HOLLINGER pH8.5 • TXT C-J i^A'^ £ 523 .5 7lh Copy I ADDRESS Maj.-Gen. John A. Dix. RECEPTION SEVENTH REGIMENT, NATIONAL GUARD, S. N. Y., MEMBERS WHO HAVE SERVED %xmv anb Habn of tbf ttlnitcb ^Sfatfs ^ DllUNtl TUB / :^^ Kv ^^o: ^^c GREAT REBELLION. <^ - .^^^ ^ ^ ^'■V/ASH;^i^^"^^ ACADEMY or MUSIC, JANUARY 31, 1866. £ \ NEW YORK: FRANCIS k LOUTREL, PRINTERS, 45 Maiden Lane. 1866. .•' T^'dU-O. CTeneral Dix, liaving been introduced by Colonel Clark k to the assembled guests, addressed tliera as follows : Ladies and GENTLEMiiN : It attbrds nie great pleasure to perform the service just announced to you by the Colonel of tlie Seventh Regiment of the Xational Guard of the State of New York — to reiterate his welcome to those of the former members of the regiment who have gone forth during the late war, under other organizations, to defend the government of tlieir countr}' against a gigantic combination to overthrow and destroy it. This reunion of those, who in the past have been l:)ound together by the ties of a common association, has its familiar analogies in the incidents of domestic life. As when the heads of a household, after the lapse of years, reassemble their scattered children who have gone out into the battle of life, to congratulate them on the successes they have achieved and the reputation thej have acquired, and to thank them for sustaining and advancing by meritorious actions the family name and renown. In like manner the Seventh liegiment re- unites its former associates, to congratulate them on the dis- tinction they have gained for themselves, and to thank them for the honor which the lustre of their services has reflected upon the corps and the country. Having had most of those who were members of the organization at the commencement of the war, and of those to whom this reception is tendered, under my command, I feel that my duty to-night will be best performed by addressing all as members of a common brother- hood, and by briefly recounting the valuable aid they have rendered in standing by the country during the ordeal of tire throu«:h Mliicli it lias triumphantly passed. And first, gentle- men, let me congratulate you on your good fortune in living at a period in our history marked by the most extraordinary domestic conflict of this or any other age. I say your good fortune, for whenever a communitv is menaced bv the o-reatest of all calamities — ^the destruction of its nationality — it nmst 1)6 the most earnest the gathering cohorts of treason tlie a?gis of its discipline and its name. \ In the early spring of 1862, when the Army of the Poto- mac was lying before Richmond, when Washington and Bal- timore and the adjacent country were almost denuded of troops, and there were well-grounded apprehensions of a rebel raid from the Yalley of the Shenandoah, you volunteered your services a second time. I was in command at Baltimore when you arrived there with your gallant companions, the Twenty- second, the Thirty-seventh, the Sixty-ninth, the Seven ty-iirst, and, I believe, some other x^ew York regiments whose num- bers I cannot at this moment recollect. You were detained at Baltimore by the Government at my special request ; and dur- ing a large portion of this term of your service you occupied tlie post of honor — Federal Hill — that remarkable promontory rising up in the heart of the city, and seeming to be placed there by nature as a site for a citadel. AVhen you occupied it, it was crowned by a fort, as you see it before you (pointing to a painting representing it), built in the summer of 1861, to protect the city from external attack, and, in case of need, to defend it against itself. Happily, tlie unshaken loyalty of the Baltimoreans, througli all trials and temptations, rendered the latter service unnecessary. In the summer of 1863, when Gen. Lee invaded the State of Maryland with a powerful army, you volunteered your serv- ices a third time, and were assigned by the Government to the defence of the city of Baltimore, on which an attack was con- sidered imminent. During a portion of this third term of service you were again in the occupation of Fort Federal Hill, and during the residue on duty in the interior of Maryland, remaining in thetield until after Gen. Lee had retreated beyond the Potomac. You were then suddenly recalled here to aid in quelling the riots, and your reappearance had a powerful in- fluence in restoring order and in saving the city trom further, devastation. In the summer of 1861r, when I'ebel raiders from Canada were plundering our frf>utier, you tendered your services tome as connnanding officer of this department ; and they would have beeu accepted had not some new regiiiients, which had never been in the field, claimed the privilege of serving the ('ountrv. Most fortunate and enviable is the couinuinity in "which the eniiihition of its citizens is not to evade military duty, but to be received into the public service and to be as- signed to posts of danger! Giving you all the praise which is most eminently your due for your promptitude, your patriotic spirit, and your alacrity on all occasions in accepting and court- ing military service, yet the crowning distinction of your regiment is in the large number of officers -which you have furnished for other oro;anizati(^ns. I hold in mv hand a roU of five liundred and fifty-seven of your members, who received commissions in the army, the navy, or the volunteer service. Nine-tenths of the nund:>er were serving with the regiment when the war broke out. Three rose to the rank of major- general, nineteen to the rank of brigadier-general, twenty -nine to the rank of colonel, and forty-six to the rank of lieutenant- colonel. Many whose names are on this roll of honor are sleeping in soldiers' graves. Others are moving about with mutilated limbs and with frames scarred by honorable wounds, the silent but expressive memorials of faithful and heroic serv- ice. For years before the war you devoted yourselves with an assiduity and a zeal worthy of all commendation to martial exercises, and I believe I may safely say that there was scarcely a man in your ranks who was not capable of leading other men — of commanding a platoon, a company, a battalion, or a regiment. And the gratitying result is, that under nearly every battle-fiag which the State of Xew York unfurled, you had an honored representative. The historian Justin, in his account of the preparations of Alexander the Great for his Asiatic expedition, says that some t)f the corps he organized were so well disciplined that one would have considered them not so much soldiers as the chosen leaders of soldiers : I' "iVb/i tarn milites quain magistros milit'ne dectoH putarea.'''' You have tairly earned the same praise, and are justly en- titled to the honorable appellation of militia; magistn — the leaders of soldiers ! I do not know so strikino- an illustration of the truth of a maxim which is usually considered of modern origin, but which is as old as the Augustan era, when it was proclaimed bv the most graceful of the poets of imperial Rome, in that pure Latinitv for which he was so distinguished — " In pace., ut sapiens., aptarit idonea hello ^ " which may be liberally interpreted : " In peace, if you are wise, you will prepare for war." To have furnished the most re- markable proof of the profound wisdom of this ancient maxim, is a distinction to be remembered with gratitude by your fel- low-citizens and t<:) l)e cherished with a manly pride by your- selves. It is now nearly ten months since the trial of arms between the Xorth and the South was brought to a termination ; and T trust it will not be deemed inappropriate if I present to you, who have borne so conspicuous a part in it, some consid- erations arising out of this still absorbing subject. I do not intend in what I say to strike a single note of discord. I should greatly regret to speak one word which should not be in harmony with the scheme of reconciliation now in progress between the two sections of the Union. The views I desire to state are purely philosophical, applicable to all ages and all nations, and drawn from the sober lessons of experience, which no community can wisely disregard. It was in the month of April last that the war was brought to a close by a sudden collapse of the whole vital power of the insurgent States. Xo equal period «>f time in the history of any ])eople has ever been so crowded with extraordinary events. During the very first days of the month were fought those remarkable battles before Petersburo-, equally honorable to the genius and skill of the conmiander and to the gallantry and steadiness of his troops. The evacuation of Richmond immediately followed. A few days later General Lee surrendered, Avith the remains of the Army of Virginia, the tirst and the last hope of the re- belli(ni. And here I desire to say that I consider this result, and such, I believe, will be the judgment of posterity, as the direct consequence of one of the most remarkable movements in history — the great march from the Wilderness to the Chicka- hominy, the James and the Appomattox — army opposed to army, one pursuing and the other pursued, a conflict at every 8 step, not one square mile of territory traversed b_v the com- batants M'hicli Avas not crimsoned with heroic hk)od ! The nuconquerable perseverance, the unwavering; persistence, with which one single purpose was pursued — throngh the memora- ble march and the patient investment which followed it — pre- pared and compelled the surrender of the most mimerous and best disciplined army the insurgents ever brought into the tield. I do not, of course, lose sight oi' the subsidiary move- ments, which Avere parts of the grand and comprehensive plan of the General-in-Cliief Near the middle of the month (on the 14th\ the old flag Avas hoisted over the battlements of Fort Sumter — the same flag against which the first rebel missile was hurled ! And on the evening of the same day Avas enacted that darkest deed of infamy Avhich has ever disflgured the an- nals of the United States — the assassination of our noble- hearted and lamented President, I have no comment to make on this act of horror. J^o language of reprobation or abhor- rence can illustrate <»r intensify its atrocity. It is one of those great crimes which, in the history of our race, occur only after intervals of centuries ; crimes Avhich the recording angel sheds no tear to blot out ; crimes Avhich are Avritten down in the great chronicle of e\'ents in characters of blood as a perpetual memento of the madness and the malignity of Avhicli human passion is capable. Near the close of the month (leneral Johnston surrendered Avith his army, compreliending in the capitulation the Avhole rebel force north of the Cliattahoochie, endn'acing, in fact, nearly the Avhole organized military power of the rebellion, and thus terminated the Avar. These events are becoming rapidly incorp(»rated into the solid substance of our history, and mankind Avill pass a calm and impartial judgment upon them. It is very difficult for any of us, Avhile they are so fresh in our remembrance, to speak of them Avith becoming moderati< »n and disinterestedness. But although we may not be the most impartial judges of a (-on- flict which has brought Avitli it so mnch skill in leadership, so much heroic courage and still more heroic endurance in all ranks of our condjatants, both by land and sea, and so much patriotic effort and cheerful self-sacrifice on the part of the 9 great body of our people, jet it lias taught ns some lessons which it may not be unbecoming in ns to refer to, and whicli it may be useful for all the generations of men now and here- after to reflect upon. They are not new lessons ; on the con- trary, they have been tauglit over and over again to those wlio have gone before us, and have always been forgotten when the events with which they were connected have faded away in the distance, and the attention of men has become engrossed by new and more urgent interests. First of these is the great truth that the course of military successes is always from North to South — from frosts and snow to flowers and sunshine. Our very instincts teach us that it must be so, and all history confirms it. It is not be- cause the Southera nature is less spirited, or less capable of high and heroic achievement ; but because the Northern mus- cle, elaborated under a colder sky and through more invigorat- ing influences of climate, acquires more compactness, tenacity, and strength, carrying with it (for the mental and physical conditions always assimilate) a greater moral power of endur- ance. Southern races are, for the most part, precipitate, im- passioned, fiery, vehement, sometimes breaking down all oppo- sition by force of their resistless impetuosity. Northern races, on the other hand, are calm, deliberate, persistent, determined, and as immovable as a rock, against which wind and storm are idly expending their fury. The remark may seem fanci- ful, and yet I believe it to be historically true, that great mil- itary successes, considered in reference to parallels of latitude, are subject to a law analogous to that which governs currents of running water. They do not rise above the level of their source, or if can-ied to a greater height by some special force they subside t(> their former level as soon as that force is with- drawn. Accordingly we find that the great tides of concpiest in all ag-es have flowed from north to south or east and west on nearly the same parallels of latitude. It required the ex- traordinary genius of Julius Cesar, the most finished military commander, perhaps, that ever lived, to carry the victorious arms of E.ome, when the great republic was in the fullness of its prosperity and power, a few degrees of latitude north of the 2 fo metropolita-n centre. And yet we all remember that it was more than a hundred years after his first invasion of the little island of Great Britain before it was reduced to the condition of a Roman ])rovince. Even then only the lowxr part was subdued, and the Emperor Adrian was compelled to build a wall across it to protect the Koman soldiery from the incur- sions of the Caledonians, the predecessors of the Scotchmen of our day. Now I venture to say, that if that island had been fifteen or twenty degrees further South, it would not have re- sisted the Roman power successfully through a single cam- paign. The operations of Hannibal in Italy may seem to conflict with my theory, but not if they are properly consid- ered. It is true he marched up through Spain, crossed the Alps, descended into Italy, and obtained several signal victories over the Romans. But his operations did not contain one of the elements of permanent conquest. They were nothing but a protracted raid ; and after a few years he was compelled to return to Carthage tt) defend that city against the very people whom he was invading. There was a remarkable instance eight or nine centuries later of the truth of the proposition I have stated. Some six hundred years atter the (Jhristian era — when mankind, as if in defiance of the celestial messages of the Great Teacher, had sunk into a moral torpor as dangerous to all the interests of civilization as the living paganism which bad preceded it — God raised up an avenger in Mahomet to destroy all that deserved to perish, and to rouse to action all that was worthy of being preserved. The creed of the Pro- phet was full of error, but it contained one vital truth, and under its influence his followers were roused to a wild enthu- siasm which nothing could resist. It was in the name of the one and the ever-living God that their cimeters flashed to the light ! The great tide of Islamism poured down through Western Asia into Africa, across Egy])t and the Desert of Barca, whelming the ancient Pentapolis, over the narrow strait which separates Africa from Europe, sweeping across the sunny plains of Andalusia and over the vine-clad hills of Grenada, until the great wave burst at the base of the moun- tains of Asturias. It did not rise in the West above the level 11 of its source in the East. And thus this great human deluge, impelled by the spirit of conquest and religious frenzy, bearing on its crest the trophies of Eastern science and art, was poured out over Western Europe, and planted there some of the richest germs of civilization, to be purified and perfected in after ages by the clearer light of Christianity. Wherever armies have gone to the I^orth for the purpose of conquest, they have been defeated. The Greeks and Ro- mans were constantly repulsed by the rude nations north of them. The legions of Varus were cut to pieces in the wilds of Germania by ARMmius and his followers. Xay, the great modern conquerer of Europe, when he undertook — if 1 may so express myself — ^ campaign against the Arctic Circle, with one of the most numerous and best disciplined armies the world ever saw embodied, was discomfited — not so much, it is true, by the arms as by the strategy of his enemies, and by the rigors of the climate. His inmiense host, like that of Xerxes, was broken to pieces, and he was compelled to retreat, leaving thousands of his followers sleeping in bloodless death upon the frozen plains of Muscovy. On the other hand, when great conquering armies have been sent to the south, they have nearly always been victorious. The Romans over- ran everything south of them down to the shores of the great African desert— one of those seas of sand which are far more impracticable than any waste of waters. The Romans, in tlieir turn, were overrun by the barbarous na- tions north of them. The Goths, the Normans, the multi- nomial races which were swarming century after century out of the great northern hive, overwhelmed all Europe down to the very shores of the Mediterranean ; and even Southern Italy saw these rude warriors, with frames compacted almost to the hardness of iron by hyperborean frosts, unbuckling their armor and lying down in the summer radiance on the heights of Sorrento, by the blue waters of Baia?, and even in the clas- sic grotto of Pausilipo. In like manner armed multitudes from Central and Western Europe poured down into Syria under the unconquerable banner of the cross, and wrested the Holy Sepulchre from the hands of its infidel possessors. The flaming 12 eimeter of the fiery Saladin, as described' in Walter Scott's Crmadets, falling in fast but ineffectual blows on the massive battle-axe of the cool Plantagenet, is but a type of what the world has seen and will continue to the end of time to see, in the conflicts of southern with northern races, I wish some of our Canadian friends were here to take comfort from these suggestions. AVhen the rebel raiders, Avhom they were harboring, crossed our frontier to plunder our vil- lages, shoot down our unarmed people and give this city to tlie flames, through a scheme of incendiarism M'hich for atroc- ity has no parallel in the annals of barbarism ; and wlien a certain Department commander, whose name I will not men- tion, with a frontier of nearly a thousand miles to guard, with only six military posts along its whole extent, and without two hundred men in any one of them, gave orders to the commanders of these slender garrisons, in case the depreda- tions were repeated, to pursue and capture the marauders, even if it were necessary to cross the astronomical line which constitutes the boundary between the two countries — the stout hearts of our northern neighbors need not have been disturbed by any imaginary apprehension of invasion. Ko, gentlemen ; whenever the tide of emigration, the only instrument of con- (piest the United States employ when unprovoked, shall rise again in the East, it will move on across our own territory to Kebraska, Colorado, Idaho, Nevada, Montana, California, Oregon, and the calmer shores of the Pacific. Or, if it should deviate from our own parallels of latitude, it will not be in the direction of Hudson's Bay and the coast of Labrador, where the bosom of our mother earth is hidden from the sight of her children during more than half their natural lives, but down into the sunny districts of the palmetto, wliere the reproduc- tive powers of nature are at work throughout the whole circle of the year, and where the magnolia and the orange tree load the atmosphere with perpetual fragrance. I know that the mental and muscular energy of the North will gradually give way, in ol)edience to the universal law, to the amenities and the seductions of the climate; but not until they shall have done their work by waking up those soporific districts to the 13 new life and the intense activities ot* this earnest and enter- prising age. Another lesson which this war has taught is, that human slavery, in some way or other, and at some stage or other of its existence, is always calamitons to those who maintain it. The jnstice of God is snre to manifest itself, in some form of retribution, against the injustice of man, even though it be through the slow operation of what we call natural causes. Wherever the subjugated class does all the work and the governing class does none, wherever the latter seeks to evade the universal sentence of earning our bread in the sweat of our faces, the former must accpire a physical superiority, which, in the end, is sure to work out its own deliverance. We have not waited for this tardy process of centuries. Slavery with us has perished through the insensate attempt of the masters to extend and perpetuate it by destroying their own government. It has gone down amid the clash of arms and the shock of battle ; and the amendment to the Consti- tution just adopted has confirmed and executed what the behests of war had decreed. This great social revolution has been accompanied by an equally great marvel. Slavery has been abolished in Delaware and Kentucky by the votes of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina ; and those who were most earnest in defending and seeking to extend it, have " conquered their prejudices," and are marching on, with the great army of emancipators throughout the world, to the majestic minstrelsy of universal freedom ! These are two of the great lessons of this war. As I have already said, they are not new, but they have been brought out of the darkness by the throes of contending populations — thrown oif, if I may so express myself, like flashes of light from the great mirror of history. But these old lessons are not the only ones this war has taught. It has illustrated a new truth of far greater value than any political moral which can be drawn from the annals of the past. It has demon- strated beyond contradiction that the strongest of all govern- ments in times of great peril is that of a republic. It cannot well be otherwise, notwithstanding all we have heard from 14 uionarclusts of the weakness of republican institutions. The H'reat mass of tlie people are a ])art of the o;overnment. The governing administration is always the work of their own hands. Through the principle of popular representation, their wishes and opiniojis are impressed on every movement it makes, and on every measure it adopts. They feel that the destruction of the government would involve the loss of all that is most dear to them — their domestic security and peace, their property, and, above all, the political status they hold in the great scheme of self-o'overnment. The abilitv of such a government to defend itself against foreign aggression is only to be measured by the aggregate physical fc>rce of the whole community. In times of internal disorder, throwing the insurgent district out of the account, its power is the same. Under arbitrary systems, the rights of the government are distinct from and antagonistic to those of the people. When- ever the government is in danger, those who live under it and who consider themselves debarred of their just rights, are very apt to think that if it goes down, their own condition will be no worse, and may perchance be ameliorated. The ability of such a government to defend itself is limited, apart from the aristocratic classes, to so much of the physical power of the connnunity as it can bring into its service by force. Out of these radical distinctions has sprung up the feeling of hos- tility to our political system which has existed from its foun- dation among the friends of monarchical institutions. They have desired to see the experiment of self-government on this continent fail, in order to strengthen arbitrary government in other quarters of the globe. And yet the nations of Europe, with two exceptions, have maintained a strict neutrality in this contest. They would have been most unwise, as well as unjust, if they had not. For centuries the secondary govern- ments (»f Europe have been struggling, sometimes by separate action, and sometimes in combination, to enlarge the circle of neutral rights, and to restrict the rights of belligerents. In their course towards us, therefore, they have acted in accord- ance with a long-established policy in which they have a vital interest. But I do not place their conduct on this n motive. I believe they have acted in obedience to a con- scientious sense of duty. France and Great Britain, on the other hand, our rivals on the ocean, had, or thought they had, an interest in the destruction of this Union outweighing all prudential considerations. There is no doubt that Louis Napoleon did all in his power to induce Great Britain to unite with him in recognizing the independence of the insur- gent States. He availed himself of our internal disturbances to overthrow repidilicanism in Mexico, our nearest neighbor, and to set up a monarchy on its ruins, with a sovereign dependent upon himself. Yet, as the inferior of Great Britain on the ocean, he did not altogether disregard his obligations of neutrality ; and when our Minister complained to him that vessels were litting out in his ports to cruise against our com- merce, he promptly gave orders that they should be detained. Great Britain, on the other hand, conscions of her superiority, has been as unmindful of her neutral obligations toward us as she has always been unmindful of the rights of neutrals in others when she has been a belligerent. Slie permitted vessels to be built in her ship-yards, equipped in her ports, and manned by her seamen, to make war upon our commerce, and she has allowed them to depart against the most urgent remonstrances of our ministers, under the most frivolous pre- texts. Her cruisers, sailing under the rebel flag, have literally swept our commerce from the ocean. ISTay, more. For two years the armies of the insurgents were kept in the field through supplies of arms, ammunition, and clothing, from her workshops. I believe it no exaggeration to say that she has cost us one hundred and fifty thousand lives, and added fifteen hundred millions to our national debt. Gentlemen, I am one of those who believe that these wrongs must be redressed. I do not object to the postponement of our reclamations until our interaal trancpiillity shall be fully assured ; nor do I de- spair when a better spirit shall prevail in the councils of Great Britain of seeing our just claims acknowledged and disposed of by amicable negotiation. In the meantime we have this great consolation. The very aid which France and Great Britain, two of the most powerful nations of Europe, have 16 given to the insurgent cause, has only rendered our triumph the more marked ; and it may l)e tliat this prestige of success in a republic may react upon both those countries, and lead to a thorough reorganization of their social and political systems. We have reason to believe that the people of both, notwithstanding the bad faith of their governments, Ayere on our side. The Liberal party in England, under Cobdex, Bright, Goldwin Smith, and others, openly declared them- selves in our favor. For this reason, if there were no other, it would be our most earnest Ayish that the struggle which is going on in both countries between the many and the few — the many for the assertion of their just rights, and the few for the maintenance of their usurpations — should have their issue in a popular triumph. AVe do not interfere with the domestic concerns of European States. But nothing would be more gratifying to the American people than to see the whole brood of aristocratic non-producers, of whom the mythical " Dun- dreary ■ ' is the type, compelled to go to w^ork and earn their bread by manual or intellectual labor. I would haye been glad to refer briefly to some other topics — to have spoken some words in praise of the zealous efforts of our able and patriotic President to restore good feel- ing between the different sections of the Union — something in regard to the reorganization of the system of labor in the Southern States on its new basis, a subject deeply concerning our prosperity as well as tlieirs. But the time allotted to me in the proceedings of the eyening is drawing rapidly to a close ; and I know, for I have been young myself, that there are many youthful hearts which are beating with impatience for the commencement of the festiyities. I will, therefore, trespass for a single moment only on your kind indulgence. From the era of the rebellion we take, as it were, a new departure in the progress of our political system. Old and disturbing issues haye been settled and should be buried out of sigrht. Slavery is abolished ; and henceforth the soil of the Nf)rth American continent is never to be pressed by a servile foot. The right of secession is exploded, and it is now settled that this Union is never to be dissolved excepting by the vol- 17 untary action and concnrrence of a majority of all the parties to tlie fundamental compact ; and if attempts are made from witliin or witliout to break it up by force, it is by force to be maintained. The doctrine of State sovereignty, whicli has been brooding over us for three-quarters of a century like some ill-defined portent of evil, has vanished as a disturbing- dream ; and it is now understood, if not conceded, tliat the reserved rights of the States — rights which should be vigil- antly guarded and resolutely maintained by themselves, and scrupulously respected by the Federal Government — are but rights (»f exclusive jurisdiction ; and that sovereignty, one and indivisible, is the attribute of the central power alone. But this is too large a question to be discussed on an occasion like this — almost too large to be stated, however careful the form of words, without subjecting him who states it to the danger of misapprehension. With this readjustment of our social and political relations, and after this triumphant exertion of our power of self-preser- vation, new responsibilities devolve on us. We must enjoy with greater moderation the blessings and privileges which Providence has vouchsafed to us. We must exert our power, if possible, with increased forbearance, even for the assertion of our undeniable rights. We must practice toward all witli whom we have relations, whether within or without the pale of our political system, the most strict and impartial justice. Since the days of the Revolution, when our fathers were led through seven years of toil, and sufltering, and peril, almost as manifestly by the hand of God as the children of Israel were led through the wilderness, we never have been so significantly admonished of our dependence on Him, or have had so much cause to be grateful for our deliverance from surrounding evils. This sense of dependence, and this feeling of gratitude, must never be permitted to fade out of our minds or hearts. The altars of our religion and our freedom must stand side by side, that their fires may ascend in one common flame to Heaven. Then shall we have reason to trust that the blessino- of God, which has been with us and our fathers under so many trials, will continue with us to the end in our new career of prosper- ity and power. 3 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 760 446 2i r-P-w^apwiMMei*" LIBRARY OF CONGRESS I Hi' 013 760 446 2 ^