POLITICAL AFFAiRS, | AND CONDEMNING THE POLICY OF THE PRESENT -WAR. ' ) CdncorO t > PUBLISHED BY GtORGE HOUGH. 1) J Sold, wholesale aod retail, at the Concord Bookstore. % ) 1814. 1|> DEFENCE OF THC CLERCr OF NEE^-ENGLJMD, AGAINST THE CHARGES OF INTERFERING IN OUR POLITICAL AFFAIRS, AND CONDEMNING THE POLICY OF THE PRESENT ^AE* CONCORD: PUBLISHED BY GEORGE HOUGH. ISold, wholesale and retail, at the Concord Bookstor^. JVLY..,.1814. p ,- --l ' PREFACE. IT was a remark of the laie amiable ami pious Dr. Stillman^ that " the clamor xvh'ich was raised against Clergymen for preaching Politics^ ivas not on account of their preaching -P^Viric^, but on account of the kind of Politics xvhich they pre achr — The truth of this ob- servation must be very manifest to all who will recoiled xvhat has taken place within a fevj years in New- Hampshire and Massachusetts^ , Democratic Clergymen preach political Discourses^ and labor to convince ihtir eongregations that this unjust and ruinous War is a righteous cause. Not only so but some abandon the work of the Ministry^ wholly that thty may bt^ fair candidates for political preferment: and others leave their proper vocation y for a time^ that they may harangue in the Legislature^ and take the lead in advo" Cdting that perverse policy zvliich has blighted the pros- pf^rity of this once happy country. All this is well..,.^ They are good patriots^ ij they will preach and harangue in favor of the War, But the moment a Tederal Clergyman' undertakes to expose the duplicity^ misrepresentations , and mad policy of Aiministr'ition., he profanes his sacred rffi'-e^ com- viits sacrilege^ ana becomes a proper obj ct for abuse ' and persecution. He ?nu%t not expose xvickednehs in high places. ....Z^t? must not warn the people of tlvir danger^ even if he sees the Rulers associating them ruitli a cause whicti is hostile an xvell to rational Liberty as-- to pure and undefled Religion* 'The opposition to the Clergy evidently arises from this ;.... Thet. cannot see i he justice of this war. ..'Theif- believe it was undertaken ori^i/udly to associate t/iis^ IV country with ike triumphs cf Bonaparte; that the Ad- minutration might have some shore in the downfall of Spain^ and Russia^ and Greet Britain^ and seize their provinces They believe^ that the war is hastily in- volving the country in vice and ruin: and they dare to express their opinion This iv the sum a?2d substance cj' their offence. The Joilowing numbers^ ti/hich originally appeared in the Concord \_Ne7v- Hampshirel Gazette^ sheiv some of the reasons which the Clergy have for the part that they act. Let the reader weigh those reasons; and see \fthe time does not soon come^ when it zvill be distinct- ly perceived that those Clergymen^ xvlw have reprobated and exposed the policy which has brought us into this condition^ have been friends to the best interest of the iouutry. Every month furnishes new proof that Heaven does not approve of this war. It is a measure xvhtch was adopted without asking counsel of Heaven. And every monthf and almost every aay^ furnishes proof that the Administration .^ -which has involved us in this disas- trous war^ is wholly incompetent to carry it on to ant^ siiccessful issue, July.. ,.1814, DEFENCE or THE €Uvsv of 0m^^mimn^ No. r. I .N the primitive times of Christianity, such misy representations o-f the views and conduct of the early Christians went abroad, that it was deemed necessary to publish D fences of the Christians, in order to counteract th^se false insinuations. The spirit which manifests itseif in these dav&, readers h as necessary to makt' a pub ic Defence of the views and conduct of the C'ergy. Great effijrts are now made to destroy their influence; and the pages of certain newspapers aie devoted to that purpose. A series of numbers, under ^he signature of A Lnij' »2a;?, addressed to the Clergy of New-England, h^ve recently appeared in a democratic newspaper.* — - It must be obvious to every one, that the writer's in- tention is to vilify the Clergy, and destroy their inflti- * The New- Hampshire Patriot^ printtd at Concord^ by Isaac Of I'Valttr R, HUL Tntse numbers have aho hten published^ from the same office^ in a p imp/dct^ in an edition ojjive or six thomami coj}Jes^ cts d<^iigntdjir more general czrciilatiQU, A3 ence, under the covert of an address to them. The writer requests the Clergy of New- England, not to be cfFcnded with him because he tells ihem the truth. It is presumed they wiU not be offended with him for tellHg the truth, but for insinuating what is pajpably and maliciously false, But before I proceed to any atiimadversion on that znsidious publication, (for such it must be considered by all candid men) I will offer one or two remarks on the present condition of the Clergy, and the similar-- jty of the treatment which they receive, to that which Christ and the Apostles and primitive Christians re- ceived from the enemies of Christianity. In regard to their condition, it is a fact, that although the Gospel enjoins -that they shall have their living al- lowed them, in consequence of their ministerial labors; yet not more than one in four of them has his living by preaching the Gospel. They are under the neces- sity of resorting to other means than the provision that is allowed the-m, in order to support their fami- lies. There is no class of people in New-England who have so small a compensation lor their labors as the Clergy, They certainlv labor under privations ■which most men of education would not endure* "They are poor- and straitened, although the Author of that Religion which they preach has enjoined that such provision shall be made for them, that their •whole attention may be given to their ministry. Another remark that 1 would make is this— The treatment which they receive, from a certain class of people, is strikingly similar to the treatment which Christ and the Apostles and the primitive Christians jeceived from tne enemies of Christianity. They are vilified m the same spirit, and under the same pretext. The Savior of men was accused of opposition to the existing government. This was the ground of his condemuatlonj although the charge was suppont^d by no proof, except a maliclcus perversion of his words. The encmus ot Ciirtstidnity endeavored to draw the public odium on ihe Apostles, by calling them m )Vcrs of sedition — Tiiese were the men who turned the world upside down. The charge against the Clergy now is the same. They are accused of opposition to the government, and seditious practices, because they cannot, according to the spirit of that Gospel which they preach, approve of a war for con- quest, a war waged against the peaceable inhabitants of neighbor!; g provinces, who never did u- any harm. It is a fact, that those who are called the standing order of ministers, have experienced and do txperience the united opposition of atheists, infidels, and ail the ho^ts of sectarians through the country. However widely infidels and certain sectarians have differed in other respects, it has been a common cause with them to vilifv theXlergy, and accuse them of opposition to the government,and, if possible, destroy the:r mfiu*fnce. Down with the Ckrgy^ has been vo- ciferated ironi the infuriated populace of Paris,through every corner of the United States. It is probable that the Clergy of New- England have not been surprised in meeting such a host of enemies. — Their Divine Mas- ter has iorcwarned them that they shall experience jusr such kind of treatment, and that in consequence of the truths which they maintain. " If they have call-r- ed the Master of the house Beelzebub, bow much more they of his household.'' "• II they have persecu- ted me, they will persecute you also.'' He has told them that they shall be hated for his name's sake. "All these things will they do unto you, because they have not known Him that sent me." The professed reason why the Clergy are bated and reviled is, not because they adhere to the spirit of that Gospel which Christ taught them, but because they are opposed to tbe goYernfiftt^nt* 3oth? Jews 0id not persecute Je-- 8 sus, professedly because he came to tViem in hh Father'^ Biinie. The\ did notaccust him of this, but of op-- position to Csesar; because an accusati( n of opposi- lion to the ex sting government would be most likely to excite the populace against him. I will now attend to some ot the accusations, wMch the vvritt^r above alluded to, who addresses the Cler- gv, brings yg jinst them. He charges them wUh en- tering the ranks of opposition agiinst thc^se whom the nation has elected, both to legislate and admmister the general government. He prudently declines say- ing thac they enter the ranks cr men of his stamp are perpetually confounding thuse who ad- minister the government, with the government itself. If he means to accuse them of opposition to the gov- ernment, the accusation is false and groundless. There is not a shadow of proof to support it. in Turkey and in France, they have a government of men, and not of laws; or rather the will of the Grand; Seipjnior and Bonaparte is law; iherefore opposition to the prrson of the Grand Seignior or Bonaparte, is deemed opppt and pursue a pernicious policy. If they dis^ prove of the character of the men, or their measures, In this land of liberty, they tlo no\ d^em themseiYes- j;iistly chargesble with sedition, or opposition to gov- ernment. If it can be proved that they disobey the hw--for instance, if it can be proved that they have, like some of their fellow citizens, endeavored actual^ }y to obstruct or dei^at the administration of justice^ and to excite the people to violent measures against the Courts of Justice, which are established by law —then a charge of opposition to the government could'- be supported against them, for this simple reason, that ours is a government of law. If the Clergy have been guilty of such seditious practices, let them be fairly tried by the law, and let them suffer as movers of sedition. But so long as they obey the laws, and peaceably follow their vocation, it is a false and mali- cious insinuation that they oppose the government* But if the writer mtms no more than that the Clergy: do net approve of the men, whom the nation has cho- sen to administer the government, or of their policy in general, the charge is probably true. But where is the criminality ol this? Have not all men, in this land of freedom, a right to think and to judge for themselves? It is a hard case indeed, if the convic- tions of their minds are to be controlled, or that they should be compelled to j.ustily measures which tbey are convinced are ruinous. In such a state of things,, they could no longer boast of an heritage of Ireedom which they supposed they possessed* No. II. ' ONE of the charges that are alledged against the Clergy is, that they arc an ambitious class of men, who are aiming at a religious establishment, to com- pel all men to conform to their creed, and pay fosf ihcir support," whether of the aame or a different de- 10 nominatioTi. A writer, who calls himself "A Lay-f man,'' addressing the Clergy, says, "Many of you: have been anxioas to obtain a religious establishment; some in open, but more by covert means. In Massa- chusetts, some of you have openly avowed the object." It seems difficult to obviate charges which are supported by no projof, otherwise than by saying that they are false and groundless. And this, injustice and equity, is sufficient; for it belongs to him, who brings a charge against a man, or body oi men, to support it by evidence, before any one can fairly meet it with evidence or argument. The only way in which the v/riter attempts to support his charge, is by a palpable misrepresentation of a communication in the Panoplist for July 1812. He says a writer thers, *^contends for the establishment of a permanent tribu- nal, with power to ordain and depose muiisters, as they shzli judge propt'r; and, in fact, to establish ar- ticles of faitia." This is entirely a misrepresenta-ion* No wri.ter in the Panoplist ever contended for these things. And here I would ask that ♦•'Layman,' to sit down and sper definition of lying? Is it not an attempt to give to others an impression that is different trum the real state of things, witii intention to deceive? And then let him ask himself, if he has not attempted to give the public an erroneous impression of the sentiments of a writer in the Panoplist? Tne truth is, that there have been certain communications in the Panoplist on the expediency of ministers and churcnes forming consociations, in order to hear complaints brought by the people agamst their ministers for immoral con- duct. The way. in which this has heretofore been done, is by councils, chosen for the purpose. It often happens, that these councils are chosen by one party; and then the accused is tried by persons who are chosen by his accusers. This is found to be a very 11 inconvenient, not to say an unjust, mode of proceed- ing, 'lo remedy this inconvenience, many lav« thought it would be a better way for a circle of minis- ters and churches to consociate by mutual consent. In that case, when a minister settles within the limits of a particular consociation, he will know, if the ctunch over which he is settled, or part of them, charge him with immoralities, who is to try hia Ciuse. In- stead of a council called lor the purpose, ana perhaps a council chosen by his accusers, he knows that the consociation will be called to hear and try his case. This is the sentiment of the writer in the Panoplist. Is there any thing in this like an attempt to establish a tribunal to ordain and depose ministers without the call and concurrence of their people? Much more, is there anv thing in th''s that looks like establishing ar- ticles rf faith? Observe, that the tribunal which is recommr nded in the Panoplist, is to hear and decide on complaints which people may bring against their ministers. When the Clergy shall attempt tn estab- lish a tribunal to try laymen, or impose articles of faith upon thtm, then they may complain. If the Layman, referred to in these remarks, is a member of a church, that Ecclesiastical body to which he has united himself is competent to try him for immoral- ity. If he is not, the civil authority is ccmpetent to try him for breaches of the civil law. The Clergy have not attempted to establish "any tribunal for him. They pretend to no control over him, or any other layman, except what may result from argument and persuasion. But to return to the charge so often reiterated against the Congregational and Presbyterian Clergy- men, that they are anxious for, and aiming at, a re- ligious establishmtnt; how can rne meet it otherwise than by declaring, that it is altogether groundless and talse? It is impossible to meet it by opposing proof 12 to proof; for there is not a shadow of proof brougTtt to support such a charge. It is perfectly absurd; because such an event cannot be brought about with- out an entire change in our civil constitutions. And are the ic\r Cl'rgvmtn of New-England, in their straightened and depressed condition, so ambitious a« to ihu^k that they can produce a revolution in the civil institutions of the country? But it may be well to examine into the origin of that order of Ecclesiastical government on which the " Clerp^v now stand; by what means they occupy the plact s whicli they now hold; and how they conduct in iheir places. Whence did arise that order of Ecclesiastical gov- ernment en which the Congregational and Presbyte- lian Clergy stand? — It was handed down from cur forefathers. 1 his is the order which the first settlers of this country established. It has not been altered •, f.iiice their day. Yes, these Clergymen, who are ] charged with aspiring to an Ecclesiastical establish- \ ment and Ecclesiastical honors, occupy the'places of - those wonderful men who encountered the perils of the ocean and the wilderness, in order that they might enjoy religKus freedom, and maintain the purity of Gospel doctrine and disciplin-e. The Clergy are sat- isfied with that order, in respect to religii-us institii- . ticns, which the first 'fat'ners of New- England insti- J tuttd; and all their ( fforts go to maintain this order. i How did the Clergy ol New-Knpland come into the places vlnch they occupy? Did they obtrude thimselves upon tie peoplt? Did they endeavor to subvert sf nr^e ( ther denomination, in orderto make places irould provoke their Maker to his^- face; and they would prove themselves unworthy of the confidence of their fellow citizens. Is the war, in which we are unfortunately engaged,, a just and necessary war? Is it a war which could not be avoided without sacrificing the vital interests qf the nation? In order to justify a nation in declar- ing war, the justice of the cause should not be doubt- ful. It should be an inaisputab!e case. Then let the inquiry be made, and seriously considered — For xvhat are rue at rvurP Surely not on account of the Orders in Council. If war was proclaimed on account of any edicts of other nations which violated our rights, it ought to have been proclaimed against the nation whose edicts first violated those rights; and that na- tion was France. Again — The war cannot injustice be continued on account of the Orders in Council; because, in a rea- sonable time a^ter the government of Great Britain was officially notified of the repeal of the Berlin and Milan Decrees, the Orders in Council were revoked; 16 and that b?.pp^neus, that the British government did not revoke their Orders hecnuse we d-clared war; for they did not know that we had declared war: 6ut because they then had evidence that the Frtnch Decrees, of which the Orders were a consequence, were actually repealed. Was the subject of impressment a just cause of war? Cei'taintly not, if we may believe Mr. Monroe; and ^vhy not believe the declaration of one who is an im- portant member of the American Cabinet, and prob- ably a candidate for tije next President? It is not pretended that the governrAent of Great Britain ev- er claimed - right to impress American seamen; but .it will be s?.id their (^fncers have actually done it. This is granted; and it is a great grievance. Still, if v/e are to believe the Secretary of State, Mr. Monroe, It is such a grievance as might have been remedied m a satisfactory manner. The British government ofTered toenter ioto arrangements to remedy this evil; and such an arrangement was actually made respect- ing impressment, as he deemed to be *' both safe and honorable for the United States.''^ If the government of Great Britain claim only their €>v/n subjects, and them only that are sailing in mer- chant vessels, without the territory of the United States- — for she does not claim the right to take them from our territory — if she offers to restore those that have been impressed through the al)use of her officers, and if sheolTers to make such arrangements as are *'both safe and honorable for the United States," where is the just cause for war? Again — In the very last correspondence between ^'" This arrungcment was viadc at the time when Messrs, Monroe and Phikney 7iegoliat*^d ike treaty which Mr. Jefferson^ then President^ sent back^ witU^ €Ut laying it btfjore the Senate. 17 this government and the British mrnlsler, previous to the declaration of \rar, it will be recollected that pvlr. Foster requested of Mr. Monroe, that a list of im- pressed American seamen might be made out, and they should be restored. Mr. Monroe's answer was skort; but it is a document which ought to be pre- served and kept in remembrance, because it disclcsea the very point for which we are contending. It waa this — **The American government can make no dis- crimination betvv^een her natural born and naturalized subjects." — H^re then we ar£ at issue; not about na- tive American, but British subjects. We claim a right to naturalize and take their subjects into our ser- vice. If Mr. Monroe m;ikes no discrimination be- tween natural born siid naturalized subjects, the t'lr.e is coming, when the people oi these States will make that distinctic n. When their resources are cut iiT^ and heavy taxes are imposed upon them, with an enormous debt for the inheritance ofposier'ty, they will conclude it had been better not to have incurred these, and many more evils of war,ior the sake of pro- tecting run-away British subjects; especially when they are without the territory ol the UniteeJ States. The people, when they feel the pressure of the war, will conclude that it had been better to leave it with the British subjects to settle the- question with tl eir own government, respecting the allegiance which they owe it, than for us to fight for them; for this is the very point for which we are at war, to naturalize and take British subjects into our service, and protect them. The people will conclude that we should be better without their subjects, than incur the dreadful evils of war — evils which probably will not be re- paired in a century. In a future communication, I may cfer some re- marks on the subject ol naturalization. This subject isii^trwoven wiih ihe causts of the war. It is iii- ^2 18 volvecl in the great question, whether the war is just or not. This subject begins to be better undrrstood 'J than it was formerly; and it is desirable that it should '" be yet more clearly understood. No. IV. THE complaint, that the Clergy do not encourage this war, and pray for the success of our arms, ck-serves lurcher consideration. It would seem that a convic- tion that the war is not just or necessary would be a sufficient justification of their conduct," even though their convictions were erroneous; for it would be ab- smM and offensive to Heaven, if they should prav for that which they consider to be v.-rong. But I will ex- amine further into the grounds of this war, to see whether it be just orhot. I will here repeat an ob- servation which was made before, that, as war is niurder upon the broadest scale, in order that a Christian nation may be justified in declaring and com- inencing hostilities, -the question, whether the cause aS jUst or not, ought not to admit of a doubt. It should be so obviouG, that those who hazard their own lives in battle, or ta^ce away the lives of otht-rs, inay feel no doubt that Heaven approvers of the cause. It should be so indisputable, that those who take up ^■Ytns and go into battle may feel confident that they shall not be chargeable with the criminality of being accessory to murder. It will be admitted, that a Christian natron ought not to wage war on account of grievances which slight be settled by negotiation. The Clergy, and this whole nation, have the testimony of Mr. Mon- roe, now Secretary of State, that the subject of im- pressrrjeat in''ght have been setlhd in a way ^h^ 1S> would be ** both honorable and safe for the United States." The government of Oreat Hrit.un nevtr claimed a right to impress native ciuzens of the United States. And when Mr. Foster, the British minister, requested that a list of American seamen mipht be made out, with an engagement that they shouldbe restored, the same Mr. ?»ionroe, who Had said th.at an honorable arrarg;;ment had been made by the Sritish governmenc on this subject, refused to in:!ke out such a list in order to the restoration of American seamen; and said, *nhe American govern- m-^nt can make no cliscriminarion bet\\^ren her nat- ural b'mpel her to relinquish this claim to her natural born seamen in time of war. But should it be ser'oMslv insisted that the subjects of one nation have a^ rig^t to expatriate themselves, and become the subjects of another nation, I have ad- mitted that one independent nation has a right to nat- uralize the subjects of another; and she mav protect thf»m w:thin her own territory; but she enters into no engagements to protect iKem bey oad this* If they 21 are found on the '^ highway of nations," and are ta- ken by the power to which they are naturally subject, the nation that Was naturalized them is not obliged to fight for them. Let the peop'e of this country under- 'stand this subject, and they will conclude it would be betttr to leave it to the subjects of England or France, or any ether nation on earth, to settle this point with their governments, rather than that we should involve ourselves in war to settle it. We have no need of their men, and I apprehend we have no right to them. It is believed that we should be as happy a people, and that our civil institutions would be as stable and permanent without as with them* What advantage would it be to us, if we could com- pel Great- Britlan to give up this point ? She considers this of vital importance; for she consid<"rs her seamen as the means of her defence. Bot if we could com- pel her to relinquish a point v/hich sre considers oi so great importance, what great benefit should we gain ? Would it be any advantage to our natural born sea- men ? Certainly not. It would have a tendency to deprive them of the means of their support. Is it pos- sible then that the administration can be sincere in go- ing to v/ar to preserve the rights of seamen, when the point for which they contend, if gained, would deprive our natural born seamen of their employment and their living I Neither the Clergy, nor other thinking people, ca« see any attainable good in this war. It is a contest which is fruitful in nothing but misery. It makes mai^y widows and orphans and bereaved parents. It will impose insupportable burdens on the present gcn- eraion; and an enorm.vis debt must be left for poster- ity. There are rich men who can loan the mone/ to carrvonthe v/ar, but they must be paid; and when the middling class of people fail to raise the money, must -not their lands go ? Will not this state of things throw ihQ landed property into the hands of a few ricLi men ? It will unquestionably produce great changes of property. And suppose we take the Canadas, will this bring the war to a close ? Will it induce Great- Britian to relinquish the point for which she contends? No; the loss of those pro-v'inces \;'^ould be but a small thing compared with the loss which she would appre- hend, should she relinquish the right to the service of her seamen. And, for us to hrld those provinces in time of wa^, would occasion an enormous increase of the debt which wc must contract in conquering them. It is moreover to be observed, that, if we had been eminently successful in this war, we should have help- ed that t> rant who, till lately, has proudly trampled on therghts and independence of every nation vv'iihin his reach. It is a circumstance worthy of considera- ti '11, that this war was declared about the lirne when Bonaparte; set out widi the design to conquer Russia* It ceriainly had a tendenc}' to further his designs, for us to commence hostilities against England at that time. Whatever weight we had, was thrown into his side of the scale. -A hatever force we could bring in- to action, wouM serve to prevent England from afford- ing assistance to the Russians and the Spaniards. I d'> not pretend to say that there was a secret under- standing bet^veen this government and France on this subjtct, or that it was a concerted plan; but circumstan- ces are such as to excite a strong suspicion that this was the case. Certainly no man, Vv'ho is a friend to the independence of nations, can feel satisfied with a measure which should help taut tyrant to trample the civilized world under foot. No. Ve MUCH that is said against the Clergy, rests on the monstrous principle, th-U ihey have no rights; not even the right of private judgnaent. They must ap- 23 prove of the men whom the nation has elected to le*^ gislatc and administer the government, whether they are infidtls, or believers in the Christian dispensation; whether honest men, or knaves. They must i pprove of the measures which these men pursue, right or wrong. If the rulers tell them that black is white, they must believe it, or incur the guilt cf oppositicn lo the "powers that bej'' and some prct'-nd t > adduce Scripture to prove that Clergymen siiouid approve of the men and their measures, even if tl'.cy must do vio- lence to their^own convictions. There is strong reason to believe, that a party of men m this country are aiming at a despotic government in this way. They m';an to suppress all opposition to the measures of the administration; and they mean to put down the Cl^r- gv first, for reasons which will be exhibited hereafter, Wliere we are not allowed to think for ourselves, and express our opinions, there is no vestige of lib- erty left us. We may as well live under the admin- istration of the Grand ^eigni^r, or the tyrant of France, as under a government which, though called republican, does not admit to the citizen the ireedum of • -pinion and of speech. I'he Clergy knew before this tiir.e, that civil gov- ernment was ordained of God, and that whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God^, They have'considered their duty in this respect. 1 hey believe it is their duty to obeyjhe laws, and to lead peaceable and quiet lives, in all godliness and honts- ty. Let the community judge (for the Clergy act in the view of the cr-mmunity) whether they d ^ not obey the laws of ihe land. Do tiuy not demean themselves as peaceable and quiet citizens? Do not the Congregational and Presbyterian Clergy use all their endtavors to preserve order and peace in societ)? Are they n^t honest and upright men? Do they de- fraud their f^Jlow citizeais? If ihey are disobedient to the laws, they resist the crdlnarice of God, and ought to ht punished. But though civil government is an ordinance of GoDj^and therefore ihc C]er>^y and all Chiistians are bound to rbcy the laws for conscience s;ike; yet it does not follow, that^hev are also bound to approve ot men for rulers, or th<-ir measures, when they are convinced that those measures are ruinous to the morals and temporal interests of the community. -If the lavvs of Christianity oblige the Clergy alvva}s to approve of the men who admijiister the government, and al".vavs to be silent, the Clergy of 1775 acted a very wicked part: for though, as a late writer has said, they *■' pursued a manly course of conduct;'^ yet the course of conduct which they pursued was direct- 1\ in opposition to the measure* of the existing gov- ernment. They spc.ke very freely of the men wiio ad- irinisttred the government, and v.'ith great boldness r.nd vehemence condemned their measures as oppres- sive. They taught the people that it was right to op- pose such measures. Therefore if these men did right, ii is always the duty ol Clergymen, and all men who love their touniry, when their rulers adopt pernicious measures, to eripose the evil, and endeavor to have such men rtmr ved from cfHce, and wiser and better Kien put in their peaces. The Clergy know, that some- times God o'dains wicked rulers to be the instruments of his vengeance or a people. When a people imbibe a spirit of infidelity, and contemn the Divine authori- ty, God givi- s them unprincipled rulers to be a scourge — just as h.e ordains hurricanes and earthquakes to execute his vtngeance : but no man loves hurricanes, earthquakes, or pesliience, in themselves considered, •although thev are ordained of God to accomplish his purposes of judgment. All men consider it their du- t)', a? much as possible to iivert such calamities.^ though ihey are stnt by God. lit has m the Scriptures given 2-5 uti a certain rule to determine when t/icVed men ai^ at the head of a nation. In Psalm xii. 8. we have this rult^-The wicked walk on every side^ when the vilest men are exalted. When vile and profligate men, without principle or talents, are appointed as the agents of Administration, that Admiaistratiou roust be cor- rupt. In that -case, the wicked will walk oit every side — that is, wicked men will then multiply, and be ©pen and bold in vice. It is natural that this should be the case : for when viie men are exalted to office under an Administration, it will be seen that infidelity and profligacy of morals ar<;, in the view of that Ad- ministration, qualifications for office : a course of vice is the road to preferment. Therefore wickedness, in such a state of things, receives public encouragement. — Now when the Clergy see, that the vilest men are exalted, and that wickedness is thereby emboldened, what shall they do ? Must they approve of such an Administration? Must they keep silence, and not expose wickedness in high places ? Would the prr>phet Elijah have kept silence in such a case? He was a man of God; biit he boldly condemned the character and conduct of Ahab, because he was an unprincipled and wicked ruler, though he was ordaiiaed of God to be an instrument of judgment on the people of Israel for their sins. Read his conversation with that king of Israel — And Ah'b said unto him, (that is, Elijah) Art thou he that troubieth Israel? And he answer edy lam not he that troubUth Israel; but thou and thy fa^ there's house. At another time, when Elijah received a -divine message to go to Ahab, the king said to the prophet. Hast thou found me ^ Q mine enemy? And he answer sd^ I have found thee, because thou hast sold thyself to work evil in the sight of the Lora. Behold^ I will bring evil upon thee, — This was plain deahng; and It proves, that it is Bot the Divine will that the Clergy should be silent when vile men are exalted ; C -n^uch less that they should approve of wielded men or measures. •' We LtQ by the part which the prophet Jeremiah acted, that the Clergy are not bound to approve of all -sorts of men for rulers, or of measures which are wicked and ruinous. And in him we have an exam- ple of the treatment which they will receive for ex- posing th« wickedness of men and their measures.-— Jeremiah was a man of God ; and v/hat was his lan- guage towards Zedekiah and the measures of his Ad- ininistralion? He knew, that civil government was <>rdained of God; and it is quite probable that he was obedient to ils institutions; yet that did not deter him irom exposing the wickedness of the rulers. He vjcis opposed to the war zvhich the king was carrying on — and uniformly declared that he would not prosper.-— He said to the messengers which the king sent to in- quire of him, l^hus shall ye say to Zedekiah, Thus saiih the LoRD^ Behold I will turn back the xceupons oj xvar that are in your hands, wherezoith ye fight against the king of Babylon; and I will fight against you zvith aii ■eutstr etched hand ^ and with a strong arvd^ even in an^ ger, and in fury, and in great xvrafh. Jf a prophet should now rise up among us, and use such language as this resj)ecting the unnecessary war in which this nation is involved, what would the lov- ers of this disastrous measure sa}? Read Jeremiah xxxviii. 4. and you may learn what they would say: Therefore the princes saz%l to the king, IVe beseech you, let this man be put to death: for thus he weakencth the bands of the men of war that remain in this city^ ar.d the hands of all the people^ in speaking such rvords unto them : for this man ste.keth not the rvelfare of this peO' /ile, but the .hurt. — Here the charge against Jeremiah v/as, that he sought not the good, but the hurt ..< the l^ieople; or in modern languane, he was not a p.itr'iOt^ because iie exposed ihe wickt^dness of the rulers, and 2r &poke in a discouraging manner respecting the wzr. For this he was more than once put in prison. Who docs not see, that the san^e spirit which the princes of Judah showed to Jeremiah, is manifested towards the Clergy no'v, by those who approve of this war-, and especially by those who profit by it? No. VI.. WHEN a writer undertakes to er.hibtt some things^ in defence of the Clergy, it is natural th^U he should attend to an inquiry which has seldom been answered in such publications as a newspaper. The inquiry is — IVht/ cu'o ih& Clt^rg^ so offensive to a cerl-i'm clans of men m this countr:,? T'he fact is indisputable, that the Congregational and Presbyterian Clergy are very odious to certain characters— more odious th^ia m^n of any other profession. Every instrument, not excepting YuUehood and misrepresentation, is put in operation to annoy them, and destroy their influence. Every exertion is made to deprive them of that sup- port which the Gospel has enjoined on men to allow them. As their outward conduct in general cannot be^ impeached, their m. )tives and views are misrepresent- ed. It is intimated, that their motives are wholly selfish and corrupt; that they aim not at the good of * their flocks, but at worldly gain and self aggrandize- ment. This suggestion is a leflection upon the un- derstanding of the Clergy. It would prove them des- titute of common sense. For, if worldly gain is their object, they have been very unfortunate in their choice of means to obtain it; for they have chosen that employment which, of all others, p.iTords tho least prospect of emolument — They are represented as a dangerous set of mm. The f:isJt.thut th^y are oi- 2n /endive to a certain description of persons must be cbvious to every one; for it is presumed, that almost every person in the community has heard them vilifi- ed with great bitterness. And what reason can be given why these men should be objects of such pecu- liar hat>red? It is not because, as men, they are more disagreeable characters than other men. It cannot be contended, that they invade the rights of others, or that they are hard-hearted, unfeeling, and cruel men. Neither can it be said, with ti-uth, that they put them- selves above their fellow creatures; that they are proud ^and assuming men. Those, among whom they ex- ercise their ministry, will testify that the New-Eng- land C!er;;y condescend to men of low estate; and that they are attentive to the distresses of p'^ople of the most humble condition. Why then are these men so odious? There are two causes which I^pprehend may satis- factorily account for this, which I briefly state. One cause why the Clergy are so offensive is, that the system of religious truth, which they are appointed to maintain and enforce, always was, and aUvays will be, offensive to men of corrupt sentiments and profligate lives. It is natural to transfer the offence of the Cross to those who maintain the iloctrmes of the Cross. The Clergy cannot be faithful without giving offence to such characters. I have already noticed the warn- ings which the Savior has given his ministers, respect- ing the treatment which they will receive on account ©f the offensive truths which they maintain. But in the 11th chapter of the Revelation, the reason, why those who faithfully preach the truths of the Bible are offensive characters, is plainly stated. They are call- ed Witnesses. It is said, that they shall prophesy cloth- ed in sackcloth, or exercise their ministry in a state of depression. Towards the close of their testimony, it is siid the beast, who riseth out of the bottomless 29 pit, siviH make war with them^ and siay them; which is understood to mean, that the spirit of infidelity shall, for a time, accomplish the downfall of the Cler- gy; and their downfall is the occasion of unusual j:>y; as may be seen by looking at the 10r.h verse: And they that dwdl upon the earth shall rejoice coer them^ (that is, the witnesses) and make merry^ and shall send gifts one to another, because these txoo prophets tor- mi-ntod them that dwelt upon the earth. The occasion of this j .y and merriment among men is, that these witnesses, who tormented wicked men, are down: Their influence is destroyed. But how do the wit- nesses of the truth torment such m.en?. They do it by exposinjr the profligacy of their piinciples aixl lives, Thev torment them, by making them see their real character, and warning them of their dangler. Another reason why the Clergy are so offensive to some men is, that whatever influence they have, pre- sents an obstacle in the way of the ultimate designs of these men. At the commencement of the French Revolution, that earthquake of the moral world, a set. of men combined together who called themselves Ja- cobins, Their avowed object was the destruction of all those institutions and habits, v/hether rtligioas, ci- vil, or social, which had before bound men one to another in society. They immediately took measures to increase their numbers, and extend their influence; and they w^ere but too fatally successful in this kind. of propagation. In this country were men who were already predisposed to imbibe the spirit oi- yacobini^:fy and disorg'iiiiz^ation; men in whom was a strong affii- ity with the vie\iis bf those who produced the unpre- cedented horrors of that revolution, and who appro^*^. ed of the excesses wh.ich were committed in France and the neighboring States. While I apeak' of Ja* cobhis^l would not be understood to include all of that political denominatioa who are called Democrats*. ' C8 Some of this denomination are worthy of esteem, men of pure principles and correct habits; but it is to he feared, that the}' have yielded too much to the in- fluence of others who have imbibed this disorganiz- ing spirit. A Jacjhvi is one who feels a deadly hostility to all those religious and civil institutions which preserve the order of society. He is impatient of every moral and social restraint, and labors inces- santly to disengage himself from all such restraints, and demolish the regular and sober habits of our fore- fathers. Sensible that, while religious principle and moral virtue are held in estimation, he cannot rise in- to consequence, he labors to erase from the minds of men every inipression ot the difference between virtue and vice, honesty and fraud, simplicity and deceit. If he can bring about this state of confusion in the moral world, he sees a fair chance that he may obtain preferment and power. In such a state of things, knavery is more likely to succeed and rise to pov/er than honesty, because a knave will use means to ob- tain preferment which an honest man would not. The Clergy stand directly in the way of such men. While they have influence, they are an obstacle be- tween such men and their ultimate object. The influ- ence of the Clergy tends to support and strengthen the wholesome institutions and habits of former times, and maintain in the minds of m.-^n an estimation of virtue and honesty, and an abhorrence of duplicity and fraud. This is a reason why they are so offensive to Ifacob'ins and disorganizers. V/hen men are pursi> ing an object that is very desirable, they feel impa- tient at obstacles which stand in their way, and will endeavor to remove them. There is no wonder that the C'ergy are so odious to men who labor to demalish the restraints which Religion and society have laid upon their vicious appetites.. 51 No. vir. IN stating the reasons for that part which the Cler- gy take in i elation to this war, it was natural to bring; into view the alieclgeci causes of the war, in order to settle the important question oi its justice. I trust it has been proved by lacts, r^t least to the satisfaction of candid men, that every subject of difficulty betweea this country and Great Britain, except one, might have been settled by negociation, in a manner that would be honorable to the United States. The Or- ders in Council were removed, agreeable to the uni<^ form promise of that government, as soon as they were duly notified of the repeal of the Berlin and Milan Decrees. That government never set up a claim to search merchant vessels for native Americans-; and t^iOugh native Americat^s had been imprtessed by mistake, and also by the abuse of British cffiecrs, that government offered to restore such, v/htn it should be ascertained that they were American citizens; and to make such arrangements with this government as should remove this source of complaint for the future. These facts are undeniably proved by the public doc- uments, and also by the deliberate declaration of one who is now a member of the American cabmet. The only remaining difficuUy, which could not be settled by negociation, and that which is the only cause why the nation is precipitated into a disasti-ous war, is this — 'The American administration contend, not only for the right to naturalize the subjects oi Great- Britain, but to protect them when on board merchant vessels, and beyond the territory of thisgovernmcnr. Great Britain, on the contrary, contends that our laws of naturalization ought not to interfere with the rights of other nations^ and as every nation has a natural xight to the service of its own subjects, especially in tim« of war^ she contends that our acts of natur.aliz^ 32 linn cnnnnt dissolve the S'legiance which sah.jccts mt- urailyo-veto the country that protected them in the time of their infancy and youth. She never wili relinq'jish her claim to the service of natural b:)rn subjects. As, therefore, we are at war with that nation in order to protect her subjects, even beyond our territory; it is to inq'iire v/hether the principle for which v/e contend is not manifestly unjust, as well as contrary to the usages of all civilized nations. But there are other reasons why the Clergy should be dissatisfied with that course of measures which have, brought us into this calamitous condition. The Cler- gy, and many others, hsve seen an abandonment of that neutral ground which was assumed by Washing- ton. When the unprecedented horrors of the French revolution be^gan to appear, and tiiose who conducted the affairs of France at that time employed every arti- fice to prevail on the people of this country to make a common cause with them, that wise and prudent Statesman, that Father of his country, foreseeing the evils which vv^ere ensuing on the world in consequence of that revolution, issued his Proclamation of neutral- ity. It is well kDov/t>, that this wise and safe measure gave great offence to those who felt a strong affinity with the spirit which actuated the French revolution. From that moment they began to oppose his measures^ and that man, " whose like we ne'er shall look upon again," was not permitted to go down to the grave without abuse, because he would not have fellowship in the murderous scenes that were acted in France. — From that time, in^cessant attempts have been made to change the neutral position of the United States. — At length the friends of France have succeeded. It the administration had maintained that neutrality which Washington assumed, and especially if they had cultivated a neutral temper, the alarm of war would n with others, have lately made a manly attempt to have this disgraceful business investigated. Mr. Hanson asks for liberty to sui-^stantiate - all these facts; but he will not obta'n it. Information will be suppressed, 6.uch 13 the policy which has led to this war. Have 35 not all reflectirg men reason to be clissatisficd witV the spirit nnd the measures which have brought thta' most dreadful calamity upon the nation ! No. VIII. FROM the observations that have been made re* specting the everts that have iuvoived the country in var, the Clergy can come to no other conclusion, than that an cverweeninp; subserviency to France, ai.d an implacable hatrtd to Great. Britain, have infiuerced the administration to adopt th's desperate measure. In the process of our national difiiouhies, they have concealed or palliated the wrongs ai;d insu'ts '.vhich- we have received from France; and magnilied, be- yond all credible dimensions,*" these which v/e have received from Great Britain* But there are' other circumstances belonging to .this, in common with all wars, which would naturally influence Cl-^rgymen to condemn that policy, which^ without manifest necessity, should inv< Ive this once happy country in that calamity. The vocation of the Clergy will naturally incline them, if they arc iauhiul, to dread the effects of^rar. It is one object of their calling to preserve the people from those habits of im- < morality and vice which will drown ihcir souls in perdition; but war tends to fix such habits upon them. The life of a soldier seems to be no other than a life ef dissipation and vice. When he engages in that em- ployment,he feels disengaged from all mond and social restraints, and concludes that he must, in this condi- tion, despise the authoritv and profane the name of the great JEHOVAH. War aUvays serves to beget and confirm the most perRicicus habits, profaneness, in;tmperarxe> sabbath- 56 breaking, and a practical contempt of the institu- tUjBs of religion. The pernicious cffectb of war are not confined to those only who engage in a military life. Ttie Vv- hole mass of the community is infected. Its tendency is to eradicate that benevolence and com- passion which mankind ougb.t to exercise towards each other, as the offspring uf one common Parent, and to nourish all the bad passions of the human heart. By familiarizing a people to scenes of violence and slaughter, it produces a savageness of feeling and ofmanncrs. Those who arrived to a stat« of man^iood previous to the rev olutior^ary war, can testi- fy that the moral character of this people was greatly changrd for the worse by that event. Since that time, infidelity has had an influence in this country which was not known bclore, and violations of the Sabbath, and profantness and intemperance, have prevailed to a degree which threatens a subversion of all civil and social order. Although war is one of the judgments of Heaven, it has never been known to reform a pe' pie. Its ii^ual tendency has been to strengthen every licentious propensity of the human heart, and break down -all the sober habits of a people. But this war has a more alarming aspect, on ac- count of the connexion which it unavoidably creates between this country and France. Great pains have been taken, to make the people believe, that though we are at war with G.Britain, we are not therefore as- sociated with her enemy. But if two men are con- tending with each other, and a third selects one of these for his enemy, and falls upon him, can any man conceive that he does not help the other, just so tar as his abilities will go? Can any one be made to be- lieve, that he does not intend to assist the other, when he lends him all his strength? The whole civilized world is engaged in one un- precedented itruggle. Wc nave voluntarily entered ifeto this conflict, and declared to the world the sittfc on which we stand — the scale into which we mean to throw our strength. Did not Bonaparte, last sum- mer, consider that we were associated with him? Was it not evideTit li«t spring, that the parties in this c^read^ul struggle 'wefe, on the one side. Great Brit- ain, Russia, Prussia, Sweden, aiid Spain; and, on die other side, France, the United States, Holland^ Switzerland, Italy, and the German States?* ^ Since this ivcsj^rst pubthhed^ the dreadful striig- ;gle has termin tt'dhi Enrcp':; and through the ivonder^ Jiil mercy oj God^ it has terminated in fnvf.r of those Powers -ivfio respect the rights of independent nati^ns^ and the L^iws of HiAVks — It has ienniuated in the THarvedoiis overthrow of that Power which has disown- ed the Authority cf Jehovah.^ deified itself and tram* pled ah.ke on the rights of nations arid Vie institutions cf Religion. This "tvondtrfu'I interposition of Provi' denee hos removed much of the alarm zvhich serious people huve ft'ltt in regard to the result of this war,^^ It is tr^e^ the war mny cost tlie nation trj^o or three hundreu millions of dollars; and many lives ^ and some cfthem perhaps useful lives^ xvill be thrown away: But it wid not noxo associate this Christian Republic wiik an Atheistical Power ^ tvhich^ three years ago^ threat- exied to extend its biasting influence over all the civilized TV', rid. It is worthy of observation, that the greats ihernag^ fiammoiis Allxandlr, who is called by the supporters . oJ this war "A Ro}al Ruffian,'' ^* The Head of a Baiclitti ot Varrdals, K(bhers, aid Slaves," did ac^- tually delay ^ for st veraldays^ his iniiit^ry prepara tions for the memorable can^pafgn oJ 1813, in order tluft he might pfrsovnlly assist in the formation of a BIBLE SUCIL'lT at M. Piter sburg.^- He lost nrthiyig by ihia delay, 'Iht event proVi.d^ that CoD honor i those Every attempt- to prove that the war does not asso- ciate this country with the fortunes of Bonaparte is %^ain. An intimate connection between us and that scourge of Europe must unavoidably grow out of this state of things. And Avhat an alarming considera- tion, to have this Christian Republic associated with a nation of Atheists, a nation v,^hich has pubhcly dis- solved its allegiance toGod! Beiore Bonaparte placed himself at the head of the French nation, they had, by a public & national act, declared that they would no long- er be in subjection to the King of Heaven! But if any one doubts this, let him read the cfficial communica- tions of Bonaparte during the two last campaigns, and compare them with the proclamations and official accounts of his enemies. It will be seen that the Al- lies, in taking up arms, ha\'e acknowledged that there 3s a God who governs the world, and decides the des- tiny of men. They have made their appeal to Him as the Arbiter of nations; and when victorious, they have imputed their successes to his kind interposition, and given the praise to Him. But where, in all the .official bulletins of Bonaparte, can there be found one acknowledgment of a God, or an overru ing Provi- dence? In what official communication has he ascri- bed anv success to Jehovah.^ It is notorious, that jae has ascribed his victories to his own skill and ivho konor hlv. The most 7narvcl!ons success has at- iended his entcrprlzes. He^ with his AWes^ has inarch- ed through Europe^ like a Guardian Angel, not to destroy, Mit to reUore Peace and Order tv hkedvig and distracted . nations, Tet the promoters oj this war rtprcach him '(vith the vulgar epithet of '' Ronal Ruffiun /" — Ah I thci: never will forgive him this offence.. ..that he has prostrated their IDOL^ aiid arretted the progress of Jtheism\ Disorganization., and the shedding oJ innocent bhod. strength; and thus in efffct deified himself. In his' very last speech to his Senate, alter the overwhelm- ing disasters v/hich he experienced in Germany, he did explicitly declare that he would yet control events, which is a denial that the D:^ity rules in the armies o^ Keaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth. Is not tliis the power which exalts itself above all that is called God, or that is worshipped? By the present war, we are unavoidably associated with this power. We make a common cause with this power which haa disowned the God of cur fathers. T!us circumstance cannot but affect the minds of the Clergy, and all seri- ous minded pe^p'e. They cannot avoid the appre- hension, that as we are naiicnally associated with that power in its projects of conquest, we shall imbibe its spirit and partake of its plagues. There is another circumstance relating to this con- nection that must iuTect the minds of religious people. It is well known that, in these days of darkness, gloom- iness and indignation, one portion of the civilized world has taken a deep interest in the great work of evangelizing the heathen. " A multitude of Societies have been formed in Europe, and a vast atnount of property has been expended, for t.ie purpose of trans- lating the Scriptures into the languages of the hea- then, and sending preachers to them. But in v^hat part of Europe, on which side of this great conflict, in which the civilized world is engaged,are these char- itable institutions to be found? They are all, without exception, among those who are fighting a,;^ainst Bo- naparte for the emancipation of Europe. In a sense, we may say they are found among our national ene- mies; wh'.le our national friends, the French, have no participation in the grand de-.ign of sending the light of Divine truth to the heathen. Nay, when the British and Foreign Bible Society, a few years since, contemplated printing an edition of the Scriptui'es in the French language, their agents-searched the city of Paris- two days before they could find a single copy of the Bible. Now serious people cannot but think of these things, anxl be aiTected with the circumstance that we have come into such a reUtioa wkh such an atheistical power* The Clergy are accused of betng under the influence of Great Britian, because they do not approve of this war. It is to be hoped,that they have yielded them- selves to no influence but that of Divine truth.. Bat if they are attached to this cause, they cannot but la- ment that, by an unnecessary and rash step, we are ihe enemies cf that people who, vvith all their faalf,s^ do more than all the rest of the world btside io extend the knowledge of revealed Religion. How much has the Govern,fir of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts been abused ior Kaviag called Great- Britain *'the bulwark of our Rdigionl'* It is always inanly to give our enemies their due. Governor Strong or the New-England Clergy never pretended that all the people of Great-Britain are righteous, or that all who compose their administtation are right- eous. A majority of them may be very wicked men.. But it is a fact, that there is a people in Great- Britain who make greater efforts and sacrifices to enlighten the heathen nations in the knowledge of revealed truth, than all the rest of the world combined* Therefore, if we are to know a people by their fruits, if we are to judgii of the spirit of a nation by what they do to iip" hold and strengthen the cause of religion, the declara- Jrjn is true that Great-Britain is the bulwark of our 'Religion. Can it be thought strange, can it be a crime in iha Clergy, provided they submit to the laws of the land, if they feel a strong desire that we may be at peace ».vith Great-Britain, and that our civil rulers should ciiUivate a spirit of peace towards tbnt nation? 41 No. IX. THE Clergy have great cause to reprobate the policy of the administration, ^n account of the change Avhich the war, if conlinucfl, wi!l be likely to produce in our civil institutions. Its tendency is to change our republican institutions into an aristocracy, or even a monarchy. A sta':e of war in a republic, pu'.s great power into the hands of him who is at the head. It creates new places for salary-nien, who are appomted by the chief aiagistrate of the nation. What a muhi- tude cf offices are created by the present war! All the officers of the army, xhe revenue officers, assessors and deputy-assessors, collectors and deputy-collectors, and custom-house officers,- who, it is said, are ap- pointed in every considerable town and village through the United States.- These all derive their offices and their salaries, directly or indirecdy, from Presidential favor. The more fiivors of this kind a President has to bestow, the greater will be his power. He vv.il be so much the better enabled to carry into effect his plans, and, in the end, fix himself at the head of the nation. As all these receive their offices and emolu- ments from the favor of the President, it will be a wonder indeed iftheyarenot subservient to hira.-—- They will not be willing to forfeit the favor of their Patron, and lose their offices and salaries. They will therefore be ready, at all times, to support him, ancl carry his measures into effect. Let him propose what measures ^e will, these dependants of his will be ready to second, him; for if he fad to accomplish his plans, their craft xuilt be in danger. Besides those officers who in time of peace depend upon the President, what a host of military officers, officers of the customs and revenue, are now under his command ! Let it be remembered, thi\t thid arm^', already numerous 42 «n^ formidable, receive their pay outofthe peopfe's- Tnoney: biu the people do not appoint th€m--th^y are not dependaot on the people for their ofRces, l^ut oiy the President. Is there no danger in placing s-uch power in the hands of the President? Are the peo- ple'^ rights in no danger,, when it has become the ia* terest cf such a forrttidable host to support him, and carry into effect any measures which he may proposfe? Since the declaration, of war, ao attempt has been made to place the whole military &;rength of the coun* try, in effect, under the President. The monslroua doctrine, that he might call cut the miittia of the States, and put thena undep ofEcers of his ow^n ap* pointment, and or-der them away for a foreign con- bluest, has been urged, and carried Into cperation \^ some of the States., to a certain degree. This would make the President absolute, at one strid<^.- He and his friends have nothing to do but. create a war, and the whole military strength of the country is in his hands, and the sovereignty of the States is destroyed — State sovereignty becomes- nothing but a. name. — ^ Surely the Constitution does not ooniem plate that the entire physical strength of the country should be pot into the hands of the President,, whenever he might make a party in Congress strong enough to declare war. The fact appears to be, that those who framed the ConsHtulioa never contemplated that this Repub- lic would engage in a war for foreign conquest. It is probable, that they cfinsidered such a war to be who'* }y contrary to the genius of such a. government, and therefore they made no provision for calling out the fttrengch of the country for such a ^reject. The prodigality with which thiswar is managed^ endangers our civil liberties. Under the administra^ tion of Mr. Adams,, there was an impression created in the minds of people, that the expensive measures which were then. pursued would lUum^tdy pUicf t|i« I A3 real* prop<^rty of the rtatioii in the hancls of afca-m<»- nUd nvjnvandtlit: present I in d- holders would become tenants lo tUose vvl>o 3hbula loan the money to delray the expenses of- lb. a governnit-nt.. liwi. what must people thm4v of- the unexampled prodigality of this ad- ministration I I- say wifx n}il>!ed jn-jdigaliiij t for in- what page of- hist.'>i:y can u be foainl, tliat a nation has olTcrc-dihe exorbitant bounty which is n.-^u' rffrred to men to enlist fi5s service, besides eight di/Uars t> the ofhctr or citizen who shall procure a soldier. This makes 07ie hundred and th'srty txvo- dollars bounty: tor each m;ir, besides hia monthly wa- ges.. How long can the country snatain such a« un- precedented expense^ before the real property shall be swallowed up, or shifted into other hands ? Was there ever such an irtstance of prodigalitN I The in- dustrious farmer will inq lire, where the enormous suiTL of money, to carry on a needless and unjast war, can be obtained? I answer — there iwe men, and banking companies, who can loan tlvis money to the ;government. Bat let this Fsme industrious farmer remember, that his farna &tards pledged, and in a •sense mortgaged, to pny it. The estate of every man is pledged to pay the public expense. This siate of things, if suffered to continue luuc-h longer^ will in- evitably place the real property of the country in the hands of a few, and thus crv; te an odious- aristocracy. It will parcel the lands into- lordships; and destroy our republican institutions. The Clergy v/ish that such a change may be averted., They are (riendly to the civil liberties of the country. They are pleased with that eqMulity of condition which is enjoyed in New- Eng- land, especially in those places vvnere agriculture is ^ priu<^i2^'^ employ oi^nt. Tbey wisb tbftt^ tb*^ fuj^ 44^ m^r, who by patient industry is enabled to support his family and dciVav bis t'rdinarv expenses, may be enabled to keep his farm, and not have to cringe to some haughty lordling. But they have serious appre- hensions, that if this unexampled, expensive system,- 15 allowed to continue long, the farmer will not be able long to call that inheritance his own, which descend- ed to Ijim irom h's ancestors. Let those persons, whose fears v/ere excited, under a former administration, that the country would be loaded with insupportable burdens, compare the ex- pense of those days v/ith the present waste and prodi- gality of the property of the nation. Let them inquire what all this expense is f >r. Is it to conquer the fro- zen regirn *^f the Canadas? a country that can do us no good if we have it, and the loss of which will do oui enemy little or no harm.— Or is it to create an un- natural Presidential power, and satisfy the cupidity of that host who have been waiting for profitable offices? Let pet. pie inquire if it is not time to avert this expensive, this wasteful policv, and place the administrati< n in the hands of other men. . The Clergy iiav^. great reason to believe, that the degree of rage fur war, which exists, is kept up by those who have either obtained, or live in the expec- tation of obtaining, offices of profit. By far the larg- est part of those who expect to live by honest and steady industry, it is believed, do reprobate the war, and the manner in which it is conducted. It is be- lieved, that the time is coming, when, perhaps too late, it will be seen, that the Clergy, in disapproving of this war, have taken a part which is favorable to the civil liberties of the community. 4S COM MUNICH TION, Ma. Editor, I Have occastorrally seen some Essays of a late wrtLer, who has undei taken to vilifv the CJergv »n the insidious form of an address to them. I consider this »s one of the numerous efforts oi" the present times, to 3> ?^^ ^w^ ... ±>mmi€:>^ ^^» :^>I> >^>-~^