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EIGHTEEN 
 
 PRESIDENTS. 
 
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 By W. A. TAYLOR. 
 
 J.J-1 V w- - Y 
 
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 PRINTED BY BARK & MYERS, CORNER WOOD STREET AND VIRGIN ALLEY. 
 
 1876. 
 
EIGHTEEN PRESIDENTS 
 
 CONTEMPORANEOUS RULERS. 
 
 I. 
 
 As we are now entering upon the celebration of the one linn- 
 dredth anniversary of our Independence Day, which will occur on 
 the Fourth of July, 1876, a brief review of our past history, as 
 regards those who have ruled us during the century cannot but be 
 appropriate. 
 
 Thirteen years after the date of our '■ Declaration," having 
 established a Constitution, whicli superseded our Articles of Con- 
 federation, — whicli thougli not " without form " were very nearly 
 "void," as lar as their injunctions and requisitions on tlie States 
 were regarded, — thirteen years after the " Declaration," our first 
 President was inaugurated. As the present incumbent will be 
 President until tlie 4th of March, 1877, and continue in office dur- 
 ing the Centennial period, it is proposed to briefly sketcli each of 
 our eighteen Chief Magistrates, who tiiey were, how tliey were 
 " armed and equipped " for their great offices, and liow each ob- 
 tained his distinguished lionors; with brief reference, by way of 
 parallel, to the contemporaneous rulers of the leading powers of 
 Europe. ^ 
 
 It would seem that the hereditary rulers of tlie Old World, 
 about the time we had, through eight years of suffering and sacri- 
 fice, and the life-blood of thousands of brave men, secured the right 
 to select our own rulers, were worse than the average of those wlio 
 claim to rule bv divine right. 
 
In a letter written in 1810, Mr. Jetferson, wlio was in Paris dnr- 
 ing the French Revolntion, and whose active and comprehensive 
 mind was able to take in the mo^t complete view of the sitnation, 
 when the thrones beaan to totter, thus sketches the reioniiijT gov- 
 ereigns of Europe when the agitation in France began : 
 
 " I often amused mj^self witli contemplating tlie characters of the 
 then reigning sovereigns of Europe. Louis XVI. was a fool of my 
 own knowledge, and despite the answers made for him at his trial. 
 The King of Spain was a fool, and of Naples the same. The3' 
 passed their lives in hunting, and dispatched two couriers a week 
 one thousand miles, to let each other know what game they had 
 killed the preceding days. The King of Sardinia was a fool. All 
 these were Bourbons. The Queen of Portugal, a Braganza, was an 
 idiot Ity nature. And so was the King of Denmark. Their sons, 
 as Regents, exercised the powers of government. The King of 
 Prussia, son of the Great Frederick, was a mere hog in l)ody as 
 well as in mind, Gustavus, of Sweden, and Joseph of Austria, 
 were really crazy, and George of England, you know, was in a 
 straight waistcoat. [His son was made Regent after tliis was writ- 
 ten.] There remained, then, none but old Catharine (of Russia,) 
 who had been too latelj^ picked up to have lost her common sense. 
 In this state Bonaparte found Europe, and it was this state of its 
 rulers that lost it with scarcely a struggle." 
 
 The catalogue was no doubt trutlifully given, and we must a<l- 
 mit that the list on which old "Catharine" stands at the head, 
 could not be very remarkable for either good morals, talents or ed- 
 ucation. But for the present we shall consider our own rulers. 
 
 I. 1789-1791. With George Washington for our first President 
 we began our new experiment in the manner of choosing rulers, 
 taking the surest possible mode^ as all the world then thought, 
 of selecting the " fittest." 
 
 That Washington was the best fitted man tlien living for the 
 place to whicli he was called, there are none now so captious as to 
 dispute. Those who questioned whether he did the best that could 
 be done, either as Commander-in-Chief, or as President, were silenc- 
 ed and borne down by the grandeur, dignity and severe justice of 
 his character and the great results of his administration, and the 
 bitter things men said of him, when remembered at all, are regret- 
 ted and forgiven. If ever a man tried to be impartial, and act 
 without passion and partizanship in public affairs, that man was 
 George Washington. He certainly was a measureless height 
 
above any (/Iiief Magistrate or Ruler of any other country eon- 
 temporary with liim. Tliere is no doubt tliat lie was a Federalist 
 in polities — that he believed that the preponderance of power 
 should be in the Central Government — but he had presided over 
 the Convention which framed the Constitution, — he knew the feel- 
 ings, purposes and desires of the members, and, while he feared 
 that our plan of government was, perhaps, an exi)eriment that 
 would fail, he would have given, as he said in calm determination, 
 his " last drop of blood " to ensure it a fair trial. 
 
 His personal dignity ; his laborious and attentive official habits ; 
 his severe economy in the expenditure of the public moneys ; his 
 detestation of favoritism and nepotism ; his contempt for those 
 who " crooked the pregnant hinges of the knee that thrift might 
 follow fawning," all marked him as possessing the qualities needed 
 for the first President of the United States, in the then peculiar con- 
 dition of their internal policy, of their Treasury and of their rela- 
 tions to the world at large ; and eminently the man to set a fitting 
 and commanding example to all his successors so long as the 
 Republic shall continue to exist. 
 
 II. 1797-1801. John Adams was inaugurated in 1797. Other 
 men, perhaps, did as much as he to light the revolutionary flame 
 and feed it with the substantial fuel of solid and profound and pol- 
 ished argument, but none labored more constantly and eifectively. 
 He was a scholar, a statesman and an orator of the first attain- 
 ments. 
 
 Whether painful experience of the loose, ill-settled and worse ob- 
 served sanctions of the Articles of Confederation, or from a limited 
 confidence in the capacity of man for self-government, or from 
 both these causes combined, he honestly believed that the Federal 
 power should i)redominate over State in almost everj-thing, and he 
 spared no pains, while he was President, to make the strong hand 
 of the central government felt everyvvhere. 
 
 His interpretation of the Presidential duty was rejected by the 
 people, and if he made the Federal power to be feared during his 
 term, he also provoked toward it general resistance and detesta- 
 tion. But apart from the tendency to encourage the perhaps too 
 rapid acquisition of a national naval armament, his administration 
 was not extravagant. And wiiile he yielded less to the popular 
 demand for power than Jeflerson, he never looked upon the people 
 as proper subjects for pecuninry speculation and spoliation. 
 
Hu went down because his theory of administering the govern- 
 ment was not popular, — his administration was certainly vigorous, 
 — and believing that the British Constitution was the best form of 
 government ever devised by the wit of man, — and preferring the 
 British nation to his own, his partiality to that country, its peo- 
 ple and its government, was so marked as to call forth much censui'e 
 upon Mr. Adams and his administration. 
 
 III. 1801-1809. In 1801, Thomas Jefferson came into power 
 after a severe contest, in which, owing to the machinations of the 
 bad and brilliant Aaron Burr, he succeeded by o??e vote only, 
 although but for Burr's defection, he would have had a decided ma- 
 jority. He )"epresented those who claimed that the preponderance 
 of power should be retained by the States and the State govern- 
 ments, in preference to centralizing it at the Federal metropolis. 
 That the people would have a more strict accountability from their 
 agents, the closer those agents were to those whom they served. 
 That nothing should be done by the Federal authority that could 
 be done by the people in townships, cities or States 
 
 Mr. Jefferson had given the entire labor of his life, and of his 
 great abilities to the popular " home rule " side of this then novel 
 theory of government. Although bred to the law, he was more of 
 a statesman, thinker and writer, tlian liis predecessor, Mr. Adams, 
 whose great force lay in his eloquence and lesal learning. Besides 
 the famous '•' Peclaration of Independence," his contributions, the 
 statute books and Constitutions, both in his own State and in the 
 United States, are rich in legacies of his learning, and his pro- 
 found and ingenious intellect. 
 
 He was a man of varied and extraordinary acquirements, — his 
 forecast was wonderfid, — and whoever has read his predictions 
 as to certain measures of government, and particularly as to the 
 result of African slavery in this country, Avill be struck witli won- 
 der at his prophetic wisdom. 
 
 lY. 1809 — 1817. By his studies and experiences James Madi- 
 son was eminently qualified for the Presidential office. He was, 
 perhaps, the most attentive, laborious and pains-taking member of 
 tlie Convention which framed the Constitution, and he well deserves 
 the title of " Father of the Constitution." The only reliable and 
 correct record of the proceedings of the Conventions was kept 
 by him. Jefferson's Secretary of State for the entire term of eight 
 years of his Presidential service, he was through life the trusted 
 friend of the sage and seer of Mouticello. 
 
9 
 
 The second wa,r with Great Britain was agitated, declared, 
 fought and finished during liis two terms, and the issue was consid- 
 ered triumpliant by liis own nation and by the world. He was a 
 most careful ruler, and was even thought to be a timid one, by cer- 
 tain dashing and demonstrative spirits, but he left behind him the 
 reputation of an honest, wise and competent Chief Magistrate. 
 
 Y. 1817 — 1825. James Monroe was elected and served his 
 two terms during what was designated as "the era of good feeling " 
 between the old and contending parties, but at the same time it 
 was marked with a general depression of trade, manufactures and 
 general business, consequent upon the exhausting effects ot the 
 war. Mr. Monroe was in the public service, either in a military' or 
 civil capacity almost constantly from the breaking out of the 
 Revolutionary war. 
 
 He entered the American arni}^ at the age of 18, studied law with 
 Jefferson, with whom he continued in the closest intimacy until 
 Jefferson's decease. He was considered a safe and a successful, but 
 not a brilliant statesman, and he had graduated at the feet of his 
 two eminent predecessors. 
 
 Thus far the Presidents had come from the active Revolutionary 
 generation. Each of them had shared in the first struggle with 
 Great Britain, and had borne a prominent part in it; some of them 
 were distinguished in tlie second contest with that power. They 
 were all soldiers who had fought side by side in ' the cause of man- 
 kind," which the American Revolution has always been truly 
 called. They had battled for more than the mere " Independence " 
 of tlie country from Great Britain. They had founded and reared 
 an entirely new system of government, 
 
 YI. 1825-1829. With Mr. Monroe, the old Revolutionary gener- 
 ation went out of tlie Presidency, and in 1825, John Quincy 
 Adams, son of the second President, was inaugurated the sixth. 
 His capacity to perform the duties of the office, we suppose has 
 never been seriously called in question. The companion and pupil 
 of his father while he was a Foreign Minister, he learned the ways 
 of diplomacy', and of the Chief Magistracy, as less favored men 
 learn the profession by which they expect to gain their livelihood, 
 their fortune or their fame. 
 
 He was the only one of all our Presidents, indeed, who had 
 served an " apprenticeship " in the art and mystery of governing a 
 great nation, Tliat he was proud of the rare distinction of having 
 2 
 
U) 
 
 l)C;en promoted to ihe exulted pltice his tiitliev had occupied, there 
 can be no doubt, and howcA'^er men may think of the accident 
 or the manner of his advancement, or of the remarkable and 
 startling change of views that followed ; none will dispute his 
 acquaintance with the details of the duties he was called upon to 
 perform, nor of his fair intentions to perform his duty well. 
 
 VII. 1829-183*7. In 1828, after a political campaign of unprece- 
 dented bitterness, which had lasted for four years, Andrew 
 Jackson was elected to the Presidency, and installed in office in 
 1829. He had been a law Judge aud a Senator of the United 
 States. He had, during his entire life, taken an active interest in 
 public affairs, as his letters to President Monroe and other writings 
 and doings of his, abundantly show. But to this must be added the 
 fame and prestige of a most successful military career, which 
 marked him as one emiuentl}^ fitted to be a ruler of men. His 
 official period was signalized by tlie most exciting political discus- 
 sions wherein he was alwa3'S a central figure, showing that he was 
 entitled to the honors of a successful leader in peace as well as in 
 war. 
 
 VIII. 183^-1841. The successor of the nervous and indomitable 
 Jackson, was Martin Van Buren, an aspiring and an untiring- 
 politician, 
 
 "Who scorned dehghts and lived laborious days," 
 
 in the pursuit of a laudable ambition. He was an accomplished 
 professor of the science of government, who fought his way inch 
 by inch to the highest place in the people's gift. He was a wary 
 and a careful manager, who knew his own purposes and the reasons 
 for his decisions, and was not to be easily turned aside from them. 
 He retired from office, and no just reproach could be cast upon his 
 name or official conduct 
 
 IX. 1841. William Henry Harrison was President for but a 
 single month. It is not probable that he ever aspired to the Presi- 
 dency, or had prepared his mind by thought and study for its great 
 responsibilities. He had neither opportunity, nor inducement nor 
 suggestion to do so ; indeed, as all his predecessors had from asso- 
 ciation or from the concurrence of favorable circumstances, or as in 
 the case of Jackson an ardent, loud and long continued popular 
 attachment. It was the misfortunes, or unpopularity, or ill-luck of 
 Van Buren and his own negative qualities, in contrast with the 
 positive qualities of Gen. Jackson, that made Gen. Harrison Presi- 
 dent. But the office hunters worried the mild, 'brave man to death 
 in a sinolo month. 
 
11 
 
 X. 1841-1845. John Tyler, elected Vice-President on tlie ticket 
 with Harrison, became his constitutional successor, l^ike all of his 
 predecessors except Washington, Jackson and Harrison, he had 
 been reared to politics and state-craft. He had been Governor of 
 Virginia, and a Senator from that State, and had held other im- 
 portant public positions. He may have dreamed of becoming 
 President before he was nominated for Vice-President, bnt it is 
 not likely that he even did that. He served a stormy term, a 
 faithful, honest, but much abused oflicer. A little too anxious 
 perhaps for a renomination, but retiring with dignity and lionor, 
 if not without chagrin at the failure of the good luck which had 
 made him President. 
 
 XI. 1845-1849. James Knox Polk was elected to the Presidency 
 in 1844. His nomination was somewhat unexpected, perhaps to 
 those who had no idea of voting for any candidate of his party, 
 but he had been successful in political life, had large experience as 
 Governor of Tennessee, and Speaker of the House. He pleased his 
 party as candidate and justified their fondest expectations as Chief 
 Magistrate, surrounding himself with an able Cabinet of Coun- 
 sellors. The war with Mexico was successfully fought under his 
 Administration, and a rich empire added to our territorial domin- 
 ions. 
 
 XII. 1849-1850. Zachary Taylor, the twelfth President, owed 
 his nomination entirely to his great military fame, and his election 
 to the fact that the party opposed to him had two candidates in the 
 field. He never had any desire or opportunity to become ac- 
 quainted with the civil affairs of government, inasmuch as he was 
 a soldier "in the tented field" from his youth, and nothing but a 
 soldier by nature, education and training. He, too, like Harrison, 
 it is thought, was a prey to the voracious and ignoble arni}^ of 
 office hunters who beseiged him continually for the fifteen months 
 that he held |)Ower. There was little to create excitement or call 
 fortli much political anxiety during his term, save the " wild hunt " 
 for office. His fame and reputation were therefore unaffected by 
 his brief possession of the Presidental Office. 
 
 XIII. 1850-1853. Millard Fillmore became the constitutional 
 successor of President Taylor. Very exciting (Questions arose 
 during his term of office, which he treated with dignity, if not with 
 statesmanship. Mr. Fillmore, like Mr. Tyler, his forerunner in the 
 way of becoming President, not by election, but by constitutional 
 prescripti(m, had liardly expected tliat he would ever attain that 
 
12 
 
 much coveted position. But he acquitted himself well, as a con- 
 scientious, sensible man, thoroughly acquainted with legislation and 
 general political principles might be expected to do. 
 
 XIV. 1853-1851. With the retiracy of Mr. Fillmore, Franklin 
 Pierce came to the Presidency. He enjoyed considerable local 
 popularity; had been Governor, Senator, &c., and was always a pop- 
 ular man in his State and partj^ He had sufficient political 
 sagacity and experience to surround himself with competent 
 advisors, and his Administration was successful. 
 
 XV. 185*7-1861. It must be said of James Buchanan, that he 
 long and persistently aspired to the Presidency, and that duriiig his 
 protracted period of public service he endeavored to qualify him- 
 self by all the means at his command, (and they were abundant ) for 
 the performance of the functions of the Chief Executive. He had 
 been Congressman, Senator, Secretar}^ of State, ^Minister to Eng- 
 land, &c., &c. 
 
 It will not be disputed, we suppose, that Mr, Buchanan was a 
 man whose qualifications and experience might warrant him in 
 seeking for the Presidency, without the blame of presumption. His 
 Presidential term was full of perplexity and trouble, and the 
 very opposite opinions held as to the merits of his official conduct, 
 will probably never be reconciled, at least for years to come. 
 
 XVI. 1861-1865. Like the nominations of Polk, Pierce and 
 Taylor, the nomination of Abraham Lincoln was unexpected ; the 
 result, perhaps, of envy^ which even more than ingy-atitude, is the 
 ruling vice in Republics. Accident favored him as much in his 
 election as it did in his nomination. The dissensions of the oppos- 
 ing party made him President, although in a minority of a million 
 on the popular vote. And in regard to his Administration, like that 
 of Mr. Buchanan's, the minds ot men are not likely soon to be 
 harmonized. 
 
 XVII. 1865-1869. The cold-blooded and cruel assassination of 
 President Ijincoln, made Andrew Johnson the constitutional Presi- 
 dent. It is not probable that he would ever have been taken up for 
 President, by either party, although he had acted with both. The 
 sio-nal failure of his attempt to build up a following for himself 
 that would re-elect him, proves this. His practical knowledge of 
 political affairs would have enabled him to do inucli good in the 
 settlement of the absorbing questions that followed the war, if, 
 instead of striking out for the gratification of his selfish personal 
 
13 
 
 ambition, he had devoted himself to " Reconstruction " ([uestions 
 alone. Besides this, he was very unjustly treated by tlie majority 
 in Congress. 
 
 XVIII. 1869-187Y Ulysses S. Grant, the present incumbent, 
 is the eighteenth and last on the list. Some epigrammatic writer 
 observes that '• no prominent man in a civil war, ever gains so much 
 fame or fortune as he that ends it." To President Grant was 
 accorded with singular unanimity, the credit of triumphantly conclu- 
 ding our late civil war. To him Gen. Lee surrendered the sword of 
 the Confederac}', and other fortuitous events conspired to make him 
 successful in a canvass for the Presidency. The war lasted four 
 years, and Johnson's term lasted four years longer. During most of 
 that time Grant never remotely imagined that, he would become 
 President. 
 
 His nomination was as unexpected, one year before it was made, 
 as any event ever was in the life of any man however favored by 
 fortune. The writer, who expects nothing personally beneficial to 
 himself, from any President, ma}' be pardoned for expressing the 
 the opinion that no man ever filled the Presidential chair, who had 
 less natural capacit}^, or less preparation for the high position. As 
 he did not originally aspire to it, he does not seem to feel under 
 obligations to do an3'tliing to fit himself for its duties. His Admin- 
 istration will, we feel assured, be considered an unsatisfactory one, 
 not only to those who are opposed to him in jiolitics, but to those 
 who are measurably or wholly non-partisan, and even to those who 
 elected him. 
 
 II. 
 
 In considering how our eighteen Presidents were elected, it may 
 be said that Washington, Adams and JefiJerson were chosen candi- 
 dates, the first, by unamimous popular indication and consent, and 
 the second and third as the acknowledged leaders of the parties 
 that put them forward. 
 
 There is no reason why either of these might not have looked 
 forward to the acquisition of the Presidential office. But it is not 
 charged that either of the three intrigued for the position, or prac- 
 ticed the arts of flattery or demagoguism to obtain it The nom- 
 inations of Madison and Monroe were made by the Administrations 
 in power, and by their supporters in Congress, which last arranged 
 many things, as was alleged, by a secret j^arty conil)iii:iti()n called 
 
u 
 
 "King Caucus" by those of the opposing party, and even by tliosc 
 of its own party who did not And favor in the e3^es of that same 
 " King." 
 
 It seemed to be the idea of these caucus managers that men who 
 were near the Executive, generally the Secretary of State, we be- 
 lieve, would make safe Presidents, and they alleged that in main- 
 taining that sort of succession they were keeping in the " line of 
 safe precedents ; " but in 1824 the outsiders grew impatient, when 
 William H. Crawford, President Monroe's Secretary of State, was 
 put forth, as had been customary by the mysterious " Caucus." 
 Then other candidates stepped boldly forth, or were brought for 
 ward with whatever force or unction their friends could give them. 
 
 Among those were Henry Clay, Andrew Jackson and John 
 Quincy Adams. No election Avas had by the electors chosen, 
 and the choice was to be made by the Lower House of Congress, 
 from the three highest on the list presented by the Electoral Col- 
 leges. The result of the action of the House was, to say the least 
 of it, amazing and unexpected — and resulted in the election of 
 Adams, the lowest on the list. It was accomplished by the union 
 of the friends of Mr. Clay with those of Mr. Adams, and Mr. 
 Clay took office under Mr. Adams as Secretary of State. The 
 won ^er excited by this result was produced by the fact that for ten 
 years previous to the election, Clay and Adams had been personal 
 enemies, having differed about certain provisions in the Treat}" of 
 Ghent, in the formation of which both took part. And although 
 the vote of Mr. Clay's State, Kentucky, was cast for Mr. Adams, 
 not one solitary man voted for him at the polls. 
 
 The election of Gen. Jackson, in 1828, who was tlie highest of 
 the three voted for by the House in 1824. was no doubt secured in 
 a large measure by the unlooked-for coalition of the friends of 
 Adams and Cla}'. Adams was his opponent in the natural course 
 of events, perhaps endorsed by a kind of caucus nomination. But 
 we hear no more of Presidential or other nominations by caucus. 
 In 1832 President Jacksoii was renominated by a body of dele- 
 gates, which was the first of the National Conventions by wdiich 
 Presidential nominations have since been made very generally by 
 all parties. 
 
 It may be said that after the nomination of Mr. Van IJuren, in 
 1836, the selections made by all parties in their Conventions for 
 President and Vice-President were very largely controlled by acci- 
 dent or expediency. It was tacitly, if not openly, conceded that 
 
15 
 
 Vim Btireii would be Jackson's ' successor, and the strange bitter- 
 ness with which this expected result was denounced by his enemies 
 long- before the time of the latter's retirement from office, had 
 something to do with securing the succession to Mr. Van Buren. 
 The nomination of Gen. Harrison in 1840, for President, and John 
 T^'ler for Vice-President, was one of the first instances where party 
 necessitj^ dictated the exclusion of the men best fitted and most 
 thought of for those high places. Clay, Webster, and others of the 
 leaders of the Whig part}^ who had borne the heat and burden of 
 battle, were put aside for Harrison, so that success might be better 
 assured. 
 
 And again, in 1848, those great men were ignored because Gen. 
 Ta^'lor witli his fi'eshl}^ gathered Mexican laurels, it was supposed, 
 and correctly, too, would be tlie man most likely to succeed. So 
 also in 1852, Gen. Scott was preferred to the accepted and compe- 
 tent political leaders of the W^hig party, and was another exjiedi- 
 ency candidate. So, too, in the Democratic party, Silas Wright 
 and Gen. Cass, who had undergone all the toil and reaped all the 
 censure that the highest party leadership is sure to encounter, 
 were put aside in 184 4 for Polk, and in 1852 for Pierce. In all 
 these unexpected nominations by both of the leading parties, expe- 
 diency was regularly alleged as the motive for making them, but 
 it is very likely that envy and jealousy^ which, as before hinted, 
 are perhaps more the especial vices of republics than even ingrati- 
 tude itself, which, since the Grecian States were in the habit of 
 ostracising their greatest and best public servants, has been pro- 
 verbially the vice of republics. 
 
 The decease of Harrison after one month's service made John 
 Tyler President. He was made most keenl}^ to feel that he owed 
 his elevation to a sad dispensation of Providence, and continual 
 contention with his old party associates rendered his term a very 
 uncomfortable one ; besides, he had set his heart on being elected 
 to a second term, and in laboring to that end perhaps did not 
 accomplish what he might have done otherwise. 
 
 It really seemed that both he and Andrew Johnson, who suc- 
 ceeded to the Presidency after the foul murder of Mr. Lincoln, 
 and who, like T^der, labored unceasingly to build up a party that 
 would re-elect him — it seemed, we say, as if they both wondered 
 why they were not nominated for the chief office in the first place, 
 and were anxious to see the original mistake corrected by a direct 
 election. 
 
Mr. Fillmore, who was another of the Presidents who obtained 
 his honors by constitutional sanction, or accident, as the captious 
 and censorious will insist, it is not ungenerous to say, was very 
 much more fit to be President than was Gen. Taylor, whom he 
 succeeded. It has never been charo-ed, we believe, that he improp- 
 erly used his official station to secure his re-election. 
 
 III. 
 
 We have thus briefly epitomized the Presidents from the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution in 1188. President Grant, whose term 
 expires in March, 1817, will, it is probable, remain in office until 
 the close of the centennial year. Have the monarchial rulers of 
 Europe for the past century been personally as well qualified for 
 their great offices? Have they been equal in talents and morals to 
 our Chief Magistrates ? The answer must be substantially in the 
 negative. With the exception of two or three, our Presidents have 
 been men of unquestioned talents, and all of them of unimpeacha- 
 ble personal character and private behavior. Washington, John 
 Adams, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson, would have ranked as 
 eminent men in an^^ age or in any country. Tlie rest, or nearly all 
 of them, were above the average, although it may be truly said 
 that the nomination and election of more than half of them was 
 accomplished more nearl}^ as you draw numbers in a lottery, than 
 as induced by clear indications of fitness, or of a popular sense of 
 their high deserts. 
 
 It now becomes necessary for the purpose in view to resort to 
 the catalogue of sovereigns in Europe about the period of 1790, as 
 quoted in the beginning of this paper, and extend the list down to 
 the present time, in order to learn who were the contemporary rulers 
 with our eighteen Presidents. 
 
 The sovereigns of England for the century beginning in 1776 
 have been four : George III., (1760-1820) ; George IV., (1820-1830); 
 William IV., (1830 1837) ; Victoria, (1837 until the present time.) 
 George III, who commenced his reign in 1760, was said to have 
 been a young prince of unspotted reputation, who Byron said pos- 
 sessed 
 
 "That household virtue most uncommon," 
 
 of constancy to a bad, ugly woman. He was religious, moral and 
 in the higiiest degree temi)erate, and was actually, without regard 
 to Byron's sneer, a model of domestic virtue ; but his intellect, 
 never vigorous, gave w.^y in 1764. He had various returns of 
 
LI 
 
 instinity until 18U), wlien 1k' linall}- rotirt'd IVoiu all pui'ticipatioii 
 ill the artalrs of government, and George IV. was made Regent. 
 
 In 1820 George IV. ascended the throne of England, and was 
 perhaps the worst man that has ruled any Christian countr}' dur- 
 ing the century-, and although it is said he egotistically st^ded him- 
 self " the first gentleman of England,'' and although when young- 
 was handsome and affable, he was ntterly and in every way unprin- 
 cipled, and a shameless debauchee. 
 
 William IV. was a frank, harmless sort of a man, with tolerable 
 morals for a king, and with no ability to speak of. He was suc- 
 ceeded by Victoria, Avho still reigns, and whose example as a sov- 
 ereign, and whose domestic virtues entitle her to universal respect. 
 
 In France Louis XVI. (1714-1793,) ascended the throne in 1774. 
 He was a harmless man, and his fate was personally hard — but if 
 the sins of his progenitors could have been fairly visited upon him, 
 there were enough of them to make him liable for the terrible 
 restitutions he had to make. Then followed Napoleon and his fel- 
 low Consuls, and Napoleon as Emperor (1793-1814). It is fair to 
 presume that every one has his opinions about a character so 
 prominent, and can compare lain, for himself, with our Chief Mag- 
 istrates. 
 
 Napoleon I. was succeeded bv Louis XVIII. , (1814-1824,) who 
 Avas a man of fair abilities and considerable learning. Charles X. 
 (1824-1830,) succeeded his brother Louis XVIII, He was remark- 
 able for nothing but his unbending devotion to the prerogatives of 
 royalty, and to his proud and ancient family adherents who 
 advised him so fatally. He was ousted by Louis Phillippe, (1830- 
 1848,) who had been severely trained in tr3dng vicissitudes, and 
 who was certainly a respectable sovereign and a man of exemplar}- 
 private deportment. To him succeeded Napoleon III. (1848-1870,) 
 who was a man of decided talents, who had l)een educated b}' 
 others, and who had educated himself for a sovereign ruler. His 
 ambition betrayed him into crimes and excesses which were perpe- 
 trated against his political competitors — but the masses of his 
 countrymen had reason to be satisfied with his administration of 
 affairs. Thiers and McMahon can only be regarded as Provincial 
 Governors whose terms were never expected to continue long, and 
 neither of whom can as yet be regarded as having a fixed status as 
 rulers. The first is undoubtedly a statesman of many accomplish- 
 ments ; the last an equally accomplished soldier, who owes his 
 elevation to that circumstance alone. Leavino- out the Directorv 
 
18 
 
 and the Consuls, and including Thiers and McMahon, France has 
 had eight supreme rulers within the centur^^, all of whom, except- 
 ing the three Bourbons, were remarkable men. 
 
 Spain has been governed during the century by Charles 
 IV. (1788-1808,) Joseph Bonaparte, (1808-1813,) Ferdinand 
 VII. (1813-1833,) and Isabella II. (1883-1868). Since the 
 constrained abdication of Isabella II., in 1868, Spain has 
 had no really fixed government, but continually changing form 
 under provisional governments, mock-monarchies, and mock- 
 republics, in Avliich Prim, Victor Amadeus, or more properly 
 the Duke of Aosta, Castellar, Serranno and others appear 
 and disappear respective!}', until now we have Alfonso XII., 
 son of Isabella, and Don Carlos disputing for the crown, and 
 neither likely to obtain it permanently. Spain may be said to have 
 had but four rulers during the century. 
 
 Charles and Ferdinand were remarkable only for their imbecility 
 and their vices, and deserve no further comment. Joseph Bona- 
 parte might haA'e done very well if it had suited the English to let 
 Mm alone. Isabella II. Avas compelled to abdicate on account of 
 her shocking vices, and now lives in France. The mock-King 
 Amadeus also retired in disgust after a short experience, and per- 
 mitted the country to tr}^ conclusions between ultra-Republicanism 
 and ultra-Legitimacy. 
 
 Russia has had five sovereigns within the century, " Old Catha- 
 rine," as Mr. Jefferson calls her, was the first, (1162-1196.) She 
 was followed by Paul I., (1796-1801,) who was murdered. He was 
 succeeded by Alexander I. (1801-1825;) he by Nicholas, (1825- 
 1835 ]) and Nicholas by Alexander IF., (1855— still reigning.) There 
 seems to have been a vast improvement in the character of the 
 Russian autocrats since Catharine and Paul. Their successors 
 have been men of decent lives and respectable personal behavior — 
 much better than the average of absolute monarchs. 
 
 In Prussia (Germany,) the greatest of the Fredericks, Frederick 
 II. (1140-1786,) reigned in 1776. His successors have been : Fred- 
 erick William II., (1786-1797) ; Frederick William III., (1797-1840) ; 
 Frederick AVilliam IV. (1840-1861); and Wilhelni I. (1861— still 
 reigning). All of these have been distinguished by somewhat 
 similar qualities — all being warlike, economical, and ruling with 
 absolute military sway. The present Emperor is one of the same 
 sort as his predecessors, l)ut really onh- serves the ])urpose oi a lay 
 
19 
 
 ligure in Jiisinarck's phiy of al)Solutisiii. Tliere has been no really 
 brilliant man among them since Frederick the Great. 
 
 It may seem almost impossible to make any parallel between the 
 sovereigns here sketched and any of our Presidents — so ditlcrent is 
 the mode of rearing and educating hereditary rulers, and the dif- 
 ferent kind of education and experience on which our elective 
 system compels us to depend. One thing, however, is certain, 
 the personal habits and characters of our Presidents contrast very 
 favorabl}^ with those of their royal contemporaries. It would 
 seem that continence was a virtue hardly expected among kings 
 and emperors, and was not absolutely required of all the queens 
 and empresses. 
 
 Drunkenness and gluttony among male rulers was not rare, and 
 " Old Catharine " was celebrated for all kind of debaucheries. It 
 is manifest, however, that from some cause, perhaps the more pre- 
 carious tenure of their power, they behave much better personally 
 than they formerly did — their morals are evidently improving — 
 and it may be hoped that those who are born to thrones may come 
 to believe that they have a large responsibility, and that they must 
 not deliver themselves over solely to physical indulgence, as was 
 the fashion a hundred ^^ears ago. 
 
 In reviewing the list of our Presidents, the first five: Washing- 
 ton, Adams, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, were chosen almost 
 as a matter of course, and it is not likely that better selections 
 could be made under any circumstances. 
 
 Jackson and Harrison owed their elevation pa7'tly to their mili- 
 tary titles and achievements ; Taylor and Grant owe their's entirely 
 to their militar}^ reputations. The experiment of electing purely 
 military men to the Presidency ought to end with Grant. Clearly, 
 it is not safe to risk a repetition of such a rule as his. The elec- 
 tion of John Quincy Adams was brought about by a most unex- 
 pected coalition. Tyler and Fillmore came into power through 
 the acts of Providence. All three of these were competent to ful- 
 fill the duties of their oflice. Johnson, too, reached the Presidency 
 through the shocking crime of an assassin. He was not wholly 
 the man for the crisis, although he might have done worse, as he 
 certainly might have done better. 
 
 The accidents attending nominating Conventions conferred pow- 
 er upon Polk, Pierce and Lincoln, to the exclusion of more 
 eminent men, who seemed to be desired by the masses of the peo- 
 ple, and designed as the best men for the olfice, and this is likely 
 
20 
 
 iilways to be the case as lung as Conventions make nominations — 
 for as alread^y remarked, Envy, Jealons3^ and Expedienc}^, Avill 
 almost alwa^'S effect the defeat of the best and most eminent candi- 
 dates. 
 
 Van Buren and Buchanan had fair claims to their respective 
 nominations and elections. They were competent, and each had 
 supporters all over the Union. In selecting them no one was 
 startled or mortified, as in the cases mentioned. 
 
 And on the whole Ave are bound to conclude that if we do not 
 fare any worse in the selection of our Presidents for the next hun- 
 dred years than we have for the past century of our existence, we 
 shall have reason to be thankful, and continue a patriotic prefer- 
 ence for our own before any other existing form of government. 
 
 The line of Presidential succession, with the cardinal historical 
 points of the incumbents of the office, may be epitomized. By the 
 subjoined it will be seen that Virginia has furnished precisely one- 
 third of our Presidents, and that all but two, Lincoln and Grant, 
 were born within the limits of one of the Original Thirteen Colo- 
 nies: — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Elec- 
 
 
 Native 
 
 Resid- 
 
 
 BORN. 
 
 DIED. 
 
 ted. 
 
 Served. 
 
 of 
 
 ed in 
 
 Washington, 
 
 Feb. 
 
 22, 1732 
 
 Dec. 
 
 14, 1799 
 
 1788 
 
 8 yrs. 
 
 Va. 
 
 Va. 
 
 Adams, 
 
 Oct. 
 
 19, 1735 
 
 July 
 
 4, 1826 
 
 1796 
 
 4 " 
 
 Mass 
 
 Mass 
 
 Jefferson, . . . 
 
 April 
 
 2. 1743 
 
 July 
 
 4, 1826 
 
 1800 
 
 8 " 
 
 Va. 
 
 Va. 
 
 Madison, 
 
 Mar. 
 
 16, 1751 
 
 June 
 
 28, 183t-3 
 
 1808 
 
 8 " 
 
 Va. 
 
 Va. 
 
 Monroe, .... 
 
 April 
 
 2t<, 1758 
 
 July 
 
 4, 1831 
 
 1816 
 
 8 " 
 
 Va. 
 
 Va. 
 
 Adams 
 
 Julv 
 
 11, 1767 
 
 Feb 
 
 23, 1848 
 
 1824 
 
 4 " 
 
 Mass 
 
 Mass 
 
 Jackson, .... 
 
 Mai-. 
 
 15, 1767 
 
 June 
 
 8, 1845 
 
 1828 
 
 8 " 
 
 s.c. 
 
 Tenn 
 
 Van Buren,.. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 6. 1782 
 
 July 
 
 24, 18h2 
 
 1836 
 
 4 " 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 Harrison, . . . 
 
 Feb. 
 
 9, 1773 
 
 April 
 
 4, 1841 
 
 1840 
 
 1 month 
 
 Va. 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Tyler 
 
 Mar. 
 
 29, 1790 
 
 Jan. 
 
 17, 1862 
 
 1840 
 
 3y. 11 mo 
 
 Va. 
 
 Va. 
 
 Polk, 
 
 Nov. 
 
 '2, 1795 
 
 June 
 
 15, 1849 
 
 1844 
 
 4 yrs. 
 
 N.C. 
 
 Tenn 
 
 Taylor, 
 
 Nov. 
 
 24, 1784 
 
 July 
 
 9, 1850 
 
 1848 
 
 1 yr. 4 mo 
 
 Va. 
 
 La. 
 
 Fillmore. . . . 
 
 Jan. 
 
 7, 1800 
 
 March 8, 1874 
 
 1848 
 
 2 y. 8 mo. 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 Pierce 
 
 Nov. 
 
 28, 1804 
 
 Oct. 
 
 8, 1869 
 
 1852 
 
 4 yrs. 
 
 N.H. N.H. 
 
 Buchanan, . . 
 
 April 
 
 13, 1791 
 
 .Tune 
 
 1, 1868 
 
 1856 
 
 4 '> 
 
 Pa. 
 
 Pa. 
 
 Lincoln, 
 
 Feb. 
 
 12, 18(19 
 
 April 
 
 15. 1865 
 
 1860 
 
 4y. l^mo 
 
 Ky- 
 
 111. 
 
 Johnson, 
 
 Dec. 
 
 29, 1808 
 
 July 
 
 31, 1875 
 
 1864 
 
 3y. lu^m 
 
 N. C. Tenn 
 
 Grant, 
 
 April 
 
 27, 1822 
 
 In Office. 
 
 1868 
 
 
 Ohiol 111. 
 
 To complete this paper, we shall give in tabulated form, begin- 
 ning with the government under the Continental Congress in 1776, 
 the Presidents and the contemporaneous rulers in England, France, 
 Spain, Prussia and Kussia, during each Presidential period, down 
 to the present time. During the disturbed periods in France, and 
 laterly in Spain, when there was no fixed government, for short 
 periods the classification is not historicalh' exact, but is neverthe- 
 less accurate enough for the object in view : — 
 
21 
 
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 1— 1 
 
 
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 1—1 1—1 1—1 
 
 1— 1 
 
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 1— 1 hH 1— 1 
 
 ft 
 
 
 
 ct 
 
 t/3 I» _ _ 03 C3 
 
 
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 r^ 
 
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 03 
 
 03 c3 c3 
 
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 111 
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 bell 
 bell 
 
 bell 
 
 '3 
 
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 rovis 
 madt 
 rovis 
 Ifons 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ ;^ O S « « 
 
 0) (D 
 
 OS c3 03 
 
 03 
 
 03 
 
 03 
 
 rt rf 03 
 
 
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 fM p2H 
 
 — 1 1— 1 1— 1 
 
 1—1 
 
 
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 PH<f|fU<1 
 
 
 |>^ o o o 
 
 ^ f> !> >< M !>d ^ 9 
 
 g r-i ri ai M m Oh Ph 
 ;s^ .— .« ;-i ;h ^4 .^ .-h 
 
 !^ i_i h3 3 o Ci-3 h:i 
 
 J- a a 
 
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 a a a 
 
 fT o o 
 
 o 
 
 coo 
 
 m 
 
 Zi V dJ 
 
 
 
 
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 O 03 ci 
 
 OS 
 
 03 03 03 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 i^^i;^ 
 
 > 
 
 S S KS G ;z;>>r-^ 
 
 bC it) 
 
 !-. ^ 
 
 o o 
 
 O 
 
 o o a) o — •.- •.- •.- 
 ^cbcbctc^ o o o 
 
 OOOOtt^ii; cj o 
 
 O C o 
 
 > ;^ t> ;> ^;>;> > 
 
 ■^ .= 
 
 4^ 
 
 <3l-5 
 
 2 p pq 
 II 5 
 
 CO , - 
 
 03 l^'o 
 
 o 2 « 
 
 ^ a p 
 
 s 
 
 'o 
 
 O 
 
 CO 
 
 o 
 
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 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ca 
 
 1-5 i-j 
 
 
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 T-i CT. 
 
 £-^ 
 
 lO 
 
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 Ci 
 
 CO 
 
 t- 
 
 ■^"lo cT 
 
 
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 oo 
 
 
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 c^j CO 
 
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 -* 
 
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 lO 
 
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 t- 
 
 00 CO 
 
 I-H r-' 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 -I-H 
 
 00 00 
 T-l -r-l 
 
 00 
 
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 GK, 00 OC^ 
 
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 ri^ 
 
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 iiJ..; 
 
 
 
 ci o 
 
 
 
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 t- 
 
 t-GO 
 
 00 
 
 1—1 
 
 00 oo 
 
 00 
 
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 i3 a .a 03 
 6 
 
VICE-PRESIDENTS. 
 
 The following constitutes the list of Vice-Presidents, with their 
 nativit}^, time of birth, term of office and decease. 
 
 1st. George Washington, President. 
 
 John Adams, Vice-President from 1T89 to 1*791 ; elected to 
 the Presidenc}^ 
 
 2d. John Adams, President. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, Vice-President from 1*791 to 1801 ; elected to 
 the Presidency. 
 
 3d. Thomas Jefferson, President. 
 
 First term, Aaron Burr, Vice-President, from 1801 to 1805; born 
 in New Jersey, Feb., 1*756 ; died in 1830. 
 
 Second term. George Clinton, Vice-President from 1805 to 1809; 
 l)orn in New York, 1139 ; died April, 1812. 
 
 4th. James Madison, President. 
 
 First term, George Clinton, Vice-President from 1809 to 1812; 
 died in office. 
 
 Second term, Elbridge Gerr}^, Vice-President from 1813 to 1814; 
 died in office ; born in Massachusetts, in 1744 ; died Nov., 1814. 
 
 5th. James Monroe, President. 
 
 Daniel D. Tompkins, Vice-President from 1817 to 1825 ; born in 
 New York, 1774 ; died June, 182?. 
 
 6th. John Quincy Adams, President. 
 
 John C. Calhoun, Vice-President from 1825 to 1829; born in 
 South Carolina, March, 1792; died March, 1850. 
 
 7th. Andrew Jackson, President. ' 
 
 First term, John C. Calhoun, Vice-President from 1829 to 1832 
 in which jear he resigned. 
 
 Second term, Martin Van Buren, Vice-President from 1833 to 
 1837 ; elected to the Presidency. 
 
 8th. Martin Van Buren, President 
 
 Richard M. Johnson, Vice-President from 18 >7 to 1841; born in 
 Kentucky in 1780 ; died in 1850. 
 
24 
 
 yth. William H. Harrison, I'resident. 
 
 John Tyler, Vice-President until Harrison's death, whom he 
 succeeded to the Presidency. 
 
 loth. James K. Polk, President. 
 
 George M. Dallas, Yice-President from 1845 to 1849 ; born in 
 New York, July, 1^92 ; died Dec. 1864. 
 
 11th. Zacharj^ Taylor. President. 
 
 Millard Fillmore, Yice-President until Taylor's death, whom he 
 succeeded to the Presidenc}^ 
 
 12th. Franklin Pierce, President. 
 
 William R. King, Yice-President; died during his first year in 
 office ; born in North Carolina, in 1786 ; died in 1853. 
 
 13th. James Buchanan, President. 
 
 John C. Breckenridge, Yice-President from 1857 to 1861 ; born 
 in Kentucky in 1821 ; died in 1875. 
 
 14tli. Abraham Lincoln, President. 
 
 First term, Hanibal Hamlin, Yice-President from 1861 to 1865 ; 
 born in Maine, August, 1809 — still living. 
 
 Second term, Andrew Johnson, Yice-President until Lincoln's 
 assassination, when he succeeded to the Presidency. 
 
 15th. Ulysses S. Grant, President. 
 
 First term, Schuyler Colfax, Yice-President from 1869 to 1873; 
 born in New York, Max'cli, 1823 — still living. 
 
 Second term, Henry Wilson, Yice-President from 1873 to 1875; 
 died in office; born in New Hampshire, Feb., 1812; died Nov, 22, 
 1875. 
 
 Unlike the Presidents, but few of the Yice-Presidents came from 
 Virginia — onl}^ two of the eighteen. Three — John Adams, Thomj>s 
 Jefferson and Martin Van Buren, rose from the Yice-Presidencj<^to 
 the Presidency by election ; and three — John Tyler, Millard Fill- 
 more and Andrew Johnson, rose to the office through the death of 
 the President. Four — George Clinton, Elbridge Gerry, William R. 
 King and Henry Wilson, died in office. One — John C. Calhoun, 
 resigned in consequence of political disagreement with the Presi- 
 dent, Andrew Jackson. Two — Hanibal Hamlin and Schuyler Col 
 fax are still living. Not a single President except the present 
 incumbent, U. S. Grant, survives. 
 
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