to an English comjjany in 1554 or 1555, in which Sebastian Cabot, in consideration of his having originated the enterprise, was named Governor for life. The privileges which the Grand Duke shortly afterward granted to this company show that it was an extensive concern, with a high reputation in the mercantile world. The trade with Russia increased in value and extent, and gave a fresh impulse to the productive industries of England; laying the foundations of that manufacturing activity which distinguishes her to-day. It must have delighted the old man to watch the growth of the trade which he had first thought of establishing. After the venture of Sir Hugh Wil- loughby, four ships were prepared for the purpose; and the number was in- creased every year. The Grand Duke, or Czar, continued to favor the traders, and a large branch was established at Moscow, then the capital of Russia. Cabot was no mere figure-head; betook an active interest in these affairs, and superintended them with untiring energy. It was he who improved, if not established, the whale fisheries of Spitzbcrgen, and the famous fisheries off Newfoundland. Campbell says of him: — " With strict justice, it may be said of Sebastian Cabot that he wa« the 260 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. author of our maritime strength, and opened the way to those improvements which have rendered us so great, so eminent, so flourishing a people." But the death of Edward VI. had cast a gloom over his fortunes in one re- spect. Without taking into account the difference in religious belief, there were many points in which the policy of his reign was reversed by his suc- cessor, and the favorites of the young King and his ministers were far from being the favorites of the new Queen. Chancellor before the C/.ai:. Cabot was regarded with less disfavor than some others; perhaps his age commanded a respect which was shown to nothing else. But he was made to feel, very often, his dependence upon the Crown; and he constantly saw SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 261 others advanced to positions to which he was justly entitled. It might be said that these were but natural actions on the part of Queen Mary and her counselors, they supposing that a man of Cabot's advanced age would wish rather for rest than for any new occupation ; and assigning these duties to younger men, as possessing more of the energy proper to youth, and as those upon w^honi such tasks must devolve at some time, even were Cabot to per- form them now\ But the fact that his pension remained unpaid after the death of Edward, shows that this action was not based on any consideration for Cabot's infirmities. Within a year after her accession, Mary married Philip II. of Spain, the son of that great Emperor, Charles V., who had so long been a patron of Cabot. Philip, who was narrow-minded and very jealous, bitterly resented Cabot's having left Spain and refusal to return. Probably some rumors of this feel- ing had reached the ears of the venerable seaman ; for seven days after the King arrived in England, Cabot formally resigned the pension granted him by King Edward. But these adverse circumstances do not seem to have affected his spirits. An extract from the journal of one Stephen Burroughs shows that he was, at eighty, light of heart and foot. We modernize the spelling: — "The 27th, being Monday, the right worshipful Sebastian Cabot came aboard our pinnace at Gravesend, accompanied with divers gentlemen and gentlewomen, who, after that they had viewed our pinnace, and tasted of such cheer as we could make them aboard, they went ashore, giving to our mariners right liberal rewards; and the good old gentleman. Master Cabot, gave to the poor most liberal alms, wishing them to pray for the good fortune and prosperous success of the Searchilirift^ our pinnace. And then, at the Sign of the Christopher, he and his friends banqueted, and made me, and them that were in the company, great cheer; and so for very joy that he had to see the towardncss of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance himself, among the rest of the young and lusty company; which being ended, he and his friends departed, most gently commending us to the governance of Almighty God." Two years after her accession, Mary renewed the pension which the ex- plorer had resigned a year before; but he could hardly have been in need during the time that he was deprived of it. His inherited fortune must have amounted to a considerable sum; and although much had been spent in fitting out those expeditions which had proved unsuccessful, something remained, and was added to, during the long years that he held well-rewarded posts of honor. This renewed pension, however, was not granted to Cabot alone; half of it was granted to William Worthington, who was commissioned to prepare an account of Cabot's discoveries. The explorer's manuscripts were turned over to him for this purpose; but he not only failed to perform the 2G2 ISKHASTIAN ('.\1U)T, 'I'lIK J)KS('0\ KUKK OK NOUTII AMKHU'A. duty ;issiii;iHMl to him, but mudo away with these precious documents so com- |)K>ti>ly th;it th(>y liave never been recovered. This was probably (hme at the inslaiice of KiiiiilMiih'p, who w:is naturally anxious to })revent Kny;land from proN iuii; any riuht to thci N(>\v A\'orl(l; and his inllueiuH! would Inive beensnf- licicnt to secure AVorlhinuton against any })unishment that niiyht otherwise liave overtaken him. This is all that there is to tell, save that his friend :ind historian, Richard KdiMi, stood by his death-bed and watclunl the passage of the weary soul. 'I'he })owers that had shoiu' so long- in brilliancy gave way at the last. " The good old nnui had not even in the article of death shaken off all Avorldlie vanitie," for ho recurred to the scenes of his youth; he spoke much of his early voyages; and even " spake tlightilie "' of a divine revelation with regard to an infallible method of ascertaining longitude^, which he was not permitted to revival; and then the — "ll.-roic snilor-soiil AVas passing on Us liappiiT voyago." Tie is suppos(>d to havt> dii'd in London about 15,^)7; buttluMc is no delinite record of the time or place. Nor has his last resting-place l)ccn marked by anv stone, to tell us wlu-re lies the dust of Sebastian Cabot. I^AT.T^OA, TUK 7)IS(X)VKRKK OF THE PAOIFId OCEAX. 'I' N tlu; year 117"), al llio Sl)iiiii,sli town of Xcrcs dc los Cuballcros, 1 luu-(i was born a sou to the family of Nunez i\v. Balboa, w lio was fjjiven the C'hris- tian name of Yasco. The child grew lo manhood, and the meager records of his youth say that the young man was ral her wild. I lo docs not Ixvome a distinct figure in history — though even then he is fai- from piomiiient — uiilii 1501, when the young nobleman, whoso family had long been in icduced cir- cumstancres, made one of ii company of adventurers who followed Kodrigo de Bastidas in a voyage of discovery to the western seas. Balboa H(;ttle(l in IIis[)aniola, near San Domingo, and began to cultivate the soil. But this slow process of getting rich did not satisfy the im[)atient young Spaniard, and his nuxlestgains were not enough to answer (he demands of his extravagant habits. He accordingly laid his [)Ians to evade his creditors by .secretly leaving the country. Bastidas had continued his voyage to the main land, and had founded a, sel- tlement, called Santa iMaria d(d Antigua, near llie monlh of a small river on the isthnnis; all hough it was not then kiu)\\ u how narrow a neci; of laud sep- arated the Atlantic from auolher ocean ; iu)r had the eye of w hl((^ man evtu' yet beheld the vast expanse of waler which separates Amei-ica from Asia. Some years after this adviiuture, Ojeda led an expedition lothe new colony of Daricn, and founded the town of San Sel)astian. This was in 1500; and ho left orders with Francisco de Enciso, an adventurous lawyer of San Do- mingo, to fit out an expedition the foil owing year to convey provisions and other supplies to tho new settlement. Balboa heard of this, and recognized his oi)l)()rl unity. He caused a large cask to be conveyed to his fai'in, and stow(Ml himself away in this; and by arrangxuneiit wilh Enciso, it was taken on board the ship as if it contained jjrovisions. liy such means did tho young Spanish nobleman, the future governor and discovcicr, evade his credilors. Tho expedition arrived at San Sebastian, only to find tin; oncc^ nourishing colony a deserted ruin. Enciso was at a loss what to do ncxl ; aiidlinally de- cided to adopt tho advicc! of Balboa — who had soon come out, of his cask — and sail for Darien and the town of Santa Maria dv\ Antigua, which was also (2(j;{) 264 IJAIJJOA, TIIK DISCOVKUIOK OK TIIK I'A(MFK! OCKAN. lU'Mrlydcscilcd. His |)i-()|)(»s:il \v:is acccplcd ; :iiiay, he determined to form his settlement there. The natives, howeviT, did not approve of this BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 265 determination, and the moment that a party tried to land, a shower of arrows drove them back to their ships. Ojeda at once landed with his whole force, and so frightened the Indians that they allowed the construction of the for- tress to proceed in peace. But the vessel sent to Jamaica for supplies had not reached the infant col- ony, and food became very scarce. Ojeda led many foraging parties to the neighboring Indian villages, and collected some provisions; but, determined that they should not be wasted, he locked them up and gave them out only at stated intervals in certain quantities. The treasure, too, which was procured from the same source, was kept under lock and key by him. This did not suit the careless, rollicking Spaniards at all; and by the time that the caravel came from Jamaica they were ripe for rebellion. The captain of this vessel was taken into the confidence of the conspirators, and Ojeda thrown into irons on board of it. It was at first agreed that such as were tired of the en- terprise should return to Spain, leaving Ojeda the smallest of the vessels, with such as preferred to remain; but they finally changed their minds, and sailed to Plispaniola with the cavalier on board the caravel, heavily ironed. But before the vessel reached its destination, Ojeda determined to escape. His arms were free, and it was therefore with comparatively little difficulty that he managed to let himself down over the side of the vessel, having eluded the watch of guards wdio had grown somewhat careless. But while his arms were free, he had about his feet enough iron to have drawn him to the bottom, strong man and good swimmer as he was. After vainly endeavoring to get to the shore, he was compelled to cry for help; and Avas taken back on board the caravel and delivered as a prisoner into the hands of the authorities. Tried at St. Domingo for his misgovernment of the colony, he was deprived of all his effects and made a debtor to the Crown; but an appeal to the Royal Council brought about a reversal of this verdict, and an order that his prop- erty should be restored to him. It was necessary, however, to have a governor. Nicuesa, the governor of the province, was proposed by some ; and he was actually brought to Darien by the advocates of this rule. But the others flatly refused to receive him, and there was nothing for him to do but to go back again. Fearful that he would not do this, the inhabitants of Darien seized him and seventeen of his companions, and placing them in a crazy bark, bade them hasten back to Hispaniola. What part Balboa had in these summary proceedings we do not know ; but it is certain that a considerable number of the turbulent settlers looked upon him as their chief, and his party grew stronger and stronger. Enciso was thrown into prison, and finally sent back to Spain, along with the alcalde, who had been an ally of Balboa, but had turned from him. This seems to have been the end of the party which favored some other ruler than NuneZo The AxTKMnKD Escape. (2GC) I BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 267 It was thus that he became the governor of the colony ; and he strengthened his authority by increasing the safety and convenience of those under him. He made many journeys into the surrounding country, securing the friendship of the neighboring caciques, and making a sort of treaty now with this tribe, and now with that, by which his followers could trade to advantage with the natives. But he was anxious to obtain the royal favor; and he knew that there was no surer path to it than the discovery of great mineral w^ealth in this New World. He learned that the province of Coyba was particularly rich; and dispatched seven of his men on a journey thither to spy out the land. The leader of this expedition was no other than Francisco Pizarro, afterwards famous as the conqueror of Peru. The situation of the colony is not laid down on any modern map, but it may easily be placed by means of the river Atrato, which empties into the Gulf of Darien, after flowing northward through the United States of Columbia. A short distance to the northwest is the Darien River, and at the mouth of this smaller stream was the town. The province of Coyba, which probably took its name from the cacique, is supposed to have been between the Atrato and the Darien, and might be reached by sea, or by ascending either river. Pizarro and his companions chose to ascend the smaller stream, following its course very closely, although they traveled by land. They had not gono far, however, when a host of savages rushed upon them from the thickets, uttering the savage yells which formed their war-cry, and assailing the white men with showers of arrows and stones. Pizarro ordered his men to draw closer together; and at the word of command the seven mail-clad Spaniards rushed into the midst of the host of naked, yelling savages, and slashed right and left with their well-tempered swords. The Indians, unused to such weapons — for they had no iron — shrank before the assault, and such as were not slain or severely wounded fled. But although the victory had been thus won, the Spaniards were not sure of being able to hold their own another time ; this might be but the advance guard of a great army; and six of them pru dently retreated. " Where is your comrade?" demanded Balboa, sternly, when they reported themselves; " there were six men under your command, Pizarro," They were obliged to confess that they had retreated in such haste that they had left their wounded comrade on the field of battle; and the governor, shocked at the peril of one of their own race among the savages who had proved themselves so hostile, instantly ordered them to return and bring the wounded man to the settlement. It was done; and the Spaniards learned anew the lesson that the governor whom they had chosen would guard their interests and protect them, even against each other. But he was not thus to be deterred from reaching Coyba, where wealth was 268 BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACiriO OCEAN. to bo foiiiul in such abundanco. lie led an (>xi)i>(li(i()ii liiinself after that small one luulcr Pizarro's coiimiand had failed, and the journey Avas nuide by sea. The territories of the cacique Ponca lay between the sea and those of Coyba; him Balboa attacked, and defeated disastrously ; so that the Spaniards were enabled to carry away much booty with them. He then paid a friendly visit to Comagrc, the chief of the adjoining province. Comagre came out in state to receive him, escorted by seven of his sons, and followed by his principal warriors and a multitude of his people. The Spaniards Avere conducted to the village with much ceremony; dwellings were a!>signed them; provisions in plenty were brought to them; and men and women were appointed to attend upon them. The province, as they called it, which formed the country over which this cacique ruled, was about twelve miles in area, and extended, as a beautiful plain, from the foot of a lofty mountain almost to the sea. The huts of the people were of the same general character as those with which they had pre- viously been familiar; but the dwelling of the cacique himself was larger and better finished than any othei* native building that they had seen. The eldest son of the cacique, in common with his father, brothers, and others of the tribe, brought various presents to the strangers; the remarkable thing about the gifts that he brought was that they were largely of gold — about four thousand ounces in all. Besides the ornaments of the precious metals which he bestowed upon his father's guests, he offered sixty slaves which he had taken in war. But the Spaniards evidently preferred the yellow ornaments to all other things brought to them. The young Indian watched them in wonder; for to him, there were many things more valuable; he would readily have given much more gold than this for one of the keen-edged swords which the Spaniards carried at their side; or for one of those wonderful tubes which spoke in thunder and lightning, and enemies died at the sight of the lightning; or even for a couple of those axes which cut wood so much more readily than the sharpest-edged piece of stone or copper which he possessed. And this strange desire for the yellow metal made even the governor forget his dignity, for he quarreled o})enly with his followers about the division of it. The Spaniards had brought scales with them, and were weighing out the gold for division when the quarrel took place. The young ])arbarian struck the scales with his fist, so that the glittering ornaments were scattered around the rude apartment; and exclaimed: — '' If this is what you prize so much that you leave your far-off houu\^, and even risk your lives for it, I can tell you of a land Avhere they eat and drink out of golden vessels, and gold is as common as iron is with you." Did a Spaniard of the time need more, to inflame his mind with the wildest dreams of riches untold? Balboa instantly turned from the treasure that BALBOA, THE DISCOVKKKR OF TIIK rACIFIC OCKAN. 269 HOW .seemed so triflitig, and listened eagerly to all that the young chief had to say. All the infonnation which he had had been derived from captives taken in war; but it was most cheerfully rehearsed to the greedily listening white men. Balboa and his men at once returned to the settlement, and a messenger was dispatched to Don Diego Columbus, who Avas again high in authority on the island of Jlispaniola, apprising him of what had been 'learned. The members of the family of the great Admiral had now regained something of the influence which he ought to have possessed, but which had been lost to him in the last years of his life; and Balboa entreated Don Diego to use his influence with the King to obtain a force of a thousand men for the enterprise which promised so rich a reward. Fifteen thousand crowns in gold— equi- valent to about fifty thousand dollars of United States money at the present day— were sent as the share of the Crown of what had already been ob- tained. Having sent this appeal for assistance, with an earnest of what might be procured, Ball)oa prepanul for the expedition by making a minute examina- tion of the surrounding country; during the course of which he secured many captives and much booty. But he does not seem to have retained the allegiance of his followers; few of the Spanish-American governors ever did. The adventurers who came to this continent, especially at the first, wv.re men who were both poor and proud; they could brook no authority but that of the King, and they had left their own country partly to be free from the direct exercise of the royal power. Added to this, they were too proud and lazy to work, but expected to be made immensely wealthy in an exceedingly short time. They resented, then, any interference of the governor in their dealings with the natives; they looked upon the Indians as created especially to serve them; and these savages certainly had no rights which a white man, particularly a Castilian hidalgo, was bound to respect. Added to all these qualities and opinions, they were fierce and quarrelsome among themselves. It is difficult to inuigine men whom it would be harder to govern, were the governor endowed with the wisdom of Solomon and the patience of Job. Balboa had neither; there is nothing to show that he was one whit better than his conn-adcs, who had become his subordinates. He regarded the natives as heathen savages, whom a Christian soldier might rob with impunity, if only he were sure of getting off safely with his booty. When he made treaties with the various tribes near his town, it was because the Indians were too numerous and too widely allied to be extinguished; and friendly inter- course was more convenient than constant war. Vasco Nunez de Balboa, in spite of his sounding titles, his glittering armor, his romantic history, was simply an unprincipled adventurer who did not pay his debts, who robbed all whom he safely could, and who did not hesitate to enslave the natives of the province which he was chosen, by the voice of his companions, to govern. 270 BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE TACIFIC OCEAN. Such is his character, when divested of the hah) which the hi})sc of nearly four centuries has hung about it. With a governor of this kind, and people of this kind, it is small wonder that there were dissensions. Into the details of these dissensions we need not enter; it is enough that his followers all but rebelled against his authority. In the very midst of the discontent, the vessels from San Domingo arrived. There w^as a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty men, provisions for all, and a conmiission for the governor, signed by the royal treasurer of the island, appointing Don Vasco Nunez dc Balboa Captain-General of the colony. This seems to have been the first official recognition of thedignity to which Balboa had, by the suffrages of his companions, obtained, and from which, to judge by the accounts of their rebellious proceedings just before the arrival of the ships, he had been very nearly deposed. The number of men sent was of course nuich less than the num])er that he had asked for; but these came promptly from among those who were on the island, while it would require three or four months to communicate his request to the King and receive an answer. Balboa determined to make the best of it, and while he was waiting for the larger force, to employ the smaller body of men in the proposed enterprise. Collecting all the followers that he could, he manned a brigantine and nine canoes, and set out. Reaching that part of the coast known as Coyba, he left half his force to guard these vessels, and with the other half proceeded to the mountains. We can scarcely realize the difficulty which they exi^erienced in climbing these heights, under the burning heat of the tropical sun, with the vapors from the teeming soil rising thick around them, weighed down by their heavy armor and w^eapons, and scarcely able to force their way through the dense growth of the forests. But the Spaniards were in search of a gold-producing country, and could endure much; so they pressed the Indians into service, to carry their l)uruii{lless wcaltli, Iho udventurcrs, r);ill)();i lit tlio hciul, hastened ft his snoid, wlidc his h'ft h.md l)()ic the btandard, as Balboa Discovers the Pacific Ocean. if he were all ready for the combat, claimed the ocean, and all that it contained, for the sovereign of Castile; and declared that he would make good that claim against any that should dare to dispute it, be ho Christian or Intidel. It was a splendid vaunt; but Balboa, though he didnotknowtheextentof this ocean, though he did not dream of the vast area he was claiming, doubtless meant every word that he said; he would, indeed, have defended this claim with his BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 273 life, for those old Spaniards, whatever their faults, were not lacking in cour- The point from which he beheld the Pacific for the first time is a little cast of Panama; the trend of the coast there is from east to west, so that the ocean seemed to stretch far away to the south. Because of this, and because he did not realize that he stood on a narrow neckof land connecting two con- tinents, he named this the South Sea — a name which it long retained, partic- ularly in connection with the islands of Australasia. He explored the coast for some distance, being well received by the caciques of various tribes, who had probably heard, from other Indians, of the wdiite men who had come from across the eastern ocean. He extorted provisions and gold from some of these by force; others brought their tribute voluntar- ily; and he learned from the reports of all, with much satisfaction, that the pearl oyster abounded in the ne\y]y-f ound sea. But this was not all. He questioned them regarding that wonderfully rich country of Avhich he had before heard, and in search of which he had found the Pacific Ocean. They all agreed in the information that such a country lay at aconsiderable distance toward the southeast; and some of them added that the inhal)itants used as a beast of burden a certain animal which they had tamed for the purpose. An Indian artist attempted to draw the figure of a llama, which the Peruvians had actually taught to perform such services as the horse and ox render us; but either his art was at fault, or the imagination of the Spaniards was too lively; they mistook it for a camel, and at once concluded that they were on the direct route to the most wealthy regions of India. But impatient as he was to find this long-sought country, which always lay just before the feet of Columbus, Balboa realized that it would be the height of folly for him to attempt the journey with his handful of men, worn out by fatigue and the diseases which are so apt to beset Europeans in that ener- vating climate. He determined to return to the settlement, and, the follow- ing season, to come here again with a fresher force, better prepared for the enterprise. In order to acquire a better knowledge of the isthmus, he chose for his return a route entirely different from that by which he had advanced; l)ut it was fully as ditficult and dangerous as the other. The adventurers, however, were elated with their success; and the homeward journey was per- formed in much less time than the outward one had required. They reached Santa JNIaria, after an absence of four months, " with much more honor and treasure," says the old chronicle, "than the Spaniards had previously ac- quired." Balboa's first duty was of course to report the consequences of his expedi- tion to the King. It may be imagined with what satisfaction he did this, when we read that, "the first account of the discovery of the New World 274 BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. hardly occasioned greater joy than the unexpected tidings that a passage was at last found to the great Southern Ocean." The Spanish authorities imag- ined that they had now acquired every advantage for which they had hoped for so long; Portugal, as we have seen, had been given all the unsettled ter- ritories east of a certain longitude; Spain, all that lay to the west. But this barred Spain from using that path to the Indies, shorter and safer than any known of old, whichVasco da Gama discovered when he rounded the Cape of Good Hope. What Spain had been wishing for, ever since the first voyage of Columbus, was to find a passage to India across the western ocean, and thus be enabled to share in the trade of these opulent countries of the far east. What the Spaniards did not know, was that to the south and the north of the isthmus lay a continent; that the southern one could only be circumnavi- gated by a long and dangerous voyage, and that the northern one stretched so close to the pole that it was practically impossible to find a passage around it to the Pacific; that the crossing of the isthmus would be a matter of difficulty for more than two hundred and fifty years, and that the close of the nine- teenth century would scarcely see a ship-canal cut across it. Jubilant in his ignorance, Ferdinand of Arragon was willing to grant all that Balboa asked as preparation for an expedition to this golden land. It was reported that in that country men had only to throw their nets in the sea and they would draw up gold ; and it was necessary to restrain the numbers who would have flocked to the standard of the leader on such an enterprise; and to limit to fifteen hundred the force which, it had originally been de- termined, should consist of twelve hundred men. Who was to be the leader in this expedition? Who could it be but Balboa? In common justice, the man who had discovered the path should be allowed to follow it, at the head of those who would seek the golden country; but Ferdinand and Fonseca were not bound by common justice. Fonseca was bitterly opposed to any man who distinguished himself in the New World; Ferdinand was always ready to reduce too ambitious a subject to the common level by subjecting him to disappointment and mortification. No notice was taken of Balboa; but Don Pedro Arias de Avila was appointed Governor of the Colony of Darien, and leader of the expedition which had been fitted out. Fifteen vessels, fitted out with a liberality which Ferdinand had never be- fore displayed in equipping any armament for the Now World, conveyed the new governor to the scene of his authority. Immediately upon his arrival, Avila sent some of his principal officers ashore to inform Balboa of his arrival. They found the discoverer wearing a dress very different from that which they had expected to see; they had supposed that the Governor of Darien, who had discovered this rich country, would be habited as became a knight BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 275 and noble of high station and great wealth. The meanest peasant could scarcely find a coarser garb than his canvas jacket and hempen sandals; and he was busily engaged in helping some Indians thatch his own hut with reeds. We may imagine that the officers were somewhat reluctant to deliver their message to a man so clothed and so employed; but when once it had been de- livered, they perceived from the bearing of Balboa that he was indeed the gentleman, in manners as well as in birth, and fitted to receive an envoy from the delegate of a king. So many adventurers had been attracted to his standard by the news of his success, that Balboa now found himself at the head of a body of four hundred and fifty men ; and when it is considered that these were all veterans in the service of theNevv World, while the newcomers were unused to its hardships and dangers, we may see the truth in the historian's statement that his force was fully a match for Avila's. These men murmured loudly at the injustice of the King in superseding their governor, and sending an untried man to lead the expedition which was so sure to confer honor and riches on its chief ; but Balboa repressed these complaints as far as possible, and received Avila wnth all the deference that was due to the office which he held. Avila repaid this generous moderation by ordering an immediate judicial inquiry into Balboa's conduct, as governor of the colony, and imposed a considerable fine upon him when this inquiry revealed that he was, according to Avila's ideas, guilty of some irregularities. Of course, Balboa was not now disposed to submit as unquestionably to Avila as he had been at first; he considered that the courtesy with which he had received the new governor should have met with some requital ; and he did not relish being tried as an offender where he had once been judge. Soon two parties were formed; one, of those who had come out with Avila; and the other, of the old inhabitants of the colony and those adventurers who had been attracted to it by the fame of Balljoa. ' The dissensions were not decreased by the common misfortunes which they were soon called upon to endure. A terrible plague, according to the old writers, raged among them; what was the nature of this epidemic, modern science cannot judge from the accounts that remain; provisions began to grow scarce; and, in the space of one month, six hundred persons perished from the pestilence and the famine. Many of those who had come out to find wealth, seeing that they were more likely to find a grave, asked to be allowed to return to Spain, and a deep despair seemed to brood over all. In order to avert a general collapse of the expedition which had been fitted out at such expense, Avila sent several small parties out to explore the sur- rounding country, and levy what gold thev could from the Indians. These 18 276 HALBOA, THE DISCOVEUER OF THE rAClFIC OCEAN. parties proved cruel and rapacious, as far as the natives were concerned ; and plundered without distinction wherever they marched. Balboa had made treaties with several of the neighboring caciques, in order to assure the safety of the colony; but these w^ere utterly ignored by the new- comers. Kegardless of every consideration, they ravaged the country from the Gulf of Darien to Lake Nicaragua; and, by this desolation of their terri- tory, made bitter enemies of the natives wdio were able to escape their swords. Balboa saw with nuich concern the violation of the treaties Avhich he had taken much pains to make, in the hope that they would make it much easier for him to explore the golden shores of the South Sea; and sent some very earnest remonstrances home to Spain. The same vessel which bore this ac- count of the ruin of a prosperous colony, bore also Avila's complaint that Balboa had deceived the King by magnifying his own exploits and by falsely representing the riches of the country. But Ferdinand preferred to believe Balboa, because Balboa promised more gold than Avila did; and by way of making some redress of the injury indicted by appointing a stranger to the command so well earned, appointed the for- mer Governor of Darien Adclantado oft he Countries on the South Sea ; grant- ing very extensive privileges with the title. At the same time that this commission was issued, he sent instructions to Avila to support Balboa in all his operations, and to consult with him regarding every measure which he himself proposed to undertake. But Avila was four thousand miles away from Spain, and the royal nuindate failed to make him any more friendly to Balboa. He did not do anything Avhich could be directly reported to the King; he simply let Balboa alone; and as the hitter had exhausted his stock of money in paying the line and other exactions of Avila, he could not make suitable preparations for taking possession of his new government. Finally, however, the Bishop of Darien — for by this time there were sev- eral bishops of the New World — nuide peace between the two; and a mar- riage was arranged between Balboa and one of the daughters of Avila. For a while, everything seemed to go on smoothly; Balboa made several expedi- tions into the surrounding country, wdiero he was able to undo much of the mischief that had been done by the recent raids. Many adventurers now flocked to his standard again, and with the aid of Avila he began to prepare for his expedition to the South Sea. For this purpose it was necessary to build the vessels which would be needed for the transportation of his men; and with almost infinite difficulty the ob- stacles in the way were surmounted, and four brigantines launched upon the Pacific. Three hundred men had been chosen from among those who were anxious to accompany him, and he was all ready to sail for Peru. BALBOA, THE DISCOVEKEK OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 277 But, although Avihi hud seemed to yield so completely, and to ally himself so closely with Balboa, there was nothing that could efface his old hatred and jealousy of the man. Ho feared that if Ball)oa succeeded, evil would come to him; for lie knew that he had deci)ly injured his son-in-law, and he could not understand how any one should forgive or forget such injuries. He accordingly sent him a message, which sounded very friendly, asking him to postpone his voyage for a little while, and come to Atla, as he partic- ularly wished to see him about something of importance. Balboa, thinking no evil, went; but, as soon as he entered the place, was arrested by order of Avila. Judges were immediately appointed, and the trial began. Balboa was ac- cused of disloyalty to the King, and of an intention to revolt against the au- thority of Avila. There seems to have been no foundation for these charges, except Avila's jealous fears that, should Ball)oa succeed in establishing his governmenton the shores of the South Sea, he might aim at in(k»pendence of the Governor of Darien. When the judges were appointed by a nuin like Avila, who entertained such deep hatred for the accused, there could be snudl doubt as to the re- sult of the trial. Balboa was found guilty, and sentence of death was pro- nounced. Yet so strong was the evidence of his innocence that the very judges who found him guilty Avarmly interceded for his pardon; it is probable that his offense, whatever it was, consisted merely of some hasty, impatient expression, which was not really meant by him, and the judges who could not disregard it entirely saw that it had only been brought forward l)y personal hatred. But the petition for pardon was made to Avila, who had determined upon his death before the trial had begun ; and although the judges were seconded by the whole colony, ho was not to be moved from his j^urpose, and Balboa was publicly executed. With him died the expedition which he was to have led. Notwithstanding this flagrant violation of his office, Avila not only escaped punishment, but, through the inlluence of Fonseca, was continued in full power. He soon afterward obtained permission to remove the colony from Santa Maria to Panama on the opposite side of the isthmus; the reason al- leged being the superior healthfulness of the western coast. There was not much gained in this respect; but the fact that the settlement was located on the western shore gave the Spaniards some advantages in future expeditions. And thus ends the story of Don Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the discoverer of the Pacific Ocean, and of his deadly enemy, Don Pedro Arias de Avila. MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. ^URING the latter half of the fifteenth century, there lived a noble family named INIagelhaes, at Villa de Sabroza, about the center of that part of Portugal which lies north of the Douro River. Here there was born, about the year 1470, a son who was christened Fernao; but whose name has been changed into that which is more familiar to our ears, Ferdinand Magellan. He seems to have spent his boyhood as a page in the train of Queen Leo- nora, the wife of that King John of Portugal, who served Columbus such a shabby trick. The position of page in those days was equivalent to going to boarding-school now; for the nobleman in whose household these boys of other nobles were placed, was expected to provide them with such instruction as was necessary for the education of a gentleman ; they were taught some- thing of the history of their own country, perhaps of others; they learned a little Latin, enough to enable them to understand the Church services; they may have been taught to read and write; probably at the time of young Magellan they did receive such instruction; and they had plenty of teaching and exercise in those manly arts which were practiced by all but the peasants whose labor left them no time for recreation. In the train of a queen, the youth would certainly be a companion of the sons of high-born nobles, and would receive instruction from the best teachers that could be found; and Avhile every noble who had pages in his household was expected to exert his influence to secure them preferment when they arrived at manhood, it would be very easy for the Queen to obtain whatever her proteges most desired. In this account of the life of pages in medieval times, it must be remem- bered that the educating of these youths was not undertaken from any disin- terested motive. There was quite a rivalry among those of similar rank as to the size of their respective households; and it was usual for the boy's father to pay a fee to the noble who took him under his protection. Thus, we see these great households of counts and barons were like the modern ])oarding- schools in more than one particular. There was but one direction in which Portuguese youths of the end of the (278) MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 279 fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries desired advancement; the whole nation was mad about the sea and the exploration of its coasts. The discovery of a route to the Indies, as it was thought, by a mariner in the service of Spain, had awakened national jealousy anew; and Portugal was more than ever determined to prosecute her explorations of the African coast, and to find a way to the Indies by the Cape of Good Hope. This had not yet been accomplished by the time that young Magellan was seeking to engage in active life; but we have no record of any part that he took in the various expeditions which preceded and followed thatded by Vasco da Gama. Ferdixaxd Magellan. In 1503, Alphonso de Albuquerque, afterward surnamed the Great, was commissioned Viceroy of the Indies ; and doubtless by the influence of his royal patroness, Magellan, now in the very prime of life, was named as or.e 2«0 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACiriC. of those who wore to accompany him to his viceroyalty. Goa was conquered, and made the scat of government; and before long, the authority of the King of Portugal was enforced from the Suuda Islands to the Persian Gulf. It is related that the Shah of Persia, learning of the approach of the strangers, sent a messenger to demand tribute from their master, the King of Portugal. Albuquerqite Sexds Tributi': to SiiAii or Persia. Albuquerque returned answer that he would send the required tribute, of such nature as the King of Portugal was accustomed to pay; and he thereupon sent a quantity of cannon-balls, shells, and swords, as the only coin in which he would render such homage. MAGELLAN, THE DLSCOVERER OE THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 281 Such was the man under whom Magellan served his apprenticeship; nor could he have found one who was better calculated to train him for what he was to do. While Albuquerque maintained a strict military discipline among his followers, he was wise, humane, and just in his dealings with them; he made his country's name profoundly respected in the east; and many poten- tates, when they saw how he reduced others to submission, voluntarily sought the protection and alliance of Portugal. Long after he was dead, the sub- jects of his successors were accustomed to resort to his grave, there to pray for his protection against the tyranny to which they were subjected. Only a truly great man could rule the turbulent adventurers of that time; but Albuquerque did his work thoroughly. But the great man did not reap the just reward of his services. The envy of courtiers caused him to be superseded by King John's successor, Emmanuel; and a personal enemy was appointed to his office of viceroy. It was in vain that the Persian ruler tempted him, by offers of high military position, to re- bel against the ingratitude of his sovereign; he accepted the decision calmly, and made ready to return to Portugal. But he was deeply affected by the disgrace which he had undeservedly suffered, and died at sea on the way home. This was in 1515. The King appeared heartily to regret what he had done, and heaped honors upon the son of the dead viceroy. Magellan had earned distinction in the Indies, and thought that, since the King was rewarding Al- buquerque's services thus tardily, his own mightmeet with some recompense. But he did not meet with the recognition which he expected ; and, in company with Ruy Falero, who had earned some reputation as a geographer and astrono- mer, he determined to follow the example of Columbus, and seek at the court of Spain that opportunity for enterprise which was denied him in Portugal. Charles v., the great Emperor, the grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella, was then King of Spain, as well as monarch of Austria; one crown being his by right of his mother, w^iile he was ruler of Austria by inheritance from his father, and Emperor by election. Before him the two adventurers laid the project which had been ignored at the court of Portugal. This was nothing else than a scheme for reaching the Moluccas by sailing to the west; substantially the same as the original idea of Columbus, but now shown to be fraught with much more danger and difficulty than he, supposing the globe to be so much smaller and Asia to be so much larger than is actually the case, had thought must be dared in attempting to reach the east by way of the west. It was now clearly understood that Columbus had not reached India, but had discovered a new continent; and it was seen with equal clearness by these two adventurers, that his original intention might yet be carried out. The Pope had fixed a limit beyond which the Portuguese might not venture, and east of which the Spaniards dared not pause. The latter nation, then, 282 MAGELLAN," THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. could not follow in the track of the Portuguese, but it could strike out yet farther in the path which Columbus had marked out; and, although reaching the east by this route, they might trespass on Portuguese territory, yet there was no fixed boundary on that side at which they must cease to explore, and thoy might assert their right as fully equal to that of Portugal. The Emperor heard the project with favor; and was easily convinced that whatever the Portuguese might have conquered and settled, they had no shadow of claim to the Molucca and Banda Islands, famous for their spices. lie granted their petition, and five ships were fitted out for the expedition. Their crews numbered two hundred and thirty-seven men, and Magellan was duly commissioned admiral of the squadron. August 10, 1519, they left Seville, arriving at Teneriffe Sept. 26. From this point they kept close to the shore of Africa, until they reached the northeas- tern i)art of the Gulf of Guinea: and here, for seventy days, the vessel lay, "As idle as a painted ship Upon a painted ocean ;" waiting for a favorable wind to break the dead calm and waft them across the line. Here, the old chronicler notes as if it were indeed a remarkable thing, instead of being a necessary accompaniment of their being south of the equator, they lost sight of the North Star. Guided by those stars which the voyages of recent travelers had made only partially known to them, they con- tinued to coast for some distance along the western shore of the Dark Conti- nent, until the direction of the wind and the apparent current in the ocean made it practicable for them to attempt the crossing of the Atlantic. The southeast trade-winds and the South Equatorial current combined to give them a safe and easy passage to the coast of Brazil; which they reached at a point near the site of the present city of Pernambuco; from there they continued in a southerly direction, along the coast, not landing until they reached a point a little south of Bio Janeiro. Tliis land was inhabited by cannibals, declared the accounts given of the voyage; but the Spaniards were not swift of foot enough to catch them. One of them, who was plainly de- scried from the ships, had "the stature of a giant and the voice of a bull," but even this Goliath dared not face the white strangers. In this country they found a large fresh water river, the mouth of which was seventeen leagues across, dotted with seven islands. It is difficult to say what stream is here described, as they were much too far north for the Rio de la Plata; but they asserted that on one of these islands they had found precious stones, and their statements were not questioned. We need not stop with them at another island where they discovered such plenty of seals and penguins, enough to have filled the five ships, had they have been minded to devote a day or so to the sport of killing them; jjer- haps, had the seal fisheries been then a subject for the negotiations of states- MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 283 men, they might have thought it worth their while to improve tliis opportu- nity of securing such a quantity of skins. They spent two months on the coast of Patagonia in hititude 49 1-2 degrees. Here, says the ancient account, they saw no human creature except a giant, who came to the haven dancing, singing, and throwing dust over his head. Magellan at once sent one of his men ashore to coax the giant to the island where he had landed. The sailor made signs of peace, which seemed to be understood and answered by the savage. The giant needed no persuasion to enterthe boat and go to the island, where he made gestures indicating his be- lief that the white strangers had come from heaven. Such was the belief among all the native tribes, regarding these first explorers and settlers of their continent; bitter experi- ence taught them that the ac- tions of the strangers were f ai from being directed by heaven. " He was so very tall, that the head of a middling-sized man reached only to his waist; he was corpulent and well-pro- portioned ; his visage was large, and painted with different col- ors, principally with yellow; there were red circles about his eyes, and somethinglike a heart was figured on each cheek ; h\>> hair was colored white, and hi> apparel was the skin of some beast hiced together, the head of which appeared to have been very large ; it had ears like a mule, a body like a camel, and the tail of a horse; the skin of it was wrapped about his f eetin the manner of shoes ; in his hand was a short thick bow, and a bundle of arrows, made of reeds and pointed Avith sharp stones, and feathered a ours generally are. Tin: ^A^•A< :i;.s' Fii;>r I.ook inio The Admiral made him eat and drink, after which he 284 MAOKLLAN, TIIIO DISCOVEKKR OK TIFK SOI TIE TACIFIC. presented liiin with banks' Ix'lls, a conil), some glass beads, and other triHing things; but i)articuhirly a looking-glass, in which he had no sooner perceived his own horrid appearance, than he started back, as if affrighted, with such violence that he threw down a w^onian standing near him." Another account, equally to be believed, says that his start btickwai'd at beholding himself in the mirror was so violent and unexpected that he knocked down two men ; but such little differences as these are not to be re- garded in these old chronicles of voyages to strange lands. The passage just quoted is in a work which is entitled " A Compendium of Authentic and En- tertaining Voyages." The present writer suspects that some of these are authentic and some are entertaining; and that this account of the giant belongs to the second of these two classes. Not content with the account of one giant, the chroniclers go on to narrate that the next day a man of still greater stature came to visit the white men ; being, like most giants, good-natured and pleasant in disposition. He amused them much with his singing and dancing, and remained among them for some time. The sailors gave him the name of John; and some of the more de- vout among them taught him to pronounce the words Jesus and Ave Maria. The Admiral made him a present of various articles of clothing and some of thfe trifles which were always so pleasing to the savages; and he in return brought one of the skins which he and the former visitor wore in place of other clothing. This giant mysteriously disappeared, after bringing the skin ; and the sail- ors came to the conclusion that his countrymen had made way with him be- cause of the friendship which he had showed the new-comers. But if this were the case, his fate did not deter others from coming to visit the vessels; four others came some two weeks late", having hid their bows and arrows in the bushes. The sailors resolved to take them on board if possible, and for that purpose, after the savages had been presented with beads, bells, and similar trifles, iron shackles were put around their legs, as if for ornaments. As in the case of the island cacique whose story has already been told, the two Indians prof essed great delight with the shining bands of metal; and it was not until they were ready to leave the vessels that the trick was discov- ered by them. " The two others would have assisted them in their burdens, but were pre- vented; when they found their legs fast, they began to suspect some deceit, roared as loud as bulls, and implored the assistance of the great devil Sete- bos. They were put onboard of different ships; it w^as impossible to seize upon the other two; one of them was with muchdifKculty borne down by nine of the sailors, and his hands bound, but he soon burst the restriction, started up and fled; nor was his companion far ])ehindhim; they were pursued, and one of Magellan's men was wounded by one of their arrows." J\IA(iKIJ:AN, THK DISCOVEKER OF THE SOLTll PACIFIC. 285 The writer does not inteiul to inilitt any more giants, for the present at least, upon the patience of the reader. The above is merely given to show the foundation for the belief that prevailed for many years, that the Indians of the most southern part of South America were of gigantic size; and that the expression " Of Patagonian stature" meant far more than the average height. Magellan Punishes Mutiny. We have seen by the description of their costume that their feet were cov- ered with skins; this, of course, was clumsily done, so that the shapeliness of the foot was not apparent. Magellan called these people, then, Patagon- ians, from the Portuguese word pafa, which means a hoof or paw. 286 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. During the two nioiiths that they spent here, the travelers made many ob- servations regarding tlie customs of these people; but we cannot be sure that these are not exaggerated, like their accounts of the size of the warriors. Among other things, they said that the Patagonian cure for headache is a cut across the forehead, causing an emission of blood; and pains in the other members are supposed to be cured by similar means. However prevalent disease may have been among them at times, there was nothing the matter with the ai)petites of those who visited Magellan ; for it is recorded that one of them would eat a basket of ship-biscuit at a meal, and drink a bucket of water at a draught. We now return to more serious things than the descriptions which thetrav- elers gave of the strange lands and peoples which they had seen. While the ships were thus laid up for the winter, the men became discontented and homesick. They petitioned the commander to return to Spain; but this he sternly refused to do. As the weeks went on, some of the most discon- tented neglected their duties; and, without any thought of what they had asked of him, the Admiral sentenced them to the punishments wdiich he con- sidered were fitting. Whether or not these punishments were excessive, it is impossible now to determine; probably they were not, according to the ideas of the time; but Magellan appeared the cruel tyrant to those who were so anxious to return to Spain, and who had suffered the result of their own neglect of duty. They talked the matter over with each other, and their sense of oppression grew stronger and stronger. Gradually, others were called up- on to sympathize w^ith them; and at last a plan was developed, to take posses- sion of the ships, put the Admiral to death, imprison or kill such of the superior officers as refused to acknowledge the authority of the mutineers, and return to Spain with some story of the loss of their leader at sea. Luis de Mendoza was the leader in this conspiracy, and the plotters Avere abetted by the counsels of Juan deCarthagena, a priest who had accompanied the expedition that they might not be without spiritual advantages in their roamings. Fortunately for the Admiral, the plot was disclosed in time to prevent its execution; a hasty trial of the mutineers was held, and Mendoza and some of his accomplices found guilty. According to the barbarous customs of the day, they were sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered ; and the revolt- ing sentence was fully carried out. The priest was beyond their power; for they were too good Catholics to harm one who had devoted his life to the Church; so they contented themselves M'ith putting him in the stocks, an in- strument made of two pieces of wood placed one upon the other and pierced with holes, in which were placed the legs of the sailor who was to be punished. The other captains remonstrated loudly with Magellan against a punishment which was too degrading for a superior officer, and Carthagena in con- MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 287 sequence Avas simply put under arrest, and guarded by one of the captains. There Avere also some minor accomplices, who were less guilty than Mendoza, but still deserving of punishment; to have retained these on board after a period of imprisonment was to invite another mutiny; Magellan therefore determined that the remaining mutineers should be put on shore, and left to the mercy of the Patagonians. This was done ; and the ships sailed away from the coast, never again to return. Magellan, fully resolved to die, or to bring the enterprise he commanded to a successful issue, told his crew, when this had been accomplished, that the Emperor had assigned him the course which the voyage was to take, and he neither could nor Avould depart from it under any pretext. As to provisions, if they found them insufficient, his men might add to their rations the pro- duce of their fishing or hunting. Magellan thought that so firm a declaration would impose silence on the malcontents, and that he would hear no more of ]3rivations, from which he suffered equally with his crews. They had now been gone from Spain about a year ; and the season was more promising for exploration in a more southern latitude; the long and cold winter was drawing to a close, and they decidedto coast southward until com- pelled to stop by the cold, or until they arrived — and this is what they really expected — at some point where the ships could enter the South Sea from the Atlantic. Having reached a point about fifty-two degrees south of the equator, thej' were obliged to lay up for a time; for in this far southern latitude, winter was not ended in Septeml)er. Putting into port, they remained for two months longer; improving their time by securing an ample supply of fish, fuel, and fresh water. Thus i^rovided, they continued their journey; but now, although there was no sign of any considerable river here emptying into the sea, they saw land on both sides of their vessels ; sometimes not more than a mile on either hand. The direction of the coast, too, was different; hitherto, the general trend had been southw^ard; now, it Avas decidedly toAvard the Avest. They were in the straits Avhich are noAV called by ^Magellan's name. November 28, 1520, they emerged from among the islands Avith Avhich the entrance to the straits are encumbered, and broad and blue and peaceful, saw before them the AA^aters of the great ocean Avhich Balboa had named the South Sea. To jMagellan, tempest-tossed through all that Aveary Avinter, it seemed the very picture of a summer sea; and he named it, accordingly, the Pacific Ocean. To the point of land Avhence he first descried it he gave the name of Cape Desire. They Avere now about to enter upon the part of their A'oyage Avhich excited the most fears among the undetermined ; for these Avaters Avere to them wholly unknown. No one had yet accomplished the intention of Columbus, 288 MAOELLAN, TIIF. DISCOVERER OV THE SOUTH rACIFIO. and reached India by way of the west; and liow wide were the waters which now stretched before them, no man knew. Before venturhig upon this un- known sea, they must at least try to direct the course of that vessel which had been separated from the others; the /San Antonio, when she passed through the straits, would surely come to this point; and her men could easily descry the great cross which they erected upon the neighboring hill for her guidance. So reasoned Magellan and his followers; not dreaming that the >San Antonio had stolen away from them, and gone back to Spain. For three long summer months, from November 28, they tossed upon the waters of the Pacitic, without sight of land; all their provisions and fresh water were consumed, and they were reduced to the most lamentable state; for the only food which they could obtain was prepared by soaking old leather in sea-water to soften it. Nineteen of their men died, besides the surviving giant that they had carried from Patagonia; his comrade had died just before they entered the Straits of Magellan. Not one of those who survived was free from disease, and many were so disabled that they could not perform their usual duties. MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH rACIFIC. 289 In one particular they wcro most fortunate; the ocean fully justified the name which Magellan had given it; and, although they sailed four thousand leagues before they saw land, there was not a storm to alarm them, or even a threat of foul weather. M.VCKM.AN AT Till; TvADKONF, Isi, {From an Old EtKjravwg.) The first land which they descried was two small islands, which proved to be uninhabited, and to produce only some useless trees. These two islands, although they were six hundred miles apart, the disappointed mariners, who had hoped to find food upon them, called the Unfortunate Islands. 290 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. These were the first of many islands by which they were to j^ass, and where food might be obtained in abundance from those more inviting than these isles of disappointment; for the vessels were now upon the outskirts of Poly- nesia. The first important stopping-place is recorded in the journal of the expedition — a more reliable authority than the accounts of the giants — as being twelve degrees north of the equator, and one hundred and forty-six west of Greenwich; though, of course, in the original, the longitude is reckoned from the capital of Spain. Here the Admiral determined to remain for some time, to obtain the necessary supplies of food, water, and fuel; and to refresh by rest on land and plenty of wholesome food the men who had suffered such privations during the voyage. But the inhabitants proved to be so thievish that he could not do so. They visited the ships daily, and at every visit stole whatever they could lay their hands upon. It was only with the greatest difficulty that Magellan could prevent his men from indulging in a general fight with the natives, striking sail and standing in to shore near enough to fire upon the occupants of the canoes as they landed. He suc- ceeded, however, in restraining them; and selected forty men to accompany himself on an expedition of retaliation. In the encounter which followed their landing, seven of the natives were killed; the others only saved themselves by a hasty retreat. A village, con- sisting of more than fifty huts, from which the men, women, and children had hastily fled at the beginning of the battle, Avas burned; several canoes were destroyed ; and a ship's boat, which the islanders had stolen from the stern of one of the vessels, was carried off in triumph by the victors. Having thus punished the dishonest islanders, Magellan returned to his fleet, and revenged himself further by styling these InsuJae Latronum, or "Islands of Thieves." Followed by more than two hundred canoes, the occupants of which made many signs expressive of repentance and better behavior for the future, Magellan hoisted sail and was soon out of sight of the islands; the canoes slowly returning to land as the islanders saw that not the least attention was paid to them. March 10, 1521, they landed upon a small island some thirty leagues from the Ladrones, which is now included under that name; and the next day removed to a neighboring island, finding it better suited for their purposes. Here a tent was pitched for the accommodation of the sick, and a hog was killed for the delectation of the well. This was probably an animal that had been captured on the island, as it is not probable that they would eat leather soaked in sea-water if an animal in any way fit for food was on board any of the four ships. They had been in their new quarters about a week when they were visited by nine men in a canoe, who brought with them cocoa-wine and other presents, which they offered to Magellan. Finding their gifts acceptable. MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH FACIFK;. 291 they rowed off; promising by signs to return in four days with flesh, fowls, and rice; a promise which was faithfully kept. It is not improbable, Avhen we consider how generally the coming of Colum- bus was made known among the West Indian islanders, that these men had heard of the strangers from the men who had been attacked by them, and took this means of insuring the friendship of the new-comers. Who knows but what the men who manned this canoe were regarded as venturing into the very jaws of death, when they sought out the dreaded strangers? Perhaps the action of those nine South Sea savages is as heroic, could we but see it from their point of view, as that of any soldier of civilization who ever faced the enemy. They came from a small neigh- boring island, to which they cord- ially invited Magellan and his men. They offered in exchange for the articles which the Span- iards displayed, various kinds of spices and some articles made of gold. Of this precious metal they also wore rings and bracelets, while their weapons were orna- mented with it. To entertain them, and at the same time impress them with a due idea of his reserve power, Magellan caused one of the can- non to be discharged while these visitors were on board; which so frightened them that they were about to jump into the sea, when the sailors interfered, and reas- sured them of the friendliness of the Admiral. They remained a week longerat this island, visited frequently by Tattooed SorTii Sea Islaxder. the friendly islanders, and supplied by them with such delicacies as oranges, palm wine, and cocoa-nuts, which were especially appreciated by the sick. Leaving this island March 25, they steered between west and southwest ; and three days later anchored off a larger body of land, which proved to be inhabited. The people seemed well disposed; and Magellan presented their King with a red and a j^ellow garment, made long and flowing, after the fashion of those worn by the Turks; and distributed knives and glass beads among his principal courtiers. 19 292 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. No pains were spared to impress these people with a due respect for the weapons of the strangers, both defensive and offensive; after a cannon had been fired off, to show the power of destruction which they possessed, a sailor was dressed in armor and ordered ashore, where the savages were invited to strike him. They were duly impressed with the amount of protection afforded by his armor; and the King declared that one such man would be a match for a hundred of his naked soldiers. Nor was the King less astonished when he saw an illustration of the aid which writing can afford to those acquainted with its mysteries; one of the officers wrote down a great number of common nouns, and, much to the astonishment of the King, was able to repeat the list without difiiculty by simply referring to his paper. In this island, they found, when they came to return the visits of the King and his courtiers on board the vessels, a number of articles made of gold; including vessels in the royal residence; which building, by the way, is some- what irreverently compared to a hay-loft. But Magellan would not permit trades to be made without his knowledge; for he was afraid the islanders would learn what value the Spaniards put on gold, and Avould demand high prices accordingly. When, therefore, a collar and crown of gold were offered in exchange for some glass beads, he would not permit the trade to be made; requiring something else to be added to the ornaments of gold before he de- cided that the value of the beads had been equalled. Nor did the devout Spaniards neglect to act, in some measure, as mission- aries. The King was presented with a cross and a crown of thorns, to which, at the time of presentation, all the white men paid a low reverence. Mag- ellan bade them set it upon their highest mountain, and bow down reverently before it; if they did this, he assured them, they would be safe from storms and other misfortunes ; and their doing it would insure their being well treated by any Christains who might chance to land at their island. It seemed to the Spaniards to be a promise of good that the people of these islands were not Mohammedans, but heathens ; since, they observe, Gentiles are much more easily converted to the true faith than are the Mohammedans. In return for the treatment wRich he had received at their hands, the King of this island furnished them with pilots, who conducted them to several others not far off. The King of one was taken on board, while they set sail for an- other, which they called Zubut. They were now within the limits of the Portuguese explorations, or at least within a portion of the ocean where that nation was known and feared. A vessel manned by a Portuguese crew, and having a cargo of gold and slaves, had anchored opposite the capital of this island the day before Magellan reached there; and had offered tribute to the King. Eendered bold by this deference, the King proceeded to exact tribute of Magellan; assuring him MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. ^93 that all who came to his dominions were obliged to pay it. Magellan found the source of this claim, and replied that the course which the other white men had pursued was no guide for him; that the King of Portugal was a far less powerful monarch than the master whom he served; and that the Em- peror was so powerful that his subjects paid tribute to none. If the King persisted in his claim, he might find himself involved in war with a ruler who would crush him in the first conflict. There was at the court a Moorish trader, who assured the King that these claims on behalf of the Emperor Charles were well founded. This monarch accordingly asked a day in which to consider his answer to Magellan's refusal ; and in the mean time furnished the sailors with everything which their necessities required. While he was deliberating how to withdraw gracefully from the arrogant position which he had assumed, he was visited by that King who had accom- panied Magellan on board his ship; and who could not sufiiciently impress upon the mind of his brother monarch the excellent qualities of the Admiral. Whether he came of his own accord, or was instructed by Magellan, his words produced the effect which the latter would have desired; the demand for tribute was withdrawn, and the people of the island entered eagerly into traffic with the new-comers. The King also sent his nephew on board the Admiral's vessel, attended by many of his chief courtiers, with many very valuable presents, as a proof of friendly feeling. The mariners now became active missionaries ; and preached their faith with such earnestness that, it is said, within a very short time af- terward the whole island was converted and baptized. The King very readily gave them permission to bury ashore one of the sail- ors who had died since they cast anchor; and was much impressed with the solemnities attending the burial. The conversionof the King was celebrated by the firing of cannon; his majesty having previously been warned that he must not be frightened at the noise. More than five hundred persons were baptized in one day, after which ceremony mass was celebrated ; and then the King and many of his principal attendants were invited to dine with the Ad- miral on board his vessel. The idols were destroyed and crosses erected in many places. There was one village, however, where the inhabitants refused to accept the new faith. Magellan at once resolved to use such persuasion as was usual, in similar cases at that day, among all Christian nations. The inha])itants were driven from their homes, and obliged, at the point of the sword, to obey the royal com- mand to be baptized; their village was burned, and a wooden cross erected on its site. The fact that this cross Avas made of wood was due to the people being Gentiles, as all non-Christians except Jews and Mohammedans were called; had they been Mohammedans, says the quaint old chronicle, the cross >^4. MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. had been made of stone, in allusion to the peculiar hardness of their hearts. Let not the reader exclaim against the process which Magellan adopted in his efforts to make converts to the Christian religion. In England, regarded as the European home of liberty, men were sent to the stake, thirty years after Magellan died, because they would not profess the same form of relig- ion as that which the State prescribed; it was the time, and not the man, which was mistaken. Hekoic Death op Magellan. They next landed at one of the Philippine Islands, which they found the natives called Mathan. This was ruled by two Kings, Zula and Cilapulapu. Magellan summoned both of them to pay tribute to the King of Spain. Zula Magellan, the discoverer of the south pacific. 2d5 seems to have acceded to this demand; but Cilapulapu indignantly refused to do so. Magellan, determined to enforce his claim, chose sixty of his bravest men, armed them with coats of mail and helmets, and marched upon the independent ruler. Cilapulapu was not taken by surprise, for threatening messages had been sent him after he had refused the tribute. He hastily collected all his fighting men, and disposed them in three divisions, numbering about two thousand each. His soldiers were armed with missile weapons of various kinds, lances, darts, arrows, and javelins; most of the arrows, and some of the other weapons, being rendered more effective by being dipped in poison. The little force of mail-clad Spaniards did not know what a large body of men had been collected to oppose their advance; but fondly imagined that their armor gave them the advantage over the enemy, were he many times their superior in point of numbers. They advanced boldly upon the half- concealed enemy ; and had almost reached a point at which the fight would be hand to hand, when a flight of arrows came down upon them. They rat- tled like hail upon the steel coats, and many were turned from their mark; but some penetrated through the joints of the armor, and, breaking the skin, sent the deadly poison in which the points had been dipped coursing through the veins of the victim. It was so that an arrow wounded Magellan; and while the bewildered white men strove to make ready their own weapons, the enemy rushed upon them in overwhelming numbers. The wounded leader, bravely striving to direct his men in spite of his hurt, received a stroke full in the face from a cane lance; it was a staggering blow; and he sank to the ground, overcome by the stroke and by the poison of the arrow. Eight of his followers shared their leader's fate. But the victory was not a bloodless one for the prince who had thus defended his independence; fifteen of the islanders bit the dust, and many more were wounded. The death of Magellan caused the utmost consternation among the sur- vivors of his command; and they retreated to their vessels as hastily as they could, defending their rear as they fled. The news which they brought cre- ated confusion for a time on board the ships; but the mariners speedil}" rec- ognized that they must have a leader who should have authority to command them; and they elected two, OdoardoBarbosa, who, like Magellan, was a na- tive of Portugal, and Juan Serrano, who was a Spaniard. An embassy vras sent to Cilapulapu, offering a ransom for the body of the dead Admiral; but he refused to treat with them; esteeming this the most valuable spoils of his victory. The mariners were not content with one effort, but all their endeavors to purchase Magellan's body proved unsuccessful. The hostile King was far from being appeased by the death of the Admiral and some of his followers; his enmity was thoroughly aroused. He entered into negotiations with the person who was employed as interpreter, and finally 296 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOITTH PACIFIC!; induced him to entrap and deliver up tlie Spaniard who had been chosen joint leader with Barbosa after Magellan's death ; and Serrano was murdered by the vindictive barbarian. The mariners now saw that it was safest for them to put a considerable stretch of salt water between them and this hostile king as soon as possible. Their numbers, however, were greatly reduced; they had lost nine men in battle, and one by treachery since landing at this island; and several had died from disease and hardship since they had entered the Pacific. It was therefore determined to transfer all the men and supplies from one vessel, the Con- ception, which was decided to be the least sea-worthy of the four, and set fire to her before proceeding with the other three. This plan being carried out, they sailed toward the southwest, having ob- tained some information regarding the Molucca Islands. No adventures of note befell them until they reached Borneo, where they were received with considerable distinction by the King. The strangers did not know whether to be most impressed by the elephants with silken housings, which he sent to carry their chief men to court, or by the ten royal secretaries who did their writing on pieces of the bark of trees, or by the smooth round pearls, as large as a hen's egg, which the monarch proudly displayed to them. But while they were thus debating this question in their own minds, they were suddenly attacked by a fleet of a hundred junks. The attack was repulsed without much difiiculty; and four of the junks were captured. On board one of these was the Captain-General of the King of Borneo, who had just returned from a military expedition. The white men heartily congratulated themselves upon havijig taken a prisoner of such im- portance, and committed him to the charge of the pilot while the leaders considered the question of how great a ransom they might demand for him. But this question was not decided before the pilot was obliged to confess that his prisoner had given him the slip; and, naturally, the subject of ransom lost all interest. They seemed to have thought it best, after this occurrence, to leave Bor- neo; and returned to the Philippine Islands, landing at the most southern of the larger members of that group. Here they refitted their ships, and took in fuel and water sufficient for a considerable voyage; their labors being rendered much harder by the fact that their worn-out shoes afforded no pro- tection to their feet. From this island, they steered southeast in search of the Moluccas, the destination which Magellan had proposed to the King w4ien first laying the project of this voyage before him. They had landed at several islands, re- ceiving at each some information regarding these bodies of land, before they actually reached them. "After a very violent tempest, they put into the island of Sarangani, from MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OE THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 297 whence they forced two pilots to conduct them to the Moluccas; and on the sixth of November, in the twenty-seventh month of their departure from Spain, after having passed many islands, the names of which, for brevity's sake, we omit, they came in sight of the Moluccas; on w^hich occasion they gave thanks to God, and discharged all their ordnance. The soundings in 3 y 'fmi'iffiiiiii)ii^il^ Tin, ViiiT 'lo IT J>()i;xi.o. these seas are not anywhere less than an hundred and two yards, though the Portuguese had represented them as dangerous for their shallows and rocks, as well as the darkness of the sky; but this fable they invented to intimidate other nations from undertaking this voyage." The cruise of the Spanish mariners now ceases to be a voyage of discovery, 298 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. since they were in waters which had been explored by the Portuguese, and to which that government laid claim. We then must pass briefly over the re- mainder of the history. They touched at several other islands in this group, and made friends with the natives, exchanging the goods which they had left for the spices which the inhabitants brought to the vessels. Many of the rulers, impressed by the accounts which the Spaniards gave of the riches and power of their master, the Emperor, took occasion to send him presents of such articles as they thought most valuable. At an island near the Molucca^, they were obliged to leave one of their vessels, as she had sprung a leak which they could not stop; and some of their men were detailed to work upon her, and bring her back to Spain, if possible. The others, reduced to forty-six in number, continued their jour- ney among the various islands of Polynesia until February 11, 1522, when they passed the extremity of Molucca; and keeping outside of Sumatra, and avoiding the main land for fear of the Portuguese, sailed due west toward the eastern coast of Africa. Favorable winds andcurrents carried them along the coast without difiiculty until they neared the Cape of Good Hope; and here a head-wind kept them beating about for seven weary weeks. This unexpectedly long voyage brought them into great distress; for the food began to give out. However, they were afraid to venture on shore, for fear of the Portuguese; and, although they suffered greatly from famine, they kept at sea for two mouths longer. During this time, twenty-one of their number died from hunger and the dis- eases brought about by it and other hardships. The handful of starving survivors finally put in at one of the Cape Verde Islands, sending deputies ashore to represent their pitiable condition to the Portuguese authorities. They were allowed some measures of rice, which were quickly disposed of; and thirteen of the sailors undertook to goon shore again, to secure a further supply of provisions. But the Portuguese considered that they had done quite enough for them, and seized these men and threw them into prison. The others, panic-stricken, hoisted sail; and without waiting to try to release their companions, set out for Spain. September 7, 1522, the twelve remaining mariners landed at the port of St. Lucar, near Seville; where, " having discharged their ordnance for joy, they proceeded barefooted and in their shirts, to the cathedral church, to thank God for their preservation." And well they might do so; for these dozen men, out of the two hundred and thirty-seven Avho had sailed away from Seville more than three years be- fore, had done what no man before their time had ever accomplished — they had circumnavigated the globe. Their comrades who had been left behind in charge of the disabled ship were fortunate enough to repair her so that a voyage was possible; but they MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE 80UTH PACIFIC. 299 did not follow in the track of the other vessels. Instead, they turned to the eastward, and sailed straight across the Pacific to the isthmus connecting the two Americas, and there found an asylum among their countrymen; but theirs was not the honor of having "put a girdle round the earth," as was that of their sailor comrades. CABRAL, THE DISCOVERETi OF BRAZIL. ^F^HERE is no record of the youth of Cabral; the place and date of hi;^ \m\ birth are unknown to us. His name indicates that he belonged to a ^T noble family of Portugal ; but all the circumstances of his education and rise to prominence are forever lost. One voyage has made him known to history; he is the discoverer of Brazil. It is difficult, in attempting to give a complete history of the discovery and exploration of the American continent, to avoid giving some account of the voyages which were made to other parts of the globe. The reason is appar- ent: the same enterprise which sent men and ships to the east sent others to the west; and the western world was not discovered until a learned and dar- ing navigator sought to find a short path to the eastern. Cabral, particularly, is closely connected with the effort of the Portuguese to establish commercial settlements in India. If it be objected that he should not be placed among discoverers of America, because the one voyage which connects him with this continent was intended to end in Asia, and his coming to America was purely accidental, w^e have no answer to make; the argu- ment is unanswerable if you choose to employ it; but when Cabral is struck from the list for this reason, others must follow^, to whom the same objection applies ; alid the first name to be struck off will be that of Christopher Co- lumbus. Vasco da Gama had made his famous voyage around the Cape of Good Hope; he had reached India, and had entered into negotiations with the sov- ereign of Calicut, whom he calls the Zamorin. But wdiile engaged in treat- ing with this monarch, certain Arabian traders, fearing for their own business relations should the Europeans once be admitted to this market, persuaded the Zamorin that the Portuguese were' no better than pirates, and that the presents which Gama had brought him from the King of Portugal were tri- fling articles which showed rather contempt than respect for the person to whom they were offered. A portion of the goods wdiich Gama had brought with him had been landed at the suggestion of the King of Calicut, and, while the Arabs were secretly (300) CABRAL, THE DISCOVEREK OF BRAZIL. 301 uiulermining the respect and regard in which Gama was at first held, the Portuguese sailors were permitted to go on shore freely, as if they were among undoubted friends. But the words of the Arabs did their work; and at last those who chanced to be on shore W' ere held as prisoners, while the Admiral received word that his goods had been seized. Yasco r>A Gama. Gama was equal to the occasion. He watched his opportunity, attacked a ship that lay in the harbor, and captured six noblemen, with a number of their attendants. These, he announced, he would hold as prisoners until his own men and his goods were restored to him. The Zamorin, alarmed, sent him word that he had only detained the two Portuguese until he could w^rite a letter to the King of Portugal; as he desired them to act as his messengers. They were permitted to return on board the ship, and, after some delay, the goods were restored. But Gama did not hold to his part of the agreement; having recovered his 302 CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. own men and the cargo of the vessels, he declined to release the prisoners whom he had taken, and sailed away with them on board. Pursued and at- tacked by an Indian fleet, a sudden storm helped the larger and more man- ageable ships of the Europeans ; and, the vessels of the Zamorin being scattered, the Portuguese fleet escaped to the coast of Africa, thence around the Cape to their own country. Emmanuel resolved to prosecute the enterprise, and, if possible, open up a trade with India, Calicut being considered the most important city. He equipped a fleet of thirteen ships, manned by fifteen hundred men. Why Gama was not chosen as the leader of this expedition does not appear; for he had been loaded with every honor that could be imagined, and the com- mand of this fleet was in itself a high honor. Whatever the reason, Gama was left in Portugal, while Pedro Alvarez Cabral was made Admiral of the fleet to the Indies. This navigator may have been second in command on the previous voyage; if Gama declined the command, wishing to rest awhile before going to sea again, it "would naturally be offered to his lieutenant. If this Avere not the case, Cabral had probably made successful voyages to the coast of Africa, or to the various groups of islands so frequented by the old sailors. He must have shown both courage and ability of very marked degree to be entrusted with so important an enterprise as this. Admiral Cabral was commissioned to treat with the Samudri-rajah, or Prince of the Coast, whose title the Portuguese had corrupted into Zamorin, and obtain permission from him to build a fort near his city of Calicut; but if tlie monarch should not allow this, and should seem indisposed to have any dealings with the Portuguese at all — as was not improbable, from his ex- perience of Gama — Cabral was to declare war and to treat him as an enemy. He was also charged with friendly messages to the King of Melinda, an African potentate at whose dominions on the eastern coast, just south of the equator, Gama had found shelter from storms and the provisions which he needed. Although the King of Portugal had thus determined to force his commerce upon the Indians, or declare war against them, he was not unmindful of his duty as a Christian. It was highly desirable to convert the natives of these countries — after the countries were duly subjected to the rule of a Christian prince — and five friars were sent to convert them, and to establish religious services for the benefit of their companions on the vessels, should they be permitted to build the fort at Calicut. March 8, 1500, the fleet set sail; but hardly had they passed the Island of St. Jago, when a furious storm burst upon them. The fleet was scattered; all of the vessels suffered more or less ; one lost almost all her rigging, and was obliged to put back to Lisbon. Cabral waited for her for two days; but CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 303 as she did not make her appearance then, he set sail, steering to the south- west. What private orders Cabral may have received, which led him to take this course, we do not know. A treaty had been made between the sovereigns of Spain and Portugal, by which a line of division between the countries open to settlement by either nation had been agreed upon. This was in agreement with that earlier division which had been made by the authority of the Pope. Cabeal Bei'Ore the Zamorin. The course to be taken in sailing toward the Cape of Good Hope must have been perfectly well known to Cabral and his pilots; for the Portuguese had been exploring the western coast of Africa for m'ore than a century. But John of Portugal had served Columbus a scurvy trick, and so lost the vast dominions Avhich the Genoese had had the power of adding to the Crown which he served; and John's successor probably determined to regain, by jusjt such another trick, some portion of what his cousin had lost. Cabral 801 CAliKAL, Til 10 IMSCOVEKlOli OF r.UAZlL. was probably iiistrnctccl privately to keep to the westward, in order to secure to Portugal, by right oi" discovery, some portion of that New World which every voyage of the Spaniards showed to be better worth having. The westward voyage was without event until April 24, when one of the seamen descried land. This was a surprise to all, including the Admiral, for they had thought the voyage would be much longer. This astonishment con- linns the su[)position above stated; for had they intended to doublethe Cape of(Jood Hopes and steered accordingly, they would hardly havt> ))een sur- prised to see land a month and sixteen days after leaving Lisbon. Approaching the coast, Cabral sent one of his captains ashore to examine the nature and situation of the land, lie soon returned with a favorable ac- count of the country; describing its tall trees, the verdure of its plains, and the beauty of its birds. He had seen some of the natives, naked, of a dusky olive hue, with long, lank hair as black as jet. Several other officers, im- pressed by the description, asked and obtained permission to go on shore to make observations. While the men who had remained on board were listening with eager inter- est to the accounts given by these explorers, a storm came up. The ships were prepared, as they thought, to meet it; but it })roved more violent than they had thought; the vessels were torn from their anchorage, and tossed about like co(^kle-shells upon the waves. However, they managed to elude the dangers of the coast, and tinally anchored anew in a harbor which Cabral named Porto Seguro. From this safe resting place, he again sent otHcerson board to reconnoiter. They returned with two natives, whom they had taken prisoners as they were in their canoe, fishing. The Portuguese tried to communicate with these In- dians, but found it impossible to make them understand the meaning of the signs which they employed for the purpose. There was something, though, that was not so hard to comprehend: Cabral ordered them to be clothed, and having presented them with some small bells, brass rings, and looking- glasses, sent them on shore; they understood from this that the strangers had come as friends and possessed many articles of very great value — such as bells and brass rings. The generosity of the strangers was told, by the recipients of these gifts, to their companions; and the water about the ships was thronged, the next day, by canoes full of natives, who brought fruits and other articles of food, to barter for the trilles which the Portuguese had provided for such a pur- pose. Cabral )U)w judged it best to go ashore in person; and having nnuk' a short tour about the country near the harbor, ordered an altar to be erected un- der the shade of a hu'ge tree. In this primeval temple, the service of mass was performed in the presence of a host of natives, who watched the pro- CABRAL, TIIK DISCOVERER OF 15RAZIL. '^Oo cccdings With admiriug silence, and apparently not without reverence. By their gestures, they seemed to the Portuguese to express a deep sense ot re- ligion. rt I ('.vnuAi. T.\Ki;>i rossKssiox As the Admiral and his men returned to the ship, they wore followed by most of those who had been witnesses of their worship, who seemed to be ma transport of joy. They sang aloud, blew a kind of trumpet, threw arrows into the air, and lifted their hands to heaven, seeming, to the flattered manners " to give thanks for the arrival of such a godlike people." Some of them, not content with folUnving the strangers to the beach, jumped int.> the sea and 306 CAliRAL, THIO DISCOVKRKR OF BRAZIL. swam after the boats wliich were conveying tluMii to the .ships. Others, bet- ter provided, followed in canoes; and it took considerable persuasion to in- duce them to return to land. Cabral caused a marble pillar to be erected, in commemoration of the dis- covery, and named the country Santa Cruz. This name, so devoutly given, was not used to any extent on the charts and maps of the time, being speedily displaced by the name of Brazil, from the chief commodity which the ves- sels brought from that country to Europe. Assured that this was a new country, and not any part of Asia, Cabral dis-. patched one of his lieutenants, Jasper Laemio, to Portugal, to render an ac- count to the King of his discovery. Here, again, seems a proof that h(> (Ic^libcratcly set out to explore some part of the New World, in accordance with orders to that effect from the King of Portugal. If not so, surely the news of the discovery would have kept till he himself returned to Lisbon. Only five days, in all, were spent on the coast of Brazil. Probably Cabral did not know how soon he might come in contact with some Spanish vessels, and be driven off the coast. He seems to have desired to touch there, lay claim to it, send word to Portugal that he had done so, and be off as soon as possible, to prosecute the acknowledged and legitimate object of his voyage. He set sail April 19; but had been out at sea but a few days when a storm rushed down so suddenly that before the sails could be handled and other necessary precautions taken, four ships had run afoul of one another, and were dashed to pieces. Every soul on board perished, while their friends and com- panions on the other vessels saw them go down, without the })owert() render them the least assistance, and not knowing how soon they themselves would share this fate. Seven of the tifteen vessels wdiich had been titted out now remained; for Laemio had been given three, to take the news of the discovery; the dangers of the voyage across the ocean being suc^h that it was not Avell to trust to a single vessel reaching her destination. Of the seven which were left to Cab- ral, one was tossed about by the tempest until nniny of her crew had been swept overboard, and she had lost sight of her consorts entirely. Not know- ing what had become of them, and scarcely able to keep from sinking, she was turned toward Portugal. It seemed a hopeless undertaking to steer the disabled ship across the wide Atlantic, but it was the only chance that they had for life ; and the desperate seamen undertook the task. Their water casks had been thrown overboard during the storm, to lighten the vessel, and much of their food had been sacriliced for the same reason; the sailors hoping that their more fortunate comrades would share with them when the storm had l)assed over. This left them with but little food and water, notwithstanding the reduction of their number; and so much did they suffer from hunger, thirst, and fatiauc, that but six men reached Portugal alive. CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 307 The other six vessels were more fortunate; and, after buffeting with the waves for many days, not having seen each other, came in sight of each other June 27. They Avere now near the southern part of the African coast, and rounded the Cape without experiencing any bad weather. Toward the end of July, they arrived at Mozambique, where a supply of Avater was obtained. A pilot was hired to guide them to Quiloa, the modern Madagascar. Here Cabral sent friendly messages to the ruler, whose name is stated as Abraham ; but excused himself from going ashore, on the ground that he was forbidden by the King his master to do so. This prohibition does not seem to have extended to any new country which he might discover, as the accounts expressly say that while his ships were anchored at Porto Seguro, he went ashore in person. The excuse was accepted by the King, who announced his intention of visiting the ships. Cabral made every prep- aration to receive his dusky guest, clad himself in his most elegant suit, had his officers dressed in their most gorgeous costumes, and, attended by them, in the boats of the ships, set off to meet the galley of the King, while the cannon on the ships thundered a welcome to Abraham. Their interview Avas conducted Avith all the ceremony Avhich the Kings of Portugal and Spain might have used to each other, and Avith just about as much sincerity; for Avhen the monarch returned from his visit, he reconsidered his intention of making friends with the Portuguese, and reinforced his garrison, putting the Avhole capital in a better state of defence. The reason for this change of sentiment Avas probably to be traced to the representations of some Arabs, Avho, like their brethren at Calicut, did not hesitate to accuse the Portuguese of being "blood-thirsty pyrates," as the old chronicles have it; and assert that these strangers, if they once gained a foothold, Avould strip the King of all his pos- sessions and ravage the whole country. Perhaps the Arabs Avere not far Avrong, but the Portuguese became exceedingly indignant at these accusations, and Cabral set sail at once for Melinda, Avhere he felt sure of meeting Avith a favorable reception. Here, Ave are told, his arrival "gave inexpressible joy to the people and their sovereign, Avho instantly provided refreshments for the AA^hole fleet." The most remarkable feature of their landing here Avas the fact that Cabral left tAvo of his men at Melinda, with instructions to travel, if possible, into "that part of Ethiopia Avhich lies above Egypt," to learn Avhat truth there Avas in the rumor that a Christian king and people were there to be found. Some uncertain information about Abyssinia, Avith a great deal of fable added, had given rise to the belief in a mysterious monarch, holding the Christian faith in the midst of savage and heathen neighbors, called PresterJohn. This was the ruler whom these two " exiles," as the old account styles them, Avere to endeavor to find. Setting sail from Melinda on July 7, they touched at the Maldive Islands, 20 CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 309 and arrived at Calicut July 30. Here, contrary to their expectations, they were received with the greatest show of friendship and respect by the rajah, who sent a high official to welcome them, and afterwards received them in much state. The letters of the King of Portugal being read and interpreted to him by a Moor who had accompanied the expedition, the rajah granted all the privileges of trading for which the Portuguese had asked, assured them of his protection, and assigned for their use a large building near the seashore, directing that a banner with the arms of Portugal should be placed on top of this house, and that his orders should be engraved upon a golden plate, as a token to the Portuguese that his promises would not be forgotten. But if the Hindoo ruler granted what the Portuguese asked, he considered that he might ask favors in his turn. News had reached him to the effect that a large vessel, having on board an elephant, had been sent by a neighbor- ing prince to attack his fleet; he requested Cabral to watch for the coming of this hostile vessel, and attack it before the crew had time to set upon his ships. The rajah had supposed that the whole fleet of Cabral would be put about to contend with this formidable enemy; and perhaps he judged it a good way of getting rid of his troublesome guests. Much to his surprise, however, Cabral assigned one small vessel to the duty, and calmly awaited the result in the harbor of Calicut. The little caravel, well provided with cannon, did not hesitate to attack the great clumsy vessel of the East; and by keeping out of range of the darts and other weapons with which the Indian soldiers were provided, managed easily to work great havoc Avithout incurring any special danger. The enemy endeavored to save themselves by flight ; but the caravel was as swift as she was well-armed; and the great vessel from which the rajah had feared so much until ho saw in its coming a chance of getting rid of his new allies, was driven, helpless and disabled, into the very harbor of Calicut. Meantime the Arabian merchants had made good use of their time ; and had created what the newspapers of to-day would style " a corner in spices." Ca- bral found it exceedingly difficult to get enough, at prices in any way reason- able, to freight his ships. He appealed to the Zamorin, who professed great indignation; and assured Cabral that he Avould be doing right to seize upon what the Arabs had bought, and freight his vessels without regard to their being paid for the goods. Of course, this was merely a trap ; for he hoped by this means to have the Arabs drive off the strangers. Cabral, although not without suspicion, fell into the trap; and sent a cap- tain of an Arabian vessel word that he must not leave the harbor without his — Cabral's — permission. The captain paid no attention to this order, and Cabral sent his boat to tow the vessel back. The owner complained to the Zamorin, who, without making any positive promise, gave him to understand 310 CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. that he was at full liberty to reveuge himself. There were about seventy of the Portuguese in the house which the Zamorin had assigned them ; and thither w^ent the Arab, with about four hundred of his retainers, friends, rel- atives, and other countrymen. Signals of distress were hung out, that the Admiral might send them help from the ships; but before the boats could reach the land, the attacking party had broken down the barricades hastily raised, and were fighting hand to hand with the men in the enclosure. The Portuguese had but one hope: if they could fight their w\ay to the shore, they could be under the protection of their guns that much the sooner. Failing this, they could but sell their lives dearly. It was a desperatefight. The white men were surrounded on all sides by the Arabs, who fought with that carelessness of life which is common among Mohammedans; their re- ligion teaching them that they cannot die till their appointed time comes. The Portuguese were animated not only by the thought that they were fighting for life, but by the idea that they were destroying, with each man that went down before their swords, an enemy to their religion. The enclosure about the building which the Zamorin had assigned to the Portuguese was not the scene of the battle for very long; as the besieged forced their way out, they were followed by their blood-thirsty foes; and at last, after fifty of them, including the oiEcer who had been in command, had been slain, the remaining twenty reached the shore, and were taken into the boats which had been sent from the ships. The ofiicer commanding had had with him his little son, ten years old; but the child, though now fatherless, did not lack a protector; one of the soldiers had defended him, frequently l)y putting his own body between the child and danger. At last they reached the shore, the soldier weak and almost fainting from loss of blood. There was no boat near them, for they had been driven by the enemy to a lonely part of the shore. As one of the boats, laden with wounded men, pulled off toward the ships, they were espied by one of the sailors who manned it. He at once plunged into the water, and swam to them; then, leaving the dying soldier, took the boy on his shoulders, and swam back to the ships, while the arrows of the enemy fell harmlessly in the water around him. The boy thus saved afterward distinguished himself by many brave and gallant achievements. The Zamorin taking no steps to punish the perpetrators of this massacre, although fifty of the Portuguese had been slain outright, and most of those who escaped immediate death afterward died of their wounds, Cabral called a council of his officers, and discussed the course possible. It was resolved to take matters in their own hands, and revenge themselves upon the Arabs. Ten largo Arabian vessels lay in the harbor, and these were suddenly and fiercely attacked. Six hundred of the enemy were killed, and the Arabians' ships being plundered by the victorious Portuguese, were set on fire. But Cabral's vengeance was not yet complete. The flames had terrified the peo- CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 311 pie of the city, so that they ran through the streets in a condition that bordered closely on frenzy; for they knew not how a chance spark might kindle a wide-spreading conflagration among their lightly built houses. Grimly de- termined to avenge his slaughtered men, Cabral trained his guns upon the city, and destroyed all the chief public buildings, as well as many of the pri- vate dwellings. The rajah, seeing one of his most faithful followers laid dead at his very feet by a cannon-ball, fled, panic-stricken. Cabral then went some seventy leagues southward on the same coast, where he found the people, probably warned by the fate of Calicut, ready to trade with him in the most satisfactory manner. While busily engaged in loading his ships with spices, the Admiral heard that the ruler of Calicut had pre- pared a fleet of twenty of his largest ships, manned by fifteen thousand soldiers, to revenge the destruction of his city. Cabral at once gave orders to sail in search of this armament. A contrary wind prevented the execution of this jDlan; but enough had been done to show the rajah that not even this great army could terrify the white men; and he ingloriously retreated, without having struck a blow, or even come within-hailing distance of the Portuguese ships. Sailing from India, he took a very rich ship off the coast of Africa; but learning from the master that she belonged to Arab merchants of Cambay, dismissed her untouched, saying that the King of Portugal was at war with no one in Asia but the Zamorin of Calicut and the Arabs of Mecca, w4io had inflicted great injury upon him. Pursuing his course, Cabral lost one of his ships in a storm; for she was so injured that it became necessary to transfer her crew to the other vessels and burn her. Storms in plenty beset their homeward passage; but at last the diminished fleet arrived at Lisbon, July 21, 1504. The vessels which bore the news of the discovery of Brazil had long since reached their destination; and Cabral was received with the honors due to a successful execution of secret orders. His discovery resulted in a new line of division being drawn between Span- ish and Portuguese territory, Brazil being included in the dominions of the King of Portugal. It remained closely connected with that country long after it became an independent country; and as long as the form of govern- ment was monarchial, the Emperor of Brazil was a near relative of the King of Portugal. The success which Cabral had reached was not, however, to be the source of future honors. For some reason, the King, when he came to look into the results of the expedition, did not find them quite equal to his expectations; and Cabral was thus balked of his reward. So great was this dissatisfaction, as time went on, thatCabral, at last, was not even mentioned in the list of those discoverers who had added dominion and glory to the Crown of Portugal. Nothing is known of his after life. He comes into history the brilliant •U2 CABUAL, 'I'lll'l i)lS(;OVKRKIl OF BRAZIL- leader of an expedition bound to distant and unknown countries; his white- winged vessels sail across the broad Atlantic, bearing him through storms to the land of sunshine in tropical America; thence returning to the East, and across the Indian Ocean, to the country long regarded, by the Europeans, as the treasure-house of the world. Strife and bloodshed attend him there; and he sails home again, to sink, after one brilliant scene when he is received with expectant favor by his king, into an obscurity as deep as it was unmer- ited. Pedro Alvarez Cabral has been almost forgotten; but one proud title serves to rescue his name from oblivion: he was the Discoverer of Brazil. HERNANDO CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. §EFORE considering the history of the expedition which explored the interior of Mexico, discovering the capital and conquering its people, it will be well to trace briefly the progress of settlement in the 1'3W World. Diego Columbus found the mines of Hispaniola becoming exhausted, not long after he succeeded to the rights and titles of his father; and being actually, as well as nominally, Governor of the island, he decided to occupy Cuba. A force was prepared for the conquest of this larger island; for the reputation of the Spaniards was now such that the natives no longer re- ceived them with open arms as men descended from heaven. Velasquez was the head of this expedition, Narvaez his lieutenant. The treatment which they accorded the natives may be told in a single incident. A chief who had fled from San Domingo to escape Spanish rule, resisted the white men when they invaded Cuba. He was captured and condemned to be burned alive. While bound to the stake, he was urged, as he had been before, to adopt the religion of his captors if he wished to go to heaven. " Will the white men go to heaven? " he asked. " Certainly," was the reply. "Then I will not be a Christian," was the unexpected rejoinder; "fori would not go again to a place where I must find men so cruel." The conquest of the island was completed, and Velasquez became govern- or. Six years later, when the Spaniards felt at home in Cuba, expeditions were sent out toward the main land. One of these touched at a peninsula where the natives, on being asked the name of the country, answered in their own tongue: — " I do not understand you"; — And the Indian word Tectetan being mistaken for a proper noun, the Spaniards corrupted it into Yucatan, and the name became fixed upon the peninsula. The leader of the white men was greatly astonished at the signs of higher civilization which he found existing there; the buildings, the cul- tivation of the soil, the garments and ornaments of the people showed them to be a race far superior to the naked islanders, who lived in frail huts of reeds and subsisted on the spontaneous product of the earth. (313) 314 11 K (ONtiirKKOK OF MEXICO. Grijalva and Alvarado explored the coast, and held conferences with th« natives; receiving from them, as gifts and in trade, curiously-wrought orna- ments and arms of gold. But the jealous Velasquez received their reports HlCRXAXDO COKTES. with susi)ioion, and litted out an armament for further operations in Mexico, the command of which he entrusted to a follower in whom he felt greater confidence. ("OltTKS, THE COKQUEUOK OF MEXICO. Mlj Hernando Cortes, who was chosen for this post, was a native of Medellin, a town of Western Spain, in 1485, or, according to one authority, 1483. He came of an ancient and respectable family, in moderate circumstances; and it was proposed to devote the boy, as he grew older, to the study of the law. At the age of fourteen he was accordingly sent to the great school at Sala- manca; but the two years which he spent there were not enough to make a learned lawyer of him. It is true that he learned to write good prose and tolerable verses; but his time was passed, for the greater part, in frolics and adventures which did not exactly meet the views of his professors. Eeturning home, he announced his desire to become a soldier; a career Avhich in those days was simply a life of wild and stirring adventure. His parents do not seem to have made any opposition to this choice; perhaps they had found that anything would be better than to have him idling away his time at home. His choice lay between military service in the Old World and in the New; and he finally decided upon the latter. He enrolled himself among the fol- lowers of Ovando, the successor of Columbus in the government of Hispani- ola, and was all ready to sail with the leader; but a short time before the ex- pedition departed, he went to say farewell to a certain lady. To reach her apartment, he was obliged to scale a high wall; and while he was thus en- gaged, the wall gave way beneath him. He was thrown to the ground, and buried under the ruins; for several days the young cavalier was laid up, so severe were his bruises; and when he once more crawled out into the sun- shine, Ovando had sailed without him. For two years after this mishap he remained at home; finally sailing in 1504, in the fleet commanded by Quintero. When he arrived in Hispaniola he was readily promised enough land for a farm; but at first he disdained the idea. When, however, he found that nothing better offered at the moment, he ac- cepted a grant of land and arepartimientoof Indians — a term almost equiva- lent to slave-gang — and the appointment to the ofiice of notary to the town of Acua. The wild young Spaniard did not settle down to the ordinary sober hum- drum life of a planter; he frequently took part in the expeditions againstthe Indians of the island; and when, seven years after he had arrived at Hispa- niola, Velasquez; undertook the conquest of Cuba, Cortes threw aside every tie that bound him to the soil, and embarked, heart and soul, in this enter- prise. But the favor into which Velasquez received him was not without interrup- tion. Scarcely had the Spanish authority been established in Cuba before the Spaniards began to plot against their Governor; and the mutineers de- cided to lay their complaints before the higher tribunals of Hispaniola. Cortes had offended the Governor and received a rebuke; he had readily 31(l ("OKTKS, THK CONQIIKUOK OF MKXICX). joined this disaffected party and was the man Avlioni they chose as their envoy. The errand was not without its dangers; for the voyage must be made across an arm of the sea more than fifty miles wide, and they had no vessel but an open boat. Before this most fearless of the conspirators could set off, how- ever, the Governor got wind of the Avholc affair, and, seizing Cortes, fettered and imprisoned him. It is said that he even threatened to hang him. But Cortes did not wait for the fulfillment of this threat. He managed to throw back the bolt of his fetters, and, having thus released his limbs, used the irons in forcing open the Avindow of his cell. He then let himself down — the room was on the second floor — and escaped to a neighboring church. Here, as he very well knew, Velasquez could not seize him without commit- ting sacrilege. The Governor, however, knowing his natural carelessness, posted guards about the church, Avith orders to arrest him as soon as he stepped outside it; and they had not long to wait. Cortes Avas again shackled, and taken aboard a vessel Avhich Avas to sail the next morning to Ilispaniola. Again he managed to get rid of his irons, and dropped over the side of the ship into a boat Avhich lay alongside. Noiselessly as possible he roAved toward the shore; and finding the current too strong, as he neared the land, for his boat to be guided by a single arm, he plunged into the seething Avater, and swam for his life. Once on shore, he again sought the shelter of the church. The Governor soon afterward relented. and became reconciled to Cortes. This Avas probably brought about by the intercession of the family of the young lady Avhom he Avas engaged to, but AAdiom he had at one time declined to marry. HoAvever it Avas brought about, it Avas complete and permanent; and Cortes received a liberal alloAA\ance of land, a repartimiento of Indians, and the office of alcalde of St. Jago. Here on his farm he lived for some years, stocking it AA'ith cattle of various kinds, cultivating the soil, and Avork- ing the gold mines Avhich fell to his share; thus gradually acquiring a snug little fortune, of which Las Casas says: "God, Avho alone knows at Avhat cost of Indian lives itAvas obtained, Avill take account of it." Such Avas the condition of the fortunes of Cortes Avhcn Grijalvaand Alva- rado returned Avith the news of the discoveries Avhich they had made — the very Land of Gold Avhich Columbus had so long sought in vain. The Goa- ernor, unAvilling to trust either of them, and anxious to find some one Avho could contribute something to the cost of fitting out the armament, took two high officials into his counsels. It happened that both of these Avere close friends of Cortes; and thus the Governor Avas persuaded to accept him for this position. Cortes Avas named Captain-General of the Armada prepared for the con- quest of Mexico. He at once laid aside that levity which had so long distin- guished him, and became the, grave, earnest man of affairs. Every real that he could raise, Avhether taken from his store already accumulated or procured COin'KS, 'III 10 CONCM I^KOK OI' MEXICO. ol 7 by pledging his estates for its rcpayniont, was devoted to the enterprise; and he persuaded many of his friends to venture their money on his success. Six ships were readily procured, and the Wvork of fitting them out went on rapidly, while three hundred men volunteered during the first few days. Be- fore these preparations were in anyway complete, however, Cortes learned that some of his enemies had poisoned the Governor's mind against him ; that Velasquez, always inclined to be jealous, had regretted putting Cortes in this position, and had determined, although Cortes had actually contributed two- thirds of the cost of fitting out the expedition, to name another as the leader. There was not a moment to be lost, nor was Cortes the man to lose one. He quietly notified his officers, got all his men on board, and, half-prepared as he was, set sail that very night, at midnight. At dawn, the departure of the fleet was discovered, and the alarm was at once given. The Governor sprang from bed, threw on his clothes, leaped upon his horse, and galloped down to the quay, followed by his attendants, in more haste than good order. Cortes, as soon as he saw them, entered an armed boat, and put back to within speaking distance. " And is it thus you part from me? " shouted the angry Governor; " a courteous way of taking leave, truly! " " Pardon," replied Cortes; " time presses; and there are some things that should be done before they are even thought of. Has your Excellency any commands? " His Excellency, almost foaming with rage, could not find words to express his anger; and Cortes, politely bowing and waving his hand, returned to his vessel and sailed for Macaca, fifteen leagues away. Here he laid in such stores as he could obtain from the royal farms, considering them a loan from the King; and proceeded to Trinidad. He landed there for the purpose of se- curing more recruits, in which he was most successful. In addition to the many of less importance who flocked to his standard, there were men of high rank who had taken part in the former expeditions, who were quite willing to enlist under him; and their action not only lent a new dignity to his force, but gave him the services of those Avho knew most about the country to which they were going. Velasquez sent orders to the Governor of Trinidad to arrest Cortes and send him back, as the command of the fleet had been given to another man, and he was usurping authority to which he had no right. The Governor, when he received these orders, wisely consulted some of Cortes' officers about his best plan; and they advised him that he had better not attempt anything of the kind. It would lead to a commotion amongthe soldiers, they told him; for all the common soldiers were devoted to their galhmt leader; and they might burn the town. He therefore prudently ignored the orders of Vel- asquez. 318 GOKTES, THE CONQUEKOIl OF MEXICO. Cortes now divided his force, sending a portion under Alvarado across the Island to Havana, while he, with the remainder and the vessels, Avould sail around the western point and rejoin him there, for the purpose of raising yet more recruits. While at Havana, Cortes made some changes in the way of living, intro- ducing a greater number of officers and servants into his household, and as- suming more state and ceremony, as became a man of his new rank. He also prepared his soldiers for encountering the arrows of the natives, by having their jackets thickly quilted with cotton, of wdiich there was an abundance around Havana. He divided his army into eleven companies, each under the command of an experienced officer, and caused all the arms to be put in per- fect order. While he was busy about these preparations, the commander of the place received the same instructions from Velasquez that the officer in command at Trinidad had received; but, like the other, judged it wisest to make no such attempt. He knew very well that he had not the power to arrest Cortes; and such was the fascination which the handsome, frank, gay-hearted soldier of fortune possessed for all with wdiom he came in contact, that he had quite won the heart of the commander of Havana. The fleet had sailed from St. Jago, Nov. 18, 1518. Less than three months had sufficed to increase the number of ships to nearly double, and the force under his command was correspondingly larger. Of the eleven ships, eight were caravels and brigantines; the others were vessels of from seventy to one hundred tons' burden. One hundred and ten seamen, five hundred and fifty- three soldiers, and two hundred Indians, made up his force. Of the soldiers, thirty-two were cross-bowmen, and thirteen were provided with arquebuses, a kind of rude gun, so clumsy that it was sometimes supplied with a rest on which the marksman might support it while taking aim. Ten heavy guns, four falconets — lighter pieces — and a good supply of ammunition, completed the outfit. Sixteen horses, each transported with almost incredible difficul- ties from Spain to the Indies, in the flimsy craft of the day, and each there- fore rated at a far higher value than a good-sized farm, were provided for the use of the cavalry; a force to which Cortes looked as the means of strik- ing terror into the hearts of the natives at the first sight. Before finally embarking at Cape St. Antonio, which he had appointed as the rendezvous for all his forces, Cortes addressed his troops in a stirring harangue, bidding them remember that great things are to be achieved only by great exertions, and that glory was never yet acquired by sloth. He told them, with that utter disregard for the rights of uncivilized nations wdiich has always characterized those who claim superiority, that their cause was a just one, since they were to fight under the banner of the Cross. His speech was received with such acclamations as any utterance of his CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 319 would have been accorded by his devoted soldiers, and mass having been cel- ebrated with the usual ceremonies, the whole force embarked, and set sail from Cape St. Antonio for Yucatan February 18, 1519. A storm, violent as tropical tempests are apt to be, overtook them before they had sailed many leagues; and the vessels were scattered. Cortes found it necessary to linger a little behind the others to assist one which had been partly disabled; and the smaller vessels reached the island of Cozumel before the flag-ship. Arrived there, he found that Alvarado had improved the opportunity by rifling the temples of their ornaments, and frightening the natives so that they fled hastily to the dense forests of the interior. This was directly against the orders which Cortes had given; for it was his original plan to treat the Indians with great kindness. Alvarado was severely and publicly reprimanded, and every effort made to reassure the frightened natives. They were finally convinced of the friendliness of the strangers, and returned to trade with them. About eight years before this time, a vessel from the colony of Darien had been wrecked oif the coast of what is now Central America, and the few who escaped the fury of the elements were captured by the Indians. Some of them were killed and eaten, the Spaniards in the settlements had heard ; others Avere still in captivity among the savages. To find these unfortunate creatures, if they still lived, was one of the first objects of Cortes; and he dispatched one of his officers, with two brigantines, to the opposite coast of Yucatan, to see if anything could be learned about them there; since the natives of Coz- umel gave him to understand that these captives were likely to be found on that coast. Ordaz, the officer to whom this was intrusted, was instructed to remain there eight days for this purpose. Much to the surprise of Cortes and his men, they found in the temple which Alvarado had rifled a cross, built of stone and lime. On inquiring the mean- ing of this symbol, they were told that it was the sign for the god of rain. They could not understand how a heathen people should have, as a religious symbol, that same emblem which is the most sacred to Christians; nor have later scientists been able to solve the puzzle. It formed a starting-point, how- ever, for the priest who endeavored to convert these worshipers of the rain- god's cross to the religion of the Cross; for this expedition, like so many others of the time and section, partook largely of the character of a crusade. It was a Christian duty to convert the Indians; and if they could not be per- suaded to embrace the religion of the white men, force must be employed. Two priests, Juan Diaz and Bartolome de Olmedo, had accompanied the expedition, for the double purpose of ministering to the spiritual needs of the Spaniards and preaching to the Indians. They now began to exert all their eloquence upon these benighted heathen ; and tried to pursuade them 320 COllTKS, THIO C()N(,)lIKll()Ii OF MEXICO. to permit their idols to l)e thrown down tuid destroyed. Naturally, the na- tives, who had w()rshi|)(>(l these gods all their lives, and had never lieard of the white man's God until within the past week, were not r(;ady to consent to this. Cortes, as usual, was prompt to act. The arguments of the priests were not immediately sueecssful, but ho would wait for nothing more. lie ordered the great idols to bo thrown down and dragged out of the tem[)les, where a slirino to the Virgin and Child was erected instead. After mass had been i)erformed at the altar thus suddenly erected, the ar- guments of the priests were renewed; and the natives, seeing that their gods (lid not avenge the insults which had been offered them, consented to em- l»race Christianity, 'i'his was reckoned a great triumph for the f:iilh;nl- thoughitis doubtful whether the interpreter half understood the instruc- tions Avhich he was required to translate, and certain that the Indians who thus professed Christiauily did not have any idea of the failh whicli they were accepting. Orda/ returned without tidings of the ca[)tives, and Cortes set sail. But a leak in one of the vessels comi)elled them to return to the same port. AVhile they were lying at anchor here, a canoe was seen appioaching the ships from the main land. One of the men in it, as he came Avithin speaking distance, hailed them in broken Spanish, asking if he were among Christians. Wiien the answer was given, he fell upon his knees and gave thanks for his deliv- erance. It was one of the long-sought captives, Jeronimo do Aguilar. Cortes had directed Ordaz to offer large ransoms for the captives, to be paid in beads, hawks' bells and such other trinkets of European manufac- ture as tlu^ Indians especially valued. Aguilar Avas a favored servant of a chief far in the interior; and the news of this offer h:ul not reached him in time for him to get to the coast before Ordaz sailed to rejoin his connnand- er. It Avas only aftcn* considerable persuasion, indeed, and many praises of the beads and bells to be obtained as a ransom, that the chief would consent to give him up. Had the fleet not returned to Conzutnel for repairs, Aguilar nuist have missed his countrymen entirely. This Avould have been a serious loss to Cortes, since the captive, Avho had been educated as a priest, had taken ad- vantage of his long residence among the Indians to learn the various dia- lects Avhich Avero yi)oken, and now served as an intelligent, trustworthy in- terpreter; in Avhich capacity his services Avere invaluable. Having repaired the ships, they sailed again INIarch 4; and, doubling Cape Catoche, reached the nioulh of the llio de Tabasca. Ho resolved to ascend this stream; but the natives seenu'd determined to prevent it. Cortes proclaiuu>d, through his interpreter, that he desired only a free passage for his jnen ; but the Indians, Avho had gathered in great num- bers, their canoes lining the banks of the river, answered only Avith shouts cortp:s, the conqueror of Mexico. 321 and with volleys of arrows. Thus defied, Cortes crossed the river from the island where he had anchored, in the very face of the enemy; the boats were brought alongside the canoes, and a desperate struggle Avas waged. Gradu- ally the whites forced the Indians back to land; but this was hardly an ad- vantage to the assailants; for the natives found support there from their friends who showered darts, arrows and blazing brands upon the Spaniards, trying hard to maintain their footing on the soft ooze of the shore, while battling with those whom they had driven from the river. " Strike at the Chief!" called one Indian to another, noting the careless- ness with which Cortes exposed himself to their w^eapons, i)lacing himself ever in the front of the fight; and the cry was caught up and re-echoed from side to side. But when the Spaniards had got a footing on the bank, and opened fire with their arquebuses, the natives were glad to retreat behind a hastily con- structed breastwork of timber. The wdiites, encouraged by their success, assaulted this rampart with renewed vigor; and the Indians again retreated, this time to their palisaded town, Tabasca. But this was carried by a de- termined attack ; and the natives were glad to escape with their lives into the surrounding forests. Cortes took possession of this town with due solemnity, in the name of the Most Catholic King, and took up his quarters in the chief temple; carefully posting guards about the town, to ensure against a surprise by the Indians. The next morning, two parties were sent out to reconnoiter. One of these had not gone a league before it w^as attacked by the Indians in force, and obliged to retreat to the town. Cortes now saw that he had made a mistake in attempting to explore this river, instead of going straight to his proposed destination; but to retreat now would be to dishearten his own men with the sense of being beaten at the outset, and enable his enemies to send messen- gers to announce that he was coming, but might easily be driven back by de- termined opposition. He accordingly called his officers together, and made preparation to give battle the next day. The wounded were sent back to the ships, all others ordered to the camp. The horses were all brought on shore, with six of the heavy guns. Mesa, who had some experience as an engineer, was put in charge of the cannon; we can hardly dignify him with the title of command- er of the artillery. The infantry w^as put under the direction of Ordaz, while Cortes himself led the cavalry, consisting of sixteen horsemen. All night long, Cortes, restless with the sense of responsibility, went the rounds of his camp, visiting the sentinels to observe that no one fell asleep upon his post, and seeing that every possible preparation for the conflict had been made as ordered. Morning dawned, and the soldiers assembled at the celebration of niuss, It 322 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. was March 25, Lady-day, according to the reckoning of churchmen. In- fantry and artillery were to march upon the enemy, encamped upon the plain of Ccutla, direct; while the little force of cavalry attacked upon the Hank or rear, as opportunity might offer. The country was dotted with corn-fields, irrigated by means of canals and reservoirs; so that their advance was slow and difficult. Many of them were severely wounded by the arrows of the enemy, before they could reach a footing firm enough to permit them to form in line of battle, and discharge their own missiles at the foe. The Indians, in dense masses, were swept down at every discharge of the guns; but they closed up the ranks, throw- ing up dust and leaves to hide the number of the slain from the assailants, and pressed so close upon the Spaniards that the latter hardly had room to manage their guns. Where was the cavalry? Retarded beyond his expectations by the nature of the ground, Cortes did not reach the field of battle for an hour after the fight had begun. When he arrived, the Indians were so busily engaged with the enemy in front that they did not perceive his approach. "Santiago and San Pedro!'' rang out the war-cry; and the wearied in- fantry, scarcely able to hold their own against the overwhelming masses of the foe in spite of all the advantage that their guns gave them, knew that help had come. The startled Indians turned to look in the direction of the cry, and saw monstrous creatures, such as they had never seen before, rush- ing upon them; these dreadful beings had four feet and two arms each; the upper part of the body seemed to be covered with a glittering shell; and a sharp and glittering Aveapon was aimed directly at their faces. Such was the idea which the Indians entertained of the mail-clad cavaliers, mounted on horses protected by steel plates, and each bearing a lance which he had been ordered to direct at the faces of the enemy; for the ignorant natives, who had never seen a horse, supposed that horse and rider were one creature. They could face men, even when armed with thunder and lightning, as the possessors of fire-arms seemed to be; but these dreadful monsters were a thousand times worse ; a panic seized them, and they, who had threatened to overwhelm the force of five hundred soldiers with half a dozen cannon, fled in wild terror before sixteen horsemen. Cortes did not attempt to pursue them. Content with the victory, he drew his men off to a neighboring copse, and there they offered up thanksgivings for t'ne victory which had been given them. To the devout Spaniards, it seemed that Heaven must indeed have fought on their side, or they could never have conquered such a horde of the foe; ai>d some of them positively declared that Santiago — the patron saint of Spain — mounted on his good gray horse, was plainly to he seen among the horsemen, dealing such blows as had given him rank of old anumg tlie Seven Champions of Chi-istendom, CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 323 Some of the Indians who had been taken prisoners were sent as messen- gers to their countrymen, with the promise that Cortes would overlook the past, if they would submit to him at once; but that otherwise he would put every living creature in the land to- the sword. The natives hastened to obey liis demand; and brought such tokens of submission as they thought most acceptable. An imposing religious ceremonial was arranged to impress their simple minds, and tlie force, embarking, departed from the conquered country. MrxiCAN Indians Bringing Gifts io ( o) ips Among the articles which they had brought as gifts, or had offered in trade after confidence had been established, were some small ornaments of gold, 21 324 COKTIOS, TIIIO CONQUlOKOIt OK MKXICO. Tlio Spiiniiirds had eaj;;orly (iiu'slioiicd IIkmii as io llic s()ur('(i of this prooions iiu'laKaiid weld lold that it had Ixcii Jtroiijiht froni tho wost, from Mt^xico; and this inronnatlou did imicdi to hastcMi thvlr departure. It was Pahii Sunday when they (Mubarked; and tho next Thiu'schiy they readied th(^ ishiiid of San ,liian (h> Uhia, which liad ])eeii visited and named by ( Jrijah ;i. ]ler(^ t iiey \\<'i'e visiliul l>y Indians, who bron«iht presents of fruits, ih)\vers, and gohl ornaments, lint Aguihir, who Inid been useful as an interi)ret(M" farther to the soutlieast, was here unable to understand tho lani;- uago. Fortunately, a girl, who had been ono of twenty young female slaves presented by the submissive Tabaseans to tho eoiKpierors, was familiar oncnigh with the I\I:iy:in diah-cls, whieh Aguiiai' spoke, and with tho Aztec, liernativo tongue, to traushite to the priest, who in turn reiuh'icd tho speeeh into tiu^ (^astiliau language to Cortes. Jt\\;is only by this round-about means, that Cortes was able to eommuni(':it(> with the natives. IIo leiinied from them that thc^ country was ruled l)y a great numarch, whoso name! is usually r(>n(U'red as Monte/iima ; but lu^ dwelt on tho high ])lains, more than two hundred miUvs iidand; their ])i(»\ luce \vas ruled by one of his great nobles, who lived but twenty-tivo miles away. 'They also informed him that in tho interior there was plenty of gold. Tho next day, Friday, 7\pril 21, he landed at tho i)oint wlioro tho city of Vera Cvw/. now stands. His guns were nu)unted on tho small sand-hills, and tho troops employed in cutting ih)\\ ii trees and bushes in order to securo a shelter from tho weather. In this work they received much assistance from t h(^ natives, who not only hclpcMl tluMU wit h lh(> labor, but brought mats aiul cotton carpets for their huts. W'hih^ this was being doiu', a great number of t he nat ixcs, out of curiosity, visited tho camp, bringing with them food of all kinds, and such oiiiaments as they possessed, which they gavo away, or offered in exchange for the triidi- ets of tho Spaniards. From theseCortes learniMl that Teuhtlile, t ho governor (d' the district, ])roposed to visit him tlu^ next. day. 'The ex[)ected guest, came before noon, and Avas received with much cere- nutuy, and entertuine(H\ it h an ample collation. IIo l)rought rich picsents, whichgavo the Spaniards a gi-cat idea, both of tho wealth of the country and tlu^skill of its workmen; while tho readin(>ss with which some of his attend- ants depi(>ted the appearance of the " water-houses," the horses, arms, and costumes of tho Spanianls, tilled tluMU with admiring wonder. Tiiis ])icture- writing was intencUul to bo transmitted to I\h)nte/,uma, as a faitlifid reportof the strangers and all concerning them. Cortes had dciuamlcd to st>e t his monarch at once ; and had nuido groat boasts of tlu^ power and greatness of his own king. Teuhtlile, however, coolly remark(Ml that lu^ was.glad to hear that there was another monarch as groat as Monte/,un:a, and tirndy insisted that Cortes nuist remain whore lio CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 325 was until messengers could be sent to inform Montezuma of his arrival, and learn the ruler's pleasure concerning him. Montezuma was a great soldier and statesman; but he had assumed such }3omp in his style of living as Mexico had never seen; and the expense of maintaining this state, together with the enormous cost of the wars which he waged, caused him to levy very heavy taxes. This was of itself enough to make him unpopular. But the severity with which he caused justice to be administered, and the arrogance of his manner, combined to render him the object of fear, mingled with dislike. Seven or eight days after the visit of Teuhtlile, the envoys from Montezuma arrived at the camp of Cortes. They brought presents which fully justified all the invader's dreams of their master's wealth. Helmets and shields orna- mented with plates of gold, necklaces and bracelets composed of the same metal, and set with beautifully worked precious stones; imitations of birds and animals in gold and silver; garments, curtains and coverlets of cotton fine as silk, and richly embroidered with feathers; and, above all, two im- mense disks, "as large as carriage wheels," one of silver, the other of gold, skillfully carved with various devices; this gold disk alone was worth more than two hundred thousand dollars in United States money of the present day, if we consider only the weight of the metal which it contained; and those who saw these articles after they were taken to Spain, where they could examine them at their leisure and judge of them coolly, declared that the beauty of the workmanship more than doubled the value of the rich materials. But Montezuma declined, through his envoys, to receive Cortes and his followers at his capital; it was too far away, he said, and the journey thither was too full of difficulties and dangers. He advised the strangers to depart with the gifts that he sent as a proof of his friendly disposition. But the Spanish nation had been dreaming of a monarch Avho could offer such gifts as these ever since the Santa Maria and her consorts set sail from Palos, that August day in 1492; and Cortes replied that he could not present himself before his own sovereign without having accomplished the object of his mission, which was to see Montezuma; and declared that having come two thousand leagues already, he had no fears regarding the short journey which still lay before him. With this message, he sent a gift as far inferior to that which he had received as his resources were inferior to those of ^lontezuma. But the Indian monarch again forbade Cortes to approach his capital, and requested him to return to his own country without farther delay. Turning to his officers, Cortes remarked: — "This is a rich and powerful prince indeed; j'et it shall go hard but we will pay him a visit in his capital I" 32G CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. The interview ended with an attempt, on the part of the Spaniards, to ex- plain their religion to the envoys; but the latter did not seem to be favorably impressed with anything that the strangers had to say. They withdrew; and the next morning saw every native hut which had been built near the camp of the Spaniards, deserted. This meant that Cortes was cut off from all sup- plies, except such as were contained in his ships. An expedition under Montejo had been sent to explore the coast, to see if there was any more favorable situation for a camp a little farther north. Having gone as far as Panuco, they returned, and reported that they had met with no success; the whole coast was low, marshy, hot, and unhealthful. Only one place at all suitable had been found ; and to that Cortes determined to remove his forces. But in the meantime his men were becoming dissatisfied; thirty of their number had died since landing; and they desired to return to Cuba with such treasure as they had already secured. The personal friends of Cortes tried to reason with them, and pointed out how much more would be gained should they found a colony here. Cortes had no authority from Velasquez to found such a colony, they answered; the others admitted the truth of this assertion, but retorted that the interests of the sovereign, to be considered before the commands of Velasquez, demanded that such a colony should be planted. Still the dissatisfied soldiers persisted that it was their duty to return to Cuba, for further orders from Velasquez. Cortes understood, better than his friends, how to deal with them. Learn- ing what their demands were, he gave orders that the troops were to hold themselves in readiness to embark at once, as the ships were to sail for Cuba without farther delay. It may be thought that this order would give great satisfaction to those who had been insisting on following this course; nothing of the kind; they veered like a weathercock when the wind changes, and de- manded in the interests of the sovereign that a colony should be founded. If he refused, they told him, they would protest against his conduct as dis- loyal to the Emperor. Cortes received this protest as seriously as if he had not purposely taken the best means to produce it; and promised to consider the matter and give them an answer the next day. Having allowed this time to pass, he informed them that he would accede to their demands, and plant a colony there in the name of the sovereigns of Spain. He nominated the magistrates who were to govern the new settlement, to which he gave the name of Villa Rica de Vera Cruz— " The Rich City of the True Cross." The officials being duly sworn, Cortes formally resigned into their hands the authority Avhich he had received from Velasquez; and after a show of deliberation on their part, was invested with supreme civil and military jurisdiction, with the titles of Captain-General and Chief-Justice of the colony. I CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 327 Among his followers, there were some adherents of Velasquez, who had, all along, acted somewhat like spies for the governor, and had indeed been sent with Cortes for that purpose. These men now protested warmly against what had been done; Cortes replied by putting the chief men among them in irons, and confining them on board the vessels, while their adherents were busily employed in collecting provisions for the colony. This punishment, however, did not last very long; for such a Avonderful power of fascination did the man possess, that these very persons who had been employed by his enemy to watch and check him soon gave in their adhesion to the new gov- ernment, and became the most devoted followers of Cortes himself. Just before the half-revolt of the troops wdiich had led to the formation of the colony, Cortes had been visited by five Indians, whose appearance was different from that of the Mexicans. From them he learned that "Monte- zuma was not the unquestioned lord of this mighty empire, as he had sup- posed; there were provinces, recently conquered and heavily oppressed by taxation, which would be only too willing to throw off his yoke. The country of the Totonacs was one of these; and they had come from its chief town, Cempoalla, to request the strangers of whose coming they had heard to visit that capital. The empire of Montezuma, as a fact, was beset with enemies from without and within; for, in addition to the rebellious feeling in such provinces as that of the Totonacs, the Tezcucans and the Tlascalans were unconquered ene- mies. But this Avas the first hint that Cortes had received that Mexico — using the term in the sense in which it is used to-day — was not a single state, as loyal to Montezuma as Castile to Charles Y. Cortes, having settled all discords in the colony, resolved to march at the head of his troops to Cempoalla. He sent his heavy guns on board the ships, which were ordered to coast as far north as the point where the new colony was to be situated. Cortes was received with due ceremony at Cempoalla; but the chief of the Totonacs, although ready enough to inveigh against Montezuma, refused to consider seriously any plan of revolt; plainly showing the Spanish chieftain how great was the fear which the Emperor's subjects entertained of him. Cortes left Cempoalla the next day for Chiahuitztla, eight leagues away, the Totonac town near which the new colony was to be situated. He was accom- panied by the Totonac ruler, and with him entered into a conference with the principal men. While thus engaged, he noticed that five men, richly clad and attended by a considerable number, entered the market-place. He inquired who they were, and received the answer that they were the Aztec nobles sent by Mon- tezuma to collect the tribute which he compelled the Totonacs to pay him. Cortes at first advised and then demanded that the Totonacs should refuse to 328 coirfES, the conqueror of Mexico. comply with these denuiiuls, and seize and ini]n'i,son the collectors of the revenue. This was done; but that night he secretly caused two of them to be released and brought before him; employing them as messengers to Montezuma, to say that the Spaniards still entertained a great regard for him, although he would have left them to perish with hunger. The men were enabled to escape thcTotonacs; and the other prisoners, whom the enraged captors designed to sacrifice, were saved by the intervention of Cortes, who assisted them se- cretly, as in the case of the tirst two. Montezuma heard of the treatment which his envoys had experienced, and sent an embassy to treat with Cortes on friendly terms. The fact that he should send such messengers impressed the Totonacs with great wonder; for this stranger had means of disarming even the anger of the great ruler whom all feared. They little guessed the treachery of which Cortes had been guilty. But the Spaniards had determined that the natives should be converted to Christianity; and finding them indifferent, he determined to use force. One of their temples was seized, the idols rolled down the great steps, hewn to pieces, and burned; while the temple itself, thoroughly cleansed and decked with flowers, having an altar erected in it, with an image of the Virgin above it, was made the scene of a solemn celebration of mass. This decided action produced the expected results; the Indians resolved that gods that could not avenge these insults to their own inuiges and temi)les were unworthy of reverence, and accepted the faith of the strangers. Before Cortes set out for the capital, there arrived a Spanish vessel, under the command of an adventurer named Saucedo, having on board twelve sol- diers and two horses. This vessel brought the news that Velasquez had late- ly received a warrant from the Emperor to establish a colony in the country which his subordinates had lately explored. Cortes saw that this was likely to bo the means of his ruin if he did not act promptly. He resolved to send a vessel at once to Spain, reporting to the sovereign the extent of his discov- eries and conquests, and offering such a present as should convince the Em- peror of their value. According to custom, the sovereign was entitled to one-fifth of all that was secured; the general to the same proportion; wdiile the remainder w^as divided among his ofiicers and soldiers. But Cortes wished to impress the Emperor with a great idea of the value of his services; he accordingly resolved to send, in addition to the royal fifth, his own share of the booty; and he actually persuaded his followers, thirsting after gold as they were, to relinquish their own claims, and permit the entire amount of Montezuma's gifts to be sent to Spain. With this magnificent tribute went a letter from Cortes, giving a full ac- count of what he had done, and of the condition of affairs, so far as he knew CORTES, THE CONQUEKOK OF MEXICO. 321( them, in Mexico; and stating his difficulties with Velasquez, narrated how the army had requested hinl to form a colony. With this letter went one from the magistrates of the new Villa Kica de Vera Cruz, asking that the nomina- tion of Cortes might be confirmed by royal authority; and another from the citizen-soldiers of the colony making the same request. Two cavaliers were selected to deliver these letters; and one of the best of the ships, manned by fifteen sailors, and commandedby the most skillful pilot, was set aside to convey them across the Atlantic. In direct defiance of the orders of Cortes, they landed on the coast of Cuba, in order to allow one of his cavaliers to visit his plantation. By this means Velasquez heard full par- ticulars of what had been done; he sent a vessel in chase; hesentcomphiints to Ilispaniohi; and he dispatched indignant letters to Spain. The chase })roved vain; he got no satisfaction from Hispaniola; and, too impatient to wait until he could hear from Spain, he fitted out another squadron which he intended should be far superior to that of Cortes. But of course the prep- aration of such a fleet occupied many months, so that Cortes felt none of the immediate effects of Velasquez' anger. While these things were going on, there was mutiny and conspiracy in the camp on the Mexican shore. Some of the more timid and less determined souls had begun to be fearful regarding the result of the expedition into the interior; and, under the leadership of the priest, Juan Diaz, had planned to seize one of the ships, make the best of their way to Cuba, and report to Velasquez how matters stood. Provisions and water were got aboard with such secrecy that Cortes and his friends suspected nothing; and things went on all right for the conspirators until the very night that they were to sail. Then, one of their number, too unstable to stick to any party, as it seemed, went to the leader and betrayed the counsel of his companions. They were all arrested at once; nor was the trial long delayed. Two of the ringleaders were condemned to death; the pilot was sentenced to lose his feet; several others were to be whipped ; while the priest, in accordance with the custom of the times, claimed " benefit of clergy," and thus escaped all punishment. " Would that I had never learned to write! "exclaimed Cortes, as he signed the death-warrants. The situation was a serious one. As long as there was a possibility of re- treat, there would be some anxious to avail themselves of it. Cortes, bold and prompt as ever, determined that there should be no such possibility. lie communicated his plans to a few of his friends, and arranged for a little comedy, in which he was to play the leadingrole. Thepilots were persuaded to make a report, such as suited his purpose, of the condition of the ships. The vessels, they said, were grievously racked by the heavy gales which they had experienced, and the worms had eaten into their sides and bottoms so that it was only with difficulty that they could be kept afloat. CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 331 Cortes received this report with well-acted surprise and anxiety. '• If it be so," he exclaimed, " we must make the best of it. The Avill of Heaven be done! " Thus resigning himself to the divine order, he gave command that five of the worst of the vessels should be dismantled, the cordage, sails, iron, and everything else that was movable, brought on shore, and the vessels them- selves be sunk. This excited no suspicion, for the soldiers were well aware of the amount of damage that can be done to a ship by worms in the tropical seas. The pilots were ordered to inspect the remaining vessels, five in number; and on a report similar to the first, four of these suffered the same fate. Then the soldiers saw what had been done. Their commander had purposely cut the only thread of hope by wdiich they were united to their own country. Only one small vessel remained, and they w^ere in a hostile country, a mere hand- ful in the midst of untold thousands of the enemy. Whatever might be their idea of the danger in which they stood from the natives, there can be but one opinion of the position in which Cortes had placed himself. He stood virtually alone against the multitude, who looked upon him as a butcher who had led them like cattle to be slaughtered in the shambles. But he neverflinched. Calling them together, he addressed them in words which have been preserved for us by a native historian. He first bade them remember that the great loss fell upon him, since the ships were all that he possessed in the world. Their destruction added a hundred men to the available force, since that was the number required to man the rotten hulks. In their present expedition, he said, they would not need the fleet if they succeeded, while if they failed they would be too far in the interior to make use of it. But they would not fail if they resumed their former con- fidence in themselves and in him. "As for me, I have chosen my part. I will remain here, while there is one to bear me company. If there be any so craven as to shrink from sharing the dangers of our glorious enterprise, let him go home, in God's name. There is still one vessel left. Let them take that and return to Cuba. They can tell there how they have deserted their commander and their comrades, and patiently wait until we return loaded w^ith the spoil of the Aztecs." As they listened, all their fears died away; and scarcely had they heard his last words before the shouts rang out : — "To Mexico! To Mexico!" The force that he chose for the expedition consisted of four hundred foot soldiers, fifteen mounted men, seven pieces of artillery, thirteen hundred In- dian warriors, a thousand Indian porters to transport the cannon and bag- gage, and forty of the principal men of the Totonacs as hostages, guides and advisers. The others of the Spanish force were left at Vera Cruz. 332 CORTES, THE CONCjUEKOK OF MEXICO). August 16, 1519, they set out on their march, and at the close of the second day had passed the lowhmd of the coast, ascended half the slope of the table-laud, and reached Jalapa. As they continued the ascent they experi- enced a great change of climate, not unwelcome to the Spaniards, clad in mail, or in thick jackets of quilted cotton; but beneath which the scantily clad Indians, accustomed only to the warm climate of the coast, sank, per- ishing with the cold. Several of them actually died on the road. Arrived at the summit of the slope, they came to a populous city, com- manded by a vassal of Montezuma. From this official they received the in- formation that the Mexican ruler had thirty great vassals, each of whom could muster a hundred thousand fighting men ; while more than twenty thous- and captives taken in war were sacrificed each year upon the altar of his gods. In proof of this latter assertion, the invaders were referred to a heap of skulls of the victims who had been sacrificed in this place; and a follower of Cortes, who wrote a history of the expedition, declares that he counted one hundred thousand. Cortes remained in this place four or five days, to rest his troops. By the advice of his Indian allies, he resolved to march to Tlascala before advanc- ing upon Mexico ; as the Tlascalans were constantly at war with the Aztecs, and might prove valuable allies. He accordingly turned toward that country, and entered its bounds. But he found that he was not to be received with open arms. The Tlascalans were by no means sure of his sincerity; they knew that he had received the envoys of Montezuma, and accepted his pres- ents; and they did not fully believe that he was marching against that prince. They therefore decided that a division of their army should fall upon the Spaniards as they entered the country; if the soldiers repelled them, well and good; if not, the government could disown the action of its army. Two battles followed, as a consequence of this plan; the first, compara- tively unimportant; although, much to Cortes' anxiety, two of his horses were slain, thus showing the Indians that these animals were subject to death. The second was a bloody battle, which lasted all day; and in which the for- tunes of the two opposing armies were so nearly equal that the Spaniards could hardly claim a victory. The Tlascalans, however, retreated at evening, but in such good order as to call forth the praise of their enemies. Two messengers were sent to the Tlascalan capital, to propose a cessation of hostilities and a friendly visit from Cortes. They were stopped on the road by the general who had led the forces in the late battles, and sent back with the message that " the Spaniards might pass on as soon as they chose to Tlas- cala; and, when they reached it, their flesh would be hewn from their bones, for a sacrifice to the gods. If they preferred to remain in their own quarters, he would pay them a visit there the next day." Fearing the result both upon his own men and the enemy should he simply CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 333 await an attack, Cortes resolved to march out and meet the enemy in the tiekl. It was the 5th of September when he reviewed his troops, giving them a few brief directions; and then giving the order to march. They had scarcely gone half a mile before they came in sight of the enemy, whose numbers Cortes estimates as one hundred and fifty thousand men. Again, after a determined and bloody conflict, the Tlascalans withdrew, leaving the Spaniards in possession of the field; and again Cortes sent mes- sengers to the capital. The Government — for Tlascala was a republic — was uncertain what answer to return. From the terrible effect of the fire-arms, the councillors were in- clined to think that the Spaniards were more than human; and the employ- ment of horses in battle bore this out. If they were men, it would be well to keep on fighting until they were driven back ; but if they were gods, who could hope to contend against them? In this dilemma, they consulted the priests; who returned the answer that the whites were not gods, but were the children of the Sun, deriving strength and power from his light. Should they be attacked by night, they would be more easily conquered. But Cortes was too cautious to be taken by surprise ; and the night chosen for the attack was illuminated by the full moon. One of the sentries espied the Indians cautiously advancing; he gave the alarm; the Spaniards, who slept with their arms by their sides, were instantly on the alert; but gave no sign of their being awake. The Indians continued to advance upon what they thought the sleeping camp, until suddenly Cortes gave the signal, and his whole force dashed upon them. The assailants were panic-stricken; and fled after giving but one volley of arrows. The next day Cortes again sent embassadors to the capital, with a letter in one hand, an arrow in the other; promising forgetfulness of the past if they would submit, but threatening entire destruction should they still resist. The Tlascalans had tried everything, and could now do nothing but submit; four caciques were accordingly entrusted with a peaceful mission to the Spanish camp, with orders to stop by the way at the Tlascalan camp, and inform the commander of their mission, requiring him to abstain from fighting and fur- nish the white men with all the provisions which they might require. But the general of the Tlascalans had no idea of thus j^ielding; he per- suaded the embassadors to remain in his camp; and thus Cortes was kept in ignorance of the efforts which the Tlascalans had made to comply with his demands. But he was not inactive. Although suffering from an attack of fever, he was constantly in the saddle, scouring the country at the head of his little body of cavalry; saying to his followers, when, chilled to the bone by the severe winds, they would have returned to camp : — " We fight under the banner of the Cross; God is stronger than nature." Indeed, it must never be forgotten that however cruel they may have been, 334 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. or tyrannical after the fighting was over, these old Spaniards considered them- selves as fighting for Christianity'; and regarded any severity toward the foe as pardonable as long as he refused to accept the religion of the Prince of Peace. While Cortes was thus in the saddle, daring fatigue and hardship, the men in camp were giving vent to expressions of discontent. AVhcn he returned, they remonstrated with him on the folly of persisting in the effort to reach Mexico. All were wounded, more than fifty had perished since leaving the coast, and, between fighting and keeping guard, they had no rest, day or night. It was true they had no fleet in which to sail to Cuba; but they could fortify themselves on the coast until the one remaining vessel could be sent to the island for the necessary number of ships. Cortes answered by acknowledging the truth of all their complaints. He knew just what hardships they had endured, for he had shared them all. But he bade them remember that they were fighting for the Cross. He told them further, that, should they retreat, the now vanquished Tlascalans would fall upon them as they went, and follow them to the coast until they could destroy the men who had so nearly destroyed the armies of Tlascala. The Totonacs, too, would join against them when they became the object of contempt by fleeing. Still the soldiers were not convinced, and they gathered about their general with repetitions of their arguments. He saw that nothing was to be gained by arguing with them, and impatiently quoted a verse from an old Spanish song, with which they were all familiar, and which may be thus rendered: — " ' Twere better die with honor Than live to be disgraced." The song Avas caught up by his listeners, and the few who remained discon- tented slunk back to their quarters, silenced, if not convinced. A small body of Tlascalans arrived the next morning, saying that the gen- eral had sent them to ask for terms of peace. It was discovered, however, that they were spies; and Cortes, having had their hands cut off, sent them back with the message: — "Let the Tlascalans come by day or by night, they will find the Spaniards ready for them." The general saw with dismay that his plans had failed; and his soldiers looked with more awe than ever on an enemy who could read their very thoughts. It was useless to resist longer; and, putting himself at the head of his army, sending the four envoys from the government in advance, the Tlas- calan leader submitted to the strangers. His submission was received by Cortes with respect for the brave soldier; and the bloody war was ended. While the Tlascalans were yet in the camp, embassadors came from Montezuma, who had kept himself informed of the CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 335 progress of the Spaniards, and had hoped that they would be defeated and driven back by the Tlascalans, whose courage he knew well. The news that the strangers had conquered these formidable enemies, filled him with dismay ; there were many prophecies of strangers who should come and conquer and rule over Mexico ; and, while these prophecies indicated no special time, every- thing pointed to the present as the time for their fulfillment. The bolder priests, indeed, had admitted to him that his own reign was to end in the downfall of his dynasty; and Montezuma began to fear that there was no way of averting the doom. The embassadors, having presented the rich gifts which they brought, and congratulated Cortes on his victories, expressed their master's regret that they could not be received in his capital, as they would there be exposed to such danger from an unruly populace. Montezuma, accustomed to see his lightest wish regarded as law, had thought that this would be sufiicient to prevent their coming; and so, too, thought the Indians. Cortes gave an answer which has not been preserved ; but we may be sure that he showed no such blind respect for the Indian ruler's wish. The en- voys then offered, in their master's name, to pay tribute to the master of Cortes, if the Spaniards would cease to press forward to the city of Mexico. This showed Cortes more clearly than ever that the stories he had heard about the impregnable defences of the city were not true ; and that the vast treasures which Montezuma had accumulated were protected by no guard strong enough to stop his handful of avaricious Spaniards. Before marching upon the Aztec city, however, Cortes visited the capital of the Tlascalans, where he was entertained v/ith such honors as a conqueror might expect. He was anxious to convert his late foes to Christianity, and had only been delayed in the execution of this purpose by the persuasions of Father Olmeda, who did not approve of forced conversions. Cortes consid- ered that, the war over, the time for presenting the doctrines of Christianity to the Tlascalans had come. It was done; but although the Indians listened with respect, and were easily persuaded to telerate the religion of the Span- iards, it was not accepted as generally as Cortes had expected. While thus engaged, another embassy from Montezuma arrived. They came, this time, with an 'invitation to Mexico; suggesting that he talqs the route by the city of Cholula, where preparations had been made for enter- taining him and his army. The Tlascalans protested against accepting this invitation; telling Cortes that the Emperor's professions were hollow, and his friendships false. Cho- lula, unlike other cities at even a greater distance from Tlascala, had sent no messengers to Cortes, to testify its good-will and offer allegiance to his sov- ereigns. Cortes recognized the wisdom of their remarks, and sent to demand the 336 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. submission of Cholula, which, after some dehiy, was offered iu the accepta- ble form. But still the Tlascalaus \Ycrc doubtful of thorcsult, having learned that a strong Aztec force was in the neighborhood of this city, and knowing that the Cliohilans wore treacherous and crnftv. Rt'IXS OF AziKC Civil, IZATION. Cortes, although thus warned, was determined to proceed by way of C'ho- lula; had he guessed the special interest which Cholula possessed, his deter- mination would not have been altered. For here was the holy city of the Aztecs; here came thousands of pilgrims, as Mohammedans journey to Mecca, as Christians journey to Jerusalem. Here was an immense pile of earth and masonry, covering forty-four acres, having a space of an acre on the summit of the truncated pyramid, where human sacrifices were offered to the god Quetzalcoatl. He it was who had dwelt among their forefathers, but had gone across the Eastern Ocean long ago; telling them, as he bade them fare- CORTKS, 'IIIK CONQUKKOR OF MEXICO. 337 well, that sonio time in thd future, men, of white skin and bearded Wkv hitn- self, Avouhl come from the lilast to rule over them. Notwithstanding tiie dangers which they prophesied, the Tlascahms were not unwilling to accompany Cortes. A hundred thousand men, he says in the letter describing this journey, offered themselves as volunteers in his expedition; of these he accepted the services of six thousand. The city of Cholula was the most remarkable that they had yet seen. Twenty thousand buildings were congregated within its w^alls, while the suburbs con- tained as many more. Besides these dwellings, the city contained no less than four hundred temples, built, like all Mexican houses of worship, in the shape of a pyramid, the sides facing the points of the compass exactly. Here, as elsewhere throughout the country, the })uildings were remarkable for their solidity, as well as for the beauty of the workmanship displayed in the sculp- t ures which adorned them ; and the statues were no less renuirkable, for their spirited conception and execution, than the relievos on the temples and palaces. 'Die Spaniards, indeed, as they advanced through the country, from the sea to the capital, nmst have felt that the reality was more wonderful than a ro- mance; for here, within so short a distance of the islands inhabited only by naked savages, was a race capable of constructing aqueducts and viaducts equal to those marvelous engineering triumphs of ancient Rome; of rearing l)yramids almost as imposing as those of Egypt; and of executing carvings and sculptures which would not have shamed the best ages of Greek art. Cortes was received with kindness by the Cholulans, but, before he had})een in their city many days, suspected that there M'as something wrong. The In- dian girl Avho had served him as interpreter since his d(!parture from the coast had won the favor of the wife of a cacique. From this friend she received an invitation to stay at her house for a number of days; accompanied by a hint that it would be well for her to accept it. Pretending to ])e anxious to escape from her Spanish masters, Marina — for that was the interpreter's name — managed to get full details of the plans formed by the Cholulans. The Spaniards were to be attacked as they were leaving the city, and literally cut to pieces. Already had stones of great size been gathered on the roofs of the houses which they must pass, to be rolled down on their heads ; already had human sacrifices, mostly of children, been offered in the temples to pro- cure the favor of the gods in this effort to massacre their guests. Cortes gave no sign to the Cholulans of having discovered their treachery, until all his preparations were made. His guns were placed in position; his Tlascalan allies, who had remained outside the city, were ready for the sig- nal; his army w^as drawn up ready to strike the blow. He called together a number of the principalchiefs and their followers, and reproached them with their treachery. They were taken completely by surprise, and did not at- tempt to defend themselves from the charge; for they knew not by what 338 CORTKS, THK CX)NQUEI«)R Ol'^ MEXICO. iiKigic ho could have discovered their intentions. While they were thus con- rounded, Cortes gave the signal for the attack. There was no battle; it was a massacre. The Cholulans were mowed down like grass before the cannon; and the Tlascalans, attacking thcni in the rear, completed the slaughter. The siirvi\ ing(M»olulans were so crashed by thedisaster which had befallen their city that Cortes no longer had anything to fear from them as an enemy in the rear; he decided to push on toward the cai)ital of ISIontezuma. But before he Avent further, his Cempoallan allies desired io return to their own homes; for they dared not face the anger of the Emperor. Liberally reward- ing them, from the gifts of Montezuma, for the services which they had already rendered him, Cortes took advantage of their departure toward the coast to communicate with his lieutenant at Vera Cruz, telling of his own success thus far, and giving various instructions regarding the government of the colony. Duringthe march, Corles never once relaxed his Avatchfulness. Every night he went the rounds of the camp, to see that every nuiu was at his post. On one occasion he approached so near a siMiliriel without giving warning that the CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 33i) man leveled his cross-bow and took aim at the shadowy figure, barely distin- guishable in the darkness; and had not Cortes, with an exclamation of sur- prise, given the watchword of the night, woukl have sent an arrow to his heart. (,'oming to the jooint where there was a fork in the road, Cortes found that one path Avas obstructed by large trunks of trees and huge stones. Inquiry re- vealed that this had been done by orders of the Aztec ruler; and the envoys of INIontezuma, who accompanied Cortes, explained that it had been done to prevent the Spaniards from taking the road which appeared the most invit- ing, but which, farther on, they wouhl find imi)ractical)le for the horses. Cortes betrayed no suspicion, but commanded the barriers to be cleared away, and continued his march by the road which had been obstructed. As they passed the smoking volcano Popocatapetl, they were regaled by their Indian companions with many tales respecting it; one frequent assertion l)eing that no man could accomplish the ascent and live. Some of the Span- iards expressed a wish to try it; and Cortes encouraged them to do so, will- ing to show the Indians that there was nothing which his foUowers dared not try, nothing in which they could not succeed. Ordaz and nine others volun- teered for the attempt, and some of the Tlascahms undertook to accompany them. The latter, however, turned back long before the summit was reached; and, although the others did not reach the verge of the crater — for the vol- cano was then active — they brought back with them icicles, to show how far tlicy had ascended; and their achievement was regarded by the Indians as a most wonck'rful deed of daring. When they reached the summit of the general slope, and saw the wide valley spread out before them, it seemed to tiie Si)aniards that they were a1)out to enter upon a true Earthly Paradise. The destruction of the forests and other circumstances have long since changed the face of the country; and the city of Mexico, then situated on the bosom of a lake, is now in the midst of marshes and flat plains. INIontezuma had tried to turn the Spaniards back from their march before th(>y had gained sight of his capital ; knowing that when they saw an easy de- scent and smooth road between them and that rich and beautiful city, no- thing short of an army could stay them; and such an army as would be re- quired to fight these wonderful strangers was not possessed even by the great Aztec monarch. His soul was filled with despair when he learned that they had surmounted every o1)stacle, had persevered through all the difficulties, had scorned fatigue, and cold, and every other discomfort, in order to reach the capital of Anahuac. He shut himself up in his palace, refused food, and sought relief in prayer and sacrifice. But no response came from bis oracles. He next called a council of his principal nobles; but while some advised him to receive the Spaniards as embassadors, as they claimed to be, 22 MONTKZU.AU. (340) CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 341 others advised him to drive them back at the point of the spear, or die in the defense of his city. Thus variously advised, the decision, as at first, rested with himself. " Of what use is resistance?" he is said to have asked; " the gods them- selves have declared against us. Yet I mourn most for the old and infirm, the women and children, too feeble to fight or to fly. For myself and the brave men around me, we must bare our breasts to the storm, and meet it as we may." It was the 8th of November, 1519, when the little army of Spaniards, not more than three hundred and fifty men, and their six thousand Tlascalan allies, crossed the causeway which connected the island on which the city was built with the main land. They .passed the Fort of Xoloc, a stronghold about a mile and a half from the gates of the city; and finally came to the draw- bridge, the last defense outside the walls. Montezuma came to meet them, borne in a palanquin resplendent with or- naments of gold, and shaded by a canopy of feather-w^ork powdered with jewels and fringed with silver. His sandals had soles of gold, and the straps which bound them to his feet were fairly crusted with the same metal. His embroidered cloak and his sandals were richly adorned with precious stones. A palace facing the great temple of the war-god was assigned as a dwelling place for the strangers; and Cortes has told us that it was large enough to accommodate his whole army. Here he made as complete preparations for defense as if he were expecting to be besieged, instead of having just been received by Montezuma with all the distinction due his claims as an embassa- dor. Cannon were planted and sentinels were stationed; while, to avoid any collision between his men and the natives, the soldiers were forbidden, under pain of death, to leave their quarters. Visits were exchanged between the Emperor and the stranger; and Cortes sought to embrace what seemed a golden opportunity to instruct Montezuma in the Christian faith. But the Aztec replied that his gods had always fa- vored him, and that he saw no good reason to exchange them for the God of the white man. Montezuma, in fact, was a priest as well as king; and before his accession to the throne on the death of a somewhat distant relative, had been constantly in the temples. Later efforts of Cortes to induce the mon- arch to embrace the Christian faith, or at least to allow the Cross to be planted in conspicuous places, proved no more successful ; and Montezuma said to him, when such a proposition was made on the occasion of a visit to the temples: — " These are the gods who have led the Aztecs on to victory ever since they were a nation, and who send the seed-time and the harvest in their seasons. Had I thought you would have offered them this outrage, I would not have admitted you into their presence." •>I2 coirrics, Tiiio coNgi i'-koh <>>' mkxico. As time wont on, (ho position of Cortos bocanic an oxocodingly dangorons ono. lie sccMnod no ncariT to conquost than ho had IxH'n Avhon ho lirst on- torod tho count rv; and ho was foarful lost a niossongor might conio at any moment to bid him, in ihc nanio of tho Governor of Cuba, submit to a foroo of strength superior lo his own, which had been sent to eompleto tho work whieh lie liad boguu, lie oaih'd a. eount-il of his ollioors; not so much to protit by ihoir advice, as lo inlcrest them more (h^'ply in the phm which ho was about to i)roposo to them, and perhai^s lo uvdkc them partly responsibh' for it to their common sovereign. Ilo had formed a scheme to seize Montezuma, and hohl him as a host age for tho good behavior of his peoi)lo, while governing in his name. Tho bare statement of the fact does not fully show tho audacity of tho plan. Tho city of Mexico then contained, it is estimated, about three hundred thousand in- habitants; it was situated in tho midst of a lake, connected with tho main land by three immenso causeways, wido enough for eight or ten horsemen to ride abreast, but rendered a moans of defense against outer foes by moans of draAv-bridges, Avhich, onco raised, cut off all communication except by means of boats. Tho city was defended against assault from this source by high walls. Had tho Emperor 1>0(mi as determined as somo of his ancestors, he might easily have collected an nrmy within the city itself, ten times as great as that of (\n-tes; raised the dr:iw-bridges, thus cutting oif all chance of escape for the S[)aniards, un[)rovi(led with boats; and, seizing the camp be- fore they had time to man their cannon, put every soul to death. But he was unnerved by tho thought of tho prciphocies, which h;id long foretold tho coming of white men with beards from the East, Avho should rule the land; and thus those prophecies worked out their own fultlllment. as superstitions are apt to do. He had permitted the Spaniards to enter the city; ho had given them for their abode a building, originally a iialace, Avhich they had converted into a fortress; and he was afraid to take any open steps toward expelling them. Tho Spaniards were surprised at the plan which their leader unfolded to them; some of them had indeed pr(^posed a retreat ; but such a c(mrse would have brought the Aztec forces down upon them ; and, even if they should reach the coast, they would have failed in an enterprise where anything but tho most brilliant success would expose them to punishment from Velasquez. Even Cortes knew that he must tind some ]n-(^t(^xt f(U' the seizure of iho Emperor, so he made use of an oecurrence of w liich he had recei\t>d news atCholula. The lieutenant left in charge at Vera Cruz had, slun-tly after the departure of Cortes, received a message from an Aztec noble, named Quauh- popoca, declaring his desire to come in person and tender his allegiance to tho Spanish authorities at Vera Cruz. lie requested that four of tho white men might be sent to escort him; they were jn-cnnptly sent ; but the treach' COIiTKS, TIIK CONQl'KUOIl OF MIOXICO. 343 orous Indiiui caused two of tlicni to bo murdered. The others, who had probably been reserved for sacrifice, escaped, and made their way back to the colony. Escalante, theSpanish commander, rallied his forces and started at once to avenge this wrong. He was reinforced by several thousand Indian allies; but these fled at the very beginning of the battlCo The Spanish veterans, who numbered but fifty, held their ground; though ihv.y lost their l(!ader and six or seven others. The Indiaii prisoners declared that (^uauhpopocahad acted l)y the orders of Montc/unui. Cortes had told but few of his oflicers of this occurrence, and had wholly concealed it from the great body of his men, lest it should affect their courage. Thus, when he ordered them drawn up in military order, and stationed tlu'in in the avenues leading to the palace, they did not know that he was cutting off Montezuma from the body of his people. Cortes asked for an audience of the monarch, and his request was readily granted. Five cavaliers, in whom ho placed un(piestioning trust, attended him; they were Pedro do Alvarado, Gonzalo do Sandoval, Francisco do Lujo, Velasquez do Leon, and Alonso do Avila. Twenty-five or thirty i)icked men were or- dered to enter the palace, as if by accident, in groups of threes and fours. The conversation began in a playful tone; but when Cortes found that a sufficient numl)er of his men had arrived, ho became serious, and charged Montezuma with having ordered the outrage upon his men. Montezuma, surprised, denied his complicity; and gave his signet-ring to one of his of- ficers, with orders to bring Quauhpo[)oca and his accomplices at once to Mex- ico, to answer the charge. The messenger left the imperial presence; but Cortes was not yet content, lie saw plainly, ho said, that Montezuma had nothing to do with the nmrder of the Spaniards ; but it was necessary that the Emperor Charles V., his mas- ter, should be convinced of it. There was one thing that would bo more convincing than anything else; if Montezuma would transfer his residence to the palace occupied by the Spaniards, no one could have any doubt. As Cortes argued that such an act would show so great a regard for the Spaniards as to absolve Montezuma from all suspicion, the dark face of the monarch became pale as death, and then flushed deeply, as, drawing himself [)roudly up, ho demanded: — '* AVhen was it ever heard that a great prince like myself voluntarily left iiis own palace to becoihe a prisoner in the hands of strangers? " Cortes tried to convince him that he would not be a prisoner; that he would be treated with constant deference by the Spaniards, and would still be attended as usual; that it would be nothing more than such a change of residence as he frequently made for his own pleasure. But Montezuma was not to be convinced. 344 CORTES, TIIK CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. " If I should consent to such ;i degriuhition,"" he tuisweiHMl thoin, '* my sub- jects never would." Yet such was the fear in which he held the Spuniards, that he offered to compromise with them, by offering his son and daughter as hostages. Two hours passed, without result, for the Spaniards were determined to secure Montezuma himself. Then Velasquez de Leon, a kinsman of the Governor of Cuba, but strongly attached to Cortes, suddenly cried out: — " Why do we waste words on this barbarian? • We have gone too far to re- cede now. Let us seize him, and, if he resists, plunge our swords into his body!" The savage tone and gestures told the monarch the general tenor of this speech; and he demanded of Marina, who always acted as interpreter, the meaning. She softened it as much as she could, and begged him to accom- pany the white men to their quarters, where he would be treated with kind- ness and respect ; while refusal would expose him to violence, perhaps to death. There was a momentary hesitation, as Montezuma looked about him for a friendly face, and found that his eyes rested only on the stern visages of the steel-clad Spaniards; then he consented to accompany them. Thus fell the Aztec monarchy; for although Montezuma, for sometime longer, retained his titles and nominal dignities, he was wholly under the domination of the Spaniards, Orders were at once given for his litter to be brought ; and Montezuma, who had submitted unwillingly enough, now brought pride to the rescue, and led his nobles to believe that he went of his own free will. As he was borne through the streets, the wondering and excited peo- ple could not believe but that he was being forcibly carried off, until he him- self bade them disperse quietly, as he was simply visiting his friends of his own accord. True to their promise, the Spaniards treated him with all the fornuil respect which ho had been accustomed to receive. His apartments were prepared with the same care as ever, his attendants were not changed, and as many of his thousand wives as he chose to summon to his presence received the hon- ors due to queens, when queens are so plentiful. Cortes himself removed his casque when ai)proaching the Emperor, and never sat in his presence unless especially invited. But still he was a prisoner. The people of Mexico were not wholly satisfied; and the fact that twenty men mounted guard constantly at the front of the palace, and an equal num- ber at the back, did not reassure them. Still, Montezuma had stated so pos- itively to the nobles and to the people that he went of his own f lee will that they had no excuse for interfering. On the arrival of Quauhpopoca, Montezuma referred the whole matter to the judgment of Cortes; perhaps unwilling to show either his people or him- self that he had not the power to try this case. The cacique and fifteen of CORTKS, TWK CONQUKROK OF MEXICO. B45 his followers, who had all been implicated in the killing of the Spaniards, were condemned to be burned alive; the funeral pile being composed of ar- rows, javelins, and other weapons, of which the city arsenals afforded an ample supply. While preparations for the execution were going on, Cortes entered the apartment of Montezuma, attended by a soldier bearing fetters. Accusing the Emperor with having been the principal in the crime for which Quauh- popoca and his associates were to die, he ordered the soldiers to fasten the irons upon the limbs of the monarch. Montezuma submitted without a word; seemingly too dazed at the idea of such an insult to think of resisting or calling for help from his attendants. The irons were removed after the execution had taken place, Cortes making many apologies for the course to which, he said, necessity had compelled him. Not long afterward, the Spanish general even told Montezuma that he was at liberty to return to his usual dwelling, if he wished; but Montezuma declined to do so; saying that were he in the midst of his nobles, he would be com- pelled to make war upon the Spaniards. We can hardly suppose that he did not resent the treatment to which the bold Spaniard had subjected him ; perhaps he would have been only too willing to make war upon Cortes and his followers, but feared that these proud Aztec nobles w^ould first slay the ruler who had submitted to the strangers, and then expel those strangers from Mexico. The news which had been received from Vera Cruz had compelled Cortes to send back one of his followers to take the place of Escalante; Alonso de Grado was first chosen for the post; but he proving unfitted, Gonzalo de San- doval, one of the ofiicers who had assisted in capturing Montezuma, was ap- pointed by Cortes. To him Cortes sent orders to send to the city of Mexico sufiicient quantities of the iron and cordage, saved from the ships which had been destroyed, to fit out a fleet which he proposed to build on the lake; for there was always danger that the Aztecs mightcutoff the retreat of the Span- iards by seizing, or even, in desperation, destroying the causeways which con- nected the city with the land. At the same time that this work of ship-building was in progress, Cortes was busily extending the power of the Spanish arms. Cacama, the nephew of Montezuma, and ruler of Tezcuco, having made some efforts to procure the release of his uncle, was treacherously seized by Cortes, and put in irons. The chief who had been his accomplice in the " rebellion," as the Conqueror styled this refusal to recognize his usurped authority, was also taken, brought in chains to Mexico, and placed in confinement with their leader. All this was done by the authority of Montezuma, still the nominal ruler of the coun- try, but really only a tool in the hands of Cortes. The next step was to procure from the Emperor of the Aztecs a formal ac- 346 CORTKS, THE CX)NQUEROU OF MEXICO. knowlcclgmcnt of tho suprcine authority of Charles V., King of Spain and Kniperor of Germany. It would have been useless for Montezuma to have refused; and he and his nobles swore allegiance to the nuister of Cortes. The Conqueror next suggested that the vassals should send tribute to their newly acknowledged sovereign; and to this Montczunui, although he had constantly showered presents of great worth upon the greedy Spaniards, assented. Col- lectors were sent out, accompanied by a number of the Spaniards, and the tribute which had been paid to Montezuma was collected for Charles. Of the value of many of the articles so rendered — for the tribute was paid in kind — we have uo means of judging; there is no market price for the rich feather-work and the iinc embroidered cotton robes which formed so valuable a part of tho treasures of every wealthy Aztec; but the gold and silver, re- duced to ingots and stamped by the royal goldsmiths with the arms of Cas- tile, together W'ith the pearls and precious stones, are estimated to have been worth more than a inillion and a quarter of dollars. Had this treasure been equally divided, it would have amounted to more than fifteen thousand dol- lars for each man who had engaged in the enterprise. One-fifth, however, was reserved for the Crown; one-fifth belonged to Cortes, as the general; a considerable sum must be allowed to indemnify him and the Governor of Cuba for the expense incurred in fitting out tho fleet; the garrison at Vera Cruz was provided for; tho cavaliers were allowed an ample sum; the cavalry, arquebusiers and crossbow-men received double pay; and when the turn of tho common soldiers came, it was found that their share was so small, in com- parison with what they had expected, that many of them refused to receive it at all. It required all the eloquence and persuasive powers of Cortes to restore peace. The fact that he was able to do so at all shows what wonderful pow- ers over others the man possessed. At Vera Cruz he had induced them to surrender the treasure to the Crown, by promising them more when they got to Mexico; but at Mexico there was nothing more to promise; he could only appeal to their love of glory, and satisfy them with the '* honeyed words, of which he had good store for all fitting occasions."' But Cortes, although he had reduced the once proud Montezuma to be merely a tool in his hands, and had receiv^ed, in the name of his master, trib- ute from all the dependencies of the Aztecs, was not yet satisfied. The Span- iards had erected an altar in their barracks, and were accustomed to having religious services preformed there. This w-as no longer to be endured; and Cortes demanded of Montezuma that the great teocalli, the chief temple of the city, should be given to the Spaniards as a house of worship. Montezuma protested against this. It was because the priests had predicted the coming of bearded white men from the East, Avho should become the rulers of Anahuac, that he had yielded to the Spaniards without striking a CORTES, THE CONQUEKOlt OF MEXICO. 341 blow; but he clearly foresaw the results of insulting his gods. He therefore s[)oketo Cortes, addressing him by the name which his constant companion- ship with the interpreter Marina had caused tlie Indians to give him: — " Why, Malinche, why will you urge matters to this extremity, which must surely bring down the vengeance of our gods, and stir up an insurrection of my people, who will never endure this profanation of their tem})les?" Mkxu'ax Inoi- AM) Ruins. Signing to his officers to withdraw, Cortes told the Emperor that he would try to persuade his followers to be content with one of the sanctuaries of the teocalli; threatening, if this were not granted, to take the temple by force, and roll down the images of his gods before the whole city. " Wc fear not for our lives," he said, " for although our numbers are few, the arm of the true God is over us." Montezuma held a conference with his priests upon the subject; and final- ly decided that the Christians should be granted the use of one division of the temple. This, purified from the indications of the human sacrifices which had so often been offered there, was provided with an altar, over H48 COllTES, TllK CONyUEHOK OK INIKXKO. which a crucitix and an image of the Virgin were raised; and the walls, once reeking with blood, were adorned with garlands of flowers. Then, in the old pagan temple, newly dedicated to a purer worship, there knelt the fierce and proud soldiers who professed to be followers of the meek and lowly Naza- rinc — the house of prayer no stranger a combination of heathenism and Christianity than were their own natures. But the Aztecs, wdio had seen the strangers encamped in their midst, had seen richest gifts showered upon them, had seen them repay this kindness and generosity by seizing and holding Montezuma as a prisoner, and treating as rebels those who had dared attempt to rescue him, rebelled against this latest insult to their nation. Montezunui summoned Cortes to his presence, receiving him with cold civility; and told him that what he feared had come to pass. The gods of his country had been offended by the violation of the tem[)le, and had threatened to forsake the city, if the strangers were not sac- rificed upon the altars which they had profaned. INIontezuma was willing to consult the safety of the Spaniards, by warning them of this threat; conclud- ing with a statement of his own power: — " I have but to raise my finger, and every Aztec in the land will rise in arms against you." Cortes coolly replied that he should regret to have to leave the capital, as he had no ships to transport him to the islands whence he hatlcome; he should especially regret it, he added, with emphasis, because these peculiar circumstances would compel him to take the Emperor with him. Montezu- ma, startled at this suggestion, inquired how long it would take to build the necessary vessels; and finally consented to send a sufficient number of work- men to the coast, to fell the timber and build the ships, under the direction of the Spaniards. Cortes was thus enabled to remain in INIexico for some time longer than the priests had contemplated; sure that Montezuma would not allow any direct effort to expel him and his followers. Their position was not without diinger, however; and they were constantly on the alert; they slept in their armor, with their arms beside them ; and Cortes kept his horse standing, fully caparisoned, day and night. While this state of affairs threatened the Spaniards, news arrived which was anything but cheering. The vessel which Cortes had dispatched to bear the news of his discovery of jNIexico, with the vast treasure which had formed the first gift of Montezuma, had been taken possession of by the royal au- thorities on its arrival in Spain; a connection of Velasquez having lodged a complaint charging those on board the vessel with mutiny and rebellion against the authorities of Cuba. Had they not touched on the coast of that island, he would have had no tidings of their coming. The rich treasure wdiich they brought, however, disposed the Emperor to listen favorably to them; but Fonseca, who had opposed the success of so CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 341) many who had been foremost in developing the resources of the New World, from Columbus down, appeared like a malevolent spirit once more, and per- suaded the Emperor to delay action on these claims to recognition. AZTKC C'HIEl- Charles V. was much more interested in his own personal advancement than he was in the welfare of his subjects or the administration of justice; and he readily allowed his attention to be drawn off to other things. He de- voted himself to obtaining supplies from his Spanish subjects for the prose- cution of that war which he carried on for so many years against Francis I. of France; and had but a week to devote to colonial aifairs before he left Spain for his more northern dominions. Of this brief period, the greater portion was devoted to the claims of Don Diego Columbus, who was still contending for the rights so highly valued by his great father. Cortes re- ceived hardly a moment's consideration; the order to allow the envoys enough for the expenses of their journey being the only record of any kind. But, during this time that the messengers of Cortes had spent in waiting the 350 COKTKS, TlIK C;()Nt,)rKl{()U OF MIOXICO. pleasure of their imi)erial master, Vehis(iiiez had not been idle. He had tilted out a ileet uniHiualled by any that had ever sailed in American waters, except that which conveyed Ovando from Spain to San Domingo; for its leader he selected a favorite who had assisted him in the reduction of Cuba, a Castilian noble named Pantilo do Narvacz. The eighteen vessels were manned by nine hundred men, and carried a number of heavy guns, with an ample supply of annnunitiou and military stores of all kinds. Following nearly the same path over the waters as that which Cortes had taken to the main land, they landed near Vera Cruz, and proclaimed theiv in- tention to march against Corfes and punish him for his rebellion. Sandoval at once prepared to defend his little fort. Narvaez sent an embassy to him, requiring him to surrender to the authority of the deputy of Velasquez. This end)assy consisted of a priest, a notary, and four others. Sandoval refused to hear the proclamation which the notary was connnanded to read; but re- marking that the general should listen to it at Mexico, summoned a number of Indian i)orters, and caused,the envoys to be bound upon their backs like so many bales of goods. Placed under a guard of twenty of his men, with ample relays of porters, the singular procession left for the capital, which they reached in four days. Montezuma had received news of the coming of the strangers, and told Cortes that there was no longer any reason why he should delay in leaving for the coast, since the ships were there to take him back to Cuba or Spain. But while the troops hailed the news as the best of tidings, Cortes had his suspicions, which he communicated to his officers, and through them to his men. All doubts were dispelled when the prisoners from Vera Cruz ar- rived. Receiving them with honor, apologizing for the treatment which they had received at the hands of his officers, and loading them with gifts, Cortes suc- ceeded in winning these enemies completely over to his own side; and ob- tained from them many important particulars regarding the plans of their leader and the feelings of his followers. Letters were dispatched to Narvaez, begging him to show the Indians no signs of dissensions among the whites, but to co-operate heartily with Cortes; who would cheerfully yield the cojn- mand to him, if he could produce a royal connnission to sustain his author- ity. But Narvaez treated these letters with open scorn, and announced that he intended to march against the traitor Cortes and liberate the Emperor JNIon- tezuma. Cortes, who was kept well informed of the progress of events, both by his emissaries in the camp of Narvaez and by his faithful lieutenant Sando- val, was now in a very difficult position. If he remained in Mexico and awaited an attack, ho would be confronted by Narvaez with a force more than double his own, besides the vast numbers of Aztecs who would aid him when his de- CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 351 sign of liberating the Emperor became well known; if he marched against Narvaez he must either abandon Mexico and Montezuma, and thus leave a most formidable enemy in his rear, or he must divide his force, already small, and, leaving one handful to maintain his authority in Mexico, march with the other handful against the army of Narvacz. While every possible i)lan presented much danger, he chose the last as the least perilous. Alvarado was left in command at Mexico, with one hundred and forty Spaniards, all the artillery, the greater part of the cavalry, and most of those who possessed fire-arms. Only seventy soldiers accompanied Cortes; but these were the picked men of his little force; and, being encum- bered by but little baggage, were able to move very rapidly. Velasquez do Leon had been sent, with a hundred and twenty men, to form a settlement on the coast about sixty miles south of Vera Cruz; but, hearing of the landing of the hostile party, had, without waiting for orders, countermarched to Cholula, and there halted till the arrival of Cortes. Six hundred Tlascalans had formed part of his force; but, afraid to face a Spanish enemy, they had deserted in such numbers that Cortes dismissed them all, saying that he had rather part with them then than in the hour of trial. Reinforced by a body of men from Vera Cruz, several of Avhom were deserters from Narvaez, his whole foi-cc numbered at last but two hundred and sixty-six men. The march was made about the middle of May, 1520; for the Spaniards had been six months at the Aztec capital before Narvaez arrived off the coast. It was the evening of Whitsunday when the wearied men arrived at the bank of a stream called the Rio de Canoas — the River of Canoes. It was greatly swollen by recent rains, and rain still fell in torrents, drenching them to the skin. Just across this river was the camp of Narvaez. Cortes determined to attack his enemy that night; and, in spite of the fury of the elements, despite the rushing of the waters, which actually carried away two of his men in the attempt to cross, held to his purpose. The camp of Narvaez was but slightly guarded; and, although one sentinel escaped the hands of Cortes and gave the alarm, the soldiers would not believe that on such a night the enemy could cross the river. Perhaps their unbelief was due largely to the arguments of those who had been sent to summon Sando- \al to surrender, and had been forwarded by him to Mexico; envoys of whom a follower of Cortes has told us: "Our commander said so many kind Ihings to them, and anointed their fingers so plentifully Avith gold, that, though they came like roaring lions, they went away perfectly tame." There was a battle, brisk but brief; and Narvaez was wounded and taken prisoner. Ilis soldiers submitted without further resistance to Cortes, who treated them with such kindness and loaded them with such presents, as to excite the dissatisfaction of his own troops. He explained to them the ne- 3")2 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. cessity of attaching these recent enemies firmly to his cause, and in order to prevent further dissatisfaction, had arranged to employ all on various mis- sions, when bad news came from Mexico. Thebrigantines which had been built on the lake had been burned by the natives; the causeways were held by them; and Alvarado, Avith his garrison, Avas closely besieged in the palace. Cortes at once marched to his relief; finding, as he approached Mexico, anything but acordial reception. He arrived at the margin of the lake June 24, 1520; and marched across the principal causeway without opposition. The streets of the city seemed deserted as the Spaniards made their way to the quarters occupied by their comrades, where they were heartily welcomed; and where Cortes at once proceeded to interrogate Alvarado concerning the difiiculties of his position. According to the cavalier, he had learned that the ^Mexican nobles medi- tated a treacherous assault upon the Spaniards; and, to prevent his own de- struction, Alvarado had counterplotted. At a great religious festival of the Aztecs, the Spaniards, whose arms were carefully concealed, as far as possi- ble, had attended, as if out of curiosity. At a given signal, they had fallen upon the worshipers and massacred them. The Mexicans, naturally enough, had been roused to revenge by this action, and had besieged the Spaniards in their barracks. Failing to carry this stronghold, they had contented them- selves Avith removing all food from the markets of the city, forbidding the visits of the boats which were accustomed to bring supplies, and thus bring- ing famine to their aid against the garrison of the strangers. Whether or not Alvarado proved to the commander that there had been a conspiracy of the natives, we do not know; there is no good proof of such a plot to be found in the histories of the time; and it seems to have been thought that the Spaniards simply indulged their thirst for blood and for gold; for they plundered the bodies of their victims of their ornaments. Cortes heard him to the end, questioning him closely; then, with frowning brow, he thundered out: — "You have done badly; you have l)een false to your trust ; your conduct has been that of a madman I" Nor was he better pleased Avith the conduct of Montezuma, although, ac- cording to the account of Alvarado, the populace Avould have stormed the ])alace and nuirdered the Spaniards had it not been for the commands of their Em[)er()r. Montezunui having sent some of his nobles to ask for an in- terview with Cortes, the general turned to his own ofiicers with the fierce question : — " What have I to do with this dog of a king who suffers us to starve before his eyes? '' In spite of the remonstrances of hisotficers, he turned to the Mexicans and gave them the answer they were to carry back: — • CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 353 " Go tell 3^our master and his people to open the markets, or we will do it for them, to their cost."' This was too much for the patience of the Mexicans, who had borne so much; and, mustering their vast army, they assaulted the palace in which the Spaniards were encamped.* They came forward with the shrill whistle which was the Aztec substitute for the war-cry of the more northern tribes of this continent, confident in their numbers. The Spaniards, always watchful under I he eye of a leader who never once relaxed his vigilance, were ready for them at once. The cannon, pointed at the dense masses of the attacking party, mowed them down by hundreds; but, although the Mexicans had never before faced fire-arms in battle, they rallied from the first confusion into which the discharge naturally threw them, and pressed forward with the same courage as if their opponents had no more deadly weapons than their own. But the Mexicans, unable to carry the strong walls of the fort which their own hands had raised, and which their own ruler had given to the enemy, found a more effectual weapon than missiles; and hurling burning brands up- on the light wooden structures wdiich the Spaniards had erected in the court- yard of the palace, set these flimsy walls on fire; the roofs of neighboring buildings affording a joosition from which these missiles might be thrown, and burning arrows shot to advantage. The Spaniards had as much as they could do to fight the Mexicans and the fire at once; for, to add to their distress, their supply of water was but limited. At last, however, night came on; and the Mexicans, who seldom- fought except by day, withdrew from the contest. The earliest gray light of the next morning showed the streets about the Spanish quarters even more closely thronged with Aztec soldiers than on the preceding day; and Cortes determined, by a vigorous sortie, to disperse his enemies. His arrangements had already been made; for the night had not been spent in sleep; a general discharge of musketry and ordnance, at a moment when the Mexicans hardly realized that the Spaniards were awake, so quiet had been their stronghold, sent confusion into the close ranks of the Mexicans that thronged the streets. Then the gates were thrown open, and Cortes sallied out at the head of his cavalry, supported b}'^ his infantiy and a considerable body of Tlascalans. The impetus of the charge drove the Mexicans back ; but they soon rallied, and every inch of the way was hotly disputed. The fight was a desperate one; and it was nearly dark before the Spaniards retreated to their stronghold, as far as ever from victory. Cortes was suffering from a severe wound received during the fight, and was anxious about the result. In this situation, he resolved to make use of Montezuma, to allay the tumult. But the Emperor's patience, like that of his people, Avas exhausted; he had not forgiven Cortes for the treatment re- ceived since the return of the Spaniard with his reinforcements. COUTKS, TIIK (CONQUEROR OF MEXIfJO. 3')") " What have I to do with Malinchc?" he asked coldly, when the general's message was delivered to him; " I do not wish to hear from him. I desire only to die. To what a state has my willingness to serve him reduced me! " They urged him farther, but to no purpose. "It is of no use. • They will neither believe me, nor the false words and promises of Malinche. You will never leave these walls alive." At length, their persistence induced him to comply with their demands; and, putting on his imperial robes, he ascended the central turret of the pal- ace. He was recognized at once, and a deathlike stillness pervaded the whole warlike assemblage of his people. Then he spoke to them, using words which have been preserved by the Spanish historians who wrote of the time: — "Why do I see my people here in arms against the palace of my fathers? Is it that you think your sovereign a prisoner, and wish to release him? If so, you have acted rightly. But you are mistaken. I am no prisoner. The strangers are my guests. I remain with them only from choice, and can leave them when I list. Have you come to drive them from the city? That is un- necessary. They will depart of their own accord, if you will open a way for them. Return to your homes, then. Lay down your arms. Show your obe- dience to me, who have a right to it. The white men shall go back to their own land; and all shall be well again within the walls of Tenochtitlan." The silence of respect for the monarch was broken by a low nmrnmr of discontent and contempt which ran through the crowd; and this was suc- ceeded by the bitterest taunts. They called him a coward, a woman, fit only to spin and to weave. Some of them added to these hostile words yet more hostile actions; and of the darts that rained about Montezuma, three struck their mark, severely wounding him. Yet, as he sank senseless beneath the blow inflicted by a stone, the Mexicans cried out in dismay, and suddenly dis- persed, leaving notone of their number in the great square before the palace. Montezuma was carried to his own apartments, and there restored to his senses. But he was more bitterly humiliated than ever before. All the efforts of Cortes and his followers, and of the Aztec nobles who still attended him, were in vain; he refused all the remedies prescribed for his wounds, and tore off the bandages as fast as they were applied ; maintaining a determined silence, and sitting with downcast eyes and sad face. But Cortes was summoned from the chamber of the wounded monarch by the necessity of looking after his men. The Mexicans had gained the sum- mit of the neighboring teocalli, the great temple which was a pyramidal mound with a building crowning it. This lay only a few rods from the Span- ish quarters, and rose to the height of a hundred and fifty feet; so that the Mexicans, from its summit, could rain down missiles of all sorts into the very heart of the Spanish stronghold; against them there could be no defense; and no artillery could reach the assailants. 23 356 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. It was necessary to carry this stronghold by assault, and Cortes, fastening his buckler to his wounded left arm, led the three hundred chosen cavaliers in person. It was the most desperate fight that had yet been waged. The Spaniards fought their way up the terraced slope, and at last gained the sum- mit. Not only were the usual arms employed, but the' combatants grappled with each other, each striving to hurl the other headlong down the precipit- ^ MONTL/IMV WoUiSDl 1> 1\ Ills C)\\ N Pi OrLF ous ascent to the temple. It is recorded by some historians that Cortes him- self was assaulted by two Mexicans, both having this end in view; he success- fully resisted them, but was dragged perilously near the edge of the summit; at the last moment, however, he escaped their united grasp, and, turning sud- CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. '65 i den]}', hurled one of his assailants down the precipice, and then dispatched the other with his sword. When the light ended, forty-five of the Spaniards had fallen and most of the survivors had been wounded; while of the enemy, only two or three priests survived to be led away in triumph. The work was not yet accom- plished, however, although their foes had all been slain. The great image of Huitzilopotchli was torn from its altar, and thrown headlong down the steps which had led to the summit of the p3a-amid; then the torch w^as ap- plied, and the flames, rising higher and higher, proclaimed that the great heathen temple had been destroyed by the Christian invader. That very night the Spaniards followed up the blow thus inflicted by firing three hundred houses of the city. Cortes, thinking that these disasters must have subdued the spirit of the Mexicans, called on them to parley with him. He recounted to them the disasters which they had suffered, the destruction of their homes, their temples, and their idols, and the death of so many of their warriors; threatening, if they did not lay down their arms, to make their city a heap of ruins. But the Mexicans Avere not thus to be conquered. They admitted all that he said; their gods had been trampled in the dust, their temples destroyed, their houses burned, their warriors had fallen by the thousand. "Yet we are content," they cried, " so long as for every thousand of our warriors that fall we can shed the blood of a single white man. Look out on our terraces and our streets, see them still thronged with warriors far as your eye can reach. Our numbers are scarcely diminished by our losses. Yours, on the other hand, are lessening every hour. You are perishing from hun- ger and sickness. Your provisions and water are failing. You must soon fall into our hands. The bridges are broken down, and you cannot escape. There will be too few of you left to glut the vengeance of our gods!" The situation, as thus stated by their enemies, was no whit exaggerated; and the soldiers demanded with noisy vehemence to be led instantly from the city. Thus spoke the followers of Narvaez, while the veterans of Cortes labored to restore order and unity among the white men. But Cortes saw plainly enough that he could not remain in Mexico, for it w^as too true that his provisions were giving out. He determined by means of pretended sallies to divert the attention of the Mexicans from his real purpose, which was to restore the bridges over the seven canals which tra- versed the main streets of the city. His army must pass along this street to reach the causew^ay communicating with the mainland, and these bridges had all been destroyed by the enemy. Two days were consumed in filling up the chasms with stones and rubbish, so that the cavalry and artillery could pass over them. This was not accomplished Avithout opposition. As they were busily engaged at one such point, they Avere assaulted by a considerable body 358 CORTES, THE CONQUEKOK OF MEXICO. of the enemy. Planks had been hiid across the opening, to serve until the workmen could place the substantial nuiterial; and Cortes sent a number of the men back while he, with some others, detained the assailants on the far- ther side of the opening. Again and again he commanded the retreat of parties of his followers, until at last, like Iloratiiis, he stood alone on that side of the bridge, facing a host of foes. As if to make the parallel complete, the timbers which had provided a means of retreat for the others had been swept aside in their flight; and between the knight, clad in steel armor and bestriding a horse defended by plates of the same metal, and his stronghold, lay a canal, the least width of which was certainly six feet — no small leap for a horse bearing such a weight of steel. The good steed sprang across it, how- ever, landing safely on the other side; and, although pursued by a shower of darts, Cortes reached his fortress in safety. A new trouble awaited him. Montezunui had not recovered from the ter- rible blow received when his people deserted him; he sank under the wounds received, because his spirit "was still more deeply wounded ; and, June 30, 1520, he passed away, committing his daughters to the care of Cortes. Much to the anxiety of the Spaniards, who were certainly consistent in their constant endeavors to convert the natives, although not always particular as to the means employed, he refused to the last to embrace the Christian religion. It was necessary to evacuate the city at once; as the Spaniards had lost the last slight hold which they hud upon the people of Anahuac. It was finally determined, after much discussion, to go at night, since then the enemy was less on the alert; and, at midnight on the 1st of eTuly, 1520, they took up the line of march. Much of the treasure wiiich they had accumulated had, of course, to be abandoned; Cortes, as in duty bound, provided for the trans- portation of the royal fifth, but advised his men to select only such things as might be easily transported. The followers of Narvaez, however, unwisely weighted themselves down -with the gold. A portable bridge had been constructed, to use over the three openings in the causeway. But before they reached the first, the alarm had been given to their enemies, and they w^ere beset by an innumerable throng of Indians. They hastened across the bridge, hoping to retard the Aztecs by removing it; although there were many in canoes, whose arrow^s came in a perfect hail. But the tramp of so numy horses and men, and the weight of the cannon, had bedded the timbers so firmly that they they could not be moved; and the van-guard, which had arrived at the second chasm before the rear-guard had passed the first, found itself with an impassable gulf before, and a host of enemies behind and on either hand. There was a desperate fight; and many of the men, horse and foot, plunged into the lake, and endeavored to make their way across without the help of the bridge. JNIany of them sank be- neath the weight of the gold w^ith which they had encumbered themselves; CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 359 and thus fell victims to their own greed. While they were struggling in the waters, endeavoring to beat off the assailants in the canoes, there came a cry for help from the rear-guard; and the gallant and generous cavaliers, un- mindful of their own dangers, dashed back to the scene of danger to rescue their comrades. Dkspkuate Batti.k on the Causkway. Alvarado had been placed in command of it. Upon his columns rushed an unnuml)cred host, which proved resistless. Wounded in several places, his horse kiJUnl under him, he was vainly endeavoringto stem the tide of his as- sailants when his comrades charged to his aid. But, although they created a temporary diversion, their efforts were vain, and Cortes and his men were glad to plunge again into the waters. Alvarado stood a moment on the brink of the causeway; then, planting his spear firmly in the wreck which strewed the bottom of the lake, he gave one tremendous bound, and cleared the opening— his sole chance of escape, for, unhorsed as he was, he would have been instantly struck down by the myriads who in their canoes swarmed about him. His Indian spectators— for it was now daylight— stared in amaze- ment at this feat, and cried out: "This is truly the Child of the Sun! "—a 360 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. name which they had long since given him, because of his bright golden hair and fair complexion. Diaz, a companion of Cortes, who well remembered the place, says that the leap was impossible to any man; unfortunately, the tradition of the exploit makes no mention of the distance; so that we cannot judge how wonderful was his jump. It is certain that it was generally believed at the time, and that even now the name of " Alvarado's Leap " is given to the spot where he is said to have escaped his foes. They reached the land at last; and Cortes, sitting on the steps of a temple, reviewed the remnant of his host. As he looked upon them, his proud, gay spirit gave way, and he buried his face in his hands. According to the most reliable authorities, about four hundred and fifty of the Spaniards had per- ished this night; and allowing for the numbers who must have fallen during the assaults of the Aztecs upon their stronghold, and in their sallies into the streets, it is probable that not more than a third of the original force remained. The loss on the part of the Tlascalan allies. Not only was the treasure which they had sought to carry off lost, but other things, of infinitely greater value to them in their march through the enemy's country. The cavalry had numbered sixty-nine; but of these two-thirds had fallen; and most of the horses of the survivors were in very poor condition. The artillery, the ammunition, even the nmskets had been lost; " all that a man hath will he give for his life ; " and the frightened arquebusiers had flung away even their weapons in the flight. They took refuge in a teocalli at no great distance from Tlacopan, on the summit of a hill which is now occupied by a Christian church, dedicated to the Virgin under the name of Nuestra Senora de los Remedios. Here their column was arranged for retreat in orderly, soldierly fashion ; the sick and wounded to be transported on litters, while front, rear and flanks were suit- ably protected. Their march was harassed by small parties of the natives, who attacked the rear of the van, or assaulted those who lagged behind by reason of weak- ness, or those who straj-ed too far from the line of march in search of food. Famine, too, stared them in the face ; they thought themselves fortunate when they found in a cornfield by the way a few forgotten, misshapen ears of corn; when a horse chanced to be killed, it furnished forth a banquet; and Cortes records how he made one of a party which devoured such an animal, even to its hide. They journeyed a Aveek before they reached the mountains overlooking the plains of Otumba, nine leagues distant from the capital; the roundabout way which they had been obliged to take for safety's sake, and the frequent halts for the resting of the disabled, having made their journey thus slow. Slowly and painfully they climbed the steeps which overlook the valley. CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 361 Before the army had reached the summit, however, the videttes came in with ahxrming news. In the valley beneath them was a mighty host; their uniforms of white cotton, quilted thick enough to turn an arrow, giving the valley the appearance of being blocked with snow. It was the vast army of the Aztecs, gathered here to complete the destruction of Cortes and his fol- lowers. FuniTING AT O'lTMHA. Retreat was impossible, for the capital was in the hands of the same enemy that had driven them out; should they halt and await the attack, or should they cut their way through this army? Cortes rapidly made preparations for the fight, although feeling that the " the last of his days " had arrived. He addressed his troops, reminding them of their experience of the triumph of science and discipline over numbers; 362 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. and bade them have confidence ill their Divine Leader, who had brought them safely through so many perils. Then he led them straight against the enemy. The fight raged with incredible fury, and there was not one of the Spaniards or their Tlascalan allies that escaped unhurt. Their efforts had been tremen- dous, but they were so far outnumbered by the multitudes of the enemy that it seemed a hopeless struggle. Just as it seemed most certain that his entire army would be destroyed, Cortes espied the chief whom he knew, from his dress and surroundings, must be the commander. He turned to Sandoval, Olid, Alvarado, Avila, fighting at his side, and cried to them: — " There is our mark ! Follow, and support me ! " With that he dashed into the very midst of the Indian army, followed closely by his devoted cavaliers; the Indians falling back from his path in very surprise at his daring. Rising in his stirrups, he struck one tremend- ous blow at the feather-clad and jewel-decked chieftain, felling him to the ground. It was all the work of a moment. The guard that had surrounded the chief was struck down or scattered; the golden net, his standard, was seized and presented to Cortes by one of the Spaniards who had rode at his side ; the flying Indians told the story ; panic stricken, the vast army thought only of escape, and imagined their comrades, pressing hard upon them, to be Spaniards thirsting for their blood. The Spaniards and Tlascalans pursued them till the victors were sated with the slaughter; and then returned to gather the rich spoil of the battle-field. The devout Spaniards saw, riding among them and aiming at their foes, Saint James on his milk-white charger, and attributed their victory to a miracle. Voltaire, too skeptical to accept this, says : '* The true miracle was the conduct of Cortes." '' A single field had turned the chance of war,"* and the Spaniards had re- gained the prestige which they had lost. Cortes, however, was anxious as to what reception he would be accorded by the Tlascalans ; he feared that the weakened state of his army would offer great inducements, and the number of Tlascalans who had perished while under his command afford a pretext for this warlike and hardy nation to effect that destruction of his forces which they had attempted when he first passed through their terrritory. Much to his relief, however, he was kindly' received; and the Tlascalans renewed their assurances of friendship and alliance. They remained at the Tlascalan capital several weeks, recruiting their strength, and applying such remedies as the science of the time suggested to the wounds which they had received. Cortes himself had received two wounds on the head, one during the inarch, and one during the battle of (^tumba. The neglect of the first wound, and the nature of the second, com- bined to make his a very serious case; a portion of the bone had to be re- moved; fever set in; and for days the heroic leader lay helpless as a babe, hovering between life and death. CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 368 But his strong constitution triumphed, and he was soon on the road to re- covery. As he lay helpless, he revolved in his mind schemes for the future. Return to Vera Cruz, thence to Cuba or Spain, acknowledging his failure, he would not; he was determined to achieve the conquest of Mexico. When this purpose was announced to his soldiers, it created much discon- tent among those who had followed Narvaez from Cuba to Mexico, in search of gold and glory, and had acquired neither. They addressed a strong remon- strance to him, urging him to return to Vera Cruz at once. This remon- strance excited the indignation of those veterans who had followed him from Cuba; but Cortes finally bade those who were dissatisfied with the expedi- tion to return; saying that he did not think it would be any real loss to part with those who were not fully determined to conquer. Before attacking the capital, however, it was necessary to reduce certain tribes in the neighborhood of Tlascala; since they would prove formidable additions to the Aztec forces, but could be beaten without much difficulty if attacked singly. This accomplished, Cortes saw with satisfaction that his force had received reinforcements not only in numbers and military supplies, but in self-confidence and courage as well. These reinforcements of men and arms had come from no other than Ve- lasquez, the Governor of Cuba. It was not that he had become a friend to Cortes; but he had not heard of the defeat which Narvaez had sustained ; and supposing that of course his lieutenant, with a force so much greater, had easily conquered Cortes and his followers, had dispatched two successive ships to the assistance of Narvaez in the conquest of the country. These had arrived at Vera Cruz before their crews learned the real state of affairs; and the soldiers were readily persuaded to take service under Cortes. There was a work of great magnitude, however, to be performed before the capital could be attacked with reasonable assurance of success. Cortes had learned from experience that it would not do to depend upon the cause- ways; he must have a fleet upon the lake, in place of that which had been built with the assistance of Montezuma, and destroyed by the hostile Aztecs. It shows us the indomitable spirit of the man, when we reflect that these vessels must bo built far from the waters on which they were to sail, and transported overland, along mountainous paths, to the shores of the lake. Fortunately, the skilled ship-builder Avho had superintended the building of the other vessels had not perished on "The Melancholy Night," as the his- torians term the night when Cortes and his followers escaped from Mexico. With the assistance of the Tlascalans, the work of building the fleet went rapidly on. Cortes, however, did not wait for its completion; ])ut, muster- ing his forces, set out on the journey. lie had about six hundred men, forty of whom were mounted; eighty were armed with arquebuses or cross-bows, and he had nine cannon. These fire-arms had all been sent by Velasquez. :MU CORTKS, the conqueror of MEXICO. They reached the city of Tezcuco the last day of the year 1520 ; the inhatj- itants fleeing before their advance. The ilight of the chief, Avho was an ally of the Mexicans, gave him an excuse for nominating another, directly under his control, to the government of the city; and the Tezcucans were gradually reassured, and induced to return to their city. The first step of Cortes had been to fortify himself against all danger of a surprise; leaving this strong camp to a sufficient guard, he, with the larger part of his followers, set out to attack the city of Iztapalapan, situated on the tongue of land which separates the two lakes. The fight raged fiercely al- most the whole day; but the desperate Indians, resolved to defeat the Span- iards at any price, cut the dikes Avhich confined the waters of the lake, and the S[)aniards were compelled to retreat before the advancing flood. The Spaniards lost all the booty which they had acquired in this place, and had, besides, their powder ruined. Yet the fate of the city struck terror in- to the hearts of many Indians; and the people of different places sent depu- tations to offer their submission to the white men. The Aztec empire Avas crumbling to pieces, but still the Emperor pre- served his courage, and answered with spirit the messages which Cortes sent him, calling upon him to submit hi/nself to the autho'rity of the Spanish sov- ereign. Montezuma had been succeeded by his brother, who had lived but four months after his accession ; he in turn was succeeded by his nephew, Guatemozin, a man of twenty-five. At last the thirteen vessels were completed, and safely transported to Tez- cuco. " It was a marvelous thing," Cortes writes in his letter, " that few have seen, or even heard of — this transportation of thirteen vessels of war on the shoulders of men, for nearly twenty leagues across the mountains!" Early in the spring, with three hundred and fifty Spaniards, and a consid- erable body of Tlascalans — the number is placed by some authorities as high as a hundred and fifty thousand — leaving the remainder of his force in re- serve as a garrison at Tezcuco, Cortes set out, by a circuitous route, to Mex- ico. This first expedition occupied about two weeks' time; several minor places Avere reduced, but the capital itself repelled the advance of the Span- iards. The people of Chalco had for some time been asking the aid of the whites to throw off the Aztec yoke, but until now it had not been granted. Their entreaties had, however, become so urgent that Cortes sent Sandoval with a considerable force to their assistance. But the Aztecs returned to the at- tack again and again; so that Cortes, who had received a further reinforce- ment of two hundred men from Hispaniola, where the authorities were fa- vorable to him, was obliged to undertake the work himself. He extend- ed his march considerably beyond the limits at first proposed, reducing various cities on his way; and going as far south as the city of Cuernavaca, CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 3fi5 which he assaulted and captured. Turning to the north, they next attacked Xochimilco, a city built, like Mexico, in a lake, and connected with the land by causeways. These, however, were but short avenues. The fight was a determined one, and it seemed that the Spaniards must be defeated. In this state of affairs, Cortes, as he had so often done before, threw himself into the very thick of the fight, to encourage his followers by his example. His immediate followers were too few to support him, and he was surrounded by an innumerable host of Indians. His horse lost his foot- ing and fell; Cortes received a severe blow on the head before he could dis- entangle himself from the stirrups; and was seized and dragged off in tri- umph by his enemies, doomed to be sacrificed to the gods whom he had so often insulted. At this critical moment, a Tlascalan sprang upon his cap- tors, and attempted, single-handed, to rescue the friend of his people; two Spaniards followed where the heroic Indian led. Cortes, once released from the grasp of his enemies, sprang into his saddle, and renewed the fight. The cavalry came up, and, between the two columns, the enemy was fairly cut to pieces or forced into the lake. But Guatemozin had heard that Cortes was about to advance upon Xochi- milco, and had raised an army for its relief. The Spaniards entrenched themselves in the city, and awaited the coming of the enemy. For a time, the result of the battle seemed doubtful; but gradually the arms and disci- pline of the Spaniards triumphed over the numbers of the Aztecs, and the latter were driven from the field with such dreadful slaughter that they made no attempt to renew the battle. Four men were captured by a party of the enemy, they having strayed away from their command. The Spaniards rarely allowed themselves to be taken alive, as they knew very well that such captives were reserved for sacrifice. These men were devoted to this fate ; and the ferocious young chief of Mex- ico caused their arms and legs to be cut off and sent around to different cities, with the assurance that this would be the fate of the enemies of Mex- ico. Meanwhile, Cortes was threatened by yet another danger. Some of his men had become dissatisfied, although they had not used his permission, given at Tlascala, to return to Vera Cruz. To remove Cortes w^ould be to give the command to some of his trusted officers, who would as persistently push toward the capital as he was doing, and who would besides take bloody vengeance on those who had killed the leader. The mutineers therefore re- solved to kill Cortes and all who were especially attached to him. But the very enormity of the plot defeated it; and one of the conspirators, unable to persevere in that which must lead to the death of so many gallant soldiers, revealed the plan to Cortes on the day before that appointed for the perpe- tration of the deed. The ringleader was seized by Cortes himself, and i^QS CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. brought to trial, found guilty, and executed. No attempt was made, how- ever, to ascertain the names of others who were engaged in it; Cortes him- self destroying a paper containing a list of their names. By this means he attached them firmly to himself; since, conscious of their guilt, the conspira- tors tried to show him, by their devotion, that they had had nothing to do with the plot. The vessels for the siege of Mexico had been built in sections, and trans- ported to Tezcuco; but there must be a canal dug connecting the two lakes, before they could reach the waters of that in the midst of which the city of Mexico was situated. This had at last been completed; and Cortes, having thus thoroughly reconnoitered the surrounding country, and reduced many cities to submission, returned to Tezcuco to launch his brigantincs. His forces were more considerable than they had ever been, excepting during the short time that the full army of Narvaez had been under his or- ders. Eighty-seven cavalry, one hundred and eighteen arquebusiers and crossbow-men, and seven hundred foot-soldiers supplied with less formidable arms, made up his army, which had, for its artillery, three large field-pieces and fifteen falconets. He divided this force into three parts, placing one at the extremity of each causeway. Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval were the respective commanders. The first duty which was assigned them was to cut off the supply of water from the garrison of Mexico; which was done by cutting the pipes that sup- plied the city with fresh water; for the lake, it should be remembered, was salt. This was not done without opposition; but it was accomplished; and in the latter part of INIay, 1520, began the formal siege of Mexico, for which Cortes had been preparing for so many months. Cortes himself had taken command of the fleet; and the first conflict in which he engaged was so decided a victory that the squadron was thence- forth undisputed master of the lake. The prows of the great vessels bore down the small, light canoes of the Indians, and the guns completed the work thus begun. The city was completely blockaded by the Spaniards, but Cortes was afraid to trust to this means of reducing it; fearing lest his followers, and particu- larly his Tlascalan allies, should become tired of the siege and desert him. He accordingly arranged for an attack upon the city along the great cause- way. Showers of missiles fell upon them as they came; and, when they reached the street which continued the causeway, stones and other heavy objects were rained upon them from the roofs. Cortes ordered his Indian allies, there- fore, to demolish the buildings as they passed along; thus giving the enemy no such vantage-ground. There was a stubborn fight al)()ut the palace which had been assigned by CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 367 Montezuma to the Spaniards, and that very temple whence they had once dislodged their enemies; but, although the victory inclined to the Spanish side, there was no decisive result; and the white men withdrew at night to their camps. This was repeated again and again ; but still the siege continued ; for in spite of the utmost vigihmce, the Mexicans received supplies from the neigh- boring cities by means of their innumerable canoes, which often, under cover of darkness, eluded the watchfulness of the Spanish sailors. It was only when these cities, seeing that the people of Mexico were unable to drive off the besieging army, concluded that it would be wisest to make terms with the white men, that the supplies were stopped, and famine began to threaten the gallant but doomed defenders of the city. Three months after the first assault, there was one more desperate than any that had preceded it. In this, Cortes, who was mounted, and at the head of a division, was stopped by a chasm in the causeway, and thus unable to effect a junction with others of his forces. Here he was vigorously assailed by the Indians, six of them attacking him at one time; he was rescued by his faithful followers, but so seriously wounded that, after the retreat had been sounded, he was obliged to confide the direction of affairs to Sandoval for a few days. In this fight, sixty-two of the Spaniards were taken alive; and from the camps their comrades could see them led to sacrifice at the summit of the pyramid, bound on the altar, and the. heart torn from the body before it ceased to beat. The bleeding body was then hurled dovrn the slope, where thousands were waiting to receive this material for a horrible banquet. The triumphant Mexicans boldly shouted out to the besiegers the prophe- cies of their priests, that their gods had been appeased, and had again taken the Aztecs under their protection. Within eight days, they asserted, their enemies Avould be delivered into their hands. Alarmed by this prediction, the Indian allies who had gathered around the standard of Cortes from all the neighboring country began to desert him ; and even the Tlascalans fell off in considerable numbers. The eight days passed away ; and the allies who had thus wavered in their allegiance returned to the Spanish camp. But Cortes had formed a new plan. He had experienced much difliculty from the condition of the causeways and from the canals which intersected so many of the streets; he resolved that every building in the city should be destroyed as fast as his troops gained possession, and the materials be used for filling up the breaches in the causeways and the canals. He set the ex- ample himself of engaging in this work, that none of the proud hidalgoes might wish to excuse themselves; and found willing assistants by thousands among the Indians. Having made these preparations for the complete destruction of the city, 368 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. Cortes sent three envoys to the Emperor, to demand a capitulation. Coun- cils were held ; but the advice of the priests, who knew that submission to the white men meant their destruction, prevailed; and after two days the Spaniards received an answer to their demand in a general sortie of the Az- tec forces. The guns were so arranged, however, that they were driven back without much difficulty. Day after day they would rush upon the men en- gaged in tearing down buildings or filling up their carefully constructed canals; but day after day the destruction of the beautiful city went on. Famine, thirst, and disease among the beleaguered people were assisting the besiegers. Seven-eighths of the city had been laid in ruins, and the great temple had been given to the flames. All efforts to secure a surrender of the Mexicans had failed, and Cortes determined to make one last assault, which should be final. It was the 13th of August, 1521. The battle speedily became a butchery. Guatemozin attempted to fly in a canoe, but was captured. The news that he was taken spread among his followers, and the fight, which seemed to have been maintained simply to cover his retreat, ended. Mexico had been con- quered. The number of the Aztecs and their allies who survived the siege and were permitted by Cortes to withdraw to the surrounding country, is variously given; the estimates ranging from thirty to seventy thousand men, exclusive of non-combatants. Authorities differ, also, as to the number of those who fell during the siege; the figures ranging from one hundred and twenty thou- sand to two hundred and forty thousand. Whatever the numbers of the Aztecs may have been, the conquest of Mexico, viewed as a military achieve- ment, is simply wonderful. But although the Spaniards had crushed the Aztec power forever, they had failed in one thing: the amount of treasure found fell far short of their ex- pectations; it was not even equal to the amount which they themselves had been obliged to abandon when they fled from the city on the "Melancholy Night." The soldiers clamored for Guatemozin to be put to the torture, that he might be forced to reveal where the treasure was hidden ; Cortes resisted this demand until it was broadly hinted that he had a secret understanding with the Aztec monarch, by which the soldiers and his imperial master Charles V. would be equally defrauded. Then, to save his own honor, he yielded, and allowed the Emperor and his principal minister to be put to the torture. It is reported that while the Spaniards were stirring the fire which burnt below the gridiron upon which the two victims were extended, the minister turned his head towards his master and apparently begged him to speak, in order to put an end to their tortures; but that Guatemozin re- proved this single moment of weakness by these words: "And I, am I assist- ing at some pleasure, or am I in the bath?" An answer which has been prac- CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 369 tically changed into, "And I, do I lie upon roses?" But all that could be learned from the tortured prince was that much gold had been thrown into the water. The lake was dragged, but very little was recovered. Thk Tohtl A detachment sent out by Cortes penetrated to the borders of the Pacific, at a point farther north than any Avhite man had yet reached its shores. Taking possession of it in the name of the Emperor, they returned by a more northerly route, and brought rich specimens of gold and California pearls. Cortes, his imagination excited by the idea of having reached the Pacific by this route, at once set about making preparations for a colony on its shores. Cortes was also busily occupied in rebuilding the city of Mexico, having 370 CORTES, THE CONgUEROR OF MEXICO. decided that this was the best site for the capital of New Spain. He also dispatched messengers to Spain, bearing the imperial fifth of the spoils, and a letter announcing the conquest of the country. The treasure, however, fell into the hands of a French privateer, by whom it was transmitted to the King of France; and the letters were delivered alone. But before these letters were delivered, there had been strong influence at work against Cortes at the court; and it did not cease to be exerted when the news of his achievements reached Spain. We have neither space nor inclination for the petty details of court intrigue; but after both sides had appealed to the Emperor with all the eloquence that they could muster, Charles V. referred the whole matter to the decision of a board selected for that purpose. Fonseca and Velasquez pleaded that Cortes had exceeded his powers, had trampled onthe rights of the natives, had embezzled the Emper- or's share of the spoils, and was squandering the public revenues in rebuild- ing the capital on a plan of such magnificence. The friends of Cortes re- plied by showing the falsity of these claims; they could easily prove that the Emperor had received more than one-fifth, and, having refuted every other argument of their antagonists, brought forward that which was unanswerably triumphant — the splendid results of this expedition, which had added such a vast empire to Spain. " Nothing succeeds like success," and the board decided that neither Fon- seca nor Velasquez should attempt to interfere with Cortes, whose acts were fully confirmed. The Conqueror — El Conquisfado, the old Spanish chronic- lers love to call him — was named Governor, Captain-General, and Chief-Jus- tice of New Spain, with power to appoint to all offices, and to banish any one from the country Avhose presence there he judged prejudicial to the interests of the Crown. An ample salary was decreed him, to enable him to support the dignity of his position; and his followers were rewarded with the praise of their royal master and ample grants of land. Some two years after the conquest, Cortes had sent Olid with a sufficient force to establish a colony in Honduras. News reached him that Olid, sup- posing himself at a safe distance from Mexico, had asserted his independence of Cortes, and proposed to govern this colony without any superior but the Emperor. Cortes sent an expedition under Las Casas to reduce the rebel to subjection. Tliis expedition Avas wrecked, but subsequently reached land, marched against Olid, defeated him, and he was put to death as a traitor. Cortes, however, heard only of the shipwreck; and, determined that his au- thority should be upheld, marched in person against Olid. While on the way, which presented almost incredible difficulties, he learned that the Indians who accompanied him had plotted against him. Since the conquest had been accomplished, he had kept Guatemozin constantly at his side; fearing treach- ery on his part. This information implicated the late chief of the Aztecs as CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 371 the ringleader; and Cortes seized him and some others, hastily tried them, condemned them to death, and hanged them on a tree by the wayside. Arrived at his destination, Cortes found that the matter had been settled without the need of his intervention. He remained in Honduras for sometime, arranging the affairs of the colony; and returned to Mexico at the urgent solicitation of his friends; for the government there was falling into anarchy, and the report of his death was current. His enemies even went so far as to seize upon his property, wherever any could be found, in the name of the State. His return to Mexico was hailed with delight by the people; and he at once set about restoring order. His action regarding those who had in his absence set his authority at naught is by some condemned as weak; but, since he was the one to suffer by it, this nuxy be regarded as no blemish in his character. But, although Fonseca and Velasquez had both died within a year after the decision which forbade them to interfere with Cortes, there were still many about the Court who envied him; and, in accordance with their representa- tions, a commissioner was appointed to inquire into his administration of af- fairs. This was no unusual thing in the case of a governor entrusted with the almost absolute power which had been given to Cortes; and the selection of the commissioner, in this instance, showed that it was no sign of the Em- peror's displeasure. But the commissioner died within a short time after his arrival in Mexico, and the deputy whom he named his successor was an enemy of Cortes. This man, Estrada, seemed to delight in annoying Cortes as much as possi- ble ; his recommendations were disregarded ; his friends were mortified or in- sulted; his attendants were outraged by injuries; and when he protested against the infliction of a severe punishment for a trifling offense, the offen- der being a servant of his faithful cavalier Sandoval, he was actually ordered to leave the city. " It is well that those," he said, in bitter irony, " who at the price of their blood have won the capital, should not be allowed a footing in it." His followers would have taken up arms in his defense; but he forbade all resistance of Estrada's authority, and quietly retired to a villa which he pos- sessed, a short distance from the city. Meanwhile, his enemies at the Court were not yet satisfied, but managed to insinuate that there was danger of his asserting his independence of the Crown. But the friends of Cortes were equally active, and procured the re- call of Estrada. He Avas superseded by a commission entitled the Royal Au- dience of Spain. These oflUcers were instructed to send Cortes to Spain; peaceably if possible, forcibly if they must. He had for some time been considering the question of returning and lay- 372 COKIKS, TIIK CONyUEKOU OF MEXICO. inutliis nlTnii- Ucfoio llu^ Eiiiporor; jindliad }il)oiit niiulo up his mind to do so when liuMoiniuissioiu'rs arrived. His intention created a .sensation through the eounlr.v; and the couiniis.sioncrssaw at once that things had been carried too far. They tried lo eoui^jroniiso the matter; butalthough Cortes nietthcm with friendly courtesy, ho could not bo persuaded to adopt any other course. IIo arrived in Spain in May, 1528. Some time was lost by illness, and sonio was spent in devotion before a favorite shrine, before he presented himself at court. His simple and manly ehxjuence, backed by the magnetic qualities of liis manner, antl the knowledge of the great deeds that he had achieved, scattered the plans of his enemies like chaff before the wind; and the Emperor received him with marked favor. It is even recorded, with duo solemnity, befitting the narration of an event of great importance, that on one occasion, when Cortes lay sick of a fever, the Emperor actually visited him, and remained some time in the sick chainl)er; and the historians seem lo thiidc that this alone was aiM[)le rewai"d for all that he had (Mulured and all that he liad accomplished. But other and more substantial rewards were given him. It was thought then and thein^ that the title oF Manpiis of the Valley of Oaxaca was no mere empty honor, and c>ven tlui re|)ublican simplicity of our own day does not en- tirely disdain such titles when they are won by the bi'aiei-; in addition to this, Cortes was granted a a ast tract of laud in the rich [iroNinct^ from which the title of liis mai-cpiisate was taken, his domain containing more than twenty towns and villages, Avitli twenty-three thousand vassals. The lan- guage in which this grant was expressed, acknowledging in the amplest terms the "good services rendered by Cortes — the sufferings he had undergone * * * * and the lidelity and obedience with which, as a good and trusty vassal, he had ever served the Crown," made it all the more valuable in the eyes of the faithful servant who was thus rewarded. We have alluded to the use of the term Comiuenn- to designate Cortes; froui this lime forth he has another title — the JNIanpiis; and the title alone, without the name of the individual, is used to indicate Cortes, just as the ti- tle the Admiral is used to designate C\)lumbus. But although the Emperor was quite willing to heap honors upon Cortes, ho was not willing to reinstate him in the position which he had held. Per- haps Charles was not fully convinced that the Conqueror had no intention of becoming the independent sovereign of Mexico. At any rate, he steadily re- fused to api)oint him to the civil government; finally investing him with the military authority, under the title of Captain-General of New Spain and of the coasts of the South Seas. Early in the spring of If^HO, Cortes again set sail for New Spain; being em- powered to nudve discoveries in the South Seas, with the right to rule over such lands as ho should colonize. Being delayed two mouths at Cuba, he COKTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 373 did not reach Villa Rica until the middle of July. But the Royal Audience treated him with such contumely that he withdrew to the city of Cuernavaca, within the limits of his marquisate, which thenceforth became his favorite residence. A tranquil life did not long content him, however; he was soon busily en- gaged in fitting out a squadron for the exploration of the Gulf of California. The first squadron was scattered and wrecked, and Cortes undertook the com- mand of a second fleet in person. But he was not much more successful. It is true that the coast was explored for a short distance; but he encountered such storms, and met with such hardships, from famine and other causes, that he was glad to return to the port whence he had set out. A third expe- dition, this time under the command of a lieutenant, proved more successful; and the Gulf of California was explored along its whole coast, the southern point of the peninsula doubled, and the line of the western coast followed to a point as high as the twenty-ninth degree of latitude. In these and previous expeditions sent out by Cortes, the western coast of North America had been explored from the Gulf of Panama almost to the southern boundary of the United States. The Spaniards have shown their appreciation of his services to the science of cosmography by naming the great body of water between Mexico and the peninsula of California, the Sea of Cortes. But his schemes of further explorations were interrupted by the new Vice- roy, Mendoza; who had heard rumors of vast mines of gold to the northwest, and claimed the right of exploration for himself, as the representative of the Crown. Cortes protested against this claim, as encroaching upon his rights as Captain-General of New Spain and the Coasts of the South Seas; and, the dispute being still unsettled, resolved to go to Spain to maintain his rights. He embarked in 1540, accompanied by his eldest son, a boy of eight years. The Emperor was absent from Spain at the time of his arrival, so that his suit could not be decided. He was received with marked honors, however, by the Royal Council of the Indies; but they were but empty honors. We find him taking an active part in the expedition which the Emperor led against Algiers in 1541. The siege, which was designed to break up a nest of pirates, was at last abandoned. Cortes offered to reduce the phice himself, if a force were given him ; and regretted, in the hearing of the coun- cil of war, that he had not a few of the veterans who had followed him to the conquest of Mexico; but his advice Avas rejected, and his offer derided, as that of a romantic enthusiast. But the magnificence of this conquest was now dimmed by the gleam of the gold being sent home by Pizarro; and Cortes himself was regarded as a man too old to render much service to the Crown. He came to be looked upon as a person whose claims were too large to be allowed. " He found, like Col- umbus, that it was possible to deserve too greatly." Wearied by the delay 374 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. with which he met everywhere, he at last resolved to approach the Emperor directly. lie made his way through the press that surrounded the imperial carriage, and mounted its steps. " Who is that man? " demanded Charles, conveniently failing to recognize him. " I am the man, sire," replied Cortes, with a pride equal to his own, " who has given you more provinces than your ancestors left you cities." The years passed on, and still the Council of the Indies had not reached a decision, to be submitted to the sovereign for his approval. The last letter which Cortes addressed to the Emperor was dated in February, 1544. In this he begged that the Council of the Indies and the other tribunals which had cognizance of his suits might be ordered to come to a decision; but the order was never given; and, after waiting three years more, he resolved to return to Mexico. He had gone as far as Seville, when he fell sick; and the disappointments which he had suffered so preyed upon his mind as to affect his bodily ailment. Finding that his strength was rapidly failing, he executed his will, Oct. 11, 1547. Finding that the constant stream of visitors annoyed him in his weak- ness, he withdrew to the neighboring village of Castilleja de la Cuesta, and there awaited death with the same courage with which he had faced it on the field of battle or in the beleagured city. It came Dec. 2, 1547. To the silent dust were accorded those honors which had often been denied to the living man. His remains were first interred in a chapel of a monastery in Seville; but afterwards removed to the New World. No less than five sepulchres at various times received the remains of the conqueror of Mexico, before the revolution which made that country independent of Spain. In 1823, the mob, anxious to show its contempt for all connected with the Spanish government, sought to break open his tomb in the capital, and fling his ashes to the wind; but friends of the family en- tered the vault by night, and secretly removed the relics to a place of safety. J FRANCISCO PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. ^TOME time about the year 1471, in the city of Truxillo, in the province (^y of Estremadura, Spain, was born a boy who was christened Francisco; (^ his father being Gonzalo Pizarro, a colonel of infantry, who had served with some distinction in foreign wars. According to some authorities, he was left, a foundling, on the steps of one of the principal churches of his native city; whether this be so or not, it is certain that he received but little care during the helpless period of his life; and, so far from being instructed in the learning and accomplishments of the period, he was not even taught to read and write. As he grew to manhood, he was obliged to undertake the lowest kind of labor to support life; and for some years his occupation was that of a swineherd. He was not more than twenty-one or twenty-two when Columbus returned from his first voyage; and even the ignorant swineherd shared in the enthu- siasm which swept over Spain. We cannot tell when his intention was formed or executed; but certainly he made his way to Seville, where most of the adventurers embarked, and there enlisted in some one of the expeditions fitted out tp explore and colonize the Kew World. In 1510, Alonzo de Ojeda, the gallant cavalier who had followed Columbus to Hispaniola, fitted out an expedition from that island to form a settlement on the continent. His partner in this enterprise was a Spanish lawyer, usu- ally called the Bachelor Enciso, being a bachelor of laws; Enciso remained in Hispaniola to gather up recruits and perform various other duties con- nected with the founding of the colony, while Ojeda assumed the more dan- gerous and adventurous task of finding a place for its establishment. The isthmus which connects the continents had been granted to Ojeda and a rival, the line between the two provinces being carefully marked out; that which was assigned to Ojeda was the more southern, and he had decided that his colony should be on the coast of what is now called the Gulf of Da- rien. The expedition prospered fairly well; the site was selected, a fort and the necessary buildings put up, and Ojeda returned to Hispaniola for sup- plies; leaving, as the commander of the garrison, Francisco Pizarro. Those who remained at San Sebastian as the colony was called, agreed to (375) 376 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. wait fifty days for the return of Ojeda. Should he uot come or send by that time, they were to return to Hispaniola, if they so desired. The time went by, and Ojeda neither came nor sent. But here arose another difficulty: the two small brigantines which they had would not accommodate the seventy Fraxcisco Pizarro. men who composed the garrison. The character of Pizarro is shown by the determination at which the colonists, threatened daily by disease, famine, and the poisoned arrows of the Indians, arrived: they would wait until these three agencies had so reduced their numbers that the survivors could find transportation on the vessels they possessed. PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. • 377 These terrible days of waiting for each other to die were not many; and, killing the four horses and salting their flesh, they made such other prepa- rations for the voyage as lay within their means. The two brigantines sailed toward Ilispaniola; but one was wrecked in a storm, going down with all on l)()ard before the eyes of those in the other vessel, unable to extend a help- ing hand. The other, of which Pizarro was the commander, kept its course until the harbor of Carthagcna was reached. Here the returning colonists fell in with Enciso, who was on his way to San Sebastian with considerable reinforcements and the necessary supplies. With great difficulty, and by exercising all the authority which the np- pointment of the Crown had given him — this most ably seconded by the fact that he bad a much larger force, well-armed and well-fed, at his back — En- ciso succeeded in persuading Pizarro to return with him to the main land. For a while, his history is obscured by the history of the colony; he held so low a rank that the chronicler could give him no attention. lie attached himself to the fortunes of Balboa; and when that splendid figure put on the trappings of the Governor of Darien, Pizarro became one of his most trusted lieutenants. He was one of those who followed Balboa across the isthmus in 1513, and saw, for the first time, the great Pacific stretching away to the South. When Bal])oa fell into difficulties, Pizarro seemed to have kept clear of danger ; and attached himself to Don Pedro Arias dc Avila. The present writer does not mean to upludd or condemn Pizarro for this course; it is hard to see how a faithful follow^n- who has been re- garded with affection by his chief can fail to share that chief's misfortunes, unless there is cold-blooded desertion of the falling house; but it may be urged in excuse that Pizarro had been reared in a rough school; probably from his infancy he had been accustomed to fight his way; receiving cuffs and curses from those who were stronger than he, and ready to pass them on to those who were weaker. Employed by Avila in several minor expeditions against the Indians sur- rounding the settlement, he gained by these means the training which was so useful to him afterward. The most noted of these, in the light of future events, was in 1,515, when he was selected as one of the leaders of an expedi- tion which was to cross the isthmus and trade with the natives. It was then, probal)ly, that he first conceived the idea of extending his journey toward that southern Land of Gold of which Balboa had heard. It might be thought that after Balboa's death, Avila would have hastened to explore the country in which such immense wealth was said to exist; but there is a record of only one expedition, before that undertaken by Pizarro; and this did not go any farther than the part of the coast which had already been explored by Balboa. But although this enterprise had not been successful, it had prepared the 378 riZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. public mind to take a keen interest in the subject of gold-seeking in the South. Under such circumstances, Pizarro, who had been assigned, as the reward of his military services, a tract of land and a certain number of In- dian slaves to work it, formed the plan of heading such an expedition him- self. He was too poor, however, to bear all the expenses ; and two others became his partners in the venture. One of these was Diego de Almagro, a soldier of fortune who was probably a little older than Pizarro, and not nnich better off; the third was Hernando de Luque, vicar of Panama, and formerly schoolmaster at Darien. The priest furnished the greater part of the funds for the expedition, and probably was instrumental in securing the permission of the Governor for undertaking such a venture. Authorities differ as to whether Avila contributed anything to the expenses or not; but certainly he stipulated that he should have a share in the profits. Two small vessels were purchased, the larger having been built by Balboa for an expedition to the south, but it had lain dismantled in the harbor of Panama since his death. This was speedily fitted out, and something more than a hundred idle, reckless adventurers, who had not yet made their for- tunes in this New W(u-ld, enlisted. Pizarro set sail from Panama about the middle of November, 1524; leaving Almagro to follow in the smaller vessel as soon as it could be prepared. Almagro had counted upon their being able to obtain provisions in plenty from the natives as they went on; but they were tossed about on the angry waves, and ran short both of food and water. When they at last landed, it was only to make their toilsome way through dense forests where no sound was heard but the splashing of the rain on the leaves, and of their own foot- steps as they sank into the deep oozy mud. For it was the rainy season, when discomfort and danger of disease attend the traveler through these lands. His men began to murnnir loudly; but Pizarro was determined not to go back and acknowledge that he had failed. He soothed their discontent with a promise of supplies; and sent one of his otficers back to the Isle of Pearls with the ship and nearly half of the company. No trace of native habitations could be found; and the wretched Span- iards were reduced to feeding on such roots and berries as they could find in the woods. Some of these proved poisonous; and some of those who re- fused to risk death by this means died of starvation. More than twenty of his followers had died, yet Pizarro, sharing all their discomforts, retained his cheerfulness and resolution; and, by his efforts to obtain food for them and his unwearied care of the sick, made himself be- loved by these rough soldiers of fortune. As they wandered almost hopelessly through the woods, they emerged at last into an open space, where they found an Indian village. The inhabitants PlZAKllO, THE DISCOVEKKR OF I'EUIJ. 6i\f fled at first; und the famished Spaniards, rushing to the huts, seized upon the provisions. Gathering confidence as they saw what necessity had compelled this deed, and not so well acqainted with the Spaniards in general as to know that, hungry or well-fed, they respected no Indian rights, the na- tives returned to their village, and naively inquired why the white men did not stay at home and cultivate their own land, instead of roaming about to rob others. Had they been better acquainted with the new-comers, the poor Indians would have known that the rude golden ornaments which they wore w(U"emore attractive to the white men, when once their hunger was appeased, than all that could be won by agriculture. After more than six weeks, the vessel brought the supplies for which it had been sent; and the expedition proceeded on its way. Pizarro kept close to shore, " wandering in the dark, feeling his way along inch by inch, as it were, without chart to guide him, without knowledge of the seas or of the bearings of the coast, and even with no better defined idea of the object at which he aimed than that of a land, teeming with gold, that lay in the south." Having cast anchor off a bold point of land which he named Punta Que- mada, Pizarro disembarked, with the greater part of his force, to explore the interior, which he believed to be inhabited. Less than a league from the coast he found a village, defended by palisades, and larger than any that he had seen. It was deserted at their approach, and the Spaniards helped them- selves to the golden ornaments which they found in the huts. But the Indian warriors had held council; and when the Spaniards attemj)ted to reconnoiter the country, they were suddenly attacked by unnumbered foes, springing from their ambush in the hills. The fight was a stubborn one, though the ground was continually shifted, as the natives would retreat, only to advance again to the attack from another and unexpected quarter. Pizarro was speedily recognized by them as the leader of their enemies, and directing their missiles at him more than at his followers, they succeeded in inflicting seven wounds, although he was clad in armor. The Spaniards were at last driven back by the fury of their innumerable assailants; and Pizarro, as they retreated down the slope of the hill, defend- ing themselves as they went, slipped and fell to the rain-soaked earth. The boldest of the Indians, uttering their savage war-cry, sprang forward to dis- patch him ; but on his feet in an instant, in spite of the heavy armor which encumbered him, he struck down two, and held the rest at bay until his fol- lowers came to his rescue. The Indian, whether of North or South Amer- ica, has a great respect for a man who fights hand-to-hand, rather than with missile Aveapons; and, in admiring fear of Pizarro's prowess, they faltered in the attack. At this moment, the remainder of the force which had landed, which had become separated from him, came up ; and, by the united exertions of all, the Indians were driven from the field. 380 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. It Avas decided, however, by the Spaniards in council, that they were in no condition to go on; and the vessel returned to Pananux. Pizarro himself re- mained at Chicama; for he was unwilling to present himself before the Gov- ernor before he had succeeded. Here he was joiiunl by Almagro, who had followed in Pizarro's track, and, having reached the fourth degree of north latitude without meeting him, had turned back. A system of notching the trees, similar to that by Avhich a North American pioneer "blazes " his way through the pathless woods, enabled Ahnagro to identify the places at which he had landed as being the same where Pizarro had touched. Both felt nuudi encouraged by the success with which they had already met ; for although the amount of gold obtained w\as not in itself considerable, the linding of such ornaments in outlying villages gave rich promise of the treas- ure of the capital. They resolved to fit out another expedition; and, in pros- ecution of this resolve, Almagro set out for Panama, to secure the continued good-will of the Governor, while Pizarro remained at Chicama. Avila was not easily persuaded to consent to a second expedition ; charg- ing Pizarro, particularly, with the loss of many of his followers. When he iinally gave the desired permission, as Father Luque persuaded him to do, he named Almagro as equal in command with Pizarro; although in the first ex- pedition there had been a difference made between them. A com})act was made, and signed March 10, 152(5, between the three men interested in the first expedition. Father Luque W'as the only one of the three who could write his name, the signatures of the others being marks, attested b.y three respectable citizens of Pan:ima. According to the terms of this agreement, the proceeds of the expedition were to be divided equally among the men who had planned the former expedition, Pizarro, Almagro, and Father Luque; the soldiers were to do the work, while the priest fur- nished the money, twenty thousand jjp.ws de oi-o ; other documents of the time show that in this he was acting as the agent of another person, to whom he assigned all the rights guaranteed him by this instrument. The Governor of Panama, who had had, as will be remembered, an interest in the first expedi- tion, now concluded that a bird in the hand was worth two in the bush; and formally resigned lo the adventurers all claim to a share in their profits, for the consideration of one thousand j)c.s'o,s de oro. Two vessels were purchased, somewhat larger than those which had been used before; and stores were laid in, on a somewhat more liberal scale. But it was not easy to get recruits for the venture; nearly one-fourth of those who had followed Pizarro and Amalgro to the South had died there; and thecon- ditiou of the survivors, ragged and half-starved as they were, did not bear out the promise of rich booty to be obtained. Strangely enough, however, some of these very men re-enlisted; and about one hundred and sixty, in all, were nuistercd. A few horses were bought, and ammunition and military stores; PTZARRO, THE DTSOOVERKR OF PERU. 381 but there was great difficully in ()l)tiiiiiiiig aiiytliiiig of the kind, since every- thing must be brought across the rugged barrier of the mountains which are continued along the isthmus. 81aiuling out to sea, they only sailed toward the shore when near the lati- tude of the furthest point whicli Almagrohad reached, the mouth of the Rio (U; San Juan. Landing here, they attacked an Indian village, and carried off a consid(u-able booty of gold ornaments, with a few of the natives. The lea(l(U's knew very well that their force was too small; and it was now (h'cided that this first success should be used to secure reinforcements. Al- niagro returned to Panama, to carry the news of the treasure which they had secured; the pilot, Bartholomew Ruiz, with the other vessel, rcconnoitcrcd the coast to the south; while Pizarro, Avith the rest of the force, was to re- main in the neighborhood of the river. Ruiz went as far south as Capo Pasado, about half a degree south of the equator; his vessel being the first under the command of a white man that, sailing down the Pacific coast, had passed the Line. The one important event of this voyage was his meeting with a kind of raft, which was remarkable as being the first instance with which the Europeans had met of a native vessel with a sail. Intercourse with the Lidians on board only increased his aston- ishment; their fine wool garments, dyed in the most brilliant colors, the rich- ness of their ornaments and of the gold and silver articles which they were carrying to a certain point for trading, even a pair of scales for weighingthe |;)recious metals, all these indicated a higher degree of civilization than had yet been found among the Indians. In addition to this, his interest was still further aroused by the assertion that some degrees to the south there was a country, whose fields were covered with large flocks of the animals from whose backs the wool for their clothes was obtained, and that gold and silver were as common as wood in the palaces of its ruler. Seizing some of these Indians, Ruiz returned to the rendezvous; considering that Pizarro had bet- t(u- hear the stories from their own lips; and also, that when these captives should have learned Spanish, they Avould be valual)le as intei'preters. This re[)()rt, and the arrival of Almagro with a reinforcement of about eighty men and acjuantity of supplies, somewhat encouraged those who had remained at the mouth of the river with Pizarro, and who had been almost on the })oint of deserting their commander. As th(\y proceeded on their way, there were many evidences that the long- sought land of gold was almost at hand; but the inhabitants appeared to be a war-like people, ready to defend their country against the invasion of the S[)aniards. On one occasion, Pizarro had landed with a body of his men, wishing for a conference with the Indians; but they seemed eager to fight, and he could not nuiketh(!m understand that he came in peace; arms and ar- mor seemed to tell them that he and his followers were hostile. The Span- I'IZARKO, THIO DFSCOVKHKU f)l'^ JMOKU. 38^ iarcls, hotly pressed by jiii ciiciny fur outniuTil)cMin<^ them, might hiivc fared badly had not one of their cavaliers been thrown by his horse. The Indians were so astonished at this division of what seemed a single being into two sep- arate creatures, neither of whicdi seemed to suffer by the se[)aration, that they f(^ll back, and tlu! 8[)aniards, taking advantage of tin; i)ause, icgained their vessels in safi^ly. The Spaniards again saw that their force was inadetpiatc to the work which (hey liad undertaken. Almagro proposed to rc^turn once more to Panama for i-ccruils; Pizarro objected to this division of duties, as he was left to contend with hardships, while his colleague was comparativcdy safe from them. Al- magro offered to be the one to remain; but the dispute which had aiiscn was not easily settled; and they came almost to blows. Finally, however-, it was decided that Almagro's first plan should be adopted ; and they set about find- ing some safe and convenient spot for Pizarro's quarters. To avoid the natives, who appeared everywhere hostile, and tluMininhabil- able wastes of forest fai-ther noilh, it was decided to encamp on the little is- land of Gallo. But against this, the soldiers who were to remain, protested bitterly; and wrote many letters to their friends and acquaintances at Pan- ama, to be carried by the vessel in which Almagro sailed. That commander defeated their purpose, as bethought, by seizing all letters; but one had been too wary for him. A soldier named Sarabia had obtained a ball of cotton, which he wished to send to the Governor's wife as a sample of the })roducts of the country. It looked innocent enough, and was delivered to the lady; who found inside of it a letter accusing the two commanders of having placed 1 heir followers in the most miserable condition ; and calling on the authorities of Panama to interfere by sending a vessel to rescue them. The letter closed with a bitter (diaracterization, in verse, of the two commanders as partners in a slaughter-house ; the; doggerel is thus rendered by Prescott: — "Look out, 8pnor Governor, For the drover wliile he's near; Since he goes liome to get tlie sheep For the butcher, who staya here." Don Pedro de los Rios had succeeded Avila as the governor of the colony; and he gave orders, as soon as his wife brought this letter to his notice, that two ships should bo dispatched to bring home the adventurers. But the same vessel carried to Pizarro letters from Almagro and Lupue promising as- sistance if he would only renuiin where he was. To a man of Pizarro's determination there was only a faint gleam of hope necessary. Drawing a line on the sandy beach with his sword he thus ad- dressed his wav(!ring followers: — " Friends and comrades, on that side are toil, hunger, nakedness, the drenching storm, desertion, and death; on this side, ease and pleasure. There 384 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. lies Peru with its riches; here, Panama and its poverty. Choose, each man, what best becomes a brave Castilian. For my part, I go to the South." As he stepped across the line, he was instantly followed by Ruiz; then, a moment afterward, by Pedro de Candia and eleven others. This conduct the officer sent with the vessels regarded as rebellion against the authority of the Governor, who had sent for them to return; he refused to leave one of the vessels with the fourteen determined men — for Pizarro had dispatched his own ship to Panama for repairs — and it was only with difficulty that he was persuaded to give them a part of the stores which had been sent for the re- lief of the party. He consented, however, to allow Ruiz to return to Panama in his ship, to co-operate Avith Almagro and Luque in securing assistance. Nor was it easy to obtain from the Governor permission to fit out a vessel to go to Pizarro's aid. At length this was accomplished, but only on the condition that Pizarro should return to Panama, whatever came about, within six months. While the vessel was being ])repared, Pizarro and his companions deter- mined to move their quarters to the neighboring island of Gorgona, which possessed several advantages. Here they remained for seven months; trying to give each other courage, and persuade themselves that their mission of rapine and blood was under the direct protection of Heaven, by constant de- votional exercises. At last the vessel came, but it brought no new recruits; and the little handful of men sailed away to the unknown South. The first place of any importance where they lauded was Tumbez, on the Gulf of Guayaquil. Here they were received very kindly by the wondering na- tives; those who had been taken prisoner by Ruiz assuring their countrymen that the Spaniards were a wonderful race, who had come thither forno harm, but solely to become acquainted with the country and its inhabitants. Per- haps these captives believed what they said; buthow much they had been de- ceived if they did! The Spaniards were visited by a native who was evidently a nobleman, who seems to have come officially to investigate the strangers. Pizarro sent one of his men to return the visit, accompanied by a negro who had come from Panama with Almagro. The Indians did not know whether to wonder most at the color of the white man or of the black man; but appeared to think, when they found that the dye of the African would not rub off, let them try as they might, that he Avas rather the more wonderful of the two. Some swine and poultry had been sent by Pizarro as presents to the great man, since neither Avas to be found in the New World until brought hither by the Europeans; and the natives, Avhen the cock crcAv, demanded to know Avhat hcAvas saying. The soldier brought back such Avonderful stories of the temple Avhich he had seen, blazing with gold and silver, that Pizarro dispatched a more trust- Avorthy messenger the next day, to see hoAv much of this brilliant description PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 385 was true. The man chosen was the good cavalier Pedro de Candia, who had followed Ruiz across the line on the sand before any other ; and he was dressed in steel armor, Avith his sword by his side and his arquebus on his shoulder. Candia returned with a description even more glowing, which was accepted by Pizarro as the truth; although one historian of the time says that when they returned to Tunibez they found it a lie from beginning to end, except in regard to the temple; Candia having given a glowing account of a structure which he styled a convent, where the girls intended for the Inca's wives were kept. It was evident that they had reached the country which they sought, though as yet they had only arrived at the northern part. They accordingly left Tiimbez, and followed the coast southward, till, passing the Punta de Aguja, they found their course alongshore tending toward the east. Everywhere they were received with the same kindness, and everywhere they heard the same accounts of a powerful monarch, whose palaces were fairly alight with the gleam of gold and silver. It is true that they saw but little of these prec- ious metals, except in the temples which they dared not violate; but the evi- dences of civilization were so many and so strong that they saw there must be some foundation for these reports. They had passed the point where the city of Truxillo now stands, when Pizarro's followers begged him to turn back. They had done enough, they said, to prove, not only the existence, but the actual situation of this great empire; and their force was too small to attempt anything more. Recogniz- ing the justice of what they said, he consented to do so, and sailed to the northward. They stopped at Tumbez, where some of the Spaniards, at their own request, were put ashore; and a few of the Peruvians taken on board. By this means, Pizarro told himself, he would have Spaniards who were ac- quainted with the language and customs of the Peruvians, and Peruvians who were acquainted with the language and customs of the Spaniards. Confident that the measure of success which they had achieved was such as to interest the Governor, the leaders of the expedition applied to him for as- sistance in organizing another, of sufficient magnitude to undertake the con- quest of this country. He replied, coldly, that he had no desire to build up other states at the expense of his own;' nor would he be led to throw away more lives than had already been sacrificed by the cheap display of gold and silver toys and a few Indian sheep, as the llamas were called. Luque advised that they should apply directly to the Crown for assistance; and, after some discussion, Pizarro was authorized by his colleagues to go to Spain and lay the matter before the Emperor. To so low an ebb had their fortunes sunk, that they had some difiiculty in fitting him out in proper style to go to court ; but finally, fifteen hundred ducats were raised, and in the spring of 1528, Pizarro sailed for Spain, taking with him some of the native Peruvi- a.sc 'I/AKKO, THK DTSrOVERKR OF VVAW . ;ins, two or thvco ll:mi:vs, vui'ious pioccs of cloth, iiiid as many speoimons of i^oldand silver aiiiclos, broujiht from Poru,as could easily be obtained; the booty, of coiii-se, havinii' bcM'ii (li\ i(h>d miuoiiu- th(> men enuaiiHul in the (>nter- 1 lll|tl'|1ilP|ll|f11|i« lIlllP I I'l \KKi' I I i: llMITKltK CllAKI.ES V. The r>a( lu'h)r Kneiso hai)pened to be in Seville at the time of his landinij:; and as ri/arro had been in liisMebt since the days of th.e early colony at Da- rien, lu> at once i>roi'ured the arrest ol' the adventurer, and had hiui thrown iuti) prison. Fortunatt'ly for Pi/ari-o, the l^uue of his achieven\iri)r, hearing of his luisfortunes, i-om- riZAKRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 387 mandcd that he t^hould be released at once, and allowed to proceed on his journey. When he arrived at Toledo, where the court then was, and was ad- mitted to the presence of Charles V., the Emperor listened with much inter- est; being even moved to tears by the story of his lonely stay, with a handful of followers, on the island of Gorgona; and commended Pizarro's affairs in the most favorable terms, to the consideration of the Council for the Indies. But Spanish ofKcials w^cro slow-moving bodies, as many a gallant explorer, before and after the time of Pizarro, found; and the future Conqueror of Peru might have become heartsick with hope deferred, had it not been for a powerful friend. Cortes was then in Spain; and, after the Emperor had left for Italy, interested himself in expediting the affairs of Pizarro, who was dis- tantly related to him. The Queen, who had been named Regent during her husband's absence, accordingly executed the great " Capitulation " which de- tincd the powers and privileges of Pizarro. In this instrument, Peru was called New Castile; and Pizarro was given the right of discovery and conquest in it for two hundred leagues south of San- tiago. The offices of Governor and Captain-General were united in him with those of Adelantado and Alguacil Mayor, for life; and his services were to be rewarded by a salary equivalent, in values of the present day, to something like eight thousand dollars a year. Almagro was named commander of the fortress of Tumbez; and Luque was appointed Bishop of Tunibez and Protec- tor of the Indians of Peru. Euiz was given the titlo of Grand Pilot of the Southern Ocean, and Candia was placed in command of the artillery ; the other eleven faithful followers of Pizarro were appointed to dignities in prospect, wnth the title and rank of hidalgoes and cavalleros in present. Pizarro was bound to raise within six months, from the date of the instru- ment, or by January 26, 1530, a well-equipped force of two hundred'and fifty men ; and he was to be prepared to sail within six months from the time of his return to Panama. The Government furnished only a trifling assistance in the purchase of artillery and military stores. Among the followers whom he enlisted were his four brothers, Hernando, Gonzalo and Juan Pizarro, and a half-brother by his mother's side, Erancisco Martin de Alcantara. But he did not have two hundred and fifty men enlis- ted by the time stipulated; he therefore sailed away in one vessel; and when the officers of the Crown came to inspect the armament previous to its de- parture, to see that the terms of the Capitulation were complied with, the number of men who they were told had sailed with Pizarro himself made up the required two hundred and fifty. They were easily deceived, perhaps, be- cause they were willing to be misled; and the other two vessels set sail for the New World. When Pizarro rejoined his associates, and told them what offices had been conferred upon each, they were not slow to express their discontent. He had 25 388 PIZARRO, TlIK DISCOVERER OF PERU. promised to consider Almagro's interests as well as his own; and Almagro now objected because the great offices were combined in one for Pizarro, while he, who should have held an equal rank was given only the command of a single fortress. Pizarro urged that in other colonies there had been so much trouble between the civil ruler and the military authority, that the ministers of the Crown had not been willing, in this case, to invite such trou- ble in Peru, by giving the offices of Governor and Captain-General to differ- ent individuals. Whether Pizarro had indeed proved a traitor to his associate, and been the means of his having only a subordinate office, cannot now be told; he had certainly absorbed all of any consequence for himself, excepting that which was given to Luque; but a layman could not well be appointed a Bishop, which fact perhaps explains why Luque got this high office. A reconciliation, or what passed for one, was patched up between the two, and the preparations for transporting the cannon and stores across the isthmus were begun. By the time that they arrived at Pananui, the required force of two hundred and fifty men had shrunk to one hundred and seventy. With this little force, with twenty-seven horses for his cavaliers, he embarked in three vessels, early in January, 1580, and sailed away from Panama on his third expedition to Peru. Almagro, as usual, remained behind to secure more recruits. It was the intention of Pizarro to steer straight for Tumbez; but contrary winds obliged him to come to anchor in the Bay of St. Matthew; where, after consulting with his officers, he resolved to disembark the greater part of his force and advance alongshore, while the vessels followed closely at a convenient dis- tance from the land. The first place which they reached was the town of Coaque, where, to use the words of one of the old chroniclers, who had taken part in the expedition, " we fell on them sword in hand; for, if we had advised the Indians of our approach, we should never have found there such store of gold and precious stones." This was the region in which emeralds were abundant; and Pizarro se- cured one of these stones as large as a pigeon's egg. lie sent a considerable portion of the gold back to Panama, that the sight of so much treasure might allure recruits to his standard. But, as he advanced along the coast, his immediate force began to repine at the difficulties which beset them; the road was often but a sandy waste, and men and horses, blinded by the sand, were scarcely able to keep their footing on the treacherous surface; besides this, the tropical sun poured down its beams till they almost suffocated in their armor of burnished steel or their doublets of thick quilted cotton. A dreadful disease broke out among them, which worked with such rapidity that sometimes those who lay down well at night were unable to lift their heads in the morning. VIZAKRO, TIIK DISCOVERER OF PERU. 389 Still they toiled on, through aland deserted by its inhabitants at their ap- proach; and at last their hearts were gladdened by the sight of another ves- sel. Certain high officers had been appointed by the Crown to attend the expedition; but Pizarro, when he sailed in such a hurry, left them behind. This vessel had them on board, together with some needed supplies. Reinforced at Puerto Viejo by thirty men, Pizarro now advanced boldly toward Tumbez, which he regarded as the outpost of the Peruvian empire. He did not proceed directly to the city itself, but established himself upon the island of Puna, in the mouth of the Guaya(}uilliiver. lie was hospitably received, and his troops were provided with comfortable quarters; but he was warned by his Peruvian interpreters that the islanders meditated treach- ery against him. Satisfied of the existence of a conspiracy, he surrounded the place where the ringleaders were holding a meeting, and made prisoners of the suspected chieftains. These were abandoned to the people of Tum- l)cz, who had come in considerable numbers to visit him; and as there was a feud of long standing between the inhabitants of Puna and those of Tum- bez, although they were now nominally at peace, the triumi)hant party in- stantly massacred them before the eyes of the Spaniards. The people of Puna were aroused by this outrage; and at once attacked the camp of Pizarro. Although they far outnumbered the Spaniards, it was naked bodies opposed to cold steel and balls hissing hot from the muskets, and darts and arrows falling against steel-coats. They rushed madly at the authors of this massacre; but the Spaniards, well-disciplined, received them on their long pikes, or swept them down by volleys of musketry. Then the little body of cavalry charged into their midst, and drove them into the depths of the forests. St. Michael and his legions, said the devout Spaniards, fought out again, in the air high over their heads, but still in plain sight, that battle with Lucifer which was decided before the beginning of the world; and by this example encouraged the Christians Avho Avere contending with the followers of the devil. In conmiemoration of this event, the city of San Miguel was naujcd by Pizarro for the Archangel. Three or four of the Spaniards fell in the fight, and many were wounded. \n addition to this, Pizarro was kept in perpetual alarm by the islanders, always ready to steal out of their fastnesses on the enemy's camp or on his straggling parties. But two vessels were soon descried off the island. They brought a rein- forcement of one hundred volunteers, under Hernando de Soto, whose name is so closely connected with the history of the great river of North America. Pizarro now felt strong enough to cross over to the continent and begin his career of discovery and conquest. He felt the better prepared for this, as he had recently learned that his enemies were divided by internal dissensions. Huayna Capac, Inca of Peru, had died some years previously, dividing his 390 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. great empire between two of his sons. The Incas of Peru were supposed to be the Children of the Sun, which luminary was worshipped by the people as the chief god. In order to preserve the purity of blood, it was forbidden for any one who was not of this lineage on both sides to ascend the throne ; so that it became a custom for the reigning Inca to choose, for his lawful wife, his sister; and their son was hisfather's successor, no matter how many other sons of the sovereign might survive him, Huayna Capac had three sons of importance in Peruvian history, Huascar, Manco Capac. and Atahualpa. Huascar was, in accordance with the princi- ple just stated, the heir to the throne; Manco's mother was a cousin of his father's, and therefore of the Inca blood; but Atahualpa's mother had been a stranger by birth. It often happens, in such families, that the heir-at-law is not the best beloved child; and it was so in this case. Huayna Capac had conquered the neighboring kingdom of Quito; the de- feated and dethroned monarch had died of grief; and the conqueror received his beautiful daughter among his numerous wives. This was the mother of Atahualpa; and, when Huayna Capac had felt his death drawing near, he re- solved that Atahualpa should rule the kingdom of Quito, while only the original dominion on the Incas was left to Huascar. For fivx years the two young monarchs ruled their respective realms in peace with each other; but difficulties then began which terminated, shortly before Pizarro reached Peru, in the defeat and capture of Huascar, and At- ahualpa's usurpation of the throne of the Incas. The different accounts vary greatly; but it is said that Atahualpa put to death a very great number of connections, because he feared their superior title to the crown; but cer- tainly he did not put to death his brother Huascar, who was the legitimate ruler, or Manco, who Avas the next in succession. This had taken place just a few mouths before Pizarro arrived in Peru, and the news of it afforded him great encouragement. Such encouragement was needed; for theii' first experience, when reaching the main land from Puna, was one of disaster and disappointment. Having ordered a few of his men to transport the military stores and the commander's baggage on some of the native rafts, while the greater part of the force was crossed in the ships, Pizarro learned that the men on board one raft, three or four in num- ber, had been captured by the natives, carried off to the woods, and there massacred. A considerable portion of the stores was rescued only by a de- termined sally of some horsemen, who saw the attack made on the raft where they were. This was surprising behavior on the part of the people of Tumbez, and Pizarro was still more surprised to find their town deserted aud almost en- tirely demolished. The natives were followed to the woods, and the ofiicer governing the city brought back. He assured them that the town had been PIZARKO, THE DISCO\'ERER OF VETIV. 801 destroyed by tliG wars which they had waged with the people of Puna; and deplored the massacre of the three Si)aiiiards as the act of some lawless per- sons, who had acted without his knowledge. As there was no way of proving that he was lying, and, as he promised obedience in his own name and that of his followers to the authority of the Spaniards, Pizarro took no further no- tice of his hostile reception; but questioned the chief regarding the Span- iards who had been left in the town. PizARP.o Axi) His Men ix Peuu. Others were questioned at the same time; and while each assigned a differ- ent cause for the death of the Spaniards, all united in testifying that they were dead. This unpleasant subject being disposed of, the Peruvians began 392 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. to give a glowing description of the riches of the country surrounding the capital. Perhaps, knowing how large an army was maintained by their sov- ereign, and that the most of his men were veterans of many fights, they wished the Spaniards to press forward to the gold which w^as, in this instance, but the bait of a deadly trap. But Pizarro's followers did not believe half of what was told them ; they had heard that the temple of Tumbez was covered with plates of gold and silver, and when they reached Tumbez the temple had been dismantled. Nor did they place any faith in a statement on a bit of paper which, Pizarro asserted, an Indian had given him, it having been delivered to the native by one of the white men who had been left in the country. This was the writing: — " Know, whoever you may be that may chance to set foot in this country, that it contains more gold and silver than there is iron in Biscay." Pizarro was quite capable, morally speaking, of forging such a relic; but he could not write, and he was too acute to trust any one to do it for him; nevertheless, the paper only excited the ridicule of the soldiers, who, per- haps, overrated the scholarly attainments of their captain. Pizarro declared that it was the inaction of his troops which was leading to mutiny, as giving them time to recount their grievances to themselves and to each other. He accordingly determined upon action. Part of his company must be left at Tumbez, for they were in such bad health as not to be able to endure the hardships they might be called upon to endure in journeying through the country; a detachment under De Soto was sent to explore the skirts of the mountain-range, while he himself led the remainder of his force along the low country of the coast, reconnoiteriug the land before deciding upon his plan of operations. Maintaining a rigid discipline during the march, andseverely punishing any of his men who inflicted injuries upon the natives, he acquired a good name among the people of the country, who speedily forgot all the dreadful rumors that they had heard concerning him. Everywhere he was received hospitably; and the proclamation made wherever he went that he came in the name of the Holy Vicar of God and the sovereign of Spain, and required the obedience of the inhabitants as true children of the Church and vassals of the Emperor, was received without opposition by a people who did not understand a word that w'as said; and the notary gravely recorded, as a well- attested fact, that these people had submitted to the Pope and the Emperor. iPizarro's first care was to find a site for a settlement, which should be the base of future operations; and he decided upon a valley some thirty leagues south of Tumbez, where the city of San Miguel was founded. A church, a magazine for public stores, a hall of justice and a fortress were built, and a regular municipal government, patterned after that of Spanish cities, was PIZARRO, TITE DISCOVERER OF PERU, 303 organized. The surrounding ground was portioned out among the inhabit- ants, and to each a certain number of Indians was assigned, to assist him in tilling the soil; the Spaniards thus asserting, in the midst of the highly civ- ilized empire of the Incas, the same right to the services of the people which they had claimed among the naked savages of the West Indian Islands. Like Cortes, Pizarro persuaded his men to relinquish their share of the gold which had already been collected; not as a gift to the Crown, but as a loan to himself and his companions in the venture; and dispatched the ships back to Panama, sending the gold to pay off the ship-owners and those who had furnished stores. He remained at San Miguel for several weeks after sending the ships off, in hopes of receiving reinforcements; for, divided as the kingdom was against itself , he feared that his little force was too small to contend even with one-half of the armies of Peru. The whole force now amounted to something less than two hundred and fifty men. Leaving fifty at the settlement, Pizarro marched, Sept. 24, 1532, from the gates of San Miguel, boldly into the heart of the country where, he had been told, he would find the camp of the Inca, with his thousands of victorious veterans. On the fifth day after leaving San Miguel, he halted his troops to give them a little rest and to review them more thoroughly. They numbered one hun- dred and seventy-seven men, of whom sixty-seven were cavalry, three arque- busiers, and not more than twenty crossbow-men. They were well-equipped, and most of them seemed to partake of his own resolute spirit; but there were af ew of them who seemed to be discontented. He knew that a little leaven of mutiny or discontent can leaven the whole lump, and determined to put an end to this spirit at once. Calling them together, he briefly addressed them; it was a daring thing, to offer the choice that he gave them; for he could not tell how many of them might conceal the same spirit beneath an affectation of devotion to him. He told them that their affairs were in such a condition, that no man should think of going forward who had not his whole heart bound up in this expedition, or who had the least doubt of its success. If any one regret- ted having come, it was not too late to turn back; San Miguel was poorly gar- risoned, and he would be glad to see it stronger. Those who chose to return would be placed on exactly the same footing asthose who had been left there; while with those who chose to go forward with him, be they few or many, he would pursue the adventure to the end. Nine decided to return; the others, animated by a new enthusiasm and committed again to the schemes of their leader, since they had refused to go back when the opportunity was offered, resumed their march toward the camp of the Inca. Two days later, Pizarro judged it wise to send a reconnoitering party out under DeSoto. They were gone for eight days, and the commander had be- ;>IM n/,Ai;Kt), iiii". i)ist()\Ki!i:K oi' I'I'.ia'. iXuu lo \)c \ iMV uiu'Msy .ilxtiil (luMii, wluMi (h(\v rcturiUMi, Itriiigiiii;- with tluMii an riivov from the Iiu-a. Tliis tMiil):iss;ul()r, duly proscut ing ii j^ift of consid- erable value, altliouiih far infi'riorto Ihe uiai;iii(ieeui (dTt'riniis of ^[onte/unla, brought from Atahualpa a niessa.-:e of welcome, ami an invilalion for the strangers to visit him in hismouulain oami); for the fore(>sof hisl)rolher had not boon subdued so lon^i; that ho was able to liv(> at ease in his capital. Pizarro readily saw that this was but :i device by which th(> liu:i might in- form himself fully of thestrength and purpose of the Spaniards; but gave no sign of his suspicions, and satistied tho curiosity of Iho envoy in regard to all the strange nrtii'les whit'h tho noblo Peruvian now sawforthc lirst time. On his dei>arture, Pi/arro presented him withii cap of crimson cloth, some glass ornamtMits, and sinnlar trillos; bidiling him tell his master that tho S[)aniards, the subjects of a great prince far away, having hoard n)uch of Atalundpa's victories, had como to i)ay their respects to him, and to offer their services against his enemies. Tho report which Dc Soto brought so fully conliruK'd all that they had heard or surmised concHMuing lli(> power ol' (he Inca, that th(>y wore ludti in clu'ck by thoir wary leader, who slill had hoi)es of- reinforcements. None came, however, and they pushed forward to tho foot of tho Andes. Iloro two paths presented t luMnselvi>s. One was abroad and easy road which led to Ouzco; made smooth by all the t'tigiuceri ug arts which were known lo the Peruvians; tho otherwas atortuoussuccession of mountain-[)asses, wIumc a handful of men might dispute tho way at almost any point, though an army confronted them. INIany wore of tho oi)inionthat tho army should abandon th(> route originally marked t)ut, and go at once to Cu/co; but Pizarro's i)urpose was not to bo easily shaken. Ho had accoptod the Inca's invitation to visit him in his camp, and no weakness or cowardice on theirpartnnist bring upon them tho contempt of tho monarch. " Lot everyone of you," he cried, " take heart and go forward like a good soldier, nothing daunteil by the smallnoss of your numbers. For in the grt'at- ostextromity (Jod ever tights for his own; and doubt not that lu> will humI)lo the pride of tho heathen, and bring him to (he knowledge of llu> ti'ue faith, the great end and object of the conciuest." " Lead on! " they shouted, in answer to his appeal; '* Lead on wluMcver you think best, antl we will follow. AVo can tlo our duty in tlu> t-aust' of (Jod and the Kingl At dawn the next morning, Pizarro, with a body of sixty men, went for- ward to reconnoiter tho ground. It })ro\ I'd (>vi>n worse than ho had thought; and in many places the mountain paths wore so stoop that his horsemen wore obliged to dismount and lead their lu)rses; while tho precipices were so sheer that they might well have turned the strongest brain. As the Spaniards advanced into the heart of tho country, tlu>y founil a civ- iMZAitHo, 'IMF- i>isr()Vi;i;i;ii oi" i-Kiti;. .»1)5 ilizjiliou not iiifoi-ior l(j tliut of McixiV-o; nud llic gigantic public works up- |)(iui-od wondoi-ful even to the ignorant soldiers of fortune, who did not understand half the difficulties which had been overcome in their construct- ion. A great roadway had been constructed, of immense stones, twenty feet broad and from fifteen hundred to two thousand miles long; valleys had been lilled with stone, streams had been bridged with plaited osiers, steps had been cut in precipices, and tunnels, leagues in length, cut through the living rock, that this road might be completed; and posts were established at the distance of about five miles apart, throughout its length, where runners were stationed. By such means, the Inca was enabled, when atCuzco, to feast upon f r(^sh fi.1SIH>VKK1 K OK I'KKl'. Slill tho nobles who surrouiuloil tho littor as a iruard inailo soino effort to defend their master; but one by i>ne they fell before the swords and muskets of the strangers, and Atahualpa was ajnisoner. Tho massaere — for it eould not be ealled a battle — had lasted barely half an hour; yet the slauiihter is estimated, by eontemporary historians. at ivom two thousand to ten thous:ind Peruvians. A banquet was served in the great square that night, before all the bodies of the slain had been removed; and Atahualpa was seated beside his eaptor. If we may believe the Spanish historians, he exj^ressed his admiration of their adroitness in entrapping him in the midst of his army, lie told them that their progress had been eonstantly reported to him; but that he had not opposed it, for he had intended to seleet sueh of them as he ehoso for his own serviee, seeure the wonderful arms and horses, and put the men whom he did not choose to death. Sueh, at least, was the aeoount of his motives with whieh they were furnished by their interjireter. The great army of the Inea melted like snow befiu-e the sun; his soldiers seemed to have lost all heart when they heard of his eapture; and they looked with superstitious awe upon the men who eould so audaeiiuisly seize the Child of the Sun in the very midst of his dinninions. So great was the number of prisi>ners, that the question of dis}H)sing of them became a serious one. Some of Pizarro's followers considered that the safest plan would be to put them to death; others tlunight it would be enough to cut off the right hand of each, that they might be disabled from using arms; but Pizarro himself decided upon a more humane course; and, retaining a considerable number of them to Avait on him and his followers, dismissed the others to their homes, with the assurance that they slu>uld not be harmed if they offered no resistance to the white men. Pizarro dispatched a messenger to San Miguel with the news of what liad been achieved; and set to work, since he did not wish to ailvance upi»n tlie capital until he had rcceiveil some reinfcn-cements. to }>ro\ ide his soldiers with a place of worship. Whether they actually built ;i church or only adapted some existing building in Caxamalca to this purpose, mass was regu- larly performed by the Dominican fathers, though we have no evidence that the soldiers became anymore humane as the result of this regularity. Atahualpa was doubly anxious to regain his freedom; for he could not tell when his bri>ther lluascar would bribe his guards and assume the title td" Inca, which Atahualpa had usurped. '* If you will set mo free," he said to Pizario one day. *' I will gi\ e you as much gold as will cover the floor of this room." For he had learned that the Spaniards valued gold alune everything else. He received no answer but a smile, which seemed to scoff at his iiiomise as being impossible of fullillnient ; and he said with more emphasis: — PIZAKKO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 401 " I will not only cover the floor, but will fill the room with gold this high ;" and, as he spoke, he extended his arm high above his head, standing on tip- toe to reach the highest point possible. Still they regarded it as an empty boast, though they had heard, from Atahuulpa and others, such glowing de- scriptions of the richness of the country. However, it was safe to accept the offer; retaining the Inca a prisoner, of course, until the precious metal should be Vjrought. Drawing a red line along the wall at the height indicated, Pizari-o caused the terms of the proposal to be recorded by the notary. In two months' time it was to be accomplished; the articles to retain their original form, and the Inca to have the benefit of the intervening spaces; and he further agreed to fill a certain smaller room twice with silver. It is only by reducing this proposal to figures that we can comprehend fully the vastness of the treasure which Atahualpa proposed to pay for his free- dom. The size of the room is variously given; but the smallest dimensions stated by any authority are seventeen by twenty-two feet, while they agree that the red line was nine feet from the floor. The total cubic contents of such an apartment would be more than three thousand cubic feet; but from a single cubic foot of gold, more than three hundred thousand standard United States dollars could be coined. If we accept the smallest estimate, and allow more than three-fourths of the space for interstices, the treasure would still be more than all the wealth of the Vanderbilts and the Astors. But as soon as Huascar heard what a ransom bad been offered by his brother, he sent word to Pizarro that he would pay even more for his own liberty. The Spanish leader announced his intention of sitting in judgment between the two brothers; Atahualpa, alarmed by this, and fearing that the Spaniard would reinstate Huascar, as a more pliant tool in their hands, at once dispatched his orders to his adherents who had Huascar in charge; for he w^as permitted to communicate freely with his subjects. In obedience to this mandate, Huascar was drowned in the Andamarca River, declaring, as his guards were about to complete their assigned duty, that the white men would avenge him, and that Atahualpa would not long survive him. Atahualpa pretended the greatest surprise and indignation when he heard that his brother had met with a violent death ; but although this did not de- ceive Pizarro, he had no means of proving the Inca's guilt, and could not punish him without forfeiting all hope of the promised treasure. The re- turns came in slowly, for distances were considerable and roads often diflicult ; and Atahualpa, as anxious as Pizarro to hasten matters, urged that a party of Spaniards be sent to secure the gold in the great temple of Pachacamac. Her- nando Pizarro and twenty horsemen undertook the errand; they failed to secure an amount which corresponded with their ideas of the expectations of the Inca; for the priests, receiving warning of their coming, had made off with most of the treasure. ■iO'2 V1/,.VK1U», rilK lMS(-()\ KKFK OF rKKl". But hoaring- that thogroat gonoral of tho liu'a.C'halK'iu'hinia, was not faroff. Pi/arro dotorniiuod to oapturo liiiu : and niaivliod upon his oanip. On tho way, tho liorsos oxporiorn'od groat dithoulty on tho vtnigh and stt>ny giountl; forthoir shoos wore quilo winn out. Iron was noi ohtainahU^; but thoro was plenty of silver; and with silver the lun'ses were aeeordingly shod. Tho mis- sion was eonipletely snooessful ; as the wily Spaniards persuaded t he general to aeeonipany him on a visit to tho Inea. Tho great temple at Cuzeo affin-dod an immense amount of treasure, al- though tho Spaniards, at tho request of tho Inea, spared the golil-end)iissod ehairs in whieh tho royal nuimmies wore seated; and the great golden eorniee was too tirmly imbedtled in tho walls to bo removed. Seven hundred jilatos of gold were torn from this temple; besides a vast quantity from other buihl- ings. Tho natives eagerly des[Hnlod tho eity, in order to bo rid tho sooner of tho messengers, who bohavotl with the most disgusting rapaeily and wanton iusolenoo. "While tho ransom of Atahual}ia was being eolleotoil, Almagro had arrived with about two hundred men, i>f whom tifty were mounted. He reaohed Caxamalea about tho mitldlo of February, l.');>o; and, in si>ite of many offt)rts whieh had been made to sow diseord between him and ^izarr(^ they seemed resolved to bury all past differenees. Atahualpa ahme saw in this reinforooment a new swarm of oniMnios; and. looking np to the sky, where a eomet had reeently made its appoaranoe, ex- elaimod that sueh a sign had boon seen shortlybefore the death of his father; and. from that day, beeame possessed of a brooding sadness. Tho rieh spoil of tho ransom was divided among the soldiers: Almagro's followers reeeiving a small share of it. whieh still amountoil to a eonsiilorable sum, so great was tho total. But Atahualpa was not released. Pizarro had eaused tho notary to rooord tho terms of the offer, but had evaded giving any promise on his own part. Of eourse, in allowing Atahualpa to proeoetl, and in insisting npon the fultillment of his part of the agreement, tho Spaniard had virtually agreed to release the monareh when tho ransom should have been paid; bnt he still retained the eaptive, and added insult io injury by ao- ensing him of instigating a rising of his people against the Spanianls. "Am I not a poor eaptive in your hands? '' he said to his aeeuser. " llow eould I harbor the designs of whieh you suspeet me, when I should be the tirst vietim of the outbreak? And you little know my people, if you think that such a movement would bo made without my orders, when tho very birds in my dominions would scarcely venture to fly contrary to my will." But tho Spaniards, particularly the recent recruits, clamored for his death. There were some who opposed any such measure, and Pizarro seonuHl to be one of them; the chief opponent of any such violence was De Soto; and it shows the insincerity of Pizarro, who pretended to resist the importunity ()f i'iZA);i:o, TJIK DiHCOVKitJJt oj I'fjn;. 40.'i hi.s bhiody-rnindod followers, that, ho sent Do Soto on a rcconrioitrM-irig oxpo- clition at thin time. During his absence, Atahualpa was brought to trial. lie was charged with having caused his brother Iluascar to be murdered; with having squandered the public revenues since the Spaniards had entered the country; with idol- atry, and with having indulged in a plurality of wives; and finally, in having attempted to excittfan insurrection against the Spaniards. It matt(;rs not what the charge may be, when the judges have determined beforehand on the verdict and the sentence. Atahualpa was found guilty, and condemned to be burned alive in the center of the plaza of Caxamalca, that very night. " What have I done, or my children, that I should meet such a fate? " asked the Inca, when the sentence was communicated to him; "and from your hands, too, you, who have met with friendship and kindness from my people, with whom I have shared my treasures, who have received nothing but benefits from my hands I" Pizarro, visibly affected, turned away from the Inca; for, against the voice of the army, he had no power. Atahualpa, finding his entreaties vain, offered double the ransom which he had already paid; but the Spaniards were deaf even to the offer of gold; and, recovering his composure, he submitted to his fate. Two hours after sunset on the 21^th of August, 153.^, the Inca was led out to the square, chained hand and foot; Father Valverde at his side, making a last effort to convert him to the religion of his conquerors. The victim was bound to the stake; and the priest, not ceasing his ministrations even then, })esought him to embrace the cross and be baptized; promising him, not life, but a milder foi-m of death if he would consent. Atahualpa inquired if this were true; and Pizarro confiimed the words of his chaplain. Then, in order that he might be garroted instead of burned, the prisoner consented to adopt the faith of the stranger; and Valverde baptized him by the name of Juan de Atahualpa. Immediately afterward, he was executed; meeting his death with a calm dignity which the Spaniards, remembering his terror of the stake, had hardly expected. Many of the followers of Atahualpa, especially his wives and sisters, rushed into the church where his funeral services were being held, and declared their intention to sacrifice themselves on his tomb that tliey might bear him com- pany to the land of spirits. The Spaniards, horrified at this expression regard- ing a man who had died aCatholic, caused the woinento be excluded. Several of them, however, carried out their intention, and actually killed themselves. De Soto heard with astonishment and indignation, on his return, that the Inca had been executed; for he had been sent to ascertain what truth there was in the lumor of a conspiracy against the Spaniards. .20 IMZAI'JiO, THE I>IS<'OVEKEIi OF I'EKI'. 405 *' You have acted rashly," he said, bluntly, to Pizarro; "Atahualpa has been basely slaudorc'd; there is no rising of the natives. I have met with nothing on the road but demonstrations of good Avill, and all is quiet. If it was necessary to bring the Inca to trial, he should have been taken to Castile, and judged by the Emperor." Pizarro tried to excuse himself by saying that this action had been forced upon him by some of his associates; these associates in turn denied the ac- cusation ; and the dispute ran so high that they actually gave each other the lie. There is a story which is told of Pizarro which explains his conduct toward the Inca by personal resentment. The Inca had asked a soldier to write the name of God on his fingV^r-nail ; the request was complied with ; and the mon- arch, showing it to several persons in succession, thought it but little short of a miracle that all should read it alike. Pleased as a child with a new toy, he displayed the writing to Pizarro; theSpanish general remained silent when asked to read it, and never forgave the exposure of his ignorance. It is probable, however, that the guilt Avas divided among a great number, and that Almagro's followers had no small share of it. Their consciences, however, were not troubled; but they marched as gaily toward Cuzco as if they had never broken the moral law. Crossing the Abancay, and nearing the sierra of Vilcaconga, he learned that a considerable body of Indians lay in wait for him among the mountain passes ; and, while the Spaniards were trying to get across the sierra before nightfall, these enemies fell upon them in a furious assault. Their attack was not up- on the main body, but upon a party of sixty horse, commanded by De Soto ; and this strong body of cavalry was nearly defeated by the Indians. Night came on, however; and De Soto sent a messenger to Pizarro to ask for help. The general dispatched Almagro with a reinforcement and the increased force routed the Peruvians the next morning. This attack was charged to a conspiracy in which Challcuchima was a prin- cipal; and that captive chieftain was, like his master, brought to trial, sen- tenced to death, and executed. In his case, however, there was no commuta- tion of the sentence; it was death by fire, with all its horrors. As they neared Cuzco, a Peruvian noble came in state to visit Pizarro. It was young Manco, the claimant to the throne of the Incas, since the death of his two elder brothers. He announced his pretensions to ithe throne, and claimed the protection of the strangers. The Spanish chieftain, seeing in this the submission which he had desired, received him with great cordiality, and promised him the protection which he requested. Late in the afternoon of Nov. 14, 1533, they came in sight of Cuzco ; and the next morning the Spaniards entered the Peruvian capital. On entering, Pizarro issued an order, forbidding the soldiers to offer violence to the dwell- 406 nZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. ings of the inhabitants; but the spoil was too tempting for a Spaniard to re- sist plundering temples and palaces. Even the sepulchers were invaded and robbed of the ornaments which had been placed upon and around the dead. What was the value of the treasure here obtained, is a matter which is dif- ferently stated by different. historians; but the adventurers accounted to the Crown for a sum equivalent to nearly seven millions of dollars of United States money; as the spoil of the public buildings of this single city. Only the gold is reckoned in this sum; one part of the silver which they secured consisted of ten great solid bars, twenty feet long, one foot wide, and two or three inches thick. These alone, which were intended to be used on the resi- dence of a Peruvian noble, were worth about a half million of dollars; and money then would purchase about three times what the same amount would secure now. The booty being divided, Manco was placed upon the throne with all the ceremonies usually observed by a Christian prince on the eve of his coronation. The supremacy of the Castilian Crown over Peru was asserted and acknowl- edged; and Pizarro's next duty was the formation of a municipal government for Cuzco. He now assumed, for the first time, the title of Governor. There was some difficulty with the natives, who made their last stand un- der a chief whom his own soldiers, worn out by the hardships of the campaign against the Spaniards, finally murdered. Pizarro's next danger was from that Alvarado who had been one of the followers of Cortes, and who had con- ceived the idea of exploring and subduing the territory to the north of Peru. This danger, however, passed away, for Alvarado endured such hardships on his march across the mountains that when he was confronted with the hardy veterans of Pizarro he was glad to acknowledge the claims of the Governor of Peru, and return to his own territory of Guatemala. Pizarro's next care was to decide upon the site for a capital; for Cuzco was situated too far inland, and was too difficult of access. He selected a site in the valley of Eimac, where he began, January 6, 1535^ the Ciudad de los Reyes, or City of the Kings, as he called it from the fact that it was begun on the festival of Epiphany, when the visit of the Three Kings to the infant Saviour is commemorated. The sounding Spanish name has long since been discarded for acorruption of the native name for the valley; for Lima is the capital which Pizarro founded. Hernando Pizarro was now sent to Spain, to bear the royal fifth of the treasure that had been collected, and to report Avhat had been done. He was received as graciously as the golden success of the expedition warranted ; and the former grants were fully confirmed. In addition to the honors which had been conferred upon Almagro, that cavalier Avas authorized to take pos- session of a tract two hundred leagues in extent, south of the territory occu- pied by Pizarro, whose limits were extended seventy leagues southward. PIZARRO, THK DISCOVERER OF PERU. 407 A fleet, greater and better appointed, probably, than any since the time of Ovando, sailed for the New World, to bear those who had newly enlisted un- der the banner of Pizarro; but the vessels were scattered by the winds; and when they arrived off the coast of the Isthmus, being detained there for sev- eral months before they could cross the mountains, they suffered from fam- ine and disease. PiZARKO ANT) Al.MAGKO SwKAUIX The news of the grant to Almagro reached Peru before the document was actually transmitted there; and Pizarro was at once filled with anxiety lest Cuzco should be within the limits of his rival's jurisdiction. He removed Almagro from the government of the city, and placed his brothers in charge; 408 riZAKRO, THE discoverer of peri'. a measure whieh was the cause of a bitter quarrel between the two. But this was tinally patched up, the reconciled contestants solemnly swearing on the sacrament that neither would malign the other to the Emperor, or attempt to hold communication with the Government of Spain without the knowl- edge of the other. The extension of his own territory was not known to Pizarro when he feared that the capital would fall into the hands of his rival; and that knowl- edge set his mind at ease. Almagro, levying such recruits as were willing to desert the proved riches of Peru for possible greater treasure to be found in the South, departed for his dominions; and Pizarro turned to the new diffi- culties which beset him. The Peruvians, seeing the dissensions of the Spaniards and the weakening of their force by the departure of Almagro, formed a plan for a general ris- ing. The Inca Manco left the city by stealth to put himself at the head of the movement; but unfortunately there was a body of Korthorn Indians, the subjects of the Incas, but too recently conquered to be attached to them, in Cuzeo; and they noted and betrayed the absence of the monarch to Juan Pi- zarro. He was pursued and discovered in a thicket of reeds, arrested, and brought back a prisoner to Cuzco, where he was placed under a strong guard. But Manco had made friends with Hernando Pizarro, who caused him to be given a greater degree of liberty; and even, when Manco told him of a statue of pure gold and life-size which had been erected to his father, Huayma Capac, permitted him to go, with two Spanish soldiers as a guard, to the secret fastnesses of the mountains where it was hidden, to bring it back as a gift to the Spaniard. After a week had gone by, and Manco had not returned, a force of sixty soldiers was sent to search for him. They met the two soldiers who had been his guard, who informed them that the country was in arms and that Manco was at the head of his army. Juan Pizarro, the leader of this detachment, met the Peruvians in battle shortly afterward; but the first day's tight was not decisive; the Indians drawing off at night into their fastnesses. The Spaniards reckoned it a vic- tory, but it had cost them dear; and the next morning showed them that their enemies were as resolute as ever. Another day was spent in similar unprofitable hostilities, when a hasty summons came, bidding him return at once to Cuzco, which was now besieged by the enemy. He obeyed, to find that city surrounded by a countless horde of the natives; who, not content with desperate assaults, shot fiery arrows and threw stones wrapped in cotton which had been soaked in some bituminous product and set on fire, into the city, and thus kindled a conflagration which the Spaniards were powerless to extinguish. But although the whole force of the besieged did not number more than PIZAKRO, THK DISCOVERER OF PERT' 409 two hundred white iiieii, they resolved not to abandon the eity; it would, indeed, have been as dangerous to attempt to fight their way to the coast as to remain in their present quarters. Batti Juan Pizarro was killed at the head of his men, and many other brave Spaniards bit the dust; their loss but imperfectly balanced by the death of ten natives for each white man that fell. Weeks passed away, and famine added its horrors to the siege; while the fact that the Governor did not come to their rescue led them to believe that he had perished, and they were left alone in the midst of these hordes of barbarian enemies. Pizarro the Governor had indeed been threatened by the insurgents, but had repulsed them from the valley of Rimac. He made several efforts to re- lieve the garrison of Cuzco, sending four different detachments, numbering more than four hundred men in all, to its assistance. In two cases, not a man returned to tell the story; in two others, a few stragglers made their way back to Lima to tell of their surprise and defeat by vast numbers of natives. 410 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. Pizarro's immediate followers began to talk of the wisdom of returning to Panama; but he cut short all that kind of talk by sending every vessel under his command to the Governors of various provinces, describing his condition and asking aid. Five months passed away; and the besiegers as well as the besieged were in danger of famine. The Inca therefore sent the greater portion of his forces back to their homes, to till the fields, that a supply of food might be secured. The Spaniards took advantage of this lessening of the blockading force to make desperate sallies in search of food; and secured a sufficient number of Peruvian sheep to place them above all danger of want for some time to come. Yet these sallies were not made without danger, but constant skirmishes took place. While these disasters were befalling the Spanish arms in Peru, Almagro Avas not more fortunate; but having reached a point some thirty degrees south of the equator, and finding nothing but hardship, his men insisted on returning. Nor was he averse to making claim once more to the rich city of Cuzco, which is not more than a league from the boundary line between the territory assigned to him and that assigned to Pizarro. He marched north- ward, and arriving before Cuzco while it was beleaguered by the Indians, en- tered into negotiations with Manco. At the same time, he summoned the commander of Cuzco to yield possession of the city to him, the rightful Governor of this province. The authorities of Cuzco answered that they must consult certain learned pilots about the position of the Santiago Eiver, from which the distances were measured; and employed the time thus gained in strengthening their position. Almagro, hearing what they were doing, and also that, in consequence of Pizarro's appeal, Alvarado was sending a force to relieve Cuzco, took advan- tage of a stormy night to enter the city, in violation of the treaty, and make himself master of it. This was accomplished April 8, 1537. But Pizarro's appeal for aid had been answered by others as well. Espi- nosa had sailed from Panama with a corps of two hundred and fifty men, and Cortes had sent provisions, military stores and other necessary supplies from Mexico. With a force of four hundred and fifty men, half of whom w^ere cavalry, the Governor marched from Lima toward Cuzco. Scarcely had he set out before he learned that Almagro had taken Cuzco and thrown his brothers into prison; and that Alvarado's force had been disastrously de- feated by the captor of the city. He returned to Lima and there prepared to defend himself. At the same time, negotiations were begun by him, which terminated in an interview be- tween the two commanders at Mala, November 13, 1537. At this confer- ence it was settled, after much warm discussion which more than once came near merging into blows, that the captive Pizarros should be released, and riZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF TERIT. 411 that Almagro should retain possession of Cuzco until the arrival of definite instructions from Castile. Almagro had scarcely left when Pizarro called his officers together and re- counted all that he had suffered at the hands of his rival — the capture of Cuzco, the imprisonment of his brothers, the defeat of his troops — and de- clared that the time had come for revenge. He deputed the command to his brothers, saying that he was now too old to take charge of the campaign; and, after urging that he had entered into certain agreements with Almagro before his release, Hernando Pizarro accepted the duty laid upon him by his brother. Almagro was notified that the treaty was at an end ; and the army of Pizarro followed his own toward Cuzco. He reached the city about the middle of April, 1538; the Pizarros and their forces about ten days later; and, on the 26th, there w^as a bloody struggle which ended in the defeat of Almagro's forces, and the capture of that leader himself, prostrated by illness. He w^as treated with every attentionby Hernando Pizarro, who assured him that he only waited to obtain formal permission from his brother to release him. But while the captive was thus consoled by kind treatment, the captor was securing accusations against him from all sides. The process was com- pleted July 8, 1538, and Almagro was pronounced guilty of levying Avar against the Crown, of entering into conspiracy with the Inca, and of dispos- sessing the royal Governor of the city of Cuzco; and condemned to death. Then, and not until then, did he receive intelligence of the trial which had been conducted. By the terms of the royal grant, Almagro was empowered to name his suc- cessor in the government of his province. He bequeathed these rights to his son, naming Diego de Alvarado administrator during his minority; and all the property that he had accumulated, in Peru or elsewhere, he left to the Emperor; hoping by this means to secure the monarch's favor for the boy. It is doubtful what part the Marquis Francisco Pizarro, for the royal grant had given him that title, had in the execution of Almagro. According to some accounts, he was surprised and shocked when he heard what had been done. According to other authorities, a messenger had come from Hernando Pizarro, asking what should be done with the prisoner; and the Governor had returned this answer: — " Deal with him so that he shall give us no more trouble." Hernando afterward shielded himself from blame in regard to Almagro's death by instructions wdiich he said were received from the Governor. It is certain that had Pizarro wished to do so, he might have prevented the death of Almagro. When he did reach Cuzco, Diego de Alvarado applied to him on behalf of his ward, young Almagro, for the government of the southern provinces. 412 WZARRO, Tllli blSCOVEREK OB' PEUr. "The marshal, by his rebellion, has forfeited all claims to the govern- ment," was the stern reply. Alvarado persisted; but Pizarro bluntly broke oft all pleadings by the dec- laration : — " Our own territory covers all on this side of Flanders." And doubtless he swore when he said it some such oath as are associated with the name of " our army in Flanders." Pizarro now assumed more the manner of a conqueror and of a tyrant than ever; treating the natives with great severity, and the followers of Almagro with much contempt. Hernando Pizarro was about to goto Spain again; and, before he went, he counciledhis brother to "beware of themen of Chili," as Almagro's men were called; and characterized them as desperate men, who would do anything for revenge. The Governor, however, laughed at his fears, saying that " every hair in the heads of Almagro's followers was a guarantee for his safety." Hernando sailed from Lima in the summer of 1539. The story that he had to tell was not wholly pleasingto the Court; but it was difficult to take action to correct the evils without making them worse by the effort. It was obvious, too, that only one side of the story had been presented. The Crown accord- ingly sent the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, a member of the Royal Audience of Valladolid, to Peru as a royal judge, to consult with Pizarro concerning the best method of amending and preventing evils, and to transmit to Spain a fair account of the state of the country. In case of Pizarro's death, he was to produce the royal warrant by which he was named Governor of Peru. Meanwhile Pizarro busied himself in building up the province of which he was the Governor; despising the scattered followers of Almagro too heartily to take any precautions against them. They were indeed very poor; so that it is said of twelve who lived in one house, that they had but one cloak among them, and while one of them went out and wore that in his turn, the other eleven remained at home, too proud to acknowledge that they had no cloak. When these men heard of the appointment of the royal judge, their spirits were greatly raised; for they hoped that their young leader would be put in possession of the government of Chili, and that all their wrongs would be re- dressed. Two of them, dressed in mourning, were deputed to wait on him as soon as he should arrive. But his coming was long delayed; and at last the news was received that the squadron had met with heavy storms, that most of the vessels had foun- dered, and that the commissioner had doubtless perished. Their last hope of legal redress was gone; and the desperate men resolved to take the law into their own hands, and revenge the death of their leader upon the Gov- ernor who had allowed him to be executed. The dav fixed for the assassination of Pizarro was Sunday, June 2(5, 15')!. PIZAURO, TH15 DISCOVERER OF PERU. 41.^ Eighteen or twenty of them were to assemble in Almagro's house, and fall upon him as he came from mass; a white flag flying from an upper window was to summon their comrades to their support. But there was one of the conspirators who found this plot too heavy a bur- den for his conscience. He revealed it to his confessor; and the priest told Pizarro's secretary, Picado. The Governor himself was informed. "It is a device of the priest's," he replied, scornfully; "he wants a miter." Pizarro repeated the story to Velasquez, the judge; but he seemed no more anxious about it than the Governor. "You need have no fear," he assured the ruler, " for no harm shall come to you while the rod of Justice is in my hands." Yet he took no pains to trace the conspirators or prevent their meeting. The sole precaution that was taken was that Pizarro, under pretense of ill- ness, remained at home that day, instead of going to church as usual. The conspirators, when they learned of this change of plan, were uncertain what to do. While they were debating what course would be best, one of them, throwing open the door of the house where they had met, cried out: — " Follow me, or I will proclaim for what purpose ye have met," and rushed out, toward Pizarro's house, followed closely by his comrades, reanimated by his example. It was noon, the fashionable dinner-hour of the sixteenth century. As they rushed along, the streets were nearly deserted ; but many came out to see what the excitement was about. There seems to have been now no effort at con- cealment of their purpose, but still there was no interference; Pizarro was not popular. Two domestics, loitering outside his door, were met, and one was struck down; the other escaped into the house, and gave the alarm. " Help ! Help ! The men of Chili are all coming to murder the Marquis ! " Pizarro, surrounded by a party of friends, made no effort to escape, although most of them made their way into a corridor which overlooked the gardens, and let themselves down that way. Thus deserted by nearly all, Pizarro called out to an officer in his antechamber to secure the door, while he and his brother buckled on their armor. Had this order been obeyed, the conspira- tors could have been kept at bay; but the officer parleyed with the assassins, who forced their way past him, running him through the body as he resisted. " Where is the Marquis?" they shouted; " Death to the tyrant! " There was a brief but bloody struggle, Pizarro and his few companions fighting desperately against the equally desperate conspirators. Two of them fell by his own hand; but their numbers were so far superior that they could relieve one another in the hand-to-hand combat, and thus wear out the strength of the defenders. At last the chief of the conspirators cried : — 414 PTZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. " Why are we so long about it? Down Avith the tyrant ! " A moment more, and Pizarro reeled and fell to the floor, a sword having wounded him in the throat; instantly the swords of the chief and several of The Killing of Pizaero. his men were plunged into his body. Tracing a cross on the bloody floor with his finger, the wounded man bent down his head to kiss it; when, even in this moment of devotion, he received another blow, and that proved fatal at once. Thus died the Conqueror of Peru. PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 415 The men of Chili hastened to recognize young Almagro as Governor and Caj)tain-General of Peru, and to install their own partisans in the government of the city; but there were no acts of violence. Some of them desired to drag the corpse of the late Governor to the market-place, and set the head upon a gibbet; but this was prevented by the more moderate of the party, and Almagro gave his friends permission to inter him. One faithful attendant assisted his wife in wrapping the body in a piece of cotton cloth, and a few black servants removed it to the cathedral. Here a grave was hastily dug in an obscure corner, and by night and in secrecy, the darkness around them made visible by a few small tapers, the bloody corpse of Pizarro was buried, while, in the words of the old chronicler, " there was none even to say, 'God forgive him! ' " A few years later Pizarro's remains were removed to a conspicuous part of the cathedral; and in 1607, his bones were removed to the new cathedral, where they have been permitted to rest. With the death of Pizarro closes the history of the discovery and conquest of Peru. What followed is national history, which has no place in the pres- ent pages. FERDINAND DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OE THE MISSISSIPPI RIYER. (3 UTHORITIES differ as to the year in which Ferdinand De Soto first saw the light; some historians assert that it was in 1496; someplace an interrogation point after this date; and others say that it was four years later. It is most probable that he was born in 1500; since he was evi- dently but a boy when he first sought the hand of a noble Spanish lady. Of that, however, there shall be more hereafter; our first concern must be with the circumstances of his childhood and youth, before he had any idea of being a squire of dames. He was a native of Xeres, a small town about a hundred and thirty miles southwest of Madrid. The town is walled, not only by battlements reared by the hand of man, but by rugged hills which completely surround it. On the summit of each hill rises an ancient castle, the residence of some noble Spaniard of the long ago; but these are all in ruins now. One of them, at least, was not far from that condition four hun- dred years ago ; it was that which sheltered the Soto family; their fortunes as ruined as their castle. Ferdinand was a younger son, so that in any case he would not have suc- ceeded to a fortune; but as it was, his father was so poor that he could not afford to give his son even the education of a gentleman of the time. As we have elsewhere noted, it was the custom then to place bo^^s of good birth under the protection of some great noble, who, in return for a certain sum of money paid him, had the boy educated in his household as a page and later as a squire; interesting himself, when the youth had achieved the dignity of knighthood, to see that he had opportunities to acquire distinction, or was given some lucrative post by the Crown. Young De Soto, however, had no such advantages ; whatever he learned of Latin — then a necessary part of ev- ery gentleman's education — and the polite arts Avas probably derived from the village priest; his acquaintance with the manly accomplishments in which he was such a proficient was picked up from the training of sonie old servant who had been in the wars, as every man of the times was apt to have (416) DE SOTO, THE DI8COVEKEK OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 417 been, and from some brief advice of his father. Fortune denied him every advantage ; but nature gave him all that it was in her power to bestow. Tall, well-built, graceful, active, the youth had the good fortune to attract the attention of Don Pedro Arias do Avila, or Pedrarias, as he is frequently called; the very tyrant by whose command the gallant Balboa had been ex- ecuted. Pedrarias could be generous as well as cruel ; and he sent young De Soto to the University, where he might acquire some of the education which had seemed to be denied him. The youth does not seem to have remained there long; for in 1519 we find him thirsting for adventure in the New World. Pedrarias had been recalled from his post as Governor of Darien, but in the year men- tioned had again been appointed to that high office, and was about to sail to the scene of his rule. In the midst of his preparations, young De Soto, who had always been treated by him and his household as a beloved child, sought an interview with the high official. He did not ask for preferment, however; his suit was of another kind. Pedrarias had, six years before, betrothed his eldest daughter to the unfortunate Balboa his second daughter was now growing up to womanhood, and had seen and been seen by Flkdi.n \.nj^ Dl Soio. the youthful dependent on her father's bounty. De Soto and Donna Isa- bella had fallen in love with each other, and the young man asked her father's consent to their marriage. The haughty old Spaniard started like a spirited horse under the lash. This penniless adventurer, this beggar who fed from his bounty, marry Isabella de Avila? Never. The boy was surely mad; as for the girl, she would come to her senses before long. But Donna Isabella vowed that before she would marry any one else she would retire into a convent. The threat was an alarming one; for against it the father was powerless. If the girl chose, in a momentary fit of resentment, to enter a convent, he, as a good Catholic, could not oppose her; if she de- cided to become the bride of Heaven, he would be worse than a heretic who would attempt to prevent her. The affair was one to be managed very care- fully. Rating but lightly the lives of those who stood in his way, the first impulse of Pedrarias was to cause De Soto to be assassinated ; but reflection convinced him that this would not do at all; Donna Isabella would, in grief for her mar- tyred lover, retireto the convent at once; and Pedrarias doubtless had some richer and more powerful noble in tow to whom he designed to give her. 4^.¥ 418 DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. In the meantime young De Soto had gone home to his father's house, burn- ing -with the remembrance of the insults which the angry Pedrarias had heaped upon him; and was brooding over the poverty which had caused him to be rejected. For his family was as noble as his lady love's, his character was above reproach ; it was poverty alone which made him the butt of her father's contempt. How should he remedy the evil? How, but by seeking fortune in the New World, where so many others had found it? Who could tell what incalculable wealth mightlie hidden somewhere in the far interior of the great continent? Cortes and Pizarro had not yet undertaken their careers of con- quest; but every European devoutly believed in the enormous possibilities of America. While he was thus dreaming, and casting about to find some means of reach- ing the Golden Country, he was astonished to receive from Pedrarias himself an invitation to join the expedition to Darien which he was then fitting out. De Soto could not imagine the reason for this sudden change, unless the stern father really meant to relent at last, and was giving the suitor an opportun- ity to show his worth. In fact, Pedrarias had no such intentions. He knew perfectly well that there are many dangerous errands to be done by the fol- lowers of the ruler of a new country, and that dangers are sought as honors by the brave. It was his benevolent purpose to honor De Soto in this way until he should succeed in getting the young man killed by the natives. Isa- bella would doubtless mourn for a while; but she could be persuaded that it was her duty to submit to an overruling Providence, and would in time for- get her gallant young lover. It was probably about this time that De Soto went to an astrologer, who consulted the stars on his behalf and informed him that he should not live longer than the gallant and ill-fated Balboa, w^hose life his own would re- semble. As this gave him something like twenty 3'ears yet to live, the young man decided that it was sufiiciently favorable, and accepted with thanks the invitation of the crafty hidalgo. He received a captain's commission, and his outfit was provided by the generosity of his early patron, Pedrarias. They set sail, and arrived at Darien in safety. Once there, De Soto felt that Pedrarias had indeed re- stored him to favor; for every dangerous and difficult mission Avas intrusted to him. There was constant trouble with the natives who, under Balboa's benign rule, had been peaceful and unoffending; for it was the policy of Pe- drarias to provoke them by wanton cruelty, and then to punish their outbreak by confiscation and slavery, if not by the kinder infliction of death. Ko tongue can tell what the aborigines endured at the hands of the early Span- ish settlers; and the heart sicl^ns at the meager recital sometimes given. But De Soto'shands were clean; often he disobeyed the orders of the gov- ernor, anxious as he was to win that governor's approval, and to insure wealth DE SOTO, THE DISCOVEEER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 419 for himself. There has come down to us one instance of such disobedience, and the manner in which the crafty Pedrarias tried to turn the tables upon De Soto, and get rid of his troublesome young protege. Pedrarias had resolved that a certain native village should be destroyed; his reasons matter little now, but it was an outrage, pure and simple, which he designed. He detailed the plan to a certain Captain Perez; the huts must be burned, and every living creature slain; and bade him carry to De Soto orders to proceed against the place. De Soto, who was on the frontier, as we should say, received the messenger, and listened composedly to what he had to say; the whole plan of the governor was laid before him. "Go back and say to the governor, Captain Perez," returned De Soto, forcing himself to such calmness as becomes the soldier receiving the com- mands of his superior, "that my life and services are always at his command when the duty to be performed is such as may become a Christian and a gen- tleman. But in this case, Captain Perez, I think that he would have shown more discretion by intrusting you with this commission, instead of sending you with the order to me." Pedrarias had not expected that De Soto would obey the order; had disci- pline been stricter, he might have punished him for refusing; but then, too, there was another reason why he should not treat De Soto as he had treated Balboa. He simply shrugged his shoulders, smiled slightly, and said to Perez, who was a noted duelist, and never missed his man i:i such a rencontre: — "Well, my friend, if you, who are a vigorous young soldier, can patiently endure De Soto's insolence, I see no reason why an infirm old man like my- self should not show equal forbearance." The hint was so broad that a less fiery soldier than Perez might well have seen it; and he lost no time in challenging his comrade. To decline such a challenge was impossible for any man who did not wish to be rated a coward, no matter in what other ways he had proved his courage; and De Soto valued his honor too highly to think of avoiding such a quarrel. But Perez, who had always killed his man in previous duels, met his match this time. The duel took place in the midst of all the ofiicers and gentlemen of the colony, and was a rare exhibition of skill in fencing. Much to the mortification of Perez, a clever stroke of his antagonist's sent his weapon spinning from his hand. Disarmed, he was too much ashamed to beg for his life, but main- tained a sullen silence when De Soto demanded that he should ask for quarter. "A life that is not worth asking for is not worth taking," exclaimed the victor, sheathing his sword, and turning disdainfully from his prostrate antagonist. Perez, mortified at his defeat by a mere youth, who had not yet achieved distinction as a soldier, resigned his commission and returned to Spain. De 27 420 DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. Soto remained at Darien, resolved to achieve fame and wealth, but not to sacrifice his honor. DeAvila's hatred for him increased daily; and a friendly astrologer warned the young man that the utmost caution would be neces- sary if he would avoid a disgraceful death. This hint was given in return for Soto's having saved the diviner's life; but although it was pretended that the information was gathered from the stars, it is far more probable that the astrologer had secret knowledge of de Avila's intentions, which he dared not betray, but against which he wished to Avarn his benefactor. Five years Avent on in this manner; but the lover had received not a w^ord from his lady, nor she from him; the power of the governor had been used to intercept all letters of the kind. The enmity of the official grew more open as time went on ; the term for which he was appointed was almost at an end, and the hated suitor still lived. Something must be done. Such was the condition of affairs when a certain man was tried for some offense, and sentenced to death. He had been unfortunate enough to pro- voke the governor's resentment in some way, and his trial was the merest mockery; the trumped-up charge was proven to the satisfaction of the pre- judiced judge, and the so-called justice was about to take its course. But De Soto was truly a brave man; his courage showed itself, not on the battle-field alone, but in the city and in the court as well. He protested vehemently against the execution of an innocent man ; and de Avila, enraged at his pre- sumption, caused him to be arrested and thrown into prison. The attempt to prevent such an outrage against justice was dubbed treason, since he was try- ing to interfere with the royal court; and the gallant defender of the inno- cent was himself sentenced to death. Only the timely arrival of the new gov- ernor, de Avila's successor, saved him from Balboa's fate at the hand of Bal- boa's deadly enemy. It may readily be believed that De Soto was not anxious to follow his for- mer patron to Nicaragua, of which Pedrarias had now become governor; nor was he desirous of remaining at Darien; ten years' residence there had con- vinced him that not on the isthmus was fame to be won or wealth to be se- cured. It had not been his privilege to be enrolled among those daring spir- its who had followed Cortes to the gates of Mexico, and after such unheard of adventures had become the conquerors of the Montezumas; but there was another adventurer who had more than once invited De Soto to become one of his followers, proffering him a high command in his little army. But De Soto, as proud and high-born as he was poor, had always hesitated to enroll himself as a follower of the base-born, illiterate, cowardly, cruel Pizarro. NoAV, however, it seemed to be the only thing left; and when Pizarro, organ- izing that last and successful expedition against Peru, offered De Soto the second place in his little army, the offer was accepted. We need not follow the progress of the Spaniards here; it has already been DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 421 detailed in the chapter devoted to the leader of the expedition against Peru. What part De Soto took in the war cannot now be determined; we know that he reserved to himself the right to disobey orders, the carrying out of which would, according to his ideas, have left a stain upon his honor; and we know that Pizarro frequently contrived some means of getting him out of the way whenever a particularly disgraceful action was contemplated. When the cruel and perfidious Spaniard, for instance, had determined that the unfor- tunate luca should die, De Soto Avas sent upon an errand of a military nature which Avould keep him away until they should have had time to perpetrate the outrage. In this case, again, the reader is referred to other pages for the account of De Soto's resentment when he discovered the truth. Yet we cannot hold our knight blameless in this matter. It was his manly bearing which led the Peruvians, many times, to repose a trust in his country- men which they were far from placing in the others. However he may have abhorred their practices, he continued to be one of Pizarro's followers; and although he tried very hard to lessen the amount of ransom which the luck- less Atahualpa was condemned to pay, we do not read that he protested against accepting that part of it which was allotted to him as his share of the spoils. The story of the expedition reached Spain, where it was told with more truth than might have been expected. With what delight Donna Isabella, who still remained faithful to her knight, heard that to him was due much of its success, we can better imagine than describe; and Ave maybe sure that she did now weigh against his courage, his prudence and his humanity any thoughts of Avhat he might have done had he been more consistent. Disgusted Avith the character of Pizarro, and resolved that he Avould no longer folloAV the leadership of such a rufiian, De Soto returned to Spain, laden Avith his share of the spoils. "An hundred and fourscore thousand ducats," says the old chronicler, made up the fortune Avhich he carried from Peru to Castile; a sum equivalent to nearly four hundred thousand dollars of United States money. This Avas at a time Avhen the purchasing power of money Avas about three times as great as at present, so that Ave may fairly con- sider De Soto a millionaire Avhen he returned to Spain. He Avas noAV a highly desirable "catch" for Donna Isabella de Avila, Avho must have been somewhat passee by this time, and Avho Avas still faithful to him. They Avere married; and the happy couple settled at Madrid. De Soto had been received at court with the highest marks of favor, and created a marquis in recognition of his services to the Crown in the conquest of Peru. It seemed that they had nothing to do but to live happy ever afterward in their magnificent mansion. But the mansion proved a little too magnificent for their fortune, vast as it Avas; and two years had barely passed Avhen De Soto found that his capital 422 DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. had been diminished to one-half the original amount. This was not to be endured; he had no mind to retrench, lest he should become the laughing- stock of his associates and flatterers; so he determined to seek new adven- tures, new honors, and a new fortune in the world beyond the waters. He had tried the isthmus, and found that no wealth was to be acquired there; he had tried South America, but was convinced that those who were already in possession, his former comrades, would hold with a firm hand all that was to be found there; Cortes and his followers were masters of Mexico; it was farther to the north that he must seek distinction and wealth. Surely, in the vast stretches of the northern continent there must be at least one more Peru, with its incalculable treasures of gold and silver and gems; that would he find for himself, his actions untrammeled by association with men of Pizarro's stamp; there would be found an empire, which if not — " Broad-based upon his people's will, And compassed by the inviolate sea," should be loyal to the King and beneficent to the people. There had been some previous attempts to explore the northern continent. Ponce de Leon was the first whose name is connected with its history. He had been a companion of Columbus on the second voyage of the great dis- coverer, and had been by him appointed to the governorship of the eastern part of Hispauiola. In 1508 he had sailed on an expedition to Porto Rico, which he conquered, and of which he became the duly appointed governor in the succeeding year. His rule there was marked with such vigor that the Columbus family exerted all their influence to have him removed from this high position, as one whose administration was calculated to disarrange all the affairs of neighboring islands. In 1512, he sailed from the scene of his late rule to search for the fabled Fountain of Youth, of which his advancing years made him feel the need. This was supposed to exist somewhere in the Bahamas; but a search among those islands failed to disclose its where- abouts. Ponce de Leon then sailed for the main land, and, on Easter Sun- day, 1512, arrived off the coast of the continent of North America. The shores of that peninsula which extends southward toward Yucatan were cov- ered with a profusion of beautiful foliage and flowers, and from their ap- pearance, and from the Spanish name for Easter — the Feast of Flowers — he named the new found land Florida. The designation has since become restricted to the peninsula alone, but in the days of which we write it was applied to the whole northern continent. The discoverer, therefore, when he received the title of Governor of Flor- ida, became the nominal ruler of all North America. His efforts to colonize his possessions, however, were ill-fated; wounded by one of the natives, he returned to Cuba, where he died shortly afterward. The colony, it is need- less to say, did not long outlive its founder. DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 423 Fifteen years afterward, that same Pamphilo de Narvaez who had gone to Mexico after Cortes and had been defeated by the great conqueror of Mon- tezuma, made an attempt to found a second colony on the coast of Florida; having received the royal commission as governor. Four hundred men fol- lowed his standard ; but contrary to their expectations, they found the coun- try sparsely populated, the people poor. He met with such bitter hostility on the part of the war-like tribes whose country he attempted to invade, that he and his men were glad to escape from the inhospitable shores in rude boats, which they constructed hastily. Their proposed destination was Mex- ico; but a storm overtook them near the mouth of the Mississippi, and the greater part of the adventurers, including the leader, were lost. A handful of them escaped, and spread abroad the story of their effort. Disastrous tliough its results were, these returned adventurers did not al- together blacken the character of the country in which they had met with misfortune. They rather intimated that had they had a different leader, or had he been willing to follow their advice, the expedition would have met with success. Certain it is that De Soto became fired with the idea of plant- ing an empire on the northern half of the lately discovered continent, and requested the royal permission to undertake the colonization of Florida. As he gave the royal officers distinctly to understand that he proposed to fit out this expedition at his own expense, and asked nothing whatever from the royal treasury, the desired permission was not withheld; and he was duly invested with the sounding titles, dear to a Spaniard's heart, of Governor of Cuba and President of Florida. Eecruits flocked to his standard; many came because they thought it of- fered an opportunity of gaining such wealth as De Soto himself had acquired in Peru; others came because there must be honor in following De Soto, a knight sans peur et sans reproche; and whether they went for gold or glory, they felt assured of success, because their leader risked his own wealth and reputation. Everything was sacrificed to procure suitable outfits; one man found himself obliged to take his wife with him, since after procuring the needful articles for his journey, there was nothing left for her to live upon. From the army of those who offered, De Soto selected six hundred; it was impossible to take a larger number; and some of those who had sacrificed their estates to fit themselves out were denied the privilege of accompanying the expedition. According to some authorities, four hundred of them per- suaded him to relent in their favor, so that his total force numbered a thou- sand. Certain it is that he had ten ships in the fleet which set sail, in the early part of April, 1538. What became of the Donna Isabella? She would not deny her husband his right to seek new adventures in that New World where he had achieved dis- tinction and won the wealth which brought her father's tardy consent to their DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 425 marriage; but she would not let the broad Atlantic separate them again. With true wifely devotion she accompanied him as far as Cuba, where the adventurers spent sometime in feasting and merry-making, as well as in more serious preparation for the journey. A supply of excellent horses was obtained here, the descendants of the ani- mals brought from Spain by the first settlers; a prominent Cuban, who was anxious to secure a fresh supply of Indian slaves to work his mines, be- came lieutenant of the expedition; and May 18, 1538, they sailed from Havana. It was a week before they came in sight of the coast of Florida, so stormy was the weather; and the shallowness of the water prevented them from ap- proaching within two leagues of the shore. Upon the beach, stretching away to the north and the south, beacon-fires shone through the darkness of the night ; a sign that their coming was perceived and regarded as a danger by the natives. In truth, the Indians had only too good cause to look upon the white man as an enemy ; such had been the treatment which they had received at the hands of those composing the two previous expeditions. Narvaez and Ponce de Leon had sown the wind, and De Soto Avas to reap the whirlwind. Morning showed the Indians gathered upon the beach near which the Span- iards had cast anchor for the night, and many hostile demonstrations showed the white men that they would not be permitted to land without opposition. De Soto judging that in this case discretion was the better part of valor, and hoping that if an immediate conflict were prevented, he might be able to make friends with the natives, gave orders to proceed about two leagues farther up the bay, and there try to effect a landing. They had anchored in Hillsboro Bay, a branch of Tampa Bay. They suc- ceeded in landing without coming into collision with the aborigines, and De Soto dispatched several strong parties inland on reconnoitering expeditions. One of these, having gone about ten miles, captured two or three fugitive Indians, and took them to the leader. He questioned them, by signs and by the help of some West Indian natives who had accompanied him ; and learned from them something of the inhumanities practiced by Narvaez and his fol- lowers; theirchief, Ucita, had been mutilated, his mother had been murdered, and a thousand nameless indignities been offered his unoffending people, who had received the strangers with much kindness. It is said that De Soto now saw for the first time why the Indians received him with such hostile demonstrations; it seems hardly credible when we re- flect that he had been in Peru at the time of its conquest, and knew that two other expeditions had preceeded his own. He endeavored, however, to con- ciliate the natives; and loading the captives with presents, bade them return to their chief. The message which that justly indignant warrior returned was not reassuring: — 42G DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. " Bring me no speeches or promises from these men," said he; " I want only their heads." De Soto recognized the importance of being on good terms with this pow- erful coast tribe, so there would be no enemy between him and the sea if he were compelled to retreat; but Ucita was obdurate; neither gifts nor fair words could move him; and the Spanish leader's lieutenant, Vasco Porcallo, the Cuban, asked and received permission to punish the stubborn and hard- hearted chief. When he returned to camp, Porcallo announced, he would bring with him Ucita and as many of his people as could conveniently betransported to Cuba; and, arraying himself in a suit of glittering armor which might have become a knight at a tournament, he set out. Nothing could check the impetuosity of his advance; and even when he came to the edge of a bog he determined that he would not listen to his followers, who advised him not to attempt to cross it, since it would not bear horsemen as heavily accoutered as they were. He rode forward at the same rate of speed as when his way lay over dry ground; but was soon forced to adv^ance more slowly. Gradually he became more and more deeply involved; his horse sank beneath his weight, and floundered helplessly about in the mud; and it was all that his followers, nearly overcome with laughter at his position, could do to get him out of the mud. Porcallo resigned his commission and returned to Cuba; a difiiculty well out of De Soto's way, since the presence of a determined slave-hunter could not but be a source of danger to him and his followers. He had, in a previous expedition, however, accidentally served his leader well; for he had come upon a certain Juan Ortiz, a Spaniard who had been a follower of Narvaez, and who had been captured and condemned to death by Ucita. The chief's daughter, bowever, pitied the captive, and assisted him to escape — not, in- deed, to his own people, but to the village of the chief to whom she was be- trothed, and on whom she naturally exercised more influence than upon her father. Through Ortiz this friendly chief, Mocoso, became their friend, and provided them with a guide when it became necessary. De Soto now prepared for a journey inland; and sent his ships back to Cuba with orders to return at a specified time with such supplies as would be needed by his men. He then left forty men as a guard far the ships when they should return, and advanced to the north, sending an advance guard under Don Balthasar Gallegos before the main body, under the guidance of a friendly Indian of Mocoso's tribe. This party had reached a point some fifty miles north of the main camp when they came upon an Indian village, the inhabit- ants of which had fled at their approach. Messengers soon came, on behalf of the chief of that village, offering any service in their power. As an answer to these friendly advances, Gallegos caused the messengers to be loaded with DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 427 chains, and required tbeni to tell him where he could find a land abounding in gold and silver. Indian craft proved equal to Spanish cruelty, and the captives gravely told him of a land far to the northwest, where there was eternal summer, and where gold was so plentiful that the people wore hats or helmets of it. The Spaniards greedily swallowed these stories, and Gallegos at once sent eight of his men to carry the welcome news to De Soto; the leader and all his sol- diers, says the worthy chronicler, "were very much comforted by the assur- ance that their toils were about to be rewarded by the discovery of another Peru." De Soto, with the main body, at once hastened forward, to hear again the welcome news of the riches of the country which lay beyond. Many diificul- ties beset his way. Mocoso, the only chief who was at all friendly to the Spaniards, had been persuaded by his allies to refuse to furnish any more guides to the strangers; the actions of Gallegos had been such as to make bitter enemies of the Indians through whose country he was now advancing; and they harrassed his movements in every possible way. A thousand times the warriors, concealed behind the trunk of a tree, fired upon the advancing army of Spaniards; or a body of nimble Indians, rushing from the forest, would discharge a flight of arrows among the Spaniards and retreat to its shelter again before the white men had fairly laid hold of their weap- ons. Nor were the swamps a small part of the diificuities which impeded their advance. Several days were consumed in searching for a path by which they could cross Long Swamp, which is more than three miles wide; and at last they set themselves to building rafts for the purpose. Even with that help, they were two days in crossing it. Mounted men were sent ahead as scouts, but were frequently ambushed by the Indians, and their fate known only when their dead bodies were found. More than once, captives were made to serve as guides ; but they literally chose to die rather than to guide the strangers into their own country; for they misled the Spaniards, pretending to have lost their way, and calmly met death at the hands of the enraged whites. De Soto now resolved to change his policy; and having, after crossing a second morass and a sluggish stream where they lost several men by the ar- rows of concealed enemies, taken some prisoners, he caused them to be load- ed with gifts and sent to their homes ; trusting that they might persuade their chief, the cacique of Aguera, to conclude a treaty with him. The chief re- plied that with such as the Spaniards he wished to be always at war, and that the only kindness they could do him or his people was to leave the country. All De Soto's arguments were unavailing; and, finding that the Spaniard would not take " no " for an answer, the Indian began to threaten the stran- gers. These threats were emphasized by bloodshed wherever white men were 428 t)E SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. found alone or in sm:ill parties; and De Soto lost fourteen men inside of twenty days. Despairing of drawing the Indians into an open battle, in which his followers would have stood some chance, the knight withdrew at last to Ocala, forty miles farther north. They had hoped to find provisions here, but were disap- pointed; for the village, the largestthatthey hadyet seen, was deserted. The Spaniards had consumed almost their whole stock of food, and for some time the prospect before them included, among other hardships, starvation. As they advanced northward, however, they were encouraged by the sight of extensive corn-fields, which promised an abundance of food for them- selves, their horses, and the vast drove of hogs which they had with them, to supply meat for their party. The ground, too, was firmer; no morasses beset their way; but still the natives were as unfriendly as ever; nor did they learn that they were near the summerland whose inhabitants wore hats of gold. They seemed, however, to have met with a friend; a chief named Yitacu- cho invited them to visit him, and entertained them in rude magnificence. But his purpose was a treacherous one; let the Spaniards once be lulled into a feeling of security, and he and his people would massacre every one. Four of the Indians Avho acted as guides to De Soto were taken into the secret, Vitacucho supposing that they would be as anxious as he to rid the country of these invaders. They had been kindly treated by their new mas- ter, however, and that had won their gratitude; they betrayed the counsel of the chief to him; he feigned ignorance of the plan, and trusted that when the chosen time should come he should be able to save himself and his men. Vitacucho perfected his plans, and then invited De Soto to witness a dis- pla}^ of his forces. The invitation was perforce accepted, and De Soto, un- der pretense of showing greater respect for the chief, ordered his soldiers to appear armed as for actual battle. The chief did not like this any better than the Spaniard had liked the invitation, but had no better reason for ob- jecting, so accepted the compliment. With the greatest friendliness of man- ner the two commanders walked side by side to the field Avhere the double display of warlike strength was to take place. An impenetrable thicket was on one side of the place where the Indian force was drawn up, several thousand strong;on their other hand were two small lakes. They were all well-formed, athletic men in the prime of life; and their plumes, which once had decked the swan and heron, made them appear of the stature of giants; but they were wholly unarmed. Opposite them were the Spanish foot-soldiers, and ranged between the two infantry forces was the Spanish cavalry. At a suddenly given signal from Vitacu- cho, the Indians snatched up the bows and arrows which they had hidden in the long grass at their feet, and rushed upon the enemy. De Soto instantly DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 429 sprang upon his liorso, and gave the signal for the cavalry to advance; while the twelve soldiers wlio formed his body-guard seized and bound the faithless chief. The onslaught of the cavalry was slightly dchayed by the fact that the leader's horse was shot almost as soon as he had mounted; but quickly dis- encumbering himself from the dead animal, Do Soto mounted another and charged furiously upon the Indians. Their line of battle was soon broken, and they fled in confusion; but many of them plunged into the lake, and from beneath the broad water-lily leaves shot arrows at the Spaniards; keep- ing up this singular species of warfare for ten hours. At last, however, they were either killed or captured, and Vitacucho and many of his tribe re- mained as prisoners in the hands of the Spaniards. A week later, however, in a desperate attempt to regain their liberty, they met the kinder fate, death. But the Spaniards, victorious as they were, were disheartened by the death of so many of their comrades and by the stories which the Indians had told them of the hardships and difficulties which they had yet to encounter. They insisted upon returning to the coast, to sail for Havana as soon as the ships should return. De Soto alone, "astern man, and of few words," was de- termined to advance; and it proved that his inflexible will ruled his hun- dreds of followers. "You who are so easily discouraged," he said, "may stay behind. You have never yet seen me shrink from the post of danger; and I will now ad- vance, with two hundred men, or even a smaller number, and meet all the enemies that are likely to offer any opposition to our progress." Had he asked each individually to accompany him, he could scarcely have found two dozen, much less two hundred; but, in the face of such deter- mined courage as he displayed, each man was ashamed to back out; and they encamped for the winter at the head of Appalachee Bay. From this point a message was dispatched to Cuba, directingthat supplies be sent thither early in the spring. The winter passed without event; and the spring brought the expected supplies. What is of more interest to us, now, is the letter which Donna Isabella wrote to her husband at this time. She urged him to give up the effort to penetrate into, conquer and settle the country, if it must be accompanied by the same cruelties which similar efforts had been attended by elsewhere; she had probably heard for the first time, since her coming to Cuba, of the treatment which the natives usually met from the hands of her countrymen. " Not for all the riches of the country would I have you commit one act, the remembrance of which would be painful to you hereafter," wrote this devoted woman. De Soto probably shared, to no small extent, the humane feelings which made these actions seem so horri- ble to her; but he had become callous by long habit, and he had gone too far to retreat; to go back now, meant ruin. He who had won such wealth 430 BE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. and renown could not bear the thought of going back to poverty and obscur- ity. They left their winter quarters in March, 1540, and proceeded on their journey; the leader refusing to believe that the stories of the country's wealth were untrue, until he had seen with his o^Yn eyes the poverty of its people. They were really on the w^ay to the gold fields of Georgia, and at one time were assured by their guides that they would reach the land of gold in four days; but for some reason they turned aside, and those mines re- mained undiscovered. The food with which they had been supplied by a friendly chief began to run low; and the path which they had followed through the forest failed them. Almost starving, they wandered through the trackless wilds, and, after enduring hardships that can scarcely be imagined, entered a more open and cultivated country. At last they came in sight of an Indian town, Cofachiqui, situated at the confluence of the Broad and Savannah Rivers. On the river bank they were met by a deputation of the principal men of the tribe, who crossed in canoes, and who, after many salutations which the Spaniards only partly understood, demanded to know if the strangers came in peace or in war. De Soto replied as usual that he wished to be at peace with the people, and desired to secure further supplies of provisions. The embassadors re- answered that their last crop had been so small that they scarcely had food for themselves; but that his request should be made known to the maiden who was their ruler. Unfavorable as it may seem, this answer greatly raised the -spirits of the Spaniards; for it was one of the characteristics of the golden country of Avhichthey had been told, that its people were ruled by a young girl. When she visited their camp, a few hours later, her appearance confirmed their hopes; for she was richly adorned with ornaments of great value. She re- peated what her ministers had told them of the failure of the crop; but added that one of her two magazines of grain should be appropriated to the use of the strangers; and jDreseuted her necklace of valuable pearls to De Soto. The governor now showed himself a worthy disciple of Pizarro. Instead of treating this Indian princess as her generosity and her position among her owm people demanded, a strict guard was set upon her, while the temples and tombs of her people were sacked for such treasures as they might contain. In truth, the gallant and knightly De Soto had become so engrossed in the pursuit of wealth that he was ready to adopt any means of obtaining it. His followers were anxious to turn back with the booty which they had se- cured; but convinced that there must be more beyond, he refused to do so. They proceeded on their journey, taking the unhappy princess a captive in their train, and compelling her to make her subjects furnish assistance of every kind, from the providing of food from the scanty stores to the carrying DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 431 the baggage of the sokliers on their backs. A few days after setting out, however, she contrived to escape; and De Soto, at last ashamed of his treat- ment of her, Avoukl not permit her to be pursued. Thk Fight at Mobile. Their treatment of the gigantic chief, Tuscaloosa, came near resulting in their own destruction. He had been invited, after their stay at his vil- lage, to accompany them; and a Spanish guard of honor given him. It was thought that he did not suspect himself to be a prisoner, they treated him with so much deference ; but he knew his real position as well as they. As they approached Mobile, a village then occupied by a chief who was tributary to him, he sent forward a messenger to order that a grand reception should be prepared for his friends the white men; sending at the same time a token which told more than the words of the message. The chief of Mobile lost no time in mustering his warriors for the rescue of Tuscaloosa. As the Spaniards approached the town, they were astonished at the strength of the fortifications, and not a little alarmed at the prepara- 432 DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. tions made for their reception. They were welcomed with warmth, however, and Tuscaloosa, having shown the Spaniards to their quarters, excused him- self, having, as he said, some directions to give to his people. It was impos- sible, under the circumstances, to control his movements; but De Soto, hav- ing given orders that breakfast should be prepared for them — for they were accustomed to eat at the same table — sent again and again to summon the chief to the meal. At last Gallegos commanded his presence. De Soto's Encampment in the Forest. "What would these unmannerly people have with my chief?" was the angry demand of a warrior who heard the order; '"Down with the villains! We can endure their insolence no longer!" Gallegos raised his cutlass*, and with a single stroke cleft the Indian's skull. It was the signal for the fight to begin. The flint-headed arrows of the na- tives penetrated the joints of the armor which the Spaniards wore, and De Soto saw his men falling fast around him. To fight longer was impossible; to retreat was to invite pursuit and massacre. Snatching an axe, and followed DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 433 by a faithful few who understood his purpose, he rushed toward the wooden walls of the town which defended the Indians from the fire of his men ; and by vigorous and desperate strokes made a breach wide enough for the admis- sion of his cavalry. The Indians retreated to the houses, to which the Span- iards set fire. Something of the horrors of the scene may be imagined from the single fact that more than a thousand women were burned to death. Tus- caloosa and a few of his faithful followers made a stand in the market-place, where not even the charge of the cavalry could disperse or put them to flight. Once De Soto and Tuscaloosa came face to face, and it seemed that the fight might be decided by a single combat between the chiefs. But his people loved the Indian chief , and were ready to defend him; again and again devoted warriors threw themselves between their chief and his mail- clad antagonist, and thus saved Tuscaloosa from the encounter with the knight. When at last they met, Tuscaloosa raised his mighty war-club for a deadly blow; but lowered it harmlessly when he saw an arrow strike De Soto between the joints of his armor. De Soto concealed this wound, for fear of dispiriting his followers; and the fight continued with unabated fury. At last Tuscaloosa, seeing that the case was hopeless, rushed into a house, where he was almost instantly buried by the falling timbers. Not an Indian escaped to tell the tale of the battle by which the Spaniards gained possession of the ruined town. About the middle of November they marched forward, having spent al- most a mouth in recruiting the strength of the wounded. Their encampment for the winter was probably at a point in the northern part of the present state of Mississippi, although the place cannot be more exactly identified. This was reached only with considerable difliculty, as the Indians disputed their advance, and every step was harassed by their hostility. Much of their baggage had been lost at the burning of Mavilla, or Mobile; the remainder was destroyed when the Chickasaws, in one of whose villages they had established themselves for the winter, chose to burn their homes in order to dislodge the hated invaders. Had they been as resolute as Tusca- loosa's warriors, they would have been successful in their attack upon the encampment, but they speedily withdrew into the forests. Here they re- mained for a week, which time the Spaniards employed in erecting forges, tempering swords, and fashioning lances; so that when the natives finally summoned up enough resolution to attack them again they were prepared for resistance. The fire in this Chickasaw village had destroyed what they had saved from the flames of Mavilla, and the force that marched northward in the spring of 1541, then, was a miserable remnant of a once gallant army, their gay doublets replaced by skins and mats of ivy. For seven days they struggled through a seemingly impenetrable forest; then, from the height on DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 435 which stood an Indian viUage, De Soto gazed upon that mighty yellow flood which sweeps down from the far North and from the equally far West the rich alluvium which has made its valley the garden spot of the western world; for the first time in the history of the world, a white man beheld the Mississippi. Indian Fleet Meeting De Soto. His arrival awakening much curiosity among the Indians who lived on the west '^■zy bank of the river, they came out in a great multitude, armed with bows and arrows, and gaudily painted, and crowned with nodding plumes, their chiefs sitting under the awnings of two hundred large canoes, and bringing gifts of food to the Spaniards. They encamped here for nearly a month, building boats on which to cross the river. The Indians at first appeared inclined to be hostile, but were evi- dently a little impressed by the numbers and arms of the white men. At length eight large scows were built, and in these the river was crossed. Their route lay toward the northwest, and they reached a point probably near the White River, about two hundred miles west of the Mississippi. Their treatment by the Indians had at first been inspired by a reverential fear; they were called the Children of the Sun, and the blind were brought to the stran- gers, to be given their sight. "Pray only to God," the leader gravely told the savages, "for whatsoever you need." 28 436 DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. Their Avintcr, however, was spent among those who regarded them with less awe; and, although we cannot get at the whole truth, since we have only the narrative of the Spanish historians, it is not improbable that they were more than once defeated by the Indians. It is quite certain that many Indian vil- lages were burned by order of De Soto during this winter. As the days grew shorter, hope grew less; and when the sun turned upon his path, and the days again became longer, there was no change in their for- tunes. At last, even Do Soto saw that there was nothing to be done but that which his followers had so often urged him to do ; sadly he gave the necessary orders for breaking camp in the spring; for the only course open to them was that over which they had come. The enterprise must be given up. If their forward march had been attended with dilHculties and dangers, what shall be said of their retreat? At one time, they spent eight days in the effort to penetrate the cane-brakes, and advanced but thirty miles. Re- membering the mistake which had been made by some of tlie Indians, De Soto said to a chief from whom he hoped to obtain assistance that he was descended from heaven. " Dry up the river, and I will believe that you are a child of the sun," an- swered the Indian, insolently; and he never forgave the attempt to deceive him. De Soto was in the midst of avast wilderness; more than half of his army had})erished by disease, accident and the devastation of war; and nearly all who survived looked upon him as the author of all their sufferings. They had hoped to be cured of their diseases by drinking of the hot springs of Ar- kansas, whither the natives had directed them ; there, they thought, might be that Fountain of Youth which Ponce de Leon had sought, and perished in the seeking; but this hope, too, had been in vain. The behavior of the cacique on whom he had tried to practice the deception mentioned above, was insult- ing in the extreme, and two years before, his land would have been laid waste, his people murdered. But now, the proud Spaniard must submit to every effront — revenge or resentment could not be his. Nevertheless, many of the natives reverenced De Soto as something more than human; it was only when sickness overtook him that they saw that he was subject to like infirmities with themselves, and therefore of the same clay. Oppressed by sickness of body and heart at once, De Soto looked about him and saw that of all the remnant of his host, there Avas not one who could inspire the Indians with a wholesome fear. Worn out, he sank under the disease, and at last a monk of considerable medical skill, who had accom- panied the expedition, told him that there was no hope. With the courage of a truly brave man, he called his officers about him and l)ade them choose his successor; intrusted one of them with a message for Donna Isabella; and having thus set his house in order, and made his peace with Heaven, he DE SOTO, THE DISCOA^ERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 437 closed his eyes upon the weary wilderness which he had hoped to subdue. May 21, 1542, was the date of his death. His followers concealed it from the Indians, and dug his grave secretly, by night, lest they should discover it. Announcing the next day that their leader was better, although not yet able to leave his tent, they instituted a kind of tournament, in rejoicing over his recovery; and rode backward and forward over the grave which had thus se- cretly received its tenant. But the searching questions of the Indians showed that they suspected the truth ; and fearful that the Indians would desecrate the grave of him who had caused the tombs of their people to be rilled and defiled, the Spaniards exhumed the body of their leader, and wrapping it in a winding-sheet heav- ily weighted Avith lead, lowered it, at midnight, into the waters of the Mis- sissippi. Thus died De Soto, and thus was he buried. Of his followers, but little more need be said. No longer led by the spirit that would press onward, no matter through what difficulties and dangers, the Spaniards resolved to proceed towardsNew Spain without delay. It was unanimously decided that a journey by land would be less dangerous than one by water, and they undertook to find away to Mexico through the pathless forests. After wandering two hundred miles west of the river, they turned back in despair, and sought the banks of the Mississippi again. Here they devoted themselves to the construction of brig- antines, no easy matter for men in their condition, and, more than a year after De Soto's death, were ready for their voyage. Seventeen days after their departure, followed by the arrows and the hate of the Indians, they had traveled the five hundred miles to the mouth of the Mississippi, but thirty- DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 439 three more had passed before they reached Paniico, a town on the coast of Mexico about two hundred and sixty miles from the boundary of the jiresent state of Texas. Here they remained for a considerable length of time, quarreling among themselves so much that, after three hundred and elev- en of them had perished by each other's hands, the viceroy was compelled to interfere. What of Donna Isabella? The story is not complete till we have told what became of the heroine. For three years after the return of the ships she waited for news ; at first hopefully, then doubtfully, then despairingly. At last, some one came from Mexico who had seen the few survivors and heard their story; from him she learned what had been the fate of her husband; and three days afterward, she closed her eyes forever. JACQUES CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. N an island less than three miles in circumference, at the mouth of the Eanee River, in the modern department of Ille-et-Vilaiue, which is a part of the old province of Brittany, is an old fortified sea-port of France, St. Malo. The tall houses are crowded closely together, completely shadowing the narrow streets; and modern observers say that these same streets are not kept as clean as they might be. The place has its advantages for all that; it has an excellent harbor, large and well-sheltered; and is so defended by forts that it could scarcely be captured by the most determined enemy. It is now, in commercial importance, the twelfth sea-port of France; but there are more sailors registered there than at any other town, and those ad- vantages of which we have above spoken gave it great repute in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries, when wars were of much more frequent occurrence than they are in the nineteenth; and when piracy was a thing of present and frequently recurring danger. But these are not the circum- stances which commend St. Malo to our consideration; of more interest is the fact that, preserved in the public museum of the town, are portions of the ship which first bore Jacques Cartier to the shores of the New World ; treasured there with a jealous care, because he was of Breton birth, and St. Malo was the port from which he sailed. He was born near the village of Limoilin, not far distant from the strait which separates the island town from the main land, in the year 1494. Like so many of the great navigators of his time, his youth is shrouded in obscur- ity; of his education we know nothing; but the people of all the surround- ing country had the love of the sea born in them; and it is fair to suppose that young Cartier was no exception to the general rule. According to the custom of the place, even his early boyhood was passed upon the sea: and he was a veteran sailor before the down shaded his lip. In the chapter devoted to what we know of Henry Hudson, will be found an account of the first American voyage of John Verazzano, an Italian navi- gator in the service of King Francis I. of France. It is a curious circum- (440) CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 441 stance that the discoverer of the New Workl, the discoverer of North America, and the first explorer of the Athmtic coast of what is now the United States, shoukl have been Italians in the employ of other governments than their own ; and upon the discoveries of Columbus, Cabot, and Verazza- no, the latter supplemented by those of Cartier, the nations of Spain, Eng- land and France should base their claims to the AVorld of the West. It is possible that Cartier accompanied Verazzano on this voyage of discov- ery; but he certainly did not make one of the number who went on that tra- ditionary voyage of the Italian, when captain and crew fell into the hands of the savages, and were killed and eaten. But Verazzano's discoveries were for a time neglected; for, during his absence, the King had been engaged in war with his great rival, the Emperor Charles V. Francis was defeated and taken prisoner in 1525 ; in his absence no new enterprise could be undertaken; when he was released he was intent upon other battles in which he might turn the tables upon his enemy. The discoveries on the American coast, however interesting they might be from a scientific point of view, brought no money into the royal treasury; and money has always been esteemed " the sinews of war." It is easy to see, then, that the Government— that is, the King — would not care to advance the interests of discovery in the New World. But Verazzano had brought home news that there were vast shoals of fish frequenting the waters around the northern part of the coasts which he had explored. This was quite a different matter from the advancement of geo- graphical knowledge; it meant flourishing business relations; and business men at once began to look after their interests. It was decided that settle- ments near the fishing-banks would be advantageous ; and Chabot, who was Admiral of France at the time, and a favored counselor of the King, advised that such settlements should be made as soon as possible. It is probable that Cartier had been with Verazzano, because he was at once chosen as the leader of the expedition which was to be fitted out; although he may have been a favorite of Chabot's for some other reason. Certainly he was an experienced and skillful seaman when he was commissioned to ex- plore the country and find a place for a colony. April 20, 1534, he sailed from St. Malo with two ships and one hundred and twenty-two men. On the 10th of May he came in sight of the coast of Newfoundland; but it was so blocked up with ice that he found it impossible to land without greatly endangering his vessels. He accordingly stood out to sea again, and, steering southward, entered a harbor which he called St. Cath- erine's. Here, while waiting for fair and warmer weather, he fitted his boats for voyages close in shore and up the river. Proceeding northward as soon as the weather permitted, he explored the harbors and islands of the coast of Newfoundland; naming Bird Island from 442 CARTIETJ, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. the circumstance that he and his crews huuled here and shot a great number of birds which were beginning to nest. They ate all that they could, and salted and packed ten or twelve barrels besides for future use. CaKIII'.K IVNTI Skirting the coast of the great island he came to the Strait of Belle Isle and continued his voyage along the coast of Labrador, giving his own name to a sound which he enthusiasticall}' declared afforded the best harbor in the world, though, he added, the country about it was the land to which Cain had been banished for killing his brother. Whether the eldest son of Adam was the first inhabitant or not, it was certain that the country was now peopled by a wan- dering tribe, whoso chief occupation seemed to be catching seals. The inhospitable coast of Labrador afforded no promise of a suitable situ- ation for the colony which France desired to establish, and Cartier turned southward; and, crossing the Gulf of St. Lawrence, anchored in a bay wdicre the warmth of the waters and air was such, after his late experience of the cold currents of air and water along the coast of Labrador, that he named it the Bay de Chaleurs — the Bay of Heat. Here he found wild berries and roses in abundance, meadows clothed with grass, and plenty of salmon, — a confir- mation of the experience of one explorer, who states that he found salmon in various rvers, but whose experience is not upheld by that of modern fishermen. CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 443 Proceeding eastwardly along the coast as far as Gaspc, he was detained for twelve days by a terrible storm, during which he durst not risk voyaging along these unknown shores. Here he took formal possession of the country, in the name of his patron; causing a cross thirty feet high to be erected on a suitable point of land, bearing a shield on which were engraved the royal arms of France and the legend : Vive le 'Boy de France! When this had been prepared, Cartier and his followers kneeled reverently before it, and with heads uncovered, hands extended, and eyes lifted to heaven, solemnly invoked the divine blessing upon the right so asserted, and protec- tion against all rival powers. The natives gathered around them in silent admiration for a time, doubtless wondering what it Avas all about; but as the meaning began to dawn upon them, an old man, dressed in a bearskin robe, vehemently protested by signs, against the strangers assuming any authority or ownership over the land of which he was the chief. With the duplicity which has so often marked the white man's dealings with the Indians, and which we have no wish to excuse, Cartier assured the chief that the cross was intended only as a mark of direction, for his guidance when he should return the next year; and promised to come with gifts of all manner of articles made of iron, for the chief and his followers. The chief, whose name was Donacona, allowed himself to be misled by these representations, and entered into the most friendly relations with the stran- gers. Cartier invited him and a number of his followers onboard the ships, and entertained them with the most flattering hospitality ; sending them away loaded with presents of the trinkets which the untutored mind of the savage valued so highly. These visits were frequently repeated, and Cartier returned them, a fact which was hardly less flattering than being so well received on board the vessels. Having thus w^on the favor of the chief, Cartier begged that Donacona's two sons, stalwart young warriors, should be permitted to go to France with him, to return the next year. Permission was granted, and the two young men, full of the gayest anticipations, embarked. Leaving the Bay of Chaleurs, Cartier sailed into the St. Lawrence Eiver until he could see land on both sides his vessels. Here was another disap- pointment; like many another European of his time, he greatly underestim- ated the width of the American continent, and fully expected to find some sort of easy passage by which he could enter the Pacific Ocean. Such a pas- sage he had expected to discover when he entered the Bay of Chaleurs, at- tributing the warmth of the air and water to the influence of the South Sea; but further exploration of that inlet convinced him that this was a mistake. The St. Lawrence had brought renewed hope; but as the land closed upon him, and he perceived that the water, removed from the influence of the tides, was fresh, he knew that it was no use to ascend this river any further. The summer was rapidly passing away, and the weather was becoming boisterous; 444 CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. he accordingly judged that to make any other attempts at exploration would lead into danger of being locked in by the ice all winter; and, to escape this, determined to return to France at once. He coasted a part of Newfoundland again, and then, spreading his sails, stood boldly out to sea, and steered straight for France. Doxacoxa's Sons. Arriving at St. Malo September 5, 1534, he was received with much favor, not unaccompanied by curiosity, by those in authority. The war was now taking a turn a little more favorable to France; and the King felt better able to spend more in fitting out an expedition for the exploration of this new country, with a view to colonizing it and drawing a revenue from its fisheries. Three ships were fitted out, of one hundred and twenty, sixty, and forty tons' burden, respectively, and many young men of high family distinction embarked CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 445 their fortunes in the enterprise, of which Cartier, of course, was the leader. On Whitsunday of the year 1535, they went in solemn procession to church, as a preparation for their long voyage; and May 9, they sailed from St. Malo. They were scarcely out of sight of land before the ships were scattered by a storm. Fortunately, Cartier had taken the precaution to appoint a rendez- vous for such a case, at Bird Island; and there was at least one skillful navi- gator who had sailed with him on his first voyage on each of the three vessels, who could direct the course to that point. He pursued much the same course as before, and entering the Gulf of St. Lawrence, bestowed that name upon it. He then ascended the great river as far as the mouth of the Saguenay, when he determined to explore thoroughly the northern coast of the gulf. Going ashore, he saw with some concern that the natives fled at his ap- proach; for he wished very much to enter into treaties w^ith them, to secure their opinions as to the most favorable location for a settlement, and their friendly feelings toward such a settlement when it should be established. It was now that he felt the advantage of having taken the two sons of Dona- cona to France, and treated them with such consideration as to make them firm allies. They spoke to their frightened countrymen, and reassured them ; and the Indians, to show their friendly disposition, came to the white men with presents of eels and other fish, and corn in ears. Cartier made suitable acknowledgments of their protests of good feeling, and returned their presents with others of European manufacture. It w^as while they were thus engaged that they were visited by the Chief Donacona, who came with twelve boat-loads of attendants; ten of these, however, he considerately left at a distance, while he, in one boat, with a few warriors in another canoe, approached the ships. He welcomed the French most cor- dially; and listened with interest as his two sons told what they had seen in France. He then approached Cartier, kissed his hand with affection, and laid his arm about the Frenchman's neck, in token of gratitude for such kind treatment of his sons. Cartier was now anxious to find a harbor for his ships ; for the season during which exploration was possible would soon be ended. He accordingly communicated his wishes to the Indians, who replied by an entertainment which partook somewhat of the character of a theatrical performance. The rude drama may be briefly described as follows : — Three men, selected for the purpose by Donacona, attired themselves gro- tesquely in black and white skins, stained their faces black, and arranged horns upon their heads. It w^as very plain to the Frenchmen that these were to act the part of demons. Entering a canoe, these actors passed the ships, returning again and again to row around them, constantly haranguing the whites, although the latter, of course, were unable to understand what they 446 CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. were saying. Pursued by Donacona and his people, they were forced to hand ; upon touching the ground, they fell down, as if dead, and were carried away by the chief's attendants. When they had reached the point selected, there ensued a dialogue, the substance of which had evidently been arranged before- hand. In this scene, the demons informed their listeners that they were the attendants of the god of Hockelaga — the capital of the country, as Cartier had already learned from the Indians — and that he did not wish the white men to come to see him ; for the country was full of ice and snow, and should they try to reach his dwelling, they would perish miserably with the cold. It was intended that this should be a sufficient warning for the white men ; but, like many others who listen with amusement to what is designed for their instruction, they enjoyed the representation, and disregarded the advice which was given. Cartier caused a pinnace and two boats to be made ready, and September 19, began his voyage up the river. The water was low at that season of the year, so that it would have been impossible for him to have advanced to any considerable distance with even the smallest of his ships; with the smaller boats, however, he anticipated no difficulties; and might, indeed, had no lack of time or provisions prevented, have reached the head of navigation. October 2, he arrived at the island which the natives called Hockelaga, situated opposite the mouth of a smaller river, tributary to the mighty stream which he was ascending. His coming had been announced by runners, sent by Donacona; and a thousand Indians came to meet him, bringing presents of fish and the other products of the country. Cartier had provided himself with an ample sup- ply of trinkets, chiefly beads and knives, since these were the articles of Euro- pean manufacture most valued by the Indians; and the exchange of com- pliments and presents went on at a lively rate. At night, the French sought the shelter of their boats; while the natives amused themselves and their guests, thus seated afar off, by their outlandish dances. Gradually, however, they reached the town on the island; Cartier and twenty-five of his men landed, and were received, together Avith this na- tive escort which had met them dow^n the river, with great honor. The chief came in person to meet them, although he was badly crippled, by the palsy. The French soon found that they were regarded as heavenly ' visitants, and possessed of more than mortal powers. The Indians seemed to think that one power, particularly, was possessed by these strangers; they could cure diseases by the simple process of touching those affected. This did not seem so strange a belief to the French, for many Europeans of that day believed that such powers were possessed by certain persons; and, long after the death of Cartier, it was thought that the King of England, whoever he might be, was able to cure scrofula, called " the king's evil," from that very circumstance, by simply touching the person affected. CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 447 In accordance with this belief on the part of the Indians, the visitors were besought to touch tlic bodies of the crippled chief and the sick members of his tribe. Cartier assented; and, repeating some parts of the service in the prayer-book, laid his hands on the chief, and then raised them in supplica- tion. His action seemed to impress the spectators very favorably, for he soon found many imitators among them. He caused his drums and trumpets to sound, which still further delighted the natives; and they fell to dancing to this strange new music. Like the others with whom they came in contact, these Indians brought him such presents as they could, and received in return the various articles used by explorers for gifts to savage races. 1 Plan op Hockelaga Fort. {From cm Old Engraving.) From these Indians, Cartier learned that gold and silver were to be found in a country to the southwest. These metals were recognized by them, when they saw the arms which the French carried decorated with the more valua- ble minerals. They also informed him that copper was to be found in large (quantities near a great inland sea of fresh water, which lay almost directly west. The country where gold and silver were found, they told him, was a fertile, pleasant land, free from ice and snow. These statements show that 448 CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. the Indians of Hockelaga were fairly well acquainted Avith the geography of North America for a considerable portion of its extent. Their town was built on the flat coast of the island, just under the shelter of a hill; and this elevation Cartier dignified with the name of the Koyal Mount — Montreal — a name which it still bears and has given to the city of white men which has succeeded the Indian village. It was from the summit of this hill that Cartier saw the course of the broad winding river, and stood by the Indians who pointed out the direction in which lay the mines of silver, gold and copper. Only two da3's were spent at Hockelaga, and on the 4th of October he again descended the river. He reached his ships a week later, and found that the men left in charge had occupied themselves in building a rampart and palis- ade, near where the ships were anchored, in such a way as most effectually to protect the vessels from an attack by land, should the savages, for any reason, become hostile. Donacona was frequently entertained by them, and invited them to visit him, when he amply repaid the hospitality Avhich had been shown to him. One habit of the Indians, however, was very offensive to the Frenchmen; they had a sort of bowl, made of a corn-cob sometimes, or sometimes fashioned of burnt clay, which they fastened on the end of a hollow reed. In this they placed the dried leaves of a certain plant, and lighting them, seemed to de- rive much enjoyment from inhaling the smoke of the burning weed. The French could not imagine what pleasure the Indians could find in this prac- tice; perhaps their decendants can understand it better. It was at this time that they become acquainted with another practice of the Indians, far less innocent than that of using tobacco. They saw in the wigwams certain bits of skin, having hair attached; and perceiving that these were treasured articles, and that the greatest and most respected warriors appeared to possess the largest numbers, made inquiry concerning them ; and received in return a description of the process of scalping, as practiced against the fallen foe. As the autumn wore on, scurvy, that dreadful disease of the era before can- ned vegetables, made its appearance among the Indians; and shortly after- ward it was found that the same diet which caused it among the natives had produced it among the newcomers. It raged for two months, or from the middle of January to the middle of February. At one time out of one hun- dred and ten men, fifty were sick; and eight or ten died before it abated. Knowing no remedy for the disease, Cartier appointed a day of solemn humiliation and prayer. A crucifix was placed upon a tree, and all who were in any way able to walk joined in solemn procession, singing the seven peniten- tial psalms, and engaging in other religious ceremonies; hoping by this pil- grimage through the ice and snow to avert the Avrath of Heaven, thus mani- CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 449 fested by sending disease upon them. At the same time, Cartier vowed to make a pilgrimage to a certain shrine as soon as he should return to France. It is related of a certain Prime Minister of England, that when a deputa- tion called upon him to ask him to appoint a day of fasting and prayer be- cause of the sickness which had recently visited their town, he advised them, instead of praying, to spend their time in improving the sewerage. The re- ply offended them very much; and the statesman was severely criticised for his irreverence. Cartier, however, was of different mould; he was determ- ined to work as well as pray. W^-^^ i Men Preparing to WI^TER at ORLEA^s Island. Confident that exercise would do much to relieve the complaint from which they were suffering, and fearing lest the Indians, suspecting the weakness of his force, should be tempted to attack him, he informed the natives that his men were all very busy inside the inclosure and upon the ships ; and that no one of them would be permitted to go outside until the Avork was done. In the meantime, he set the men who were well, or comparatively so, to hammering and chopping, that the noise which they made might deceive the Indians, and give color to his words. Whenever the Indians came near the inclosed space especially, the hammering and sawing was redoubled. Their help was to come, however, from these very Indians whom they sought to deceive; for their prayers were answered, not by any miracle, but in the common, every-day manner which we are apt to ignore as an answer. 450 CAKTIKH, PISCOVKKKK OF CANADA. Cartier, who had wholly escaped the disease, was walking in the woods one day, when he met one of the young Indians who had aeeompanied him to France. The savage, he knew, had suffered severely from the scurvy iluring the early part of the winter, and Cartier was surprised to llnd him still alive: much more, to see him well and strong. The white man demanded to know how he had been cured; the Indian replied that there was a certain tree, known to his tribe, the leaves and bark of which were good for this purpose. Interested at once, Cartier remarked that one of his men had had the dis- ease, and he would like to know a cure for it. They turned and went toward the Indian vilhige, at the invitation of the young chief, and two women were sent to procure a quantit}' of the leaves and bark. As smm as they retununl, the white man was instructed in the art of preparing :uul using it ; and do- parted, happy at having obtained a remedy for the disease from which so many of his followers were suffering. The tree Avhich was thus recommended as affording a cure was certainly an evergreen, since its leaves formed a part of a remedy used in winter; and modern scientists have agreed that the spruce-pine possesses qualities which would fit it for this purpose. Whatever it was, it effected a cure of the dreadful disease, although not before twenty-five men had died of it. At last the long, bard winter showed signs of breaking up. The ships had been frozen up from the middle of November until the middle of ]March; and upon a level, where it had not drifted, there was snow four feet deep. Early in May, Cartier took formal possession of the country, erecting a cross thirty-six feet high, bearing a shield Avith the royal arms, and an inscription in Latin: Fmnciscus Primus, Dei Gratia Francorum, Hex Ixegnat — " Fran- cis First, by the Grace of God King of the French, Eeigns." This ceremony took place May 3; and, after the cross had been erected, Car- tier entertained Donacona and his two sons, with a number of his other follow- ers, on board ship with suitable festivities. Here the chief and his sons were urged to go to France with Cartier, who had made all preparations to sail in a few days. They hesitated somewhat, but were partly persuaded, partly com- pelled, to assent to the wish of the Mhite men. "When this decision was C(nn- municated to their families, the grief of the Indians Avho remained behind was even more touching than the reluctance of the others to leave them. Cartier promised them faithfully thatthey should return within twelve months, and bade them remember how he had kept his agreement in regard to bring- ing back the two younger men. Partly from these arguments, partly from their natural aversion to giving vent to their feelings before others, the In- dians soon suppressed all evidence of grief, and departed stoically calm. The little fleet sailed May 6, and arrived at St. Malo just two months later. The authorities were somewhat disappointed at the result of this voyage. There was no evidence that Cartier was instructed to do more than to find a TAKTIKIi, I^J.S<'OVKJ{KK OF CANADA. 4.j1 Huitable location for a colony, and complete such treaties with the Indians as might bo necessary or desirable before attempting a settlement; but the news of the splendid booty secured by Pizan-o and Cortes had made all other na- tions envious of Spain and desirous of finding some other jjortionof the con- tinent which would afford as rich a field for conquest as Mexico or Peru. So, because Cartier did not bring with him gold or silver, he was not regarded with as much favor as if he had secured ever so little of the precious metals. That ho had a lich cargo of furs, obtained by trading with the Indians, coun- ted for but little ; nor did the French of that time realize what a great source of wealth would be found in the fur trade. It was for this reason that Cartier did not meet with any recognition for some time, and the sul)ject of settlement in New France was dropped. How he occupied himself during the four years after his return, we do not know. Tlie sole record that we have of any of the company is that concerning the three Indians, whom he promised, and intended, to return to their country within a year from the time that he sailed away. These were all baptized, having made profession of the Christian faith; and their conversion was es- teemed a great triumph of the Church. But the wild children of the forest pined in the distant land where all were strangers to them, and died there within the period of four or five years. In 1540, or 1541 according to some authorities, the war between the King and Emperor having been laid aside for a time, there was some leisure and money for other things. The question of a settlement in New France was again considered; Chabot was still Admiral of France, and enthusiastic as ever over the successes achieved by his friend and protege. Monsieur Jacques Cartier. But the bluff sailor, whatever might be his capability as a seaman or his fame as a discoverer and explorer, was no fit representative of the dig- nity of the Crown of France; that must be a duty assigned to a nobleman of high rank. Accordingly, Avhen it was finally resolved to send out a colony, Francis de la Koche, Sieur de Kobcrval, was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Canada and Ilockelaga, with many a high-sounding title besides; and plain Jacques Cartier, who had braved many dangers and hardships, and knew the country as no other living white man knew it, but who had not had the good fortune to be of noble birth, was named pilot of the fleet. Five ships were prepared for the voyage. For some reason, the figurehead of the expedition was not ready to sail at the appointed time; and Cartier, with the five ships, left St. Malo May 2'6, 1540, according to Hakluyt; 1.541, according to some other authorities. He encountered strong adverse winds, which so scattered his fleet that they did not reunite for some time; but at length all arrived safely at that harbor wjiifh, on his first voyage, he had named St. Croix. This was xVugust 23. 452 CARTIEK, DISCtn'EKEK OF CANADA. As soon as the natives discovered the presence of the vessels, they came to inquire after their chief and his two sons, who had been gone for several years beyond the time when their return was expected. Cartier feared the result of telling them that all three were dead; and informed them that Do- nacona was dead, but that his two sons had married French ladies, and were now great lords in France, irfiisiim lo rcdiiii to their old wild forest life. ^^ ,^ f^fji^ Caktier at thk St. Charles Kher, near Quebec. How great was the mistrust which these assertions produced in the minds of the Indians, we shall never know; but it is certain that the statements were not received with favor. The Indians were evidently suspicious of the man who had carried away three of their number, and who, although he had promised so faithfully to bring them back at the appointed time, had failed to bring them at all. The colony founded under such circumstances did not prosper as it might have done had the natives proved friendly as before. CAKTIER, DISCOVKREK OF CANADA. 453 It was nearly a year after the departure of Cartier with his vessel before M. de Roberval was ready to leave France. lie sailed from Rochelle April 16, 1542, with three ships and two hundred colonists. On entering the har- bor of St. John he espied three ships entering the same harbor; what was •his surprise to find that they were commanded by Cartier, and held all the survivors of those who had left St. Malo the preceding May! He angrily or- dered Cartier to return to Canada with him; but the pilot had had quite enough of colonizing, and so had all his followers; he escaped from the har- bor under cover of night, and sailed to France. Roberval, finding his lieutenant had thus deserted him, continued his jour- ney and landed before Cape Rouge. Here he caused his followers to build an immense structure, half barrack, half castle; large enough to accommo- date under one roof all the workmen of his colony. But the settlement was far from being a prosperous one. Like Cartier's men during the winter spent in Canada, they suffered nmch from disease. Then their stock of pro- visions ran low and famine set in. While enduring these hardships the rule of the governor was not in the least relaxed. A man was hanged for a petty theft; quarrelsome men and scolding women Avere punished at the whipping- post; "by which moans," says the quaint old chronicle, "they lived in peace." But order procured by such severe means was not durable; society thus governed is liable at any moment to a revolt which will overturn all govern- ment. Roberval's settlement was only saved from such a fate by the arrival of Cartier, who had been sent to bring the governor and his followers home; because the King had use for the noble Sieur de Roberval in France. Thus ended the first colony in New France. For half a century there was no further attempt to settle it made by the French. Cartier does not seem to have incurred any disgrace by having deserted Roberval before that oflScial arrived in Canada; on the contrary, his various services to the Crown were rewarded by a grant of the title and privileges of Sieur de Limoilin, his native village. He made no more voyages after that fourth one across the Atlantic, but settled down to the enjoyment of his new dignity. How long after this he lived, is not certain; for there is no record which gives us the date of his death. All that we know is that he was alive in 1552; but as he w^as then but fifty-eight years old, we cannot suppose that the hearty, bluff sailor was then enfeebled by the approach of age. JUAN FERNANDEZ, THE DTSCOYEREH OF ROBINSON CRUSOE'S ISLAND. "ifN the chapter dcvotod to Pizarro, the discoverer and conqueror of Peni, X ^^ '^^ ^^^ found a brief account of Ahnagro's appointment to the govcni- T ment of Chili. Before his time the country had been conquered by the Incas; but of course, on the overthrow of the power of Atahualpa, Pizarro having failed to assert his dominion over them, the Chilians, or Araucanians, as they were called, regained their independence. Almagro met with such determined resistance that he found it best to go back to Peru: and here he became involved in the civil wars which cost his own life and that of Piz- arro. But before the latter event, Don Pedro dc Valdivia was disi)atchcd to take possCvSsion of this country, and establish a colony there, in accordance with the Governor's plan of colonizingthe whole coast; and Pizarro was preparing to follow him with a larger force when Almagro'sfollowers, the men of Chili, as they were still called, entered his palace and nuirdered him. Valdivia, although this aid had not reached him, founded the city of Santiago, and later, the town bearing his own name; and governed Peru for twelve years. There was constant intercourse between Peru and Brazil, much of it by sea. But voyages southward were not so easily performed as they would have been were it not that the winds near the coast blow constantly from the south. For many years the mariners of Peru and Chili contended with this difliculty, without finding any means of evading it. Amongthcmostskillful pilots engaged in this traftic, was Juan Fernandez. AYe have no record of his early history; but it is probable that he was a son of that Juan Fernandez who had been a follower, first of Pizarro, then of Alvarado, then of Pizarro again; and had been honored by the latter with the command of a vessel. This elder Spanish mariner of this name had been one of the leaders of an expedition of the Spanish Government against the Island of Trinidad; tempted by the rumors of gold to be obtained, they had, instead of obeying orders, landed on the main land, where incredible hardships were endured by all, and Fernandez and his companion in the leadership died be- fore the winter was over. This was in 1538. (454) I'KKNANDKZ, 'IMK DISCO VKKKU OF KOI',INSON ruiSOK S ISI.AM). 4;K) Tvvonty-fivc years afterward, the youiigc^r Juan Feriiaridc;/, having a consid- erable experience as a pilot betwecm Peru and Chih', and liaving frequently been delayed by the contrary winds, b(!gan to consider some path by which Chili might be reached without encountering this trouble. He was not ac- quainted with the Pacific Ocean except along the western coast of South America, ajid knew nothing, either from his own expei-ience or fi-om the teachings of science, about the currents of wind and water elsewhere; }>ut it seemed to him worth while to try the experiment of putting to sea before steering southward. To tiie igncH-ant and narrow-minded men of that day, the man who accom- plish(!d anything more than others could do was an object of some suspicion; the iiivst [)rinters were accused of deriving assistance fr(Mn the devil, because they multiplied books so rapidly; and it was so in the case of Juan P^ernandez. He made the voyage from Peru to Chili, by adoptingthe plan outlined above, in such a wonderfully short time that his rivals concluded there could be but one explanation : he had sold himself to the devil — is not he called the Pj-incc of the Power of the Air? — and by his assistance had been enabled to sail in the very teeth of the wind. Th(! accusation was formally made, and Fernan- dez was actually brought to tiial. At first, he seems to have wished to keep his s(!cret; for there were business rivalries in the sixteenth century as well as now, and the pilot who could bring a ship into port in advance of others was a notable man in his line of life; but this prosecution brought out the truth; he was obliged to disclose to his rivals the secret of his success. Per- haps they kept him in prison while a vessel was sent to make trial of it; cer- tainly it was something unusual for a man accused of such a deed to be cleared. P^ither in this first voyage out of the beaten track or in one made shortly afterward, he came in sight of a mass of precipitous rocks, rudely piled into irregular blocks and pinnacles, and rising abruptly out of the waters. His observations told him that this was about four hundred miles west of the coast of Chili, and very nearly in the latitude of Santiago. He named this island Mas-a-Tierra, and the neighboring one, nine miles farther west, Mas- a-Fu(!ra, the names meaning, respectively, " Nearer the Land," and "Nearer the Sea." Feinandez petitioned the Spanish Government to grant him the islands which he had discovered, and his request was not, according to the })est au- tiiorities, refused. As the larger body of land is only thirteen miles long by four miles wide, his request was a modest one. He settled there, thinking that he would devote himself to the quiet and i)leasant life of a farmer; and imported stock of various kinds. Of these animals, however, only the goats seem to have prospered. But however pleasing some men may iiud it to be " monarchs of all they Ill, ,ii ' .s i i i '1 T :S# ' , j;: FERXANDKZ, 'VUE DISCOVEKKR OF ROBINSON C^RUSOk's ISLAND. 457 ourvcy," when the all is a little island far out of sight of land, the quiet shore-life did not suit the roving nature of the seaman; and the attempted settlement was abandoned by him. He again engaged in his old work as pilot of a vessel along the western coast of South America. While some writers fix the date of the discovei-y of these islands as early as 15G3, others place it nine years later. The truth is probably that they were discovered in the earlier year, but that the attempt to settle them lasted for several years. When Fernandez finally returned to the continent, his coming would awaken some interest in the place, practically unknown to others, where he had been living; and thus it would be said that he then dis- covered these islands. Two years after his return, he made a voyage between the two countries in which, as was now usual, he stood out to sea before proceeding southward; and discovered two other islands, to which he gave the names of St. Felix and St. Ambrose. Mas-a-Ticrra and Mas-a-Fuera had now become better known by his own name, although, properly speaking, it is Mas-a-Tierra which is the Island of Juan Fernandez. At some time after the settlement on the islands was abandoned, there seems to have been another effort to colonize it; but the settlers found that the goats left there by Fernandez had nmltiplicdto such an extent as to make the island incapable of producing anything beyond their food. A number of dogs were accordingly placed there, in the hopes tha'^ they would exterminate the goats, or at least greatly decrease their numbers; but this did not prove completely successful; for the descendants of those very goats still roam the island to-day. In 1576 Fernandez made still another voyage of historical interest. As all that is known of this voyage is contained in a document usually called the " Memorial of Arias," the date of which is sometime after 1709, we intro- duce here the portion of this authority relating to Juan Fernandez; using the translation of Alexander Dalrymple : — "A pilot named Juan Fernandez, who discovered the track from Lima to Chili by going to the westward — which till then had been made with much difficulty, as they kept alongshore wdiere the southerly winds almost con- stantly prevail — sailing from the coast of Chili about the latitude of forty degrees, a little more or less, in a small ship with some of his companions, in courses between west and southwest, came in two months' time to a coast which he judged to bo that of a continent, of a climate most agreeable, in- habited with white people, mighty yveW disposed, clothed with very fine clothes, and so peaceable and civil that in every manner they could express they offered everything in their power, and of the riches and fruits of the country, which appeared very rich and plentiful. But, being overjoyed to have discovered the coast of that great continent, so much desired, he re- 458 FERNANDEZ, THE DISCOVERER OF ROBINSON CRUSOE S ISLAND. turned to Chili, intending to go back properly fitted; and to keep it a secret until they and their friends could return on the discovery. It was delayed from day to day, until Juan Fernandez died, when with his death this matter, so important, sank into oblivion. "In regard to this, it must be observed that many have related this dis- covery of Juan Fernandez in the following manner, affirming that they had it thus from himself, viz, : That going to the westward from Lima to discover the track to Chili, seeking times for it, and getting off shore — where almost always the winds are from the south — a certain space of longitude, which ho would at a proper time declare, and then standing south, with little deviation to the adjoining points, he discovered the said coast of the Southern Conti- nent in the latitude which he would also tell when expedient, from whence he made his voyage to Chili. "Other relations, much worthy of belief, place this discovery as before re- lated; but whether it happened in this or the other manner, or two different discoveries, it is a thing most certain that he did discover the coast of the Southern Land; for so it has been testified by persons of much credit and authority, to whom the said Juan Fernandez communicated the account, with the above-mentioned circumstances of the country and people which he dis- covered; and one of these witnesses, whom I can here mention to Your Ma- jesty, was Maesse de Campo de Cordes, a man extremely worthy of credit, as is known, and he has been employed in Chili near sixty years, who heard it from the said pilot, and saw the description he brought of the said coast. " On this coast Juan Fernandez saw the mouths of very many large rivers, from whence, and from what the natives intimated, because they were people so white, so well-clad, and in everything so different from those of Chili and Peru, he concluded it certainly was the coast of the Southern Con- tinent, which appeared much better and richer than that of Peru." It is unfortuate for historical geography that Fernandez did not leave some memorandum of the latitude and longitude of the coast which he claimed to have discovered, that his statements might have been verified. The direction he took, and the time that is said to have been taken for the voyage, would point to New Zealand or Australia; but there the probability of its having been one of these bodies of land ends. But where, the reader asks, is there another island that answers the description? There is no other. No other navigator has ever found, on an island south of the equator, a race of people, white in color, and more civilized than the people of Peru; to whom the in- habitants of these lands were especially compared by Fernandez, thoroughly familiar with the history of the Incas and their successors. There is but one island of the South Pacific which gives any traces of such a civilization — Easter Island, called by the old navigators Davis' Land. But this would not require two months' time to reach it; it could not be mistaken FKKNANDEZ, TIIK DISCOVEKEK OF KOHINSOxN Clil .SUE S IbEAM). 4. V.I for a continent by any moderately careful observer, if any time was spent on its coast; and although the people who produced the strange sculptures there found may have been in possession toward the latter part of the six- teenth century, a very few years after Fernandez reached it saw it in the pos- session of a much lower race of savages, who regarded the relics of former civilization with but little reverence. Natives of Easteu Tsi.axd. There arc two other explanations which may be offered of the statements (juoted above: the continent which was discovered by Fernandez sank into the ocean again, leaving only scattered islands to show where its mountain 4()0 FERNANDEZ, THE l)lSC()\'KKKli OF J;( )I',IN S( >N CKl SOlfs ISLAND. peaks still emerged; or the account which he gave is wholly or partly false. He probably discovered Australia or New Zealand; but his statements as to the natives being white, well-clad, and so on, were probably fabricated for the purpose of arousing more interest in an effort to seek them out again than would be manifested had he admitted that they w^ere dusky savages. The explorations of Juan Fernandez are of importance, as showing how early the Spaniards became acquainted with the entire western coast of South America. He was certainly a brave man to venture out from shore upon the broad Pacific; for many a Spanish mariner of that time looked with horror upon this ocean. Had it not brought evil to all who had anything to do with it? And in support of his belief the superstitious sailor would reckon the dreadful misfortunes which had befallen those whose names are connect- ed wnth its history: Balboa, its discoverer, had been beheaded; Magellan, who first sailed upon it from the south, was killed by infidels — and it was reckoned a great deal worse to be killed by infidels than to be slain by those of one's own faith — and the mariner on Magellan's ship who had first des- cried the boundless waters from the strait through which the vessel had long been journeying, had become a renegade, and was actually a ISIohammedan for many years before he died. It shows something of the strength of mind possessed by Juan Fernandez, that he should have been able to set all these things at defiance and venture boldly into the blue waters. To lovers of books of adventure, that discovery which he undoubtedly made is connected with an incident of much interest. After the abandon- ment of the island of Juan Fernandez by the Spanish, it was visited by Dam- pier, that wild sea-rover who was so nearly a pirate. The captain of one of his vessels quarreled with a large number of his men, and actually put five of them ashore. These men renuiined here for several years; and four years after they were landed their ship again touched at the island and took two of them on board ; the others having been captured by the French. At this time, 1704, the captain of this vessel had a violent quarrel with his sailing- master, one Alexander Selkirk, who had been a " ne'er-do-weel " in his Scot- tish home, and had run away to sea rather than answer for some youthful mis- demeanor. This quarrel ended by Selkirk declaring that he would rather go ashore than serve under such a captain any longer; the captain was glad to get rid of him, and ordered that he should be left on the island. Duly pro- vided with certain necessities, he was put ashore. But his courage failed him, and he begged to be taken back on board. This request was refused, and the ship sailed away, leaving him to the companionship of the goats. Five years passed; and he learned patience in that time, as well as the means of extracting a certain amount of enjoyment from this solitude, be- coming as fleet-footed as the goats which he hunted for his food. It is related that one day he chased a goat so eagerly to the edge of a precipice, which was FERNANDEZ, THE DISCOVERKll OF ROBINSON Crusoe's island. 4(jl over together, until they concealed by bushes, that they rolled over and reached the bottom. Then, for the first time since his com- rades had left him, a ship touched at the island. It was an English vessel, the Duhe , c o m - manded by Capt. WoodRodgers. Sel- kirk was taken on board, and they re- turned to England, where he became the hero of the day. His story reached the ears of Daniel DeFoe, and proved his inspiration. On this foundation of a solitary sailor left alone for several years upon an unin- liabited island, he built that story which has been the delight of so many generations of boys ; and "Eobinson Cru- soe," although his imaginary island was placed in a dif- ferent position, is SMK^K^OIIO^^.T^I:Go.TsTooFu' thus inseparably connected with the islands of Juan Fernandez. THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISIIER. ^J~'HE parish register of the town of Doncaster, Enghind, contains many ^^J entries of the baptism of members of the Frobisher family; but, as it ^|r does not go back quite to the middle of the sixteenth century, there is no record there which would enable us to guess at the time when Martin, the son of Francis Frobisher, Mayor of Doncaster in 1535, was born. It was a family that had long been prominent in the history of the place; for the great-grandfather of Francis Frobisher had been recorder of Don- caster in his time, and had married the daughter of a landed proprietor in the neighborhood. Of the boyhood of the discoverer we have no accounts; Campbell, in his Lives of the Admirals, says that he was bred to the sea; but this bare state- ment is all. There seems no doubt that he followed the sea at an early age; for in 1566 he was brought before the authorities on suspicion of having fitted out a vessel to go to sea as a pirate. Of this charge, however, he was acquitted; being bound upon a voyage to Guinea. His errand, most probably, was to procure slaves; but this was not looked upon as wrong at that time. Before the time of Columbus it had been supposed that the torrid zone was uninhabitable, by reason of its great heat; and it will be remembered that the Council of Salamanca had urged this as one reason why his project was im- practicable. The great navigators of the last decade of the fifteenth century and the first half of the sixteenth had proved that this was not so; that it was quite possible to support life in the torrid zone. The same authorities who had declared life could not exist between the tropics, had also maintained that there could be no living near the poles on account of the great cold. Since one assertion had been disproved, what was more natural than to refuse to believe the other? Thus it came about that many persons believed an open sea to exist around the poles, and the climate of the far north to be much less severe than had been supposed. "Thoroughly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere, and all other skills appertaining to the art of navigation, as also for the confirmation he hath of (462) THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 4(i3 the same by mauy years' experience, both by sea and land," Captain Fro- bisher resolved that there must be a nearer passage to India than that which the Portuguese had discovered, and were then using, by the Cape of Good Hope. He tirst settled the matter in his own mind, and then proved to his friends that this passage lay by the northwest, and was easy to be performed. "And further, he determined and resolved with himself to go make full proof thereof, and to accomplish, or briugfull certificate of the truth, or else never to return again, knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was yet left undone, whereby a notable mind might be made famous and fortunate." ^^Ilt Martix Fkobisher. There was, however, something very necessary that was lacking; before he could set out upon this great enterprise he must have ships and men, both of which required a well-filled purse. According to the account of George Beste, who in 1578 published an account of his voyages, the first efforts to obtain these necessaries was in 1561, fifteen years before he succeeded. He first addresssd himself to the merchants; but they were unwilling to risk their money with no better security of return than Frobisher could furnish; 464 THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. SO after many vain endeavors in this direction, he concluded to apply to noble- men who might be willing to help him for the sake of having their names associated with great discoveries as patrons. The first who listened to him with favor was Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick; and by his persuasions many others were induced to contribute to the enterprise. It was no very expensive outfit that was furnished ; two small vessels, one of twenty and one of twenty-five tons' burden, and a pinnace of ten tons, completed the fleet. Food and other supplies, in quantities sufli- cieut for a year, were provided; and a number of adventurers having been enlisted, and seamen employed, the Gabriel and the Michael set sail from England, June 15, 157G. Sailing northward from England, he sighted land July 1. He believed this to be Freeseland; but the shore was so bordered with ice that it was not safe to attempt a landing. In addition to this, they were in the midst of a dense fog; during which their pinnace was lost sight of, Frobisher supposing it to have been swallowed.up by the sea; and the Michael, the crew thinking the same thing of the larger vessel, went home again, and reported that the mas- ter had been lost at sea. But although his mast was sprung and his topmast blown overboard, Fro- bisher continued his course toward the northwest; knowing, says the old nar- rative, that the sea must have an end and the land a beginning somewhere. His faith w^as rewarded July 20, by the sight of land which he named Queen Elizabeth's Foreland. - Sailing farther north, he saw another " foreland," with a great bay or pas- sage dividing, as he thought, two continents from one another. With some difficulty he advanced into this passage, determined to explore it to the end. It is plain, however, from the representation of Frobisher's Strait on the maps of the period — for he named this passage after himself — that he did not go very far from the open sea. In such maps, the strait appears to be a broad and open passage, with coasts but slightly indented, connecting the two oceans; its width is about equal to that of the Mediterranean at the wildest part, thought the old cosmographer. Landing at a favorable point, " he saw mighty deer that seemed to be man- kind, which ran at him, and hardly he escaped with his life in a narrow way, where he was fain to use defense and policy to save his life. In this place he saw and perceived sundry tokens of the people resorting thither, and being ashore upon the top of a hill, he perceived a number of small things floating in the sea afar off, which he supposed to be porpoises or scales, or some kind of strange fish; but coming nearer, he discovered them to be men in small boats made of leather. And before he could descend down from the hill cer- tain of these people had almost cut off his boat from him, having stolen se- cretly behind the rocks for that purpose, ^vhere he speedily hasted to his boat THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 465 and bent himself to his holbert, and narrowly escaped the danger and saved his boat."' A closer acquaintance with the Esquimaux, however, showed that there was no need to fear them. They came on board the ship and exchanged their sealskins and bearskins for bells and looking-glasses; and tried in every way to convince the Englishmen of their friendship. So thoroughly did the crew, despite the advice of Frobisher, trust the natives, that five of them went ashore in the boat, probably to meet the Indians at some designated point; but they were never heard of again. This was a serious loss, for the crew was but a small one, and there were scarcely enough men left to handle the ship. Nor could Frobisher attempt any rescue of his men; for the one boat of the ship had been used to take them ashore, and those now on the vessel had no means of approaching the land. The wary natives did not come near the ship now; and Frobisher w^as at a loss how to obtain possession of one of them, since he desired to capture at least one, in revenge for the loss of his five men; besides, it was almost a point of honor with these old voyagers to bring home some of the natives, that it might be seen what strange lands they had visited. He accordingly rang a low bell, which he declared, by signs, when the Esquimaux assembled at a safe distance to listen to its voice, he would give to any one who w^ould come and fetch it. Still they held back; and Frobisher, anxious to reassure them, threw a bell toward them. He purposely fell short of them; and the bell was lost in the sea. He then rang a louder bell, until, at last, unable to with- stand the temptation any longer, one of the Esquimaux swam to the side of the ship to receive the bell. Frobisher extended his hand to him; and when the savage would have caught at the bell, let that drop into the sea and seized the hand of the Esqui- maux, dragging him into the ship. "Whereupon, when he found himself in captivity, for very choler and disdain, he bit his tongue in twain Avithin his mouth." This one poor Indian formed one of the chief results of the voyage; for he wasaliving proof of the "captain's far and tedious travel toward the unknown parts of the world." Content with having taken this prisoner, and with hav- ing discovered the great Strait, as they supposed, they returned home, arriv- ing in England in August, 1576. Some of the crew had brought wnth them flowers, others even bits of grass, as souvenirs of the strange country which they had visited. Frobisher him- self, having nothing better, brought a piece of black stone, so heavy that it seemed to contain some kind of mineral. Yet he did not think it of any im- portance, keeping it only for a memento of the place w^here it had been found. Arrived in London, his friends and acquaintances were not slow to ask him 466 THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. what he had brought home with him from this northern voyage. He had nothing but this black stone, and he divided it among them with careless generosity. A piece of it was given to the wife of one of the gentlemen who had assisted Frobisher to fit out his vessels; she accidentally dropped it in the fire; but managed to get it out, and to cool it, dropped it into some vinegar. It glistered yellow; and it was taken to certain gold-finders in London to be assayed. These experts pronounced it to be gold, in quantities that paid very well for the working. The effect was magical; those prudent gentlemen the merchants, who had declined to have anything to do with the first voyage, were now anxious to be allowed to contribute toward the fitting out of an expedition. The gold-find- ers who had made the assay offered to explorethe parts where this was found, at their own expense; and some sought to obtain, by secret influence, a lease of these lands from the Queen. Interest having been thus increased, preparations for a second voyage were begun and rapidly pushed to completion. To the two vessels that had been fitted out before was added a third, the ^4?VZ; and Frobisher was commissioned to employ one hundred and twenty men, of Avhoin thirty were to be miners, refiners, and merchants. Provisions for seven months were supplied; and Frobisher was instructed to fill his ships with ore if he could, leaving all un- necessary things behind him ; if he failed to find enough to lade all the vessels, the Aid, which was a ship of two hundred tons' burden, Avas to return to England, while he, with the two smaller vessels, followed the strait which had now been formally named after him — and which existed only in his im- agination and on the maps — till he came to Cathay. They set sail upon the last day of May, 1577; and on July 4, the Michael, which was in the lead, fired a gun, as a sign that land had been descried. The fog was so thick, however, that no land was really visible, although the smooth black water-gave a sure indication that it could not be faroif. They had reached the outposts of northern Europe, the Faroe Islands, which Frobisher and his contemporaries call Freeseland. But the mists were so dense around these islands that there was great danger that the vessels would be separated from each other; and there was considerable danger from the great masses of ice which came driving along the shore; so the three ves- sels again sailed to the westward. Scarcely were they out of sight of the Faroe Islands before they encoun- tered a storm in which the il//c/!«e? suffered severely; but, persisting in their course, they reached land near the entrance of the straits July 17. The first landing was made upon that island where the specimen of gold-bearing quartz had been found; but a most diligent search failed to reveal another piece. Other islands, however, yielded some of the black stones which were now so eagerly sought, and the searchers returned to the vessel in good spirits. THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 467 All elevation upon Hall's Island, which had been discovered and named on the preceding voyage, was called Mount Warwick, after the chief patron of the enterprise; and the sailors heaped a column of stones there, by way of marking it for the benefit of future voyagers. As they returned toward their boats, they saw a number of the natives on the summit of this mount, signal- ing to them. Frobisher answered them, and made signs that he would send two of his men to meet two of theirs in the space between the larger forces. They readily assented to this, and the four men, all unarmed, met and traded their respective valuables with great friendliness. Nothing could persuade the natives, however, to trust themselves on board the ships; nor could an}'- thing induce the Englishmen to accept their newfriends' invitation to go far- ther inland with them. Frobisher was not content, however, with the trading; he desired to cap- ture the two Indians to take them aboard the ship. He would then dismiss one wnth presents of clothes and those toj's which had always proved so at- tractive to uncivilized people, retaining the other to serve as an interpreter. In accordance with this plan he sent his two men to the boat, while he and the master of one of the vessels advanced from the shore to the spot where the Indians stood. Some exchanges had been made, when suddenly, at a sig- nal that had been agreed upon, Frobisher and his lieutenant laid hold of the Esquimaux, and tried to drag them to the boat. "But the ground under feet being slippery, w^ith the snow on the side of the hill, their handfast failed; and their prey, escaping, ran away and lightly recovered their bow and arrows, which they had hid not far from them in the rocks. And being only two savages in sight, they so fiercely, desperately, and with such fury assaulted and pursued our general and his master, being altogether unarmed, and not mistrusting their subtilities, that they chased them to the boat, and hurt the general in the back with an arrow, who the rather fled speedily back, because they suspected a greater number behind the rocks." So thoroughly alarmed were the gallant general and the companion of his danger that they called to the men in the boat to fire upon the Indians; and the sound of the discharge of a single musket most effectually routed these determined foes. The Englishmen, reassured by the flight of their enemies, gave chase; and a certain Cornishman, who excelled in wrestling, overtook one of the natives, and showed him "such a Cornish trick that he made his sides ache against the ground for a month afterward. And so being stayed, he was taken alive, and brought away, but the other escaped." While this conflict, brought about by the treachery of the English and the " subtiltie " of the natives, Avas going on, a storm had arisen, Avhich pre- vented the boats from returning to the ships that night; and with some dif- ficulty they made their way to an island about a mile aAvay, where they spent •168 THE t]ikp:e voyages of sir martin frobisher. the night "upon hard cliffs of suow and ico, both wet, cokl and comfort- less." In the meantime the ships had been in great danger; for the cook having made a great fire in the kitchen of the Aid, a defective flue came near being the means of destroying the whole vessel. Fortunately the fire was discov- ered before it had gained too great a headway, and was "with great labor and God's help extinguished." Queen Elizabeth of Engi^vnd. The storm continued all night, and it was not until the middle of the next day that the boats reached them. They then sailed for the southern shore of the straits, as they considered the land which lies just north of Hudson's Strait; for that small inlet at the southeastern extremity of Baffin Land is all the foundation that there w^as in reality for the magnificent fiction of Fro- bisher's Straits, a wide passage connecting the two oceans. Here they found, as they thought at first, a large quantity of the valuable black stones; but when it came to be tested, it was seen to be, much to their disgust, nothing more than plumbago, or black lead, as it was then called. They spent considerable time in exploring the surrounding islands, Avith a view to finding whatever there might be of mineral wealth in them. THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 469 III these searches they came upon a number of the dwellings of the natives; from which, however, the people had fled at their coming. In these tents they found a doublet of canvas, and three shoes of European manufacture — evidently a portion of the clothing of those five who had been captured by the natives the year before. The Indian whom they had captured, and who seems to have become fairly contented onboard the vessels, M^as asked about these, and admitted that he had known of the prisoners being taken; when asked, however, if his countrymen had killed and eaten them, he persistent- ly denied the charge. On another of their expeditions on shore, they captured two Avomen, one of whom carried a young child in her arms. The other was so old and ugly that they thought she must surely be a -witch; so they put her ashore again; ])ut the other woman they thought would be a good wife for their male pris- oner. Their matchmaking, however, did not prosper; for although their two prisoners became very good friends, it seemed that each was faithful to some partner on shore. This woman confirmed what their other captive had told them of the five Englishmen. At the time of discovering the doublet and shoes, they had left in the tent, beside them, pen, ink and paper, and also a number of trink- ets to put the Indians in a good humor, and induce them to permit their captives to communicate with their friends. Nothing had been heard from them, however, and it was almost concluded that they had fallen victims to the cruelty of their captors or the severity of the climate. Frobisher, how- ever, resolved to make one last effort to communicate with them; and a num- ber of the natives having come to the ships to trade with the strangers, Fro- bisher told them that he was willing to exchange the man, woman and child whom he held, for those five Englishmen who had been in captivity for the past year; and wrote the following letter, which they agreed to deliver to the prisoners and return with an answer within three days: — " In the name of God, in whom we al beleve, who, I trust, hath preserved your bodyes and souls amongst these infidels, I commend me unto you. I will be glad to seeke by all meanes you can devise, foryour deliverance, eyther with force or with any commodities within my shippes, whichi will not spare for your sakes, or anything else I can do for you. I have aboord of theyrs a man, a woman, and a childe, which I am contented to deliver for you ; but the man I carried away from hence the lasteyeare, is dead in England. Moreover, you may declare unto them, that if they deliver you not, I wyll not leave a manne alive in their countrey. And thus unto God, whome I trust you do serve, in haste I leave you, and to him we will dayly pray for you. This Tues- day morning, the seaventh of August, anno 1577. " Yours to the uttermost of my power, ' ' Martin Frobisher, ' ' 470 THE THREE "VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIX FROBISHER. "I have sent you by the.se bearers, penne, incke, and paper, to write back unto me agayne, if personally you cannot come to certifye me of your estate." Frobisher had determined not to attempt any further explorations, judging it best to obey literally his orders, which bound him to look for metalliferous ore as long as there was any prospect of finding it; so he gave orders that a number of the men should busy themselves with making a small fort on one of the islands near where they had anchored. A position of great natural strength was chosen, being enclosed on three sides by the sea, above the level of which the cliff rose like a wall. The side Avhich faced the land was pro- vided with a bulwark of casks full of earth; and the whole, being properly garrisoned, afforded a safe place from which they might advance to treat with the Indians, without having to return to the ships, in case of hostilities, in the midst of a shower of arrows. Here they awaited the return of those natives who had undertaken to act as letter-carriers. On the Saturday after the letter was written, they showed themselves on the side of the hill, and called to the whites. It was plain that there were a great many of them there, most of them concealed, or partly so, behind rocks; and all their wiles to persuade the whites to come to a confer- ence with them proved useless. After some time, Frobisher sent a man from one of the vessels to meet one of theirs; for the Indians were not yet aware of the presence of the fort, where they were closely watched by the garrison. But the only result of this conference was a trade, in which the savage exchanged a great bladder for a looking-glass. The male prisoner whom they had on board asserted that this had been sent to him to keep water in ; but the Englishmen were rather inclined to be- lieve that his friends meant him to use it as a life preserver, should he have an opportunity of escaping by swimming. They were rather suspicious of him, because both he and the w^oman had made several attempts to escape, loosing the boats from the stern of the ship, so that their captors would have nothing in which to pursue them. Unluckily for the wild children of the west, however, their efforts had always been detected in time to frustrate them. When Frobisher found that this was all that they intended to offer in trade, and was warned by those in the fort that the Indians who had been concealed were slowly closing upon him and his immediate force, he gave the signal to return to the ships, although he had not been able to get any news of the five captives. "When he had left the Indians they mustered themselves in full sight on the top of a hill, twenty in a rank, and began a dance which we, with a closer knowledge of the North American Indian's habits tiuin Frobisher could have possessed, can only conclude was a war-dance. This was kept uji THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROIMSIIER. 471 until night, accompanied by those unearthly noises which the Indians call their songs; and it was onh^ stopped when a cannon was tired from one of the ships. " It thundered in the hollownesse of the hygh hylles, and made unto them so fearefull a noyse, that they hadde nogreate wyll to tarry long after." Another encounter with the natives failed to get them any news of their captive comrades; and, having procured almosttwo hundred tons of the black stones from which gold was to be extracted, they resolved to set sail home- ward; their stock of i3rovisions being almost exhausted. August 23 they left the mouth of the strait, and the next day, being clear of the land, they steered to the south, resolved to bring themselves the sooner under the latitude of their own climate. Before they reached the seas where milder weather prevails, however, they were obliged by the wind to lie by all night; and in the morning, August though it was, they found snow half a foot deep on the hatches. Stormy weather followed them across the Atlantic; and the Aid, being " higher in the poop, and a tall ship, whereon the wind had more force to drive," outsailed the smaller vessels so far that they lost sight of each other, and the leader was forced to leave his consorts " to God and the good fortune of the sea." The Aid arrived at Milford Haven September 23; and, after the men had rested a little from their long voyage, left for Bristol, which was reached a month later. Here they found the 6r«i?-/e?, which, having no good seamen on board, the master having been lost overboard before the ships parted company, had had the good fortune to fall in with a Bristol ves- sel at sea, and been conveyed thither. At this port they also heard that the Michael had safely reached a port in the north. "While the ore that was brought home did not yield as rich a harvest as had been expected, judging from the specimen that had been brought on the re- turn from the first voyage, there was still enough gold in it, the assayers de- cided, to make it pay for transportation and working. Accordingly it was resolved that Frobisher should undertake a third voyage, for the purpose of procuring a larger quantity of ore; and ten vessels comprised the fleet of which he was placed in command. These comprised the three that he had had on the second voyage. Ninety mariners, one hundred and thirty pioneers, and fifty soldiers, com- prised the force under his command. In this expedition, as in the two former, the expenses were paid by subscription, the Queen being one of the sub- scribers. The whole cost of the three voyages was something over twenty thousand pounds sterling, the equivalent, at the present day, of about a quarter of a million of dollars, so much greater was the purchasing power of money in those days. Of this sum, the sovereign contributed nearly one- fourth. This was not to be such a voyage as the two preceding, leaving no trace of 472 TIIK TIIKEK A'OYAGKS OF SIR MAUTIN FKOHISHER. the lands having been visited by white men ; but Frobisher was iustrueted to select forty mariners, gunners, shipwrights and carpenters, thirty soldiers and thirty pioneers, and leave them, under the command of his lieutenant, Edward Fenton, in the laud then called Meta Incognita; but which may be more intelligibly described to the modern reader as the islands immediately to the north of Korth America. Provisions for seven months were to be fur- nished for the whole body, besides enough to last those who were left be- hind for a period of eighteen months. i KOiusHKK Depakts OX IIis Tiiiin) Voyage. While the miners were working in the islands where the gold had already been found, Frobisher was to search diligently in the neighboring country for other mines, in order to find that which was richest. A suitable place, as secure as possible from attack by the natives, was to be selected for the colony; and Fenton was to be ordered to observe the climate, the nature and state of the country at different seasons, and particularly the time of year at which the channel appeared to be most free from ice. Thus it was planned to establish a colony in the frozen north, simply because gold had been found there; while the vast fertile regions of the southern part of the continent were left unexplored. As time went on, five other vessels were added to the number of those that THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 473 were to sail under Frobisher; making fifteen in all. The general and all the captains were received at court shortly before they sailed, and Queen Eliza- beth presented Captain Frobisher with a " faire cheyne of gold." The com- pany was reviewed May 27, at Harwich, and four days later they sailed from England. Passing along the southern coast of Ireland, they saw a bark that they thought at first was a pirate, and hailed her; but she proved to be a Bristol vessel that had been overhauled by a French ship and left destitute of food; many of the men had been wounded and they were in sore straits. Frobisher relieved their immediate wants, and, having thus begun his voyage in the exercise of charity, sailed gaily across the Atlantic. June 20 land was descried ; it proved to be the most western of the Faroe Islands. Here Frobisher and some of his companions went ashore; taking possession of it — for it had not been known heretofore — in the name of the Queen. The last day of June they fell in with a school of whales ; one of these was struck by one of the vessels in such a way that the ship was stopped. With a roar of pain the immense beast raised his body and tail above the surface of the water and sank into its depths. Two days later they found it floating on the sea. They seem to have made no attempt to secure the oil or bone from any of these whales. July 2 they came in sight of the Queen's Foreland, but were unable to land by reason of the ice. They stood out to sea for the night, and for five days remained out of sight of land. During the voyage two of the vessels of the fleet had disappeared so com-" pletely that Frobisher could only suppose that they were lost. One of these had been under the command of Fenton, his lieutenant. Nothing had been seen or heard of them for twenty daj's. While they were seeking anchorage at the land which was so near, one of the vessels, a bark of a hundred tons' burden, received such a blow from an iceberg that she sank in sight of the whole fleet. It was only by the greatest exertion on the part of the other sailors that her crew could be saved. "This was a more fearful spectacle for the fleet to behold, for that the out- rageous storm, which presently followed, threatened them the like fortune and danger. For the fleet being thus compassed, as foresaid, on every side with ice, having left much behind them through which they had passed, and find- ing more before them, through which it was not possible to pass, there arose a sudden and terrible tempest at the southeast, which blowing from the main sea directly upon the place of the straits, brought together all the ice asea- board of us upon our backs, and thereby debarred us of turning back to re- cover sea-room again; so that being thus compassed with danger on every side, sundry men with sundry devices sought the best way to save themselves. Some of the ships, where they could find a place more clear of ice, and get » 474 THE THREE VOYAGES OF Sill MARTIN FROBISHER. little berth of sea-room, did take in their sails, and there lay adrift. Other some fastened and moored anchor upon a great island of ice, and rode under the lee thereof, supposing to be better guarded thereb}' from the outrageous winds and the danger of the lesser floating ice. And again some were so fast shut up and compassed in amongst an infinite number of great countries and islands of ice, that they were fain to submit themselves and their ships to the mercy of the unmerciful ice, and strengthened the sides of their ships with junks of cables, beds, masts, planks, and such like, which being hanged overboard, on the sides of their ships, might the better defend them from the outrageous sway and sweep of the ice. * * * Thus all the gallant fleet and miserable men, without hope of ever getting forth again, distressed with these extremities, remained here all the whole night and part of the next day, excepting four ships * * * which, being somewhat asea- board of the fleet, and being fast ships, by a wind, having a more scope of clear, tried it out all the time of the storm under sail, being hardly able to bear a coast of each. "And albeit, by reason of the floating ice, which was dispersed here almost the whole sea over, they were brought many times to the extreme point of peril, mountains of ice ten thousand times scaping them scarce one inch, which to have stricken had been the present destruction, considering the swift course and way of the ships, and the unwieldiness of them to stay and turn as a man w^ould wish, * * * and even now, while amidst these extremities, this gallant fleet and valiant men were altogether overlabored and forewatched, with the long and fearful continuance of the foresaid dangers, it pleased God, with his eyes of mercy looking down from Heaven, to send them help in good time, giving them the next day a more favorable wind at the west northwest, which did not only disperse and drive the ice before them, but also gave them lib- erty of more scope and sea-room, * * * and to their greatest comfort they enjoyed again the fellowship of one another. * * * And now the whole fleet plyed off to seaward, resolving there to abide, until the sun niight consume, or the force of wind disperse, these ice from the place of their passage; and being a good berth off the shore, they took in their sails, and lay adrift." When at last they were able to make land, they could not recognize the place; although, according to Frobisher's reckoning, they were in the same position as last year. Masses of ice and snow so change the appearance of the coasts in these northern lands, from year to year, that the coasts are not always recognizable. In addition to this a thick fog overhung the land and continued twenty days. Those who had accompanied Frobisher on his former voyages were not slow to declare that they had never seen this coast before; and the fog ren- dering it impossible for him to take observations for the purpose of determ- ining his exact position, he Avas at a loss what to do. Finally, however, he THE THIIKK VOYAGES OF SIR IMAKTIN EKOI5ISIIER. 475 resolved to push on through the waters that lay before him; and although it soon became apparent to himtliat his subordinates were right, and they were not now in the entrance to that body of water which had been christened Frobisher's Straits, he stoutly maintained that it was the same passage. m Among the Icebergs. " And as some of the company reported, he hath since confessed that, if it had not been for the charge and care he had of the fleet and freighted ships, he both would and could have gone through to the South Sea, called Mare del Sur, and dissolved the long doubt of the passage which we seek to find the rich country of Cataya." So writes the Elizabethan historian; never dreaming that almost three hun- 476 THE THREE VOYAGES OP SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. dred years would pass before the long-sought Northwest Passage would be discovered, only to be found to be practically useless. Having proceeded some distance along the coast of these new straits, Frobisher saw no hope of reaching any more desirable land; and, being anxious about many of his ves- sels, resolved to return. So much time had been taken up by the storms, the mistaken journey along this shore and the return, that there remained only a small part of the precious summer season for loading the ships with the ore. Added to this they had great difficulty in linding a harbor; and the danger in which they lay was such that Frobisher "determined with this res- olution, to pass and recover his port, or else to bury himself with his attempt ; and if such extremity so befell him, that he must needs perish among the ice, when all hope should be past, and all hope of safety set aside, having all the ordinance within board well charged, resolved Avith powder to burn and bury himself and all together with her Majesty's ships. And with this peal of or- dinance, to receive an honorable knell, instead of a better burial, esteeming it more happy so to end his life, rather than himself, or any of his company, or any one of her Majesty's ships should become a preyand spectacle to those base and bloody man-eating people." He did not make this desperate determination public, however; but taking a pinnace he went closer to the land than the ships could do, seeking a safe hai-bor, as well as a de]30sit of ore. While he was gone on this errand the ships were scattered by a terrible storm; in which the wind was accompanied by so much cold, that the snow lay half a foot deep on their hatches, and the sail- ors were scarcely able to handle the ropes and sails. It was the last of July when Frobisher found the harbor of which he was in search; and riding there at anchor were the two vessels, one under Fen- ton's command, that bethought had been lost on the w^ay across. Immediately after landing, Frobisher called a council of his captains, to decide upon the course to be pursued. It was found that the house which had been prepared and transported in sections, was not complete; for parts of it had been lost with the ship that sank. Nor did they have the stock of pro- visions upon which they had calculated. But they were not contented to leave it thus. We read in the account which has been frequently quoted : — "This day [August 30] the masons finished a house which Captain Fenton caused to be made of stone and lime upon the Countess of Warwick's Is- land, to the end that we might prove it against the next year whether the snow could overwhelm it, the frosts break up, or the people dismember the same. And the better to allure these brutish and uncivil people to courtesy, against other time of our coming, we left therein divers of our country toys, as bells and knives, wherein they specially delight, one for the necessary use, and the other for the great pleasure thereof. Also pictures of men and wo- men in lead, men a horseback, looking-glasses, whistles, and pipes. Also in THE THREE \'0YA(;ES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 477 the house was imido an oven, and bread left baked therein, for them to see and taste. We buried the timber of our pretended fort, with many barrels of meal, peas, grist, and sundry othergood things, * * * * and instead we freight our ships full of ore, which we hold of far greater price. Also here we sowed peas, corn, and other grain, to prove the fruitfulness of the soil against the next year." Two hundred and eighty-three years after this house was built. Captain Hall, the Arctic explorer, found its ruins, and brought away a number of rel- ics from it and from the timber of the intended fort. It is situated on the Island known by its native name of Kod-lu-narn. These relics were trans- mitted to Loudon, in care of the Royal Geographical Society, and placed in the British Museum. At the same time Captain Hall came upon a " reservoir," as he at first called it, which he supposed to be a pit from which the stone containing gold had been dug by Frobisher's followers. The mists and fogs which came with redoubled frequency, the continually falling snow and stormy weather, gave them warning that it was time to be thinking of the homeward voyage. One thousand three hundred and fifty tons of the ore had been taken on board the various ships ; and, on the second of September, 1578, they set sail for England, where they arrived after a less tempestuous passage than the outward voyage had been. The ore that was brought home on this third voyage was found to be much less valuable than that which had been before procured; so we hear nothing more of expeditions to the northwestern seas for the sake of gold. It is to be regretted, too, that the vagueness of the statements regarding latitudes and longitudes makes it extremely doubtful where Frobisher explored; the finding of the relics which have been mentioned above was of particular im- portance, as fixing, more certainly than anything else could do, the location of the island where much of the gold was found, and off which the vessels comprising the fleet for the third expedition lay at anchor for a considerable time. Two years after his return to England, we find in the State Papers the rec- ord of Martin Frobisher's appointment to the honorable post of Clerk of Her Majesty's Ships. His domestic relations, however, seem to be less pleasant than his public experience; or, at least, he was less exemplary as a man than as an officer; for in 1581 Isabel Frobisher filed a petition, complaining that Captain Frobisher — "whom God forgive" — had spent all the money left to her and her children by Thomas Ruggat, her first husband. The money was probably spent in fitting out the vessels for the third voyage, for he was a subscriber to the stock, and it proved, financially, a disastrous failure. He commanded a vessel in that expedition to the West Indies, under the leadership of Sir Francis Drake, of which a detailed account will be found in the chapter devoted to the great Elizabethan admiral. On this occasion his 478 THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. ^hip was the oiio which inude the first attack on the enemy; "and therein did excellent service that he was among the number of the few knights made by the Lord High Admiral on that signal occasion." He seems to have remained to watch the Narrow Seas, while Drake departed in search of more stirring adventures. In 1590 he commanded an expedition sent against the coast of Spain and the neighboring islands ; and in 1592 the fleet sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh. The King of Spain had sent three thousand men to besiege Brest, and the French had appealed to Queen Elizabeth for assistance. She replied by sending a squadron under the com- mand of Sir Martin Frobisher, to whom she addressed the following letter:— Sir Walter Raleigh. "ELIZABETH, B. " Trustie and welbeloved, wee greet you well ; wee liave seen your letter to our Threasuror and our Admyrall, and thereby perceive your love of our service, also by others youre owne good carriage, whereby you have wonne yourself reputation ; whereof, for that wee imagine it wil be comfort unto you to understand, we have thought it good to vouchsafe to take l^nowl- edge of it by our owne hande writinge. "Wee know you are sufficiently instructed from our Admyrall, besides your own circum- spection, howe to prevent any soddaine mischiefe by fire or otherwise upon our fleete under your charge; and yet do wee thinke it will worke in you the more impression to be by our- self againe remembred, who have observed by former experience that the Spaniards, for all their boaste, will truste more to their devices than they dare in deed with force look upon you. For the rest of my directions, wee leave them to such letters as you shall receave from our Counsaile. "Given under our privie signet at our mansion of Richmond the 14th of November, in the thirty-sixth yeare of our reigne, 1594. " L. S. " To our trustie and wellbeloved " Slr Martixe Fcrbussher, Knight.''^ Wise as was the caution recommended in this letter, it did not have much effect upon the facts; for it was not delivered to the person addressed until after he returned to England. Let us briefly trace the progress of this effort to assist the besieged inhab- itants of Brest. The garrison, although closely' beleaguered, had managed to hold out until the English ships arrived off the coast. Sir Martin landed THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 479 his sailors, and led them in a desperate storming of the besieging party's works. These were carried, but not without severe loss on the part of the English. Several captains were killed and Sir Martin himself received a shot in his side. Having driven off the Spaniards and relieved the besieged garrison, Sir ^lartin returned to England, arriving at Plymouth early in the month of No- vember, 1594. Notwithstanding his wound. Sir Martin took an active part in directing the movements of his squadron, and prepared a, formal report to the Lord High Admiral, which is dated November 8. His injury, however, was a more severe one than had at first been thought. An operation was per- formed to remove the bullet, but, perhaps from some lack of skill in the sur- geon, perhaps from fever and secondary hemorrhage setting in, he grew worse, and November 22, 1594, died Sir Martin Frobisher, "a most valorous man, and one that is to be reckoned among the famousest men of our age for counsel and glory gotten at sea, as by the things which I have before spoken plainly appeareth." SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. *^~'HE " spacious times of great Elizabeth " are filled with many a gallant {^^ and stately figure ; but there are few who are more attractive to the ^T fancy than Sir Francis Drake, that bold sailor through unknown seas, and the brave defender of his native land when threatened by the great Armada which Spain had sent against England and had boastingly named "The Invincible." The hero's father was a clergyman of Devonshire, in which county his afterward celebrated son was born about 1540. The boy was about thirteen years old when Mary became Queen, and those religious persecutions began which have caused her to be known, in English history, as "Bloody Mary." The dependence of the Church upon the State made the religion of the sov- ereign a question of great importance; and this Queen differed so widely from her brother and predecessor in this respect, that many clergymen gave up their livings and undertook other work. One of those who followed this course was the elder Drake, who resigned his preferment in the Church, and removed with his family of twelve sons into the county of Kent. He ob- j:ained some kind of employment as clerk among the sea-faring men of the district; according to some authorities, he followed the sea himself; both accounts may be true. Whatever the occupation of his father, it is certain that the boy was thrown much among sailors, and listened greedily to the tales of adventure and enterprise which they told among themselves. Although the boy was the godson and namesake of Francis, Earl of Bed- ford, he appears to have derived no advantage from this connection; it is said that he Avas employed as a ferry-boy; later he was bound apprentice to the master of a vessel which traded with Holland and France. The master became much attached to him; and, dying when Drake was still a young man, bequeathed the ship to him. Before he was twenty, however, he had sold this vessel and gone as purser on a ship to the Bay of Biscay, and then on a voy- age to the Gulf of Guinea. In 1665 he sailed with Lovel to the West Indies, but received very hard treatment from the Spaniards there. Two vears later, we find him selling all (480) SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 481 his possessions, to invest the sum thus realized in an expedition to the Guinea eoast. Sir John Hawkins, noted as a buccaneer, was the coninumder of the fleet; and the object was the capture of slaves. They expected to sell these un- Fkaxcis Di!.\ke as a Ferry-Boy. fortunate captives in the West Indies, where there was a considerable demand for these imported slaves, since it had been found that the natives could not SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 483 be forced to labor for the white men ; but an unfavorable wind drove them to the coast of Mexico, where they anchored in the harbor of a Spanish set- tlement. Here they found a number of richly laden ships ready to sail for Spain, and might easily have captured them. Such was the estimation in which piracy was held then, that this was a real temptation, and the question was seriously debated; but better counsels prevailed and it was decided to let the ships alone. Their forbearance, however, was rudely rewarded; for the Spaniards took the first opportunity of assaulting the English fleet; they at- tempted to board the Minion and Jesus, but were kept out, with great loss on both sides. "Now," says Hawkins, "when the Jesus and the Minion were gotten about two ships' lengths from the Spanish fleet, the fight began so hot on all sides, that, within one hour, the admiral of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunk, their vice-admiral burnt, and one other of their princi- pal ships supposed to be sunk. The Spaniards used their shore artillery to such effect that it cut all the masts and yards of the Jesus, and sunk Haw- kins' smaller ships, the Judith only excepted." It had been determined, as there was little hope to get the Jesus away, that she should be placed as a target or defence for the Minion till night, when they would remove such of the stores and valuables as was possible, and then abandon her. "As they were thus determining," says Hawkins, "and had placed the 3Iinionivom. the shot of the land, suddenly the Spaniards fired two great ships, which were coming directly with us; and having no means to avoid the fire, it bred among the men a marvelous fear, so that some said, ' Let us depart with the Minion;' others said, ' Let us see whether the wind will carry the fire from us.' But the Minion's men, which had always their sails in readiness, thought to make sure work, and so, without either consent of the captain or master, cut their sail." Hawkins was " very hardly " received on board, and many of the men of the Jesus fell into the hands of the Spaniards, who treated them with the greatest cruelty imaginable. Only two vessels escaped, one of which was the Judith, commanded by Drake; the other four fell into the hands of the Spaniards, or were sunk. These two got safely out to sea, but they were but insufficiently provisioned for a long voyage, and there were none but Spanish settlements in the New World. There was no help for it but to make the best of their way across the Atlantic; and, although they suffered greatly for food, the future Admi- ral and his crew held to their course and reached their native country at last; the commander firmly resolved to revenge himself upon the Spaniards as soon as opportunity offered. Much had been hoped for from the success of this expedition; but the promoters of it found themselves poorer than when they set out. Drake was so reduced in fortune that he entered the service of Queen Elizabeth, and for two years we hear nothing of him. His time in the Royal Navy was spent 3] 484 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. to good advantage, and in 1570 lie was able to make another voyage to the West Indies with two ships provided mainly by private enterprise. The next 3'ear he made another voyage, with one vessel only; his object being to exam- ine the coasts and note precisely the condition of the various settlements, that he might be better able to strike a crushing blow, when he found his time for vengeance had come. rn j^gs: -= ^^-g^^^E^^^^--. ^ ",j-X'"'^a Drake Capturixg a Spanish Galleo.x. His reputation for seamanship, courage, and executive ability was such that when he announced his intention of sailing to America to make reprisals upon the Spaniards, he was at once joined by as many volunteers as he cared to enlist. May 24, 1572, he set sail from Plymouth with two vessels, one of which was commanded by his brother John; and a force of seventy-three men, all told. The vessels carried a year's supply of food besides ample military stores for the same period ; and three pinnaces were stow6d away, ready to be put together when there should be occasion to use them. Leaving his vessels anchored in a secure harbor on the coast of the Amer- ican main land, Drake now proceeded to the execution of his plans. Cap- tain Eawse was left in command with twenty men ; while Drake himself, with the bulk of his force, proceeded in the pinnaces, keeping close under shore all day, and rowing hard all night. As they entered the bay on which stood the Spanish settlement called Nombre de Dios, they spied a ship which had just come from Spain Avith a cargo of wine. This vessel was forced to the side of the bay, lest she should give the alarm; for surprise was an essential of success. Drake and his men then hastily rowed to the fort and entered without resistance; for there was SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 485 but one man there, so careless was the system of military duties. This man, however, was sufficient to alarm the town; and when the Englishmen had dismounted the guns which they found in the fort, they consulted as to the best means of assaulting a town where the inhabitants were prepared to re- sist them. A guard was placed upon the pinnaces, and the remaining thirty- two men were divided into two parties, which were to march into the town, with drums beating and colors flying, and begin the attack at the same time. The Spaniards were drawn up in front of the Governor's house, taking due care to cover "the road that led to Panama, for that was their only avenue of retreat. When the English advanced upon them, they imagined, from the warlike show and the noise of the drums, that they were about to be attacked by a large force; and, throwing down their arms, scattered in all directions. Drake gave the order to march toward the royal treasury; but scarcely had they reached this center of attraction, when a violent storm of thunder, wind and rain, which had been threatening for some time, burst upon them. Their guns and ammunition were wet before they could find shelter; and the sail- ors, alarmed at the situation in which they found themselves, practically un- armed in the midst of a town which they had assaulted and were about to rob, began to look longingly toward the pinnaces. Drake would hear nothing of retreat, however. Nor would he permit them to carry oif great bars of silver which they found in the store-house. "If you find silver where the door is left open," said he, "what shall w^e find where the doors are closed and locked?" They knew him too Avell to refuse to follow where he led; but still they would far rather have gone back to their boats. Drake himself, however, felt his strength giving way. The Spaniards had fired two or three shots before throwing away their arms and running, and one had Avounded him in the leg. He had said nothing of it, fearing that it would have a bad effect upon his men to know that their leader was wounded; but now he had lost so much blood that the hurt began to affect his appearance. They asked why his face should be so pale beneath the bronze which the sea^air had given to his nat- urally florid complexion; and one, perhaps his brother, asked him the ques- tion direct. Weakness overcame him, and he sank down; faintly command- ing them to retreat to the pinnaces. His anxious followers bound his wound with his scarf and carried him to the boats; reaching the haven of safety without losing but one man in the course of their attack upon the town. Returning to the ships, they were told by those who remained there that their coming was known all along the coast; and Captain Rawse declared that he had no further hopes of success. Drake, however, was determined that the Spaniards should suffer for the wrong that had been done him in the past, and sailed again to attack the settlements. liii lilil l!!!ll|i|' • SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 487 In order to be encumbered with as few vessels as possible, and have only those which were capable of rapid movements, Drake decided to destroy one of his ships, although he dared not inform his followers of what he proposed doing. The carpenter bored three holes in the bottom of the vessel, and the hold was half full of water before the crew was permitted to discover the leak. It was then too late to save her; and by Drake's orders they set fire to her, to prevent the Spaniards from securing possession of her. Placing his brother in command of the remaining ship, Drake reserved the best of the pinnaces for his OAvn use, and proceeded to a sheltered point on the isthmus, where he encamped, keeping so quiet that he hoped the enemy would be led to think that he had left the coast; for he had failed in one or two attacks because his coming was expected. A treaty had been concluded with some Indians, who, having been very harshly treated by the Spaniards a number of years before, had succeeded in escaping from the neighborhood of these cruel newcomers and establishing themselves at some distance from the settlements. In company with a num- ber of these Indians a small force of the Englishmen set out to march over- land to Panama. Drake led the party in person and the journey occupied about two weeks, beginning early in February, 1573. This seems to have been Drake's first ex- perience as an explorer; hitherto he had sailed over well-known waters, guided by charts of unquestioned authority, to points which had already been determined; now he was going beyond the bounds of what was well known, into that land which was known only by dim and uncertain tradition. It is true that Balboa had climbed the heights and seen the broad Pacific more than half a century before ; but as yet all these lands beyond the coast were strange to Englishmen ; the earth here had been trodden only by the natives and the Spaniards. Climbing a high hill on the morning of the 17th of February, Drake saw spread out before him two vast oceans. On one hand was the Atlantic, the "North Sea," which he had left, and on the other was the "South Sea," to which the name of Pacific, given by Magellan nearly fifty years before, had not yet been generally applied. Over the vast extent of the latter Drake de- termined that he would'yet sail in an English ship; and until his time no other man had made such a resolution. That he made it, and kept it, gave Great Britain a claim to the western coast of the continent; although that claim was not made good, excepting as to the territory north of the present boundary of the United States. This hill was not far from Panama, whither they were bound; and it was now necessary for them to keep as quiet as possible. Their precautions were rendered of no account by the action of one of the party, who had been drinking, and who proved unmanageable at the very moment when conceal- 488 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. ment was most necessary. As the result of this betrayal, although they had been informed that the treasurer of the town was to leave that very night for Nombre de Dios, with fourteen mules laden with gold and silver, and one with precious stones, they were able to seize only two horse-loads of silver from two caravans which passed; the treasurer of whose movements their In- dian spy had brought intelligence turning back when he learned that strangers were concealed on the road. Drake's party marched on to Santa Cruz. Near the town, they met with a party of soldiers, who commanded them to surrender, promising them kind treatment. But the hardy buccaneers laughed at the demand, and so returned the fire of the Spanish soldiers that the whole party was put to flight, while the Englishmen followed at their heels, and entered the town with their In- dian allies. Drake now determined to return to his ship, about which he was somewhat anxious. He found all in good condition, and was debating with his lieuten- ants what should be done next, when a ship was seen bearing down upon them. They knew that the name of Drake had become dreaded throughout the whole length of the coast, wherever there were Spanish settlements, and that vessels were being built to convoy those which must be used to transport treasure; and they at once thought that this was a ship which had been sent against them. It proved, however, to be a French ship, the captain and crew of which were desirous of associating themselves with Drake as soon as they found who he was and for what purpose he was upon this coast. Leaving the two ships in a safe harbor, Drake, with twenty French and fifteen English and Indians, sailed in the pinnaces to Rio Francisco. Landing here with some of the men, he left the vessels in charge of the others, with strict orders to meet them at a given point in three or four days. The land party then struck inland, and halted within a mile of the highway, where they must see and hear all that passed; for the mules then used for transport- ing goods had their harness hung with bells, so that their approach could be heard from a considerable distance. In these days this would be regarded as nothing more or less than highway robbery, however it may have been justified then as reprisals upon an enemy; and when the caravan came near them, Drake and his men promptly helped themselves to the treasure, burying that which they could not carry off. The next day they approached the shore; but seeing no signs of the pin- naces, although it was now time for them to be at the appointed place, began to fear that they were lost; and the sight of seven Spanish pinnaces hover- ing at a distance did not make them feel any better about it. Happily for the adventurers, a sudden gust of wind and rain caused these vessels to sheer off f i-om the shore ; so that they were free to approach and search for their own vessels. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 489 Drake now began to fear that his pinnaces had been captured, and that the sailors who manned them would be tortured by the Spaniards in order to make them confess where the larger vessels were hidden. He accordingly began the construction of a raft, that he and those who were with him might reach the ships and sail away before they were discovered by the Spaniards; for the latter would require some time to raise a force sufficient to attack the vessels. One Englishman, two Frenchmen, and an Indian were all who were willing to assist him in the work; and, having lashed the raft pretty securely, they made a sail of biscuit-bags, contrived a rudder, and committed their for- tunes to the water. On this raft, they sat up to their waists in water, and sometimes sank till their armpits were wet. After a voyage of six hours, they caught sight of the ships; and running the raft on the nearest shore, went round to them by land. Here he learned that a hard gale had prevented the pinnaces from keeping their appointment at the stated time; and here they came after a day or so, having reached the land and taken on board those whom Drake had left as guards, together with the treasure which they had taken to the shore. That which had been hidden was recovered by the Spaniards. The French ship now parted company with them; and Drake, hoisting the British flag, sailed boldly along the coast, stopping any vessel bound to the Spanish settlements. Two hundred vessels were thus overhauled, the English commander taking great credit to himself because he usually set them adrift to return to their owners, and did not cause the death of a single prisoner. Their stock of provisions and stores was growing less, however, and Drake was anxious to explore that great ocean which he had seen from the height on the isthmus. lie therefore gave orders to set sail for England. They ar- rived at Plymouth August 9, 1573. It was Sunday, and services were in pro- gress in the churches; but in some way the worshipers learned that Drake had returned from the Spanish Main, asthis part of the ocean was then called, and they left the preacher to talk to empty pews while they gathered about the harbor to see the ships and the sailors that had passed through wonder- ful adventures and returned to England with fabulous treasures. Drake's first voyage must be regarded as preparation for that in which he appears in the part of an explorer, if not a discoverer. He returned to Eng- land full of enthusiasm about the great ocean west of America, and devoted his share of the wealth acquired during this first independent voyage to fitting out vessels for its exploration. Three frigates were prepared ; and, through the influence of the Earl of Essex and Christopher Hatton, Drake obtained the Queen's commission to go to the South Sea. His former success was such that he had no lack of volunteers ; and many stood ready to promote the expe- dition. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 491 November 15, 1573, Drake sailed out of Plymouth harbor with a fleet of five vessels; the largest was a ship of one hundred tons' burden, and the smallest a pinnace of fifteen tons. A violent storm arose before they were fairly out of sight of land, which so damaged the vessels that they were ob- liged to put back to refit; and it was almost a month before they were ready to sail again. The winter was spent in cruising about the coast of Africa and the adja- cent islands, some few prizes being taken. It must be remembered, in excuse for Drake's war upon the Spanish shipping and settlements, that there was all but open war between Spain and England. There had been no formal declaration, but the Queen upheld the rebels against Spanish authority in the Low Countries, and the King of Spain was even then considering the pre- paration of the Invincible Armada, which was to be sent against England for the utter destruction of that country. Drake attacked Portuguese settle- ments because Portugal was then a province of Spain, having been conquered in 1550 and remaining tributary until 1640. It was not until April 5 that, having crossed the Atlantic at about the equa- tor, they spied land. This was a part of the coast of Brazil ; but they did not anchor for nearly a week. They made great efforts to make friends with the natives; but were received with some distrust. After some time, however, the Indians acquired a little more confidence; so that two of them, slipping up behind Drake, actually stole his hat off his head; and hid themselves to divide the spoil thus obtained; one taking the hat, while the other satisfied himself with the shining gold lace adorning it. Many seals were killed here, so that Drake gave the inlet the name of Seal Bay. Here also they saw penguins; these birds were so stupid that the men easily knocked them on the head Avith sticks; and there were ostriches which they described as being able to grasp stones in their talons and fling them with very good aim at their pursuers. Sailing southward they came to the anchorage which Magellan had named Port St. Julian. Here Drake landed in company with six of his men; but the natives proved less friendly than at other places and attacked the stran- gers fiercely. One of the white men was slain; and Drake avenged the death of his friend and follower— for he had a "tender regard" for this man— by killing the murderer with his own hand. After this skirmish the Englishmen retreated to their ships, landing again the next day to bury the body of their comrade. As Avas so frequently the case among the followers of the great navigators, there were mutineers among Drake's men; and a certain Captain Doughty had planned Drake's death. The plot was disclosed, however, before oppor- tunity for carrying it out was found; and Doughty was tried, found guilty, and sentenced to death. Either his associates were shielded by their com- 492 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. rades, or were less deeply concerned than he had tried to show, for they were not severely punished; Drake contented himself with making an example of one man. An Abundance op Wti.d ro^\T.. On the shore near where they had anchored, were to be seen the ghastly outlines of a gibbet, erected more than half a century before by Magellan for the punishment of those sailors who had mutinied against him; and on this same scaffold which had been the scene of their death, the English rebel against his chief was hanged. It was frequently the practice at that time that the body of a malefactor should be loft hanging, until the flesh fell away or was eaten bybirds of prey, leaving the skeleton dangling; but Drake, more humane, caused Doughty's body to be buried, and a large stone fixed at each end of his grave, on one of which his name was rudely chiseled in Latin. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 493 Leaving this port August 17, they reached the Straits of Magellan three days later. It had been supposed, before this time, that the current in these straits always set one way; but Drake found it varying wnth time and place. More than two weeks were consumed in their passage through the straits, as they were doubtful of the course, and were frequently endangered by the sudden squalls from the snow-covered heights on both sides of the passage. September 7 they entered the Pacific; Drake's desire was achieved: he was sailing an English ship on the South Sea. It must be remembered that, although there were many vessels which had sailed upon the Pacific before this time, Drake was practically sailing over unknown waters. Information was slowly spread in that time, and often jealously guarded. The explorations which had been made of the coast of South America were largely by the Spaniards and Portuguese; and each of these nations was anxious to prevent the mariners of all others from profiting by the experience of her own. It is true that maps and charts were prepared, showing the extent and situation of the lands discovered and claimed; but there was no record given to the public of the particulars which would prove so useful to the mariner. Drake knew very little of the American Seas be- fore he actually sailed in them; he had nothing more than a broad outline of what the Spaniards and Portuguese had accomplished. They found the ocean into which they had entered anything but pacific, al- though Magellan had so named it. Scarcely had they left the straits behind them when they were assailed by a storm which drove them two hundred leagues out of their proposed path. It continued for more than a week ; and during its course they lost one of their ships, of which they never heard again. They made an attempt to anchor as soon as they could recover their course, but were driven from the harbor which they sought, and separated from an- other of the ships. This one, however, was more fortunate than the first, for she made her way back to England. This left Drake but three vessels; his own flag-ship, one of fifty tons' bur- den, and the pinnace. With these he managed to find anchorage in some of the islands that cluster about the southern point of South America; approach- ing the shore of one of these islands, a number of natives with long spears were seen which proved to be quite friendly. He secured a supply of water and "wholesome herbs, which were very serviceable to the sick." For at that time a ship that made a long voyage always had more or less scurvy on board before that voyage was over. From this point they coasted along the western line of South America; we may have some idea of the uncertainty of Drake's knowledge of the waters where he was sailing, when we read that up to this time the true direction of the coast of Chili was not known ; Drake was astonished when he found, by a series of observations, that its general trend is slightly to the east of north. 494 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. Anchoring at Mocha Island Nov. 29, Drake, accompanied by ten of his men, went ashor'e, and met some of the natives, with whom they began trading. A quantity of potatoes and two fat sheep were given the Englishmen in ex- change for some of the trifles which they had brought with them, and both parties to the transaction retired equally well pleased. Two others were sent on shore the next day; but in the meantime some story of the cruelty of the Spaniards had reached the ears of the Indians who had so amicably traded with them; and these unfortunate sailors were murdered by them without provocation, being mistaken by them for Spaniards. Dkakk Visits the Islands of the South Sea. On another occasion such a mistake as this produced more agreeable con- sequences. Sailing along the coast of Chili, they met at one place where they anchored a number of the natives, who seemed well disposed toward them. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 495 One of these informed them that a large ship, laden for Peru, was then lying at Santiago ; never dreaming, poor innocent savage, that these were the sworn enemies of the people Mho manned that Spanish ship. He readily accepted a trifle in payment of his services as pilot, and*guided them straight to where the vessel lay. The crew consisted of eight Spaniards and three negroes. Seeing the English vessels approach them, the Spaniards, who did not look for enemies in the Pacific, roared out an invitation to the newcomers to come and drink with them. It may well be believed that the invitation was not declined; the English sailors hastened on board the Spanish ship, seized her crew before they had discovered their mistake, and clapped them in irons. One of them escaped; and, swimming ashore, gave the alarm to the inhabit- ants of the town. The daring sea-rovers, however, were prepared for such a case as this, and Drake gave the order to put to sea at once. Safely out of the enemy's way, they examined their prize, and found they had taken a cargo of gold, to the value of nearly a hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Having found the value of their prize, Drake returned to the coast and plundered the town. It is recorded that he rifled a chapel as Avell as other buildings; and having se- cured as booty from this source a chalice of silver, an altar-cloth, and a few other articles used in divine service, presented them to his chaplain. This chaplain, though a regular clergyman of the Church of England, did not de- cline this present. One important item of the booty secured at Santiago was the wine, of which a goodly quantity of native manufacture was taken on board. Having set his prisoners ashore, Drake bent his course toward Lima, made famous by the achievements of Pizarro. Three times, before they reached this city, did they land for water. The first was in the haven of Coquimbo, where fourteen men were assigned to the duty of going ashore for this purpose. Their presence being discovered, a force of three hundred horse and two hundred foot was sent by the town au- thorities to attack them; but the alert Englishmen retreated at the first signs of the enemy in such numbers, losing only one man. The next day, when a number of his comrades were sent ashore to bury him, the Spaniards display- ed a flag of truce, but Drake decided to have nothing to do with them. The second landing for water was uneventful. On the third occasion, at Tarapara, they found a Spaniard asleep, who seemed to have been left in charge of some treasure; this negligent guard was "eased " of eighteen bars of silver, worth four thousand ducats, which lay on the ground beside him ; and "this they did with such politeness as not to disturb his repose." Imag- ine that Spaniard's astonishment when he awoke to find his silver gone, and no trace of the robbers to be found! A little farther on, they seized eight Peruvian sheep, as they styled the llamas, laden with a hundred pound weight 496 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. of silver each, done up in leather bags. Having conveyed the silver to their ships, they were kind enough to return the animals to the Spaniard and In- dian who had been driving them. This silver is worth, at the present day, about a hundred and thirty thousand dollars of United States money. At Arica they found three small barks, the crew& of which, in false security, had gone ashore. The cargo of these consisted, in part, of about twelve hundred pounds of silver in wedges. Not being strong enough to attack the town, they now put to sea. In the harbor of Lima they found a fleet of twelve ships, the masters and most of the sailors of which had gone on shore, thinking their vessels en- tirely safe. Drake's men helped themselves to the silks and linens with which these were loaded, and then went in pursuit of a treasure-ship which had re- cently sailed from Lima bound for Panama. While in chase of this vessel they came up with another, which they rifled of eighty pounds of fine gold, besides a large crucifix, made of gold and adorned with valuable emeralds. Their original game Avasthen pursued with fresh vigor; and they descried her off Cape San Francisco, near which they overtook and boarded her. She yielded eighty pounds of gold and twenty-six tons of silver in bars — an amount of bullion worth, at the present day, nearly a million of dollars. Be- sides this they secured a large quantity of jewels, the value of which is not readily calculated. They dismissed this vessel to continue her journey to Panama; having first supplied the captain and crew Avith some linen; but whether from the cargo of that ship which they had recently rifled, history does not say. Their kind- ness was rewarded, as they thought, by their speedily coming up with another vessel, from which they secured some booty, and the pilot of which they took on board their own flag-ship to guide them along the coast. He conducted them to the town of Guatulco, where, as he informed them, there were but seventeen Spaniards, all told. Doubtful, however, of the truth of this information, Drake went ashore with some of his men, and marched to the public building where court was then in session. Some ne- groes had conspired to fire the town, and had just been tried for it; they were found guilty, and the judge was about to pronounce sentence when Drake and his men entered, and seized and carried off to his ships judge, prisoners, and spectators. The captive judge a\ as required to write to his townsmen, bidding them permit the Englishmen to water their vessels in peace. His orders were obeyed ; and the Englishmen, having obtained a sup- ply of water, improved their opportunity, as usual, by searching the town for plunder. They found nothing but " a bushel of reals," rather an indefinite expression of quantity or value to those who are not accustomed to measur- ing money in this way. Drake began to think that he had done enough to revenge his private in- SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 497 juries, and to retaliate upon the enemies of his country those misfortunes which they had inflicted upon England; and so it seems to us, as we read the account of his exploits. It now became necessary to consider his best route homeward. To return by way of the Straits of Magellan would be to dare great danger; for the Spaniards, should they discover his intentions, would certainly send enough vessels there to dispute his passage through the nar- row channel; and he seems to have had no notion of rounding Cape Horn. He therefore decided that his safest, if not his quickest route, lay across the Pacific, by way of the Moluccas, around the Cape of Good Hope, and thence to Old England; and this was the course that he resolved to take. He had now lost the two smaller vessels, and had but the one remaining. Perhaps this was one reason why he decided to abandon his attacks upon the Spanish shipping, and retreat from the vessels with wdiich they might pursue him. His proposed course lay directly across the Pacific ; for he had reached a point a little north of the equator; but there was no wind — the vessel lying in the equatorial belt of calms — and the great ocean river which here made its influence felt is a current which sets from west to east. Had the course of the currents been better known, Drake would undoubtedly have steered to the southward for a few degrees, and been swept across the Pacific by the current which runs counter to that in which he found himself. With considerable difficulty, and by taking advantage of every breath of wind, they managed to escape from the belt of calms and from the unfavorable current. But in so doing they had entered that other current, scarcely more favorable to their purpose, which sweeps along the western coast of North America from the Isthmus of Panama to Behring Bay. Borne onward by this, and retarded by unfavorable winds, they were nearly two months at sea before they saw land; and then the cold w^inds which blew seaward did not permit them to anchor for some time. The white cliffs which he saw here reminded the homesick Englishman strongly of the white cliffs of Dover, whence England derived her classical name of Albion, "the white," and suggested to him the name of New Albion, as a designation for this part of the continent. The place where they landed was a well sheltered bay, about forty-three de- grees north of the equator. This was about three degrees farther north than any white man had yet penetrated, sailing along the Pacific coast of America; for, about forty years before, a Spaniard named Cabrillo had reached Cape Mendocino, and then turned back toward the more congenial southern lands. Since then none had passed this point; for the Spaniards had much to do to hold and settle the warm and fertile countries which were already known to them; and they had not heard any stories of gold or other treasure to be found in the far North, such as they had seized upon in Mexico and Peru. Drake continued his voyage as far as the forty-eighth parallel; then, 498 SIR FRANCIS 1>RAKE, TlIK ELIZA15KTIIAN NAVIGATOR. alarmed by the fact that although this was the summer season, the cohl was severe, he turned southward, and spent some time in an inlet which was either San Francisco Bay or that opening which is still known as Sir Francis Drake's Bay. Authorities differ as to the inlet in which he anchored for in- tercourse with the natives, but the probabilities are in favor of that which bears his name. Indivn St VI king Di i k lie found the people well disposed toward liim; a pretty sure sign that the Spaniards had not yet made their influence felt in this part of the country; since their cruelties were usually such as to incense the Indians against all white men. Presents were exchanged, consisting on the one side of toys and other trifles, on the other of feather-work, curious feathers, and tobacco; with the uses of the tobacco the Europeans were as yet wholly unacquainted. After such preliminaries as these, Drake judged it safe to land and estal)- lish a cani]i; for his men had been confined to the narrow limits of the deck I J SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 499 for many months, iini were ordered to remain in England to serve their own country. Of course this was unfair, to prevent them from laying their report of the enterprise before their employers; but King James I. had some idea of send- ing English ships to explore the Hudson Eiver. In the year 1613 Hessel Gerritz, a Dutch cosmographer of note, prepared and printed a chart showing the results of Hudson's two voyages to North America. Printed on the back of this chart was a Latin description of the countr}', with some historical account of the enterprise. From this account we quote a paragraph showing what had been the influences at work upon Hudson, and what knowledge he had of these seas before he undertook the fourth voyage; when he endeavored to explore them, and re-discovered the Strait and Bay which bear his name. Gerritz writes concerning Davis' Strait: — "The last navigator who Avent along that way was Captain George Wey- mouth, who sailed in the year 1602, and who, after a voyage of five hundred leagues, was, like his predecessors, forced by the ice to return. But on pur- pose to draw at least some advantage from his expedition, he directed his course to the bay under 61 degrees, which the English call Lumley 's Inlet, and sailed a hundred leagues in a southwesterly direction into it. Having gone so far, he found himself land-locked, and, despairing of a passage, he was, by the weakness of his crew and other causes, forced to return. He, however, first explored two more bays between that country and Baccalaos, and found there the water wide and mighty like an open sea, with very great tides. "This voyage, though far from fulfilling Weymouth's hopes, assisted Hud- son very materially in finding his famous strait. George Weymouth's log- 534 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF JIENRY HUDSON. books fell into the hands of the Rev. Peter Plancius, who pays the most dili- gent attention to such new discoveries, chiefly Avhen they maybe of advantage to our own country; and when in IGOl) Hudson was preparing to undertake a voyage for the Directors of the East India Company, in search of a passage to China and Cathay by way of the north of Nova Zembla, he obtained these logbooks from Peter Plancius. Out of them he learned this whole voyage of George Weymouth, through the narrows north of Virginia till into the great inland sea; and thence he concluded that this road would lead him to India. lIlAU\ IlLDbON. "But Peter Plancius refuted this later opinion from the accounts of a man who had searched and explored the western shore of that sea, and had stated that it formed an unbroken line of coast. Hudson, in sjiite of this advice, sailed westward to try what chance of a passage might be left there, having first gone to Nova Zembla, where he found the sea entirely blocked up by ice and snow. He seems, however, according to the opinion of our countrymen, purposely to have missed the right road to the western passage, unwilling to benefit Holland and the directors of the Dutch East India Company by such a discovery. All he did in the west in 1609 was to exchange his merchandise for furs in New France. He then returned safely to England, where he was accused of having taken a voyage to the detriment of his own country. Still anxious to discover a western passage, he again set out in 1610, and directed his course to Davis' Strait,"' FOUR YEARS IN TIIK LIFK OF IIKNKY HUDSON. 535 Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, Master John Wostenholme, and some others, enlisted in the enterprise by the efforts of those whom we have named, provided the vessel for this voyage, and fitted her out. In this ship, called the Discovery, Hudson was to sail direct for Davis' Strait, and seek to lind a passage leading from its western side to the South Sea. Their voyage began April 17; and five days later they sailed from the mouth of the Thames. The crew numbered about twenty men besides Hudson and his son John. We have an account of a part of this voyage from Hudson's own hand; but it professes to be no more than an abstract, and is but brief and unsatis- factory. The longest account that we have, and the most detailed and cir- cumstantial, was written by Abacuk Prickett, who had been in the employ of Sir Dudley Digges. This fourth voyage of Hudson's is peculiar in one re- spect; in all other accounts, the men who composed the crew of the vessel are but shadows, parts of the machine; in the story of this expedition, they stand out as individuals; we know their names; we are told what they, as in- dividuals, said and did; and the interest is correspondingly increased. As they passed Iceland, they saw the flames rising from the crater of Mount Hecla, a sure sign of foul weather shortly to come; but they seem to have escaped the storm in its worst shape at least; for although they were obliged to put back to Iceland for a harbor, the vessel escaped all injury. They came in sight of Greenland June 4, but there was so much ice about the shore that it was impossible to land. Skirting the southern coast, they stood alongshore toward the northwest, impeded much by the ice. Hudson's men began to be very much discouraged at the appearance of things ; and felt sure that their vessel was soon to be ground to pieces between the vast masses of ice that came floating down toward them. Hudson him- self despaired, although he seems to have given no signs of it at the time ; but he told Prickett afterward that he thought they would have perished there. He brought out his chart, though, and showed the men how much farther they had entered the polar waters than any before them; and left it to them whether they should proceed further or not. Having the responsibility of the decision thus left to them, the crew were by no means united in their opinions. Some were venturesome enough to wish to go farther north; but by far the greater part of them wished most heartily that they were safely at home, away from this ice. "If I had a hundred pounds," said one of them, "I would give four-score to be at home." "If I had a hundred pounds," returned the carpenter, "I would not give ten to be at home; but I Avould think it as good money as any that I ever had." The discussion brought no decision; and all hands went to work to get the ship clear of the ice, that she might be turned about. This was done with 53(3 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. no small labor ; and they sailed to the westward, keeping close to the sixteenth l)arallel. This brought them toUngavaBay; and before long they sighted land, which Hudson named Desire Provokes, but which is now known as Akpatok Island. We need not follow them as they cautiously and slowly advanced along the southern shore of the strait, and at last entered the bay. It is doubtful whether they realized the extent of the body of w^ater on which they were sailing; and probably thought, as they followed the eastern shore down to James Bay, that they had really entered the Pacific. This does not concern us here, however, so much as the actions of Hudson and his crew. At the time when the discussion about proceeding north had taken place, there had been many mutinous expressions used by some of the crew; but Hudson had not seen fit at the time to take notice of them. These expres- sions would seem to have been followed by other words and actions of the same nature; and September 10 Hudson called his men together, to be pres- ent at a sort of informal trial of Robert Juet, the mate of the vessel. According to the sworn testimony of Bennet Matthew, Phillip Staffe and Ladlie Arnold, Juet had, in Iceland, on the way from Iceland to Greenland, Avhile they were " pestered in the ice," and after arriving in James' Bay, used words tending to discourage the men, and so strong that they easily took FOUR YEAKS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 537 effect in those who were timorous, and might have " overthrown the voyage," had it not been for the prompt action of the master. In accordance with this testimony, Juet was deposed from his rank as mate, and Robert Bylot ap- pointed to take his place. At the same time, Francis Clement, the boatswain, was reduced to the level of ordinary seaman, and William Wilson advanced to his post. "Also the master promised, if the offenders yet behaved themselves hence- forth honestly, he would be a means for their good, and that he would forget injuries, with other admonitions." Such is a statement made in a note of this occurrence, found in the desk of Thomas Wydowse, one of those who shared Hudson's fate. These promises, however, seem to have been regarded as nothing in comparison with the wrong which they considered he had done them by thus degrading them from their offices. There seems to have been no immediate resentment, however; they must first lay their plans very carefully to be sure of success; the greater part of the crew must be won over to their side. Accordingly we hear of no event of importance until the first part of November, when Prickett notes that they were frozen in. They had provisions enough to last them for six months; and Hudson, in order to insure plenty of food for the winter and for the homeward voyage, offered a reward to each man who should kill either "beast, fish or fowl." It was about the middle of November that the trouble which ended so disas- trously began. One of the chief conspirators seems to have been Henry Greene, a man of good birth, who had lost, by his wild life, all friends among those of his own rank. Hudson had taken him in out of the London streets, and had given him food, shelter, and clothing. Greene was not one of those whom the own- ers of the vessel had hired to make up the crew, but was brought aboard by Hudson himself, who promised to see that he was provided for. He quar- reled with the surgeon while they Avere on the coast of Iceland, and beat this officer so that the whole crew took the matter up against Greene; Hudson, however, took the part of his protege, and laid the blame on the surgeon's tongue. Juet became an enemy of Greene's, and tried to make mischief be- tween the carpenter and him. Things were at this pass when John Williams, the gunner, died. According to the custom of the times, the possessions of the dead man were put up at auction. Greene was especially anxious to pos- sess a certain gray cloth gown, and asked Hudson to buy it for him, which the master promised to do. This important matter of the gray cloth gown being settled, as all thought, Hudson commanded the carpenter to build a house on shore. The carpenter replied that the weather was not fit for such work, that he would not and 538 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. could not do it. Hudson flew into a passion and chased him out of his cabin; threatening to hang him, and calling him by many vile names. The carpenter retorted that the master was no carpenter, and knew nothing about what he was ordering to be done. No reconciliation followed this bitter quarrel; but the next day the carpen- ter went on shore on a hunting expedition. Hudson had given orders, some time before this, that no one should go ashore alone; and it had become an established custom ^yith. then for two to go, one with a pike, and the other Avith a "piece," or gun. The carpenter's companion on this occasion was Henry Greene. Hudson bitterly resented this ingratitude, and " did so rail on Greene, with so many words of disgrace, telling him that all his friends would not trust him with twenty shillings, and therefore why should he? '' Hudson recalled his promise about the gray cloth gown, and gave the gar- ment to Bylot; and Prickett goes on to say of Greene: — "As for wages he had none, and none should have, if he did not please him well. Yet tlie master had promised him to make his wages as good as any man's in the ship; and to have him made one of the Prince's guard when he came home. But you shall see how the devil out of this so wrought with Greene, that he did the masterwhat mischief he could in seeking to discredit him, and to thrust him and many other men out of the ship in the end. To speak of all our troubles in this time of winter — which was so cold, that it lamed the most of our company, and myself do feel it yet — would be too tedious." Throughout the winter they lived mainly on the birds which they killed — partridges, and after they had left, swan, geese, duck and teal " hard to come by." Then they were glad to go into the woods and gather Avhatever they could find to eat; the " moss of the ground," to which Prickett declares that he would have preferred the powder of a post; and frogs, wdiich seemed less palatable to them than they would have seemed to a Frenchman, When the ice began to break up, an Indian, the first that they had seen all winter, came to the ship. He was extremely well treated, and some trading was done; but after several visits he left them, telling them by signs of people living to the north and the south, and promising after a certain number of sleeps to come again; but they saw no more of him. A number of men w^ere sent in the boat to fish and met with very good suc- cess. Among those sent on this errand were Henry Greene and William Wil- son, who took advantage of their absence to plot against Hudson. The carpenter had recently set up the shallop; and they had planned to seize up- on this and the net, and shift for themselves and such others as w^ould choose to follow them. On their return, however, they foundthattheir plans were not practicable; for Hudson announced that he would take the shallop, with provisions for FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF IIKNKY III'DSON, 53y eight or nine days, and go to the south and southwest, to see if he could meet with any of the natives. They Avho remained aboard were to take in wood, water, and ballast, and be all ready to sail as soon as he returned. He set no time for his return, for he felt sure that if he met with any Indians he could procure enough food of them to last him for any length of time. Kixr.-fP OF THE Ice. In these expectations, however, he was disappointed; for the Indians every- where fled at his approach, setting fire to the woods in his sight. He there- fore returned to the ship and made ready to sail. The scanty stock of bread was divided among the men, one pound for each man's share, for two weeks; and, to eke out the food, the boat was again lowered, and sent to the fishing- grounds wdiere they had had such good success before; this time, however, although they worked from Friday morning till Sunday noon, they caught but eighty small fish; a poor relief for so many hungry men. When the bread was divided, Hudson gave his men a bill of return; that is, a statement that he had not been compelled by them to return before his judgment approved, but had done so of his own Avill. This was to use in case he should die before reaching England. "And he Avept when he gave it unto them." The state of the food supply was well known to every one onboard, and it might be thought that they would endeavor to bear in patience that for which 540 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. there was no help. But, hungry and improvident, some of them had eaten in a single day their two weeks' supply; and were clamoring against the master who had no more to give them. "Being thus in the ice on Saturday, the one and twentieth of June, at night, Wilson the boatswain and Henry Greene came to me lying in my cabin lame, and told me that they and the rest of their associates would shift the company, and turn the master and all the sick men into the shallop, and let them shift for themselves. For there were not fourteen days' victuals left for all the company, at the poor allowance they were at; and that there they lay, the master not caring to go one way or other; and that they had not eaten anything these three days, and therefore were resolute, either to mend or end, and Avhat they had begun they would go through with, or die. When I heard this, I told them that I marveled to hear so much from them, consid- ering that they were married men, and had wives and children, and that for their sakes they should not commit so foul a thing in the sight of God and man as that would be; for why should they banish themselves from their na- tive country? Henry Greene bade me hold my peace, for he knew the worst, which was to be hanged when he came home, and therefore of the two he would rather be hanged at home than starved abroad; and, for the good will they bore me, they would have me stay in the ship. I gave them thanks, and told them that I came into her, not to forsake her, yet not to hurt myself and others by any such deed. Henry Greene told me then that I must take my for- tune in the shallop. If there be no remedy, said I, the Avill of God be done. "Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his throat that went about to disturb them ; and left Wilson by me, with whom I had some talk, but to no good ; for he was so persuaded that there was no remedy now but to go on while it was hot, lest their party should fail them, and the mischief they had intended to do to others should light on themselves. Henry Greene came again, and demanded of him what I said. Wilson answered: — - " 'He is at his old song, still patient.' "Then I spake to Henry Greene to stay three days, in which time I would so deal with the master that all should be well. So I dealt with him but to forbear two days, nay, twelve hours; there is no way then, say they, but out of hand. Then I told them, that if they would stay till Monday, I would join with them to share all the victuals in the ship, and would justify it when I came home; but this would not serve their turns. Wherefore I told them, that it was some worse matter that they had in hand than they made show of, and that it was blood and revenge he sought, or else he would not at such a time of night undertake such a deed. Henry Greene, with that, taketh my Bible which lay before me, and sware that he would do no man harm, and what he did was for the good of the voyage, and for nothing else; and that all the rest should do the like. The like did Wilson swear. FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 541 "Henry Greene went his way, and presently came Juet; who, because he was an ancient man, I hoped to have found some reason in him; but he was worse than Henry Greene, for he sware phiinly that he would justify this deed when he came home." Four others came in succession to Prickett's cabin to try to win him over; for they knew the dangers of the course which they were about to pursue, and knew that he possessed much influence with his master. Sir Dudley Digges; if this influence could be exerted in their behalf, Prickett being as deep in the mud as they were in the mire, they had no fears of being punished. Prickett, however, although unable to dissuade them, compelled each one of them to swear what Greene had already sworn; and trusted that they would all go to rest. He was in hopes that their plots would be betrayed to Hudson, but was himself too lame to stir from his bed without such great efforts as would attract the attention of the conspirators and hasten the exe- cution of their plans. Hudson had advanced the carpenter, whose quarrel had long since been forgotten, to the position of mate, thereby displacing Robert Bylot. This had excited the jealousy of the crew against the new mate, and it was re- solved that he should be one of those who were to be put in the shallop. Soon after daybreak, when the men first began to stir, Henry Greene and another man went to the carpenter, and held him with a talk until the master came out of his cabin, a short time after they began to talk. Two others of the conspirators approached Hudson and engaged his attention un- til Wilson had an opportunity to come up behind him, suddenly seize him, and bind his arms. Hudson demanded to know wdiat they Avere doing. They told him that he should know wdien he was in the shallop. He seems to have been taken completely by surprise. One of the doomed men, whom they expected to take in the cabin, got hold of a sword and defended himself with it for some time, but at last was overpowered by numbers, and brought up on deck, where he was placed be- side Hudson. Two of those who had been seized and were about to be placed in the shallop "railed at them, and told them their knavery would show it- self " — /. e., murder Avould out. "Then was the shallop hauled up to the ship's side, and the poor, sick, and lame men were called upon to get them out of their cabins into the shallop. The master called to me, who came out of my cabin as well as I could, to the hatchway to speak with him; where on my knees I besought them for the love of God to remember themselves, and to do as they would be done unto. They bade me keep myself well, and get me into my cabin; not suffering the master to speak with me. But when I came into my cabin again, he called to me at the horn which gave light into my cabin, and told me that Juet would overthrow us all. FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 543 " 'Nay,' said I; ' it is that villain, Henry Greene.' "And I spake it not softly. * * * Now they let fall the mainsail, and out with their topsails, and fly as from an enemy." And this is all that we know of Henry Hudson. The vagueness of Prick- ett's descriptions and statements is such that we can only say, of the place of this occurrence, that it was somewhere near the southeastern portion of James Bay; he fixes the time accurately enough; but of Henry Hudson, the boy John Hudson, and the seven others who were put into the shallop, the civilized world has never heard another word. We have seen from what trifles their bitter enmity against the master of the vessel arose; the fate to which they condemned him, and the entreaties which his faithful follower made in his behalf; it remains only to trace the progress of the Discovery in her return to England. Prickett was invited to take charge of the master's cabin; and, after some demur, did so. Juet and Bylot quarreled about the course which the ship should take, and the direction of affairs — Avhichdid not go with the occupan- cy of the master's cabin — was finally given to Henry Greene. Greene was no friend of Prickett, and lost no opportunity of injuring him with the others; boldly accusing Prickett of a theft of bread of which be himself had been guilty, but the others seem to have been too prudent to wish to offend their peacemaker, and Greene was in this case forced to keep his hatred within bounds. They reached the mouth of the strait, where they had some friendly deal- ings with a number of the natives. On Cape Digges Island they found a number of fowls breeding; and the savages exhibited with some pride their skill in lassoing these birds; while the whites, sure of their superiority, showed how they might be killed with fire-arras. The Englishmen anticipated getting a considerable store of food from these Esquimaux, in return for tools and trinkets; but the savages were not so friendly as they had thought. "The next day, the nine and twentieth of July, they made haste to be ashore; and because the ship rode too far off, they weighed and stood as near the place where the fowl bred as they could; and because I was lame I was to go in the boat, to carry such things as I had in the cabin, of everything somewhat; and so, with more haste than good speed, and not without swear- ing, away we went, Henry Greene, William Wilson, John Thomas, Michael Perse, Andrew Moter, and myself. When we came near the shore, the peo- ple were on the hills dancing and leaping. To the cove we came, where they had drawn up their boats, we brought our boat to the east side of the cove, close to the rocks. Ashore they went, and made fast the boat to a great stone on the shore. The people came, and every one had somewhat in his hand to barter; but Henry Greene swore that they should have nothing till he had venison, for they had so promised him by signs. 544 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. "Now when we came, they made signs to their dogs— whereof there Avere many like mongrels, as big as hounds — and pointed to their mountain and to i Tm F\ri oi lIi m \ Hi dson. the sun, clapping their hands. Then Henry Greene, John Thomas, and Wil- liam Wilson stood hard by the boat's head, Michael Perse and Andrew Mo- FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 545 ter were got up upon a rock a gathering of sorrel; not one of them had any weapon about him, not so much as a stick, save Henry Greene alone, who had a piece of a pike in his hand ; nor saw I anything that they had where- with to hurt us. Henry Greene and AVilliam Wilson had looking-glasses, and jewsharps, and bells, which they were showing the people. The savages standing round about them, one of them came into the boat's head to show me a bottle. I made signs to him to get him ashore, but he made as though he had not understood me, whereupon I stood up and pointed him ashore. In the meantime another stole behind me to the stern of the boat, and when I saw him ashore that was in the head of the boat I sat down again, but sud- denly I saw the leg and foot of a man by me. Wherefore I cast up my head, and saw the savage with his knife in his hand; who struck at my breast over my head; least up my right arm to save my breast; he wounded my arm, and struck me in the body. He struck a second blow, which I met with my left hand, and then he struck me in the right thigh, and had like to cut off the little finger of my left hand. Now I had got hold of the string of the knife, and had wound it about my left hand, he striving Avith both his hands to make an end of what he had begun; I found him but weak in the grip — God enabling me — and getting hold of the sleeve of his left arm, so bare him from me. His left side lay bare to me, which when I saw, I put his sleeve off his left arm into my left hand, holding the string of the knife fast in the same hand; and, having got my right hand it liberty, I sought for somewhat wherewith to strike him — not rememberingmy dagger at my side — but looking down I saw it; and therewith struck him in the body and in the throat. "Whiles I was thus assaulted in the boat, our men were set upon on the shore. John Thomas and William Wilson had their bowels cut, and Michael Perse and Henry Greene, being mortally wounded, came tumbling into the boat together. When Andrew Moter saw this medley, he came running dow^n the rocks, and leaped into the sea, and so swam to the boat, hanging on to the stern thereof, till Michael Perse took him in, who manfully made good the head of the boat against the savages, that pressed sore upon us. Noav Michael Perse had got a hatchet, wherewith I saw him strike one of them, that he lay sprawling in the sea. Henry Greene cryeth: 'Coragio!' and lay- eth about him with his truncheon. I cried to them to clear the boat, and Andrew Moter cried to be taken in. The savages betook themselves to their bows and arrows, which they sent amongst us, Avherewith Henry Greene was slain outright, and Michael Perse received many wounds, and so did the rest. Michael Perse cleareth the boat, and puts it from the shore, and helpeth An- drew Motor in ; but in turning of the boat I received a cruel wound in my back Avith an arrow. Michael Perse and Andrew Moter rowed the boat away, which, when the savages saw, they ran to their boats, and I feared thev would 546 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. have launched them to follow us, but they did not; and our ship was in the middle of the channel and could not see us. "Now, when they had rowed a good way from the shore, Michael Perse fainted, and could row no more. Then was Andrew Moter driven to stand in the boat's head, and waft to the ship, which at first saw us not, and when they did they could not tell what to make of us, but in the end they stood for us, and so took us up. Henry Greene was thrown out of the boat into the sea, and the rest were had aboard; the savage being yet alive, but without sense. But they died all there that day, William "Wilson swearing and curs- ing in most fearful manner. Michael Perse lived two days after, and then died. Thus you have heard the tragical end of Henry Greene and his mates, whom they called captain, these four being the only lustie [strong] men on board." The sickly and feeble remnant of the crew Avere obliged to keep the vessel plying to and fro in the mouth of the strait, for fear of the savages; but at last hunger drove them to land, at a point where they thought there was a chance of getting some of the birds. A number of these were secured; but having no other food, they were soon reduced to as great straits as before; and the skins and entrails were eaten as well as the flesh. Juet, who seems to have been the only skilled seaman left on the vessel, had now full charge of the vessel; but his skill in navigation does not appear to have been very great. They were fully two hundred leagues from Ireland, when, by his reckoning, they were less than as many miles from the coast. This discrepancy Avas caused by the "evil steerage," for they had gone here and there upon the waters, until no man really knew where they were. The men became so weak from hunger that they could not stand at the helm. Juet died of " mere want." The listless, sailors saw the foresail or mainsail fly up to the tops, the sheets being either flown or broken, and would neither try to help it themselves or call others to do it. They had sunk into despair, and " cared not which end went forward." It was then that they saw land; and soon afterward there was the joyful cry: — "A sail! A sail!" It was a fishing bark, which piloted them to a harbor on the southern coast of Ireland, whence they made their way to England. The sailors were thrown into prison, to await the result of the expedition sent to the rescue of Hudson. Three ships sailed for this purpose the summer after the muti- neers arrived in England, under the command of a gentleman of the Prince of Wales' household, named Button, the discoverer of Button's Bay. But they were not able to find any traces of the shallop or its unfortunate occu- pants. The subsequent fate of the prisoners, like that of Hudson and his FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 547 companions, is shrouded iu mystery; their names do not occur again upon the ancient records. James I., Kixo of Exgland. BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. ^""HE Parish Eegisters of England have frequently afforded accurate in- \^J formation to those in search of the date of a death, birth, or marriage; ^IT and they have been carefully indexed by the British Government for this purpose. But they afford only a slight clue to anything connected with the life of William BaiEn. Were these registers complete records there would be no difficulty; but in many parishes there were none kept until late in the reign of Elizabeth, and these were not always complete, even for the period of time which they pretended to cover. In the registers which still exist, the name of Baffin occurs six times; five of these are in the register of a church in Westminster; one child baptized, one child who was buried, and three adults who were buried, having died of the plague. These entries are between 1603 and 1612. In another parish, there is a single entry, that of the baptism of Susan Baffin, the daughter of William Baffin, Oct. 15, 1609. These are slender materials from which to construct a biography; but they are all that we have regarding the life of Baffin for the period up to twelve years before his death. The first five entries may concern relatives of the navigator, but they can hardly have been members of his immediate family. The last is probably the record of his daughter's baptism. The parish where it was registered in- cludes adistrictof London called Queenhithe; this is a landing-place favored by sailors, and not an unlikely place for a seaman to chose as his home while on shore. The learned editor of the Hakluyt edition of Baffin's voyages says of this bit of information : — " These meager facts lead to the conjecture that AYilliam Baffin was a native of London or Westminster, that he had relations living in the parish of St. Margaret, and that he himself had established a home for his wife, and for himself when onshore, in the City, in the parish of St. Thomas, and probably in a street near Queenhithe, where his daughter, named Susan, was born in 1609." . Having thus shown on what a slender foundation ingenuitv can construct (548) BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 549 some theory regarding the life of a hero, the author leaves the reader to ac- cept or reject these guesses as he pleases; only asking him, if he reject them, what better he has to offer in their place? Whatever may have been his dwelling-place while he was onshore, it is tol- erably certain, from hints found in old books, that Baffin spent most of his time on the sea; that he had been a sailor since his boyhood; and, beginning at the very foot of the ladder, had won his way upward by sheer force of hard work. As such, he deserves to be ranked with any American who began life at the bottom of the social scale, and reached the highest round possible to a citizen of the United States. That he had received no regular education in science, is evidenced by what Purchas, an authority of his own day, says of him. This ancient historian calls him "that learned-unlearned mariner and mathematician." This can only mean that he had acquired, in the hard school of experience, that which men of higher birth and easier fortunes were taught in boyhood by their schoolmasters. The first recorded voyage which Bafiin made began in 1612. A number of wealthy merchants had combined to fit out two ships for the exploration of the coast of Greenland. The chief of these was Sir Thomas Smith, who had been interested for a number of years in Arctic explorations. He had been among those who fitted out the earliest expeditions tc the northern coast of Europe; and when the East India Company, of which he was the first Gov- ernor, declined to make any further effort, for the time, toward discovering a Northwest Passage, after the failure of Captain A^'eymouth, he became the founder and first Governor of a new company, called The Company of Mer- chants of London, Discoverers of the Northwest Passage. Those who com- posed this company had, before its organization, united to send Hudson on his last voyage ; their first act, as a corporation, would have been to send some one in search of him, had not the Prince of Wales taken the matter into his own hands and dispatched a gentleman of his own household, Sir Thomas Button, on the errand. Sir Dudley Digges, the master of Abacuk Prickett, whose influence was expected to secure Hudson's mutinous men from punishment; Sir John Wol- stenholme. Sir William Cockayne, Sir James Lancaster, Mr. Richard Ball, and Alderman Francis Jones, made up the others of the company. Their names are of importance, because a grateful sailor remembered the liberality which had enabled him to prosecute his discoveries, and bestowed their names upon capes and bays along the coast of that body of water to which his own name has been afiixed. The chief of this first recorded voyage of Baffin was Captain James Hall, a native of Hull on the northeastern coast of England. He had seen considerable service in the Arctic seas, having been employed as pilot by the King of Den- OOU BAFFIN AXD AUCTIC EXPLORATIONS. mark in three expeditions sent out to search for the lost colonies of Green- land. On the second of these voyages a number of natives were seized, to be taken to Denmark; and some who stoutly resisted capture were killed. We shall see, as we go on, how this affected the after fortunes of Hall, and, through him, of his subordinate Baffin. The King of Denmark then gave up his attempts to re-explore Greenland; and Hall returned to England. Here he sought and found employment with the wealthy gentlemen whose names have been given, who fitted out two ves- sels, the Patience and the Heart's Ease. Of the first, Hall, the leader of the expedition, was captain; the pilot was William Bafiin. This is his first real appearance in history, as he steps aboard the good ship Patience, lying in the Humber, ready to sail for Greenland, early in April, 1612. The Patience was manned by forty men and boys, the Heart's Ease by twenty. The 10th of April they were all ready to sail, but were obliged to wait twelve days for a favorable wind. Their voyage seems to have been without danger, as they steered a little north of west across the Atlantic; and May 13 some of the sailors asserted that they saw land. As there was a snow storm raging at the time, the others did not think that they could be sure of it. The next day, however, these assertions were confirmed; and Bafiin de- cided, from the observations which he had made, that this was Cape Farewell, the southernmost point of Greenland; so named by John Davis twenty-five years before, because he could not reach it on account of the ice. The same diflficulty beset these later navigators; and for several days they made vain efforts to find a landing-place, free from the drifting ice which constantly threatened them. On the 17th, as the record tells us : " This day we run among the ice, and were inclosed with the ice, so that we could get no passage to the northward ; and so we were forced to stand out again, and were glad that God had delivered us from among it." Passing the part of the land which had been named Desolation, the next promontory which they saw was one which they named Cape Comfort. As, however, it was so encompassed with ice that the ships could not reach it, it was rather cold Comfort. Not until the 28th did they find a landing-place; where, the vessels having anchored, Hall set some of his men to work putting the pinnace together, while he took the shallop and another boat, and went to explore the coast more minutely than could be done in a larger vessel. Here they were visited, day after day, by the Esquimaux, who came in their skin-boats, or kayaks, manifesting the most friendly sentiments. It was a little inconvenient, however, to entertain such guests, for they stole every- thing on which they could lay their hands, being especially fond of iron. Early in June they improved their opportunities one night by stealing a gun which a careless sentry, coming to warm himself at the fire, had left at his BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 551 post. This Esquimau was probablj the first native of America who ever ob- tained possession of such an artich\ We have no record, however, of his stealingany powder or ball, so it is hard to see what good the gun could do him. The musket was recaptured the next day. One of the sailors " catching hold of one of the salvages, another did cast a dartathim, and struck him into the body with it, which gave him his death's wound. Also the salvage he took we hauled into the ship, and by him we had our musket again; for two of the salvages being aged men, and rulers of the rest, came with great reverence to know the occasion we had taken one of their men ; we with signs and other tokens did show them the occasion, being the best language we all had amongst us, delivering their man, his boat, oars, and darts. Our general gave unto him a coat, a knife, and a seeing-glass also, to requite the injury we had done; yet he, with a frowning look, desiring to be gone from us, we let him go out of the ship, and helping him into the chains, he leaped over- board, and the other two did help him ashore; and when he was ashore, the salvages cutoff the coat our master gave him, so little did they regard it. It was made of yellow cotton, with red gards of other cotton about it." This occurred off the coast of what Davis had named Gilbert Sound, but which the newcomers called the Harbor of Hope. The modern Danish settle- ment of Godthaab is situated upon this inlet, and is the principal settlement in South Greenland. Their next anchorage Avas off the point where Sukkert- oppen,the most populous place in Greenland at the present day, was founded in 1755. From this point. Hall proceeded in the pinnace; andafterthe ships had weighed anchor and continued their voyage to the northward, he fre- quently left them, to explore the coast in this smaller vessel. The re- sults of these voyages were of no general interest; and we let Baffin tell us of an occurrence during July, wdien the ships lay near Cunningham's Fiord. "Wednesday, the two and twentieth day, about nine or ten of the clock, the savages came to barter with us, being about forty of them ; and contin- ued about an hour and a half; at which time our master, James Hall, being in the boat, a savage with his dart struck him a deadly wound upon the right side, which our surgeon did think did pierce his liver. We all mused that he should strike him, and offer no harm to any of the rest; unless it were that they knew him since he was here with the Danes; for out of that river they carried away five of the people, whereof never any returned again; and in the next river they killed a great number. And it should seem that he who killed him was either brother or some near kinsman to some of them that were carried away; for he did it very resolutely, and came within four yards of him. And for aught that we could see, the people are very kind one to another, and ready to revenge any wrong offered to them. All that day he lay very sore pained, looking for death every hour, and resigned all 552 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. his charge to Master Andrew Barker, master of the Heart's JSase, willing him to place another in his room master of the small ship. Thursday, the three and twentieth, about eight of the clock in the morning, he died, being very penitent for all his former offenses. And after we had shrouded him we carried him in the shallop, to bury him in some out island, according to his own request while he was living. After we had buried him, we went in the shallop to seek for the mine, which we had expected so long." Baffin ix the Akctic Regions. Hall had found some glittering bits of mica, during his former voyages, among the rocks of the coast of Greenland; and supposed thein to be silver. It was this supposed silver mine of which they were now in search. They discovered, the next day, the place where the Danes had been digging; and bits of a shining stone, which abounded there, were submitted to a goldsmith who was on board. After careful examination, he pronounced them value- less, since there was no metal in the stone, but only mica. This was a great disappointment to those on board, for the discovery of this silver mine was one of the ol^jects of their journey. Efforts were made to trade with the natives, in the hope that they might thus accomplish enough to enable them to make a favorable report; but the Esquimaux seemed to think that in killing Hall they had committed a crime which the whites were not likely to pardon, and that all efforts to get them BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 553 near the ships were onl}- endeavors to get them Avithin range of the guns. In the midst of these disappointments, dissatisfaction with their new chief ruled on board the ships; and there was some danger of mutiny. After some discussion, however, the officers of the ships succeeded in persuading all the crews to accept Barker as their commander, and the danger was averted. Three days after the burial of Hall, the officers of the two vessels met to consider the question of returning home; "because that since our master was slain, none of the savages would trade with us as they were wont." The tiuding that the supposed silver mine was Avorthless had as much to do with their decision, probably, as the failure of the savages to trade with them ; but the above is the reason given by Baffin in his account of the voyage. Accordingly, on Tuesday, August 4, they got to sea; and, after a voyage without events of interest, came to anchor in Hull Road, September 17, 1612. This voyage shows nothing new accomplished in the way of discovery, for Hall had while under the direction of the King of Denmark explored all these coasts. It is of interest only because it is Baffin's first recorded voyage, and made him acquainted with the difficulties and dangers of an effort to ex- plore the Arctic waters. The account from which we have quoted is full of curiously minute observations of the heavenly bodies, showing Baffin to have been skilled in calculating his position; and somewhat of an original genius, since he frequently explains, as novelties, his methods of taking observa- tions and applying the results in such a way as to obtain the desired informa- tion from them. With these astronomical and mathematical triumphs, how- ever, the present volume does not deal; since they are beyond the understand- ing of all but those scientists who would prefer to study them in the original. The next year, Baffin again took service under the same company of mer- chants, but not to the west again. Sir Thomas Button had not yet returned from his quest for Hudson, and it is possible that they wished to wait for him. Baffin was to go in the opposite direction. As early as 1597 the English had made great efforts to monopolize the whale fisheries about Spitzbergen; and in 1612 the Muscovy Company had obtained a charter excluding all vessels from any country from these fisheries. In 1613, they decided to send a fleet large enough to enforce this charter by driving ofl other vessels; and six good ships, fitted out by them for this purpose, sailed from Queensborough May 13 of that year, Baffin being pilot onboard the Ad- miraTs vessel. The vessels were engaged in whale-fishing, and in beating off those vessels manned by natives of other countries which persisted in contesting their rights under the charter. Baffin's time was occupied in observations of the latitude and longitude, and of the variations of the compass. He records, also, de- scriptions of whale-fishing as carried on at that time. They returned to Eng- lan^l at the close of the summer, entering the Thames Sept. 6. 554 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. The following year, 1614, the same company sent out a larger fleet, consist- ing of eleven ships and two pinnaces, under the command of Master Benja- min Joseph and the pilotage of Baffin. They set sail out of Tilbury Hope May 4; and, after a voyage of three weeks through open seas, encountered much straggling ice, through which, however, they passed without danger for several days. Then the vessels were separated by a storm, and two of them lost sight of; while the others were so shut in by the ice that "every one wrought the best means he could for the safety of his ship." They ar- rived off Spitzbergen June 3. Here the harbor, much to their surprise, was open; and, as no whale had been seen that season, they decided to proceed to the northward. In order to enter shallow inlets and rivers, Baffin took the shallop of the vessel in which he sailed, and proceeded with a few men to the northw^ard of Maudlin Sound, where the ships anchored for some time. He reached a point w^hich he called Cape Barren, though he does not seem to have known that it was a headland on a small island near the mainland of Spitzbergen. Further than this he could not go, because of the masses of floating ice which lay between him and the shore, and threatened to grind his boat to atoms. Theonly account which we have of this voyage was written by Robert Foth- erby, w^ho seems to have been second in command on board the Thomasine, in which ship, also, Baffin sailed; and we find many mentions of the great navigator's name in this story of the voyage. If Master Fotherby went out in a shallop one day. Master Baffin went out the next day; sometimes they went out, in different boats, at the same time, appointing a rendezvous. When all their explorations failed to show them a shore that was clear of ice, still another plan was tried. "Now we found the ice so close packed together that we could not proceed any further with our shallops; wherefore Master Baffin and I intended to walk over land until we should be better satisfied how far this sound went in, for we could as yet see no end of it, and it seemed to make a separation of the land; so, leaving our men here with the shallops, we traveled almost a league further, till we came to the point of a sandy beach that shot into the sound, which was wonderfully stored with driftwood in great abundance . From this pointwe received such satisfaction as we looked for, because we saw the end of the sound, which lies south in about ten leagues. It hath in it a harbor that is landlocked; and doubtless it is a good place for the whale-killing, if it be not every year, as it is now, pestered with ice. Here I saw a more natural earth and clay than any that I have seen in all the country, but nothing grow- ing thereupon more than in other places. This sound is that which formerly had, and still retaineth, the name of Sir Thomas Smith's Inlet." The friends were mistaken when they thought they saw the end of the sound or inlet; for later explorers have dubbed it Hinlopen Strait, having BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. O.JJ found it to be a passage separating the two parts of Spitzbergen, New Fries- land and Northeast Land. They returned to their shallops, however, in con- tented ignorance; and, seeing no way of progressing any further, went back to the ship. Through the adventures of the whale fishery we need not follow them; for, while the crew were engaged in killing the monsters of the deep, the pilot was busily making the calculations which his observations w^ere to render valuable; for Baffin did good service to science by faithfully observing and recording the variations of the needle. They reached England October 4. While Baftin had been thus employed in Spitzbergcn, his patrons had sent out another expedition to the western seas, under the command of Captain Gibbons. This ofiicer had accompanied Sir Thomas Button, and had also the advantages of the services of Robert Bylot, who had followed Hudson and Button. Gibbons reached the coast of Labrador and anchored there in a bay, where he remained so long that his crew, tired out by inaction, dubbed it "Gibbons, his Hole." Having accomplished this wonderful feat of reaching Labrador and remaining there all summer. Captain Gibbons set sail in the autumn and returned to England. Such a course might well have disgusted the men at whose expense the ex- pedition had been fitted out, and who looked for some return, either in dis- coveries made by faithful exploration of the coast, or in such news of mines or a passage to India as might promise to repay them the money which they had laid out. But they w^cre too much in earnest to allow the matter to drop because one man had proved unsuited to the task which he had undertaken. The Discovery , which had successively borne Hudson, Button, and Gibbons to the American coast, was refitted for a fourth voyage. Robert Bylot was ap- pointed master, and William Baftin was made pilot. An excellent system of keeping log-books, devised by Cabot, was enforced by the Muscovy Company, and the oificers of its ships were expected to take frequent astronomical observations. Baffin, who seems to have turned in- stinctively to such work, and had that love for it which a man naturally feels for an art which he has acquired under many difficulties, and in which he ex- cels, had received an excellent training while serving under the Company in his two Spitzbergen voyages, as well as in the previous voyage to Greenland, under the command of Captain Hall. There is still in existence the manu- script copy of his report of this second voyage to the western seas, the fourth of his which are recorded; and it has been carefully edited by more than one English scholar of distinction. Accompanying the report which Ave have mentioned, is a transcript from his log-book, which he entitles: "A True Re- lation of Such Things as Happened in Fourth Voyage for the Discovery of a Passage to the Northwest, Performed in the Year 1615." From this, as the only authority which we have upon the subject, and the best possible, had we 0.)U UWriN AND AR(rriC EXPLOIIATIONS. ever so many, we extract enough passages to give the history of the voyage. "The chief master and commander under God, was Robert Bylot, a man well experienced that ways, having been employed the three former voyages; myself being his mate and associate, w^ith fourteen other men and two boys. This ship being in readiness, upon the 15th day of March came aboard Mr. John Woltsenhohne, Esquire, one of the chief adventurers, and with him Mr. Alwin Gary, husband for the voyage. Who having delivered our master his commission, and read certain orders to be observed by us in the voyage, giving us good exhortations, and large promises of rewards, as treble wages to all, if the action were performed, they departed, charging us to make what speed we could away. So the next day, being Thursday, we Aveighed anchor at St. Catherine's, and that tide came to Blackwall; and the next day to Gravesend; and the morrow after to Lee. * * * With indifferent winds and weather we came to anchor in Scilly the twenty-sixth day. * * * We stood for Padstowe in Cornwall, * * * « and came to anchor in the harbor; and here we stayed, having much foul weather and contrary winds. * * * The 19th of April in the morn we weighed anchor, the wind southeast a good gale, we keeping our courses as in the brief Journal you may more conveniently see. And seeing few things of note happened in our outward bound voyage, I re- fer all other things to that table before noted." Sighting the coast of Greenland INIay 6, at a point just east of Cape Fare- well, they found themselves in the midst of icebergs of immense size. Baffin measured several, finding the largest two hundred and forty feet above the water; and calculating that if only one-seventh of the mass be above water, this iceberg must have been one thousand six hundred and eighty feet from the top to the bottom. Bylot consulted Baffin about trying to get the ship Avithinthe ice, or between the ice and the shore. Baffin scarcely thought this a wise proceeding, but yielded to the longer experience of Bylot in these waters. "Afterwewere entered into the ice, it was not long before we were fast set up, but sometimes of the tide the ice would a little open, then we made our way as much to the northwest as we could; yet we plainly found that we were set to the south- ward, althoughthe wind were southwardly." Leaving the coast of Greenland, some time was spent in trying to reach Resolution Island, which was finally sighted May 27. They anchored their ship to a piece of ice for the first night; nor were they able to find a more stable anchorage until June 1, when they found a good harbor on the west- ern side of this island. Here they went ashore, finding no certain sign of in- habitants, but tracks of bears and foxes on the rocky ground. They continued their course about this island until about the 8th of June, when they stood off toward some smaller islands to the north, determined to come to anchor among them. Here they sent a boat nearer the shore, to see BAFFIN AND AKCTiC KXIM.ORATIONS. 551 if the island were inhabited; the sailors returned saying that they saw tents and boats, and a number of dogs; but no people. ]>AFii\ Exi'ioKiN TiiK Coast of Grkexlaxd. " Then by and by we went to prayer, and after our men had supped, we fit- ted our boat and selves with things convenient; then myself and seven others landed, and went to the tents, where finding no people, we went to the tope of the hill, where we saw one great canoe, or boat, having about fourteen persons in it. * * * * Then I called unto them, using some w^ords of Greenlandish speech, making signs of friendship. They did the like to us; but seeing them to be fearful of us, and we not willing to trust them, I made another sign to them, showing them a knife and other small things, which I 558 HAFI'IN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. left on the tope of the hill. * * * » Being returned to the tents, we found some whale fins to the number of fourteen or fifteen, which I took aboard, leaving knives, beads and counters instead thereof. And among other of their household, I found in a small leather bag a company of little images of men; and one the image of a woman with a child at her back; all the which I brought away.*' They now proceeded up Hudson Strait, progressing slowly on account of the ice. They came in sight of Salisbury Island July 1 ; and the next morning found themselves close to a small island, where the "great extremity and grinding of the ice" was such that they named it Mill Island. From this point they advanced toward Nottingham Island, itbeingthe judg- ment of both master and pilot that as much should be done as possible to explore the great bay which they were now entering. But little was ac- complished; and they soon turned eastward again, passing Resolution Island August 3, and sighting Cape Clear, in Ireland, Sept. 6. Baffin continues: — " The next morning by daylight we were fair by Scilly, and that night, at two o'clock the next morn, we came to anchor in Plymouth Sound, without the loss of one man. For these and all other blessings the Lord make us thankful. "And now it maybe that some expect I should give my opinion concerning the passage. To those my answer must be, that doubtless there is a passage. But within this strait, whom is called Hudson's Strait, I am doubtful, sup- posing the contrary. But whether there be, or no, I will not atfirm. But this I M'ill atfirm, that we have not been in any tide than that from Resolution Island, and the greatest indraft of that cometh from Davis' Straits; and my judgment is, if any passage Avithin Resolution Island, it is but some creek or inlet, but the main will be up Fretum Davis [Davis' Strait], but if any be de- sirous to know my opinion in particular, I will at any time be ready to show the best reasons I can, either by word of mouth or otherwise." Baffin's opinion that there was doubtless a Northwest Passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean was shared by all the geographers of his day, and by merchants as well. Perhaps the latter class of men clung obstinately to the belief because they wished to believe it; certainly Baffin's report was received by his employers with much more favor than would have been the case had he insisted that even if such a passage existed, it would be rendered useless by being choked up with ice. Yet his experience of the coast of Greenland and of Hudson Strait w^ould have justified him in expressing such an opinion. The Company seems to have been well pleased with what had been accom- plished during this voyage; and the Discoverf/was at once refitted for another voyage, Bylot being named as master again, while Baffin once more served as pilot. The crew consisted of fifteen other men. It is to be remarked how BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 559 small was the number of persons with which these daring English navigators crossed the ocean. The JHsv.overn was a vessel of })ut tifty-five tons' burden; and her crew, on these voyages across the ocean, rarely numbered more than twenty men. The vessel was ready to sail March 2(i, and did set sail from Gravesend that day; but contrary winds kept her beating about the coast of England un- til April 20th. The voyage, says Baffin, w^as without any event worthy of note; they came in sight of land May 14. This was the coast of Greenland about the latitude of Sukkertoppen, which, we have seen, was visited by Baffin in his first voyage to this coast. Much to the disappointment of some of the natives, they did not anchor at once, but pushed a little farther north before landing to secure supplies of fresh water. June 30 they came in sight of the farthest point which Davis had reached, Hope Sanderson, a little to the north of what we now know as Svartehuk. On the islands where they landed they found women, but no men ; the women making signs that the men were on the main land or on a neighboring island. They made friends with the women, and engaged to take them across to the place where the men were, but were unable to find the place. They called the island where they had landed The Women's Island. In passing to the northward, they thought that if they stood out from shore they would be safer from the ice than if they kept close to land. In this sup- position they were mistaken ; for in these waters at least, the attempt to take the middle pack is very perilous, it being much safer to stick to the land-floe until Melville Bay is passed. But these were the first European navigators who had sailed in these waters, to which the name of the great pilot has since been given ; and the nature of the currents which bear the ice was not then understood. Finding that they could not possibly make their way through the middle pack, they returned to shore, and came to anchor among many islands, a lit- tle above the northern extremity of Upernavik Bay. Here again they were visited by some of the natives, who seemed very willing to trade with them. They offered, in addition to sealskins, so many pieces of the teeth and horns of walruses, that the master and pilot agreed to call this i^lace Horn Sound. This name, however, has not been retained on modern maps. The first of July their hopes of finding a passage to the Pacific were in- creased by the circumstance that they entered a sea clear of ice; but the con- dition of the tides did not bear out this supposition. Sir Dudley Digges Cape and Wolstenholme Sound bear witness to the re- spect and gratitude of the seamen for their employers; while Hakluyt's Island was named in honor of an eminent geographer of the time. They reached the entrance to what we now know as Smith's Sound, but to which they gave the longer name of Sir Thomas Smith's Sound, about the 560 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. oth. Here Baffin noted the variation of the needle was greater than at any other point on the earth, and he reflected that this disproved the generally accepted theory. It was then supposed that the mass of earth attracted the needle, so that the variation was greatest in the direction of the greatest amount of land ; but, he argued, the mass of Asia must be " unspeakably more thanhere there can be, yet here is more variation than about Japan or Brazil, Peru, etc.'' It may be well to remind the reader that much greater variations have since been observed. Guiding their course by the numerous islands which sprinkle these north- ern waters, they crossed Smith Sound and began their southward course along the western shore of Baffin's Bay. Alderman Jones and Sir James Lancaster M'ere honored as others of the Company had been, by having a sound given their full name, including the title; in our day all but the sur- name has disappeared from the map. "Xow seeing that we had made an end of our discovery, and the year being too far spent to go for the bottom of the bay to search for dressed fins, there- fore we determined to go for the coast of Greenland to see if we could not get some refreshing for our men, * * * * three having kept their cabins above eight days, besidesEichard Waynam, M'hich died the 26th of July, * * * * and divers more of our company so weak that they could do but little labor. So the wind favoring us, we came to anchor in Cockin Sound. The next day, going on shore on a little island, we found great abundance of the herb called scurvy grass, which we boiled in beer, and so drank thereof, using it also in salads, with sorrel and orpen, which here groweth in abund- ance; by means hereof, and the blessing of God, all our men within eight or nine days" space were in perfect health, and so continued until our arrival in England." The 6th of August they were clear of the coast of Greenland; and after the unusually short period of nineteen days, sighted the coast of Ireland. The 30th of August they anchored at Dover, "for the which and all other blessings the Lord make us thankful."' Purchas, who was the first publisher of an account of Baffin"s voyages, found the making of maps too expensive, and hence omitted those which the pilot had prepared. This omission, together with that of his tabulated journal, caused the geographers of the next two hundred years to make man}* mistakes con- cerning the course which he pursued and the places which he discovered. In course of time, the very existence of Baffin"s Bay came to be questioned. The subject may be well presented by the brief description of a series of five maps. In the first, dated 1635, the map-drawer evidently had at hand that which Baffin himself prepared : it is tolerably correct, giving a fairly good idea of the outlines of the coast of Greenland and the southern part of the island now BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 561 known as Baffin Land. The western shore of Baffin's Bay is represented as an unbroken line of coast, where our modern maps show a number of islands. The second map, although only a year later, shows things as the map- drawer evidently thought they ought to be. Baffin's Bay is a great basin northwest of Baffin's Land, or Cumberland Island, as it was then called; a broad passage connecting it with Hudson's Bay. An atlas published in 1720 shows considerable doubt on the subject. The great bay is outlined nearly as in the first map mentioned, but there is a line showing it as the second one had drawn it, with the note: "Some will have Baffin's Bay to run west, as far as this faint shadow." A map dated 1818 boldly questions the very existence of this great body of water; it is indeed outlined, but the space bears the note : "According to the relation of William Baffin, 1616, but not now believed." It was not until Captain Ross and Lieutenant Parry, in the very year in which this map was published, rediscov- ered Baffin's Bay, that the mystery w^as finally cleai'ed away and the great Arctic explorer of the time of King James I. received all the credit to which his accuracy as an observer and his gallantry and skill as a navigator had fairly entitled him. Ross identified all the places mentioned and named by Baffin, and bears frequent testimony to his accuracy, especially as regards the latitude of Lan- caster Sound. In regard to the seventeenth century sailor, the nineteenth century explorer says : — "In re-discovering Baffin's Bay I have derived additional pleasure from the reflection that I have placed in a fair light before the public the merits of a worthy man and an able navigator, whose fate, like that of many others, it has not only been to have lost, by a combination of circumstances, the op- portunity of acquiring during his lifetime the fame which he deserved, but, could he have lived to this period, to have seen his discoveries expunged from the records of geography, and the bay with which his name is so fairly associated treated as a phantom of the imagination." Foiled in the endeavor to find a passage along the northern coast of America by which European vessels could pass into the Pacific Ocean and thence to the rich countries of the far East, it is probable that Baffin formed a plan by which, as he thought, this same purpose could be accomplished in another way. There had been many attempts to find the eastern extremity of such a passage, and all had failed; it might be far easier to find the western entrance, and then trace the course of the strait through to the Atlantic. It is not likely that a man who had made five voyages to the Arctic re- gions, and had in the last one made such notable discoveries, would so far lose interest in the subject as to seek for employment in an entirely different part of the world; and w^e can only explain Baffin's efforts to obtain an ap- pointment under the East India Company by supposing that he had it iu 5fi2 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. his mind to cross the Pacific from Japan, seek a passage north of America, and make his way through to the Atlantic, thus circumnavigating the globe Avithout rounding the two southermost capes. He seems to have been wil- lingly received by them, and was appointed as master's mate on board the Anne Royal. Every year, since 1601, the East India Company had sent out afleet; the profits that were derived from this trade were of fabulous amount; and ships, larger than any that the world had ever before seen, were built to bring home the rich cargoes from the East. One of these vessels was actu- ally of one thousand three hundred and twenty tons' burden, an enormously large vessel, in the judgment of men of the seventeenth century, although less than one-tenth the burden of the Great Eastern. The ship on which Baffin sailed for this sixth recorded voyage of his, was of somewhat more than a thousand tons. The master was Andrew Shilling, a good sailor, who " was not inferior to any man for government." The fleet, which consisted of five vessels in all, was fitted out the winter after Baffin's return from the coast of Greenland, and was ready to sail early in February, 1617. The shijis were carefully inspected before they left port, and every precaution taken to prevent sickness, particularly scurvy. They weighed anchor March 5 ; and, after a prosperous voyage, arrived at Saldan- ha Bay, on the western coast of Cape Colony, June 21. Here a supply of cattle and sheep for the remainder of the voyage was obtained, though not without difficulty; and they continued their course to the Indies, arriving at Surat in the month of September. It was then determined to send Captain Shilling to the Red Sea, to open up a trade with the countries surrounding it. Instructions were duly drawn up by the British Minister to the court of the Mogul, and three merchants Avere selected to conduct the business. In May, 1618, the vessel sailed on this errand; and Baffin's surveys and observations of the coast of the Red Sea, which was explored with considerable thoroughness, are at the founda- tion of a good deal of our knowledge concerning that historic body of water. Later in the year, the Anne Royal was in the Persian Gulf, where Baffin again made good use of his time, observing and surveying the coasts. Re- turning thence to Surat, the Anne Royal began her voyage homeward in Feb- ruary, 1619, and arrived in the Thames in September. Of course, when Baffin formed his plan for discovering the Northwest Passage by beginning at the Pacific end, he did not expect his first voyage to the Indies to afford him the desired opportunity. It would seem, from vari- ous indications, that he Avas by no means an old man at this time; although he had outlived the impatience of youth, he had not yet lost his youthful hopefulness and spirit. He had laid a good foundation for such an enter- prise in the future, by securing the favor of the great East India Company. BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 563 That such favor was won and deserved, is shown by a single entry in their records : — "William Baffin, a master's mate in the Anne, to have a gratuity for his pains and good art in drawing out certain plots of the coast of Persia and the Red Sea, which are judged to have been very well and artificially performed; some to be drawn out by Adam Bowen, for the benefit of such as shall be em- ployed in those parts." Thus, we see, Baffin's charts were not only regarded as well done, but they were made to serve as copies for the official charts furnished by the Com- pany to its employes. Captain Shilling had done his work so well that he was advanced to the command of the next fleet sent out. Four new vessels comprised it, the building of which was not completed before the end of 1619. The largest of these, called the London, was Shilling's flag-ship, and while the masters of the others were selected and appointed by the Company, he was permitted to choose the master of this. He named for the position William Baffin, with wiiose merits as a seaman he had had ample opportunity to get ac- quainted during the long voyage j^receding this, in which Baffin had served under his eye. Thus after many years of patient and skillful labor, we see the great navi- gator appointed, for the first time, to the command of a large ship. It is a circumstance without parallel, we believe, in the annals of discovery, that a man who did what Baffin did for geography should have been in a subordi- nate position until long after the period at which he achieved those things on which his fame rests. The fleet sailed from the Downs March 25, reaching Saldanha Bay just three months later. As they rounded the Cape it became a serious question whether they should go to the east or the west of Madagascar, then called the Island of St. Lawrence; Baffin, of course, being one of those who anx- iously discussed it, and having no small voice in the decision. After a longer voyage than usual they anchored in Swally Road November 9. Hardly had they come to anchor before news was received that a com- bined Portuguese and Dutch fleet was lying off Jashak, near the entrance to the Persian Gulf, w^aiting to attack the ships of the British East India Com- pany. The fleet at once sailed to Jashak, and on the 16th of December came in sight of two large Portuguese ships and two smaller Dutch vessels. The fight began at once, and lasted for nine hours without a pause. The Portuguese were then glad to anchor, in order to repair damages to their vessels; while the Englishmen were not sorry to have an opportunity to draw a long breath. The fleet under Shilling's command withdrew to the Jashak Roads, and the two fleets sullenly watched each other for ten days. A sec- ond and more decisive combat took place Dec. 28. This fight has been so 36 5(i4 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. abl}' described b}' one who took part in it, that we quote here an extract from the manuscript journal of Captain Swan, still preserved at the India Office in London: — " Our broadsides were brought up, and the good ordnance from our whole fleet played so fast upon them that doubtless if the knowledge in our people had been answerable to their willing minds and ready resolutions, not one of their galleons, unless their sides were impenetrable, had escaped us. About three in the afternoon, unwilling, after so hot a dinner, to receive a like sup- per, they cut their cables and drove with the tide until they were without range of our guns; and then their frigate came to them, and towed them away, wonderfully mangled and torn. Their Admiral, in the greatest fury of the fight, was enforced to heel his ship to stop the leaks, his main top- mast overboard, and the head of his mainmast. * * * * Qm- -worthy Admiral, in the beginning of the fight, received a great and grievous wound through the left shoulder, by a great shot, which hurt he with such patience and courage underwent, that it gave great hope to us all of his most wished recovery. But having, besides the wound, two of his ribs broken, this day, about noon, he departed this life, showing himself, as ever before, a resolute commander; so now, in his passage through the gates of death, a most will- ing, humble, constant, and assured Christian. His body was interred at Ja- shak on the 9th, with all the solemnity, decency, and respect the time and place afforded." The death of Admiral Shilling made no difference in the standing of Baffin, who continued as master of the London, while the commander of one of the other vessels, according to arrangements made by the Company, assumed the command of the fleet. The vessels returned to Surat in February. It had been arranged that this fleet was to have gone to the Red Sea; but after the battle and the delays off the coast of Persia, it was thought to be too late in the season; and the ships shaped a course to thecoastof Arabia. Baf- fin's ship was the first to put in to land, w^ater and palm trees having been found near the little port of Sur on the Oman coast. The other ships w^ere accordingly ordered to join company, and Sur was re-named London's Hope. Here they remained at anchor until August 15, when they all set sail for In- dia. About a hundred years before this time, the Portuguese, under the great Albuquerque, had established themselves in the Island of Ornuiz. It had been the constant desire of the Shah of Persia to expel them, but no one who had held that rank had been able to do so. The reigning Shah now formed an alliance with the English for the purpose of driving out the Portuguese; and the fleet which had sailed from England under Shilling's leadership was to assault the town of Ormuz by sea, while it was closely beleaguered on land by a Persian army. BAFI-IN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 5(5') The wall surrounding the town was of great height, with half moons, and flankers, and a deep dry moat to make the town the more secure. The En- glish proposed to land, throw up embankmcntsfor protection, and, mounting the great guns of their ships, batter down this wall with cannon-balls. Their plans were ably carried out; but the siege had lasted two days when it was found that the guns were not doing as much execution as had been expected. Evidently they were not at the proper inclination; and the learned mathe- matician. Master William Baflin of the London went ashore with his mathe- matical instruments, to take the height and distance of the wall, so that the gunner might find a range "for the better levelling of his piece." While thus employed, a shot from the beleaguered town struck him; heleaped three times into the air, says the ancient account, and fell dead upon the ground. Thus suddenly perished the great navigator, January 23, 1622. After hard struggling, he had reached such a position as most other discoverers had at- tained before starting out; and although his services to science are at least equal to those of many who have been accorded a greater degree of fame, he never met, in life, Avith the recognition awarded to those whose fortunes it was to be higher in the social scale. Baffin probably left no children; for we hear of no heir but his widow mak- ing a claim against the East India Company on account of her husband who (lied in their service. This claim, after the lapse of six years from the time of his death, was compromised by the payment of five hundred pounds ster- ling. In a little more than a week after the death of Baffin, the besieged fortress fell ; and the town surrendered a few days afterward. What disposition was made of his body, we are not told with that attention to details which the chronicler has bestowed upon Captain Shilling. Shadowy in its beginnings, his life goes suddenly out, in the distant East, and no man knows where he lies buried. TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. /J)rBOUT 1()02 or 1G03, Abel Junsen Tasiium was bora in Hooru, in \^ North Holland. In the absence of all particulars regarding his boy- hood and education, and even his young manhood, let us see what were the influences affecting at that time the young men of Holland who shared the widely prevailing spirit of adventure and discovery. The Portuguese had long been in possession of a monopoly of the East In- dian trade, and were envied by all the nations of Europe because of it. Spain had sought a passage to India by way of the West, and had found America, with the treasures of Mexico and Peru; England was sending her skilled seamen to seek the Northwest Passage to the Indies; and the Dutch endeavored to find a Northeast Passage. Failing in this effort, a native of Holland, Cornelius Houtman, followed in the track of the Portuguese and doubled the Cape of Good Hope in 1596. His success in reaching India caused an awakening of commercial interest, and several companies were formed for the purpose of trading with the opulent East. In 1(302 the Gov- ernment united all these into an organization called the Dutch East India Company. But trade between Holland and India had been firmly established before this time, and the Dutch had almost a monopoly of the spice business. They raised the price of pepper from three shillings to six and then to eight shil- lings a pound; so that the English became indignant at the extortion, and broke the monopoly by the establishment of the English East India Company. But Dutch trade and Dutch settlements went steadily on ; Ceylon, Sumatra, the ^Moluccas, Java, all these Avere either wholly or partly subject to Holland; and the city of Batavia was built on the island of Java, to be the capital of these colonies. Various expeditions were sent out for the exploration of the surrounding waters; and one under Dirk Hartog in 1616 discovered a vast body of land which has since been named Australia. Later voyages verified its position, and something of its extent; for the Dutch navigators followed a consider- able portion of its coast. The first exi)edition of Hartog left on the shore a (not;) TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 5()7 tin plate engraved with a suitable record, and this was found within the present century; thus establishing beyond a doubt the fact of his discovery. The name of New Holland was given to the great island, and the Gulf of Carpentaria was named in honor of Peter Carpenter, then Governor of the Dutch East India Company; while various names of less importance were bestowed. So uninviting was the shore, however, that no attempt was made to colonize it; and twenty-five years after it was first seen by Hartog, it was still practically unknown. Ten years before Hartog sailed, the Spanish Government of Peru had sent out a ship under the command of Torres, who with his companion Quiros visited many of the islands of the Pacific Ocean and sailed through the strait between Australia and New Guinea, now called Torres Strait; but there is no evidence that they knew what great island lay to the southward. Thirty-six years after this Spanish discovery, and twenty-six after the voj'- age of Hartog, the colonial Government of Batavia resolved to send out an expedition for the exploration of the Pacific. Two vessels were accordingly prepared, which are called by the commander a yacht and a fly-boat; evi- dently of no great size. Captain Abel Jansen Tasman, who must have been a navigator of some note then, was selected as the commander; and it was understood that the objects of the expedition were chiefly to ascertain the extent of Australia and of neighboring islands. The Ileemskirk and the Zeehahn, as the vessels were called, sailed from Batavia August 14, 1(342. According to the instructions of the Governor and Council they were to sail through the Strait of Sunda and southwest by west until they reached a point fourteen degrees south of the equator, west-south- west to twenty degrees south, and then due west to the Island of Mauritius. After thus crossing the Indian Ocean from east to west, they were to steer in a southeasterly direction, then northeasterly, and finally return to Ba- tavia. Mauritius was sighted September 4, and on the next day they landed. Many hunting and fishing parties were sent on shore; and the vessels being delayed by contrary winds, did not sail from this island until October 8. We shall not attempt to follow them closely by means of the journal of the voyage which Tasman published after his return; indeed, it is no light task to read this journal, and follow the course which they pursued; for the longitude is all reckoned from Teneriffe, as, he observes, every sailor reck- ons it; and the places visited were nearly all then unknown, and named ac- cordingly by their discoverer, while later navigators have given other names which popular usage has preferred. They went as far south as the forty-fifth parallel; but saw no land from the time that they left Mauritius until November 24, when, about the forty- fifth parallel and the hundred and forty-ninth meridian east from Greenwich, 568 TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. they sighted a iiiouutainous country. The needle had varied greatly during the earlier part of their voyage, seeming to be in continued motion; but here it became comparatively true, and they had but little difficulty with it. Tasman's ]Mkx Attacked and Kiixkd by Natives. To this land Tasman gave the name of Van Diemen's Land, in honor of 'Master Anthony Van Diemen, our high magistrate the Governor-General, who sent us out to make discoveries;" posterity, with a better appreciation of the principle of giving honor where honor is due, has preferred to call it by a name derived from that of its discoverer— Tasmania. The Islands near by were named in honor of various members of the Council of India; though the Governor-General's wife, Maria, was not forgotten in this distribution of honors. Casting anchor off the coast, on the 2nd of the following month he sent the shallop and boat of the Zeehahn, well armed, to a bay about a mile to the TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 569 northwest to look for water and other provisions. The messengers found many greens like those at the Cape of Good Hope, and other plants resem- bling sea-parsley. While on shore they heard human voices, and sounds that resembled the noise made by a little gong or trumpet. They also discovered large trees, having steps about five feet apart, by means of which the summit might be reached; but of the inhabitants themselves they saw nothing. The carpenter was directed to set up a post here, and Tasman left the flag of the Prince of Orange flying upon it. Having thus taken possession of the island, they sailed away, losing sight of land Decembers. Keeping to the course which had been marked out for them, they came in sight of South Island of the New Zealand group on the 14th, and closely fol- lowed the coast for some distance northward. On the 18th Tasman sent the shallop and boat on shore, as he had done oif the coast of Van Diemen's Land. They returned to the ship, accompanied by two native boats, the oc- cupants of which saluted those who had remained in the vessel with blowing of trumpets. Tasman does not tell us, however, what kind of trumpets they had; Cook would have described exactly the large shell from which it is probable that they were fashioned. These demonstrations were answered as made; but the sailors w^ere not wholly assured of the friendliness of the natives. A strict watch was kept all night, and every gun kept in readiness to repel an assault, should such be made. The next day many other boats approached the ships and the same intercourse at a distance was continued. Tasman decided to send another party to land, and the Zeehahus boat was again made ready. As the oars swept her through the waters, the sailors on the ships as w^ell as those who manned her heard the natives calling to one another, but having no acquain- tance with their language paid no attention to them. Suddenly, the canoes which had been between the two ships rushed with their beaks against the boat, and struck her with such force that they made her heel and take in water. The Quartermaster, who was on board, was struck with a blunt pointed pike with such force that he Avas knocked overboard; and a general attack upon the crew followed, in which three men were killed and one Avas mortally wounded. The Quartermaster and one other swam to the ship and were hastily taken on board. A boat was quickly manned with a more considerable party, and sent to the rescue; but, although the possession of the first boat w^as thus recovered, the men who had composed its crew had been killed, with the exception of the two whose escape has been noted. The boat when recovered had in it a W'Ounded man, who died shortly afterward, and thebody of one who had been instantly killed; while one of the slain had sunk into the sea and the body of the other was carried off by the natives. The ships weighed anchor; but even while making preparations for depart- i70 TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. ure from this hostile coast was almost surrounded by a fleet of native canoes. Twenty-two of them advanced upon the Dutch vessels with every unfriendly demonstration that could be imagined. Suddenly from the white-winged strangers came a noise as of thunder, and a flash of flame and smoke; and something, the New Zealanders knew not what, crashed through one of their canoes and sent the vessel and its crew to the bottom. While they were still almost stunned with surprise, another shot came; and they turned and fled from the neighborhood of such dreadful beings. Fight with Canoes. In commemoration of the killing of his men, Tasman named this inlet Moordenaar's, Murderers' or Massacre Bay. The land at which he had touched he called Staten Land, judging it "possible that this land joins to Staten Land," the island of that name near the southeastern extremity of Terra del Fuego. Tasman certainly did not overrate the extent of the ocean which he was exploring. Standing out to sea they landed again this time at North Island, January 5, TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 571 II party being sent ashore for water. They saw from the ship about thirty-five very tall natives armed with clubs, and, fearing mischief, called to those who had landed. The boat at once returned and the ships sailed away. The next day they landed at an island which they called The Three Kings' Island, because it was discovered on Epiphany. Their course now lay among the Friendly Islands, one of which they named Amsterdam, "for we found plenty of refreshments here." Landing on that island which they called Mid- dleburgh they began trading with the natives; and thinking to gain the friendship of the chief Tasman offered him a glass of wine. It was declined, with evident doubt of his intentions. To show that his suspicions had no foundation in fact, Tasman drank the wine himself; and re-filling the glass, again offered it to the chief . It was taken this time; and the savage, delib- erately emptying the wine into the sea, coolly took possession of the glass. The chief sent onboard, after his return to shore, a present consisting of a hog, some cocoanuts and yams. The next day Tasman went ashore at the chief's cordial invitation, and a talk of some length, considering the difficul- ties in the way of communication, Avas had. The Captain's statement that he had been more than a hundred days at sea provoked the greatest astonish- ment on the part of the natives, who looked with admiringwonder upon what seemed to them such great vessels. Tasman proposed to set up a white flag, in token of peace between them ; and the natives, greatly pleased, assented; giving as much assistance as they could, and standing by in crowds as his men worked. He then sailed toward other islands nearby, one of which he named Eotterdam ; and here the trad- ing with the natives was continued. The sight of some well-kept gardens recalled pleasing memories of the prim and trim flower parterres and vegeta- ble beds of Holland; though the resemblance, probably, was not a very close one to any but homesick sailors. Leaving the Friendly Islands Tasman proceeded to that group known to us as the Samoan or Navigators' Islands. To one of these he gave the name of Prince William's Island; and to another, not far off, that of Onthona Java. The latter is now known as Pleasant Island. He landed here, but the natives seemed to set no value on the things that were given them; and, finding it thus impossible to open trade with them, he again embarked, landing next at New Hanover. Here his efforts to trade proved more successful ; but the stay was uneventful. Passing the Admiralty Islands he anchored off the coast of New Guinea. The natives approached the ships and there was a little intercourse. At the island named Moa, while the sailors were engaged in cleaning the ship, the natives, who constantly surrounded the vessels, hovering curiously about them, appeared friendly enough; but suddenly one of them shot an arrow toward the ship, wounding a seaman in the thigh. Orders were at once given 572 TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. to meet the attack which it was thought now threatened ; and a volley of musketry was discharged at the canoes. One of the natives was wounded in the arm ; the others do not seem to have been hurt, as the shots were more to frighten them than to work actual injury. The vessels then took up their anchors, a better harl^or havino' been found. But the savages thought that Peaceful Drmoxstrations by NAxrvES. this meant pursuit; and, alarmed at this, as well as at the nature of the arms carried by the strangei's, they hastened to make peace. They came in groat numbers in their canoes, each man holding up a branch of a tree as a symbol of the peace which was desired. To show that they disclaimed all sympathy TASMAX, THE (JRKAT DITCH NAVIGATOR. 573 with the man who had shot the arrow, they sent him on board the ships. Tasman, however, concluded that they had been taught the lesson which they needed, and employed the offender as a messenger of peace. As a result of this slight skirmish the sailors were able to trade to much better advantage than at first; as the natives, thoroughly frightened and sub- dued, seemed willing to accept anything that was offered in exchange for their goods. So much demand was there for articles of European manufac- ture that the stock was in danger of giving out; and to prevent this knives were fashioned by the sailors for trading purposes only, out of pieces of hoop-iron, "somewhat" brightened and sharpened, and set in rudely whit- tled handles. They weighed anchor May 6, but contrary winds prevented their leaving this coast foreight days. From New Guinea they went to New Zealand, where they met with no trouble from the natives ; and thence they returned to Bata- via, which they reached June 15, 1643. "God be praised for this happy voy- age. Amen," saj's devout Captain Tasman. Tasman made another voyage, under instructions which are dated January 29, 1644; but of this there is no detailed record. It is known that he visited the coast of Australia, and explored the northwest coast, landing at several places; but the natives, whom he pronounced a " malicious and mis- erable race of savages," proved so hostile that he was unable to do much toward exploring the country Avhen he had landed. There is no further record of the achievements of this sailor, who is ranked as one of the greatest navigators of his century. According to one authority, he never returned from the second voyage just mentioned; but others, more credible, say that he lived fifteen years after the date of the instructions, dying at Batavia in October, 1659. It is probable that after his return from this second voyage he settled down to a quiet life in Java, enjoying the results of his toil and thrift in true Dutch fashion; and that he was thus lost sight of by the chroniclers, w^ho hence concluded that he died long before the date at which he actually departed this life. Tasman's discoveries w^ere not followed up by his countrymen ; for they soon had use for all their ships in something else than discovery and explora- tion. Holland was engaged in a naval war with England, which lasted, with frequent intermissions, until the accession of the Prince of Orange to the throne of England as William III. in 1688-9. When this prince was firmly established in his new dignity, and the war was forever at an end, the discov- eries were followed up; and half a century after Tasman visited Australia, it was taken possession of by British authorities, and has been held by them ever since; its old name of New Holland being replaced by that of Australia, or the Southern Land. VITUS BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. YT'YI^ have styled Bebring a Kussian navigator, because, although he was yj^ of Danish birth, he made his voyages of discovery and exploration while in the service of Russia. He was one of the earliest who brought distinction to the Crown of that great empire by his achievements, because, until the closing years of the seventeenth century, Russia had been regarded as a country of barbarians; and the fame of her great men hardly reached beyond her borders. Peter the Great was the father of Russian civilization. His methods were not always the wisest; for whatever reforms he desired must be made, whether they were adapted to the character of his people or not; nor were they the gentlest; he is said to have " knouted Russia into civilization." Anxious to emulate the other countries of Europe, in imitation of which he had estab- lished schools, introduced manufactures, and disciplined his followers into soldiers, he resolved to have a navy. It is hard to see why he should desire one, except for his general wish to imitate his models. England had a great navy, and Russia ought to have one, he thought, although there was but one sea-port. Archangel, for the whole empire. His first step, then, was to make war against Turkey, to obtain a foot-hold on the Black Sea; and, with Sweden, to secure a part of the coast of the Baltic; for Russia was then completely shut oif from all salt water ex- cept the Arctic Ocean. These aims were accomplished, and the navy was built. Its oiEcers must be drawn from foreign countries until Russians could become trained seamen ; and in this, as in so many other Russian enterprises, adventurers from abroad found a ready welcome and profitable employment. Among those who came was Vitus Behring. Born in Horseus, Denmark, in 1680, he was twenty-four years old when he entered the service of Peter the Great and became an otficer in the newly formed Russian navy. He displayed so much ability and daring in the war with Sweden as to win the approbation'of the Czar; which led to his appoint- ment in an expedition involving much hardship and danger. (574) J, BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 575 For the Czar had resolved to explore the eastern part of Siberia and ascer- tain what divided his dominions from America. What knowledge these peo- ple of the far East had of America we do not know; it seems reasonable to suppose that, with such a narrow strait se^Darating the two continents, there must have been more or less intercourse. Only one tradition, however, has been preserved. In the year 1715 there lived in Kamchatka a man who said Peter the Great, Czar of Kussia. he came from a country to the eastward, where, instead of the low shrubs bearing cedar-nuts with which the people of Kamchatka were familiar, there were large trees, bearing larger nuts; and that in this country there were great rivers, flowing westward into the sea which borders the country of his adoption. Many years ago, he said, he and some of his countrymen had em- barked in their skin-boats, such as the Kamchadales use,for onoof the islands 576 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. near the shore; but they had been attacked by the ishindery, and all slain ex- cepting him, who had escaped to the strange country. Indications of this country's existence had often reached the shores of Asia; flocks of land-birds came from the east, and departed in the same direction; whales were cast upon the coast Avith spear-heads in their backs; and these spear-heads were not like those used by the Kamchadales; even boats of for- eign make were washed upon their shores. The waves which brought these signs had a shorter swell than those which came from the south; so that it was clear that the sea was partly inclosed, and that the inclosure was more complete toward the north. The Governor of Siberia sent out several exploring expeditions, some in boats by sea, others on the ice. The boats used measured about thirty feet long by twelve feet broad, and had a flat bottom calked with moss. The planks were fastened together with raw-hide thongs; and the sails were made of reindeer skin. In place of cables and ropes, straps of elk-skin were used, and the anchors Avere pieces of wood weighted with heavy stones. Those parties that journeyed on the ice used sledges drawn by dogs; and one of them was so reduced by hunger as to be obliged to eat the sledge-dogs and return on foot. These expeditions, as may be supposed, accomplished but little in the way of discovery or exploration. It is true that there were some indomitable spirits among them; of tliese we may mention Vagin, who was the head of a party of twelve Cossacks, and whose expedition was the one reduced to such straits. They had come in sight of land, as Vagin supposed; although his guide believed it to be only a mass of vapor seen in the distance ; and, in spite of the hardships and deprivations which they were suffering, he insisted up- on continuing the journey. Eemonstrances proved useless; and his exasper- ated followers murdered him, his son and the guide. But all difficulties were as nothing, when the Czar willed that it should be ascertained exactly what divided Asia from America, and that an American Russia should be united to the European and Asiatic Russias. He drew up the instructions himself ; two decked boats were to be built at Kamchatka, and those who were to command and man them were to journey overland through Siberia. Behring was named commander, Spanberg and Chirikof his lieutenants. They set out, officers, ship-builders and seamen, February 25, 1525. On the eighth of the same month Peter died; but his schemes in this direction were faithfull}' carried out by his wife, the Empress Catherine, who succeeded him. The journey, although they had at their command all the resources of the country — for they were sent by the Czar — was no child's play; and it was two years and a half bcfoi-e it. was accomplished, and the two small vessels built. August 21, 1727, Behring set sail from Okhotsk for the southern end BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 577 of the peninsula of Kamchatka, only one vessel having been completed by that time. The construction of the second in this new location occupied nearly a year; and it was the 20th of July, 1728, before they were ready to sail on the real jiurpose of their expedition. They followed the eastern coast of the peninsula closely until they reached the Gulf of Anadir, but without lauding. Here they learned from the Tchukchis, who inhabit the country to the north, that they would come to a point Avhere the coast turned again to the west; but received no definite in- formation regarding the distance which they had still to traverse. They were then in latitude 64 degrees, 30 minutes; and had advanced less than three de- grees when they found the truth of Avhat they had been told. The land turned abruptly to the west. How far they followed this coast we have no means of knowing; but Behring was fully convinced that he had reached the eastern extremity of Asia, and returned to Kamchatka, where he arrived in September. Despite the difficulties of reaching the port from which such expeditions must set out, Behring seems to have taken a keen interest in the subject. Shortly after his return to the capital he presented to the Empress Anne "Proposals for the Organization of the Okhotsk and Kamchatka Countries;" and urged her to undertake the discovery of routes to America and Japan, which might be used in commerce with those countries. The first of these recommendations appeared to the Empress most important; and to this task was postponed the consideration of exploring the eastern waters or the north- ern coast of Siberia, which was also amongthe schemes proposed by Behring. A certain official, who was in exile, was ordered to assume the reins of gov- ernment in the extreme northeast, and to be furnished the means necessary for the performance of his duties in connection with it. But almost before he had assumed office it was decided that there should be a second Kamchatka Expedition, and Behring was again appointed com- mander. This was due, probably, to no special activity on his part. The ex- pedition was undertaken at the recommendation of several high officials who had long taken an active interest in naval affairs and would naturally advocate maritime enterprises. Besides, it seemed that all Russia was alive with the spirit of progress; and everywhere, along the coast, were vessels seeking to set at rest disputed or doubtful points about the outline of the land. Behring seems to have been rated the most eminent seaman in Russia, and his foreign birth was scarcely a disadvantage; not only were there thousands of others who had come from other countries and Avho held high positions, but he had now been in the service of Russia for more than twenty-five years ; he had married a Russian wife, Anna Matveievna — who, by the way, was at least twenty-five years joungerthan her husband — and his two sons, Thomas and Unos, were Russian subjects by birth. The commander's experience had 578 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. been varied; there has been no detailed or chronological account of his dif- ferent voyages preserved; but Peter the Great had chosen him to command the first expedition "because he had been to India and knew all the approaches to that country;" and it is evident, from the instructions drawn up for that journey, that this voyage to India had been made as the commander of a vessel. Next in command to Behring Avas Chirikof , who had been with him on the first expedition; a Eussian officer, well-educated, thoughtful, courageous and kind-hearted; one of the true favorites of fortune, since he was gifted with that rare and enviable quality of making those who knew him best love him best. In strange contrast to Chirikof was the second officer, Spanberg. Like the commander, he was a Dane; but he was narrow-minded, ignorant, cruel, ava- ricious and selfish. His constant companion was a huge dog, which, his ene- ' mies said — and his enemies were as many as Chirikof 's friends — was ready to tear a man to pieces should the master but give the word. It will be noticed that the relative rank of these two officers was reversed on this second expe- dition, Spanberg having stood next to the commander on the first, but after Chirikof on the second. Besides these there was Lieut. Walton, an Englishman ; Midshipman Schel- ting, a Hollander by descent; and Lieut. Lassenius, a Dane. A Frenchman who was a member of the Imperial Academy was instructed by that body to compile a map of Kamchatka; and the call for astronomers and mineralogists to join the expedition was answered by two Germans and a Frenchman. Thus did all the nations of Europe unite to furnish forth the Russian expedition. The Government appears to have been somewhat dissatisfied with this cos- mopolitan representation, and ordered twelve students from the Slavo-Latin School at Moscow to be trained by the Academy for the expedition. A few members of the Academy, burning with the desire that Russia should accomplish what other nations had achieved, and circumnavigate the globe, proposed that the expedition should sail from the Baltic, and, crossing the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, reach the coast of Kamchatka from the east. This proposal, however, was rejected; and the expedition, as before, was or- dered to proceed overland across Siberia. At Kamchatka or Okhotsk, as the judgment of Behring might decide, they were to build two packet-boats; and in these to proceed, without separating, to the American coast. This they Avere to follow as far south as the forty-fifth parallel, or the coast of the pre- sent state of Oregon; returnmg to the north, and crossing to Asia at Behring Strait, as the passage between the two continents had already been named. If the season proved too short, they were to go into winter quarters, and com- plete their task the next season. These were the instructions for the main body of the explorers, directly un- BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 579 der command of Behring and his lieutenant, Chirikof ; Spanberg was to pro- ceed from Okhotsk toward Japan, and make such explorations of that group as would be allo^ved, as well as of the Kurile Islands. During their overland journey they were to seek some route to the Okhotsk Sea which would not take them past Yakutsk or across the Amoor. The expedition was fitted out with all the liberality which is shown in ex- ecuting the wishes of an absolute monarch; and even the wandering tribes of Siberia were informed that they must assist the members of it as far as lay in their power. We have no record of the number of persons who set out from St. Petersburg; the scientists alone, with their servants and escort, comprised a hundred and fifty-seven; nearly all the officers, and a number of the rank and file, took with them their wives and children ; Madame Behring and her two little boys being among those who accompanied the expedition. In February, 1733, the first detachment left St. Petersburg; and six months later, the final division, that of the scientists, took their leave of the capital, for six years as they thought; but in some cases this length of time was more than doubled, and in others it stretched out into eternity. Keaching Tobolsk the whole force went into w^inter quarters ; and the ship- builders were set to work building boats on the Ob, Irtish, and Yenisei. Their progress being aided by these boats, they reached Itkutsk sometime during the late summer or early autumn, and wintered a little beyond that place. Behring had traveled in advance of the main body, and had reached Y^akutsk in October, 1734, while his assistants were still toiling through Central Siberia. The next summer, 1735, the main body arrived at this point, and prepara- tions M'ere begun for the final stage of the journey. Boats were built during the winter, in which a detachment was to descend the Lena, and, following the northern coast, reach Okhotsk by that means; wdiile the transportation of the others must be accomplished by means of horses toiling painfully over a rugged mountain-chain. But the despotic power of the Czarina had not been able to secure the ful- filment of her commands without friction between the officers of the expedi- tion and those who were commanded to assist them. When Behring arrived at Yakutsk his supplies were scattered all along the road from the frontier to that place; and it was in vain that he appealed to the officials to hasten their delivery. AYorking parties were sent forward, but many of the workmen act- ually died of starvation on the road. It was estimated that before an-y of the expedition reached Okhotsk, three hundred thousand rubles, or nearly a quarter of a million of dollars, had been paid outfrom the imperial treasury; besides the vast quantities of stores in kind furnished by the various districts. Not only were there constant quarrels between the officials of the expedit- ion and those of the country, but dissensions among the members of the ex- 37 580 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. pedition themselves arose, and became exceedingly bitter. Complaints against Behring, particularly, were constantly forwarded to St. Petersburg; and to those in charge of affairs there, who could not realize the great difficulties in the way, it seemed that he must have abused his authority, and purposely de- layed in order, as his enemies charged, to put more money in his own pocket. An ukase was issued, ordering that the accounts of the expedition should be reviewed; and it was reported that the expense thus far was so great that it was necessary to continue the work, or lose all that had been spent. Much time was consumed in sending special messengers back and forth, so that Beh- ring, with the main body, did not reach Okhotsk until the beginning of 1739, six years after they had left St. Petersburg. Two officers were sent by the Imperial Government to look into " the do- ings of Behring." They seem to have cleared him of the charges against him. They arrived during the summerof 1739; and their coming of course stillfur- ther delayed the departure of the vessels, which Spanberg, who had arrived at Okhotsk some time before the commander, had been busily building. It was not until the month of August, 1740, that Behring and Chirikof were ready to sail. The announcement that an imperial courier was approaching delayed them for some time, and it was necessary to wait for his coming; and the ground- ing of one of their vessels, shortly after this, resulted not only in delay, but in loss of provisions and stores which could not be replaced. Finally, Sept. 8, 1740, the expedition embarked; the St. Peter under the command of Behring, and the St. Paul under the command of Chirikof. They reached the harbor of Bolsheretsk a week later, and rounded Cape Lapatke in safe- ty, but the sloop and the galiot which carried the stores were unable to ac- complish this, and returned to Bolsheretsk for the winter; it being therefore necessary to transport the stores overland from Bolsheretsk to Avatcha, a work attended with loss and difficulty. To the few buildings existing at Avatcha, Behring proceeded to add a church; and the place was named Petropaulovski. Here the vessels were beached forthe winter; and, securing the services of the natives to transport the supplies overland, Behring distributed his men in such a way as to make it possible for them to live mainly upon game and fish. May 4, 1741, he called together his officers for consultation as to the route which should be followed; for recent communications from St. Petersburg had left that in doubt. A renowned astronomer had made a map of this portion of the world which had been presented to the Imperial Academy, and received the approbation of that learned body; which, however, knew no more about the subject than Columbus knew of the coast of Asia. By them it had been presented to the Senate, and had been approved by the members of that body, who were as well-informed as the Imperial Academi- J BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 581 cians. It had then been sent to Behring as a reliable guide for his voyage. According to this map there was no laud laid down toward the east of Kam- chatka; but toward the southeast, between the forty-sixth and forty-seventh parallels, was laid down a land marked " Terres vices xmr Dom Jean de Ga- nia." History has not preserved any record of the voyage of this individual, although his discoveries were thus set down on a map which ignored the land known to exist at a short distance from the eastern extremity of Siberia. ~#'. It was decided, however, to follow the chart, rather than their own knowl- edge and that of the Siberians ; and to sail southeast by east until the lati- tude of forty-six degrees was reached; then, if they found no land, to steer northeast by east. If land were discovered in the first instance, they were to take its northern coast as a guide to the northeast or east; and whenever land was found, its coast was to be followed as far north as the sixt^-fifth paral- lel. Why they should not attempt to follow it two degrees and a half further north, when it would be such a short distance across to their own continent does not appear. Orders were given the different officers to direct their actions under all imaginable circumstances, and the two vessels, with their hundred and fifty 582 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. men, and provisions for five and a half months, sailed from Avatcha Bay, after solemn prayer, June 4, 1741. On the afternoon of the 12th they had reached the forty-sixth parallel, and found that there was no such land as was laid down in the chart. The course was changed in accordance with the determination reached in council. June 19th the wind which had been driving them forward increased, so that sails had to be taken in during the night; and the next morning, by some mistake, the two vessels were separated and did not again sight each other. They were between the forty-ninth and fiftieth parallel when this occurred. Chirikof 's vessel, after drifting for some time in the expectation of meeting with the commander, was steered toward the east and reached land July 15, at a point somewhere about the middle part of the coast of British Colum- bia. Sending a boat ashore to find a good place to anchor, Chirikof awaited the return of his sailors. Instead, a number of the natives surrounded his ship; and, to his horror and distress, he learned that his men had all been murdered. In addition to the loss of so many men, he had lost the only boat that he had; so that, as the water on board gave out, he was unable to ob- tain any new supplies. He touched at the coast at various points, but did not land ; endeavoring to supply the lack of fresh water from shore by distilling sea-water and catching rain-water. Finally he touched at the most western of the Aleutian islands, and thence continued his voyage for Kamchatka. They had suffered much from the lack of water and food, and scurvy set in. When they reached port, near the Bay of Avatcha, twenty-one of the seventy-three who had left that harbor five months before had perished. Having no boats, they were obliged to discharge a cannon to attract the at- tention of those on shore, and receive aid in landing. Like Cliirikof , Behring allowed his ship to drift for some time, after los- ing sight of his companion, in hopes of regaining company. On the morn- ing of June 23 it was decided by a council of the ofiicers to return to latitude 46; this point being reached, the sight of some birds tempted them farther on ; but they found no land. Thus again taught that the chart was not to be depended upon, they changed their course as before, and steered north- northeast. After frequent changes of course, which were hardly to be ex- pected from a veteran commander like Behring, about noon of the 16th of July the lookout reported a high chain of mountains and a towering peak, all capped with snow; and Behring gave to the peak the name which it still bears, Mount St. Elias. We have read of the enthusiasm, sometimes of the wonder, with which other discoverers hailed the first sight of land; but Behring showed none of it. His oflScers, indeed, gathered round him, excitedly, and offered their congratulations upon the success with which the expedition under his leader- BEHRIXG, THE EUSSIAX XAVIGATOE. 583 ship had met. He glanced at the rugged shore, shrugged his shoulders, and replied in their rough guttural language : — "A great discovery, no doubt, and the accomplishment of all our desires; but who knows where we are, when we shall see Russia, and what we shall have to eat in the meantime?*' It was the 20th of July before they found a landing-place and sent boats ashore to reconnoiter and secure a new supply of water. Early the next morning Behring came on deck and ordered his men to weigh anchor. His officers looked at him in astonishment, for the men had not yet finished fill- ing the water-casks; some of them ventured to remonstrate. But that deci- sion which, as we have noted, was lacking when he should have fixed upon a course, was not lacking now; he had been ordered to find land, and having found it he was goingback to Eussia, whether the water-casks were filled or not. A German scientist who had spent six hours ashore the previous day, was now perched upon a steep rock, "taking in as much as possible of Amer- ica." Behring crustily ordered him aboard if he did not wish to be left; and he returned with his collection of plants which he had gathered to analyze. Heavy fogs, thick mists, contrary winds, and continual rains attended their homeward passage. Finally, about the middle of August, no other landing having been made, it was decided that as they had intended to return to Kam- chatka by the end of September, it was impracticable to attempt any further exploration of the American coast; and that they should now steer westward to the point whence they started. This was more easily said than done; the vessel drifted some distance to the southeast of the point where land was first seen and became so involved among the islands fringing the coast that it was hardly safe to navigate here except in favorable weather. They reached a point as far south as the north- ern boundary of the United States before they were able to keep to the course which they had marked out and sail for Kamchatka. Several landings had been made in the meantime by officers and scientists: but we have no record that Behring himself ever stepped foot on the shore of America. As on the companion vessel, scurvy had set in; and there were now hardly enough well men to manage the ship. ''The most eloquent pen would fail to describe the misery of our condition," says that same botanist who had been in danger of being left at the time of the first landing. Some of the officers favored the plan of seeking a harbor on the American coast; others wished to sail straight for Kamchatka; Behring himself seems to have relapsed into indecision, and contented himself with making many vows of gifts to churches, distributing his promises with great impartiality between the Ger- man Lutheran churches of his youth and the Greek Catholic churches of his later years. They kept a northerly course until October 22, when the wind changed so 584 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. that they were able to sail easterly toward their destination. They could make but little headway, however, for the sails and ropes were so rotten that it was not safe to carry much sail, even had the crew been able to set them. The commander was confined to his cabin by sickness; the officers, hardly The Sick Carried ox Shore. able to totter about, yet quarreled among themselves; the steersman was obliged to be led to his post by another man, not much stronger; and when he could sit and steer no longer, his place was taken by his relief, almost equally worn out before his work began. At last, on Nov. 4, they sighted land. The botanist Steller is again quoted:— BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 585 "It would be impossible to describe the joy created by the sight of land. The dying crawled upon deck to see with their own eyes what they would not believe; even the feeble commander was carried out of his cabin. To the astonishment of all, a small keg of brandy was taken from some hiding-place and dealt outto celebrate the supposed approach to the coastof Kamchatka." But their joy was premature. This, however, they did not learn till later. The morning after land was seen, it was discovered that all the shrouds on the starboard side had been broken by contraction owing to frost. Behring gave orders from his sick-bed that a council of officers should be called. Be- fore them was laid the situation which they knew only too well: men dying of the scurvy, lack of fresh water, suffering from exposure to the cold rain, which froze as it fell upon any body whatever, animate or inanimate. It was decided to seek relief at the nearest point of laud, whether island or conti- nent. They at once set about seeking a safe harbor for anchorage; and find- ing, what they considered one, cast anchor about five o'clock that evening. In less than an hour the cable broke, as the sea rose; other cables were lost; and just as they were about to heave the last one on board, a great swell of the sea lifted the vessel over a ledge of rock, and landed her in a smooth basiu, about four fathoms deep. Thus the decision had been made for them ; it was impossible to get the vessel over that ledge again, even if her hull had not been seriously damaged in the first instance. Fortunately it was bright moonlight, so that they were able to work better than if the night had been dark. All who were able to work busied themselves at once, making preparations to land the sick. Niches were dug in the sandy banks of a small stream, and covered with sails; this was all the shelter that they had; for, although there was a small quantity of driftwood upon the shore, there was no timber of any account. Many of the sick died as they reached the shore; others expired while being moved. Behring was carried ashore in a hand-barrow, well secured against the air, on the 9th; and shortly afterward the ship was torn from its single cable and dashed upon the shore. It was in vain that Steller, the botanist, searched for anti-scorbutic herbs under the snow; nor did they find any game or wild-fowl. The only land-ani- mals that they saw were Arctic foxes, so bold that the miserable survivors could not keep them off the unburied corpses of their comrades. Fortunately they secured some sea-otters, and even the flesh of a whale cast upon the beach was not disdained. This afforded light, also, for the long nights of the winter that was now upon them. Officers and men fared alike, for in this situation there was no meaning in class distinctions. Lieut. Waxel, who had been next to Behring in command, was generally recognized as their chief , for the commander was beyond duty; and Steller was his constant adviser. 586 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. At last Waxel fell sick; and it was af)pareiit to all thatBehring was marked to die. The excursions in search of food grew shorter as the strength and hopes of the men grew less; and despair settled upon them all. As the days went on, Behring grew more and more suspicious and timid of those about him; at last hardly enduring the presence of Steller, who was his most intimate friend. Yet there was no word of complaint, no repining at these hard conditions, from the worn-out old sailor; but lying, helpless yet uncomplaining, day after day, in that rude hut through whose seams the sand banked against it continually trickled down upon him, he watched the shores of this world fade slowly from sight, and, December 8, 1741, had com- pleted the last voyage, and anchored safe in port. Not for more than a month after the date of Behring's death was the effect of the stay uponland visible upon the shipwrecked sailors; then, their health began slowly to improve. It was time that it did so; for up to January 8, 1742, thirty-one of the seventy-seven had died. As they gained strength, three different parties were sent out, to explore respectively to the north, south, and w^est. Four weeks elapsed before these reported; and then they learned only that they were on an island. Traces of inhabitants there were none. It was clearly impossible to remain here. Two plans suggested themselves: either to take the open boats and seek the main land in them as soon as the season should be far enough advanced, or to break up their disabled ships, and from the fragments construct a smaller vessel, safer than the small boats, and more manageable than the large craft, even were it more hopelessly injured. "A singular question here presented itself to these navigators, accustomed as they were to the iron discipline of the imperial service: Would they not be punished for taking to pieces a government vessel? After some discussion it dawned on their dim visions that perhaps after all the punishment of theii? dread ruler might be no worse than death upon that island. Hence it was solemnly resolved to begin at once; the wreck was dismantled, and in May the keel was laid for the new vessel." — Bancroft. The vessel, thirty-six feet long at the keel and forty-one on deck, with a breadth of beam of twelve feet and a depth of only five and one-half, constructed without a particle of iron, and provisioned with the flesh of sea- animals, was launched August 10. The old name of St. Peter was retained. August 16, after protracted devotions, and solemnly bestowingthe name of their dead commander on the island where they had now been for more than nine months, the miserable survivors sailed away toward the bleak shores whence they had first come. On the third day out, it was discovered that their crazy bark was leaking; and there were two feet of water in the hold before an hour had passed. Some lead and ammunition were thrown overboard and BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 587 the leak finally stopped. A week later, August 25, they sighted land; and the next day they anchored in the bay of Avatcha, where they had long since been given up for lost. Thus ended the great Russian expedition to the shores of America. It cannot be denied that Chirikof seems to have been a better navigator than Behring: and that he saw the coast of North America at least thirty-six hours before it was reached by his commander. But it must be remembered that the history of the expedition has been written by Russians, who regarded Behring with much jealousy and envy, as a Dane, while Chirikof was one of their own countrymen. Then, too, Behring may have felt, long before his comrades saw, the hand of death heavy upon him; and this may be the ex- planation of his eagerness to return to Russia as soon as he had set eyes on the American coast. These arguments, of course, do not affect the question of the first discovery; that honor belongs to Chirikof; but Magellan is reck- oned to have discovered the Pacific Ocean from the south, though it was first descried by one of his sailors; and Behring, the leader of this great Russian expedition, is rated as the discoverer of Russian America, although his subordinate saw it before him. CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. fT is a boast, which has passed into almost a jest, that any boy who is a native of the United States has a hope of becoming President; and more than one of our Chief Magistrates have sprung from so lowly a source as to prove this no vain commendation. But when we find a boy of another country, risen from the lowest station to a position of honor among his fellow-men, our wonder is greater; and we feel that such a man is en- titled to even more respect than if he had lived in a country where such rises in fortune are more common. Such a man was James Cook, whose name has become renowned through- out the world; for he was the son of an English agricultural laborer. His father, however, seems to have been a man of no common ability in his sphere, for we find him advanced to the post of farm-bailiff; being still a res- ident of Yorkshire, near the village of Marton, in the vicinity of which the future navigator was born October 28, 1728. The bailiff's family doubtless thought that a handsome provision had been made for the boy w^hen, at the age of thirteen, he Avas apprenticed to a hab- erdasher at Straiths, near Whitby; although the man who could distinguish himself as an astronomer and navigator could hardly have been, as a boy, especially well adapted to measuring off ribbons or selling needles and thread. He seems to have found the work distasteful, and was perhaps an idle and thoughtless apprentice, his mind being filled with thoughts of the vessels which were constantly loading and unloading at that port; certainly he quarreled with his master and ran away to sea, taking a place as appren- tice on board a coaling vessel belonging to the port. He had had but small opportunities for learning; for, from the time that he was eight years old, he had been kept busy about the farm; and an ap- prentice to any trade, a hundred years ago, had very little time to pursue any studies but the exercise of his craft. His bright face and willing industry had, however, early attracted the notice of the farmer who employed the boy's father; and this friend had him taught to read. How much more he (688) AJi CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 589 had learned before becoming a sailor there is no record ; but he soon ac- quired such knowledge of the heavenly bodies as was possessed by his asso- ciates on board the vessel, and devoted a large portion of his scanty earnings to the purchase of such books as would enable him to continue the study of astronomy and navigation. Captain Ja:\ies Cook. A boy determined to excel, speedily rises in the world, and young Cook be- came first the mate, and then the master of the vessel. At the age of twen- ty-seven the son of the poor farm-laborer was a skilled sailor, possessing a remarkable knowledge of astronomy and no small skill in practical hydro- graphic drawing. The Seven Years' War broke out in 1755. Shortly after the war had be- 590 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. gun, Cook's vessel came to anchor in the Thames. At first, he hid himself from the press-gang, by means of which the British navy was largely recruit- ed then ; but considering the matter, he determined to volunteer; and offered himself on board the Eagle, a vessel of sixty guns, of which Sir Hugh Palli- ser was the commander. Pie met with such favor from his conmiander that he was, by that officer's advice, appointed to the command of a sloop, the Grampus. From this he was transferred to the Garland, and then to the JSlercury, in the last of Avhich he served in the St. Lawrence, and was present at the siege of Que- bec. It was in this campaign that he first had an opportunity of distinguishing himself. Ordered to sound the St. Lawrence between Orleans Island and the northern shore of the river, he executed his task with such faithfulness, and drew up a chart of the channel with such skill, that he was detailed to examine the channels of this river below Quebec. He did so; and his chart of the St. Lawrence from Quebec to the sea was accepted by the English Admiralty and published by them as the best authority on this river. His ability as a marine surveyor was very generally recognized; and after the recapture of Newfoundland — at which he was present — he was employed in surveying its coasts. The year after peace was concluded, he was ap- pointed Marine Surveyor of Newfoundland and Labrador. He received this appointment in 17G4, and held the position for three years; being recognized by the British Government as an excellent authority in hy- drographical questions, and as having corrected many errors in the map of America. During this period he published in the PJiilosophical Transactions an account of a solar eclipse which he had observed off Cape Eay ; and this added much to his reputation as an astronomical observer. Astronomers had calculated that in 1769 the planet Venus would make a transit across the face of the sun. It was desirable that this should be care- fully observed by some competent person, but the best place, scientists deci- ded, would be some point in the Pacific Ocean. The English Government resolved to send out an expedition for this purpose, and fitted out a vessel with eighteen months' provisions for her crew of eighty-four men, and the necessary arms and ammunition for defense should such be needed. Dalrymple, a famous astronomer, was chosen forthe command; but he had so high an idea of his own worth, and demanded so persistently an appoint- ment as ship's captain, that the secretary of the Admiralty, finding it inad- visable to concede all that he demanded, fixed upon this one point as the thing that could not be granted. Dalrymple refused to accept any lower rank, and was informed that the Government would grant no higher; so negotiations with him Avere broken off. Sir Hugh Palliser, who stood high with the naval authorities, proposed CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 591 Cook for the position. The command of the Endeavour was accordingly given to him, with a commission as lieutenant in the navy. Charles Green, assist- ant in the Greenwich observatory. Doctor Solander, a learned Swede who was a professor of botany, Sir Joseph Banks, a wealthy amateur astronomer and botanist, and two other persons, one a landscape and portrait painter, the other a scientific draughtsman, with a secretary and four servants, made up the comjiany of the master's cabin in the vessel which sailed from Plymouth August 26, 17G8. The Council Discussing What Direction to Sail. Cook was commissioned for purposes of discovery and exploration as well as for the observation of a single astronomical occurrence. The interest in 592 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. discovery, which had languished for some time, had revived; this was particu- larly the case iu England, where the Civil War of the seventeenth century and the foreign wars and civil disturbances of theearly part of the eighteenth had passed away, leaving the country on the high road to a position among the nations of Europe which she had never held since the days of Henry V. and Edward III. Before entering upon an account of the discoveries made by Cook, it will be well for us to review, very briefly, the work of his predecessors in this part of the world; confining ourselves to those who had sailed from England for the exploration of the South Pacific. The beginning of what may be called the second era of discovery and ex- ploration — the first beginning with the time of Columbus — may be placed at about the middle of the eighteenth century. It was in 1764 that Commodore Byron was commissioned to explore the Falkland Islands more thoroughly, and also to ascertain if they were habitable lands of any extent between the Straits of Magellan and the Cape of Good Hope. Many navigators had touched at Australia, New Zealand, and other islan 'Is of the great archipelago; but none of these lands had been thoroughly explored; and it was supposed that they were parts of a continent of great extent surrounding the South Pole. Byron had, as a boy of seventeen, enlisted in the expedition commanded by Lord Anson, about 1740; but the vessel in which he sailed had been Avrecked in passing through the Straits of Magellan, and he had been taken prisoner by the Spaniards. Detained in Chili for more than three years, he reached home at last, to find the country involved in a war with France. He distin- guished himself in various encounters during the progress of this war ; but was so unfortunate as a sailor that his men came to nick-name him "Foul-weather Jack." This name, however, could not be expected to influence the grave Lords of the Admiralty, Avho appointed him to the command of the expedition of 1764. Two vessels, one of twenty-four and one of sixteen guns were assigned to him ; and after one false start, they w^eighed anchor July 3. The voyage was with- out incident until they sighted the coast of South America. They had stop- ped at the Madeira and the Cape Verde Islands for water, but the tropical heat and constant rains had produced much sickness among the sailors, so that they were obliged to put in at Rio Janeiro for fresh water and food. Having revictualed here, Byron stood out to sea, and the question now arose, whether the captain should prosecute his search for lands in the west, or whether on the contrary, he should sail northw^ard and reach the East In- dies during the favorable season? The council of war, which was called to the consideration of this question, chose the latter alternative, after an animated discussion. CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 593 Sailing southward he entered the Straits of Magellan ; as soon as the vessels neared the shore, the sailors distinguished a crowd of men on horseback, who set up a white tent, and signed to them to land. Curious to see these Pata- gonians, about whom preceding navigators had so disagreed, Byron landed with a strong detachment of armed soldiers. Patagoxiaxs on Horseback. He found nearly 500 men, most of them on horseback, of gigantic stature, and looking like monsters in human shape. The women rode on horseback like the men without stirrups, and all galloped on the shore, although it was covered with immense stones and very slippery. 594 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. With them were numbers of dogs and very small horses; excessively ugly, but not the less extremely swift. The interview was friendly, and, after Byron had distributed gifts to the natives, the crew returned to the ship and sailed northeastward again, and coasted the Falkland Islands, where a French colony had already been estab- lished. Returning to the Straits he passed through them, and, touching at one of thceluan Fernandez group, proceeded in searchof Easter Island, which had been discovered and named by John Davis, the explorer of the American Arctic waters. He failed to find this island, but came upon a group whose cocoa-nut palms and other trees gave promise of cure for his men, among whom the scurvy was running riot. The milk of the cocoa-nut is one of the best remedies known for this dreadful disease, and the sailors looked longingly toward the trees which were to afford them relief. A boat was sent to find anchorage for the ships; but the sailors sent on this errand returned, saying that they had failed to find bottom at a cable's length from shore. Byron was therefore compelled to sail away from this group of islands, which he named, in commemoration of their failure to secure the fruits. Disappointment Is- lands. Fortunately for the sufferers, they reached the Low Islands the next day, and gathered fruit enough to serve their purpose. After this they touched at or passed various islands, recognizing the Ladrones eluly 28, 1765. Here they landed, tents being prepared for the sick, and plentiful fruits, limes, oranges, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruits and guavas, gathered for their use. These afforded a cure for the scurvy; but the hot, wet weather had caused so much malaria to rise from the dense growth of vegetation that the sailors, already weak- ened by long illness, were attacked by another form of disease, and two of them died. We are told that the fowls and wild pigs, which were abundant and easily captured, had to be eaten immediately after being killed, as de- composition began within an hour; and the fish caught here were so unwhole- some that all who ate of them, no matter how sparingly, became very ill. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, however, they remained here for nine weeks. Continuing their course, they passed to the northward of the Philippine Islands, touching at Grafton Island. At Timor they endeavored to procure supplies, but it was only with the utmost difficulty that they could persuade the Malay natives to trade with them. The inhabitants demanded rupees in exchange for their goods, and with rupees the Englishmen were not provided. Reaching Sumatra, he coasted along this island until he reached Batavia, the chief settlement and center of the Dutch trade, laid out with the prim regularity, the canals and trees and large open thoroughfares, which distin- guished the cities of Holland. A hundred ships rode in its harbor, and its streets were thronged by Portuguese, Dutch, English, Chinese, Persians, Ma- CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 595 lays and Arabs, who chattered and traded with each other. Gayeties of every kind showed that business was not the sole thought of the inhabitants, and the sailors, tired with the long cruise and the illness which had affected every one of them, were enchanted with the beautiful little city. K =_ ^: - E ^^ 1 ^^?;mA,««5Wfrv AA'ftvX-^^^^'-^ J KixG OF Timor. But it was less fair than it had seemed; poison lay beneath the beauty. Endemic fevers abound there, and Byron, as soon as he learned this, hurried to get his provisions on board, and set sail. But, although they had remained but twelve days, they had remained too long. A terrible fever broke out among the crew, disabling half their num- 3S 596 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. ber, and euding in the death of three. After forty-eight days they sighted the coast of Africa; and, three days later, anchored in Table Bay, whence it was a voyage over well-known waters. The sole incident of their homeward voyage was off the island of St. Helena, where the vessel received such a shock it was thought at first that she had struck upon a sunken rock. The fears of the sailors were dissipated, however, as they saw the sea tinged with blood for a large radius; the vessel had struck a whale. It was at first supposed that the ship was not injured; but a few days later it was found that she w^as so seriously disabled that it was imprudent, if not impossible, for her to continue her voyage in her present condition. They accordingly allowed themselves to be carried across the Atlantic by the cur- rent which here sets toward the northwest, and the injured vessel was re- paired at the Antilles. Byron's ship reached England after an absence of twenty-three months, after a voyage which was generally considered the most fortunate of all the circum- navigations attempted by the English. But little had been accomplished for the cause of science; but the fact that this was so was due, not to any omission or carelessness on the part of those engaging in it, but to the neglect of the officials to give proper instructions, and to include among those wdio went scientists who were capable of original investigations in their particular sub- jects. Six weeks after the arrival of Byron's vessel Captain SamuenVallis was appointed to the command of a second exploring expedition. Not until April, 1766, however, did they sail. The three ships were not good sailers, and the captain of one felt assured that he should not be able, with the equipment given him, to go farther than the Falkland Islands. They reached the Straits of Magellan in safety and had some intercourse with the Patago- nians. Previous navigators had asserted that these were a race of giants; and each one had seemed to vie with the others in stories of the stature, the strength, and the wonderful appetite of these far southern savages. Wallis, however, invited a number of them onboard his vessel, and measured them; the tallest was six feet six, he found; but the average height Avas no more than five feet six or seven. These visitors were so well entertained with the strange things that they saw on board the ship, that it was only with great difficulty that they could he persuaded to land again. They also held some communication with the natives of Terra del Fuego. A single incident serves to show how low in the scale of civilization are these islanders. Wallis relates that as he and his companions landed, the natives were devouring large pieces of whale, already putritied, the odor of which impregnated the air for some distance. One of them tore the carrion in pieces with his teeth, and handed the bits to his companions, who devoured them with the voracity of wnld beasts. One of his men, w^ho was fishing CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 597 with a line, caught a fish about as big as a herring, and gave it to a native who was eagerly watching him. The Fuegan killed it by a bite near the gills; and beginning at the head, devoured it at once, bones, fins, scales, entrails and jSesh, finishing only when he reached the end of the tail. Patagonian Savages Feasting on Cakiuon. Making their way through the straits, they passed several islands, discov- ering Tahiti about the middle of June. Before they could make any effort to laud they were surrounded by the boats of the natives, who brought ba- nanas and other fruits. These savages, however, were born thieves, and lost no opportunity to steal ; it is gravely recorded that only one ofiicer lost his hat in consequence of this dishonesty. An effort to land met with decided opposition on the part of the natives; and the light pirogues thronged about the vessels of the strangers, filled with stones and other missiles. There was an attack made upon the fleet; but a well-directed shot cut in two the double pirogue of the chief, and the at- tacking party fled in all directions. The Englishmen then landed, and Wal- lis took possession of this land in the name of the King of England, calling 598 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. it George the Third in honor of that sovereign. But the island has retained * its native name of Tahiti or Otaheite. But, while a party of the sailors were in search of fresh water, Wallis saw from the ship that the natives appeared to be planning another attack. He decided, therefore, to take vigorous steps to prevent further hostilities, and ordered his carpenters to cut to pieces some fifty or sixty pirogues which were drawn up on the beach. This was done, the workmen being fully pro- tected by the guns of tbe ships; and the natives, seeing their vessels of war thus destroyed, resolved that it was best to make friends with the strangers. The inhabitants of Tahiti had much to learn. On one occasion the sur- geon, who had gone with Wallis to pay a visit to the Queen, found himself perspiring very freely about the head; and, to secure a little more comfort, removed his wig. The natives stared in astonishment too great for words; they could hardly have been more surprised if he had taken off his head. At another time, when the Queen dined on board ship, one of her attend- ants, having seen the whites pour water from the boiler into the tea-pot, thought to show his familiarity with the customs of the strangers. He turn- ed the faucet and scalded his hand ; for as the Tahitiaus had none but wooden dishes, they had no means of heatingliquids, and did not know that there was such a thing as hot water. The conflicts with which their intercourse had begun had been so completely forgotten by the time that the Englishmen were ready to sail away, that the natives bade them farewell, says Wallis, "with so much sorrow, and in so touching a manner, that I felt heavy-hearted, and my eyes filled with tears." Seeds of different kinds of vegetables were sown before they left, cherry, peach, and plum stones planted, as wellas pips of lemons, oranges, and limes. A cat, some fowls and geese and other domestic animals were presented to the Queen ; but these gifts were not valued half so highly, or regarded with such admiring wonder by herself and her subjects, as an earthenware sauce- pan. One of her subjects, who seemed to be more progressive than the others, was presented with a suit of clothes, and, at his own request, with a fork; but, while he always held the implement in his hand while eating, he still grasped his food in his fingers, so that there was danger that the fork would scratch his ear. Leaving this island July 27, Wallis coasted several in the vicinity, but did not land, as the natives seemed determined to prevent it. His vessels were in need of repairs, and he calculated that if he should return to Europe by way of the Straits of Magellan, he would be involved in those tortuous passages about the time of the equinoctial storms ; he accordingly sailed for Batavia, where he knew that he could secure the necessary assistance. His own vessel was nearly destroyed in a storm which they encountered before reaching that port; but, with this exception, the voyage was without incident of interest CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 599 sufficient to be here noted; and they arrived in England May 20, 1768, after an absence of nearly twenty-five months. Nearly a year before this ending of the voyage, however, Wallis had lost sight of one of his vessels, that of which the master had expressed such doubts before leaving England. This was the SwaUow, commanded by Captain Carteret. No rendezvous having been arranged, the ships were not again united during the voyage. Carteret steered for the north, along the coast of Chili; determined to take in water at Juan Fernandez; but a series of storms and squalls prevented him from doing more than take in a few casks of water, when he was driven off the coast of these islands. He spent some time in a search for Davis' Land, as Easter Island was then called; it being supposed that this small isolated piece of land Avas a head- land of a great continent; but missing it by reason of the thick fog, decided that Davis' Land had no existence. The weather was such, indeed, that he would have been unable to descry land at a very short distance; and we find him almost despairing of finding laud. July 2, however, he discovered an island, afterward famous in the history of naval adventure; which he named, from its discoverer, one of his ofiicers, Pitcairn's Island. Several others of this group, the Dangerous Islands, were visited; but sickness increased daily, provisions could not be obtained here, and the adverse winds and the damaged condition of the ship made her prog- ress very slow. It was Carteret's intention, if he could find a continent where sufficient provisions could be procured, to repair his ship while remaining near its coasts. The refitting and supplying of the vessel would probably take some weeks, perhaps some months. It was then drawing toward the end of win- ter; audit was his purpose, with the approach of spring, to gain a distant southern latitude, proceed westw\ard to the Cape of Good Hope, and to re- turn after touching at the Falkland Islands, and thence to proceed quickly to Europe. But the continent was not found, although Carteret thought, as he passed the Solomon Islands, that he Avas close upon its shores, although the fog prevented him from seeing land. His provisions were now almost gone, the small quantity which remained being in such a condition as to be really unfit for food; the rigging and the sails were almost destroyed by the storms through which they had passed; half the crew were on the sick list; while, to add to the gloominess of the outlook, the ship sprung a leak just below the water-line. In mid-ocean, it was impossible to repair it; but by great good fortune they saw land the next day, and anchored off Nitendit Island. Attempting to land here, they were vigorously opposed by the natives, who saluted them with a shower of arrows as their boat drew near the beach. The master of the boat and half his crew were dangerously wounded, and 600 C4ffTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. every attempt to procure water and fruit, although the sailors were protect- ed by the guus (^t;ihc ship as far as possible, Avas resisted by the natives with the same vigor. The I>Axi>ix(i Disitted. The master died of his wouuds a few days afterward, and three of the wounded men shared the same fate. At this same time, Carteret and his chief officer, Lieut. Gower, were confined to their beds by sickness; so that there was no one capable of navigating the ship who was well enough to perform such a duty. Necessity supplies much energy, however, and they sailed from this island where they had been constantly pursued by the arrows of the natives, and, after touching at several others, anchored off New Britain August 28. Here CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 601 he obtained a supply of fruits and vegetables, particularly of palm-cabbage, which proved a very delicious food. Passing through the strait which separates New Britain from New Ireland, discovering and naming the Admiralty Islands, they entered the Straits of Macassar, between Borneo and Celebes, Nov. 14. The ship sailed so slowly that she only accomplished twenty-eight leagues in fifteen days. "Ill, weak- ened, dying, tortured by the sight of lands which we could not reach, exposed to tempests which we found it impossible to overcome, we were attacked by a pirate!'* Attacked by a Malay Firatk Vkssel. Thisenemy wasa Malay prah, the crew of which, hoping to find the English sailors asleep, had attacked them under cover of night. But far from allow- ing themselves to be conquered by this enemy, the crew of the Swalloio were roused to new energy by the demands of the case; and the result of the fight was that the prah was foundered. Failing to reach Batavia before the western monsoon began, Carteret made for Macassar, the principal port of the Dutch on the island of Celebes; but 602 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. here the authorities forbade him to hind. Carteret pleaded for his dying crew, and described the dihipidated condition of his ship; and finally the authorities reconsidered their inhuman refusal so far as to permit him to buy a few provisions and direct him to a small neighboring bay, where he was told he could find shelter from the monsoon, and set up a hospital for his sick, and procure a more plentiful supply of provisions than were obtainable in Macassar itself. He could do nothing but what they permitted, and to the indicated bay he went. But even here he found himself surrounded by restrictions. The Dutch, probably fearing some infectious disease, forbade them going more than a certain distance from their hospital; they were under guard, and not permitted to communicate with the natives; and whatever provisions they wished to buy must be purchased from the Dutch soldiers, who in some cases made a profit of one thousand per cent. Here they remained until May 22, 1768 — two days after the other vessels of the fleet had arrived in England. They sailed to Batavia, where the vessel was repaired; and, September 15, departed for Europe. Eighty of the original crew of the Sicalh7v had died during the voyage; their places had been filled by English sailors recruited in these Dutch ports; but of these seven died before they reached the Cape of Good Hope. Here the condition of the crew obliged them to remain for some time; and Jan. 6, 1769, they again set sail for England, where they arrived March 20. The voyage of Carteret was especially adventurous, because performed in a ship but imperfectly adapted for the purpose — really unseaworthy before he started from England. He proved himself a most efiicient explorer. We turn aside from English expeditious for a moment, to detail the adven- tures of French explorers, under the lead of Louis Autoine de Bougainville. Having had some success at the bar, Bougainville next devoted himself to the sciences, choosing mathematics, in which he achieved some distinction; but this career was in turn abandoned when he became an officer in the army. Nor did he long remain in this position; we find him next a diplomate. Finally, he left all for the naval service. "While thus engaged, he conceived the idea of colonizingthe Falkland Islands with the Canadians who, disgusted at the English rule in their own country, had sought refuge in France. He finally obtained ofiicial permission to unr- dertake this, and received an appointment as captain in the navy. Leaving St. Malo September 15, 1763, with two vessels, he planted a colony on one of the Malouines, as the French called these islands; but controversies arose with the English and the Spanish governments; the first named nation claim- ing these islands by the right of discovery, while Spain claimed them as a de- pendency of South America; they were finally recognized as the property of Spain, and the French colonists returned to France. CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 603 It was Bougainville's intention to cross the Pacific : but he had only six month's provision, and this was not enough; he spent sometime, while wait- ing for further supplies, at Rio de Janeiro. Thence they sailed, stopping at Montevideo, to the Straits of Magellan; and Bougainville again contradicted the fables regarding the great size of the Patagonians. Although they were Making Their Visitors Sing and Dance. tall, he says, none of them reached six feet ; but the breadth of their shoulders, the size of their heads, and the thickness of their limbs appeared to him gi- gantic. In sharp contrast to these well-developed natives Avere their neigh- bors, the inhabitants of Terra del Fuego ; who, he says, " are small, thin, ugly. 604 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. and smell abominably. They are all but naked, having only clothing of sealskin too small to cover them." These savages visited the ships, but did not show- surprise at anything; a circumstance which the Frenchman attributes to their entire ignorance; understanding nothing, they treated the master pieces of human industry as they treated the laws and phenomena of nature. The sailors amused themselves by making these visitors sing and dance, and, what was doubtless much more agreeable to the visitors, eat. Nothing came amiss to their voracious appetites, but bread, salt meat, and tallow all seemed equally acceptable. But the intercourse was suddenly interrupted. A child about twelve years old was one of the visitors, and a number of glass beadsandbitsof glass were given to him. Ignorant of the nature of the glass, and perhaps having, like Topsy, only one standard of excellence — "Is it good to eat? " — he seems to have decided that what was so pleasing to look at must be good to eat. He was found vomiting and spitting blood, his throat and gums lacerated and bleeding; and he died in great agony shortly afterward, in spite of the efforts of a native medicine man, who rubbed him violently and performed many strange incantations over him. The Fuegians, it seems, thought that this was due to having accepted a present from the French; and his death was the signal for flight from the vicinity of the vessels. After considerable delay they passed through the straits, and, reaching the Pacific, cruised among the small islands that dot its surface, landed at Tahi- ti about the middle of April, 1768. Here they were received with the great- est demonstrations of friendliness by the natives, who brought an abundance of fruit, so much desired by the sailors, to barter for European toys. Bou- gainville wisely prohibited his men from going ashore until arrangements should have been made for a considerable number to do so; but, in spite of his command, his cook managed to land alone. He was at once seized by a number of the natives, \vho saw here an excellent opportunity for gratifying their spirit of inquiry. It would seem that they were full of curiosity as to why these strangers so persistently covered up parts of their bodies with close- fitting clothes; and the frightened cook was speedily stripped to the skin by his captors. Having found that there was no reason, as far as personal ex- amination could show, for so closely covering the body, they permitted him to redress himself, and conducted him back to the vessel. His disobedience had been amply punished by the fright which he had experienced. A large shed was built for the accommodation of the sufferers from scur- vy, and a guard of thirty men placed about this rude hospital to prevent depredations by the natives. For the utmost care had to be maintained, lest the thieving natives should carry off articles of great value to the seaman. The friendly kindness of the natives, in receiving these strangers and pro- viding them with all that they needed — for the stealing can only be regarded CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 605 with the utmost indulgence for their ignorance — was poorly rewarded by the French. A native was killed by a gunshot, and all inquiries failed to reveal the perpetrator of this outrage. Two days later, Bougainville, while busily occupied with some repairs made necessary by a storm, learned that three natives had been killed or wounded by bayonets; and that their countrymen, alarmed, had fled to the interior. He at once landed, arrested those who were accused, put them in irons and confined them on board the vessel. This prompt punishment w^as told to the alarmed Tahitians, and they came back to the coast. The French ships weighed anchor soon afterward, and, amid the most friendly demonstrations from the natives, one of whom insisted on accompanying them, set sail. Bougainville added to the observations of Wallis many notes concerning the climate, productions and inhabitants of this island. Bougainville's course now lay a little north of west; the island which bears his name having been first seen by a white man early in July. He explored several of the Solomon group which had been visited before; but the chief value of his voyage to the world at large was the information that he gained and published, that navigation among these islands was not nearly so difficult or dangerous as the Dutch, anxious to keep other nations away, had pre- tended. His narrative states his course with much detail, in order that others may follow safely in his track; but such an enumeration of capes, headlands and islands would be neither pleasant nor profitable to the reader. While Bougainville was in these latitudes certain business matters required his presence on board one of the ships, and he there found out a singular fact, which had already been largely discussed by his crew. On board the ship was a distinguished botanist who had a servant named Barre. Indefat- igable, intelligent, and already an experienced botanist, Barre had been taking an active part in the herbarising excursions, carrying boxes, provisions, the weapons, and books of plants, with endurance which obtained from the bot- anist, the nickname of his beast of burden. For sometime past Barre had been supposed to be a woman. His smooth face, the tone of his voice, his reserve, and certain other signs appeared to justify the supposition, when on arriving at Tahiti suspicions were changed into certainty. Thebotanistlanded to botanize, and according to custom Barre followed him with the boxes, when he was surrounded by natives, who, exclaiming that it was a woman, were disposed to verify their opinion. A midshipman had the greatest trou- ble in rescuing her from the natives, and escorting her back to the ship. When Bougainville visited the ship, he received Barre's confession. In tears, the assistant botanist confessed her sex, and excused herself for having de- ceived her master by presenting herself in man's clothes, at the very moment of embarkment. Having no family, and having been ruined by a law-suit, this girl had donned man's clothes to insure respect. She was aware before 606 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. she embarked, that she was going on a voyage around the world, and the pros- pect, far from frightening her, only confirmed her in her resolution. M\D\MOISETTE BvERF'S AD^'F^TT^a " She will be the first woman who has been around the world," says Bou- gainville, "and I must do her the justice to admit that she has conducted herself with the most scrupulous discretion.. She is neither ugly nor pretty, and at the most is only twenty-six or twenty-seven years old. It must be ad- mitted that had the two vessels suffered shipwreck upou a desert island, it would have been a singular experience for Barre." Rounding the Cape of Good Hope, Bouganville reached St. Malo, Feb. 16, 1769, having lost but seven men during the course of his long voyage. He was the first French circumnavigator. Having thus traced briefly the adventures of Cook's immediate predeces- sors in the navigation of the South Pacific, we return to his own expedition CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 607 thither. The Endeavor left Plymouth August 26, 1768; and, touching at the Madeiras, reached Rio de Janeiro Nov. 13. Here they were obliged to stop for supplies; but,althoughthey were not absolutely refused, the action of the viceroy prevented the English from obtaining them as speedily as might have been the case. The whole time of Cook's stay in this port was spent in petty squabbles with this officer, who, wholly incapable of understanding the sci- entific need for such an expedition, looked upon it with much distrust and jealousy. Following the coast of South America from this point. Cook entered the Straits of Lemaire, separating Terra del Fuego from the small island at its eastern extremity, January 14, 1769; for he had no intention of trying the passage of the Straits of Magellan, even though this, the summer of the southern hemisphere, was the most favorable season for such a venture; he intended to double Cape Horn. The event proved that he had been wise ; for constantly changing winds and currents would doubtless have kept him prisoned in the tortuous passages between the main land and the great island for a much longer time than the thirty daj's which were required to double Terra del Fuego. By his exact astronomical observations during thistime he was enabled to correct many of the errors in existing charts, both of French and English origin, and thus smooth the way for future navigators. For many years, however. Cape Horn remained the terror of sailors; and it was not until the introduction of steam vessels changed the entire system of naviga- tion, that it lost many of its dangers. Threading his way among the islands of the Low Archipelago, and touch- ing at several for the sake of fresh water and fruits, Cook arrived at Tahiti June 11, landing at the very point where Wallis had landed. Mindful of that officer's experience, Cook gave strict orders to his crew regarding their treat- ment of the natives. He also decided to construct a sort of fort, within gun- range of the ship, where the observers might be safe. A suitable spot was found, the extent of ground which he intended to occupy marked out, an of- ficer with thirteen men left in charge of the tents, and Cook, with those asso- ciates who have been named in a preceding page, went into the interior of the island. He was speedily recalled, however, by the sound of firing; a native had sur- prised one of the sentinels, and wrested his gun from him; the alarm had been given, and the comrades of the sentinel fired upon the Tahitians. This was enough to have brought the vengeance of the islanders upon the seamen; but Cook gave them such assurances of his friendliness, and punished so pub- licly one of his men who had threatened to kill one of the natives, that they were pacified ; and the amicable relations remained undisturbed except by the petty thieving that the sailors had to guard against or endure. As the time for the observation was drawing near, Cook sent Sir Joseph 608 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. Banks to a neigbboriug island, and four others to the eastern portion of Ta- hiti, while he himself made preparations for observing the transit from the fort. No slight hardship was experienced by the astronomers who had come so far in the cause of science; their w\atch began at twenty minutes after nine in the morning, and did not end until ten minutes after three that afternoon; during this time they were exposed to the burning heat of the tropical sun, the thermometer registering one hundred and twenty degrees Fahrenheit. Tahitian Chief Fed by His Wives. While the learned men of the expedition were thus engaged in observing and recording the phenomena connected with an occurrence which could not be again observed for more than a century, the unlearned were profiting by CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 609 their inattention to steal a hundredweight of nails, which they used in traffic with the natives. The worst about this offense was, that nails were a valua- ble article of traffic, as the natives showed an immoderate desire to possess them; and this theft was likely to glut the market. Only seventy of the nails were recovered, and eighty lashes failed to make the detected thief betray his accomplices. Lieutenant Cook not only paid full attention to the astronomical observa- tions which he was required to make, but investigated the manners and cus- toms of the islanders; going so far as to partake of one of their most deli- cate dishes, which was dog-flesh, roasted on hot stones in a hole, for four hours. He says it was of a delicious flavor. In one of his walks he saw a native, w^ho passed his days in being fed by his waves, quietly lying upon a thick carpet of leafy branches. One of the Tahitiaus, who had been a priest of high rank and — according to the old accounts, where these savage chiefs are represented as attended like civilized potentates — first minister to the Queen of Tahiti, requested to be allowed to go with the Avhite men when they sailed away. Cook was very glad to permit this, as Tupia — such was his name — was sure to be well ac- quainted with the surrounding waters, which he had navigated, and could give full particulars respecting his countrymen, in whose civilization he could be made a valuable agent. Cook landed on several of the Society Islands, as he named this group ; taking formal possession of them in the name of George III. On most of these the natives were friendly; on one especially the chief persisted in call- ing himself Cookee, and giving his own name to the navigator; but the na- tives of Otaha, on the contrary, were so hostile in their demonstrations that he could not land. Their course, for nearly two months after leaving the Society Islands, lay almost directly southeast. On the 5th of October, the color of the sea changed, showing that they were approaching land; and the next day they saw a long line of coast, stretching northwest by west. It was the long-sought Southern Continent, which geographers had determined must exist, to bal- ance the globe ! As they neared the land, which was really North Island of the New Zealand group, they saw the varied nature of the surface; first the green hills, and the valleys with their great trees; the houses of the natives, the pirogues gathered near the shore, and finally the islanders themselves assembled on the beach. Many attempts were made to enter into friendly relations with the people, but none of them were successful. Cook endeavored to get some of them on board his vessel; thinking that if he succeeded in this, he could treat them so well as to make them good embassadors between him and their countrymen. 610 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. Failing in other methods of getting them there, he tried to intercept two pirogues. One escaped by rapid paddling; Tupia, who spoke a dialect of the same language which the New Zealanders used, tried to tell the others that the English came as friends; but, in spite of his assurances, the islanders seized their arms and attacked the boat-load of sailors. They were pursued Capt. Cook Has a Fight wini the Nattv'-es. so closely by the natives that Cook gave the order to fire upon them, and four were killed. The other three, terrified at the noise and fatal effect of the fire-arms, threw themselves into the sea, where, after a fierce resistance, they were captured. The three islanders were taken on board and loaded with such presents as CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 611 might be supposed most attractive to them; but this treatment does not seem to have made any impression upon them. Having been unable to procure anything but wood at this pLace, although he was in need of food as well, Cook named the harbor Poverty Bay, and sailed to the southward. But his relations with the natives were everywhere unfriendly, and if they did not break into open warfare it was because the English commander held his men so in hand that they were patient under very great provocation. To do this, the greatest severity was necessary. On one occasion it was found that three sailors ha.d entered a plantation and carried off a quantity of potatoes. "When their guilt was proved Cook ordered that each of them should receive a dozen lashes. Two of them submitted unresistingly to the punishment; but the third declared that it was no crime for an Englishman to steal from a New Zealander. Notwithstanding this argument, the lashes were inflicted, and the rebellious culprit confined in the hold until he con- sented to receive six additional lashes for resisting the execution of the sentence. Before reaching the southeastern extremity of the northern island Cook changed his course; and, coasting northward along the shore where he had just come in the opposite direction, followed the outline of the island until he arrived at that point on the western shore which is called Cape Egmont; Cook giving the name of Egmont to a neighboring peak covered with snow, in honor of the earl of that title. Here the relations with the natives were more friendly; but, although he tried to ascertain what traces remained among them of Tasman's visit to this island, he was unable to find even a tradition of a white man's having come there in a vessel like his. The New Zealanders were cannibals, eating the bodies of the enemies whom they slew in battle, but preserving the heads — minus the brains, which were regarded as a delicacy — as trophies; one of these ghastly testimonies to the courage of its owner was purchased by Sir Joseph Banks; but he could not persuade the man from whom he bought it to part with another. Cook describes, with some admiration, the forts which these people were accustomed to construct on the summit of a hill: a double ditch and palisade, with an enormous supply of darts and stones laid up within, making the stronghold one which could only be reduced by a long blockade, starving out the garrison. But in strange contrast with this skill in fortifying themselves, he remarks that they had not invented a single weapon of any importance excepting their long spears; even bows and slings, by which so many savage tribes throw darts and stones, were wholly unknown to them. Cook's ofiicers persisted that this island, as he supposed it to be, was a part of a continent; and would not be dissuaded until they had practically cir- cumnavigated it. He then followed the outline of the coast of South Island, 39 612 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. exploring the interior, as he and his companions had done in the case of the more northern body. This was the first European vessel which had visited New Zealand since its discovery by Tasman, more than a hundred years before- and Cook was the first to demonstrate that it was not, as Tasman supposed' a part of a great continent. ' Canxibalism Seen by Capt. Cook at Tahiti. {From an Old Engraving.) lan^d'At?Mfcr\^K''^'^^?^''^^ 31, 1770, and sailing westward, he perceived land Api ,1 19 This was Van Diemen's Land, as it had been named by the dis- coverer, outof compliment to his patron and governor; but to which posterity, CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 613 with better judgment, has given the name of Tasmania, formed from his own. He touched at the northeastern extremity, crossed the strait which separates it from Australia, and followed the coast of the island-continent for some dis- tance, making several excursions on land. The natives, however, fled at the approach of the English, making all attempts at communication useless. From the map which Cook prepared of this country, it appears that he did not know that Tasmania was an island, cut off from Australia, to which he gave the name of New South Wales, by a strait; this chart shows Australia with a long peninsula extending from the southeastern extremity, with no serious breaks in the coast from Port Davey to Cape Howe. Much of this line, however, is simply dotted, as being conjectural ; Cook does not assert that he saw land on the west while following the course which we have de- scribed. They had sailed one thousand three hundred miles, and reached a point some sixteen degrees south of the equator, when they met with the first seri- ous disaster since leaving home. It came wnth all the more fearf ulness, be- cause their long and perilous voyage through waters almost unknown had hitherto been attended with such prosperity. Seeing some islands near the coast, so low that some of the sailors declared they were but rocks above w^ater, Cook decided to stretch off all night, and so gave orders to shorten sail and haul off shore. The soundings were peculiar, showingnow much deeper, now much shallower water; and when it shallowed, within a few minutes, from twenty-one fathoms, by quick changes, to eight fathoms. Cook gave orders that every man should be at his station. Instantly, everything was ready to put about and come to anchor, when the next cast of the lead showed deep water again. He now concluded that they had passed the shoal; the ship went on her way, and, as it was now past ten at night, the gentlemen of the expedition went to bed. An hour later, however, the water suddenly shoaled from twenty to seventeen fathoms ; and before the lead could be heaved again, a shudder ran through the vessel, and there came a grating noise which told the anxious sailors only too surely that she had struck upon a rock. For three hours and a half a pleasant breeze had wafted them from the shore; and this, with other indications, led them to believe that they had struck upon a coral reef. This is especially dangerous, as the points of coral are so sharp that they readily penetrate any vessel, and every part of the sur- face is so rough as to grind away w^hatever is rubbed against it, be the motion ever so gentle. Taking in all sail at once, the boats were hoisted out, that an examination might be made. It was found that the vessel had been lifted over the ledge of the rock and lay in a hollow within it; in this hollow the depth of water varied from three or four feet to as many fathoms. 614 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. All hands bent their efforts to getting her over this ledge again ; but she continued to beat with such violence against the rock, that it was all they could do to keep their footing on the deek. It seemed that their worst fears were to be realized, as they saw, by the light of the moon, the sheathing boards from the bottom of the vessel and at last her false keel floating away all around her. There was but one hope — they must lighten her so that she would float across the entrance to this lagoon; six guns, the iron and stone ballast, casks, hoop-staves, oil-jars, decayed stores, and everything else that could be spared from the equipment of the vessel went overboard ; the gravity of the situa- tion so impressing the men that — Cook records as worthy of mention — not an oath was uttered. But the tide was going out, so that their efforts did not make it any easier for the vessel to float out. There was, indeed, more hope for her at the next high water, providing she should hold together so long; but the rock so scraped her sides that this was doubtful. The dawn showed them that they were about eight leagues from land, with no intervening islands; should the vessel be destroyed, what a prospect was this! The boats were not enough to hold all; subordination would be at an end; some would be left on board, to perish in the waves; but the fate of the others would be even more dreadful, cast upon a barren shore, without any means of defending themselves from the hostile natives of the more fer- tile countries surrounding this sandy waste; while the utmost happiness that they could hope for would be to drag out a miserable existence here, cut off from all mankind except these naked savages. The wind gradually died away, fortunately for the anxious souls on board the Endeavor, and there was a dead calm. As the tide rose their hopes in- creased; strengthened by the quiet which kept the ship from being ground to pieces. But what was their disappointment to see the waters recede before they had reached a height sufficient to carry the vessel off! The day tide was not nearly so high as the night tide; and though they had lightened her by about fifty tons, she lacked a foot and a half of floating. Cook at once ordered that two anchors should be carried out, one on the starboard quarter, and one right astern; the blocks and tackle which were to give them a purchase on the cables was got in order, and the falls, or ends of them, brought in abaft, straining them tight, that the next effort might oper- ate on the ship, and by shortening the length of the cable between that and the anchors, draw her off the ledge on which she rested, toward deep water. About fine o'clock in the afternoon the tide began to rise again. But now came a new cause for anxiety; for, as the tide rose, the leak in- creased enormously. The water in the hold gained upon them so steadily and rapidly, that they feared the lifting the ship off the rock would be but a prep- CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 615 aration for sending her to the bottom. They worked with the energy born of desperation; and the capstan and windlass being manned with as many hands as could be spared from the pumps, the ship floated about half-past ten. They were encouraged to find that she did not, now that she was in deep water, admit any more water than she had done while on the rock ; but there was no less than three feet nine inches in her hold. The sailors, wearied by the long period of anxiety and exertion, would work at the pumps till they literally dropped at their posts, and would then lie helpless on the deck, although great streams of water from the pumps, manned by those who had stepped to their places, were pouring over them. As the relief in turn be- came exhausted, those who had first fallen would rise and take their places. Tired out, they were almost disheartened; and when it was reported that the water in the hold, in spite of their exertions, had gained eighteen inches upon them in a few minutes, it seemed useless to work longer. Cook, however, knew that this could not be, unless there was a seam started, or something of the kind which he did not think likely. A moment's inquiry revealed that the man w^ho had been measuring had taken the depth only from the ceiling, as the planking wdiich lines the inside of a ship's bot- tom is called; while the man who relieved him had measured to the outside planking, eighteen inches away. When this was told the despairing sailors, it was as reviving as if, a short time before, they had been told that the pumps had actually gained. In fact, they worked with such renewal of vigor that the pumps began to gain upon the leak; and, having gotten up their anchors, they once more got under sail and stood for land. The leak was temporarily stopped so far that it w^as readily kept under with one pump instead of three; and the rejoicing crew talked hopefully of repairing the vessel and continuing the course which had been marked out for her before starting. In consequence of these mis- adventures. Cook called the point of land nearest the sunken reef Cape Tribulation. Preparations were at once made for repairing the ship; and huts were built on shore for the accommodation of those who were suffering from scurvy and for the protection of the stores from the weather. It was found upon examination that the ship had suffered fully as much damage as they had at first feared; but their lives had been saved by a singular circumstance. A large part of the rock which made the greatest rent had been broken off, and had stuck in the hole which it had produced ; thus forming a sort of plug, which kept out a flood large enough to have swamped the ship. Leaving Endeavor River, as he named the stream on the banks of which the vessel was hauled up for repairs. Cook found navigation so difficult that it was impossible to proceed by night. At last, however, they reached a safer sea; a large sea came rolling in from the southeast, a certain indication that 616 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. there were neither lands nor shoals in that direction. The difficulties which they encountered are thus summed up by Cook himself: — "Our change of situation was now visible in every countenance, for it was most sensibly felt in every breast; we had been little less than three months entangled among rocks and shoals, that every moment threatened us with de- struction; and frequently passing our nights at anchor within hearing of the surge that broke over them ; sometimes driving towards them even while our anchors were out, and knowing that if by any accident to which an almost continual tempest exposed us, they should not hold, we must in a few mo- ments inevitably perish. But now, after having sailed no less than three hundred and sixty leagues, without once having a man out of the chains heav- ing the lead, which perhaps never happened to any other vessel, we found ourselves in an open sea, wnth deep w^ater; and enjoyed a flow of spirits which was equally owing to our late dangers and our present security. Yet the very waves, which by their swell convinced us that we had no rocks or shoals to fear, convinced us also that we could not safely put the same confidence in our vessel as before she had struck ; for the blows she received from them so widened her leaks that she admitted no less than nine inches of water in an hour, which, considering the state of our pumps, and the navigation which was still before us, would have been a subject of more consideration to people whose danger had not been so lately so much more imminent." But, in spite of the dangers that threatened, Cook was determined to solve a question which the Government was anxious to have settled. Were New Holland, as Australia was called by the Dutch, and New Guinea, the same body of land? In spite of the dangers of such a course he again stood to- ward the land, and followed the coast of Australia until he reached the head- land to which he gave the name of Cape York, which it still bears. Here he landed and took solemn possession of the country in the name of the King of England, concluding the ceremony with three salutes from the guns which had not been thrown overboard in the time of danger. From this point, after touching at several small islands, he struck across Torres Strait, to which he gave the name of his ship, and reached the south- ern coast of New Guinea Sept. 11. Here they met with such a hostile recep- tion from the natives that they concluded it was useless to risk their lives in attempting to land; and, having but a small stock of provisions remaining, determined to get to Batavia as speedily as possible. Here, however, they met with new dangers; for, as before recorded, there are few parts of the world less healthy. The greater part of the crew fell sick; many died; and but ten men escaped the fever. Continuingtheir course they did not leave sickness behind them; for before Christmas twenty-three were dead, including the astronomer Green. Reaching Prince of Wales Island about the middle of January, Cook pro- CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 617 cured victuals there, and sailed for the Cape of Good Hope; and, after touching at St. Helena, anchored in the Downs June 12, 1772, after an ab- sence of nearly four years. "Thus ended Cook's first voyage," says one of his biogniphers; " a voyage in which he had experienced such dangers, dis- covered so many countries, and so often evinced his superiority of character. He was well worthy of the dangerous enterprise and of the courageous efforts to which he had been called." As a reward of the services which he had rendered. Cook received, shortly after his return, a commission as Commander in the Royal Navy. It seemed to him that the same rank, that of captain, which Dalrymple had demanded before setting out, might have been given to him when he returned successful ; but red tape forbade this, declaring that it would upset all established cus- toms, and injure the discipline of the Royal Navy, to advance a man more than one step at a time. But although the transit of Venus had been observed in such a manner as to call forth the thanks of the Royal Society, and many doubtful questions concerning the geography of these seas were set at rest by Cook's careful and accurate observations, there was one thing which he had failed to do; he had not discovered the great southern continent, which certainly existed; and which must, for the honor and glory of England, be sought and found by English vessels. Accordingly it was determined to fit out another expedition for this pur- pose. Of course Cook was selected as the commander; and his experience was liberally drawn upon in making ready the vessels for the voyage. The Endeavor had been used on another errand, after having been more efiiciently repaired than was possible on the desert coast of Australia, or even in the East Indies ; but it was resolved to build or purchase two vessels which Cook should decide were well fitted for the purpose. Two such vessels were found, each about fourteen months old; one of four hundred and sixty-two tons' burden, named the Resolution, and the other of three hundred and thirty-six, the Adventure. Of the larger, Cook was named commander; while Tobias Furneaux, who had been second lieutenant under Wallis, was promoted to the command of the latter. These ships were solidly built, drew little water, and were provided with two boats of twenty tons each for use in case of shipwreck, and supplied with provisions and other stores for two years and a half. A landscape painter, two naturalists, and two astronomers, provided with the best instruments which the times afforded, accompanied the expe- dition; and nothing that could conduce to its success was omitted. Great attention was paid to anti-scorbutics, or articles of food designed to preventer cure scurvy. The expedition was also well provided with fishing tackle; while, in order to enable them " to procure refreshments in such in- habited parts of the world as we might touch at where money was of no val- 618 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. ue, the Admiralty caused to be put on board both the ships several articles of merchandise, as well to trade with the natives for provisions as to make them presents to gain their friendship and esteem. Their lordships also caused a number of medals to be struck, the one side representing his Majesty, and the other the two ships. These medals were to be given to the natives of newly discovered countries, and left there as testimonies of our being the first discoverers." In the second quarter of the eighteenth century, the captain of one of the vessels belonging to the French East India Company had become enthusiastic about the possibility of discovering land around the South Pole. The Com- pany, acting by his desires, fitted out two vessels of which he was given the command, with instructions to proceed to the far South and there take pos- session of such lands as he should discover. He sailed first in a southwesterly direction and touched at the coast of South America; thence toward the southeast. For a time his vessels were enveloped by a fog so thick that com- munication could be kept up only by firing; at one time, indeed, those on board one vessel could hear voices and movements on board the other, while unable to see anything of it. This weather was accompanied by the most in- tense cold; so that on one occasion a sailor who had gone aloft actually froze there, and, being brought down, was only restored by the rather heroic treat- ment of whipping. He considered his purpose accomplished, as far as possible duringthat voy- age at least, when he sighted land about fifty-four degrees south of the equa- tor and about five degrees east of Paris; or, according to English reckoning, about eleven degrees east of Greenwich. This land was a high peak, covered with snow and surrounded by icebergs which made it impossible to land; so Monsieur Jean Baptiste, Charles Bouvet de Lozier, having added this valu- able piece of knowledge to that already in the possession of geographers, sailed back to France, reaching his destination late in 1739. Later explorers have ascertained that there is a group of small islands in this latitude and longitude, to one of which, very properly, the name of Bou- vet Island has been given ; but Bouvet himself supposed that this was a head- land of the great Antarctic Continent, and called it Cape Circumcision. Cook was ordered, when setting out on his second voyage, to proceed southward from the Cape of Good Hope, which was to be his first stopping-place after leaving the Madeiras, and endeavorto find Cape Circumcision; and, if he found it, to ascertain whether it was a part of a continent or an island. Should it prove the headland of a continent, he was to lose no opportunity of investi- gating its possible extent. He was further instructed to make all kinds of observations of the inhabitants, should there be any, and to use every fair means of forming friendly alliances with them. From this point he was to seek discoveries to the east or west according to CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 619 the position in which he might find himself. He was to go as near the South Pole as the condition of his ships, the health of his crews, and the provisions allowed. If he did not find Cape Circumcision, or discover it to be an island, he was enjoined to sail southward as long as he hoped to find the continent; then to proceed eastward, still keeping in high latitudes, until he should have com- pleted the circumnavigation of the globe ; finally to repair to the Cape of Good Hope, and thence to England. Such were the instructions under which he sailed from Plymouth, July 13, 1772. Fully aware of the danger of sickness resulting from uncleanliness in hot, damp climates. Cook took every possible precaution against it; insist- ing on the soiled clothes being washed at short intervals, and having the be- tween decks thoroughly aerated and dried out very frequently. As a result of these precautions there was not a single man sick on board the liesolution when she arrived at the Cape of Good Hope Oct. 30; although one man had died on board the other vessel which had been less carefully cleansed. Weighing anchor Dec. 22, the two ships resumed their course southward, in search of Cape Circumcision. Although it was the midsummer of the southern hemisphere, the weather became so much colder as they sailed southward that Cook distributed the extra warm clothing with which he had been provided. The men were also given an increased ration of brandy. The cold, thanks to these precautions, does not seem to have affected them unfavorably; but all the animals taken on board at the Cape died when the temperature changed so greatly. A week after leaving the Cape, they were beset by a terrible storm, which lasted until the 6th of December. This drove them far out of their course toward Cape Circumcision. They had reached the fiftieth parallel before they fell in with any icebergs; but having passed beyond the invisible line which seems to separate the icy seas from those having warmer waters, they were surrounded by them. One of the first thatthey saw Cook calculated was fifty feet high and about a half-mile in circuit. Captain Furneaux at first mistook this ice-island for land, and hauled off from it, till called back by signal. Sounding showed no bottom at a depth of one hundred and fifty fathoms; nor were there any other signs of land near by. Through thick fogs they sailed among these masses of floating ice until, on the 14th, they thought that they espied land. Even Cook was for a short time deceived; but on more narrowly examining the hills of the supposed is- land, he decided that it was no more than a mass of ice, larger than any that they had yet encountered. His own experience of ice-bound seas had not been large, but he had on board two men who had been in the Greenland trade; one of whom had been ice-bound for six, the other for nine weeks. The belief of these men was that he would find land directly behind these 620 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. masses of ice; they supposing that these icebergs fringed the land here as in the case of GreenUmd. He accordingly made some effort to skirt the ice-fields, or to penetrate them, but did not succeed, of course, in reaching land. Indeed, the temperature of the air and water was enough to account for the forma- tion of these vast masses of ice, without supposing they came from any land; for the thermometer in the air marked from thirty to thirty-four degrees Fahrenheit during the warmest part of the day, and was at the freezing point on the surface of the water. "When it is considered that this was the warm- est season of the year there, we can readily understand how icebergs could be formed in the open sea in less favorable seasons. The Xati^ts Make Sigxs Having ascertained positively that the icebergs were not the fringe on the garments of the land. Cook decided to proceed eastward to find Cape Circum- cision, being in about the same latitude. But a terrible storm again drove him out of his course; and although he managed to reach the meridian on CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 621 which he expected to find the cape, he had then been driven about seventy leagues south of it. From this he concluded that the so-called cape was not the extremity of a continent, but merely of an inconsiderable island. They penetrated almost to the Antarctic Circle, reaching the latitude of sixty-seven degrees fifteen minutes south; but here they were stopped by an immense field of ice, which appeared to be practically boundless. Then, having taken on board a sufficient quantity of the pure, cold crystal to re- plenish their water-casks, they sailed to the northward, to make another search for the island discovered by the French navigator. Keeping to the eastward, the voyage was without incident of importance until it was discovered that the Adventure had become separated from her consort. The weather was so foggy that for three days Cook was uncertain whether they had really become widely separated or not; but at the end of that time, he made up his mind that he should see no more of Capt. Fur- neaux until they met at the rendezvous which had been appointed on the island of New Guinea. Convinced that there was no considerable extent of land between the seuthern point of Africa and the Antarctic Circle, Cook now hastened to this rendezvous; and March 25, about four months after leaving the Cape of Good Hope, cast anchor in Dusky Bay. As Cook and his companions proceeded to land, three Indians emerged from the wood making signs, but here he had but little intercourse with the natives, with the exception of the members of one family, which established its quarters near the landing place. In order to impress them with some of the refinements of civilized life. Cook gave a concert for their especial bene- fit. The fife and cornet players found their skill was vain, for the dusky listeners preferred the drum to any other music. They were visited on board the ship by a chief who showed a very friendly disposition. As a proof of this he plunged his fingers into a bag which he wore about his waist, and offered to anoint the captain's hair with the rancid grease which it contained. Cook managed to evade this offer of a high hon- or; but the painter, Hodges, was less successful; and was forced to submit to the process of having it rubbed well into the scalp, to the amusement of all who escaped the infliction. Having completed the hydrographical survey of this bay, and cultivated a patch of ground sufficiently to start the kitchen garden seeds which he had sown. Cook departed for Queen Charlotte's Sound, the rendezvous appoint- ed for Captain Furneaux. The Adventure had been waiting for six weeks, having coasted Van Die- men's Land for seventeen days before the beginning of this period; but this exploration had not demonstrated Avhether this was an island or a peninsula. At the point where they now landed the natives proved very friendly; and 622 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. even iudulge(3, on ship board, in one of their national songs. One of them sang, says Cook, while the others accompanied him by gestures. The last words they repeated in chorus; and the whites easily distinguished a rude sort of meter, although, he adds, he was not sure that there was any rhyme. " In the evening," Cook says, "we had the spectacle of a ' homai,' that is to say, the dances of the night were performed in front of the chief's house. We saw twelve dances during the time. They were executed by women, and in the midst of them we noticed the arrival of a number of men, who formed a ring within that of the dancing women. Twenty-four men, who executed a third, made a movement with the hands, which was greatly applauded, and which we had not previously seen. The orchestra was renewed once. The chief appeared upon the scene at the head of fifty dancers, most magnifi- cently apparelled. His garment consisted of cloth and a large piece of gauze, and round his neck small figures were suspended." Some of the natives inquired for Tupia; and on being told that he was dead, expressed their grief by a form of lamentation that was evidently arti- ficial and formal. Cook did not recognize any that he had seen on his pre- vious voyage; and this fact, together with the greatly diminished number of inhabitants, and the deserted condition of the fortresses elsewhere described, convinced him that there had been a great war, which had destroyed or driv- en out most of those who had inhabited the islands at the time of his first visit. It was Cook's intention to proceed directly east from New Zealand and then to steer toward Tahiti if he found no land; this island being appointed as the place of rendezvous. He then proposed to return to New Zealand and survey all the unknown parts of the Pacific between those islands and Cape Horn. The reason for selecting Tahiti as a rendezvous was probably that it was almost the only island of the situation of which they were both absolutely sure. Other islands, visited by other navigators, might have had the latitude and longitude incorrectly stated on the charts; but Tahiti was a kind of starting-point for cartographers of that day. They found anchorage with some difiiculty off this island, after a voyage almost wholly without incident; and were well received by the natives. The islanders inquired for their countryman Tupia, but, when they had learned of his death, did not mention his name again; they also asked after several members of the scientific expedition, showing that a real friendship had been formed between these South Sea savages and the eminent English as- tronomers and botanists. Considerable time was spent in trading with the natives and in observing their habits and customs. The natives were eager for the commodities which the strangers brought with them; sometimes giving a dozen cocoanuts in exchange for a single glass bead. The great plenty of such fruit had a JJ CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 623 great influence upon the health of the sailors, some of whom were suffering from the ever-present scurvy when they landed, but recovered before they left. The readiness with which the islanders learned to swim and dive was shown when one of the officers threw to a child about six years old, in one of the pirogues, a string of glass beads. They missed their mark, and fell into the sea; whereupon the boy instantly dived after them, and in a moment brought them up from the bottom. NviiM II■^II\\I \M) J)\N(i IN ( ooiv >. Honor The Queen who had formerly ruled the island seemed to have been de- posed; and the natives were now governed by a king named 0-Too. The young ruler received them with becoming ceremony, and showed himself very Avilling to be friends. Visits were exchanged between him and Cook; the islanders presented the sailor with large pieces of their finest stuff. 624 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. placing these over the outer clothing of Cook and his companions in such abundance that they could scarcely move : while the King, when he came on board ship, received such presents as pleased him most. At another visit which Cook paid him the savage chief was presented with a broadsword; it was thought that this would be a very acceptable gift; but 0-Too was so much afraid of it that Cook had some difficulty in jDersuading him to accept it. At last he consented to have it buckled around him; but, after wearing it a short time, ordered it to be taken out of his sight. Leaving Tahiti, they sailed for the neighboring island of Hu. Here they met at first with very kindly treatment, and were enabled to buy from the natives fowls and fruits, the former of which had not been obtainable at Tahiti. But the authority of Orea, the King, who welcomed Cook as an old friend, was not sufiicient to keep the peace. The sailors who were detailed to attend to the trading were threatened by a native who was, by his cos- tume, evidently a soldier, and who was armed wnth a club. Cook landed just as the patience of the Englishmen began to give way; and, signing to his men to stand back, threw himself on the islander, struggled with him, and finally got hold of his club, breaking it before his eyes, and then ordered him away. The same day Mr. Sparrman, the naturalist who had accompanied the ex- pedition, took a walk into the interior of the island on a botanizing expedi- tion. He was attacked and overpowered by two of the natives, w^ho wound- ed him with his own hanger and stripped him of everything he had except his trousers. Having thus secured their booty, they left for parts unknown. The outraged naturalist speedily found friends, however; for some other na- tives, happening to pass that way, gave him a piece of cloth to cover him, and escorted him to the landing-place, where there were a great many of the islanders assembled. As soon as they saw him they made off; and Cook thought that they had stolen something. When Sparrman told his story, however, he tried to reassure the frightened islanders, promising them that he would not punish the innocent for the guilty. He went at once to the chief, who was much grieved at the way in which his people had treated the white man; and who at once set out to find the robbers. Much against the will of his followers, who feared for his life, the ruler embarked in one of the ship's boats, with a number of the sailors, headed by their commander; and proceeded to a distant part of the island to seek the offenders. The search, however, was fruitless, as Cook could not spare enough time to make it thorough, but the chief afterward recovered and returned the hang- er and a part of the coat, thus proving his innocence by enforcing justice. At this island about four hundred hogs of various sizes w^ere obtained. Many of these were presents, others were bought, and Cook states that, could they have found room for all that were offered them, any number CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 625 could have been procured. Fruits and roots of various kinds were also sup- plied them, so that they had a pleasing variety of food. They sailed away from the Society Islands September 17, steering for the west. Thence they proceeded to those islands called on modern maps by Cook's own name, touching at several, and ratifying alliances with the na- tives by exchange of presents. But provisions were difficult to procure here in any quantity and Cook sailed for the island called Amsterdam, one of the group which he had named, from the character of the natives, the Friendly Islands. From these islands they sailed October 7, anchoring off the coast of New Zealand two weeks later. Here, as they set sail again, the two vessels were separated by a storm; and Cook did not see the Adventure again until they had reached England. Cook now took account of the supplies which he had remaining, and repaired his ship, as a preparation for another voyage in the far southern seas. Leaving New Zealand November 26 they again entered the icy seas, advancing as far as seventy-six degrees south. They encountered much the same dangers from the floating ice as in the first part of the voyage, and again witnessed the beautiful but terrible sight of the waves flinging themselves upon the icebergs, there to be broken into infinitesimal spray, which sometimes flew even over the summits of the ice- mountains and descended in a shower on the other side. But the men had now been away from home for a longtime, and had lost that enthusiasm which naturally bore them up during the hardships of the earlier part of the voyage. We have no hint of mutiny, for Cook's men seem to have been too thoroughly disciplined or too much attached to their comman- der to think of such a thing; but he saw for himself the condition of affairs. Many of them were down with the scurvy; others suffered from severe colds, approaching pneumonia; the commander himself was prostrated by an attack of bilious fever, from which, for eight days, it was thought that he would not recover. He gave from his sick-bed the order to sail toward the northeast; and March 11, there was the joyful cry of "Land I" It was Easter Island, then called Davis' Land. The country was the pic- ture of desolation, the huge carvings, the origin of which no one has been able to conjecture, lending a weird interest to the stone sentinels that seemed to guard the shore. Deeply impressed by the sight of these enormous statues, the navigator tried to learn something of their origin; but the natives could tell him nothing, and indeed manifested no particular respect for these idols, as they had evidently once been. The barrenness of the island and the lack of good water prevented a long stay, and the ship sailed toward the Marque- sas, thence to Tahiti, which the sailors regarded as almost a home, so sure did they feel of the reception which they would meet from the people. Here some provisions were procured, and then they went on to Hu, equally friendly; ■ V 626 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. but the inhabitants of which were just as thievish as their brethren on Tahiti. A second visit to the Friendly Islands proved that the name was less ap- propriate than it had seemed when it was given ; for the natives came in swarms, assailing the strangers with stones and darts. Sparrman was wound- ed in the arm, while Cook escaped very narrowly from a severe injury. A volley from the guns dispersed these hostile islanders, and the name of Sav- age Island commemorates their reception of its European discoverer. Landing at another island of this group. Cook met with a more amicable reception, and had scarcely cast anchor before his ship was surrounded by pirogues, filled with fruits, which the natives desired to exchange for nails, scraps of cloth, and similar articles of European m.anufacture. In spite of this traffic, however, the natives stole everything that they could lay their hands on. Cook bore these depredations with as much patience as possible, until a more important theft obliged him to resort to severity. Two pirogues were seized, to be held as security for the restoration of the stolen articles, which were muskets. This action was opposed by one of the natives, who, in attempting to release the boats, was fired upon from the ship and severely wounded. The arms were finally recovered when the natives saw that Cook was determined to get them. Continuing their course westward they reached the islands which Bougain- ville had named Les Grandes Cyclades ; here they landed on one to which Cook had previously given the name of AVhitsunday Island, and endeavored to enter into friendly trading with the natives. The first day of their stay passed without incident; but on the second there was a fear of general disaster. It was necessary, in these islands, to limit the number of natives boardingthe ship at one time; when the utmost num- ber permitted had climbed up the side, the sailor who was assigned to that duty forbade one who was approaching in his pirogue to come on board. Of- fended at the prohibition, the islander at once drew off, and aimed an arrow at the sailor. Cook, who was never far away when anything of the kind oc- curred, now appeared at the side of the vessel, and shouted to the native, bidding him, in the Tahitian dialect, put down his arrow. Without deigning a reply, the islander continued to take aim, as if to show his bravado. Cook, who carried his gun in his hand, now raised it, and quickly taking aim, fired, and wounded the islander. As he fell over in his boat, a shower of arrows, more hastily aimed than his own, fell on the sides and the deck of the vessel. Fortunately they did little harm. Cook at once ordered a gun to be fired over their heads, as a warning of the power pos- sessed by the sailors ; and as the shot splashed in the water beyond them, they saw that distance \vas no protection, and hastily fled. Yet a few hours later they surrounded the vessel as friendl}' and unconcerned as if nothing had occurred to interrupt the intercourse. CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 627 Cruising among the New Hebrides, Cook found the natives not disposed to receive him with sincere cordiality; and they were especially resolved to pre- vent the Avhite men from penetrating into the interior; nor was it possible to trade Avith them. New Caledonia was discovered September 5, 1774, where they found the natives hospitable, but possessed of but little to offer in trade. They sold, however, a large fish which they had harpooned, and which Cook ordered prepared for his own table. So much time was required to get it ready, that only the liver was served, and Cook, with two others, ate of it. They were taken very ill shortly afterward, and making .use of such remedies and antidotes as were at hand, succeeded in obtaining relief. The natives who visited the ship the next day coolly informed them that the fish was unfit for food; although there had been no hint of this on the previous day, when it was offered for sale. The navigators had already discovered this fact, both by their own experience, and by having fed a pig with a piece of it, the animal dying shortly afterward. The coast of New Caledonia was thoroughly surveyed, and the island to some extent explored. But the discovery of the Isle of Pines, just south of it, had a far more practical and immediate value to the seamen. With the exception of New Zealand, this is the only island in this part of the world that produces trees fit for spars; and the Resolution ^n as badly in need of new ones. Cook accordingly sent a force of men in a sloop to cut the trees which he needed ; they found trees large enough for masts, had such been required; and had no difficulty in preparing as many spars as desired. Passing by Norfolk Island, they anchored again in Queen Charlotte's Sound, whence they set sail for Cape Horn Nov. 10. The cape was doubled, the Straits of Lemoire crossed, and Staten Island reconnoitered. Here Cook and Sparrman went on a hunting expedition; the doctor shot a bird, and had stooped to pick it up, when a monster sea-lion, growling and showing his tusks, made toward the hunters. Cook at once raised his gun and fired, kill- ing the sea-lion; and the whole herd, which had watched them suspiciously, fled along the coast in terror at the fate of their companion. Southern Georgia was reached Jan. 14, 1775, and taken possession of in the name of the King. Continuing their course to the southeast, they discov- ered and took possession of the islands Saunders, Sandwich, and Thule. But these sterile and uninhabited spots have no value, and it was useless to risk the records of the voyage by remaining longer in these seas, where every league was attended with danger. The discovery of these isolated islands confirmed Cook in the belief that near the pole there is a stretch of land, where the greater part of the ice floating over this vast southern ocean is formed. This theory has been confirmed by the explorations of navigators of the nineteenth century. After another fruitless search for Cape Circumcision, Cook sailed for the 40 628 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. Cape of Good Hope, which he reached March 22, 1775. Here he found awaiting him a report from Capt. Furneaux of the Adventure. The last time that he had touched at New Zealand on this voyage, Cook had wondered to find the natives little disposed to intercourse with him and his men, and feared that the Adventure had met with rough usage at their hands. They stoutly protested their innocence, but this report informed him that when the Discoa't:ring Remains of Cannibal Feast. vessel had landed at that island, ten men who were sent ashore to gather edi- ble plants were massacred by the natives. As they failed to return at the time when they were expected, a search party was sent out. This second force discovered undoubted evidence that the first party had fallen into the hands CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 629 of the islanders, and had furnished the material for a cannibalistic feast. Capt. Furneaux judged, from circumstantial evidence, that there had been a quarrel which was instantly fought out, and the islanders, as usual in war, had eaten the bodies of their slain enemies. Cook, having repaired and refurnished his vessel, sailed from the Cape of Good Hope, and, touching at the usual stopping-places on the way, reached England July 29, 1775. It is remarkable that during this long voyage, he lost but fourteen men; ten of whom, as we have seen, belonged to the other vessel, and perished after the final separation of the two ships. The explorer was at once raised to the rank of Post-Captain in the Koyal Navy, and appointed Captain of Greenwich Hospital, that magnificent mon- ument which William HI. had erected to the memory of his beautiful queen. This great hospital was then, as its founder had intended that it should be, a home for superannuated seamen; and nearly two thousand old sailors were gathered into its great buildings. As an officer connected with its manage- ment, Cook had received appointment to a post where honor, ease, and com- petence went hand in hand. His services were further recognized by his elec- tion to a fellowship in theEoyal Society; and the same organization bestow- ed the Copley gold medal upon him when it was decided that he had furnished the best experimental paper read at its sessions that year. But he had barely completed those twenty years which are said to be the prime of life, and, weatherbeaten as he was by nearly forty years of sea-far- ing life, he did not feel that he was beginning to go down hill. His post in the Greenwich Hospital seems to have been regarded by him simply as a con- venient place to rest awhile after his labors, while preparing for others to come. Meanwhile, the Government, finding that nothing more was to be gained by means of voyages to the South Seas, determined to find that long-sought passage along the northern coast of America, by which the Atlantic and Pa- cific are connected. We have seen how the great English navigators of the previous century, Davis, Hudson, and Baffin, had failed to find it, trying to enter from the eastern extremity; the Lords of the Admiralty therefore de- cided to send an expedition to the western coast of the continent, and by entering from the warmer waters of the Pacific, follow the passage to its termination in the Atlantic. It was necessary that the leader of this expedition should be a man experi- enced in the navigation of waters where progress w^as impeded and rendered dangerous by ice ; and it speedily became apparent that a man possessing these qualifications, as well as those others which are demanded for any ex- tended enterprise, would not be very easily found. In the midst of their per- plexity, Cook volunteered for the service. His offer Avas instantly accepted, and preparations for the expedition went forward rapidly. 630 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. It was decided that while he sought the opening at the western extremity, other vessels should attempt again to find the eastern end of the passage. Two ships were fitted out for Cook, the Resolution and the Discovery. His instruc- tions were to sail first into the Pacific through the chain of islands which he had recently discovered, which he had named the New Hebrides, thence to strike across to New Albion, as the English still called the western coast of North America, and follow it as far as the sixty-fifth parallel. The voyages of Beh- ringdo not seem to have been described in any form accessible to Englishmen at this time; the Lords of the Admiralty evidently had only very vague and general ideas of the nature of the coast of what we now know as Alaska. Setting sail June 25, 1776, he doubled the cape and proceeded to those islands where he had been directed to cruise. We should be only repeating what has been already told should we rehearse his dealings with the natives here; and shall pass rapidly over his experiences in this part of the world. So much time was consumed in carrying out this part of his instructions that he judged it too late in the year, when this work was fairly completed in the spring of 1777, to venture so far north. He accordingly waited until January of the next year, before leaving the Southern Pacific. On his way to the coast of America he discovered the group known as the Sandwich Islands, giving this name in honor of the Earl of Sandwich, who held a prominent position in connection with the Royal Navy, and who had manifested great interest in discoveries in the South Seas. He reached the coast of the continent March, 1778, and followed it north- ward, according ^to instructions, until he reached that indentation on the southern coast of Alaska which we know as Cook's Inlet. Finding that there was no prospect of discovering the wished-f or passage south of the sixtieth parallel, he put out to sea, and, rounding the peninsula, threaded his way among the islands, in the endeavor to find and pass through Behring's Strait. Here, however, his way was blocked by ice; and, after many efforts to pass a wall which proved impenetrable, he put his ships about, and returned to winter in the equatorial ocean. The Sandwich Islands, which lay directly on his route, tempted him to new explorations and discoveries. Cruising about them he discovered and took possession of Maui and Hawaii. His first landing here had been the occasion for some ceremonies which greatly astonished the English. As soon as he had stepped on shore, the natives, who thronged the beach, prostrated them- selves at his feet, and showed their respect by the most extravagant gestures. Nor was this all; provisions in plenty were brought to the strangers, and the islanders assisted the sailors in filling the casks with water, and carrying them on board. In language, customs and appearance, the Sandwich islanders greatly re- sembled the natives of Tahiti. They proved, however, to have much more CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 631 confidence in the English than all their intercourse with the strangers had ever taught the Tahitians; but they had just the same propensity for, and knack of stealing as their more southern kindred. The Natives Worship Capt. Cook as a God. Cook never understood the reason why he was received with such fantastic ceremonies ; it has been explained, since his day, by the story told the mission- ary Ellis by some of the natives whom he converted. According to their tra- dition, one Rono, in long-ago times, had killed his wife in a sudden fit of jealousy. Finding that his jealousy was causeless, remorse drove him mad; and he ran about the island trying to kill all he met. At last, tired out with this "running a-muck," as an East Indian would have called it, he embarked in his canoe, and, promising to return some day upon a floating island, sailed away into the vast solitudes of the ocean. When Cook's vessels appeared, the priest declared that Rono had returned ; and, having by this time elevated the ancient Rono into a god, the islanders re- ceived him as such when he came to them. There is no rose without a thorn, and even being considered a god may 632 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. have its drawbacks. Cook and his companions were solemnly escorted to a temple, where a banquet was prepared for them. Lieut. King, who ac- companied him, and to whom we are indebted for a narrative of this voyage, had the good luck to be fed by a very clean-looking native ; but the high-priest, who cut and pulled off bits of flesh from the roast pig to put in Cook's mouth, was decidedly dirty; so that the captain could not swallow a mouthful. Such conduct in a divinity was not to be tolerated ; and the high-priest, determined that his god should show him favor by eating what he offered, chewed up some mouthfuls and offered it to him. But to the surprise of the devotee. Cook would not eat even then. When Cook again landed, he was saluted as Rono, and loaded with attentions and presents by the priests. The warriors, however, were less friendly; and openly encouraged the robberies of the strangers which took place daily. Thus things went on tilljanuary 24, 1779, when the chief arrived near the landing-place, and the inhabitants were prevented from communicating with the ships. Visits were exchanged, however, between Cook and this chief, and much respect shown the Englishman ; although Terreoboo admitted that his people regarded them as having come to Hawaii simply to fill their stomachs. He presented Cook, however, with an enormous amount of food, consisting of vegetables and pigs. Feb. 4, the two vessels weighed anchor ; but it was found that the Resolution, a few days after leaving, had received such injury from a storm that it was necessary to put back for repairs. They noticed at once a change in the man- ner of the natives, but no serious break occurred until the afternoon of the 13th of February. Then, as several chiefs tried to prevent their followers from helping the English to fill their water-casks, a tumult ensued, when the natives armed themselves with stones and became threatening. Cook ordered the officer in command of the water-drawing detachment to fire upon the natives if they persisted in throwing stones. They did so, and a pirogue was fired upon. While this was going on there was a still more serious dispute in progress. One of the larger vessels of the natives had been seized and taken to the Dis- covery by one of the officers of that vessel ; the chief to whom it belonged hastened to claim his property, and to protest his innocence of any thieving in which those in the pirogue might have engaged. The argument was held on the beach, a number of the sailors, commanded by this officer, having landed in a pinnace. The chief expostulated; the officer persisted in assert- ing his right to seize the vessel; and, as the argument grew warm, it came to blows, and the chief was knocked down by a blow from an oar. His follow- ers at once picked up stones, and forced the sailors to run. Some of their number, however, had already seized the pinnace; so that the sailors were at the mercy of an angry host. The chief, however, who had recovered from CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 633 the blow, forgot his anger, and bade his followers restore the boat to its own- ers, together with several articles which had been stolen previously. Cook was determined that the natives should not look upon the English as fit subjects for oppression of all kinds, and to show them that robbery of im- portant articles could not go unpunished. He was rendered not a little anx- ious by this occurrence, as he was afraid that the islanders would think they had gained an advantage over the sailors. A TooTHsoJiE Offering. It was probably from a desire to teach them some wholesome lesson that he determined, the next day, when it was discovered that the boat of the Discovery had been stolen, to seize the chief or some important personage. 634 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLOEER OF THE SOUTH SEA. and hold him as a hostage for the return of the boat. He landed with a de- tachment of marines, and sought out Torreoboo's residence. He "uas received with the usual marks of respect, and succeeded in persuading the chief and his two sons to pass the day on board the ship. The two bo3-s had embarked on the pinnace, and their father was about to do so, when one of his wives, moved perhaps by some vague foreboding of evil, begged him not to do so. Some of his principal men, impressed by her earnestness, joined theirentreaties to hers ; but the chief appeared determined. The natives began to crowd around him and Cook; and the latter, seeing that his plan had failed, gave up the idea of executing it thus, and walked quietly along the shore toward the place where his boat was moored. The arms of the marines had perhaps excited the fears of the natives, for a rumor spread among them that danger was at hand. The women and chil- dren fled, while one of the wariors, flourishing his weapon, confronted Cook with some ugly threats. Cook tried to evade him; but the islander persisted; and at last the captain raised his pistol and fired. The islander, protected by a thick mat, did not feel the ball or know that he had been hit; he continued his audacious defiance, and others advanced to his assistance. Cook raised his gun and fired at the group; one fell dead. The whole mass of the natives now rushed upon the one man. The men in the boats fired upon the crowd, anxious to assist their commander; while the small troop who accompanied him closed up to protect him. Cook signed to the boats to cease firing, in order that his little troop might embark in safety; and, in obedience to his signs, the boats approached the scene of the con- flict. But even as they bent to their oars for this purpose. Cook was struck by one of his assailants and fell to the earth. Instantly his comrades seemed to be forgotten by his enemies, who dragged his body along the shore, utter- ing fiendish cries of joy, as, with his own poniard, they stabbed him again and again, each giving a blow, until all had sated their thirst for his blood. All the offers which the English made for the bod}' of their murdered com- mander were disregarded by the islanders. They were about to have recourse to arms for its recovery, when two priests, with whom Lieut. King had made friends on their first landing, brought a piece of flesh, about nine or ten pounds in weight, which they said was all that remained of the body of Ro- no; he had been burned, according to their custom. The English, aroused by this, at once attacked the natives; and five chiefs and a considerable number of lesser warriors were killed. Several conflicts followed; but on the 19th of February an interview was arranged, at which the natives agreed to give up the remains of the famous Englishman ; his hands, his head, and some other parts of his body, were accordingly deliv- ered, and interred by his followers with due marks of respect. CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 635 We now follow briefly the course of the ships which had been under his command. Setting sail again to the north, they passed through Behring's Straits, and reached a point nearly seventy degrees north of the equator. Here their way was barred by icebergs, and they returned southward; put- ting in at the coast of Kamchatka, where they were well received by the Russians, touching at Canton, and doubling the Cape of Good Hope; they reached England October 1, 1780. ^STaTIVE MoNtTMEXT OX SiTE OF DeATII OF CaPT. CoOK. The death of Captain Cook was the signal for very general mourning throughout England; for he was regarded as one of the most eminent sailors of that great maritime power. The Royal Society struck a medal in his hon- or ; the King granted a pension of two hundred pounds to his widow, and twenty-five pounds to each of his three sons; the charts and drawings relat- ing to his last voyage were engraved at the expense of the Government, and the proceeds of their sale divided among the families of Captain Cook, Cap- 63G CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. tain Gierke, and Lieutenant King, officers connected with this expedition who had perished during the voyage. The centennial anniversary of Cook's death was commemorated by the French Geographical Society in a meeting held in February, 1879 ; when a number of relics of the great navigator, and of articles brought from the islands of the Pacific, were displayed. In the introduction to the account of his second voyage. Cook apologizes for the plain style of his narrative in these words, which form no bad sum- mary of the life he had led: — "It is the production of a man who has not had the advantage of much school education, but who has been constantly at sea since his youth; and though, with the assistance of a few good friends, he has passed through all the stations belonging to a seaman, from an apprentice boy in the coal trade to a Post-Captain in the Royal Navy, he has had no opportunity of cultivat- ing letters.*' It may be added that the " few good friends'' to whom he so gratefully alludes derive their sole title to be remembered by posterity to the fact that they aided the apprentice boy in the coal trade to attain a position in which he might become one of the most eminent of the English discoverers. THE COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. By Hon. Thomas W. Palmer, Ex-Senator from Michigan and President National Commission. ji^Y^"^^^^ Congres Ifl us in a natic »ngress determined to invite all the peoples of the earth to join ional exhibition of art, industries and products in com- memoration of the four-hundreth anniversary of the discovery of a continent which had been reserved and concealed until the world had need of it, by that invitation and the accompanying provision the honor of the government was pledged to the Nation's guests and to the Nation's citizens alike that safe conduct, fair play, and the finest discrimination should be ex- tended to all comers. To secure this through an agency which should be re- moved from party manipulation and inaccessible to mischievous local inter- ests the National Commission was created, and its membership, equally di- vided in political affiliations, was drawn from every State and Territory of our domain. Upon this Commission first devolved the responsibility of meas- uring the area and fitness of the location of the Exposition and the bona fide and financial ability of the local corporation to provide the housing powers, sanitary conditions, and landscape effects sufficient and worthy of the nation- al guarantee and approval. The general province and authority of the Com- mission might have been stated in the language of the oath of the Roman Consuls, " To see that the republic received no harm," or that its hospitality be not dishonored. It is also specifically charged in the Act with the conduct of all ceremonies pertaining to the anniversary and the Exposition, with the preparation of the classification, the determination of the plan and scope, the allotment of space, the appointment of all judges and examiners, the awarding of all prem- iums, and other duties which show the thought of Congress to have been that this arm of the government should be extended over and around the Exposi- tion to the end that the humblest participant, from the weakest nation or tribe, should be assured of his fullest rights and wholly impartial treat- ment The Director-General, who holds the conduct of the Exposition proper in (637) 638 THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. his masterly band with no uncertain outcome, can tell you of buildings that will embody the fairest dreams of America's greatest architects, and bewilder you with dimensions of edifices, one of which will cover nine times as much ground as is occupied by the Capitol at AVashington. Of a central hall in the Temple of Manufactures and Liberal Arts in which all the material of the pyramids of Cheops might be conveniently stored. Of 150 acres under roofs and 500 acres under skies. Of combined beauty and fitness not dreamed of outside of Oriental tales. He can dazzle you with the description of a city of palaces, each one fairer than Claude Meluotte's retreat, more colossal than the temples of Karnak or Luxor, situated on the borders of a lake more beau- tiful than Como and under skies of a blue as intense as those of Italy. But my theme is limited to the National Commission and the Fair from a national standpoint. The Commission has not been over-favored with such opportunities. The Congressional committee which went to Chicago last winter — for rest — overlooked us then and nearly forgot us in the appropria- tion bills. I want to go on record as saying for the 106 gentlemen who con- stitute that Commission, that while the reading of their records by the future student or historian may be required for the proper appreciation of their un- paid, patriotic services, no action committed or omitted by them thus far will ever require defense or explanation. At home in their States and Terri- tories, abroad in foreign lands, among their fellow-countrymen in council, or in action in Chicago, they have shown from the beginning, first, last, and al- ways that unselfish zeal in the execution of their trust w^hich attaches to the highest order of American citizenship. Neglected and crippled by Congress, which accredited them, sometimes misrepresented by the press, and occasionally not well understood by the lo- cal corporation, which is charged with the preparation of the grounds and buildings and the financial management of the enterprise, they have per- formed every duty promptly and exactly in the spirit of their commission, in profound consciousness of that political aphorism voiced by an eminent citizen of New York, that " a public ofiice is a public trust." The charge has been made that partisan politics has had to do with the management of the Exposition. To me it seems to be without the slightest foundation. ThePresidentof the commission is a Republican. The Vice-chair- man of the Executive committee is a Democrat. The Secretary of the Com- mission is a Democrat, and the Director-General a Republican. They were elected by acclamation, and a man must be devoid of all sensibility who would not feel under the circumstances that he was committed thereby to observe the strictest neutralit}'. My observation has been that among said officers, among the members of the Board of Control, and in the Commission, there has been a disposition, where there was an opportunity, to lean against their party affiliations. THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 639 The President of the World's Columbian Exposition Company is a Demo- crat, the Treasurer a Democrat, and the Secretary a Republican. Some of both organizations have been in public life, have had to do with political af- fairs, have held to their respective parties with tenacity because they had con- victions and because they believed that the great national parties were the engines by which those convictions could be promoted; but they are men of sense, correct ideas, and generous impulses, and I believe each one and all would consider themselves dishonored if they lent themselves to and did not oppose on any and all occasions the slightest tendency to partisan discrimina- tion. Thev have refrained from taking part in partisan gatherings or making speeches for fear that hostile comment might be evoked and the great Expo- sition injured thereby. They have not only been above suspicion but they have avoided the appearance of evil. In conjunction with the World's Columbian Exposition the association having in charge the preparation of grounds and buildings, and which for the sake of brevity is sometimes called the Local Corporation, the Commission created a Board of Conference, to which all differences between the two bodies have been referred, and no difference has ever been submitted for ar- rangement that has not found a speedy and harmonious solution, and said so- lutions have always been accepted by the National Commission with entire unanimity. I desire to bear testimony to the high ability, to the good sense, the per- fect fairness, which have characterized the conduct of the conferrees of the Exposition Company on all occasions. Any statement that there is or has been any antagonism between the two bodies has arisen from the deep inter- est and positive convictions of men of both sides who are accustomed to have and express opinions, and yet have wisdom enough to see and concur in the practical way when pointed out. The din, the noise, the tumult have come from the boys on the hillside, who, in the goodness of their boyish hearts when they knew the two bodies were moving on converging lines to accom- plish a common purpose, hoped there might be a conflict, not realizing what that conflict involved. Let the American people rest assured that there has not been, there is not, nor will there be any conflict between the Commission and the Exposition Company. The creation of so large a Board of " Lady" Managers (and I am glad to say here that that board would have much preferred the name of " woman*' to that of " lady"> was the cause of some adverse comment. The course of that board has justified the action of the Commission. It was the first time that our government had in any such way recognized women. The appoint- ment of 115 (two from each State and Territory and nine from Chicago) to co-operate with the Commission and to promote its development, will have manifold results. It has dignified woman. A responsibility has been placed 640 THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. upon her outside of household cares. It has given weight to her opinions. It has opened new avenues to her eiforts. The plan of the Woman's Build- ing was designed by a woman. A frieze as beautiful as the Parthenon's and more suggestive and realistic has been designed by a woman and forwarded from California. The work of the board has given her a broader horizon and a wider outlook. Women, who have apparently hitherto known noth- ing of life but the delights of the promenade, the badinage of the salon, the luxury of the boudoir, or the doJce far niente of seaside loiterings, have sprung forth, like Minerva from the brain of Jove, full panoplied for work. They have met their less fortunate sisters on the common ground of a common purpose, and the women of South Carolina, Arkansas, Massachu- setts, and California have established an accord of sympathy which must be invaluable in the unification of our people. The reports they carry home, the influence for good which they will exert as a political factor, cannot be overestimated. To those who believe in more varied work and better wages for women, who appreciate her artistic taste, who believe that the more wo- man is dignified the greater the assurance of worthy sons to be given to the Kepublic, the action of the Commission needs no defense. The American people love the dramatic, the spectacular, the sentimental. Although all of us are apparently in hot pursuit of material things, striving for the bread which perisheth, there is no people, there has been no people in history, who would sacrifice more for a sentiment, who will go further for a new idea, who will give more of their store for an edifying spectacle, than the Americans. If the Athenians of the time of Paul had been located on a strip of land bounded by a river and a sound, if that river had tapped the wealth of a con- tinent, and Athens had been the small end of the funnel through which that wealth was poured and by which it took voluntary tribute from the Greek and the Barbarian, it may be doubted whether Athens would have stopped and deserted the Stock Exchange and the Board of Trade in the middle of the day to meet an obscure missionary at its docks in a felucca. It is doubt- ful if a quarter of a million of men, women, and children would have crowd- ed that missionary on to the elevated railway and taken him to Central Park to hear him declare the true God. If the New Yorker of to-day had lived in Athens in the time of Pericles and found $3,500,000 in the treasury, the remains of the contributions of Greece to Athens for naval defense, New York would have done as did Athens: it would have built the Parthenon and the statue of Minerva. It would have put gold on that statue just as the Athenians did, so that it might be taken off should it ever need it. If the New Yorker of to-day had lived in Attica in the time of Paul he THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 641 would have met Paul at the wharf, would have followed him to Mars Hill, would have listened to him and then retired to his accustomed retreat for dis- cussion. Paul arriving to-day in New York, his fame preceding him, would be treated like Gladstone and Castelar. He would be invited to Delmonico's, where the Semitic custom of breaking bread and partaking of salt has been somewhat elaborated, and he would be asked to respond to the toast: " The World's Columbian Exposition, or Chicago, the Pride of the Sea." (As soon as deep tide-water navigation is established.) Paul probably would have been astonished at the smallness of the audience, but as he was a gentleman he would have talked as well as he did at Ephe- sus, and forty-eight hours after, on receipt of his mail from the different silversmiths of the country, he would have concluded that he had been heard by a much larger audience than he saw. If any other day had been fixed for the great Exposition than the one asso- ciated with a great event in history the American mind would have regarded it as a commercial enterprise; but the coincidence of its opening and the an- niversary of the greatest event since our Saviour was born struck a chord which responded from the entire country and which will continue to vibrate until the work is done. I have never felt doubts of the absolute and entire success of the enterprise any more than I have doubts of the flow of Niagara or of the continuance of the atmosphere. Long since, if any selfishness ever en- tered into it, it has passed the selfish stage. The American people want it. There is not a colored boy picking bananas at Key West, or a Swedish emigrant at the headwaters of the Mississippi, wiio is not looking forward to it. There is not a lone fisherman dragging his net at the extremity of Maine to the almond-grower at Pasadena who is not scheming to visit it. Our people have correct views regarding it. They look forward to it as the great kindergarten of humanity. Aside from what is to be learned they believe that here will be the school where the impulse to as- piration and knowledge may be stimulated and directed, where memories may be revived and traditions garnered. It is said that travel broadens a man, but it is not given to all to travel ex- tensively. Here the object of travel will be measurably supplied. The bring- ing together of the rare products of the world, natural and artificial, where objects illustrating the histories of countries and their present status, to- gether with inventions which have changed the face of the globe and the characters of men, will in their appropriate place interest and instruct. I think we will all concede that it is not the discipline of study, it is not boat clubs, not football, that determines a man's future, but rather the trend given his life by their combined influence and the atmosphere which he there breathes and which is born of them all. To such an atmosphere is the world invited at the Exposition of 1893. 642 THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. The progenitors of the race which has dominated our civilization started out 1,500 years ago from the shore of the Baltic as pirates. Unlike the other branches of the Teutonic strain they did not adopt the civilization of the people whom they conquered. They destroyed, they extirpated those whom they dispossessed. It took just 200 years to do it. Their civilization was not one of adoption; it was one of development and expoliation. They lived, they increased, they struggled for 1,000 years and then started out on anoth- er career, or conquest, or absorption on this continent. It took them a little over 200 years to accomplish that; but now the race has reached a barrier. The law of its nature, which has hitherto underlain all other laws, the tireless quest for homes towards the setting sun, has now- given way to the inevitable. The English-speaking people stand upon our western coast and, with hand uplifted and shaded eyes, look in vain across a boundless sea for a pathway for the soles of its feet. The period of com- pression has begun. The character of our civilization is changing. The un- satisfied demand for more room must be satisfied by the creation of better room. Our people must seek adjustment under changed conditions. It is of much consequence to us all how we shall adapt ourselves thereto. Shall we rise to a higher or sink to a lower plane? Shall we look to force or to reason? I have faith that the mission of force in matters political is passed. I believe that a better conception of man's rights, duties, and destiny will pervade our people, and the man on horse- back will be relegated to history. The pessimist sees anarchy and spoliation of the rich in the future. On the contrary, 1 believe that the right of private property will prevail just as long as the wealthy prove themselves worthy of its possession. Men, however, are not going to float onto that higher plane where the rights of all are secure unless they receive that education which comes not from letters alone, not from schools or universities or university exten- sion. In addition thereto every agency must be enlisted which will uplift the sentiments, educate the higher emotions, and teach the interdependence of mutual relations and the dependence of all upon law. Such an agency, I believe, will the great Exposition prove. I have never regarded it otherwise than in a sentimental aspect. Beyond all material considerations, beyond the rivalry of cities, beyond the congre- gations of peoples, beyond the glare and luster of pageants, beyond the ag- gregation of merchandise, beyond the wonders of the loom and the skill of the inventor, the speaking canvas or reposeful marble, I see a residuum worth more than all. I see influences born of the commingling of our people with each other and the people of other lands which will direct and invigorate a higher individual and national life. I see a discontent born of intelligence itself withm the bounds of law. I see a better conception of THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 643 mutual relations. I see a conviction growing in the minds of men that it is not what a man has, but what a man is, that determines his happiness. I see the commencement of an era leading toward that good time coming of which men like to dream, which prophets have foretold, and of which birds have sung. Again the caravans come across the sea not to seek another land, but to find a better one. They salute New York City as they pass. They sail up the river made immortal by the genius of Irving. They pass through the waterway prompted by the foresight of Clinton and created by the energy of the people. They pass into waters which the keels of Champlain and La Salle have plowed, and which have been dyed by the blood of Perry's men. They circumnavigated the peninsula. They drop their anchors within the mole and, amid salvos of artillery, they are received, not as strangers, but as expected guests, not beneath the shade of the plantain and the palm, but in pavilions as fair as were ever designed by the hand or conceived by the heart of man, and they bring to us and to all people not the sword, but the banner of peace. THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. By Hon. William T. Baker, President World's Columbian Exposition. TT appeared at one time that there was some trace of bitterness because 'f' the Exposition was located further west or north than those not imbued y with the Chicago spirit of prophecy and confidence would have had it, but if such there has been it has disappeared, and with " No fears to beat away — no strifes to heal, The past unsighed for and the future sure," we are going steadily forward with the co-operation in all needed ways of all the people of the Nation. The form of organization under which we are operating has appeared to many at a distance to be somewhat complex, and it may be well for me to explain at the outset what might otherwise be con- fusing. The Act of Congress, approved April 25, 1890, providing for the Exposi- tion, states in the preamble that "such an exhibition should be of a national and international character, so that not only the people of our Union and this continent, but those of all nations as well can participate." And to carry out this intention the Congress provided two agents to do its will. The first is a Commission consisting of two Commissioners from each State and Terri- tory of the United States, appointed by the President on the nomination of the Governors of the States and Territories respectively, and eight Commis- sioners-at-Large, appointed by the President. The board so constituted was designated the World's Columbian Commis- sion. The duties of the Commission relate to exhibits and exhibitors, or, as stated in the act, " to prepare a classification of exhibits, determine the plan and scope of the Exposition, award all premiums, if any, and generally have charge of all intercourse with the exhibitors and representatives of foreign nations." The other agent recognized by the act of Congress is the World's Colum- bian Exposition, a corporation organized under the laws of the State of Illi- nois. This corporation has to do mainly with ways and means, the erection (644) THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. 645 of buildings, the maintenance, protection, and policing of the same, the granting of concessions, the collection and disbursement of all its revenues, and fixing the rules governing the Exposition. It is composed of upwards of 28,000 stockholders and is controlled by a board of forty-five directors. These directors have been chosen from among the active business men of Chicago and are every one of them men who have made an honorable suc- cess of the pursuits which they have followed in finance, commerce and man- ufactures, and are giving their time and their best energies to the success of the Exposition. Their names are many of them known wherever American commerce has been permitted to extend, and I think it proper to add that they have been selected quite regardless of political affiliations, and that pol- itics never has been and never will be considered in the management of the business of this corporation. The Board of Directors is divided into thirteen standing committees having jurisdiction over the several departments of the Commission and the Directory, and all expenditures are directed and scruti- nized by them as closely as is done in the private affairs of the best managed mercantile establishments. They know that they are charged with a great public trust, and having accepted its responsibilities w^ill welcome investiga- tion of their conduct of that trust to the last detail. The jurisdiction of these two bodies, as to the details of the work, some- what embarrassing at the outset, was settled by a compact between them and they are working together harmoniously and effectively. Under this com- pact fifteen grand departments were determined upon, the heads of which are appointed by the Director-General, who is the executive officer of the Commission, and all expenses, except the salary of the Director-General, are paid by the World's Columbian Exposition Company. In order that the city of Chicago might enjoy the honor conferred upon her by having the Exposition located in her midst, she was required to furnish an adequate site, acceptable to the National Commission, and ten millions of dollars in money, which was, in the language of the act, considered necessary "for the complete preparation for said Exposition." This obligation the citizens of Chicago promptly met. The adequate site and $10,000,000 were provided, and on evidence thereof the President of the United States issued his proclamation inviting the nations of the earth to participate in the Expo- sition. The $10,000,000 is provided for, first, by subscriptions to the capital stock of the corporation in excess of $5,000,000, and a municipal appropria- tion by the City of Chicago of $5,000,000. Of the capital stock subscribed for, 60 per cent, has been called, resulting in the payment into our treasury of $3,347,000. The city appropriation is avaihible when required, and our first draft upon it for $1,000,000 will be paid Feb. 1 next. The remaining 40 per cent, of stock subscriptions will be called whenever our increasing re- quirements make it necessary. As the work has developed it has grown up- 646 THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. on the comprehension of all engaged in it. The classification provided and the plan and scope as determined by the Commission were so comprehensive that the $10,000,000 which Congress thought sufficient, and which Chicago has provided, has been found entirely inadequate to produce such an Expo- sition as was contemplated when the nations of the earth were invited to join us in celebrating the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America. The Act of Congress specifically stipulates that " the buildings proposed to be erected shall be deemed by said Commission adequate to the purposes of said Exposition." It is necessary therefore either to amend the classification and limit the scope determined upon by the Commission or largely exceed the amount deemed necessary by Congress when the Exposition was ordered. We believe the Commissioners have acted wisely and with a due sense of their responsibility and we have felt that the pride and patriotism of the peo- ple would justify them and protect us in producing such an Exposition as would do honor to the great event which we shall commemorate. Every department of the Exposition will be produced on a scale greater than has ever been accomplished even where each was made the subject of a special exhibition. This is notably the case in the Departments of Agricul- ture, Transportation, Electricity, Mines and Mining, Horticulture and the Department for Woman's work. A large space has been accepted by the government for its exhibit, and the buildings to be constructed will be such as will do credit to their surroundings. The Navy Department is building a model cruiser, which will appear to be afloat alongside the pier constructed for it off the shore of Lake Michigan. It has been said that the son in order to be as good as his father must be better, and we are justified in saying that an Exposition to be equal to those which have preceded it must excel them all. What has been done heretofore in other expositions would not do for us. There was really no beaten paths to follow, no precedents to guide us, only a lofty purpose to make the Exposition worthy of the occasion and equal to the expectations of the government that gave it being. The Exposition grounds cover an area of G33 acres; the buildings erected by the Exposition will cover 105 acres and there will be approximately twelve acres covered by buildings not erected by the Exposition. The Expo- sition grounds have a frontage on Lake Michigan of one and three-fourth miles, and there is within the grounds, exclusive of lake frontage, five miles of docks and two and one-half miles of navigable water course, which, dur- ing the Exposition, will be perambulated by boats of every description for the pleasure and convenience of visitors. There are eleven main buildings, all of which have reached an advanced stage of construction so that no doubt exists as to our ability to complete them in time for their dedication in Octo- ber next, as required by law. The largest building is just about a mile around it and its central aisle has a clear span of 'SQS feet and 20G feet high. The THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. 647 Machinery Hall of the Paris Exposition if placed within this aisle would have a space six feet wide on each side and eleven feet on each end, with fifty feet clear for ventilation above its roof. There will be used in the construction of this building 0,000 tons of iron and steel. These figures may mean much or little to you, but for the purpose of comparison I may state that the Eiffel tower required but 7,000 tons, and only 3,600 tons were used in the Brooklyn bridge, and 5,600 tons in the great railroad bridge at St. Louis. The heroic dimensions of all the buildings have only lately been realized as they have begun to loom up in their perfected outlines. The Exhibition buildings al- ready planned, including annexes, require a consumption of 18,000 tons of iron and steel and have a total floor space of upwards of 6,320,000 square feet, or 155 acres. The buildings primarily projected, including landscape improvements, have all been contracted for at a saving of about $2,500,000 from the architect's estimates, but the growing necessities of the enterprise have required^ the erection of others not at first contemplated, at a cost of about 11,900,000. For the protection of these buildings and their contents, and to supply fountains and all the daily requirements within the grounds, we have provided for a possible supply of sixty-four millions of gallons of water daily, which will be carried through twenty miles of mains from six inches to three feet in diameter. Ten miles of these pipes are already laid and power in place for pumping 3,000,000 gallons of water daily under pres- sure of 100 pounds per square foot. For supplying power for machinery, etc., we have provided for boilers having a water evaporating capacity equal to 25,000 horse-power, and engines for generating electricity, 18,000 horse- power; for driving line shafting and isolated exhibits, 2,000 horse-power; for compressed air, 3,000 horse-power; and for pumps, 2,000 horse-power. Electrical force will be supplied as power to the amount of 3,000 horse-power. The system of sewerage projected wnll be extensive and complete. We are preparing for the treatment of 6,000,000 gallons of sewage every twenty- four hours, the precipitated matter of which will be burned and only clear water allowed to escape. The lighting of the grounds and buildings is esti- mated to require the use of 7,000 arc lights and 120,000 incandescent lamps. In planning the grounds and buildings w^e have employed the highest ar- chitectural genius in America, including three of the foremost artists of New York City. The Board of Architects, ten in number, first met in conference with Mr. Fred L. Olmsted, our landscape architect, and agreed upon a gener- al plan, each accepting an assignment of one grand building. The economy of the new material used by us for exterior covering has enabled us to give the architects an open field for the exercise of their genius. When each had completed his individual plan further conferences were had, and all were made to harmonize without cost to the artistic beauty or individual worth of each. The result has been an ensemble of land and water, of nature and art, 648 THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. that in its completed state will, I believe, be more beautiful than anything yet created by the hand of man. We shall have no Eiffel tower or other meretricious attractions to allure the multitude, but there will be no lack of en- tertaining features of a high order, and our grounds and buildings will be an exhibition in themselves. This exhibition of the genius of American archi- tects will be a revelation to the world, and for years to come its beautiful forms will inspire students and its details will be copied wherever public buildings are erected. In the grand court in particular the glories of the Taj- Mahal will be eclipsed at every step, and your children's children will tell the traditions of its splendor. The estimated cost of the completed structures, including landscape, statuary, fountains, terminal facilities, police and fire stations, and all that maybe necessary for the comfort and convenience of visitors, will be |15,- 117,500, exclusive of the cost of administration, which is estimated at $2,770,- 000, up to the opening of the Exposition, May 1, 1893. The money contributed by Chicago to this great national enterprise is being expended with a view solely to thejnterests of the Exposition. Every contract has been let to the lowest bidder, regardless of where he hailed from. Com- petition has not been restricted to any section, and owing to our unsurpassed facilities for transportation from every direction contractors in all parts of the country from the xVtlantic to the Pacific have had an equal opportunity with our own, and have availed themselves of it to such an extent that 31 per cent, in number and 36 per cent, inamountof all our contracts have been awarded outside of Chicago. Contracts have been let already in Philadelphia, New York and Boston, in San Francisco, Seattle, and Omaha, in Minneapo- lis and Duluth, in Kansas City and St. Louis, in Leavenworth and Louisville, in Birmingham, Ala.; in Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, and Pittsburgh, in Wilmington, Del.; Plainfield, N. J.; Jackson, Mich.; and in Stanford, Conn.; in Rome and Florence in Italy, in Paris, Constantinople, London, Edinburgh, and Berlin. In keeping the workshops busy and labor satisfied in eighteen States are we not demonstrating that this is not a Chicago fair, but is, as Congress intended it to be, a national and international enterprise? In exceeding the expenditure at first considered adequate for the purpose we feel that we have but done our duty. We know that our completed work will satisfy the highest expectations of the people, and we believe that we are justified in asking of the Congress of the United States such assistance and recognition as the circumstances of the case demand. About $3,000,000 has been appropriated by the several States for their proper representation, and nearly $4,000,000 already by foreign governments. A year and a half ago we began our work in foreign fields, and knowing onr ability to comply with all requirements made by Congress we anticipated the official invitation of the President of the L^nited States by sending Commis- THE OKGANIZATIOX AND AClllKVF.MKNTS. 649 sionei-s to the Far East, to Japan, the Orient, and the Latin-Ameriean eoun- tries, and have the most gratifying reports from all. The otUoial invitation of the President has been aeeepted by nearly every nation on the earth, and even in the few eoiintries where there has been no otKoial aeceptanee the individual interest and enterprise of the people are at work; so we apprehend that none will remain unrepresented. Mr. James Dredge of the Eoyal Commis- sion of Great Britain, aecompanied by Sir Henry Wood, its Seeretary, and Herr "Wermuth of the Imperial Commission of Germany, have made personal visits to Chicago and returned home full of enthusiasm for the work. Nearly every nation in Europe has informed itself by the personal obser- vations of official representatives who have approved of the prepara- tions made by us, and will aid their people to make complete and artistic exhibits. The Latin-American Department, which was organized at an early date, has aroused enthusiastic interest in Mexico and all the South American Republics. The archaeological treasures of old ^Mexico and Yucatan have been resurrected and the tombs of the Incas ransacked for the benetit of the great Exposition, and if we had nothing to show beyond the exhibits in this department we should still have a marvelous exhibition. As to the exhibits from our own country we have no misgivings whatever; in fact, applications for space already received indicate that the large plant that we have provided may bo inadequate fov all who may desire to exhibit. This may result in such a pruning as will admit only the cream in all depart- ments, and at any rate, it justifies the extensive preparations which we have already made. It is our ambition, it is our purpose to make the Exposition in the highest and best sense educational. While the present stage of devel- opment of science and the arts will necessarily be represented on the largest scale, yet we shall not forget the beginnings of things. We expect the Ex- position to be not simply a bazaar but an illustrated history of the progress of 400 years. And visitors to the Exposition will not be limited to the con- sideration of material things. The World's Congress Auxiliary, organized by our directory, has for its motto, •' Xot Things, but Men." Its object is to provide for the proper representation of the intellectual and moral progress of the world by the consideration of living questions by the leaders in all the* chief departments of human achievement. The series of congresses will con- tinue during the period of the Exposition, and will, we believe, invite the thinking men and women of every land to its councils. These discussions will be largely engaged in by women, and in the gatherings of the highest in- tellects of the world they will have a grand opportunity of demonstrating their leadership in the moral and social reforms and the educational advance- ment of the race. The Woman's Department as organized by the Board of Lady Managers is something quite unique in expositions, and will be presented on a scale that 650 THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. would be impossible of attainment in any country but our own. More than a generation ago the Sage of Concord said that it was a chief felicity of our country that it excelled in women. What was true then is a thousand times true now. There is nothing more significant in the progress of our civiliza- tion than the great increase of the opportunities in every field of endeavor that is open to women. The Woman's Building in the great Exposition, now nearly completed, was planned by a woman architect, is embellished with sculpture and art designed by women, and will contain an exhibit of woman's work that will be a marvel to all visitors. It will be a brilliant object lesson to all the world in what is being accomplished by women in the world's work, and a revelation of the extent to which she has become more than a helpmate to man. The buildings of the Exposition must, according to the Act of Congress, be dedicated Oct. 12, next, on the four-hundredth anniversary of Columbus' discovery. We shall be ready, and the programme of ceremonies for the oc- casion, to continue through three days, is already nearly complete. But the gates of the Exposition will not open until the 1st of May following, and the ceremonies precedent to that occasion will take place in New York. Con- gress has provided for a grand naval review in April, 1893, in that beautiful harbor, to which the President has invited the navies of the world. That grand pageant is not permitted to us, but we know that it could not be in better hands, and will be worthy of that great city and State It would be worth many times $5,000,000 to this dear laud of ours if every generation of Americans could rally around some sentiment, some grand idea, not of war, that would unite the East and West, the Korth and the South in enthusiastic accord. The dangers of sectionalism could then never threaten the stability of our institutions, and the man of New York or of San Francisco, of New Orleans or Chicago, would lose nothing of loyalty to his city or section by being, first of all, an American. The people of France were united in their enthusiasm for the last great Exposition, and the value of its success to the City of Paris cannot be compared with the gain to France. Such an opportunity is presented to our people in the World's Columbian Exposition. There will be presented in friendly emulation the best results of four centuries of human progress, in which this people if united will have the lion's share. If we are actuated by the proper spirit of national enthusiasm there is no question but what the Exposition will demonstrate our commanding position as leaders in the arts of peace before all the world. 1VIA.P OK Slio-wing Proposed Iinprovemeiits lor WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. 1893. NEW YORK: AND THE WORLD'S FAIR. By Hon. Ciiauxcey M. Depew, Xational Commissioner from Xciv York. ^^""HIS Exposition is destined to be not only the most phenomenal pre- ^^j sentation of the industries, the arts, the sciences, the education, and ^T the civilization of this and other countries, but its character is in all respects purely- national. The success of the Columbian Exposition must not be impaired or retard- ed by local ambitions or jealousies anywhere. So far as New York is con- cerned it has none; it has not acted in this matter before because the time had not yet arrived. It is now prepared to do its part in its own imperial way. AVhenever a new State is organized there is always fierce competition among rival cities for the position of capital of the Commonwealth. When the selection is made controversy is forgottou and the fortunate place be- comes thereafter the center of the official and legislative life of the State. New York was the first capital of the United States and continued so for many years. The South and the West fiercely contended for a change, and of course as the result of the controversy New York lost. Nevertheless it still remains the first city of the continent and the center of its enterprise and financial strength. Its size and grandeur always have and always will unite all places, to dispose of it as the most dangerous competitor before indulging in their own rivalries. But since Washington became the capital New York has been proud to be represented there by its ablest statesmen and to do its part to promote the glory and grandeur of the Republic. The great West, be- yond the Alleghenies, which had made such marvelous growth in the last half century in population and agricultural and industrial wealth, demanded and received the World's Fair for Chicago, which city is in itself the most phenomenal exhibit of American enterprise, energy, and civilization. Whether the exhibition had been at New York, Chicago, St. Louis, or San Francisco, it would have been, as it is now, the plain duty of each State to do its best to promote an enterprise which means so much for the industrial, (651) 052 NEW YORK AND THE WORLD S FAIR. agricultural, aud educational interests of our country. The Centennial Ex- hibition of 1876 was a \vorthy celebration of the completion of the first hun- dred years of our independence. The country was still staggering under the bankruptcy of the fearful panic of 1873, but the exhibition placed our bus- iness upon its feet and infused life and health into our credit. It distributed to the remotest corners of our country that instruction which materialized into new sources of employment and development and brought into circula- tion $100,000,000 which otherwise would have lain dormant or idle. The exhibition two years ago at Paris saved the French Republic from po- litical destruction bj' turning the commercial distress which was prevalent throughout France into happy and prosperous times. Three hundred mil- lions of dollars or more was in that instance released from savings banks and stockings or brought in from other nations to swell the tide of French profit and progress. Our Columbian Exposition comes at a most opportune time. The unpre- cedented crop which our fields have produced this year and the equally un- precedented demand for our food products abroad will give us for twelve months an exhilarating period of prosperity. Farm mortgages will be paid off, new enterprises will be started, old railroads will be extended, and new ones will be constructed, values will rise in market price, everybody will be richer, and, in accord with the temper and spirit of our people, credit will be strained to the utmost to realize the largest returns from these phenomenal commercial opportunities. In the ordinary course of financial experience overtrading and overconfidence, with probably different relations another year between the farm and the markets of the world, would be followed by a corresponding collapse. But this great industrial exhibition at Chicago will take up the frayed threads of opportunity too lavishly employed and weave them into new cables to draw the car of American progress. The vast move- ment of peoples over railways, the stimulus given to business at cities and railway centers, the hundreds of millions of dollars brought into active use which would otherwise be unemployed, will save us as a Nation from the dangers which threaten and crystallize into permanency thousands of enter- prises wdiich otherwise would fail from lack of confidence or capital. The citizens of Chicago are to be complimented and congratulated upon the courage aud forethought which have characterized their local prepara- tions for this grand event. They have already expended ten millions of dol- lars of their own money, and their patriotism and resources are not yet ex- hausted. But the expense of this national enterprise should not be wholly borne by the locality' where Congress has placed it. The Nation should do its part to second the efforts of the citizens of Chicago to make this World's Fair surpass in every respect any ever yet held in any country. The grounds devoted to the Fair are more than three times greater in area than the NEW YORK AND THE WORLD*S FAl'R. 653 acres which the exhibition had at Paris in 1889. The buildings are more numerous and much larger than the ones which astonished the visitors at the French capital. The floor space in these magnificent structures will be five times greater than at the Centennial exhibit at Philadelphia and double that of the French exhibition at Paris. The cost of the preparations for the Centennial was about $5,000,000, and of the French exhibit about $10,000,000. But for the Exposition at Chicago it will be $17,000,000. The buildings themselves will be an industrial exhibi- tion of the highest character. They were designed by the most distinguished of American architects. In proportion and grandeur they excel the famed structures of other lands. By modern invention and the plastic art the archi- tect is enabled to impress upon the eye all the effects produced by the genius of Phidias and Praxiteles. Our Exposition will be unique and distinct from its predecessors at Lon- don, Paris, Vienna, Berlin, in its superb recognition of woman and her work. A structure equal in size and appointments to any except the Machin- ery Hall at Paris and designed by an American girl, will demonstrate by its architectural beauty the advance of women in this fleld, and the departments housed in this superb structure, where woman's work will be displayed, will fitly show what theUnited States has done to dignify and ennoble womanhood and give her opportunity to make her way in the arts and industries. At the Centennial Exhi])ition at Philadelphia Morse's telegraph comprised almost the sum of our knowledge of electricity, but a building at Chicago twice as large as Cooper Institute, devoted entirely to electrical appliances and inventions, will demonstrate by the advance in one department the en- ormous progress of the country in every department since then. At the time of the Centennial Exposition we had 45,000,000 of people; now our numbers reach the grand total of 64,000,000. Then we had thirty- seven states, but we have since added seven stars to our flag. Then the pro- ducts of our farms in cereals were about $2,200,000,000, now it is over $4,000,- 000,000. Then the output of our factories was about $5,000,000,000, now it is over $7,000,000,000. Such progress, such development, such advance, such accumulation of wealth, and the opportunities for wealth— wealth in the broad sense wiiich opens new avenues for employment and fresh chances for independence and for homes — have characterized no other similar period of recorded time. It is an insult to the intelligence of our state to ask what should be the place of New York in this grand exhibition. First in population, in manu- factures, almost in agriculture, first in all the elements which constitute a great and growing commonwealth, its place in the emulous and friendly riv- alry of sister states in this grand exhibition should be that which nature and the enterprise of its people have given it. Our markets are west, our 654 NEW YORK AND THE WORLD's FAIR. competitors are west. "We nuist remove anj' prejudice that ma}' exist against our trade and then command the markets by the superiority and cheapness of our product. The opportunity is before us to suffer great loss or gain incal- culable advantage. But aside from material considerations New York has never failed, when patriotic effort was demanded, to respond with volume and enthusiasm which sustained its imperial i)osition. In the presence of this representative body, speaking for them and through them for the people of the commonwealth, I can say to the country cast and west and north and south: "New York will be at the Columbian Exposition, and it will be there in the full grandeur of its strength and development." The Columbian World's Exposition will be international, because it will hospitably welcome and entertain the people and the products of every nation in the world. It will give to them the fullest opportunity to teach us and learn from us, and to open new avenues of trade with our markets and discover materials which will be valuable in theirs. But its creation, its mag- nitude, its location, its architecture, and its striking and enduring features will be American. The city in which it is hold, taking rank among the lirst cities in the world after an existence of only fifty years, is American. The great inland fresh water sea whose waves will dash against the shores of Jackson Park, is American. The prairie extending westward with its thousands of square miles of land, a half century ago a wilderness, but to-day gridiroued with railroads, spanned with webs of electric wires, rich in prosperous farms, growing villages, ambitious cities, and an energetic, educated and progressive people, is pureh" American. The Centennial Exhibition of 187G celebrated the tirst hundred years of the Independence of the Republic of the United States. The Columbian Ex- position celebrates the discovery of a continent which has become the home of peoples of every race, the refuge of those persecuted on account of their devotion to civil and religious liberty, and the revolutionary factor in the af- fairs of the earth, a discovery which has accomplished more for humanity in its material, its intellectual, and its spiritual aspects than all other events since the advent of Christ. BUILDINGS AND ftBOUNDS. TE^ViS^SPORTATION BUILDING. Forming the northern Architectural Court of the Exposition i.s a group of editices of which the Trunsportation Buikling is one. It is situated at the southern end of the west tiauk and lies between the Horticultural and the Mines Buildings. Facing eastward, it commands a view of the lloral island and an extensive branch of the lagoon. The Transportation Building is ex- quisiteh' retined and simple in architectural treatment, although very rich and elaborate in detail. In style it savors nuich of the Romanesque, although to the initiated the manner in which it is designed on axial lines, and the so- licitude shown for tine proportions, and subtle relation of parts to each other, will at once suggest the methods of composition followed at the Ecole des Beaux Arts. Viewed from the lagoon, the cupola of the Transportation Building forms the effective southwest accent of the quadrangle, while from the cupola itself, reached by eight elevators, the Northern Court, the most beautiful effect of the entire Exposition, maybe seen in all its glory. The main entrance to the Transportation Building consists of an immense single- arch enriched to an extraordinary degree with carvings, bas reliefs and mur- al paintings, the entire feature forming a rich and beautiful, yet quiet, color climax, for it is treated in leaf and is called the Golden Door. The remain- der of the architectural composition falls into a just relation of contrast with the highly wrought entrance, and is duly quiet and modest, though very broad in treatment. It consists of a continuous arcade with subordinated colonnade and entablature. Numerous minor entrances are from time to time pierced in the walls, and with them are grouped terraces, seats, drink- ing fountains and statues. The main building of the Transportation exhibit measures OGO feet front by 250 feet deep. From this extends westward to Stony Island avenue an enormous annex, covering about nine acres. This is one story only in height. In it may be seen the more bulky exhibits. xVlong the central avenue or nave the visitor may see facing each other scores of locomotive engines, highly (655) Director-General World's Columbian Exposition. (656) BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 657 polished, and reiidering the perspective effect of the nave both exceedingly novel and striking. Add to the effect of the exhibits the architectural im- pression given by a long vista of richly ornamented colonnade, and it may easily be seen that the interior of the Transportation Building is one of the most impressive of the Exposition. The interior of the building is treated much after the manner of a Roman basilica, with broad nave and aisles. The roof is therefore in three divisions; the middle one rises much higher than the others, and its walls are pierced to form a beautiful arcaded clearstory. The cupola, placed exactly in the center of the building and rising 105 feet rKAXsroiMATiox Building. above the ground, is reached by eight elevators. These elevators of them- selves naturally form a part of the Transportation exhibit, and as they also carry passengers to galleries at various stages of height, a fine view of the in- terior of the building may easily be obtained. The main galleries of this building, because of the abundant elevator facilities, prove quite accessible to visitors. The Transportation exhibits naturally include everything, of whatsoever name or sort, devoted to the purpose of transportation, and range from a baby carriage to a mogul engine, from a cash conveyor to a bal- loon or carrier pigeon. Technically this exhibit includes everything com- prised in Class G of the Official Classification. The Transportation Building cost about $300,000. Adler & Sullivan, of Chicago, are the architects. MACHINERY HALL. Machinery Hall, of which Peabody & Stearns, of Boston, are the archi- tects, has been pronounced by many architects second only to the Admin- istration Building in the magnificence of its appearance. This building measures 850x500 feet, and with the Machinery Annex and Power House, cost about $1,200,000. It is located at the extreme south end of the Park, BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 659 midway between the shore of Lake Michigan and the west line of the Park. It is just south of the Administration Building, and west and across a lagoon from the Agricultural Buikling, The building is spanned by three arched trusses, and the interior presents the appearance of three railroad train- houses side by side, surrounded on all the four sides by a gallery fifty feet Avide. The trusses are built separately, so that they can be taken down and sold for use as railroad train-houses. In each of the long naves there is an elevated traveling crane running from end to end of the building for the purpose of moving machinery. These platforms are built so that visitors may view from them the exhibits beneath. The power from this building is supplied from a power-house adjoining the south side of the building. Shafting for power will be carried on the same posts which support the traveling bridges. Steam power will be used throughout this main building, and this steam will be supplied from a main power house adjoining the south side of the building. The exterior toward the stock exhibit and the railroad is to be of the plainest description. On the two sides adjoining the grand court, the exterior will, however, be rich and palatial. All the buildings on this grand plaza are designed with a view to making an effective background for displays of every kind, and, in order to conform to the general richness of the court, are enriched with colonnades and other architectural features. The design follows classical models throughout, the details being borrowed from the renaissance of Seville and other Spanish towns as being appropriate to a Columbian celebration. As in all the other buildings on the court, an arcade on the first story permits passage around the building under cover; and as in all the other buildings, the fronts will be formed of " staff," col- ored to an ivory tone. The ceilings of the porticoes will be emphasized with strong color. A colonnade with a cafe at either end forms the connecting link between Machinery and Agricultural halls, and in the center of this colonnade is an archway leading to the exhibits. From this portico there will be a view nearly a mile in length down the lagoon, and an obelisk and fountain placed in the lagoon between the two buildings. Agriculture and Machinery, will form a fitting southern point to this vista. ADMINISTRATION BUILDING. By popular verdict the Administration Building is pronounced the gem and crown of the Exposition palaces. It is located at the west end of the great court in the southern part of the site, looking eastward, and at its rear are the transportation facilities and depots. The most conspicuous object which will attract the gaze of visitors on reaching the grounds is the gilded dome 42 m liUlLUINGS AND GROUNDS. of this lofty building. This imposingcdifice will cost about$450, 000. The archi- tect is Kichard M. Hunt, of New York, President of the American Institute of Architects, to whose established reputation it is a notable contribution. It covers an area of 260 feet square and consists of four pavilions 84 ft. square, one at each of the four angles of the square and connected by a great cen- tral dome 120 ft. in diameter and 220 feet in height, leaving at the center of each facade a recess 82 feet wide, within which are the grand entrances to ADMixiSTnATiox Building. the building. The general design is in the style of the French renais- sance. The first great story is in the Doric order, of heroic proportions, sur- rounded by a lofty balustrade and having the great tiers of the angle of each pavilion crowned with sculpture. The second story, with its lofty and spa- cious colonnade, is of the Ionic order. The four great entrances, one on each side of the building, are 50 feet wide and 50 feet high, deeply recessed and BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 661 covered by semi-circular arched vaults, richly coffered. In the rear of these arches are the entrance doors, and above them great screens of glass, giving light to the central rotunda. Across the face of these screens, at the level of the office floor, arc galleries of communication between the different pavilions. The interior features of this great building even exceed in beauty and splendor those of the exterior. Between every two of the grand entrances and connecting the intervening pavilion with the great rotunda, is a hall or loggia 30 feet square, giving access to the offices and provided with broad, circular stairways and swift-running elevators. Above the balcony is the second story, 50 feet in height. From the top of the cornice of this story rises the interior dome, 200 feet from the floor, and in the center is an opening 50 feet in di- ameter, transmitting a flow of light from the exterior dome overhead. The under side of the dome is enriched with deep panelings, richly moulded, and the panels are filled with sculpture in low relief and immense paintings rep- resenting tlie arts and sciences. In size this rotunda rivals, if it does not sur- pass, the most celebrated domes of a similar character in the world. AGEICULTURAL BUILDING. One of the most magnificent structures raised for the Exposition is the Agricultural Building. The style of architecture is classic renaissance. This building is put up very near the shore of Lake Michigan and is almost surrounded by the lagoons that lead into the Park from the lake. The build- ing is 500x800 feet, its longest dimensions being east and west. For a single story building the design is bold and heroic. The general cornice line is 65 feet above grade. On either side of the main entrance are mammoth Co- rinthian pillars, 50 feet high and 5 feet in diameter. On each corner and from the center of the building pavilions are reared, the center one being 144 feet square. The corner pavilions are connected by curtains, forming a contin- uous arcade around the top of the building. The main entrance leads through an opening 64 feet wide into a vestibule, from which entrance is had to the rotunda, 100 feet in diameter. This is surmounted by a mammoth glass dome 130 feet high. All through the main vestibule statuary has been designed, illustrative of the Agricultural industry. Similar designs are grouped about all of the grand entrances in the most elaborate manner. The corner pavilions are surmounted by domes 96 feet high, and above these tower groups of statuary. The design for these domes is that of three fe- male figures, of herculean proportions, supporting a mammoth globe. To the southward of the Agricultural Building is a spacious structure de- voted chiefly to a Live Stock and Agricultural Assembly Hall. This build- ing is conveniently near one of the stations of the elevated railway. On the BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 6(53 first floor, near the main entrance of the building, is located a bureau of in- formation. This floor also contains suitable committee and other rooms for the different liv^e stock associations. On this floor there are also large and handsomely equipped waiting-rooms. Broad stairways lead from the first floor into the Assembly-room, which has a seating capacity of about 1,500. This Assembly-room furnishes facilities for lectures, delivered by gentlemen eminent in their special fields of work, embracing every interest connected with live stock, agriculture and allied industries. WOMAN'S BUILDING. Among a great number of sketches submitted in competition for this build- ing by women from all over the land, the President of the Board of Lady Managers quickly discovered in the sketch submitted by Miss Sophia G. Hay- den that harmony of grouping and gracefulness of details which indicate the architectural scholar, and to her was awarded the first prize of a thousand dollars, and also the execution of the design. Directly in front of the building the lagoon takes the form of a bay, about 400 feet in width. From the center of this bay a grand landing and staircase leads to a terrace six feet above the water. Crossing this terrace other stair- cases give access to the ground four feet above, on which, about 100 feet back, the building is situated. The first terrace is designed in artistic flower beds and low shrubs. The principal facade has an extreme length of 400 feet, the depth of the building being half this distance. Italian renaissance is the style selected. The first story is raised about ten feet from the ground line, and a wide staircase leads to the center pavilion. This pavilion, forming the main triple-arched entrance, with an open colonnade in the second story, is finished with a low pediment enriched with a highly elaborate bas-relief. The corner pavilions have each an open colonnade added above the main cornice. Here are located the Hanging Gardens. A lobby 40 feet wide leads into the open rotunda, 70x65 feet, reaching through the height of the building, and protected by a richly ornamented skylight. This rotunda is sur- rounded by a two-story open arcade, as delicate and chaste in design as the exterior, the whole having a thoroughly Italian court-yard effect, admitting abundance of light to all rooms facing this interior space. On the first floor are located, on the left hand, a model hospital; on the right, a model kinder- garten; each occupying 80x60 feet. The whole floor of the south pavilion is devoted to the retrospective exhibit; the one on the north to reform work and charity organization. Each of these floors is 80x200 feet. The curtain opposite the main front contains the Library, Bureau of Information, i^ecords, etc. In the second story are located ladies' parlors, committee-rooms and BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 665 dressing-rooms, all leading to the open balcony in front. The whole second floor of the north pavilion incloses the great assembly-room and club-room. The first of these is provided with an elevated stage for the accommodation of speakers. The south pavilion contains the model kitchen, refreshment rooms, reception rooms, etc. The building is encased with " staff," the same material used on the rest of the buildings, and as it stands with its mellow, decorated walls bathed in the bright sunshine, the women of the country are justly proud of the result. AET PALACE. Grecian-Ionic in style, the Fine Arts Building is a pure type of the most refined classic architecture. The building is oblong, and is 500 by 320 feet, intersected north, east, south, and west by a great nave and transept 100 feet wide and 70 feet high, at the intersection of which is a dome 60 feet in diam- eter. The building is 125 feet to the top of the dome, which is surmounted by a colossal statue of the type of the famous figure of Winged Victory. The transept has a clear space through the center of 60 feet, being lighted entire- ly from above. On either side are galleries 20 feet wide and 24 feet above the floor. The collections of the sculpture are displayed on the main floor of the nave and transept, and on the walls both of the ground floor and of the galleries are ample areas for displaying the paintings and sculptured panels in relief. The corners made by the crossing of the nave and transept are filled with small picture galleries. Around the entire building are galleries 40 feet wide, forming a continuous promenade around the classic structure. Between the promenade and the naves are the smaller rooms devoted to pri- vate collections of paintings and the collections of the various art schools. On either side of the main building, and connected with it by handsome cor- ridors, are very large annexes, which are also utilized by various art exhib- its. The main building is entered by four great portals, richly ornamented with architectural sculpture, and approached by broad flights of steps. The walls of the loggia of the colonnades are highly decorated with mural paint- ings, illustrating the history and progress of the arts. The frieze of the ex- terior walls and the pediments of the principal entrances are ornamented with sculptures and portraits in bas-relief of the masters of ancient art. The general tone or color is light gray stone. The construction, although of a temporary character, is necessarily fire-proof. The main walls are of solid brick, covered with "staff," architecturally ornamented, while the roof, floors, and galleries are of iron. All light is supplied through glass sky- lights in iron frames. The building is located beautifully in the northern portion of the park, p 1 BUILDINGS AMD GROUNDS. 667 With the south front facing the lagoon. It is separated from the lagoon by beautiful terraces, ornamented with balustrades, with an immense flight of steps leading down from the main portal to the lagoon, where there is a landing for boats. The north front faces the wide lawn and the group of State buildings. The immediate neighborhood of the building is ornamented with groups of statues, replica ornaments of classic art, such as the Choriagic monument, the *'Cave of the Winds," and other beautiful examples of Grec- ian art. The ornamentation also includes statues of heroic and life-size pro- portions. MANUFACTURES AND LIBERAL ARTS BUILDING. Notable for its symmetrical proportions, tho ^Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building is the mammoth structure of the Exposition. It measures 1,687 by 787 feet and covers nearly 31 acres, being the largest Exposition building ever constructed. Within the building a gallery 50 feet wide ex- tends around all four sides, and projecting from this are 86 smaller galleries, 12 feet wide, from which visitors may survey the vast array of exhibits and the busy scene below. The galleries are approached upon the main floor by 30 great staircases, the flights of which are 12 feet wide each. "Columbia Avenue," 50 feet wide, extends through the mammoth building longitudinal- ly and an avenue of like width crosses it at right angles at the center. The main roof is of iron and glass and arches an area 385 by 1,400 feet and has its ridge 150 feet from the ground. The building, including its galleries, has about 40 acres of floor space. The Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building is in the Corinthian style of architecture, and in point of being severely classic excels nearly all of the other edifices. 'The long array of columns and arches, which its facades present, is relieved from monotony by very elaborate ornamentation. In this ornamentation female figures, symbolic of the var- ious arts and sciences, play a conspicuous and very attractive part. The ex- terior of the building is covered with "staff," which is treated to represent marble. The huge fluted columns and the immense arches are apparently of this beautiful material. There are four great entrances, one in the center of each facade. These are designed in the manner of triumphal arches, tho central archway of each being 40 feet wide and 80 feet high. Surmounting these portals is the great attic story ornamented with sculptured eagles 18 feet high, and on each side above the side arches are great panels with in- scriptions, and the spandrils are filled with sculptured figures in bas-relief. At each corner of the main building are pavilions forming great arched en- trances, which are designed in harmony with the great portals. The build- ing occupies a most conspicuous place in the grounds. It faces the lake, BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 669 with only lawns and promenades between. North of it is the United States Government Buikling, south the Harbor and in-jutting lagoon, and west the Electrical Building and the lagoon separating it from the great island, which in part is wooded and in part resplendent with acres of bright flowers of varied hues. ELECTRICAL BUILDING. The Electrical Building, the seat of perhaps the most novel and brilliant exhibit in tlie whole Exposition, is 345 feet wide and 700 feet long, the major axis running north and south. The south front is on the great Quad- rangle or Court; the north front faces the lagoon; the east front is opposite the Manufactures Building, and the west faces the Mines Building. The general scheme of the plan is based upon a longitudinal nave 115 feet wide and 114 feet high, crossed in the middle by a transept of the same width and height. The nave and the transept have a pitched roof, with a range of skylights at the bottom of the pitch, and clearstory windows. The rest of tiie building is covered with a flat roof, averaging 62 feet in height, and pro- vided with skylights. The second story is composed of a series of galleries connected across the nave by two bridges, with access by four grand stair- cases. The area of the galleries in the second story is 118,546 square feet, or 2,7 acres. The exterior walls of this building are composed of a con- tinuous Corinthian order of pilasters, 3 feet 6 inches wide and 42 feet high, supporting a full entablature, and resting upon a stylobate 8 feet 6 inch- es. The total height of the walls from the grade outside is 68 feet 6 inches. At each of the four corners of the building there is a pavilion, above which rises a light open spire or tower 169 feet high. Intermediate between these corner pavilions and the central pavilions on the east and west sides, there is a sub- ordinate pavilion bearing a low square dome upon an open lantern. The Electricity Building has an open portico extending along the whole of the south facade, the lower or Ionic order forming an open screen in front of it. The various subordinate pavilions are treated with windows and balcon- ies. The details of the exterior orders are richly decorated, and the pedi- ments, friezes, panels and spandrils have received a decoration of figures in relief, with architectural motifs, the general tendency of which is to illus- trate the purposes of the building. The appearance of the exterior is that of marble, but the walls of the hemicycle and of the various porticos and loggia are highly enriched with color, the pilasters in these places being decorated withscagliola, and the capitals with metallic effects in bronze. Van Brunt & Howe, of Kansas City, are the architects. The cost is $375,000 -r ^^w ^ '111^^ BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 671 HALL OF MINES AND TUNING. Located at the southern extremity of the western lagoon or lake, and be- tween the Electricity and Transportation Buildings, is the Mines and Mining Building. This building is 700 feet long by 350 foet wide, and the architect is S. S. Beman, of Chicago. Its architecture has its inspiration in early Italian renaissance, with which sufficient liberty is taken to invest the build- ing with the animation that should characterize a great general Exposition. There is a decided French spirit pervading the exterior design, but it is kept well subordinated. In plan it is simple and straightforward, embracing on the ground floor spacious vestibules, restaurants, toilet-rooms, etc. On each Hall of Mines and Mining. of the four sides of the building are placed the entrances, those of the north and south fronts being the most spacious and prominent. To the right and left of each entrance, inside, start broad flights of easy stairs leading to the galleries. The galleries are 60 feet wide and 25 feet high from the ground floor, and are lighted on the sides by large windows, and from above by a high clearstory extending around the building. The main fronts look south- ward on the great Central Court, and northward on the western and middle lakes and an island gorgeous with flowers. These principal fronts display enormous arched entrances, richly embellished with sculptural decorations emblematic of Mining and its allied industries. At each end of these fronts are large square pavilions, surmounted by low domes, which mark the four corners of the building, and are lighted by larged arched windows extending through the galleries. Between the main entrance and the pavilions are richly decorated arcades, forming an open loggia on the ground floor, and a deeply recessed promenade on the gallery floor level, which commands a fine 672 BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. view of the lakes and islands to the northward and the great Central Court on the south. These covered promenades arc each 25 feet wide and 230 feet long, and from them is had access to the building at numerous points. These loggias on the first lloor are faced with marbles of different kinds and hues, which will be considered part of the Mining Exhibit and so utilized as to have marketable value atthe close of the Exposition. The loggia ceilings will be heavily coffered, and richly decorated in plaster and color. The ornamen- tation is massed at the prominent points of the facade. The exterior pre- sents a massive, though graceful appearance. HORTICULTURAL BUILDING. The accompanying cut presents the front elevation of the Horticultural hall, designed by W. L. B. Jenny, of Chicago. The building is situated immediate- ly south of the entrance to Jackson Park from the Midway Plaisance, and faces east on the lagoon. In front is a flower terrace for outside exhibits, including tanks for nympheas and the victoria-regia. The front of the ter- race, with its low parapet between large vases, borders the water and at its center forms a boat landing. HORTICULTUR VL BLIimNC. The building is 1,000 feet long, with an extreme width of 286 feet. The plan is a central pavilion with two end pavilions, each connected to the center pavilion by front and rear curtains, forming two interior courts, each 88 by 270 feet. These courts are beautifully decorated in color and planted with ornamental shrubs and flowers. The center pavilion is roofed by a crys- tal dome 187 feet in diameter and 113 feet high, under which will be exhibi- BUILDINGS AND GKOUNDS. 673 ted the tallest palms, bamboos and tree ferns that can be procured. There is a gallery in each of the pavilions. The galleries of the end pavilions are de- signed for cafes, the situation and surroundings being particularly well adapt- ed to recreation and refreshment. These cafes are surrounded by an arcade on three sides, from which charming views of the ground can be obtained. In this building will be exhibited all the varieties of flowers, plants, seeds,- horticultural implements, etc. Those exhibits requiring sunshine and light will be shown in the rear curtains, where the roof is entirely of glass and not too far removed from the plants. The front curtains and under the galleries are designed for exhibits that require only the ordinary amount of light. Provision is made to heat such parts as require it. The exterior of the building is in staff or stucco, tinted a soft warm buff, color being reserved for the interior and the courts. The appropriation for this building is $400,000. It will probably be built for something less than this sum. UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT BUILDING. Delightfully located near the Lake shore, south of the main lagoon and of the area reserved for the Foreign Nations and the several States, and east of the Woman's Building and of Midway Plaisance, is the Government Exhibit hj: -kL . _\i i^ d ih iVt^ir HV I ) il » -Hi ^ii 1 .-i ii 6 UxiTED States Government Building. Building. The buildings of England, Germany and Mexico, are near by to the northward. The Government Building was designed by Architect Wind- rim, now succeeded by W. J. Edbrooke. It is classic in style, and bears a illlilillllllllilllliliiiiiiiiii iiiiiiiiiiiii|i[|ii!ii,iiMi!ii|ii| | . | iiiiii:ii|i|iiiLiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiii;iiiiiiiiiiiimi'[i'T'i'ii inriii m i —•nMx i — ■-■ '■'' ^ BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 675 strong resemblance to the National Museum and other Government build- ings at Washington. It covers an area of 350 by 420 feet; is constructed of iron, brick and glass, and cost $400,000. Its leading architectural feature is a central octagonal dome 120 feet in diameter and 150 feet high, the floor of which will be kept free from exhibits. The building fronts to the west, and connects on the north, by a bridge over the lagoon, with the building of the Fisheries exhibit. The south half of the Government Building is devoted to the exhibits of the Post-OfBce Department, Treasury Department, War Department, and Department of Agriculture. The north half is devoted to the exhibits of the Fisheries Commission, Smithsonian Institute and Interior Department. The State Department exhibit extends from the rotunda to the east end, and that of the Department of Justice from the rotunda to the west end of the building. The allotment of space for the several department exhibits is: War Department, 23,000 square feet; Treasury, 10,500 square feet; Agri- culture, 23,250 square feet; Interior, 24,000 square feet; Po&t-Office, 9,000 square feet; Fishery, 20,000 square feet, and Smithsonian Institute balance of space. THE FISHERIES BUILDING. The Fisheries Building embraces a large central structure with two smaller polygonal buildings connected with it on either end by arcades. The ex- treme length of the building is 1,100 feet and the width 200 feet. It is loca- ted to the northward of the United States Government Building. In the central portion is the general Fisheries exhibit. In one of the polygonal buildings is the Angling exhibit, and in the other the Aquaria. The exterior of the building is Spanish-Romanesque, which contrasts agreeably in appear- ance with that of the other buildings. To the close observer the exterior of the building cannot fail to be exceedingly interesting, for the architect, Hen- ry Ives Cobb, exerted all his ingenuity in arranging innumerable forms of capitals, modillions, brackets, cornices, and other ornamental details, using only fish and other sea forms for his motif of design. The roof of the building is of old Spanish tile, and the side walls of pleasing color. The cost is about $200,000. ' In the center of the polygonal buildingis a rotunda 60 feet in diameter, in the middle of which is a basin or pool 26 feet wide, from which rises a tow- ering mass of rocks, covered with moss and lichens. From clefts and crev- ices in the rocks, crystal streams of water gush and drop to the masses of reeds, rushes, and ornamental semi-aquatic plants in the basin below. In this pool gorgeous gold fishes, golden ides, golden tench, and other fishes 676 BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. disport. From the rotunda one side of the larger series of Aquaria may be viewed. These are ten in number, and have a capacity of 7,000 to 27,000 gallons of water each. Passing out from the rotunda, a great corridor or arcade is reached, where on one hand can be viewed the opposite side of the series of great tanks, and on the other a line of tanks somewhat smaller, ranging from 750 to 1,500 gallons each in capacity. The corridor or arcade is about 15 feet wide. The glass fronts of the Aquaria are in length about 575 feet, and have 3,000 square feet of surface. The total water capacity of the Aquaria, exclusive of reservoirs, is 18,725 cubic feet, or 140,000 gallons. This weighs 1,192,425 pounds, or almost 600 tons. Of this amount about 40,000 gallons is devoted to the Marine exhibit. In the entire salt water circulation, including reservoirs, there are about 80,000 gallons. The pumping and distributing plant for the Marine Aquar- ia is constructed of vulcanite. The pumps are in duplicate, and each has a capacity of 3,000 gallons per hour. The supply of sea water was secured by evaporating the necessary quantity at the Woods HoU station of the United States Fish Commission to about one-fifth its bulk, thus reducing both quan- tity and weight for transportation about 80 per cent. The fresh water required to restore it to its proper density was supplied from Lake Michigan. UNITED STATES BATTLE-SHIP EXHIBIT. Unique among the other exhibits is that made by the United States Naval Department. It is in a structure which, to all outward appearance, is a faith- ful full-sized model of one of the new coast-line battle-ships. This imitation battle-ship of 1893 is erected on piling on the Lake front to the northeast portion of Jackson Park. It is surrounded by water, and has the appear- ance of being moored to a wharf. The structure has all the fittings that be- long to the actual ship, such as guns, turrets, torpedo tubes, torpedo nets and booms, with boats, anchors, chain cables, davits, awnings, deck fittings, etc., etc., together with all appliances for working the same. Officers, sea- men, mechanics and marines are detailed by the Navy Department during the Exposition, and the discipline and mode of life on our naval vessels are com- pletely shown. The detail of men is not, however, as great as the comple- ment of the actual ship. The crew gives certain drills, especially boat, tor- pedo, and gun drills, as in a vessel of war. The dimensions of the structure are those of the actual battle-ship, to- wit: length, 348 feet; width amidships, 69 feet 3 inches; and from the water-line to the top of the main deck, 12 feet. Centrally placed on this deck is a superstructure 8 feet high with a hammock berthing on the same 7 BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 677 feet high, and above these are the bridge, chart-house, and the boats. At the forward end of the superstructure there is a cone-shaped tower, called the ''military mast," near the top of which are placed two circular " tops " as receptacles for sharpshooters. Rapid firing guns are mounted in each of these tops. The height from the water-line to the summit of this military mast is 76 foot, and above is placed a flag-^>taff for signalling. Tho battery ^vJt^?^^_ .L ^^3fc^ . ' • ^K=i-? U]SIli:.D bi .ii-f.iiu- EXIUBII. mounted comprises four 13-inch breech-loading rifle cannon; eight 8-inch breech-loading rifle cannon; four 6-inch breech-loading rifle cannon; twenty 6-pounder rapid firing guns; six 1-pound rapid firing guns; two Gatling guns, and six torpedo tubes or torpedo guns. All of these are placed and mounted repectively as in the genuine battle-ship. On the starboard side of the ship will be shown the torpedo protection net. THE DAIRY BUILDING. This building is designed to contain not only a complete exhibit of dairy products, but a Dairy School. The building stands near the lake shore, ®&^^-^S^%ftJl-ilBJiii5li^P Thk Dairy Building. i-'C> BLlLDINii^ AM> (_>Fwi.>L NDS. and in the southeastern part of the park. It covers approximately half an acre and is two stories high. On the first floor there is a-large open space devoted to exhibits of butter, and farther back an operating room, in which the Model Dairy will be conducted. The operating room, which extends to the roof, has on three sides a gallery where the cheese exhibits will be placed. The rest of the second story is devoted to a cafe. VIEW OVER THE LAGOON. "V lEW 0\ !CK THE LjlGOOX. On the extreme right of the picture a portion of the east front and one of the towers of the Electrical Building are visible. Beyond and opposite the building across the basin is seen part of the Palace of Machinery, its eastern facade crowned with domes and towers. On the extreme left is seen a corner of the west front of the Manufactures Building, and opposite this and across the basin the building for the Agri- cultural exhibit. This building is connected with the Palace of Machinery by the long colonnade in the center background, forming a great portico en- trance to the live-stock grounds farther south, and at the same time com- pleting the monumental group on the south of the basin. A triple arch bridge spans the lagoon in the foreground, affording communication be- tween the Electrical and Manufactures buildings. It is only one of many such bridges which will be built in other parts of the grounds. BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 679 ILLINOIS STATE BUILDING. The Illinois Building at the "VVorkrs Columbian Exposition is by far the most pretentious of those erected by the several States of the L'nion. Being "in a sense the host at the Exposition, it was deemed not only proper biit re- quisite that Illinois should make such appropriation and provide such a building as would enable her to perform creditably the duties of that office. The State appropriated $800,000. Situated on a high terrace, in one of the most favored spots in Jackson Park, the Illinois Building commands, for nearly a mile to the southward, a view of the beautiful waterway which en- circles the great island and extends to the buildings for Electricity and Mines, while to the northward, across a branch of the lagoon, is presented the imposing facade of the Palace of Fine Arts. The building in the main is 160 feet wide by 450 feet long. On the north. Memorial Hall forms a wing 50 by 75 feet, and on the south another wing, 75 by 123 feet, and three stories high, accommodates the executive offices, and in the third story, two public halls. The side walls are 47 feet high, while the south wing is 12 feet and the ends 54 feet. Surmounting the building at the center, a fine dome, 72 feet in diameter, rises to a height of 235 feet. The building is constructed almost wholly of Illinois material — wood, stone, brick and steel — and is cov- ered with " staff" artistically treated. The grand entrance faces the water- way to the south, while at the west and north ends are others scarcely less imposing. In front of the entrances are beautiful terraces with balustrades, statues, fountains, flowers and stone steps leading down to the roadways and lagoon landings. The building is embellished with fine carving and statuary. It is thoroughly lighted, first from the side windows, which are placed about fourteen feet above the floor to permit cases to be placed against the walls; second, with skj'lights placed in the flat roof of the side aisles; and third, with continuous skylights on the ridge of a pitched roof or nave. Ventilation is provided for through windows placed a story above the flat aisle roof and the foot of the sloping roof over the nave. The interior of the structure is appropriately and beautifully ornamented. Memorial Hall, which is fire- proof, has a gallery encircling it, and contains a large and interesting collec- tion of relics and trophies of the war and other periods, all owned by the State. One feature of the Illinois Building which is sure to attract much at- tention, consists of five model common school rooms, of high grade, fully equipped and furnished under the direction of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction. Here may be seen an illustration of the methods and re- sults of educational work. The Illinois building was designed by W. "VV. Boyington & Co., Chicago, and cost $250,000. /. I J