I LIBRARY OF CONdRESSi I FORCE COLLECTION.] ^ # — ■ #^ ^ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, ^i AS YOU WERE! A WORD OF ADVICE To Straight-Haired Folks: ADDRESSED TO THE FREEMEN OF CONNECTICUT, BY ONE OF TIIEIR NUMBER. TO WHICH IS SUBJOINED A NOMINATION FOR ASSISTANTS, And a LIST OF CAJiDIDATES FOR ELECTION, AS REPRESENTATIVES TO CONGRESS, 7 TO THE FREEMEN OF CONNECTICUT. T |0 admonish our friends of their faults, and exhort them to refor- mation, is a task always ungracious, and seldom rewarded. This consideration probably has deterred many of your friends from dis- charging this duty. But a crisis in your atlairs seems to be rapidly ma- turing ; when the admonitions of your friends, and your own repentance, will be equally unavailing. I propose therefore to lay before you a plain and concise statement of your faults, and of the errors of your rulers; the causes to which they are attributable, and the best mode in which their efi'ects may be obviated. For almost twenty years, a majority of our number has been constant- ly and arduously engaged in opposing the pi'ogress of error. We liave al- ways been victorious. But in other States, far different has been the re- sult. Political delusion has triumphed ; and its depraved abettors, deco* rated with the splendour of office, and armed with its powers, have borne down the advocates of truth with insolence and oppression. Of our number, a large proportion has taken an active part iu this contest long since its commencement. Their attention has been ex- clusively drawn to the subject of controversy, which, for the time be- ing, was predominant. In the overwhelming abundance of errors ajid crimes, which have marked the conduct of the administration of th* general government, during the greater part of this period ; not a day has passed, of which it might not be said most emphatically ; " suffi- cient therefor has been the evil thereof." It is not thgn strange if those (2) ,•11 nl)0 entered ths field in the midst of the battio, have but a slight impres- sion of the origin and causes of the contest. And it is certainly excusa- ble in those who have witnessed the growth and progress of error and faction, from infancy to manhood ; if they remember but imperfectly the indications of depravity, which marked its childhood. The human mind is capable of conieiuplating the objects presented to it, only in succes- sion — nor can it for a long period fix its attention upon any object in- tensely, without experiencing an involuntary relaxation of its powers ; nor is it among the ordinary endowments of human nature, to resist with unremitting vigor and perscvgrance, a long continued series of adverse events. Disappointment discourages ; and we yield to misfortune. In the discussion of subjects of subordinate and transient importance, which in such rapid succession have crowded each other from our minds ; we have forgotten the fundamental points of difference between the conten- ding parties. With many it seems to require an effort to rise so far above the mists which obscure the atmosphere from day to day, as to be- hold the splendour of those glorious principles, in the light of which they once rejoiced. We have struggled so long against the current without advancing, that we seem almost ready ingloriously to remit our exer- tions ; to float with the stream, or sink to the bottom. While we profess to understand the principles wdiich we wish to support, and to be fully sensible of their importance to the political happiness of our country ; ive manifest a strange indifference^ and unaccountable apathy, when ex- ertion is required. Like the indolent predestinarian, who covers real in- fidelity under the pretence of conforming his practice to his faith ; too many of you fold your arms with affected resignation, and stupidly ex- ♦claim, " if we are to be saved, we shall be saved." Be assured, that of these contemptible characters, eternal perdition will not more certainly be the portion of the one, than degradation and infamy of the other. But, my fellow citizens, apathy, and indifference, and want of zeal ; tho' bad enough truly ; if in your political professions there is either truth, or mcanino;, are not your vvorst faults. That " evil communications corrupt good manners," was just as true eighteen hundred j-ears before the days of the Apostle who expressed the opinion, as it has been from that time tp the present. Whether vice, like pestilential diseases of the body, be «ontagious, or whether there be in human nature an innate propensity to transgression, or whether the apostacy of Adam effected an essential de- terioration of the moral state of his posterity ; it is certainly true, that no man can long be familiar with vice, or with its votaries, without experiencing some degree of contamination. He beholds sin without ab- horrence ; ire is pleased with the society of those who practice it ; his moral sense is gradually relaxed, and too soon he becomes in practice, the very man whom in theory he continues to condemn. We have long witne.'^ed the triumph of democracy in the U. States. We have become habituated to see it occupy the seat once dignified bj our beloved Washington. We see it in possession of wealth and honors. While we remain in indigence and obscurity, many of our early asso- clatfcs, '-whose fathers wc would have disdained to have set with the dogs of our flocks," have risen to affluence and honor. The prostitution of ev- ery honorable principle, by which they have attained their unmerited el- evation, is forgotten, and the base multitude bows before them with res- pect. In vain we remonstrate with the servile herd. As well migiit you address them in the Shanscrit tongue, as talk to them of reason, virtue, (3) purity and honor. We see many individuals, once the advocates of sound principles, enjoying the reward of tltcir apostacy, witliout losinc;; the con- iidcnce of their former friends. Others, while they hypocritically boast of their firmness and perseverance in supporting correct princijdes, have ^- in truth none which they hesitate to use as an article of merchandize. ^ '• On whatever side we look, we see men of respectable standing in soci- "~ / ety, sacrificing their principles, and the interest of the public, to their ^>' personal ai'^randizement. I'ublic oflices are sought as a means of en- riching the occupant ; and their importance is graduated according to the means of corrupt inlhience which they aflbrd. The enormity of this state of things, which once would have excited our warmest indignation, we even now coolly disapprove. But too many indirectly or covertly adopt in practice, that which ostensibly they condemn. As it is not my wish to censure, but to reform, I shall only call 3'^our attention to some of the most important subjects, on which in my judg- ment your conduct, and the measures of your government, have indica- ted a departure from sound principles. By an adherance to sound principles in politics, I understand that ad- ministration of public affairs, in which the conduct both of the government and people is regulated by a constant reference to the same standard, by which every virtuous and conscientious man governs h'a actions. That conduct which scrupulously regards the distinction between right and wrong, which practically recognizes the great fundamental truth, that the powers of government are derived from the pKoople, and can be right- fully exercised only for their benefit — which continually presents an ex- hibition of the cardinal virtues of justice, prudence, temperance and fortitude, blended with the milder graces which adorn a well regulated family, reciprocal affection and respect. Such was the administratian of Washington ; such, until a recent pe- riod, was the government of Connecticut. Such are the principles ; and such the government which every intelligent and virtuous man of )-our number has earnestly endeavored, and will ever feel it a most solenm duty to endeavor to support. The faults on which I pro- pose to comment arc the adoption of opposite princi})les. Particu- lar measures must indeed be examined as evidence of the principles which produced them. But however pernicious in their eflects, these measures may have been, in comparison with the greater evil of corrup- ting the motives of public action, and debasing the standard of political morality ; they are not less trivial than the occasional excesses of pas- sion, compared with the habitual baseness of hardened depravity. Among the sins which mark " our riper years," avarice is that '' which doth most easily beset us." When confined to the intercourse between men in the social state, where each has an opportunity to defend himself against its assaults, it is an odious crime. But when it prompts the in- dividual to seek for oflice as a means of accumulating wealth ; when it tempts the ruler to disregard his duty to the public ; to prastitute the power and influence with which the people have invested him for their benefit, to promote his private interest, it is unpardonable. To this cause may be attributed the petty incorporations which, like wens on the human body, disfigure the body politic. Of these the size and appear- ance of no one may be such as to threaten fatal consequences ; yet the aggregate presents an indication of mortality, not to be despised. Like the smaller cutaneous diseases to which we arc liable ; if not dangerousi (4) they are troublesome ; and if they do not amount to an incurable mala-t dy, they present the patient in a state very different from that of per- fect health. If these incorporations had for their object only the public good, however pernicious we might find their effects, when put into ope- ration, it would be easy to charge the injury to the account of human frailty, and to spread the mantle of charity over the errors of our rulers. But if we pursue the enquiry, for whofee benefit have these innumerable charters of incorporation been granted, we discover too clear evidence that, however strong may have been the patriotism of those who granted them, self came in for at least the second place among their motives. It would be an enquiry not without its advantages ; tho' certainly affording 110 satisfaction to a mind which justly appreciated the worth of political integrity ; to ascertain the amount of the stock at the time considered val- uable, which came into the hands of those who voted for its creation. This, however, cannot be easily done. A cursory review of the conduct of the Legislature in the creation and management of the banks in this State, will sufficiently illustrate the position which I have assumed. The prin- cipal advantages which a virtuous Legislator would propose to himself in the establishment of banks, would be to furnish a convenient circulating medium, and to supply occasional loans to that class of the community, "ivhowere, or might be engaged in buying and selling the commodities of the others. He would regulate the amount of bank capital by a just re- gard to public considerations. Too great an abundance of paper medium must inevitably depreciate its value, while it would give to every other species of property a fictitious advance. An amount too reduced, would be an evil ; but less formidable. An uncertain supply, at times too abun- dant, at others too limited, would be an evil of greater magnitude than either ; the number of persons engaged in buying and selling, might by a very reduced supply of money, be possibly so far reduced, that the public interest might suffer a real injury. This is a state of things which has never yet existed in any country ; and of which it is difficult to form any adequate idea. The opposite evil of multiplying merchants and speculators to an injurious degree, by the facility of obtaining money, is an evil of daily observation, universal prevalence, and alarming magni- tude. Let us apply these plain principles to the subject of Banks as they ex- ist and have been conducted in this State. The number of banks is elev- en. The amount of authorised capital is 4,750,000 dollars. In fair weatljci, this capital supplied us with abundance of paper, payable in cash on demand. The cnterpi-ising became speculators and merchants ; the usurer found competitors at every corner. The dissipated and the idle knew not the want of funds. Such were the number and amount of mercantile transactions, that gold and silver, as the medium of ex- change, would have been a serious incumbrance. The world seemed to move on wheels, and the banks could divide 10 and 12 per cent. But at length people discovered that promises and paper were one thing, and gold and silver another. Bank paper depreciated, and the banks refused to perform their promises, as soon as the performance would require a sa- crifice. The banks, by loaning their capitals, and issuing paper, had drawn into their vaults nearly all the gold and silver. This they had done by virtue of their corporate powers ; and, as I conceive, under an implied obligation to furnish tiie public with a paper medium as a sub- stitute. This obligation is implied, ii banks are instituted ia any rei- (5) r>ect for public benefit. By law, gold and silver only will pay debts. A. owes B. lUOO dollars — B. pursues his debt to Judgment and execution. A. has bank bills, but no cash — what is to be done ? A man who did not know better, would tell him to sue the bank. And what would he get ? An undivided right in ihe banking-house — and that would be all. He })as no alternative but to npply to a broker, and pay him 10, 15, or 20 per cent, premium for specie. But I thought the specie was all in the banks I — I thought so too ! Fray then hoAV can;e the broker by it ? That is more than 1 know. Now when the business had arrived at this stage, and a sacrifice must be made, I could never discover the reason why the depreciation on bank bills should be paid by every body, the stockholders of banks only ex- cepted. If my creditor chooses to convert my note into cash, and it is below par in market, it is a very clear position in common business, that I must pay the full amount to the holder. If I make a sacrifice to obtain the money, that is not his concern. But the bank very coolly see their own bills sold at a discount, to obtain sjierie, for the purpose (if they see fit to require it) of paying debts due to themselves ; while at the same Jime, if their own paper is presented for payment, the creditor receives nothing more than a civil bow, with " Sir, we do not pay specie." But you incjuire, what is this to the Legislature ? " Much," in my opinion, " every way." As the guardians of the public welfare, it is the duty of the Legislature to protect eveiy man in the enjoyment of his rights. More especially is it their duty to del'end him aganist injuries resulting from an abuse of privileges which they have conterred. When they discov- ered that the banks, by a palpable failure of duty, were doing immense injury to the community, it was their solemn and indispensable duty to provide a remedy. What have they dope ? 'J'liey received a general declaration by the Presidents of the banks, which had stopped payment, that they were not insolvent, and acted on this declaration as true, with- out requiring other evidence of a fact of paramount importance to the public interest. They enlarged the charters of the banks, by authorising them to issue bills of a smaller amount than one dollar, and thereby to glean the small remnant of change which remained among the people. They authorised them to issue paper payable two years after the war, and without inter- est ; at a time when public necessity compelled the borroAver to receive it in exchange lor his own note payable in specie, with interest, in sixty days. Not content with having by their charters exempted Ihe stockholders of banks from all personal liability for the debts of the bank ; they enact- ed a law prohibiting any suit against a bank, on any note or notes not exceeding one hundred dollars, in case the bank would confess judg- ment ; and instead of giving compulsory process to enforce payment, al- lowed the creditor the nugatory right to compute interest on his cxecu- ti(m at 9 per cent. Taking the advantage of this indulgent disposition of the Legislature, the banks without authority, now issue bills payable on- ly in bills of other banks, and in another state ; and some have been is- sued containing no promise at all, but receivable iu debts due the banks. This last description of paper is the invention, or at least has long been in use among turn])ike-gate-keepers, taverners, and tapslers of beer, ale, and soda-water. Its adoption by the banks, is doulitless intended for the pame purpose, for which it has ever been used, to draw money fiom the (6) public. Should the various modern improvements in banliing opei'ations be pursued, the only material difference between those different institu- tions, so far as the public are concerned, will soon be the diiference in amount of their capitals. But what could the J^^egislature have done ? They could at least have left to (he creditors oi the banks, the remedy such as it was, to which by the charters of the banks, they were entitled, to enforce payment. They could have left to the banks the alternative of issuing as much paper as they were certain of being able without a ru- inous sacrifice to redeem ; and beyond this amount they ought never to issue ; or of shutting up shop. Had the last alternative been adopted, there is no doubt that individuals of responsibility would readily have accept- ed charters, on such terms as would supply the public with an adequate circulating medium, and leave the stockholders liable, as every man ought to be, to pay their debts ; where, as in case of bank bills, they re- ceive the consideration for which the bill is given. For proof of this rc- mai'k, I refer you to Stephen Girard, and .Jacob Barker, and I appeal to every man's common sense. If I hold the note of a man of known res- ponsibility, and I should not be apt to take the note of any other, my security consists in a lien upon his person and property, with a right to enforce payment, by imprisoning the one, and selling the other. If I hold a bank note, what is my security ? The property of the cor- poration. This may be, for aught I know, what lawyers call a legal en- tity ; but seldom has, I believe, an actual corporeal existence. It con- sists principally in debts due the bank; which are not liable to attach- ment. It is invisible and intangible : nor have I ever know n any mode adopted, by which it has been discovered and applied. Lord Coke says a corporation cannot be arrested, nor imprisoned : I presume too that it cannot abscond. Of course debts due to it cannot be taken by process of foreign attachment. The personal liability of the stockholders, by ren- dering them more cautious, v/ould doubtless render the stock less produc- tive than it has been, while the banks w ere free from that troubiesome circumstance in doing business, the necessity to pay their debts. But if banking business cannot be supported, without allowing the stockholders the privileges which the banks at this time exercise, it ought not to be supported. As it now exists, it is a public nuisance ; a direct and pal- pable sacrifice of the rights of the public to the interests of a few ; an evil which cannot long be tolerated. But it may be said, the banks in this State have redeemed t^ieir paper, or are ready to pay on request. By issuing the illegitimate kinds of bills before mentioned, they have drawn from circulation all the specie bills ; and our dependence non^ for a circulating medium is on the banks of New-York and New-Jersey. Of what importance to the public then, let me ask, are the banks in this State ? — If the banks are nothing more than incorporated boards of money-lenders ; if they are under no obliga- tion to furnish men of business with loans, nor the public with a circula- ting medium ;. I agree they would do a very foolish thing, should they is- sue the only legitimate kind of paper, bills payable in specie, on demand, at the bank ; while the legislature and the people are content with the trash, w^hich is sparingly dealt out to them. But what would you have the legislature do ? If banks are instituted only for the benefit of the stockholders, make the stockholders personally liable for the debts vi the bank ; and give every man the right to issue paper. (7) If banks arc public institutions; if" on tiiis ground tlie corporate pro- perty only is liable ; oblige them to discharge the duty tor nliich alone they were created ; or revoke their charters. Should this measure seem hazardous to the bank debtors, extend to them the same privilege which you have allowed the banks; an exemption from being hued, with a liability to pay nine per cent, interest ; or the right to pay their debts in paper of other banks.' The legitimate business of banks is very simple ; to furnish merchants with occasional aid, and the public with a paper medium which shall be the representative of gold and silver. To do this, requires no compiica- ted machinery, and no legislative interference. The circulation of pa- per will be more or less free, in proportion to the confidence which the holder feels that he can at pleasure convert it into specie. This confi- dence will at the same time, for most purposes of business, induce the holder to prefer this paper to specie ; and of course payment w ill rarely be demanded. To dispense with specie payments, while it drives specie from circulation, necessarily depreciates the paper currency. Notes of the Bank of England, at this time, bear a premium of two per cent, in Spanish milled dollars. The fear of bankruptcy is the best check which can be imposed on a bank, to prevent an excessive emission of paper. The only provision which can be of any importance to prevent the depreciation of paper, i* to leave the obligor liable to an unqualified obligation to make payment. IJe will then issue no more paper than he can rationally calculate on his ability to redeem. Like all other kinds of business, banking will experience fluctuations, and occasional losses by fraud and misfortune. But in hard times, Avhat- ever evils may result from an unlimited liability of the stockholders of banks, they will, it is believed, be found to be less than those which wilt- follow the adoption of an opposite system. It is hardly conceivable that a legislature so highly distinguished for wisdom, as for many years has been the legislature of this State, should, by a series merely of errors, have placed the people in their present un- fortunate situation. The banks hold a capital of nearly 6,000,000 of dollars, with the exclusive right of issuing a paper currency. For this immense sum they hold the notes of thousands of individuals, with the right to enforce payment in specie, at w hatcvcr sacrifice. The specie, or a large proportion of it, they have accumulated in their vaults : and, with the exception of two or three, have refused to pny their bills when presented. Yet no man can pay a debt in any thing except gold or silver, only by the lenity of his creditor. They all refuse to accommodate the merchant with loans, or the public with a currency which is of any value. In this condition immense sacrifices are daily made by debtors to dis- charge their debts; while the banks stand aloof, unconcerned spectators of this scene of distress and ruin, to which they have at least been acces- sary. If the legislature, as the guardians of the public welfare, had stood between the banks on the one hai*d, and the people on the other, would they aliO have regarded this state of things with inditierence ? Believing as I do that the legislature have neglected to occupy this post of duty, it is proper to inquire the cause. As it is apparent that the interest of the banks, if not promoted, is prejudiced in a much smaller degree than the interest of the people, by the present state of the paper currency ; that tbe legiilative lue&siurcs which Lave been adopted have had for their ob- ject (ho acconimoclation of tlic banks, and that no measures have been adopted which could in any degree relieve the people at the expence oi the banks ; a partiality lo the banks on the part of the legislature may be safely inferred. It may be said that the public interest requires that the banks should be protected in the selfish policy which they at present pur- sue ; that the evils which we experience are remediless: or that they will find a remedy in an approaching change in the course of business. Having no faith in the soundness of these reasons, I am induced to search for the true causes of this partiality in the more ordinary motives of human actions. A very general impression prevails, that the measures of the legislature in relation to banks, have been in a great degree subject to bank influence. To justify this opinion, the tendency of those measures uniiormly favorable to the banks, and the absence of any other sufficient known cause, would be strong presumptive evidence, in a ease where positive px'oof cannot be had. Let it also be remembered, that it stands before the public as a fact asserted, and not denied, that in the distribu- Jion of the stock of the Phcenix Bank a very large number of m.embers of Loth houses, who voted for the charter, were liberally supplied ; and that one gentleman, who was also a commissioner, helped himself and the members of his family to an amount nearly equal to his proportion of the whole amount of authorized bank capital in the State, if equally di- vided among the members of the legislature. Let it be also considered, that a large proportion of the members of both houses are holders of bank stock ; and a very superficial acquaintance with human nature w ill dis- cover, in the selfish and avaricious propensities of the heart, the true cau- ses why the interest of the banks is favoured by the legislature, to the prejudice of the people. Let it not be inferred from these remarks that 1 would consider a holder of bank stock ineligible to a seat in the le- gislature. My o!)ject at present is to discover the cause of that partiality to the interest of the banks which the measures of the legislature in rela- tion to them have clearly indicated. This being ascertained, and it ap- pearing further, that this partiality has influenced any member of the le- gislature to sacrifice the interest of the public to his own : that man is certainly unwoi-thy the confidence of the public. This selfish and partial policy in relation to banks, is only a continua- tion of the operation of the same principles to which they owe their ex- istence. It is possible that men who have been habitually accustomed to advocate the utility of banking institutions, might even at this day urge the creation of another bank in this State, on public considerations. Eut it is dilficult to conceive that any man, unbiassed by self-interest, can liavc supposed tiiat the public welfare has required any addition to the banking capital during the last ten years. The correctness of this re- mark is proved by a reference to the fact, that the banks established with- in this period have been granted on the petitions of individuals ; urged by the most able counsel ; seconded by the personal interest of men of the first respectability ; after repeated and importunate applications in some instances ; in some, backed by the most barefaced intrigue, and personal solicitation of the members of the assembly ; and finally by the undisguised olVer of a sum of money. It cannot be necessary to extend these remarks to prove that, in the creation of banks, and in the mea- sures of the legislature in relation to their concerns, the public interest has been in numcrou-; instances, and to an alarming degree, sacrificed to the ijiterest uf iiulividuals. from selfish and avaricious motives. (9) So far as public opinion has approved these measures, so far llie people not less than their representatives deserve blame. The silent acquies- cence which we witness in a state of things which has brought distress and embarrassment home to the doors of a largo portion of the commu- nity, I am aware is not evidence of approbation. Uncomplaining sub- mission to lawful authority is one among our steady habits. But on one subject, public opinion has been decidedly expressed ; and the inference to be drawn from it is, in my view, not only in a high degree derogatory to the general character of the State for correct principles, but subver- sive of the plainest principles of morality. During the late pressure in the pecuniary concerns of the country, and when the banks, assuming the guardianship of the public interest, refused to pay their debts, under the pretext of preventing the exportation of spe- cie ; the Hartford and Middletovvn banks, with many of the Eastern banks, formed a highly honorable exception. They resolved at every sa- crifice to pay their bills. But, strange as it may seem, a general clamour was raised against them, and to this plain act of duty was attributed in a great degree the multiplied embarrassments in which mercantile transac- tions were involved. It might I think be demonstrated that this clamor proceeded from men who appreciated but in a very imperfect degree, the obligation of paying debts ; that the true cause of the embarrassments of that period, are to be found in (he excessive antecedent emission of bank paper, connected with the sudden and unnecessary suspension of discounts, and the just want of confidence which the public ieit in men, who, while they avowed their ability to pay, entrenched themselves be- hind their charter privileges, and plainly told their creditors, it was un- safe to trust them with the money. The true reason why they did not pay their bills, waj doubtless be- cause, in their judgment, their interest was promoted in a greater degree by reiusing to pay. But admitting that these suppositions are groundless ; is the payment of debts matter of expediency, and not of obligation ? Is it optionol with the debtor to pay, or refuse ? Is he under no moral obligation to pay? Is it a sufficient reason for his refusal, that he cannot obtain the money without a sacrifice, much less that he has reason to suspect that the credi- tor will waste the money ? Was it of no consequence that public confi- dence in bank paper should be preserved unimpaired / Was it not of the highest importance, to guard against a precedent so fatal to a paper cur- rency ? At any rate, ought a man to be blamed for performing his promise, when he chooses to make a sacrifice, rather than fail in the perfoiinance ? This and no more the specie paying banks have done. And though it may be truly said, " they have done no more than that which it was theirduty to do;" yet so auspicious to public morality is the example, contrasted with its opposite, that a reimbursement by the Legislature of the sacrifices which they have made, would seem to be an act of policy, if not of justice. For this purpose an appropriation of the Phoenix Bo- nus may almost seriously be advised. This measure would at once rid the treasury of this ill-gotten booty ; square all accounts with bonks and bank influence ; and aft'ord satisfactory evidence of a radical reforma- tion of principle. While the bare recollection of this Bonus, this Pandora's box, is associ- ated with all that is selfish, avaricious, or corrupt ; it stares ua in the face, B ( 10 ) with iiill prooforour political upgeneracy — audit deserves iiion^, par(ic- ular consideration from the importance which it has assumed, as a subject of controversy between those who have heretofore co-operated in the sup- port of principles which they professed to believe sound. I do not pro- pose to comment on the impolicy, or the immorality of the act of the Le- gislature, by whicli a premium, was taken for establishing a bank ; nor to discuss the question wlielher the State has an exclusive and unqualitied right to the money. These subjects are familiar to all ; and in my judg- ment, are too plain to require a discussion. But if it be true that in his capacity as a member of the body politic, every freeman is bound by the obligation of an oath, to promote, according to his ability, the best good of the State ; if he is not at liberty to vote as whim or caprice may suggest; if it be a violation of his oath to vote in support of his private interest, when that comes in collision with the general good ; it may be well to inquire of what political household are those of your number who gave their votes at the last election for Oliver Wolcott. Did they " in their consciences judge" that his election " would conduce to the best good of the State ?" Did they believe him more deserving of their confidence and respect, for talents, integrity, and sound moral and religious princi- ples, than our worthy chief magistrate ? Or rather, did not they, or at least many of them, believe that by co-operating with that class of free- men who justify every act which tends to strengthen their party, they should secure to their favorite candidate, the honor and the salary of the second ofiice in the State, and extort from the fears of their lormer friends, or tiie gratitude of their new allies, a fund for the exclusive bene- fit of their religious denomination ? Let them decide. I impeach not the motives of any denomination of men. My remarks are confined to indi- viduals ; and each individual may be designated, and tried, by a stand- ard which is infallible. If he gave his suffrage for the man whose election he in his conscience believed would conduce to " the best good of the .State," he is an honest man. No matter whether he is a democrat or a federalist, a congregationalist or a churchman ; he did his duty. But let him bear what name he v. ill, if with a knowledge of his duty he failed to romote the views of liis party, and his own aggrandizement ; who respected no rights which stood in competition witli his interest or ambition ; a man to love and respect whom, would require in those who revered the principles of Washington, a union of capacity to serve in the cause of truth and false- hood, which is the charactciistic only of finished baseness. Yet this pro- ject was regarded as the oft^>pring of deep political wisdom, and receiv- ed your approbation. But did it not most clearly prove that your pre- tensions to a higher degree of political purity than you would allow (o your opponents, were unfounded ? That you were ca])able, under the solemn obligation of an oath, of giving your suffrages for a nsan preemi- nent for his opposition to the principles wliicli you had ever professed to revere ? That you could degrade yourselves by this humiliating act, for no better reason, it may be feared, than that in the event of his election, you might by special grace and favor share in the oflices and emoluments from which you had been driven by the base intrigues and misrepresen- tations of himself, and his political friends ? In tine;, that your political principles were of sucji an accommodating character, that you could sub- stitute for them a miserable expedient ; or like the hypocritical preten- der to superior sanctity, compose them to rest, when interest or conven- ience reipiired. Let me not be understood to impute to the electors cor- rupt motives. Their decision was in my Judgment an error, and founded on principles, of which the ajiplicatiou must ultimately prove destructive to the right ofsuflVage, by sporting with it as interest or expediency may bo supposed to require. In the application of the principles which I have assumed, and which I believe to be correct, it becomes my duty to notice the recent ctMiductof your representatives in Congress, on the subject of their compensation. It is not important to enquire whether the amount is too large. More, than twenty-six years sinct,', the compensation to niendjers of Congress- was estal)lished by law. When the present members were elected, this w-as well known to them, and to their constituents. No known causo exists, which requires an increase of this compensation, which has not existed for eight or ten years past. Was there not then a contract im- plied from these facts, limiting the amount of their compensation ? Should a farmer hire a laborer for one year at t«n dollars a montli ; and should the laborer w ithout any new agreement, continue in the same employnncnt ten years, having received monthly the same wages for ni?u; years ; would law or justice support him in demanding at the expiration of the tenth year, tor the same service, 15 or 20 dollar^ per month ? Clear- ( 12) ]y not. In the case under consideration, the increase of wages is less reasonable, because the amount was established by a law ; which having the assent of both parties, was in form and substance an express contract between the representative and the constituent, and continued obligatory up to the moment when it was annulled by the act of one party. I deny not the right of Congress to regulate their own compensation. So clear is this, that had they voted to themselves a salary of 15,000 instead of 1600 dollars, the law would have been constitutional. And for this rea- son it is peculiarly important that, in the exercise of an unlimited power to take money from the treasury for their personal benefit, they proceed with caution. Here, if aHy where, vigilance becomes the duty of the people ; because here, more than anywhere else, a dangerous temptation is presented to the avaricious. Had Congress believed an increase of the compensation of the members to be necessary, and been free from the in- lliience of selfish motives, it would have been easy to have deferred the operation of the law to the commencement of the next Congress. By the constitution, the salaries of the judges can neither be inci'eased nor di- ininished during their continuance in office. An amendment extending the same provision to members of congress, who are entrusted to regulate their own compensation, is certainly not less necessary. This measure is also exceptionable, as giving a permanent salary to a description of persons whose continuance in office is limited to a short period, and whose services cannot be from their nature ascertained. They may employ the representative six weeks, or six months in the year. In the one case the compensation would be reasonable, in the oth- er extravagant. A per diem allowance of sufficient amount, would, after the services have been rendered, and are ascertained, do justice to both parties. This has ever been the rule of compensation in the United JStates, and in the several States, as far as I am informed ; and it is be- lieved that no precedent exists, where the members of a Legislative body elected for a shorter period than their natural lives, and whose services are uncertain and incapable of limitation, have voted to themselves an an- nual salary. But this law deserves more serious consideration, as affor- ding alarming evidence of the prevalence of selfish and avaricious mo- tives in the members of the National Legislature. When we calculate the immense sum of money annually collected from the people, and dis- tributed among the multitude of persons, who, under different pretexts are in the pay of the government, we almost doubt the truth of a fun- damental article in our political creed, which we once thought self-evi- dent, " that government is instituted for the benefit of the people ?" So far are our heads turned by the sti-ange perversion of political opinion which prevails at the present day ; and so far are our judgments influen- ced by the operatipn of selfish motives, and the force of example, that we are almost prepared to assent to the contrary position ; and to pronounce that correct in principle, which we know to be true in fact, that " the people were made, and are used for the benefit of the government." The extravagance of the public expenditure, in the army and navy, and in ev- ery branch of the executive department, has for some years past excited considerable attention. Indeed, some faint attempts have been at different times made by Cou'^ress, to remedy the evil. But the investigations have been languid, and the remedies superficial. The mound which confined the waters is broken, and the deluge is rapidly «iverflovving the country. ( 13) To whom, but to our representatives can uc look, nt a crisis so alarmincj, for aid to stop the " crevasse." What thtn is our condition when, in- stead of aftbrding us aid, they are eagerly employed in enlarging the. breach I They were elected by the people as their representatives ; and to act for the benefit of the people. When they cease to do this, and set up business for their own benefit, though at the expense of their tm- j)loyers, they cease to be the representatives of the peojde. Yet as they may have acted under the influence of some considerations, of which wc areignorant, or to which we perhaps do not give a just weight ; it would be injustice to forget their former services ; to disregard their merit, and jLliscard them from our confidence, fur a single error. Men of talents and virtue are too rare, and human nature is too liable to fall into errors to render it just, or expedient to punisti capitally the tirst ofl'encc. This strange abberation of our representatives may perhaps with propriety' be attributed to a temporary derangement ; and, in analogy to the conmion mode of treatment prescribed for insane patients, water gruel and a. strait jacket would doubtless be benclicial applications. Should you transfer them to the Council, with the Governour on one side, and the people on the other, no danger need be apprehended from their having loo much liberty, while their compensation, compared with their present fat salaries, might very feelingly be considered as " meagre diet." By this act, the people would bear a solemn testimony to their disapproba- tion of the conduct of their representatives in Congress ; a testi- mony which would long be remembered, and which would operate as a check upon the influence of selfish, and avaricious, and corrupt prin- ci|)les in the conduct of our rulers, more effectually than any pains or penalties which the law could inflict. In proportion as the operation of this measure would be beneficial, w ill their re-elcctiou prove injurious to your most valuable rights. It will be proof positive that you consider the public revenue as free plunder; of- fices and the salaries annexed as designed for the benefit of those who can get possession of them ; and that you are content, as often as avarice and corruption render it needful, to replenish the exhausted coffers of the treasury. This measure would also greatly im))rove the nomination for Assistants, and enable us at the next election to select a Council wiiich would do ho- nour to the State. I shall not, I trust, be considered as wanting in res- pect to any individual in that honorable body, in suggesting the expedi- encj' of a partial change, which has not only occurred to the minds of a very large proportion of Iheir real friends, but the absolute necessity of •«vliich has become apparent. At a time like the present, when the friends of sound principles, disheartened by a long succession of adverse events, are almost willing to recede from the coritest ; when faction and intrigue are using the most vigorous exertions to disunite them ; and a united and f)ersevering effort of their whole number alone can save the State ; the se- ection of candidates lor office is of the first importance. They must be men in whose success the freemen feel a deej) interest ; in whose support they will consider it an honour to themseJves to be active and in earnest. And, connected with the consideration that those who have long, and with comparatively little cause for censure, discharged the duties of that honorable station, have not, by any splendid display of superior talents, established an exclusive title to govern the State ; 1 niay be allowed Xn ( n ) say, that the novelty of the measure v/ou!d recommend it to the adoptioi; of maiiy. Such is human nature; and even should the proposed chan-ae not have the merit of an improvement, it probably would have the effect to excite increased aitention. To those gentlemen whose probationary state in (he nomination seems, from a review of tiieir progress, likely to be extended beyond the ordinary term of human life, it must be an acceptable service to take their names from a station in which ihey were placed without their consent; and save them the pain of a semi-annual exposui'e to the sneers of their enemies ; 6r what is vvorse, the cold commendations of their lukewarm friends. From motives as disinterested and as honorable as any by wiiich he is capable of being influenced, the writer has taken the liberty to submit to lijs fe'low-citizens these remarks, fand to call their attention to the sub- joined lists of candidates. He is aware that this measure may be disap- proved by some whom he highly respects, and would be very unhappy to offend : but in the present state of things he does believe a change to be indispensable. The change here proposed he believes to be preferable to any other. His reasons in detail might imply a want of respect to in- dividuals, not less repugnant to his own feelings than to established deco- rum. The general objects v/hich he proposes to himself are — 1. To give a decided expression of public disapprobation of every act of our rulf-rs, in which they have sacrificed the interest of their constitu- ents to personal considerations ; which may serve as a reproof to them, and a caution to their successors. 2. To place on record a memorial of the fundamental truth, that gov- ernment is instituted for the benefit of the people. 3. To evince that, while the people will defend their rights (if neces- sary) against their rulers, they will not descend to the injustice of discard- ing, lor a single error, men whose talents, virtues, and services deserve their confidence and respect. 4. To reclaim for the people the right of making all nominations to of- fice ; a right which is, and in all cases ought to be, exclusively theirs. 5. To set the example, as far as present circumstances will warrant, of jilacing on the nomination no man whom we do not consider fit for the office for which he is nojninated. 6. To improve the Council and the representation in Congress. 7. To prove that in Connecticut the tenure of office in the gift of the Freemen is not for lite, hut during good behaviour. The writer does not contemplat(> the establishment of any new party ; fcv to draw any artiticial line of division. The line which ought to exist Letween the good and the l>ad ; between those who seek to promote the public good and those who seek to promote their own interest by sacri- licing the interest oi' the people ; has in his opinion become indistinct, ;ind jis '\i\ danger of being obliterated. This line he is anxious to preserve bright and visjble. Though he regards with horror the strong evidences fif public degeneracy which exist on all sides, he has no doubt that the Hicnds of sound principles, if united, constitute, at least in this State, a respectable majority. Let us make the oxpeliment. No other object of equal importance demands at this time our attention. The friends of the administration of the general government have nothing to fear. The Vir- ginia dynasty is loo well established to ask the aid, or fear the efforts of ( 15) its friends or enemies in New-England. The mantle of Madison will fall as a matter of course on James Monroe, and ail the disciples of Jef- fprson will doubtless " say Amek." Those of us who'are weak in the faith, who believe neither in his talents nor integrity, intend" no opposi- tion. We submit to this political visitation as to many mysterious dis- pensations of Providence in the natural world, which are to us inscruta- ble, •miess considered in the old-fashioned way, as a punishment far ©ur trans-rressions ; indulginit only the humble hope that, in his great for- bearance, we may not be subjected to conscrijjticMi in time of peace. While they are thus gratified lo the utmost extent of their wishes, in the administration of the general government ; it must be allowed that their prospects in this State are less pleasing. It is not possible that they can feel a very deep interest in the election of an Episcopalian, or in be- ing able as a make-weight to turn the scale in tavov of one of two C'ongre- gationalists, which seems at present to be the heighlh of the vocation to which they are about tube called. Among their number, are many who doubt the correctness of prostituting in this manner, the rJght of suffrage, rendered sacred by the obligation of an oath ; and very many who heart- ily despise, as unworthy the dignity of their characters as men, the pet- ty contest in which they are permitted to volunteer, lo promote the views of others. To such men, is it not a favorable opportinuty to recur to first principles ; xo purge the errors of the existing government ; and in their political conduct to regard not the success of any particular party, but the " good of the State ?" Will they hesitate to give to the friends of sound principles in every parly, a pledge of their sincerity, by uniting in sup- port of a ticket formed to demonstrate the great truth, that "• the govem- inen is made for the people, not the people for the government ?" To those who have su})ported the existing government in this State, these considerations apply themselves with increased weight. If con- vinced that the powers which they have given, have been abused, it is their duty to reform the error. Failing to do this, they become responsi- ble for the faults of their agents, which they refuse to disavow and cor- rect ; and to them may with great propriety be addressed the language of reproof, " What do ye more than others?" To the writer the time seems to have arrived, when this disavowal and this correction arc indis- pensable. We have advanced in the progress of avarice, and self-interest, from one step to another, till the olliees of government are considered only as private property, and the election of our rulers, has become with all par- ties, in a greater or less degree, the subject of calculation and compro- mise. One denomination of christians is arrayed against another; and the aid ot the vicious and unprincipled, is eagerly accepted to decide the controversy. Those who delight in discord and confusion, are all on the alert. And what is the mighty cause of all this uproar ? A sum of mo- ney ! ! Yes ! and a sum less in amount than the yearly expences of a southern planter. Let any rational man look at this degrading spectacle ; Ijc cannot but despise it. AirI shall we temporize with this state of things ? Shall we endeavour to palliate with expedients, the evils which threaten us ? Shall we for a moment permit the sentiment to gain ground, that we fear any combi- nation which can be formed on a basis so scllish, so contemptible ? No! li we must have parties and divisions, let thciu be only between the gooJ ( 16) and the bad ; between *' the best good of the State" on one hand, and the cravings of avarice and self-interest on the other. In this contest let the friends of sound principles be united, and in earnest, and they have nothing to fear. JVomination for Jlssistcmfs, For September, 1816. JONATHAN BRACE, ELIZUR GOODRICH, MATTHEW GRISWOLD, FREDERICK WOLCOTT, ROGER M. SHERMAN, SAMUEL W. JOHNSON, NOAH B.BENEDICT, WILLIAM PERKINS, BENJAMIN TALLMADGE, TIMOTHY PITKIN, JONATHAN O. MOSELY, LYMAN LAW, LEWIS B. STURGES, EPAPHRODITUS CHAMPION, ELIAS PERKINS, SHUBAEL GRISWOLD, ASA CHAPMAN, DANIEL PUTNAM, JACOB B. GURLEY, WILLIAM T. WILLIAMS. CANDIDATES FOR ELECTION As Representatives of the people of this State in the Congress of the United States, in SeptemberflQl6. SYLVANUS BACKUS, SAMUEL B. SHERWOOD, CHARLES DENISON, NATHANIEL TERRY, URIEL HOLMES, EBENEZER HUNTINGTON^ ASA BACON, Jun. T. G. Woodward^ Print. J^ew-Haven. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS