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HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830: 
 
 WITH « 
 
 AJmIm the AXrZSCDOTISS 
 
 RELATING TO IT. 
 
 •^^ By J. S. & C. C. 
 
 " Libertas, carissima populo!" — Sallust. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 1830. 
 
U II I 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 OF CONGRESS 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 Eastern District of Pennsylvania^ to idit i 
 
 BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the eiehth day of ficcemfeer^ 
 in the fifty-fifth year of the independence of the United States of 
 America, A.D. 1830, J. S. & C. C. of the said district, have deposited 
 in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim a» 
 proprietors, in the words following, to wit : 
 
 "History of the French Retolution of 1830 : with all the Anecdotes 
 relating to it. ByJ. S. &C.C. 
 
 *' Libertas, carissima populo !" Sallust. 
 
 In conformity to the act of the Cong^ress of the United States, intituled^ 
 •* An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies 
 of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such co' 
 pies, during the times therein mentioned"— and also to the act, enti* 
 tied, " An act supplementary to an act, entitled, 'An act for the en- 
 couragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and 
 books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times 
 therein mentioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of 
 desigmng) engraying) and etching historical and other prints." 
 
 D. CALDWELL, 
 Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.^ 
 
TO 
 
 PETER S. DUPONCEAU, LL.D. 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, 
 AND ATHENJEUM OE PHILADELPHIA, 
 
 CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, 
 
 THE FOLLOWING PAGES, 
 
 EMBRACING THE 
 
 HISTORY OF A MEMORABLE ERA IN THE 
 ANNALS OF HIS COUNTRY, 
 
 ARE, 
 
 Pfith great respect and consideration^ 
 DEDICATED, 
 
 BY 
 
 THE AUTHORS. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Among tlie events that transpired on the 
 eastern continent, during this century, none 
 appear in a political point ol'view, so preg- 
 nant with interest and importance as those 
 of which we are about to give the minutes. 
 The recent revolution of France has made 
 an axiom of the trite adage, so long des- 
 pised by monarchs, that '^ the will of the 
 people is sovereign." History does not re- 
 cord a revolution so gloriously conceived 
 and so rapidly executed. In other times. 
 Liberty, like a prude, had to undergo a ce- 
 remonious, delusive, and tedious course of 
 courtship ; her glimpses were few and far 
 between; and what seemed favours from 
 her, were only smiles : but France, laying 
 aside the trammels of formality and time, 
 flew to the goddess, and at once embraced 
 her. Three days saw the Fi'ench hurl the 
 despot from his throne, disperse his minions, 
 model their government, and erect the fane 
 
IV . PREFACE. 
 
 of liberty on the ruins of aristocracy. We 
 have only to regret that their enthusiasm 
 was not of longer duration, and that they 
 permitted a relique of the despotic family of 
 the Bourbons, however restricted his power, 
 to wield a sceptre over them. Undoubtedly 
 they fought for republicanism, and they 
 should have obtained it; but, as the illus- 
 trious Count de Survilliers remarks, and 
 we coincide in his judgment, <^the fate of 
 the revolution is not yet decided." The rea- 
 sons of influential men (who, by the way, 
 lost neither a drop of blood nor sweat in the 
 revolution) for installing tlie Duke of Or- 
 leans, are nugatory and unsatisfactory. 
 
 With regard to our work, we have only 
 to remark, that a part of it comprises a free 
 translation of a Parisian pamphlet, entitled 
 ^^ L'Histoire de la R6g6n6ration de la Li- 
 berty." 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 
 
 ^^ '*>T^ ^5 Ot4*' •" 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 State of France. — Charles the Tenth by an Ordinance 
 dissolves the Chamber, suspends the Liberty of the 
 Press, and changes the Electoral System. — Effects of 
 this Policy. 
 
 26th, 27th or July, 1830. 
 
 The elections had just terminated to the 
 great and unanimous satisfaction of France. 
 The most profound calm, and perfect order 
 reigned as well in Paris as in the depart- 
 ments. The citizens could not credit the 
 report, notwithstanding the reiterated me- 
 naces of ministerial journals, that the court 
 had resolved on striking the blow with the 
 political sword so repeatedly brandished 
 over their heads, and as uniformly returned, 
 
 A 2 
 
6 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 in dread, to its scabbard. They could not 
 imagine that audacity, associated with mad- 
 ness, would hurry their rulers to the execu- 
 tion of such a flagitious scheme, and awaited 
 with confidence the dawn of the next day, 
 when their assembled deputies should adju- 
 dicate a ministry which had been for one 
 year an incubus on the country, compromis- 
 ing its honour, and undermining its liber- 
 ties. 
 
 The royal government seemed to have re- 
 nounced every hostile project against the 
 chambers. Sealed letters had been address- 
 ed to the peers of France^ the session was 
 to open on the third of August. 
 
 But while the citizens, full of confidence 
 in the legal order, expected justice from the 
 firmness and devotion of their commission- 
 ers, the most execrable intrigues were plot- 
 ling at court, and the project which they 
 imagined the ministry dared not attempt, 
 was on the eve of being accomplished. 
 
 It is a remarkable circumstance, that the 
 secret had been religiously kept, and the peo- 
 ple, full of respect for the duties imposed on 
 them, should feel themselves as full of confi- 
 dence in their chartered rights, even at the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF \B2&. 7 
 
 very moment when every thing was wrested 
 from them. 
 
 All at once, on the morning of the 26th of 
 July, the Moniteur announced to France that 
 the work of iniquity so often and so long- 
 menaced, was at length consummated: One 
 ordinance suspends the liberty of the press; 
 another dissolves the chamber, not yet as- 
 sembled; a third changes and upsets the law 
 of elections, the real palladium of French 
 liberty. It was under cover, and in the name, 
 of the charter, that the charter itself was 
 violated; the fourteenth article stating that 
 the king makes ordinances for the execution of 
 the lawSy was wofully tortured, and the pact 
 between the nation and the king was wrested 
 to prove the divine right, the constituent 
 power, and a mass of other absurdities as 
 odious as they are infamous. 
 
 The despotic decree for dissolving the 
 chamber of deputies is couched in the fol- 
 lowing words: 
 
 CHARLES^ ^c. To all those to ivhom these 
 presents may come^ Greeting: 
 
 In consequence of article 50, of the Con- 
 stitutional charter. 
 
8 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Being informed of the manoeuvres that 
 have been practised in many quarters of our 
 kingdom, to deceive and mislead the electors 
 during the last operations of the electoral 
 colleges. 
 
 Our council being heard, 
 
 We have ordained and do ordain: 
 
 Article I. The Chamber of Deputies of 
 the Departments is dissolved. 
 
 II. Our minister. Secretary of State of the 
 Interior, is charged with the execution of the 
 present ordinance. 
 
 Given at St. Cloud, July 25, of the year 
 of Grace, 1830, and of our reign the 6th. 
 
 CHARLES. 
 
 By the King. 
 
 The President of the Council of Ministers, 
 Count de Peyronnet. 
 
 The ordinance for suspending the liberty 
 of the press ran as follows: 
 
 CHARLES, 8rc, 
 Upon the report of our Council of Ministers, 
 we have ordained and do ordain, as follows; — 
 
 Article I. The liberty of the periodical 
 press is suspended. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 9 
 
 IL The dispositions of articles 1st, 2d, 
 and 9th, of the law of Oct. 21, 1814, are fully 
 restored. 
 
 Consequently, no periodical or semi-pe- 
 riodical journal and writinr^, established or 
 to be established, without distinction of the 
 matters which shall be treated of therein, 
 can appear either in Paris or in the depart- 
 ments, but by virtue of the authorization 
 which the authors and printers shall have 
 obtained separately from us. 
 
 This authorization must be renewed every 
 three months. 
 
 It may be revoked. 
 
 III. The authorization may be provision- 
 ally granted and provisionally withdrawn by 
 the Prefects from the journals, and periodi- 
 cal or semi-periodical works published or to 
 be published in the departments. 
 
 IV. The journals and writings published 
 in contravention of Art. 2, shall be immedi- 
 ately seized. The presses and types which 
 may have been used in printing them, shall 
 be placed in a public depot under seal, or 
 shall be put out of use. 
 
 V. No writing under twenty sheets shall 
 appear without the authorization of our Mi' 
 
10 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 nister, Secretary of State of the Interior at 
 Paris, and of the Prefects in the departments. 
 Every writing of more than twenty sheets 
 which shall not constitute a complete work 
 of itself, shall be also required to be autho- 
 rized. Writings published without authori- 
 zation shall be immediately seized. The 
 presses and types which shall have been used 
 in printing them, shall be placed in a public 
 depot and under seal, or put out of use. 
 
 VI. Memoirs of learned or literary socie- 
 ties shall be submitted to the previous autho- 
 rization, if they treat in the whole or in part 
 of political matters, in which case the mea- 
 sures prescribed in Art. 3, shall be applica- 
 ble to them. 
 
 VII. Every disposition contrary to the pre- 
 sent ordinance shall be void. 
 
 VIII. The execution of the present ordi- 
 nance shall take place in conformity with the 
 4th article of the ordinance of the 27th Nov. 
 1816, and of what is prescribed by that of 
 Jan. 18, 1817. 
 
 IX. Our Ministers, Secretaries of State, 
 shall be charged with the execution of the 
 present ordinance. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 11 
 
 Given at our Castle of St. Cloud, the 25th 
 
 of July, 1830, and the sixth of our reign. 
 
 CHARLES. 
 By the King. 
 
 The President of the Council of Mi- 
 nisters, Prince de Polignac. 
 
 The Keeper of the Seals, Minister Se- 
 cretary of State and of Justice, 
 
 Chantelauze. 
 
 The Minister Secretary of State for 
 the Department of the Finances, 
 
 MONTBEL. 
 
 The Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs 
 and of Public Instruction, 
 
 The Count Guernon Ranville. 
 
 The Minister, Secretary of State of 
 Public Works, Baron Cappelle. 
 
 Next succeeded an ordinance materially 
 changing the rules of election, to which was 
 appended the decree for the convocation of 
 a new Chamber. 
 
 CHARLES^ ^c. By the Grace of God, 
 King of France and Navarre. To all those 
 to whom these presents may come, greeting: 
 In accordance with the royal ordinance, bear- 
 ing date of this day, relative to the organiza- 
 tion of the Electoral Colleges, upon the re- 
 
12 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 port of our Minister of the Interior, we have 
 ordained and ordain as follows: 
 
 Art* I. The Electoral Colleges shall as- 
 semble, namely, the electoral colleges of ar- 
 rondissement, the sixth of September next; 
 and the electoral college of the Departments, 
 the 18th of the same month. 
 
 II. The Chamber of Peers and the Chamber 
 of the Deputies of Departments are convoked 
 for the 28th of the month of September next. 
 
 III. Our Minister of the Interior is charged 
 with the execution of the present ordinance. 
 
 Given at our Palace of St. Cloud, the 25th 
 of July, in the year of our Lord 1830, and the 
 sixth of our reign. CHARLES. 
 
 By the King. 
 The Minister of the Interior, 
 
 Count de Peyronnet. 
 
 In a moment these ordinances were known 
 to the people, who crowded into the public 
 places to read them; they were restless and 
 agitated; imprecations escaped from every 
 lip, and this dereliction of legal order which 
 the nation experienced was succeeded by a 
 thirst for vengeance, which every instant 
 seemed to render more insupportable. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 13 
 
 Towards evening", however, affairs assumed 
 a more peaceful appearance^ the melancholy- 
 surprise was followed by a sentiment of con- 
 fidence in the patriotism of the people; they 
 relied on the power of public opinion, to 
 judge of the exaggerated and ridiculous pre- 
 tensions of the monarch, a bigoted dotard, 
 whose whole life had been but one prolonged 
 period of infancy; they gave vent to their 
 indignation, but no disturbance yet manifest- 
 ed itself; it was still easy to perceive that a 
 future explosion was inevitable. Before the 
 close of day numerous groups of people as- 
 sembled in every quarter; they met at the 
 Palais-Royale ; consulted, proposed resist- 
 ance; the thunder-cloud lowered and thicken- 
 ed every instant; the citizens felt the advan- 
 tage of their position; it was in the name of 
 the law, it was for their plighted fidelity that 
 they deliberated on their defence. Some 
 mounted on chairs in the garden and ha- 
 rangued the pressing crowd around them; 
 indignation warmed them into eloquence, and 
 their words found in every place an echo. 
 
 As to the ministry, it was calm; it had 
 counted on some agitation, but it hoped that^ 
 the soldiers would be able to enforce obe- 
 
14 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 dience on the citizens, by the point of the 
 bayonet. About ten o'clock many platoons 
 of these soldiers burst into the garden, and 
 the gleaming- bayonets were pointed against 
 the unarmed citizens. In a moment they 
 were surrounded, broken on every side; their 
 insolent summonses were answered by hoot- 
 ings, and they who entered the garden with 
 the intention of clearing it, were the first to 
 retreat from its limits. 
 
 These first tumults did not intimidate the 
 infamous violators of liberty. They counted 
 on rallying, and left the reclamations of the 
 people to be answered by the swords of the 
 soldiery; the massacres of Rue St. Denis was 
 present to their memories, and the laurels of 
 Delavau disturbed the slumbers of Mangin, 
 On the morning of Tuesday, this last person 
 called to him the commander of the soldiery. 
 He conversed with him on the subject of the 
 resistance, by which the orders of the perju- 
 red king would be inevitably confronted, and 
 proposed to him to arrest immediately every 
 peer and deputy on the opposition, who 
 should be found in Paris. " What think you 
 of this measure?" asked he. " It would be 
 excellent if it were complete.'* " What do 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 15 
 
 you mean to say?*' " That we should take 
 in, with the deputies and peers of whom you 
 spoke, all the editors on the opposition.'* 
 " I thought of that at first, but after mature 
 reflection, it appeared to me, that such a 
 plan would be making too much of these 
 scribblers." " It is not sufficient to strike 
 straight, but strong." " Thus you take upon 
 yourself to arrest the peers and deputies?" 
 " Doubtless, but I must have a written 
 order" 
 
 Mangin was not prepared to hear such a 
 demand 5 his heart failed him, and he refused 
 to sign the order. 
 
 The minister Polignac, however, neglect- 
 ed nothing to insure a complete and easy 
 victory^ wine and brandy were lavished in 
 the barracks; cartridges were distributed, 
 and each soldier of the royal guard received 
 an augmentation of ten francs to his pay. 
 
 On the evening of the 26th there was no 
 other disturbance than that which occurred 
 at the Palais-Royale, and which the gen- 
 darmes endeavoured to allay; the ordinance 
 was then known only to a few citizens; but 
 on the next morning, all Paris knew it; they 
 knew that the liberty of the press was sus- 
 
16 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 pended, that the elections were broken up, 
 that the law by virtue of which those elec- 
 tions were made, was annulled; and the min- 
 istry, as if they had not already committed 
 enough of crimes, accompanied these orders 
 by an insulting raillery. It was, said they, 
 for respect to the charter, established be- 
 tween the people and power, that power 
 tore up the charter, and trampled it under 
 foot! At the heel of these ordinances came 
 forth another, which conferred the title of 
 counsellors of state on men long and justly 
 attached to public opinion; there were Du- 
 don, Delavau, Franchet, and Conny. 
 
 Such extravagant hardihood appeared in- 
 credible; every one asked himself if he was 
 not the dupe of some guilty mystification; 
 when Mangin dissipated their doubts, by 
 causing an ordinance to be placarded, for- 
 bidding the public establishments to receive 
 or distribute the independent journals that 
 would have the courage to brave and oppose 
 the insolent ordinances. At the same time 
 the commissaries of police and gendarmes 
 surrounded the offices of liberal papers for 
 the purpose of seizing the presses, breaking 
 up the forms, and violating the editors' desks 
 by open force. The editors every where re- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. If 
 
 fused obedience, and it was found necessary 
 to burst open the doors to get into the print- 
 ing offices. 
 
 Full of confidence in the magistracy, seve- 
 ral journalists immediately presented a peti- 
 tion to Mr. Debelleyme, president of the first 
 tribunal of law cases, who instantly sent 
 them the following ordinance of report: 
 
 " Whereas the royal ordinance of the king, 
 in July 25th, relative to the periodical press,' 
 has not been promulgated according to the 
 formalities prescribed in Art. 4, of the or- 
 dinance of the 2rth of November, 1826, and 
 in Art. 1, of the ordinance of the 18th of 
 January, 1817,- considering that it is just to 
 grant the existing journals a necessary delay 
 to enjoy the benefit of Art. 2, of the afore- 
 said ordinance, as an interruption in the 
 publication of the periodicals might be pre- 
 judicial to them; we therefore ordain that 
 
 Mr. proceed in the composition and 
 
 impression of the Journal , that is to ap- 
 pear to-morrow, which will be provisionally 
 done, as an ordinance of report on the mi- 
 nutes, and before it shall be registered on 
 the rolls. 
 
 (Signed) « Debelleyme." 
 
 B 2 
 
18 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The journals appeared; the greater part 
 of them contained the subsequent energetic 
 protestation of the editors: 
 
 " It has been often announced in the last 
 six months, that the laws would be violated, 
 that the blow of despotism would be struck. 
 The good sense of the public refused cre- 
 dence to the report. The ministry rejected 
 the idea as a calumny. The Moniteur, how- 
 ever, has at length published these memora- 
 ble ordinances, which are a most glaring 
 violation of the laws. The reign of the laws 
 is therefore interrupted, that of force has 
 begun. 
 
 " In our situation, obedience ceases to be 
 a duty. The citizens who were first called 
 to obey, are the writers for the journals; 
 they should set the first examples of resist- 
 ance to an authority which has lost every 
 attribute of law. 
 
 " The reasons on which they ground them- 
 selves are such, that it is only necessary to 
 mention them. 
 
 " The matters regulated by the ordinances 
 published to-day, are such as the royal au- 
 thority alone cannot, in accordance with 
 the charter, determine. The charter (Arti- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 19 
 
 cle 8,) States that the French, in matters re- 
 garding the press, shall be bound to conform 
 to the laws. The charter (Article 35,) states 
 that the organization of electoral colleges 
 shall be regulated by the laws; it does not 
 say by ordinances.''^ 
 
 " The crown itself, up to this date, ac- 
 knowledged these articles^ it did not dream 
 of rising in arms against them, whether 
 under pretext of a constituent power, or of 
 a power falsely attributed to article 14. — 
 In every case, in fact, where serious circum- 
 stances appeared to it to require a modi- 
 fication in matters relating to the press, 
 or the electoral system, it has had re- 
 course to the two chambers. When it was 
 found necessary to modify the charter, for 
 the establishment of septennial meetings, 
 and the entire renewal, it had recourse, not 
 to itself as the author of this charter, but to 
 the chambers. 
 
 " Royalty has then acknovVledged, nay 
 practised the 8th and 35th articles; and arro- 
 gated to itself, with respect to them, neither 
 a constituent authority nor a dictatorial au- 
 thority which exists nowhere. 
 
 " The tribunals, to whom belongs the 
 
20 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 right of interpretatioTi, have solemnly ac- 
 knowledged these same principles. The 
 royal court of Paris, and many others, have 
 condemned the publishers of the Association 
 Bretonnej as authors of an outrage against 
 government. It has considered as an out- 
 rage, the supposition that government can 
 act on the authority of ordinances, in a case 
 in which the authority of the law can alone 
 be admitted. 
 
 " Thus the formal text of the charter, the 
 practice followed up to this day by the crown, 
 the decisions of the tribunals, establish that 
 in matters relating to the press and the elec- 
 toral organization, the laws, that is to say, 
 the king and the chambers can alone deter- 
 mine. 
 
 " Government has therefore violated the 
 laws. We are dispensed from obedience. 
 We shall attempt to publish our paper with- 
 out asking the sanction of those who have 
 imposed this ordinance on us. We shall 
 exert ourselves for this day, at least, in order 
 that all France may be apprized of the cir- 
 cumstance. 
 
 " This is what our duty as citizens exacts 
 from us, and we will fulfil it. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 21 
 
 "It is not our place to instruct in these du- 
 ties the chamber which has been illegally dis- 
 solved. We can only beg of it, in the name of 
 France, to depend upon its manifest rights, 
 and to resist as much as lies in its power, the 
 violation of the laws. These rights are as cer- 
 tain as those on which we build. The charter 
 says (Article 50) that the king has the power 
 of dissolving the chamber of deputies^ but in 
 order to do this, it is necessary that they 
 should have met to constitute a chamber, 
 that they should have committed some fault 
 which might justify his conduct in dissolving 
 them. But, before the meeting of the depu- 
 ties, nothing had occurred, to draw upon 
 them the odium of government, save their 
 having been elected. Now, no part of the 
 charter says that the king has power to inva- 
 lidate the elections. The ordinances pub- 
 lished to-day nullify the elections, they are 
 therefore illegal, because they do a thing un- 
 authorized by the charter. 
 
 " The elected deputies, appointed to meet 
 on 3d of August, are therefore lawfully and 
 duly elected and convoked. Their right is 
 the same to-day as it was yesterday. France 
 expects them not to forget it. They should 
 
22 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 exert themselves strenuously to insist upon 
 having their rights. 
 
 " Government has now lost its character 
 of legality which alone commands obedience. 
 We shall resist it inasmuch as concerns our- 
 selves; it remains for France to determine to 
 what point she should carry her resistance. 
 
 " Signed by the publishers and editors of 
 journals, who were actually present in Paris, 
 
 Messieurs 
 
 GuAjA, Publisher of the National, 
 Thiers, 
 
 MiGNET, 
 
 Carrel, 
 Chambolle, 
 Peysse, 
 Staffer, 
 
 DuBOCHET, 
 
 Rolle, 
 
 Leroux, Publisher of the Glohe. 
 
 De'guizard,^ Editors of the GM^. 
 Sarrans, Jr. Publisher of the Courier. 
 
 Mousette,5 Editors of the Comer. 
 
 Fabre, Chief Editor of the Tribune. 
 Annee, 1 
 
 Gauchois, V Editors of the Constitutionel. 
 Lemaire, I 
 
 > Editors of the National, 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 23 
 
 '•} 
 
 Senty, 
 
 Haussmann, y Editors of the Times. 
 
 DUSSARD, 
 
 Avenel, Editor of the Courier Frangais. 
 Levasseur, Editor of the Revolution. 
 
 DUMOULIN, 
 
 JussiEu, Editor of the Courier IVangais. 
 Chatelain, Publisher of the Courier Fran- 
 gais. 
 Plagnol, Chief Editor of the Revolution. 
 Fazi, Editor of the Revolution, 
 BuzoNi, "^ 
 
 ^ ' > Editors of the Times, 
 
 Chalas, [ 
 
 Billiard, J 
 
 Ader, Editor of the Tribune. 
 
 Larreguy, of the Journal of Commerce. 
 
 DupoNT, of the Courier Frangais, 
 
 Remusat, of the Globe. 
 
 De Laperouse, of the Courier Frangais. 
 
 Bohain, ? f^i r« 
 
 „ ' 5- oi the risaro. 
 
 RoquEPLAN,3 ° 
 
 T, ' > of the Times. 
 Baude,3 
 
 Bert, of the Commerce, 
 
 PiLLET, of the Journal of Paris. 
 
 Vaillant, of the Sylphe. 
 
 Numerous groups formed anew in the 
 
24 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 garden of the Palais-Royale; the independent 
 journals -were distributed on all sides, and as 
 on the day before, orators mounted on chairs 
 and tables to harangue the people. They 
 adverted to their neglected rights; they 
 preached resistance in the name of the law, 
 and thunders of applause followed in every 
 quarter their courageous harangues. Armed 
 forces, as on the preceding evening, presented 
 themselves to drive the crowd from the gar- 
 den, which were immediately shut. But this 
 time the crowd did not disperse, on the con- 
 trary, it increased every moment, and all the 
 neighbouring streets were soon thronged. 
 The students of law and medicine, almost in a 
 solid mass, occupied Rue St. Honore; citizens 
 of every class assembled, some unarmed, some 
 with clubs. The infantry and cavalry at- 
 tempted to drive back the citizens, and obey- 
 ing too faithfully the orders they had re- 
 ceived, charged on the defenceless people; 
 many fell, women, children, old men were 
 thrown down and trampled under the hoofs 
 of the horses. A cry of indignation resound- 
 ed every where; two cart loads of bricks, des- 
 tined for repairing the Palais-Royale, were 
 seized upon by the people; every thing that 
 
, FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 25 
 
 fell under their hands was converted into 
 an implement of war, and myriads of projec- 
 tiles were hurled against the soldiers. The 
 crowd insensibly increased 5 it reached to the 
 quays and the boulevards. The gendarmes on 
 their side received reinforcements; charges 
 rapidly succeeded each other, and were an- 
 swered with showers of stones and brickbats 
 by the people. No one retreated, and the 
 air resounded with shouts of huzza for the 
 charter! 
 
 At eight o'clock the mob was immense; 
 several streets were torn up to stop the 
 charges of cavalry. At this moment the 
 gendarmes commenced a brisk fire on the 
 Rue St. Honore. The first discharge had 
 numerous victims among the youth of the 
 school to the right, who, instead of flying, 
 rallied under the fire of the enemy. Shouts 
 of arms! give us arms! were heard in every 
 place. Presently the people broke into 
 the shops of the gunsmiths and armourers; 
 swords, pistols, daggers, powder, balls, every 
 thing was carried oif, and even objects of 
 luxury became instruments of battle. 
 
 Meanwhile the residents of the streets in 
 which these charges took place, filled their 
 
26 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 rooms with tiles, paving; stones, and broken 
 bottles, to be projected from the windows; 
 the defence was made with admirable unani- 
 mity; the firing was interrupted, barricades 
 were thrown up; and the young men who 
 could procure arms, discharged under cover 
 of these hastily constructed entrenchments, 
 a continual volley on the troops. 
 
 At ten o'clock the discharges of musquet- 
 ry had ceased; the atmosphere was illumi- 
 nated by the glare of the conflagration of the 
 exchange, which had been set on fire by the 
 king's body guard, and which the people had 
 taken possession of, after having put the 
 military to flight; in the streets, and the 
 boulevards, legions of combatants hastily 
 organized, prepared to resist the most fu- 
 rious attack. 
 
 The troops felt the impossibility of conti- 
 nuing in the darkness of the night, a conflict 
 which had already been so disastrous to 
 them; they retired, and the firing ceased; 
 but the defenders of liberty could not slum- 
 ber in false security; they passed the rest of 
 the night in providing arms and ammuni- 
 tion, and in preparing to make on the ensu- 
 ing day, a vigorous and heroic defence. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 27 
 
 This evening was decisive, and govern- 
 ment at this juncture, might perceive that 
 the law which it attempted to transgress, 
 would be enforced by the people; the troops 
 of the line gave proof of their reluctance to 
 march against the people; the 50th regi- 
 ment, and the 5th light infantry absolutely 
 refused to fire. As for the gendarmes, used 
 to shedding the blood of defenceless men, 
 the very appearance of the armed students 
 intimidated them, and a great number of 
 them only waited for a pretext to lay down 
 their arms. 
 
28 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Emblems of Royalty are torn down. — The Posts arc 
 attacked by the People. — Attack and Capture of the 
 Hotel de Ville, the Louvre, and the Tuileries. 
 
 28th and 29th of July. 
 
 The night was calm, but this calm pre- 
 saged a storm. Preparations for the fight 
 were making in every quarter. The national 
 guards, who had preserved their arms, dis- 
 posed themselves to convert them to a patri- 
 otic use. 
 
 On the morning of the 28th, the people 
 acted on the offensive^ detachments of trades- 
 men ran through the streets, seizing every 
 where on emblems of royalty, to make bon- 
 fires of them. Towards nine o'clock, almost 
 every post occupied by the gendarmes and 
 soldiers of the line had been carried by force. 
 At ten o'clock, a hundred workmen, some of 
 whom were armed only with rusty sabres 
 and old swords, after having formed them- 
 selves into ranks as regularly as they could, 
 marched towards the Seine; then, falling 
 into ranks before the Pont-au-Change, forced 
 
:^ 
 
 ^RENCrt HEVOLUTION OF 1830. 29 
 
 a military post established on the Place-du- 
 Chatelet. The first that penetrated into the 
 ranks of the body guards, armed themselves 
 ■with the muskets and cartridges of the sol- 
 diers, and with cries of huzza fof the charter! 
 they set out to march towards the Hotel de 
 Ville, which was occupied by a numerous 
 body of the military, cavalry as well as in- 
 fantry. When these brave fellows arrived 
 at the middle of the Place de Greve, they 
 halted; three or four of them left the ra,nks, 
 and advanced for the purpose of holding a 
 parley with the soldiers, but were greeted by 
 a brisk fire of musketry; those who had arms 
 returned the salute with vigour, but unhap- 
 pily their scanty supply of ammunition was 
 soon exhausted. The gendarmes, ranged in 
 line of battle, continued the fire; all at once 
 the workmen rushed upon their bayonets, 
 and grappled with them, man to man; the 
 combat was not of long duration; the sol- 
 diers fled in tumultuous disorder, abandoning 
 their arms and their wounded companions. 
 
 After the lapse of half an hour, the sound 
 of a drum was heard; it proceeded from a de- 
 tachment of the royal guard which was ad- 
 vancing to retake the Hotel. The firing be- 
 c 2 
 
50 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ganj the guard charged, but being driven 
 back, they retreated precipitately towards 
 the quay; but at that moment another band 
 of workmen ranged themselves on the bridge 
 of Notre Dame. The royal guards, sur- 
 rounded on every side, sought to secure a 
 passage by the bayonet. Some only were 
 saved; others plunged into the river, the rest 
 were killed. 
 
 Marmont, duke of Ragusa, was invested 
 with the command; a choice worthy of the 
 man and of the miinistry. Paris was de- 
 clared to be in a state of siege, and the au- 
 thorities displayed an imposing force. New 
 regiments were brought in during the night, 
 the gendarmes, the royal guard, the troops 
 of the line, and the Swiss regiments were all 
 put into motion at once. Two thousand 
 men of these different troops, directed their 
 course towards the Hotel de Ville; they were 
 rallied on the road by one squadron of cuiras- 
 seurs, and another of lancers, with four pieces 
 of cannon. During the firing, the citizens 
 stood their ground undauntedly; a shower of 
 bullets flew whistling in every direction. 
 The citizens on their part hurled down from 
 their windows, tiles, paving stones, and 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 31 
 
 broken bottles at the military; others lying 
 in ambuscade behind the corners of the 
 sti'^ets, were firing incessantly; the place 
 was soon covered with dead bodies. The 
 enemy's cannon also made frightful ravages, 
 and did horrible execution among the patri- 
 otic ranks. After an hour of the most 
 bloody fight, the workmen entrenched in the 
 Hotel de Ville, were obliged, for want of car- 
 tridges, to abandon a post they had so valiant- 
 ly defended; they retreated from the back 
 part of the Hotel in good order, and full of 
 enthusiasm to return to the charge. 
 
 As long as these brave champions of liber- 
 ty were masters of the Hotel, no excess was 
 committed; scarcely had the royal guard 
 taken possession of it, when the apartments 
 of the prefect were ransacked, and the cellar 
 pillaged. 
 
 The troops of the perjured king did not 
 long enjoy this victory. Taken and retaken 
 three times, the Hotel de Ville was recon- 
 quered, and finally occupied by the brave 
 Parisians, who achieved such prodigies of 
 valour, fighting with an order which one 
 might seek in vain to account for, while it 
 elicits the warmest admiration. 
 
S2 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The national cause triumphed in other 
 points. The population on the left bank, led 
 on by the pupils of the Polytechnic school, 
 and the schools of law and medicine, appear- 
 ed in arms in the morning. The powder 
 magazine of Ivry soon fell into the hands of 
 the citizens; the military detained at Ab- 
 baye were liberated, and appointed chiefs, by 
 the people. Liberty was also given to the 
 debtors in the prison of St. Pelagic; among 
 the latter were many officers, who rendered 
 important services to the people. 
 
 The repository of artillery in the square 
 of St. Thomas of Aquin, became a precious 
 conquest, on account of the quantity of every 
 kind of arms, contained in it. The palace 
 of the chamber of peers was respected. The 
 pupils of the Polytechnic school, during these 
 glorious days, presented themselves in great 
 numbers, at every point of the capital. 
 
 Groups of armed citizens claimed the hon- 
 our of marching under the command of these 
 intrepid young men, renowned as well for 
 their military talents and acquirements, as 
 for their patriotic devotion to the national 
 cause. The citizen soldiers owed their sue- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 33 
 
 cess, in a great measure, to the excellent di- 
 rection of these young leaders. 
 
 A great part of the royal forces put up in 
 the quarters of St. Denis and St. Martin, 
 and all along the boulevards, from the Ma- 
 delaine to the Bastille. At an early hour 
 the people were in possession of different 
 posts along the boulevards, whence they 
 were driven by the royal guard, the infantry, 
 cavalry and artillery. Some ramparts were 
 thrown up in the streets of St. Denis and St. 
 Martin, where several bodies of foot and 
 horse were engaged in charging and firing 
 on the people, who were prepared to re- 
 ceive and give battle. Bullets and stones 
 were showered down in torrents from the 
 windows, where the citizens had posted 
 themselves. Musketeers, concealed in pri- 
 vate streets and alleys, harassed the enemy; 
 the citizens, furnished with sabres, swords, 
 clubs, and fantastic arms, taken from the 
 theatres, defended each barricade. The lan- 
 cers, who had rendered themselves conspi- 
 cuous by their ardour for shedding the blood 
 of the people, sustained a considerable loss; 
 the chief officer of the royal guard, having 
 received a serious wound in the Rue St. 
 
Vrt/ 
 
 34 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Denis, was taken up and carried away by 
 the soldiers to the house of the Sisters of 
 Charity, opposite the church of Bonne Nou- 
 velle. As he was carried by the soldiers at 
 night, he could not proceed far; they there- 
 fore returned to the sisterhood. The door was 
 not opened in time; it was necessary to seek 
 for some other asylum; but the roads were 
 all occupied by the combatants; and this 
 unfortunate man, abandoned and trampled 
 under foot, died without the assistance of a 
 single individual. 
 
 The gate of St. Denis, which commands 
 at once the street and the suburb of St. 
 Denis, and the two boulevards, was a posi- 
 tion whose importance was well known to 
 both parties. 
 
 The monument, alternately occupied by 
 the citizens and royal soldiers, was the scene 
 of a most desperate engagement which last- 
 ed till eight o'clock in the evening. 
 
 While the fight was raging in Paris, some 
 citizens hung a tricoloured flag on the towers 
 of Notre Dame. The alarm bells rang at 
 once in several parishes. The battle was 
 conducted with the most astonishing order; 
 the defence was calm and methodical. The 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 35 
 
 first detachment of the national guard ap- 
 peared on the quays of the Augustinians, 
 Malaquais and Voltairej they had mustering 
 points established in these different places, 
 whence they exchanged a brisk volley of 
 musquetry with the Swiss guards of the 
 Louvre and Tuileries. On the boulevards 
 the fight was not less methodically conduct- 
 ed. Some citizens stationed on the gate of 
 St. Martin showered down on the troops 
 sticks, stones, and tiles. In the Rue St. An- 
 toine, they unroofed the houses and flung the 
 tiles at the gendarmes. 
 
 The general firing ceased in the evenings 
 the disadvantage of the troops was already 
 noticeable; the guard refused to obey orders, 
 and the officers, after reiterated, but ineffec- 
 tual, solicitations to the troops, had often to 
 enforce their commands by blows. 
 
 From the night of the 28th to the 29th the 
 barricades were completed. The pavements 
 were torn up; carts, hacks, omnibuses, and 
 even stages were overturned, beside barrels 
 filled with stones. Paris in a few hours, free 
 from hostile fire and completely barricaded, 
 was impregnable. 
 
 The enemy, convinced of this, relinquish- 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ed the stations they had occupied, reserving 
 only the Louvre, the Tuileries and their en- 
 virons. The Swiss guards ranged them- 
 selves in the upper stories to enjoy the cruel 
 sport of firing on the people, without danger 
 to themselves. But these last efforts were 
 useless. The die was cast. 
 
 On the 29th, in the morning, the national 
 guard occupied the Hotel de Ville. The 
 tricoloured flag was seen floating every 
 wherej the citizens, already in possession of 
 three quarters of the city, had not much diffi- 
 culty in making themselves masters of the 
 fourth. The royal guard stationed, or rather 
 lying, in the place Louis XV., refused to obey 
 orders any longer. " TTiey may kill us if neces- 
 sary, said they, but we will not perform the 
 odious task to which we have been condemned 
 for the last two days.** With respect to the 
 troops of the line, they either retired or 
 yielded; they fraternized with the people, 
 embraced one another, and shed tears of joy 
 for having freed their country. 
 
 Meanwhile the Parisian forces moved to- 
 wards the Louvre, where bodies of the royal 
 guard, French as well as Swiss, lay entrench- 
 ed with cannon, and made a stubborn resist- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. o7 
 
 ance. The people, having no artillery, could 
 not carry this post without the most ener- 
 getic exertions. They were in possession of 
 the church of St. Germain I'Auxerrois, and 
 the pile of buildings belonging to the Insti- 
 tute, from which points they returned the 
 fire of the Louvre, The front of the palace 
 of the Institute and the portal of St. Ger- 
 main's church were riddled with bullets. 
 About midday one part of the royal French 
 guards wheeled about towards the Champs 
 Elysees; another part made peace with the 
 citizens^ the Swiss who had escaped through 
 the north and west gates, dispersed in differ- 
 ent directions. Several of the latter were 
 taken prisoners by the people, who with an 
 unparalleled moderation, protected and saved 
 them from outrage. 
 
 At one o'clock the Louvre was taken, but 
 not without the loss of a crowd of brave citi- 
 zens. The doors of the apartments of the 
 Museum were scarcely burst open, when 
 many artists, Deveria, painter, and Lemaire, 
 statuary, armed at the expense of the sol- 
 diers of the guard, placed themselves with 
 M. Cailleux, at the head of the guardians of 
 the Museum, and with cries of "long live 
 
 D 
 
38 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 liberty and the charter," persuaded the peo- 
 ple to evacuate the gallery. Posterity will 
 not regret the loss of these masterpieces of 
 the fine arts. A bullet penetrated the pic- 
 ture of Henry the Fourth's entry into Paris,, 
 in the heat of the first attack^ as for the pale 
 picture of Charles the Tenth's coronation, it 
 was torn into rags. 
 
 From the Louvre, the ai^med citizens 
 marched on to the Tuileries. A vigorous 
 battle ensued on the Royal bridge; the cas- 
 tle was forced about 4 o'clock; the people 
 broke some articles of furniture, and drank 
 some bottles of wine, but nothing valuable 
 was injured. They broke the bust of Charles 
 X., though not of Louis XVIII. "He was 
 the author of the charter" cried they. They 
 did not however forget to dress it in mourn- 
 ing with crape. 
 
 The body-guards who lay in the barrack 
 on the quay of Orsay, surrendered as soon 
 as they had intelligence that the Tuileries 
 were abandoned by the royal guard. The 
 latter, on quitting Paris, took the direction 
 of St. Cloud, by Neuilly; but when they got 
 to the bridge of that village, they found it 
 barricaded, and the peasants discharged 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 39 
 
 ■upon them a pretty brisk volley of muskets. 
 Being compelled to retrace their steps, they 
 threw themselves into the wood of Boulogne, 
 and arrived at St. Cloud, exhausted with fa- 
 tigue, and loudly vituperating their officers, 
 whom they accused of the massacre of their 
 fellow soldiers. 
 
 On their arrival, the court was in the 
 greatest consternation. Charles X. doubting 
 which Saint to take for his patron, had al- 
 ready received communion twice, and was 
 preparing for the third time; but the arrival 
 of a general officer of the old army, obliged 
 him to defer the execution of this project. 
 The officer requested an audience, which was 
 instantly granted. When he appeared be- 
 fore Charles, the latter profoundly dejected, 
 raised his head with every sign of affliction, 
 and told him that it never was his wish to 
 infringe on the Charter; that the decree of 
 the 25th of July, had no other object than to 
 repair any infraction it had sustained, and 
 to comply with it, " Comply with it!" ex- 
 claimed the officer; " your Majesty has been 
 abominably duped; who could believe in 
 France that such was your Majesty's will, 
 when these acts, and thousands of similar 
 
40 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 6nes, are directly subversive of liberty and 
 national honour?" " Well," replied the king, 
 " since these decrees shocked the nation, it 
 has now cause to be content, for I have re- 
 pealed the obnoxious ordinances by two 
 other decrees I passed yesterday; I have dis- 
 charged my ministers, but unhappily, M. de 
 Mortemart was not able to attend the coun- 
 cilj had he been there, all might have been 
 saved." " It is now too late, even the abdi- 
 cation of your Majesty in favour of your son, 
 would not satisfy the nation; he was admit- 
 ted into the council, he was acquainted with 
 its deeds, he has partaken of them, he is an 
 accomplice of them. If your Majesty had 
 been well advised, the Dauphin would have 
 been kept in the opposition. Consequently, 
 by abdicating in his favour, France might 
 have believed in the faith of his words and 
 deeds, but I have the honour of repeating to 
 your Majesty, that it is now too late. They 
 already are speaking at Paris of proclaiming 
 the duke d'Orleans; behold, sir, with what 
 rapidity things have gone on." Charles X. 
 more and more dejected, replied in these 
 words: " What would you have me to do?" 
 He arose in order to repair to the chapel. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 41 
 
 Scarcely had he entered, when he was ap- 
 prized that despatches, sent by Ragusa, of the 
 most important nature had arrived. " I will 
 see them after the mass," replied he, " the 
 interests of heaven should be preferred to 
 those of this world." A king capable of 
 making such an answer under such circum- 
 stances, is already judged. Paris deprived 
 of its government, depended upon the depu- 
 ties; they never deceived the brave fellows 
 who shed their blood for the maintenance of 
 the laws. On the 27th, all the deputies pre- 
 sent in Paris, assembled and published the 
 following — 
 
 " PROCLAMATION. 
 
 " The undersigned, legally elected to the 
 deputation by the college of electors, by 
 virtue of the royal ordinance of the * * * * 
 conformably to the constitutional charter, 
 and the laws upon elections of the * * * * 
 and being actually in Paris, consider them- 
 selves absolutely obliged by their duty and 
 honour, to denounce the measures which the 
 counsellors of the crown have not long since 
 established for the overthrow of the legal 
 D 2 
 
42 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 system of elections, and the ruin of the li- 
 berty of the press. 
 
 "The said measures contained in the or- 
 dinances of the * * * * appear to the under- 
 signed, directly reverse to the constitutional 
 rights of the chamber of peers, to the pub- 
 lic rights of the French, to the privileges and 
 decrees of the tribunals; and tending to throw 
 the state into a confusion which endangers 
 equally the peace of the present, and the se- 
 curity of the future. 
 
 " In consequence of which, the undersigned 
 inviolably faithful to their oath, denounce 
 unanimously not only the said measures, but 
 all the deeds which may result from them. 
 
 " Whereas, on one hand the chamber of 
 deputies not being yet constituted, cannot be 
 legally dissolved; on the other hand, the at- 
 tempt to form another chamber of deputies 
 in a new and arbitrary manner, is a formal 
 contradiction to the constitutional charter, 
 and to the rights acquired by the electors; 
 the undersigned declare that they consider 
 themselves legally elected to the deputation 
 by the departments which they represent, 
 and that they cannot be dissolved, but in 
 virtue of an election made according to the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 43 
 
 principles and the forms required by the 
 laws. 
 
 " And if the undersigned do not exercise 
 effectually their rights, and acquit themselves 
 of all the duties by which they are bound 
 by their legal election, it is because they 
 are prevented from doing so by physical 
 force." 
 
 The following are the signatures of Messrs. 
 Labbey de Pompiere, Sebastiani, Mechin, 
 Perier (Casimir), Guizot, Audry de Puyra- 
 veau, Andre Gollot, Gaetan de la Rochefou- 
 cauld, Mauguin, Bernard, Voisin de Gar- 
 tempe, Froidefond de Bellisle, Villemain, 
 Didot (Firmin), Daunou, Persil, Villemot, de 
 la Riboisiere, Bondy (comte de), Duris-Du- 
 fresne, Girod de I'Ain, Laisne de Villeveque, 
 Delessert (Benjamin), Marchal,NaudeCham- 
 plouis, comte de Lobau, baron Louis, Millaux, 
 Estourmel (comte d'), Montguyon (comte 
 de), Levaillant, Tronchon, Gerard (le general), 
 Laffitte (Jacques), Garcias, Dugas-Montbel, 
 Camille Perier, Vassal, Alexandre de Laborde, 
 Jacques Lefebvre, Mathieu Dumas, Eusebe 
 Salverte, de Poulmer, Hernoux, Chardel, Ba- 
 voux, Charles Dupin, Hely d'Hoyssel, Eu- 
 gene d'Harcourt, Baillot, general Lafayette, 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Georges Lafayette, Jouvencel, Berlin de 
 Vaux, comte de Lameth, Berard, Duchaf- 
 faut, Auguste de Saint-Aignau, Keratry, Ter- 
 naiix, Jacques Odier, Benjamin Constant, 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 On the 28th a meeting of deputies, com- 
 posed of general Gerard, count de Lobau, 
 Messrs. Lafitte, Casimir Perier, and Mau- 
 guin,went through the firing to the house of 
 M. le Marechal, duke of Ragusa. M. Lafitte 
 opened the conversation: he represented for- 
 cibly to the marshal, the deplorable state of 
 the capital, the blood flowing from all sides, 
 the firing resounding as in a city taken by 
 assault^ and made him personally respon- 
 sible, in the name of the assembled depu- 
 ties of France, for the fatal consequences 
 of so sad an event. 
 
 The marshal replied: " military honour 
 consists in obedience." 
 
 " And civil honour," replied M. Lafitte, 
 "does not consist in the slaughter of the 
 citizens!" 
 
 The marshal then said to him, " Gen- 
 tlemen, what are the conditions you pro- 
 pose?" 
 
 " Without relying too much on our influ- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 45 
 
 ence, we believe ourselves able to say, that 
 every thing is contained in the following 
 ordinances: to report the ordinances of the 
 26th July to be illegal^ to dismiss the minis- 
 ters and convoke the chambers on the 3d of 
 August/' 
 
 The marshal confessed, that as a citizen, 
 he could not well disapprove of partaking 
 also the opinions of the deputies; but that as 
 a soldier, he had his orders, and could not 
 but execute them; meanwhile he engaged to 
 I place these propositions in half an hour un- 
 ier the eyes of the king. 
 
 " But, moreover," added the marshal, " if 
 you wish to have a conference upon this 
 subject with M. de Polignac, he is here, and 
 I will ask him if he will receive you.'* 
 
 A quarter of an hour passed. The mar- 
 shal returned with his countenance much al- 
 tered, and informed the deputies that M. de 
 Polignac had declared to him that the pro- 
 posed conditions rendered all conference 
 useless. 
 
 " It is then a civil war!" said M. Lafitte. 
 
 The marshal bowed, and the deputies re- 
 tired. 
 
 The next day in the morning, although 
 
46 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 they continued to fight at the Louvre and 
 Tuileries, the folloM'ing placard was posted 
 up in Paris. 
 
 " PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 " The present deputies at Paris have met 
 to remedy the great dangers which threaten 
 the security of the people and their property. 
 
 ** A commission has been appointed to 
 watch over the interests of all during the ab- 
 sence of regular organization. 
 
 " Messrs. Audry de Puyraveau, count de 
 Gerard, Jacques Lafitte, count de Lobau, 
 Mauguin, Odier, Casimir Perier, and de 
 Schonen, compose this commission. 
 
 " General Lafayette is commander-in-chief 
 of the national guards.'* 
 
 In a word, the hero of the two Worlds 
 accepted the command of the national guard, 
 unprovided as in 1789; notwithstanding his 
 great age, he marched on foot through the 
 streets of Paris, clad with his old uniform of 
 three colours, and hastened to address this 
 proclamation to the people. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 47 
 
 " TO THE PARISIANS. 
 
 " My dear fellow Citizens and brave Comrades, 
 " The confidence of the people of Paris, 
 has called me once more to the command of 
 its public force. I have accepted with de- 
 votedness and joy the duties which are 
 trusted to me, and, as in 1789, 1 feel myself 
 invigorated by the approbation of my ho- 
 nourable colleagues, to-day assembled at 
 Paris. I will not make a profession of faith, 
 my sentiments are known. The conduct of 
 the Parisian population in these last days of 
 trial, renders me more than ever proud to 
 be at its head. Liberty will triumph, or we 
 will perish together. 
 
 " Vive la Liberie ! vive lapatriel 
 
 " Lafayette.'* 
 
 On the same day appeared the ordinance, 
 or rather the invitation, which follows — 
 
 " The national guard of Paris, is re-esta- 
 blished. 
 
 "The colonels and other officers are invited 
 to reorganize immediately the service of the 
 national guards. 
 
 " The inferior officers and the national 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 guards shall be ready to assemble at the 
 first beat of the drum. 
 
 " Provisionally they are invited to unite 
 themselves under the officers and inferior 
 officers of their old companies, and to in- 
 scribe themselves upon the roll. 
 
 " It is our business to establish orderj and 
 the municipal commission of Paris counts 
 upon the ordinary zeal of the national guards 
 for liberty and public order. 
 
 " The colonels, or, in their absence, the 
 chiefs of the batallions are requested to re- 
 pair immediately to the Hotel de Ville to 
 confer upon the first measures to be taken 
 for the interest of the service. 
 
 " Given at the Hdtel de Ville, ^th Jvly, 1830. 
 
 " Lafayette." 
 
 This appeal vi^as heard, and thanks to the 
 zeal of the national guard, calm was restored. 
 The night that followed the triumph will al- 
 ways be remembered. Paris vras more tran- 
 quil than ever. 
 
 Triumphant city, mourning for its young 
 heroes, yet illuminated by a long row of fires 
 placed by the citizens on their houses. What 
 security, what a calm after the victory; not 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 49 
 
 a disorder nor tumult, although 70,000 men, 
 belonging to all classes, the larger number 
 from the poor class, bore arms in the ca- 
 pital. 
 
 The love of liberty is prolific in prodigies. 
 
50 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER IIL 
 
 Peace in Paris. — Operations of the Members of the Cham- 
 ber of Deputies. — The Duke of Orleans accepts the of- 
 fice and title of Lieutenant- General of the Kingdom. 
 
 30th, 31st of July — 1st, 2d Aug. 
 
 On the 30th, tranquillity continued to reign: 
 the shops were opened and the markets were 
 filled with provisions. They expected the 
 enemy, but did not fear him; the barricades 
 were finished 5 the dead were buried in the 
 public places, and all the wounded received 
 in the private houses, were carried to the 
 hospitals, where more efficacious aid was 
 procured. 
 
 The deputies, as on the preceding evening, 
 met at the house of Lafitte, and transacted 
 the business of organizing the provisional 
 government. After many long discussions, 
 or in other words, after various forms of go- 
 vernment were proposed, and their relative 
 value and appositeness to the present crisis 
 canvassed, the assembly came to the conclu- 
 sion, that the Duke of Orleans was the most 
 proper person to be selected, and it was re« 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 51 
 
 solved that the lieutenant-generalship of the 
 kingdom should be offered to him. This de- 
 cision was not entirely unanimous. Some 
 members desired that an eternal breach 
 should be made with the house of Bourbon; 
 others reminded the assembly of his emigra- 
 tion: "He is the son-in-law," said they, "of 
 the king of Naples — of that sovereign who 
 sold the subjects of Austria. Liberty has 
 cost us dear enough; let us preserve it, and 
 think no more of imposing masters on our- 
 selves." 
 
 But to these considerations it was answer- 
 €d, that the Duke of Orleans had in his youth 
 frankly adopted the principles of the revolu- 
 tion; it was mentioned that he had fought at 
 Jemappes and Fleurus; they laid a value be- 
 sides on the consideration, that in placing 
 this prince at the head of the government, 
 they would probably avoid a war with fo- 
 reign powers. This opinion prevailed, and 
 a deputation was sent to the prince, who had 
 retired from the beginning of the disturb- 
 ances, to Neuilly, where he still resided. On 
 the same evening the duke returned to the 
 Palais-Royale, and caused the following pro- 
 clamation to be posted the next morning: 
 
52 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 " Paris, July 31. (JVbow.) 
 
 "Inhabitants of Paris! — The Deputies of 
 France, at this moment assembled at Paris, 
 have expressed the desire that I should re- 
 pair to this capital and exercise the func- 
 tions of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. 
 
 " I have not hesitated to come and share 
 your dangers, to place myself in the midst of 
 your heroic population, and to exert all my 
 efforts to preserve you from the calamities of 
 civil vv^ar, and of anarchy. 
 
 " On returning to the city of Paris, I wear 
 with pride those glorious colours which you 
 have resumed, and which I myself long wore. 
 
 *' The chambers are about to assemble^ 
 they will consult upon the means of securing 
 the supremacy of the laws, and the mainte- 
 nance of the rights of the nation. 
 
 " The Charter will henceforward be a 
 truth. 
 
 "Louis Philippe D'Orleans.'* 
 
 At one o'clock the deputies met in the or- 
 dinary place of session. 
 
 General Sebastiani opened the debate in 
 the name of the committee that presented 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 53 
 
 the message to the duke of Orleans on the 
 preceding evening. He commenced thus: 
 
 " Gentlemen, — The deputation of which I 
 had the honour of being a member, repaired 
 last evening to the Palais-Royale. His royal 
 highness was absent: we took the liberty of 
 addressing to him a letter, to apprize him of 
 the resolution passed in your assembly. He 
 was eager to return to Paris, and arrived 
 here at eight o'clock yesterday evening. The 
 deputation received intelligence of it this 
 morning, and reassembled at nine o'clock. 
 We were admitted into the presence of the 
 duke: the words we collected from his lips, 
 breathed the spirit of love for order and the 
 laws, an ardent desire to shield France from 
 the scourge of civil and foreign war, and a 
 firm determination to secure the liberties of 
 the country, and as his royal highness says 
 himself, in a proclamation as remarkable for 
 its frankness as its integrity, " the wish to 
 make a reality of that charter which not long 
 since was a mere illusion." 
 
 " Gentlemen," said the president, " it is of 
 importance to examine if, in the present si- 
 tuation of the capital, and to prevent the dis- 
 turbances that may be produced by diversity 
 E 2 
 
54 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of opinion, it would not be necessary that 
 some writing", whether it go under the name 
 of address or of proclamation, should ema- 
 nate from this assembly, in order to show 
 and explain to the capital and to all France, 
 what the deputies have deemed it their duty 
 to do for the interest of public affairs, whe- 
 ther in Paris or in the departments. We 
 have been all surprised by events which we 
 could not foresee. We believed ourselves 
 safe under the dominion of the charter: 
 strong in public opinion we awaited the 
 coming of the 3d of August. You know it, 
 our sealed letters were returned to us at the 
 same time with the ordinances of the 26th. 
 These decrees destroyed the charter: civil 
 war was substituted for the reign of the laws. 
 From this source sprung the wonderful deeds 
 and catastrophes of which Paris was the 
 theatre. Do you not deem it incumbent on 
 you to represent to France what you have 
 thought it your duty to do under these so- 
 lemn circumstances? There was no further 
 question of equality for you 5 you had no 
 longer to fulfil the ordinary duties of depu- 
 ties; the question was to save the country, 
 to save public and private property." 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 55 
 
 " I shall not recall to your recollection the 
 measures you embraced; measures which se- 
 cured the salvation of the country; but I 
 think it incumbent on us to give an account 
 of them; to give a plain and accurate expo- 
 sition of our whole conduct. By such an 
 exposition, you will reap for yourselves pub- 
 lic thanks, public benedictions." 
 
 This proposition being unanimously adopt- 
 ed, a committee was appointed and the fol- 
 lowing proclamation published at the same 
 moment. 
 
 " Frenchmen I— France is free. Absolute 
 power raised its standard — the heroic popu- 
 lation of Paris has overthrown it. Paris at- 
 tacked, has made the sacred cause to tri- 
 umph by arms which had triumphed in vain 
 in the elections. A power which usurped 
 our rights, and disturbed our repose, threat- 
 ened at once liberty and order. We return 
 to the possession of liberty and order. There 
 is no more fear for acquired rights — no bar- 
 rier between us and the rights which we still 
 demand. A government which may, with- 
 out delay, secure to us these advantages, is 
 now the first want of our country. French- 
 men! Those of your deputies who are al- 
 
56 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ready at Paris, have assembled^ and, till the 
 chambers can regularly intervene, they have 
 invited the duke of Orleans, a Frenchman, 
 who has never fought but for France, to ex- 
 ercise the functions of lieutenant-general of 
 the kingdom. This is, in their opinions, the 
 surest means promptly to accomplish by 
 peace, the success of the most legitimate 
 defence. 
 
 " The duke of Orleans is devoted to the na- 
 tional and constitutional cause. He has al- 
 vi^ays defended its interests, and professed its 
 principles. He will respect our rights, for 
 he will derive his own from us. We shall 
 secure to ourselves by laws strong and dura- 
 ble, all the guarantees necessary to liberty. 
 
 "It has been necessary to designate for 
 each branch of the public administration, 
 commissioners to replace, provisionally, the 
 administration which has just fallen with the 
 power of Charles X. 
 
 " The following are appointed provisional 
 commissioners: 
 
 " For the department of justice — M. Du- 
 pont de L'Eure. Finances— Baron Louis. 
 War — general Gerard. Maritime affairs — 
 M. de Rigny. Foreign affairs— -M. Bignon. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 57 
 
 Public instruction — M. Guizot. Interior and 
 public works — M. Casimir Perrier. 
 (Signed) " Lobau, 
 
 " Mauguin, 
 " a. de puyraveau, 
 " De Schonen. 
 " Paris, Hdtel de Ville, July 31." 
 
 The reading of this piece was often inter- 
 rupted by unanimous peals of applause, and 
 it was resolved, that this bill of French rights 
 should be carried to the lieutenant-general 
 of the kingdom by all the deputies present. 
 
 They adjourned at half past two o'clock, 
 and passed through the garden of the Tuile- 
 ries and the adjacent streets, amidst an im- 
 mense population, dressed in the national 
 colours, who made the air resound with 
 shouts of Long live the deputies of the nation! 
 The deputies answered by cries of Long live 
 the heroic people of Paris! They have saved 
 D'ance! 
 
 Lafitte read the proclamation to the 
 prince; at each passage that contained secu- 
 rities for French liberty, the lieutenant-gene- 
 ral of the kingdom answered with significa- 
 tions of the most cordial assent. On the 
 sentences which bore upon the parliamentary 
 
58 ttlSTORV OF THE 
 
 and municipal organization, being commit- 
 ted to the choice of the citizens, he said: — 
 "This is, indeed, liberty." And when he 
 came to that part, specifying a jury's being 
 applied to in offences of the press, the prince 
 interrupted him by saying: " Ah! yes^ most 
 certainly J** 
 
 When they had finished reading, the duke 
 of Orleans expressed himself at once, with a 
 frankness and a feeling, that produced the 
 most lively enthusiasm. " Gentlemen," said 
 he, " the salutary principles you proclaim, 
 have always been my own. You recal to my 
 recollection the scenes of my youth; my last 
 years will be a continuation of them. I shall 
 exert myself for the happiness of PVance, 
 through you, and with youj like the good, 
 like the true father of a family. The depu- 
 ties of the nation easily understand me, 
 when I assure them, that I heave many a 
 heart-felt sigh over the deplorable events 
 that oblige me to accept the exalted trust 
 which they confide in me, and which I hope 
 to render myself worthy of." 
 
 These words, or rather this cordial and 
 frank acceptance of the great principles of 
 the constitutional government, were received 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 59 
 
 by the deputies with the testimonies of the 
 most lively satisfaction. 
 
 The prince added: "Gentlemen, at the 
 moment of your arrival, I was about going 
 to the Hotel de Villej I would be happy to 
 walk through Paris, amidst the deputies of 
 the nation." 
 
 All were eager to follow the lieutenant- 
 general of the kingdom, who was mounted 
 on horseback in the court of the palace, with- 
 out attendant officers, without any guard but 
 the people, without any other retinue than 
 that of the deputies of the country. The 
 prince was dressed like a general officer, 
 carrying no ornament except the riband of 
 the Legion of Honour, and the tricoloured 
 cockade. 
 
 To paint the enthusiasm of the people 
 would be a task as difficult as to express 
 their heroism on the days of battle. Tu- 
 multuous masses of the population, pressed 
 around them, in such a manner, that the de- 
 puties were obliged to separate, and their 
 progress was the more difficult, as it was 
 impeded by the glorious barricades. At 
 that very moment, the citizens formed the 
 most admirable convoy that ever accompa- 
 
60 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 nied the deputies of a people, and the chief 
 of a government. They took hands, march- 
 ing diagonally, over the extensive roads of 
 the Palais Royale to the Hotel de Ville, and 
 forming an immense chains and some were 
 heard to say, " This is an order that was 
 never established among the gendarmes !" 
 
 The prince often stopped, hat in hand, sa- 
 luting, by gesture and words, the heroic peo- 
 ple of the noble city; the worthy representa- 
 tives of a great nation. The roads of the 
 Hotel de Ville were covered with national 
 guards; the prince said: " Gentlemen, this 
 is the old national guard, which comes to 
 pay a visit to its old general (Lafayette)." 
 
 The proclamation was again read in the 
 grand saloon of the Hotel de Ville, by M, 
 Viennet, deputy from Herault. 
 
 The square of the Hotel de Ville, the quays 
 on either bank of the Seine, the adjacent 
 streets, and all the windows of the housesr 
 were crowded with a multitude of citizens, 
 gaudily arrayed in the national colours. At 
 the moment in which the duke of Orleans, 
 and the hero of the two hemispheres, La- 
 fayette, presented themselves under the bal- 
 cony of the Hotel de Ville, waving the tri- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 61 
 
 coloured banner, thunders of applause, bra- 
 voes, and shouts of Long live liberty^ and the 
 charter! resounded through the skies. 
 
 On the same evening, Lafayette addressed 
 the inhabitants of Paris in the following 
 terms: — ^" The assembly of deputies actually 
 at Paris, has communicated to the general- 
 in-chief, the resolutions which, in the ur- 
 gency of circumstances, has nominated the 
 duke of Orleans, lieutenant-general of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 " In three days, the chamber will hold a 
 regular session, conformably to the mandate 
 of its constituents, to transact its patriotic 
 duties, which derive an augmentation of im- 
 portance and extent, from the glorious events 
 that have restored the French people to the 
 plenitude of their imprescriptible rights. 
 Honour to the people of Paris. 
 
 " Then will the representatives of the 
 electoral colleges, honoured by the assent 
 of all France, know how to secure the coun- 
 try, previous to other considerations, and se- 
 condary forms of government, to secure the 
 pledges of liberty, equality and public order, 
 which comprise the sovereign nature of our 
 
 F 
 
62 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 rights and the firm will of the French peo- 
 ple." 
 
 " Already under a government of foreign 
 origin and foreign influence which has just 
 ceased^ thanks to the vigorous, rapid and 
 popular efforts of a just resistance to ag- 
 gression, it was acknowledged that in the 
 sessions, demands for the re-establishment of 
 elective administrations, municipal and pro- 
 vincial, the organization of the national guards 
 of France on the basis of '91, the extent and 
 application of juries, the questions relative 
 to electoral law, the liberty of signing, the 
 responsibility of agents of power, and the 
 method necessary to realize that respon- 
 sibility, were to be objects of discussion, 
 previous to any votes of subsidy: with how 
 much more right should these guarantees 
 and all those that liberty and equality can 
 demand, precede the concession of definitive 
 powers which France might think proper to 
 confer! In the meantime, the nation is aware 
 that the lieutenant general of the kingdom, call- 
 ed by the chamber, was one of the young pa- 
 triots of '89, one of the first generals that 
 reared triumphantly the tricoloured banner. 
 Liberty^ equality^ and public order have ever 
 been my motto: I shall be faithful to it." 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 65 
 
 On the first of August, the provisional 
 municipal commission of Paris wrote to the 
 duke of Orleans to inform him that it resign- 
 ed to his hands the power with which it had 
 been for five days invested. 
 
 From that period, the progress of the go- 
 vernment became more easy^ order was re- 
 established and the different administrations 
 regained the path of their official labours. 
 The ministers, nominated by the lieutenant- 
 general, entered upon their duties. 
 
 General Lafayette did not fail on his part, 
 to testify the most indefatigable ardour. He 
 employed himself chiefly in the defence of the 
 territory, under circumstances in which fo- 
 reign powers might form the intention of in- 
 terposing in the debates. A decree of this 
 heroic commander runs thus: 
 
 " Art. I. It is resolved to form a movea- 
 ble national guard; it shall consist of twenty 
 regiments, and may be employed out of Paris 
 in the defence of the country. 
 
 "Art. 2. All citizens in a condition to 
 bear arms are invited to enrol their names, 
 for this purpose they shall go to their re- 
 spective mayoralties, where the lists are 
 open. 
 
64 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 " Art. 3. The moveable national guard 
 shall receive daily a pay vk^hich shall be fur- 
 ther determined for the officers and sub-offi- 
 cers5 for the soldiers it shall be thirty sous 
 a day. The pay shall last to their disband- 
 ment and fifteen days after: the disbandment 
 w^ill take place as soon as this force ceases to 
 be necessary. 
 
 " Art. 4. The moveable national guard is 
 placed under the command of general Ge- 
 rard, v^'ho already commands the troops of 
 the line 5 he v^ill do every thing requisite for 
 their formation and organization; as many 
 officers as are deemed necessary w^ill com- 
 bine to effect this purpose. The list of may- 
 oralties and the national guard occupying 
 the Hotel de Ville are places under his con- 
 trol. 
 
 " Hdtel de Ville, July 31, 1830." 
 
 At the same time, he neglected no oppor- 
 tunity to gain over to the cause of liberty, 
 the soldiers w^ho had the misfortune to fight 
 against it. 
 
 " Brave soldiers," cried he in a proclama- 
 tion to the French army, " the inhabitants of 
 Paris do not consider you responsible for 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 65 
 
 having obeyed your orders; come to us, we 
 will receive you like brothers; come and 
 rank yourselves under one of those brave 
 men who shed his blood, under so many emer- 
 gencies for his country, under general Ge- 
 rard. The cause of the army cannot be long 
 divorced from the cause of liberty and the 
 nation. Is not its glory our dearest patriot- 
 ism? But let it not forget that the defence 
 of our liberty and independence is its first 
 duty. Let us then be friends, since our inte- 
 rests and our rights are the same. General 
 Lafayette declares, in the name of the whole 
 population of Paris, that it bears no senti- 
 ment of animosity, or hostility to the French 
 soldiers; that it is ready to fraternise with 
 such of those as will return to the cause of 
 liberty and their country; and that it tenders 
 all its prayers for the arrival of that moment 
 when the citizens and the soldiers, rallying 
 under one banner, with the same sentiments, 
 shall realize the happiness and the glorious 
 destinies of our beautiful country. 
 
 "Vive la France! 
 
 " Lafayette.'* 
 
 Scarcely was this proclamation known, 
 
 F 2 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 when armed soldiers were seen entering 
 Paris, arrayed in the national colours, and 
 ready to shed their blood in the defence of 
 liberty. Yet a few days and the whole army 
 will follow this generous example. Already 
 the tricoloured flag floated upon the princi- 
 pal villages of France; nearly all the strong 
 places had submitted, and every thing pro- 
 claimed that the regeneration of this beau- 
 tiful country would be soon accomplished. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 67 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Opening of the Sessions of the Chamber of Deputies. — 
 Speech of the Duke of Orleans. — Events at St. Cloud 
 and Rambouillet. — Abdication of Charles X. 
 
 FROM THE 1st TO THE 5TH AuG. 
 
 We have before said, the accession of the 
 duke of Orleans, to the lieutenant-general- 
 ship of the kingdom, rendered the progress 
 of the government easy and more regular; 
 this proceeding did not appear in the same 
 point of view to all parties. The pretensions 
 that the deputies had announced, appeared 
 in general to be too restricted and ill coin- 
 ciding with the sacrifices made by the citi- 
 zens, for the triumph of liberty. Yet they 
 awaited, not without impatience, but with 
 confidence, the arrival of the moment of the 
 session, which the duke of Orleans in per- 
 son, was to open on the 3d of August. 
 
 This session, formerly called royal session, 
 was held in the palace of the Louvre, and it 
 was chiefly by the courtiers, that these tri- 
 bunals were occupied. Now the court is no 
 
68 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 more, and the nation is arrayed in all its 
 strength and majesty. 
 
 Without, no other soldiers were seen but 
 the national guards on foot, and horse, in 
 brilliant costume, volunteers that patriotism 
 had made soldiers, during the 27th of July; 
 and around them, the people who had so 
 powerfully seconded their victorious efforts. 
 Within, the benches were crowded with la- 
 dies gorgeously apparelled, and citizens of 
 all conditions; the most friendly union and 
 cordiality, reigned in every quarter. Pupils 
 of the Polytechnic school were seen in the 
 mob, and every eye was fixed upon them. 
 Two tribunals only were reserved; in the one 
 destined to form a diplomatic body there 
 were four persons, among whom the minister 
 of the United States was conspicuous; the 
 other was occupied by the duchess of Or- 
 leans and her family. 
 
 At the office in which the president and 
 secretarie^s were sitting, was reared a canopy 
 covered with violet velvet, bearing on its 
 top a crown surmounted with a tricoloured 
 banner. Under it was placed a magnificent 
 chair, surrounded by flags of the same kind. 
 Joy sparkled in every eye at the sight of the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 69 
 
 national colours, so long exiled from the 
 country. 
 
 This assembly consisted of about 300 per- 
 sons; 60 peers, and 240 deputies, all drest 
 in peasant's garments. 
 
 About one o'clock, a round of artillery 
 and shouts from without, announced the ar- 
 rival of the lieutenant-general of the king- 
 dom. 
 
 The deputies and peers immediately took 
 their place, and a profound silence reigned 
 throughout. The duke of Orleans, preceded 
 only by the great deputation and his aide-de- 
 camps, and accompanied by his young son, 
 the duke of Nemours, entered on a firm step, 
 his head uncovered, and clad in the habit of 
 lieutenant-general. He walked up the stairs 
 to the right with his son, and having saluted 
 the assembly, sat down on a stool, before the 
 empty throne. The young duke of Nemours 
 sat on the right of his father. 
 
 Immediately there resounded from all parts 
 of the hall, unanimous shouts of " long live 
 the duke of Orleans ! Long live the lieutenant- 
 general of the kingdom! Long live the char- 
 ter!'^ Amid these acclamations and plau- 
 dits, the duchess of Orleans, and the prin- 
 
70 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cesses her daughters, entered the box that 
 had been reserved for them. 
 
 Meanwhile, this moment of enthusiasm 
 was succeeded by the most silent attention. 
 " Gentlemen, take your seats," said the 
 prince, slowly turning his eyes around the 
 assembly. Then with a grave voice, and an 
 accent of deep conviction, he read the fol- 
 lowing : — 
 
 " ADDRESS. 
 
 "Peers and deputies — Paris, troubled in 
 its repose by a deplorable violation of the 
 charter and of the laws, defended them with 
 heroic courage! In the midst of this san- 
 guinary struggle, the guarantees of social 
 order no longer subsisted. Persons, proper- 
 ty, rights, every thing that is most valuable 
 and dear to men and to citizens, were ex- 
 posed to the most serious dangers. 
 
 " In this absence of all public, power, the 
 wishes of my fellow citizens have turned to- 
 wards mej they have judged me worthy to 
 concur with them in the salvation of the 
 country; they have invited me to exercise 
 the functions of lieutenant-general of the 
 kingdom. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 71 
 
 " This course appeared to me to be just, 
 the dangers increasing, the necessity im- 
 perative, my duty sacred. I hastened into 
 the midst of this valiant people, follov^^ed 
 by my family, and wearing those colours 
 which, for the second time, have marked 
 among us the triumph of liberty. 
 
 "I have come firmly resolved to devote 
 myself to all that circumstances should re- 
 quire of me, in the situation in which they 
 have placed me, to re-establish the empire 
 of the laws, to save liberty which was 
 threatened, and to render impossible the re- 
 turn of such great evils, by securing for ever 
 the power of that charter, whose name, in- 
 voked during the contest, was also appealed 
 to after the victory. 
 
 " In the accomplishment of this noble task, 
 it is for the chambers to guide me. All 
 rights must be solemnly guaranteed^ all the 
 institutions necessary to their full and free 
 exercise, must receive the developments 
 which they require. Attached by inclina- 
 tion and conviction to the principles of a 
 free government, I accept, beforehand, all 
 the consequences of it. I think ,it my duty 
 immediately to call your attention to the or- 
 
72 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ganization of the national guards, to the ap- 
 plication of the jury to the crimes of the 
 press, the formation of the departmental and 
 municipal administrations, and, above all, 
 to that 14th article of the charter* which has 
 been so hatefully interpreted. It is with 
 these sentiments, gentlemen, that I come to 
 open this session. 
 
 "The past is painful to me. I deplore 
 misfortunes which I could have wished to 
 prevent; but in the midst of this magnani- 
 mous transport of the capital, and of all the 
 other French cities, at the sight of order re- 
 viving with marvellous promptness, after a 
 resistance free from all excesses, a just na- 
 tional pride move's my heart; and I look for- 
 ward with confidence to the future destiny 
 of the country. 
 
 " Yes, gentlemen, France, which is so 
 dear to us, will be happy and free; it will 
 
 * The article of the charter referred to, is as follows: 
 " The King is the Supreme Head of the State — 
 commands the land and sea forces — declares war — 
 makes treaties of peace, alliance and commerce — no- 
 minates to all offices in the public administration — and 
 makes the regulations and ordinances necessary for the 
 execution of the laws, and the safety of the State." 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1850. 73 
 
 show to England, that, solely engaged with 
 its prosperity, it loves peace as well as li- 
 berty, and desires only the happiness and 
 the repose of its neighbours. 
 
 " Respect for all rights — care for all inte- 
 rests — good faith to the government — are 
 the best means to disarm parties, and to 
 bring back to people's minds that confidence 
 —to the constitution that stability, which are 
 the only certain pledges of the people, and 
 of the strength of states. 
 
 " Peers and deputies — As soon as the cham- 
 ber shall be constituted, I shall have laid 
 before you the acts of abdication by his ma- 
 jesty, Charles X. By the same act Louis 
 Antoine de France, also renounces his rights. 
 This act was placed in my hands yesterday, 
 the 2d of August, at eleven o'clock at night. 
 I have, this morning, ordered it to be depo- 
 sited in the archives of the chamber of peers, 
 and caused it to be inserted in the official 
 part of the Moniteur." 
 
 Let us now take a glance at the court of 
 the ex-king. 
 
 While events were succeeding each other 
 with such great rapidity in Paris, Charles X. 
 awaited, outside of the city, the consequences 
 
 G 
 
74 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of a political stroke by which he had just 
 tried to break the constitutional shackles 
 he had so long borne with regret. 
 
 Convinced that his violent measures would 
 be successful, he confidently expected news 
 from Paris. On the 26th, the day of the pub- 
 lication of these fatal decrees, the Moniteur 
 announced that the king had gone to hunt in 
 Rambouillet. On the 28 th he returned to 
 St. Cloud. Not till then did he receive in- 
 telligence of the city being in a ferment: al- 
 most at the same instant he was apprized 
 that the civic guard had taken up arms, that 
 the people were running to the defence of 
 their rights. 
 
 But in this overwhelming catastrophe 
 every action of the king was destined to be 
 marked with the stigma of silliness and im- 
 providence. When they represented to him 
 a picture of the state of the capital, he drily 
 answered: "Never mind, a few charges of 
 the soldiers will stop that business." 
 
 On the same day the Moniteur announced 
 to indignant France that Marmont, duke of 
 Ragusa, was appointed to the command of 
 the first military division. Thus Charles X, 
 burdened the government of Paris with a 
 
 / 
 
■HH 
 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 75 
 
 traitor who not long since sold Paris to a 
 stranger. But such faults, or rather such 
 crimes, could not long escape vengeance. 
 
 On the 29 th, in the afternoon, the wreck 
 of the royal guard, the lancers, and cuiras- 
 siers, arrived at St. Cloud. Men of expe- 
 rience were convinced, that, as to the court, 
 all was lost; but such was the stubborn stu- 
 pidity of the king, that he looked upon all 
 these events as trifling and unimportant— 
 " Dont fret yourselves," said he to the cour- 
 tesans around him, " it will not last one hun- 
 dred days* this bout.'* 
 
 As for Polignac, he only answered the re- 
 proaches that were showered on him by these 
 words: " Such was my idea— Besides, if they 
 are not pleased, they can cut off my head." 
 Peyronnetwas the only one who preserved 
 his presence of mind; "I foresaw it all" 
 said he, " even the civil war." 
 
 Thus was the court situated when Ragusa 
 appeared. He was very ill received by the 
 dauphin, who told him: "All that has been 
 done is the work of treason. I perceive, too 
 
 * Alluding to Napoleon's last reign of one hundred 
 days. 
 
76 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 late, that traitors are incorrigible. You have 
 betrayed us as you did the other."* 
 
 He afterwards reproached him with hav- 
 ing transgressed the instructions he had 
 received, in not putting the Parisians in 
 irons; in not arresting the deputies on Wed- 
 nesday, as he was positively ordered to do; 
 finally, in having damped the ardour of the 
 troops, by telling them, that negotiations had 
 been entered into with the rebels. 
 
 Ragusa attempted to justify his conduct ; 
 but the duke of Angouleme flew at him, and 
 inflicted many blows on his breast and throat. 
 
 The marshal threatening to defened him- 
 self, the indignant prince demanded his 
 sword. The moment the marshal delivered 
 it, the prince seized it so quickly and so 
 awkwardly, that he cut his hands. He im- 
 mediately called his guards. In an instant a 
 dozen guards were present with fixed bayo- 
 nets, and seeing the prince wounded, w^ere 
 about to pierce the marshal. The duke of 
 Angouleme stopped them: " He is a traitor," 
 said he, " but I would have him live." This 
 scene was soon known, and Charles X. expe- 
 rienced much trouble in effecting a reconci- 
 * Bonaparte, 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 77 
 
 liation. The dauphin in the mean time con- 
 sented to pardon him. " I have also been in 
 the wrong," said he to Marmont, but I have 
 been well punished for if, look at my hands.'* 
 
 On the 30th, about six in the morning, the 
 duke of Angouleme passed through the alley 
 of St. Cloud, to review about one thousand 
 men, the wreck of the 3d and 6th regiments . 
 of royal guards. Some Swiss companies 
 were drawn up in front of the porcelain fac- 
 tory5 two pieces of cannon and two covered 
 waggons, with a number of barrels, were 
 thrown up for a battery on the bridge of 
 Sevres, The gait of the prince, the pose of 
 his hat thrown behind, and the smile that 
 played continually on his lips, formed a sin- 
 gular contrast with the grave and medita- 
 tive countenances of these warriors, whose 
 thoughts seemed to be entirely absorbed by 
 the recollection of the events that transpired 
 on the foregoing day, by a foresight of the 
 judgment that would be pronounced against 
 them by their cotemporaries and by poste- 
 rity, and by the infamous treason of which 
 an ill comprehended military duty rendered 
 them the blind instruments. 
 
 An inhabitant of Sevres, addressing him- 
 G 2 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 self to a sergeant, said, — '^ Do you know, sir, 
 against whom you have been fighting?'*— 
 "Alas, yes I it is against the men who are 
 defending our rights; but what would you 
 have us do? We are soldiers: they com- 
 mand: we must obey.'* The sergeant rejoin- 
 ed his corps with a slow pace, and with the 
 air of a man whose conscience, rather than 
 reason, condemned this horrible doctrine, 
 which made an inhuman monster of an hon- 
 est man. 
 
 This review was such, that during the day, 
 Charles X., not counting any longer on as- 
 sistance from the troops of the line, sent to 
 the colonel of the 50th regiment, to inform 
 him, that he had no more need of his ser- 
 vices. After this declaration, the colonel, 
 accompanied by the sharp shooters of the 
 2d battalion, repaired to St. Cloud to deliver 
 up his fiag. Afterwards, the whole regi- 
 ment, both officers and soldiers, dispersed. 
 
 On the same day, the division of Borde- 
 soulle, which had left Versailles to march to 
 Paris, retraced their steps, and presented 
 themselves at the gate of the avenue of Paris, 
 asking permission to enter Versailles, in 
 order to return to their quarters; but the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 79 
 
 sentinel of the national guards, charged with 
 the defence of this barrier, signified to gene- 
 ral Bordesoulle that the troops could not 
 enter the village, without delivering up their 
 arms, as all the other soldiers who presented 
 themselves at the gate, had done beforej and 
 that if they had recourse to force, they would 
 be repelled by force. 
 
 General Bordesoulle not daring to attack 
 it, his regiment was obliged to pass the 
 night on the road. 
 
 The next morning a parley took place. 
 The mayor of Versailles, accompanied by M. 
 Benoit and another citizen, both in uniform, 
 repaired to the rendezvous, after reciprocal 
 explanation, a commander of the royal guards 
 accompanied them, and declared to the in- 
 habitants of Versailles, that all was pacified: 
 that all the French were friends, and would 
 fight no more. Immediately afterwards the 
 entire division entered, amid shouts of Vive 
 la charte! 
 
 This division was composed of a batallion 
 of royal guards on foot, and of the gendarmes 
 of Paris, as many foot as horsey of a regi- 
 ment of grenadiers, on horseback; a compa- 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ny of artillery, on horseback, and a regiment 
 of cuirassiers. On the night of the 30th and 
 3 1st, the court departed for Trianon, and 
 soon after arrived at Rambouillet, leaving to 
 the Swiss and the royal guards the defence 
 of St. Cloud, which was soon attacked, and 
 taken by fifty citizens led on by three pupils 
 of the Polytechnic school. But these brave 
 people being attacked in their turn, two 
 hours after by the lancers, were forced to 
 retreat. This triumph of the royal troops 
 was of short duration, for the lancers had 
 scarcely time to enter the courts, before a 
 strong detachment of Parisians, on a quick 
 march, arranged themselves for battle, and 
 commenced a tremendous firej they fought 
 furiously, and after a conflict of two hours, 
 the lancers retreated in disorder, leaving the 
 court of the Chateau covered with the dead, 
 and bearing off their colonel, the duke of 
 Timargou, mortally wounded. On the news 
 of this reverse, the king departed for Ram- 
 bouillet, where he arrived on the 1st of 
 August. 
 
 Two days after, the lieutenant-general, as 
 he had announced to the chambers, published 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 81 
 
 the following piece, addressed to him by 
 Charles X. 
 
 " ABDICATION. 
 
 " Cousin — I am too profoundly grieved 
 by the evils which afflict or might threaten 
 my people, not to have sought a means of 
 preventing them. I have, therefore, taken 
 the resolution to abdicate the crown in fa- 
 vour of my grandson, the duke de Bordeaux. 
 
 "The dauphin, who partakes my senti- 
 ments, also renounces his rights in favour of 
 his nephew. 
 
 " You must, then, in your quality of lieu- 
 tenant-general of the kingdom, cause the 
 ascension of Henry V, to the crown to be 
 proclaimed. You will take, besides, all the 
 measures which concern you to regulate the 
 form of the government during the minority 
 of the new king. Here I confine myself to 
 making known these dispositions: it is the 
 means of avoiding many evils. 
 
 " You will communicate my intentions to 
 the diplomatic body; and you will acquaint 
 me as soon as possible with the proclamation 
 by which my grandson shall have been re- 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cognised king- of France, under the name of 
 Henry V. 
 
 "I charge lieutenant-general Viscount de 
 Foissac Latour to deliver this letter to you. 
 He has orders to settle with you the arrange- 
 ments to be made in favour, of the persons 
 who have accompanied me, as well as the ar- 
 rangements necessary for what concerns me 
 and the rest of my family. 
 
 " We will afterwards regulate the other 
 measures which will be the consequence of 
 the change of the reign. 
 
 " I repeat to you, my cousin, the assurance 
 of the sentiments with which I am your af- 
 fectionate cousin, " Charles, 
 
 " Louis Antoine. 
 « Rambmiilletf August 2d, 1830." 
 
 The reading of this letter produced a 
 burst of indignation and pity: "What!" 
 cried they, from all quarters; " what! Charles 
 thCirTenth: had he the audacity to say, *by 
 the evils which afflict, or which threaten his 
 people!* Who then has caused these evils? 
 Who has made the soldiers fire at, and mas- 
 sacre the heroic population of Paris? * His 
 people P thanks to heaven, the French people 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 83 
 
 belong to no one. What excess of impu- 
 dence! Charles the Tenth, in speaking of 
 the French nation, says again: *his peoplel* 
 And * HIS people* he bequeaths, like a vile 
 flock, to this child, whose origin was a mys- 
 tery; to this child, so unfortunately born; to 
 this child, who is to be pitied, because he is 
 not guilty; to this child, who, if he were the 
 grandchild of Charles the Tenth, would be 
 marked with universal reproach! 
 
 "You abdicate! We reje'ct your abdica- 
 tion, — you have fallen, legitimately fallen; 
 France discarded you, your son, and your 
 pretended grandson. She will have nothing 
 more to do with you, — begone, lest your 
 presence sully the sun of France. You have 
 surpassed Charles IX.; and posterity will 
 be just when it shall say, ' Charles the per- 
 juredJ' '* 
 
 This act of abdication, Charles accompa- 
 nied with a letter, in which he requested a 
 safe conduct for himself, his family, and his 
 retinue; lastly to stipulate the conditions of 
 the exile to which he was condemned. His 
 retinue was as soon as possible named, 
 and set off for Rambouillet. But a new 
 piece of folly was committed by the king, 
 
84 HISTOHY OF THE 
 
 who, at the conclusion of the mass, sent post 
 haste to Paris the following note, remarka- 
 ble only for its stupidity: 
 
 " The king wishing to put an end to the 
 troubles that exist in the capital, and in a part 
 of France, relying besides upon the sincere at- 
 tachment of his cousin, the duke of Orleans, 
 he appoints him lieutenant-general of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 " The king, having thought it convenient 
 to repeal his ordinances of the 25th July, 
 sanctions the meeting of the chambers on 
 the 3d of August, and hopes that they will 
 re-establish the tranquillity of France. 
 
 " The king will remain here till the return 
 of the person charged with the delivery of 
 this declaration. If any attempt be made 
 against the life or liberty of the king or his 
 family, he will defend himself to the last drop 
 of his blood. 
 
 " Given at Rambouillei, August 2d, 1830. 
 
 « Charles." 
 
 The king was in the same mood when the 
 commissaries arrived at Rambouillet One 
 of them, the duke of Coigny, was alone intro- 
 duced to the ex-king, who asked him who ac- 
 companied him? — 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 85 
 
 The duke answered that his companions 
 were the duke of Tarento, Schonen and Odil- 
 lon Barot. 
 
 " That's a smart piece of business," said 
 the king. 
 
 " It were to be wished, Sire," returned the 
 ^ther, " that it was more so, I could then an- 
 swer more assuredly for the life of your ma- 
 jesty." 
 
 " We are not come to that pass yet, sir,' and 
 I tell you plainly, I will not receive your col- 
 leagues. I have expedited new decrees to 
 Parisj I will await an answer to them." The 
 duke of Coigny having retired, communicated 
 to his colleagues the substance of the discourse 
 he had had with the ex-king and all four re- 
 turned as soon as possible to Paris. 
 
 As soon as this affair came to be known 
 every one ran to arms. Hackney coaches, 
 stages, and omnibuses were put into a state 
 of requisition; and ten thousand men, com- 
 manded by general Pajol, set off by post. 
 But when they arrived at Rambouillet the 
 court had resigned: Charles had restored the 
 diamonds of the crown, and accompanied by 
 his retinue, took the route of Cherbourg. 
 
 H 
 
86 HISTORY or THE 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Throne declared vacant. — Disciission of the Question 
 of Government. — Speech of Chateaubriand. — Offer of 
 the Crown to the Duke of Orleans, who accepts it.—' 
 Accusation of the Ex-ministers. — Coronation of Louis 
 Philip. — Discontent of the People. — Law for the relief 
 of the Families of the killed and wounded in the Revo- 
 lution. 
 
 On Monday, August the 7th, the lieute- 
 tenant-general nominated as members of the 
 provisional government, 
 
 M. GuizoT, Minister of the Interior. 
 Baron Louis, Minister of Finance. 
 M. DupoNT DE l'Eure, Minister of Jus- 
 tice. 
 General Gerard, Minister of War. 
 Count Reinhart, Minister of Foreign 
 
 Aifairs. 
 M. GiROD DE L'AiN, Minister of the 
 Prefecture of the Police. 
 On the same evening, the Marquis de la 
 Roche Jacqueline arrived fiom Rambouillet, 
 with the act of abdication. 
 
 The dauphin also absolved the military 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 87 
 
 from their oath of allegiance to him. The 
 jewels of the crown were put in the hands of 
 General Pajol, to be carried to Paris. The 
 news was communicated in the following 
 despatch: 
 
 " Rambouillet, Jlugust 3d, (evening.) 
 " Monseigneur, 
 
 " It is with joy that we announce the suc- 
 cess of our mission. The king has consented 
 to depart with his family. We shall inform 
 your highness of every incident of our jour- 
 ney with the greatest precision. May it 
 have a happy termination! 
 
 " We take the road to Cherbourg. The 
 troops have been ordered to Epernon. To- 
 morrow morning we shall know definitively, 
 who is to accompany the king. With the 
 utmost respect, &c. 
 
 " De Schonen. 
 
 " Marshal Maison. 
 
 "Odillon Barot.'* 
 
 On Friday, August the 6th, the chamber 
 of deputies declared the throne vacant, and 
 proposed a change in certain articles of the 
 charter. On the succeeding day, it was de- 
 clared, that the general and pressing inte- 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 r^sts of the French nation, call to the throne 
 his royal highness, Louis Philippe d'Orleans 
 lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and his 
 descendants for ever, from male to male, in 
 order of primogeniture, to the perpetual ex- 
 clusion of females and their descendants. 
 Consequently, that his royal highness be in- 
 vited to fulfil the above clauses and engage- 
 ments, the observances of the constitutional 
 charter, and the modifications pointed out; 
 and having done so, to assume the title of 
 king of the French. 
 
 This question was w^armly discussed in 
 the house of deputies. 
 
 M. de Conny called upon them to pause, 
 reminding them that force did not constitute 
 right; and implored them at that terrible 
 moment, not to suffer themselves to be sub- 
 jugated by the cries heard from vt^ithout; 
 but to remember their oaths, and to acknow- 
 ledge the sacred rights of the duke of Bor- 
 deaux. 
 
 M. B. Constant declared that no alarm 
 need be excited by the agitation without — 
 that a prince was required of a different 
 character from the last, whose acts had been 
 so dreadful and deplorable — that legitimacy 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 89 
 
 was no longer to be invoked, and should be 
 abjured, since it had stained the streets with 
 blood. 
 
 M. Hyde de Neuville declared, that for 
 himself, he had done all a Frenchman could 
 do to prevent the calamities which had fallen 
 on the nation — that he had not betrayed that 
 family, whom false friends had precipitated 
 into an abyss. He advised them to delibe- 
 rate, and not to trust the fate of the country 
 to the impressions of a moment. " With 
 my hand on my heart,'* said he " I must re- 
 pel the dangerous sovereignty which you 
 propose." 
 
 M. Alex, de Laborde advocated the cause 
 of the duke of Orleans warmly, whom the 
 acknowledgment of the duke of Bordeaux 
 would compel to bow before an infant, recall- 
 ing by his presence nothing but crimes and 
 misfortunes; besides, he declared the former 
 to be descended more directly, if historical 
 legitimacy be in question, than the latter, 
 from that king whose memory they all vene- 
 rated. 
 
 M. Peton pronounced legitimacy as over- 
 whelmed by seas of blood. 
 
 M. Berryer would not admit that the 
 H 2 
 
90 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 throne was vacant — and denied the right of 
 the chamber to pronounce it so. 
 
 M. Villemain summoned the chamber to 
 proclaim its independence, by an act offering 
 the throne to the duke of Orleans, and stipu- 
 lating guaranties for the stability of order. 
 
 M. Podenas proposed that ' the throne 
 should be declared vacant, in consequence of 
 the violation of the charter, and of the laws.' 
 In support of this, he drew a picture of the 
 events which had led to the fall of the ex- 
 king, who, he said, ' was the worthy heir to 
 the ferocity of Charles IX., and had not the 
 courage to show himself in the hour of 
 danger.' 
 
 M. de Martignac, cautiously attempted 
 to interest the feelings of the members in fa- 
 vour of the king; of whom he declared his 
 conviction that he was any thing but fero- 
 cious, and had only been deceived; that he 
 himself had known him long and well, and 
 was sure that the love of his country was upr- 
 permost in his feelings. 
 
 M. Berard could not, * with sang-froid, 
 hear it stated that the heart of Charles 
 glowed with the sacred fire of love of coun- 
 try. The sceptre was in his hands the sym- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 91 
 
 bol of protection, he had broken it upon his 
 people.' 
 
 M. Alexis de Noailles defended the king, 
 and like the others of his party, threw all the 
 blame upon the ministers. 
 
 The proposed alterations in the charter 
 were then discussed and put to vote sepa- 
 rately, and afterwards on the whole; special 
 provisions were also made for annulling the 
 peerages created by Charles X., for reform- 
 ing the peerage and judiciary, and for other 
 matters. 
 
 Two days afterwards, the house of peers 
 sat to deliberate on the declaration received 
 from the chamber of deputies. Chateau- 
 briand opposed it, and stood forth as the 
 champion of the young duke of Bordeaux, 
 in a speech more distinguishable for its elo- 
 quence, than for its liberalism. We give it 
 at full length. 
 
 " Gentlemen: — The declaration which 
 has been brought before this chamber, ap- 
 pears to me far less confused, than it does to 
 those peers who profess to differ with me in 
 opinion. There is one feature in this de- 
 claration, which is primary to, or rather 
 
92 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 tends to destroy, every other. If we were in 
 a state of perfect civil order, I should with- 
 out doubt carefully consider those changes 
 which, it is now pretended, are made in our 
 charter. Many of these changes have been 
 proposed by myself. I am only astonished 
 that this chamber can for one moment dis- 
 cuss the expediency of a reaction on the 
 peers created by Charles X. I am not by 
 any means an advocate for them as a body, 
 and you know that I have been the object of 
 their threats^ but to appoint ourselves the 
 judges of our colleagues, and to erase from 
 the number of peers, whomsoever we may at 
 any time wish, appear to me too much bor- 
 dering on proscription. Is it intended to de- 
 stroy the peerage.^ It were better to lose 
 our lives than to seek for it. 
 
 " I have already taken up too much of your 
 time on a subject which, though of great im- 
 portance, yet must give way to the greatness 
 of the present events. France is without 
 any firm government, and I shall now take 
 up your attention with considering how 
 much it would be necessary to add to, or 
 take from, the masts of a vessel, which has 
 already lost its helm. In my discussion on 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 93 
 
 the declaration of the chamber, I shall waive 
 all secondary considerations, and confine my- 
 self solely to the real or pretended vacancy 
 of the throne. 
 
 " A question ought previously to be consi- 
 dered; if the throne is vacant, are we free to 
 choose our form of government? Before of- 
 fering the crown to any individual, it would 
 be well to determine what is to be the form 
 of our civil government, whether that of a 
 republic or monarchy. 
 
 " Does either a republic or a newly modell- 
 ed monarchy offer to France any securities 
 that its strength and peace shall be secured? 
 A republic would carry with it recollections 
 of our former republic. Those recollections 
 have not yet been forgotten. The people 
 still remember the time when liberty and 
 equality were but made the pretexts for mur- 
 der. If anarchy should again stalk over our 
 land, shall we be able to arouse from his rock 
 the slumbering Hercules, who alone could 
 crush the monster? There have not been 
 more than five or six such men recorded in 
 the page of history, and can you expect to 
 see another Napoleon? 
 
 " Besides, our own habits and our relations 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 with neighbouring powers make the forma- 
 tion of a republic perfectly impracticable. 
 The first obstacle would be the difficulty of 
 creating a unanimity among the French 
 themselves. What right has Paris to im- 
 pose on Marseilles or any other city a repub- 
 lican government? Shall there be but one 
 republic, or twenty or thirty? Shall they be 
 federal or independent? However, waiving 
 these objections, let us suppose one united 
 republic. Do you believe, while conscious 
 of the enthusiasm of the French character, 
 that any president, however resolute or ta- 
 lented he may be, could remain more than 
 one year at the head of the administration? 
 Neither defended by the laws nor by past re- 
 collections, insulted continually by secret ri- 
 vals and by promoters of disturbance, he 
 could not inspire that confidence so neces- 
 sary to commerce, nor be possessed of that 
 dignity suitable in transactions with foreign 
 nations, nor could he command the power 
 requisite for the maintenance of order at 
 home. If he were to use revolutionary mea- 
 sures, the republic would attach odium on 
 itselfj and the rest of Europe, profiting from 
 our divisions, would foment our quarrels, 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 95 
 
 until we should find ourselves plunged anew 
 into frightful struggles. 
 
 " A representative republic will perhaps 
 hereafter constitute the government of all 
 countries, but the time for such a state of 
 things has not yet arrived. 
 
 " I now proceed to the consideration of 
 monarchy. A monarch, whose appointment 
 is to depend on the selection of the chambers 
 or people, will always be a novelty. But I 
 suppose that the victory which the people 
 have lately so gloriously gained, has for its 
 object the attainment of their liberty, parti- 
 cularly the freedom of the press. But will not 
 every monarchy, sooner or later, be obliged 
 to destroy this very liberty? Even the ta- 
 lents and power of a Napoleon were not suffi- 
 cient to permit its existence. Gained by our 
 misfortunes, and perpetually a victim to our 
 glory, the liberty of the press will alone find 
 security in the stability of a well founded go- 
 vernment. Would not a monarchy, the 
 reeking bastard of a night of bloody (batarde 
 d'une nuit sanglante) be obliged to recoil from 
 the opinions of independent men? If some 
 advocate a republican form, others a differ- 
 ent system, do you not fear that you will be 
 
96 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 obliged to resort to the laws of exception^ 
 notwithstanding the suppression of the 8th 
 word (Art. VIII of the charter). Then, ye 
 friends of organized liberty, Avhat will you 
 have gained by the change which is now 
 proposed? You will inevitably be ingulfed 
 in republicanism or legalised servitude. Mo- 
 narchy will be borne and swept down the 
 tide by the torrent of democratic legislation, 
 or the monarch himself will be swallowed 
 up in the vortex of faction. In the glow of 
 success we picture to ourselves that every 
 thing is feasible — we anticipate a remedy for 
 our wants — the attainment of our prosperity. 
 Each one flatters himself that the rest will 
 divest themselves of vanity and interest^ it 
 is believed that the superior talents and wis- 
 dom of the government will surmount every 
 barrier; but after the lapse of a few months, 
 practice will give the lie to theory. 
 
 "You have before you, gentlemen, but a 
 few of the inconveniences ancillary to the 
 formation of a republic, or newly modelled 
 monarchy. If either be perilous, there is an 
 alternative, and it is incumbent on me to say 
 a few words on this point. 
 
 "The splendour of the diadem has been 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 97 
 
 sullied by the treachery of its ministers, who 
 have attempted to seal the violation of their 
 faith, with the blood of our citizens, and have 
 gambled away their oaths, sworn before 
 earth and heaven. 
 
 " Strangers, you who twice have entered 
 Paris without resistance, learn now the cause 
 of your success. You imagine you have the 
 shield of the laws to screen your violations. 
 If to-day you were to lend your aid to tyran- 
 ny, think you that the gates of the capital of 
 the civilized world would open thus easily to 
 your approach? The French race has be- 
 come colossal, since your departure, under 
 the laws of the constitution. Our boys of 
 fourteen have assumed the bearing of giants 
 —our conscripts of Algiers, our scholars at 
 Paris, have awakened to enterprise the sons 
 of the victors of Austerlitz, Marengo, and 
 Jena — sons emblazoned with all the splen- 
 dour that liberty can add to glory. 
 
 " Never was there a more just or heroic 
 opposition to despotism than that made by 
 the people of Paris. They have not risen to 
 violate, but vindicate the laws; while our 
 rulers revered the social compact, the peo- 
 ple were peaceable; they have brooked in- 
 
98 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 suit, provocation and menace, without com- 
 plaint; they have lavished their money and 
 their blood in exchange for the charter: but, 
 after having deceived us to the last hour, 
 the ministers have proclaimed our slavery. 
 When the combination of servility and hypo- 
 crisy flashed upon us— when the terror of the 
 castle, organized by eunuchs, thought itself 
 able to impose upon us the horrors of a repub- 
 lic and the iron yoke of an empire, then did 
 the people put on the armour of intelligence 
 and courage— our very shopkeepers manned 
 the cannon, and proved that it required more 
 than four soldiers and a corporal to enforce 
 obedience. A century could not more have 
 ripened the destinies of a people, than the 
 last three suns that have shone upon France. 
 A great crime has been committed; it has 
 produced the energetic explosion of our feel- 
 ing. Should this crime, and the moral and 
 political triumph which has now been 
 achieved, be added as a pretext for the abo- 
 lition of established order? Let us see. 
 
 " Charles X. and his son have lost their 
 thrones, or if you will, have abdicated; but, 
 is the throne therefore to be declared vacant? 
 There is yet an infant child, and is he to be 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 99 
 
 the innocent victim to the crimes of his an- 
 cestors? What blood has yet stained his 
 hands? Can you say that it is that which 
 has been shed by his father? This orphan, 
 educated in our colleges, with a love for a 
 constitutional government, and with a pre- 
 possession for the ideas of the present age, 
 could be modelled into a sovereign, whose 
 government should accord with future events. 
 It is the guardian of this ward who ought to 
 answer to the declaration on which you are 
 now going to vote. When arrived at man- 
 hood, this young monarch would again re- 
 new his oaths. The present king, who is 
 now actually our sovereign, would have been 
 willing to appoint the duke d'Orleans as re- 
 gent to his grandson, a prince who has lived 
 among the people, and who knows, that a 
 monarchy, in order to insure support, must 
 be directed by the will of the people and by 
 reason. This natural connexion has appear- 
 ed to me a great means to promote concilia- 
 tion, and would perhaps have saved France 
 from those calamities which are ever conse- 
 quent on violent changes in a state. 
 
 " Is it not preposterous to declare, that 
 this child, separated from his former masters, 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 would not cease to forget them? or is it to 
 be supposed, that, after a long education 
 among the people, and after the dreadful 
 ■warning of the dethronement of two kings in 
 two nights, he would still cling to those dog- 
 matical principles, imbued in his early in- 
 fancy? 
 
 " I do not mean to contend, that the blood 
 of Louis IX., flowing in the veins of young 
 Henry, would instil nobler sentiments into 
 the youthful prince. I believe not in the di- 
 vine right of kings; but I believe in the power 
 of revelation and facts. I bring not even the 
 charter to my support; I draw my ideas 
 from a higher source; I deduce them from 
 those considerations which will influence 
 me, when I am about to die. Influenced by 
 these sentiments, I propose the duke of 
 Bourdeaux, as our future sovereign; believ- 
 ing that such a measure would be productive 
 of more advantage than any other. 
 
 " I know that in the dethronement of this 
 child, it is thought that the sovereignty of 
 the people will be established. How mis- 
 taken is such a notion; the foolish idea of 
 the old school, which tends but to prove that 
 our old democrats have not made more pro- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 101 
 
 gress than the ancient supporters of royalty. 
 Liberty does not flow from political rights, 
 as was supposed in the eighteenth century; 
 it comes from our natural rights, which exist 
 under every form of government. A monar- 
 chy may be as free, or perhaps more free, 
 than a republic; but this is not the time to 
 lay down any course of policy. I shall only 
 remark, that in disposing of thrones, the peo- 
 ple have often involved the loss of their own 
 liberty. The principle of hereditary monar- 
 chy, however absurd it may appear, has been 
 sanctioned by custom, as being preferable to 
 elective. The reasons are so evident, that I 
 shall not now dwell on them. You may 
 elect a king to-day, but who is to prevent 
 you from displacing him by another to-mor- 
 row? The law, you will perhaps say. The 
 law! But who are they that have made the 
 laws? You assert the sovereignty of your 
 physical strength, but beware of this strength; 
 for if it escapes you, you will have just rea- 
 son to rue it. Such is human nature. The 
 most intelligent and just minds are not al- 
 ways superior to the effects of success. 
 These are ever foremost in asserting their 
 rights against violence, and in supporting 
 
 I 2 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 those rights with all their talents; but at the 
 very moment that the justice of their cause 
 is proved by the basest tyranny, and by the 
 ruin of that tyranny, they seize upon that 
 strength, which they were instrumental in 
 destroying—miserable stumps that unprofit- 
 ably wound their own hands. 
 
 " I have transported my argument to the 
 ground of my adversaries. I am not going 
 to bivouac on the past, beneath the old ban- 
 ner of the dead; a banner which, though not 
 inglorious, flags along its staff, for no breath 
 of life plays around it. Should I stir up the 
 dust of thirty-five Capets, I could not there dis- 
 cover an argument which would be listened 
 to. The idolatry of a name is abolished; 
 monarchy is no more a religion, it is a poli- 
 tical form, preferable at this moment to every 
 other, because it introduces at once order 
 and liberty. 
 
 " Useless as Cassandra, I have already fa- 
 tigued the throne and the nation with my dis- 
 dained prophecies; it only remains for me to 
 lay myself down on a fragment of that wreck 
 which I have so often predicted. I recog- 
 nise with regret, every kind of power, except 
 that of unbinding me from my oath of fideli- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 103 
 
 ty. I should also render my life unitorm, 
 after all that I have done, said and written 
 for the Bourbons, I would be the basest of 
 all wretches, were I to flinch, when for the 
 third and last time, they stood on the verge 
 of exile. I leave fear to those generous roy- 
 alists, who have never sacrificed a farthing 
 or a post to their loyalty; to those cham- 
 pions of the altar and the throne, who treated 
 me as a renegade, an apostate, and a revolu- 
 tionist. Pious libellists, the renegade calls 
 you; now breathe but a word of regret, a 
 single word with him, for the unfortunate 
 master that has loaded you with presents 
 and whom you have for ever lost. Ye that 
 provoked the scourges of the state; preach- 
 ers of constituent power, where are you? 
 You shrink into that mire from the bottom 
 of which you formerly raised your heads to 
 calumniate the true friends of the king: 
 Your silence to-day, is worthy your language 
 yesterday. It is natural that all these brava- 
 does, whose projected exploits have chased 
 the descendants of Henry IV. with pitch- 
 forks, now tremble and duck before the tri- 
 coloured cockade. The noble colours with 
 which they plume themselves, will protect 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 their persons, but can never screen their cow- 
 ardice. Moreover, in expressing myself thu s 
 frankly to this tribunal, I do not conceive 
 that I am performing an act of heroism. 
 We are not living in that age, when an opi- 
 nion costs a man his head: were such the 
 case, I would speak a hundred times louder. 
 The best shield is a breast that fears not to 
 uncover itself to an enemy. No, gentlemen, 
 we have to dread neither a people whose rea- 
 son equals its courage, nor the generous 
 youth whom I admire, with whom all the fa- 
 culties of my soul sympathize, and to whom 
 I wish, as well as my country, honour, glory, 
 liberty. 
 
 " Far from me be the thought of strewing 
 the seeds of division through France; and on 
 this account have I divested my discourse of 
 the accents of passion. Were I intimately 
 convinced that a child should be left in ob- 
 scure rank and happy in life, to insure the 
 repose of thirty-three millions of men, I 
 would have regarded as a crime every word 
 uttered in contradiction to the necessity of 
 the times; but I have no such conviction. 
 Had I the disposal of the crown, I would 
 cheerfully lay it at the feet of the duke of Or- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 105 
 
 l^eans. But all that I can see vacant is the 
 royal vault at St Denis, not the throne. 
 
 " Whatever destiny awaits the lieutenant- 
 general of the kingdom, I shall never be his 
 enemy, if he advance the prosperity of my 
 country. I only ask for the preservation of 
 the liberty of my conscience, and the right 
 of laying myself down to die wherever I can 
 find repose and independence. 
 
 " I vote against the projected declaration." 
 
 The whole declaration was adopted, with 
 the exception of the clause annulling the 
 peerages created by Charles X. 
 
 Paris appeared, from early in the next 
 morning, as a festival. Multitudes moved 
 towards the chamber of deputies, but none 
 were admitted without tickets. A tribune 
 was prepared, and kept vacant for the Or- 
 leans family, and one for the diplomatic 
 corps, and but few other places were re- 
 served. The doors were opened at noon, 
 when persons supplied with tickets were ad- 
 mitted, most of those in the tribunes were la- 
 dies. At about one o'clock, the deputies 
 were called into the committee room, to cast 
 lots for the grand deputation to receive the 
 lieutenant-general. 
 
106 HISTORY OF THK 
 
 At that moment, the peers arrived in 
 great numbers. The two ranges on the 
 right had been reserved. There were pre- 
 sent, Talleyrand, d'Ambrugeac, Marquis 
 d'Aligre,duke de la Trimouille, Baron Mont- 
 morency, count Castellane, duke de Broglie, 
 count de Ponticoulant, duke de Castries, 
 Portal, Roy, Chaptal, Mollien, Montebello, 
 Simeon, Portalis, Claparede, Chollet, Mon- 
 talivet, St. Aulaire, Belliarn, Boissel de Mon- 
 ville, and count de Soules. The duke of 
 Montebello had his arm in a sling, having 
 been wounded in fighting three days for the 
 revolution. 
 
 A large chair, raised on one step, and 
 placed under a canopy of decorated crimson 
 velvet, and shaded with tricoloured flags, &c. 
 Two tables, covered with frieze velvet, stood 
 a little in advance, on one of which was a 
 writing desk with papers, and on the other 
 the crown, sceptre, sword and hand of jus- 
 tice. In a corresponding style of simplicity 
 was the dress of the deputies and peers, 
 which was that of citizens. 
 
 Opposite the throne, was the place of the 
 reporters, and on gilt seats were placed nu- 
 merous ladies. An English officer was pre- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 107 
 
 sent, and several persons believed to be 
 American diplomatists. Princess Bagra- 
 tion, and a Spanish lady, were remarked. 
 One of the tribunes, in an angle on the right 
 of the throne, being reserved for the Orleans 
 family, was occupied at a quarter past two, 
 by the duchess of Orleans, Mile. d'Orleans, 
 her daughter, the young duchesses de Valois 
 and de Beaujolais, the duke de Joinville, and 
 the duke d'Aumale — the last about eight 
 years old. Mile. d'Orleans, sister of the 
 duke, was also present. 
 
 The duke approached on horseback, 
 with his two sons, the dukes de Chartres, 
 and de Nemours. They were announced 
 by artillery. He was attended by a very 
 small staff, which general Gerard joined. 
 The " Reveil du Peuple," and the " Mar- 
 seillaise,'* being heard, the deputies and 
 peers took their seats. The duke entered, 
 but without military guard or courtiers. 
 The committees took their seats with their 
 colleagues, and there were then about 90 
 peers present, and 300 deputies. The duke 
 was_^ received with cries of 'Vive le Roi,' 
 ' Vive leDuc d'Orleans,' to which he replied 
 by saluting the assembly three times, and 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 then seated himself with Oudinot and Mor- 
 tier, (in the place of Marmont) on the right, 
 and Macdonald and Molitore, (in place of 
 Victor) on the left. Five paces in the rear 
 was Marshal Jourdan, commissioner of fo- 
 reign affairs — general Gerard and M. Du- 
 pont, on the right, and Messrs. Guizot, Big- 
 non, and Louis, on the left. All these, 
 except general Gerard, were in citizens* 
 dresses. 
 
 The duke of Orleans requested the mem- 
 bers to be seated; and then addressed Ca- 
 simir Perrier, president of the chamber as 
 follows: — ^ Mr. president of the chamber of 
 deputies, please to read the declaration of 
 the chamber.' He accordingly read it while 
 the assembly kept the most attentive silence. 
 Mr. C. Perrier, in reading the name of the 
 duke, said — ^ Call to the throne his royal 
 highness Philip of Orleans, duke of Orleans/ 
 — the lieutenant-general interrupting him, 
 said * Louis Philip,* and the reader, correct- 
 ing himself, proceeded; and on the conclu- 
 sion of the charter, placed it in the hands of 
 the duke, who handed it to the commis- 
 sioner of the interior. He then addressed 
 the president of the peers — *■ Mr. president 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 109 
 
 of the chamber of peers, please to add the 
 act of adhesion of the chamber of peers to 
 the declaration of the chamber of deputies. 
 This being done, the lieutenant-general made 
 the following declaration: 
 " Gentlemen, Peers and Deputies,— 
 
 " I have read with great attention the de- 
 claration of the deputies, and the act of ad- 
 hesion of the chamber of peersj I have con- 
 sidered and weighed all the expressions. 
 
 " I accept, without restriction or reserve, 
 the clauses and engagements which this de- 
 claration contains, and the title of king of 
 the French, which it confers on me, and am 
 ready to swear to observe it." 
 
 Mr. Dupont de I'Eure, performing the 
 function of keeper of the seals, then ap- 
 proached his majesty, and gave him the form 
 of the oath. The king, standing uncovered, 
 with his right hand raised, pronounced slow- 
 ly, and with a firm voice, the following oath 
 which might be heard without, the assembly 
 were profoundly silent. 
 
 " In the presence of God, I swear faith- 
 fully to observe the constitutional charter, 
 with the modifications expressed in the de- 
 claration; to govern only by the laws and ac- 
 
 K 
 
1 10 HISTORY OF THE \ 
 
 cording to the laws^ to render good and \ 
 strict justice to every one according to his ■ 
 right, and to act, in every thing, with a sole ; 
 wish for the interest, the happiness, and the > 
 glory of the French people." \ 
 
 He was immediately proclaimed by the : 
 title of Louis Philip the First, king of the ' 
 French; and thus were all the laurels which • 
 the people had so perilously and gloriously ; 
 accumulated in the struggle of three days, ; 
 thrown at the feet of a man, whose family i 
 had ever been distinguished for its antipa- i 
 thy to France, to liberty, and to the rights of ■■ 
 the people. j 
 
 In order to bias the citizens in favour of ] 
 the duke of Orleans, and prepare them for 
 his dynasty, it was carefully trumpeted that 
 he was the most liberal minded man of the ■ 
 family; that in the preceding revolution he ; 
 had shed his blood* for liberty — that his fa- ] 
 ther had died for it. That the interests of i 
 the nation and the reconcilement of foreign \ 
 
 powers, required one of the Bourbons to 
 
 i 
 
 * This is a figure of speech which wants no other i 
 grace of idea but truth. It is singular that the plain '. 
 Lafayette should deal in tropes. \ 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. Ill 
 
 preside over the French. These arguments, 
 if they deserve the name, are not even spe- 
 cious, and the development of the revolution 
 is not such as liberal men would have wished 
 it. Had the duke, when the crown was pre- 
 sented to him, disdained to accept of it, and 
 acted in imitation of Washington, the world 
 would have resounded with his eulogies, and 
 proclaimed him the father of his country. 
 
 A paper was presented to the chambers by 
 Salverte, accusing the ministers of the ex- 
 king with high treason. It was read, thus: 
 
 " I accuse of high treason the ex-ministers, 
 who were authors of the report to the king; 
 and who countersigned the ordinances of the 
 26th of July* " EusELE Salverte.'* 
 
 It was received with acclamations and re- 
 ferred to the bureaux. 
 
 On Monday, the 9th, Louis Philip was 
 crowned king of the French, without any 
 ecclesiastical intervention. The regalia 
 were delivered by four marshals of France: 
 Macdonald, duke of Tarentoj Mortier, duke 
 of Treviso; Oudinot, duke of Reggio, and 
 count Molitor. 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The king then ascended the throne and 
 addressed the assembly as follows: 
 
 " Gentlemen, Peers and Deputies, — I have 
 just consummated a great act. I am deeply 
 sensible of the extent of the duties which it 
 imposes upon me. My conscience tells me 
 that I will fulfil them. It is with a full con- 
 viction that I have accepted the treaty of al- 
 liance which was proposed to me. 
 
 " I should greatly have desired never to 
 occupy the throne to which the national 
 wish has just called me^ but France, attacked 
 in her liberties, saw the public order in dan- 
 ger. The violation of the charter had shaken 
 every thing; it was necessary to re-establish 
 the action of the laws, and the power of doing 
 it was vested in the chamber of deputies. 
 You have done it, gentlemen; the modifica- 
 tions which we have just made in the char- 
 ter, guaranty security for the future. France 
 will, I trust, be happy at home, respected 
 abroad, and the peace of Europe more firmly 
 established.'* 
 
 After this address, he shook hands with 
 the principal peers and deputies, and mount- 
 ing his horse, rode off to the Palais-Royale. 
 
 To return to Charles X. He and his suite 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 113 
 
 left Rambouillet for Cherbourg. The mi- 
 nutes of their journey are published in a 
 pamphlet, entitled — ^" The Royal Progress;" 
 on which, as the subject is interesting and 
 curious, we will draw for a few particulars. 
 
 August 4. — The troops of the guard had 
 followed the movement towards Maintenon. 
 They remained in this town; the king could 
 only retain his four companies of body 
 guards, and two pieces of cannon. At nine 
 o'clock in the morning, they set out towards 
 Dreux; the king found all the troops of the 
 guard drawn up in order; they lined the way, 
 and offered him the last honours which it 
 was in their power to bestow. The adieu of 
 these brave soldiers was affecting; several 
 officers were observed to break their swords; 
 they surroimded the king's carriage, and 
 swore never to serve any but him. The 
 colonels resigned their colours, and that fine 
 guard ceased to exist. 
 
 The royal family frequently alighted from 
 their carriages; the king and the dauphin 
 mounted on horseback, the princesses and 
 the children went on foot. That day the 
 dauphiness, accompanied by madame de 
 K 2 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Saint-Maure, walked at least tw6 leagues 
 along with the column, talking to the gardes 
 du corps, and commending their enthusiasm 
 and admirable discipline^ they also con- 
 versed with the country people, who were 
 far from recognising the daughter of a line 
 of kings in a female simply dressed, covered 
 with dust, and who asked for a glass of 
 water to quench her thirst. In this manner 
 the princess passed through two villages, in 
 which but a few hours previously trees of 
 liberty had been planted.— These objects 
 must have excited sorrowful recollections; 
 but the great soul of the heroine of misfor- 
 tune was not cast down, and upon her noble 
 forehead could only be read resignation to 
 the decrees of the Almighty. They arrived 
 at Mellerant, a considerable town: three 
 companies of guards bivouacked in the or- 
 chards, which would have been preferable to 
 being in doors, if torrents of rain, which fell 
 during the night, had not caused them to 
 envy the humblest hut. 
 
 The king lodged at Millerant with M. de 
 Laroque, an old garde du corps. The house 
 was too small to accommodate all the royal 
 family. The duchess de Berri being very 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 115 
 
 inconveniently lodged, passed several hours 
 at the bivouac with mademoiselle; and these 
 two princesses, seated upon the grass, em- 
 ployed themselves in making articles of dress 
 of which they stood in need, not Having pro- 
 vided themselves with them on their hasty 
 departure from St. Cloud. 
 
 They arrived at St. Lo, after a long jour- 
 ney, passing by Thorigny, where are to be 
 seen the ruins of a fine chateau, belonging to 
 the prince de Monaco. His majesty went to 
 lodge at the prefecture, the honours of which 
 were done in a manner the most affecting, 
 by M. d'Estourmel, the prefect, who had al- 
 ready bid adieu to his department. The 
 royal family was commodiously lodged in 
 this house, but what heart-rending recollec- 
 tions must have oppressed the hearts of the 
 dauphin and dauphiness, who had both made 
 a journey to Cherbourg in 1828 and 1829. 
 Then the crowd filled the air with shouts of 
 joy and benediction; delight and happiness 
 were depicted on the countenances of all, 
 and the white flag waved every where. Now 
 the same multitude, eager but silent, with 
 eyes disdainful or menacing, exhibiting an 
 anxious curiosity which even great misfor- 
 
1 1 6 HISTORY OT THE 
 
 tune did not always restrain within proper 
 limits. Some cries, (few it is true,) were 
 heard, which strengthened the contrast; but 
 the prudence of the well-intentioned inhabi- 
 tants, and of the authorities, repressed them. 
 The dauphiness repeatedly exclaimed, " Ah^ 
 mon dieul qu'elle differenced' — Tears started 
 from her eyes, which she presently raised to 
 heaven. 
 
 They proceeded to Montebourg, a consi- 
 derable village a little distance from the sea; 
 the inhabitants were franker, or they felt 
 more attachment to the royal family, than 
 those of other villages on the route. Their 
 curiosity was kind and respectful; they sur- 
 rounded the carriage of the duke de Bor- 
 deaux, offering up prayers for his safely, and 
 begging to be permitted to kiss his hands; 
 and several individuals exclaimed with tears, 
 ' We have been forbidden to display any 
 marks of interest towards you: but no mat- 
 ter: — long live the duke de Bordeaux, and 
 may he return speedily.' 
 
 The king, on his arrival at Valognes, 
 lodged with M. Dumenildot, a Norman gen- 
 tleman, whose ancestors received king James 
 in their chateau of Quenne Ville, near La 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 117 
 
 Hogue, whence that monarch, standing upon 
 the top of a tower, beheld the issue of a com- 
 bat on which his crown depended. It was 
 there that, observing the obstinacy of the 
 battle, he exclaimed, * Comme Us se battent 
 Men, mes braves j^nglaisl' 
 
 When the result of the battle of Waterloo 
 was announced to the duke de Berri at Alost, 
 he cried with an air of interest, ^Les Fran- 
 pais se sont Us bien battus, au moinsJ* So 
 powerful in a generous bosom is the love of 
 country. 
 
 The king determined to rest at Cher- 
 bourg on the 16th. Repose was necessary 
 to the men and horses, they profited by the 
 opportunity to make those repairs which 
 were most urgent in their boots and clothes, 
 for, departing as they did in haste from St. 
 Cloud, each had with him only what covered 
 him. 
 
 The 15th. — This day of old, so solemn 
 by reason of the vow of Louis XIII. — this 
 day on which the king went in procession to 
 Notre Dame with all the pomp of his court, 
 he passed shut up in a little town in Nor- 
 mandy, abandoned by his subjects, with only 
 
I 1 8 HISTORY OF THE ^ 
 
 f 
 
 a small number of faithful servants around ] 
 him, and the following day was to behold j 
 him quitting for a third time the land of his j 
 birth. 
 
 The companies of gardes-du-corps had ; 
 retained their standards. The king declared ] 
 he would resume them. All the officers, and 1 
 the twenty-four oldest gardes-du-corps, form- \ 
 ing a squadron, marching four deep, the j 
 trumpeters at their head, the four standards ) 
 in the same line, proceeded in silence, sorrow ■ 
 depicted on their countenances, towards the I 
 king's lodging. That prince was surround- | 
 ed by the royal family whose faces displayed i 
 the liveliest sorrow, which, however, was no \ 
 doubt differently experienced. The king : 
 was deeply affected^ the dauphiness dis- i 
 solved in tears^ the dauphin appeared re- 
 signed; the duchess of Berri was calm, as if 
 she penetrated the future; the duke de Bor- i 
 deaux and mademoiselle were concerned for , 
 those whom they regarded. \ 
 
 The king took the standards, embraced ! 
 the officers who bore them, and said with the \ 
 utmost emotion, * I take back your standards, \ 
 they are unstained; my grandson will restore 
 them to you. I thank you for your devotion, i 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 119 
 
 for your fidelity, and your prudence. I shall 
 never forget the proofs of attachment which 
 you have exhibited to me and to my family. 
 Adieu I— May you be happy.' He presented 
 them his hand to kiss; the dauphiness and 
 madame followed his example; and this af- 
 fecting scene was prolonged until the last 
 adieu uttered by the king. 
 
 The chosen gendarmerie, a corps as fine 
 and Avell disciplined, as it is devoted, also 
 received the adieus of the king. Afterwards, 
 the unattached officers were admitted to the 
 presence of his majesty, whose heart must 
 have been rent in twain by emotions so deep 
 and long continued. 
 
 The royal family alighted from their car- 
 riages, and passing along a plank covered 
 with blue cloth, went aboard the packet boat 
 Great Britain. The king embarked first; 
 the dauphin took the duke of Bordeaux by 
 the hand; Madame de Gontant conducted 
 mademoiselle; the duchess of Berri gave her 
 arm to M. de Charette, and the dauphiness 
 to M. de Larochejaquelin. 
 
 The prefect presented to his majesty cap- 
 tain Dumont Durville, the commander of 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the vessel. He told the king he would carry 
 him wherever he desired. This he repeated 
 several times. The king said he wished to 
 go first to Spithead — to the Isle of Wight, 
 opposite Portsmouth. After having made 
 the last adieus to some officers who had gone 
 aboard, the royal family entered a cabin pre- 
 pared for them. Aboard the Great Britain 
 were the whole of the royal family, the duke 
 de Luxembourg, captain of the gardes-de- 
 service, the duke of Ragusa, the governor, 
 sub-governor, and sub-preceptor of the duke 
 of Bordeaux, the duchess of Constant, and 
 the private attendants of the royal family. 
 In the Charles Carroll^ which carried a part 
 of the supplies, were Messrs. O'Higgerty, 
 sen. and jun., Madame de Bouille and her 
 son, a sub-governor of the duke de Bor- 
 deaux, Messrs. de Choiseul, de Charette, 
 and Larochejaquelin. 
 
 During the embarcation and preparations 
 for departure, a crowd of curious per- 
 sons lined the mole; they were orderly, and 
 no exclamation was heard. Messrs. the 
 commissioners took leave of the king, and 
 su'bsequently remained on the pier till the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 121 
 
 vessel, unfurling her sails, got under weigh, 
 and cleared the port towed by a steam-boat. 
 It was then a quarter past two. During this 
 time, seven squadrons of gardes-du-corps 
 were drawn up in order opposite the ships. 
 When they had got out of the harbour, the 
 troops faced about, entered the town, passed 
 through it, and retired to Valognes. The 
 multitude, which, no doubt, had been hither- 
 to restrained by the respect which great mis- 
 fortune always inspires, and by the sight of 
 an unhappy family compelled to abandon 
 its country, became noisy and tumultuous. 
 From some groups, consisting principally of 
 cabin-boys and youths, of from twelve to 
 fourteen years of age, were heard shouts of 
 * Vive la liberte !' * Vive la charte!' ' A bas la 
 cocarde blanche!' The inhabitants took no 
 part in these exclamations, which being de- 
 spised by every body, called for no reply. The 
 12th and 16th regiments of infantry, in gar- 
 rison in the town, were under orders. The 
 soldiers were observed at all the windows of 
 the barrack, which is in the interior of tim- 
 ber-yards; only a few outposts skirted the 
 route; their attitude was very favourable — 
 
 L 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE ] 
 
 the officers were extremely polite. These 
 troops presented arms to the gardes-du-corps, ; 
 who returned the salute. No doubt orders [ 
 had been given on the subject, for it is im- ; 
 possible that the circumstance could have 
 been accidental. In scarcely any of the 
 towns through which we passed were mili- 
 tary honors afforded either to the king or the \ 
 troops that accompanied him. On their re- 
 turn to Valognes, the following order was ^ 
 given to each garde-du-corps on the part of 
 king Charles:-— \ 
 
 \ 
 
 " ORDER OF THE DAY. j 
 
 1 
 
 " In quitting the soil of France, the king i 
 would wish to have it in his power to present 
 to each of his garde-du-corps, and to each of i 
 the officers, non-commissioned officers, and ^ 
 soldiers, who have accompanied him to his 
 ship, a mark of his attachment and remem- 
 brance, but the circumstances that afflict the ' 
 king do not afford him the means of gratify- [ 
 ing the wish of his heart. Destitute of the j 
 means of rewarding a fidelity so exemplary, i 
 his majesty is compelled to testify his re- ' 
 gard only by this tribute. 
 
 " The companies of the garde^-du-corps as ; 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 123 
 
 well as those of the rank oF general officers, 
 superior officers, and others^ also of the non- 
 commissioned officers and soldiers who have 
 followed him: their names preserved by the 
 duke of Bordeaux, shall remain inscribed in 
 the archives of the royal family, to attest for 
 ever the misfortunes of the king, and the 
 consolation which he has found in a devotion 
 
 so disinterested. 
 
 " Charles.** 
 
 Thence, he embarked in the ship Charles 
 Carroll^ to the Isle of Wight, where William 
 IV. happened at that time to be; and after- 
 wards he proceeded to Lulworth castle, where 
 he took up his abode. 
 
 In the mean time Louis Philip neglected 
 nothing that could give stability to his throne 
 and recommend him to the people. He 
 projected a law to relieve the families of the 
 killed and wounded in the conflict of July. 
 M. Guizot, who introduced the proposal, 
 stated their numbers to be more than 900 
 orphans and 300 widows; 300 fathers de- 
 prived of their sons; 301 men maimed for 
 life, and 3961 wounded, but likely to re- 
 cover. The law was couched in the follow- 
 ing terms: 
 
124 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 "Art. 1. The widows of citizens who 
 perished on the 2rth, 28th and 29th July, 
 or' in consequence of wounds then received, 
 shall receive from the state a pension of 500 
 francs each, to commence on the 1st of Jan- 
 uary, 1831. 
 
 " Art. 2. France adopts the orphans of 
 such citizens. An annual sum of 250 francs 
 is allowed to each child under seven years 
 of age; the child to be under the care of the 
 mother, or where need is, of some relative or 
 friend chosen by the family. From seven to 
 eighteen, these children shall be brought up 
 in special institutions, where they shall re- 
 ceive an education fitted to their sex and 
 enable them to gain a livelihood. 
 
 " Art. 3. Parents infirm, or over 60 years 
 of age, and in destitute circumstances, who 
 may have lost their children in those days, 
 shall receive an annual pension of 300 francs, 
 with the right of survivorship. 
 
 " Art. 4. Frenchmen wounded during 
 those days, so as to lose a limb or the use of 
 one; shall either be admitted among the in- 
 valids, or receive at home a proportionate 
 pension. 
 
 " Art. 5. Citizens wounded, but not inca- 
 
FUENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 125 
 
 pacitated for labour, shall receive an indem- 
 nity, of which the amount shall be deter- 
 mined by the committee on national recom- 
 penses. 
 
 " Art. 6. An indemnity shall in like man- 
 ner be paid to citizens who, though not 
 wounded, were during those days prevented 
 from attending to their families. The in- 
 demnity to be regulated by the same com- 
 mittee. 
 
 "Art. r. Provides that for the above ob- 
 jects a credit of seven millions of francs be 
 granted to the minister of the interior. 
 
 " Art. 8. Those men shall be appointed sub- 
 lieutenants in the army, who, having espe- 
 cially distinguished themselves in those days, 
 shall by a report of a committee be judged 
 worthy of that honour. 
 
 « Art. 9. The medal ordered by the law 
 of the 30th August, shall be distributed to 
 all citizens designated by the committee. 
 
 "Art. 10. A particular decoration shall 
 be granted to all citizens who distinguished 
 themselves on those days. A list of persons 
 entitled thereto shall be made out by the 
 committee and submitted to the king. Mili- 
 
 L 2 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 tary honour shall be paid to it, as to that of 
 the Legion of Honour. 
 
 " Paris, 9th October. 
 
 " By the king-. " Louis Philip. 
 
 " The minister of the interior, Guizot." 
 
 His Majesty was singularly attentive to 
 Lafayette and very lavish of his eulogies on 
 the national guard, in order to secure their 
 attachment to his dynasty. His speeches 
 teemed with an affectation of sensibility and 
 tender emotions. The stratagem succeeded, 
 and the French people were thus whined out 
 of the honourable principles which stimu- 
 lated them to achieve the revolution. But 
 many expressed loud indignation at the con- 
 duct of the deputies; one party shouted out 
 for the duke of Bordeaux, another for Napo- 
 leon H., and a third for a republican form of 
 government. Mobs collected in several parts 
 to give vent to their dissatisfaction. Gene- 
 ral Dubourg'^who had been first put at the 
 head of the national guard, when about to 
 deliver something officially to the people, 
 was greeted by the crowd with shouts of 
 ''No Ungr "No Orlecmsr The officer 
 broke off in his discourse, and bluntly in- 
 formed them, he was of the same mind with 
 themselves. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 127 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Charter of Louis XVIII. modified. — Its j^resent form . 
 — Special Provisions adopted. — Arrest of Polignac and 
 the Ex-ministers. — Their Crime. — Report to the King. 
 — Proposition for the abolition of Capital Punishments. 
 
 General Lafayette delivered in the cham- 
 ber of deputies an animated speech opposing 
 hereditary peerage. Had he included here- 
 ditary monarchs, the speech might deserve 
 to be copied into a republican book; since he 
 has not done so, v^^e omit it. Every friend of 
 equal rights, however, must rejoice that this 
 feudal custom was suppressed in France most 
 probably through the medium of Lafayette, 
 who is undoubtedly the most influential man 
 in the kingdom. 
 
 The charter underwent such material mo- 
 difications that it may be said to have been 
 remodelled. This great palladium of the 
 rights of the people was drawn up by Louis 
 XVHI.5 we insert it here at full length, with 
 the changes made by the deputies on the 7th 
 of August. Wherever any article has been 
 modified or annulled, we place it in Italics, 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and the present one immediately follows it 
 with the sign ICJ^. The preamble which has 
 been suppressed, as it is curious, we give as 
 follows: 
 
 " PREAMBLE. 
 
 "Louis, by the grace of God, king of France 
 and Navarre, to all whom these presents may 
 reach. 
 
 " Divine Providence in recalling us to our 
 estates after so long an absence, has imposed 
 on us most serious obligations. Peace was 
 the first want of our subjects, and we have 
 been unceasingly occupied in procuring it; 
 this peace, so necessary to France and the 
 rest of Europe, has been signed. A consti- 
 tutional charter is solicited by the actual 
 state of the kingdom; we have promised,, 
 and we now publish it. We have considered 
 that, although the whole authority in France 
 resides in the person of the king, yet our pre- 
 decessors have not hesitated to modify its ex- 
 ercise according to the changes of the times; 
 thus the commons were affranchised by Louis 
 the Fat, and received extensions of their rights 
 from St. Louis, and Philip the Handsome; 
 thus was the judiciary established, and deve- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 129 
 
 loped by the laws of Louis XI. Henry III. 
 and Charles IX. 5 thus finally did Louis XIV. 
 regulate nearly every branch of the public 
 administration, by various ordinances which 
 for wisdom, have not hitherto been sur- 
 passed. 
 
 "Like our predecessors, we have appreci- 
 ated the effects of the increasing progress of 
 knowledge, of the new relations thus intro- 
 duced into society, ^f the direction given to 
 mind for the last half century, and of the im- 
 portant alterations which have been the re- 
 sult. We recognise the expression of a real 
 want, in the wishes of our subjects for a con- 
 stitutional charter; but in yielding to these 
 wishes, we have taken every precaution to 
 render such charter worthy of ourselves, and 
 of the people over whom we are proud of 
 being placed. Men of wisdom chosen from 
 among the principal bodies of the state, have 
 been united with our own commissioners in 
 the labour of preparing this important docu- 
 ment. 
 
 " While we thus acknowledge that a libe- 
 ral and constitutional monarchy is required 
 by the present enlightened state of Europe, 
 we still bear in mind, that our first duty to 
 
130 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 our people, is to preserve for their own in- 
 terests, the rights and prerogatives of our 
 crown. Our hope is, that instructed by ex- 
 perience, they will be convinced that the su- 
 preme authority can alone give to the insti- 
 tutions which it establishes, the strength, the 
 permanence, and the majesty with which it- 
 self is clothed 5 and that when the wisdom of 
 the king, thus accords freely with the wishes 
 of the people, a constitutional charter may 
 be of long endurance; but that when conces- 
 sions are extorted by violence, from the weak- 
 ness of the government, the public liberties 
 are as much endangered as the throne itself. 
 We have sought for the principles of a con- 
 stitutional charter, in the character of the 
 French and in the venerable monuments of 
 past ages. In the renewal of the peerage for 
 example, we have in view a truly national 
 institution, which should unite the recollec- 
 tions of the past, with the hopes of the future, 
 and thus bring ancient and modern times 
 more nearly together. 
 
 " We have replaced, by the chamber of de- 
 puties, those old assemblies, of the Champ 
 de Mars, and the Champ de Mai, and those 
 chambers of the Tiers-Etat, which have so 
 
J-RENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 131 
 
 often given at the same time, proofs of zeal 
 for the interests of the people, and of fidelity 
 and respect, for the authority of the king. 
 In endeavouring thus to renew the link which 
 has been so fatally broken, we have effaced 
 from our memory, as we could wish them 
 effaced from the pages of history, all the 
 evils which have afflicted the country during 
 our absence. Happy at finding ourselves 
 again in the bosom of the great family, we 
 have no other means of reply to the numer- 
 ous testimonies of affection which we receive, 
 than in pronouncing the words of peace and 
 consolation. The wish most near to our 
 heart is, that the French may hereafter live 
 like brethren, and that no bitter reflections 
 may ever again trouble that security which 
 should ensue from the solemn Act which we 
 this day accord. 
 
 " Certain of our own intentions, and con- 
 scientiously persuaded of their propriety, we 
 engage ourselves before this assembly, to be 
 faitaful to this constitutional charter; reserv- 
 ing to ourselves the right of swearing so- 
 lemnly to maintain it, before the altar of 
 Him who weighs in the same balance, both 
 kings and nations. 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 " For which reasons, we have voluntarily, 
 and by the free exercise of our royal authori- 
 ty granted, and do grant, concede, and octroie, 
 to our subjects, as well for ourselves as for 
 our successors, and for ever, the following 
 
 " CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTER. 
 
 " PUBLIC RIGHTS OF THE FRENCH. 
 
 "Art. 1. All Frenchmen are equal before 
 the law, whatever otherwise be their rank or 
 title. 
 
 " 2. They contribute, without distinction, 
 in proportion to their fortune, to the support 
 of the public expenses. 
 
 " 3. They are all alike admissible to civil 
 and military employments. 
 
 " 4. Individual liberty is equally guaran- 
 tied to all : no one can be either pursued or 
 arrested, except in cases provided for by the 
 law, and in the forms in which it prescribes, 
 
 " 5. Every one is at liberty to profess his 
 own religion; and the same protection is as- 
 sured to each form of worship. 
 
 " 6. Nevertheless, the Catholic, Apostolical 
 and Roman religion, is the religion of the State. 
 
 "7. Ministers of the Catholic, ^Apostolical 
 and Roman religion, and that of other Chris- 
 
FREKCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 133 
 
 Han denominations y alone receive salaries from 
 the Royal Treasury. 
 
 " lO^ Ministers of the Catholic, Apostoli- 
 cal and Roman religion, and those of other 
 (Christian denominations, alone receive sala- 
 ries from the royal treasury. 
 
 " 8. Frenchmen have the right to publish and 
 print their opinions^ so that they conform to the 
 laws for regulating the abuse of this liberty. 
 
 " tCT" Frenchmen have the right of pub- 
 lishing and printing their opinions, so that 
 they conform to the laws. The censorship 
 can never be re-established. 
 
 "9. All property is inviolable, without any 
 exception of that called national^ the law not 
 acknowledging any distinction between them. 
 
 " 10. The state may exact the sacrifice of 
 any particular piece of property, if the pub- 
 lic interest duly established shall require itj 
 but only on a previous indemnification. 
 
 "11. All scrutiny as to votes or opinions 
 uttered previous to the restoration, is forbid- 
 den. A like oblivion is prescribed both to 
 tribunals and citizens. 
 
 " 12. The conscription is abolished; the 
 mode of recruiting the sea and land forces is 
 determined by law. 
 
 M 
 
134 HISTORY OF The 
 
 " FORM OF THE KINg's GOVERNMENT. 
 
 " 13. The person of the king is inviolable 
 and sacred. His ministers are responsible. 
 To the king alone belongs the executive 
 power. 
 
 "14. The king is the supreme head of the 
 state*— 'Commands the army and navy — declares 
 war — makes treaties ofpeace, alliance and coni' 
 merce — appoints to office — and makes the rules 
 and ordinances necessary for the execution of 
 the laws and the safety of the state. 
 
 "ICP The king is the supreme head of the 
 state — commands the army and navy — de- 
 clares war— makes treaties of peace, alliance 
 and commerce — appoints to all the offices of 
 public administration — and makes all the re- 
 gulations and ordinances necessary for the 
 execution of the laws; without having the 
 power to suspend the laws themselves, or 
 dispense with their execution. No foreign 
 troops can ever be admitted into the service 
 of the state, without an express law. 
 
 " 15. The legislative power is vested col- 
 lectively in the king, the house of peers, and 
 the house oi^Q^\x\.ie.s of departments. 
 
 "16. 77ie king proposes all laws. 
 
 " 1 7. The proposal of a law is made at the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 135 
 
 pleasure of the king, to the house of peers, or 
 that of deputies, except laws for laying and col- 
 lecting taxes, which must be first addressed to 
 the house of deputies. 
 
 " ICP* The proposition of all laws belongs 
 to the king, the chamber of peers, and the 
 chamber of deputies. Nevertheless, all lav/s 
 on taxes, must first be voted by the chamber 
 of deputies. 
 
 " 18. Every law is to be freely discussed 
 and voted by a majority of each chamber. 
 
 "19. The chambers have the faculty of sup- 
 plicating the king to propose laws upon any 
 given subject, and to point out what it appears 
 to them fitting, that such laws should contain. 
 
 " 20. Such a request may be made by either 
 of the chambers, after having been discussed in 
 secret committee: it can only be sent to the 
 other chamber by that proposing it, after an in- 
 terval often days, 
 
 "21. If the proposition is adopted by the 
 other chamber, it shall be submitted to the king: 
 if it is rejected, it cannot be reproduced in the 
 same session, 
 
 " 22. The king alone sanctions and pro- 
 mulgates the laws. 
 
 " 23. The civil list is fixed for the whole 
 
136 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 reign by the first legislature assembled after 
 the accession of the king. 
 
 " OF THE HOUSE OF PEERS. 
 
 " 24. The house of peers is an essential 
 part of the legislative power. 
 
 " 25. It is convened by the king at the same 
 time vv^ith the house of deputies. The session 
 of each begins and finishes at the same time. 
 
 "26. ^ny meeting of the house of peers held 
 at anytime when the deputies are not in session, 
 or which should not be ordered by the king, is 
 unlawful and void. 
 
 " IC?" Any assembly of the chamber of 
 peers, which should be held at a time which 
 is not that of the session of the chamber of 
 deputies, is illicit and null; except in the 
 single case, in which it is assembled as a 
 court of justice, and then it can only exercise 
 judicial functions. 
 
 " 27. The nomination of peers of France 
 belongs to the king. Their number is unli- 
 mited. He may vary their dignities, name 
 them for life, or make them hereditary ac- 
 cording to his pleasure. 
 
 "28. Peers are entitled to their seats at 
 twenty-five, but cannot vote before thirty. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 137 
 
 " 29. The house of peers has for presiding 
 officer the Chancellor of France, and in his 
 absence, some peer named by the king. 
 
 30. The members of the royal family and 
 princes of the blood, are peers in right of their 
 birth. They take rank immediately after the 
 President, but have no vote till twenty-five. 
 
 " ICP The princes of the blood are peers 
 by right of birth; they take their seats im- 
 mediately after the president. 
 
 " 3U The princes can only take their seats 
 by an order of the king, expressed at each ses- 
 sion by a message, under pain of nullity to 
 every thing transacted during their presence, 
 
 " 32. The deliberations of the peers are all 
 
 secret. 
 
 " ICP The sittings of the chamber of peers 
 are public, like those of the chamber of de- 
 puties. 
 
 " 33. The house of peers takes cognizance of 
 the crime of high treason and attempts against 
 the safety of the State, as they shall be defined 
 by law. 
 
 " tar The chamber of peers takes cogni- 
 zance of crimes against the safety of the state, 
 and of high treason, which shall be defined by 
 law. 
 
 M 2 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 " 34. No peer can be arrested except by the 
 authority of the house, and it judges its mem- 
 bers in all criminal matters. 
 
 " OF THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES OF DEPART- 
 MENTS. 
 
 " 35. The chamber shall be composed of 
 deputies elected by the electoral colleges. 
 The organization of them shall be deter- 
 mined by law. 
 
 " 36. Each department shall have the same 
 number of deputies it has had till now.* 
 
 *' 37. Hie deputies shall be elected for Jive 
 years, and in such manner that the chamber 
 shall be renewed by one-fifth annually, 
 
 "38. No one can be admitted as a deputy, 
 who is not forty years old, and does not pay a 
 direct tax of one thousand francs. 
 
 " IC?" No deputy can be admitted into the 
 chamber, unless he is thirty years of age, and 
 
 * The chamber thus constituted had two hundred 
 and fifty-eight members ; but in 1820 a law was passed, 
 increasing the number to 430. By this law, article 37 
 was also rendered void, as the elections from all the de- 
 partments, were ordered to take place at the same time, 
 and the period for which the deputies were chosen was 
 increased to seven years. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 139 
 
 unless he possesses the other qualification 
 prescribed by law. 
 
 "39. In case, however , that there should not 
 be in a department Jiffy persons of the requisite 
 age, and paying the prescribed tax, that num- 
 ber shall be made up out of those paying the 
 nearest to one thousand francs, and the person 
 thus selected shall be alike eligible with the 
 others, 
 
 " 40. Electors of deputies must pay a direct 
 tax of three hundred francs, and have attained 
 thirty years of age. 
 
 " ICT" No one is an elector if he is under 
 twenty-five years of age, and if he does not 
 possess the other qualifications prescribed by 
 law. 
 
 "41. Presidents of electoral colleges are named 
 by the king, and become, of right, members of 
 the colleges, 
 
 " ICP" The presidents of the electoral col- 
 leges, are nominated by the electors. 
 
 " 42. One half, at least, of the deputies, must 
 be chosen from among those whose political 
 domicile is in the department. 
 
 "43. The president of the chamber of depu- 
 ties is designated by the king from a list of Jive 
 members presented by the chamber. 
 
!40 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 "lO" The president of the chamber of de- 
 puties is elected by the chamber. He is 
 elected for the whole diiratioti of the legis- 
 lature. 
 
 " 44. The sessions of the chamber are pub- 
 lic, but upon the demand of five members, the 
 doors may be closed. 
 
 " 45% The chamber will divide itself into 
 committees {bureaux) to discuss the projects 
 of laws presented by the king. 
 
 "46. No amendment can be made to a law, 
 unless proposed or consented to by the king, nor 
 until it has been tef erred and discussed in com- 
 mittees. 
 
 "47. The chamber of deputies receives all 
 propositions respecting taxes; and it is only 
 7vhen such propositions have been adopted by 
 the chamber, that they can be sent to the peers<. 
 
 " 48. No tax can be imposed nor collected, 
 unless consented to by the chambers, and 
 sanctioned by the king. 
 
 " 49. The land tax is only voted for one 
 year$ the indirect taxes may be voted for se- 
 veral years. 
 
 " 50. The king convenes the two chambers 
 every year; he prorogues them, and may dis- 
 solve the chamber of deputies; but, in this 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 141 
 
 case, he must convene a new one in the space 
 of three months. 
 
 "51. No member can be imprisoned dur- 
 ing the session, nor during the six weeks pre- 
 ceding and following it. 
 
 " 52. No member can, during the session, 
 be prosecuted, nor arrested on any criminal 
 charge, except when taken flagrante delictu, 
 without the permission of the chamber. 
 
 " 53. Petitions to either house can only be 
 made and presented in writings the law for- 
 bids any one from bringing a petition in per- 
 son to the bar. 
 
 " OF MINISTERS. 
 
 " 54. Ministers may be members of either 
 house; they have, moreover, the right of en- 
 try to each house, and are to be heard when 
 they require. 
 
 "55. The chamber of deputies has the 
 right of accusing ministers, and of arraign- 
 ing them before the house of peers, who 
 alone have the right of judging them. 
 
 " 56. They can alone be accused of treason or 
 peculation. Special laws will particularize the 
 nature of these offences^ and will determine how 
 they are to be prosecuted. 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 "of THE JUDICIARY. 
 
 " 57, All justice is derived from the king, 
 and is administered in his name, by judges 
 whom he appoints. 
 
 " 58. The judges appointed by the king 
 are not removable. 
 
 " 59. The courts and ordinary tribunals 
 now existing are maintained. Nothing shall 
 be changed with respect to them but by vir- 
 tue of a law. 
 
 " 60. The existing institution of judges of 
 commerce is preserved. 
 
 "61. That of justices of the peace, is in 
 like manner preserved. Justices of the peace, 
 though appointed by the king, may be re- 
 moved. 
 
 " 62. No one can be withdrawn from his 
 natural judges. 
 
 "63. Consequently no commissioners nor ex- 
 traordinary tribunals can be created. Prevotal 
 courts^ if their re-establishment is deemed neces- 
 sary, are not included in this prohibition. 
 
 " iCT^No extraordinary commissioners can 
 be created under any denomination whatever. 
 
 ^' 64. The discussions in criminal proceed- 
 ings shall be public, except when such pub- 
 licity may be dangerous to order and good 
 
FRtlNCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 143 
 
 morals; in which case the court shall so pro- 
 nounce. 
 
 " 65. The institution of the jury is pre- 
 served. Such changes as experience may 
 suggest can only be made in virtue of a law. 
 
 " 66. The confiscation of property as a pu- 
 nishment is abolished) and cannot be re-esta- 
 blished. 
 
 " 67. The king has the right to pardon, 
 and to commute punishments. 
 
 " 68. The civil code and laws now in use, 
 which are not contrary to the present char- 
 ter, shall remain in force until legally altered 
 or repealed. 
 
 " PRIVATE RIGHTS GUARANTIED BY THE STATE. 
 
 " 69. The military in actual service, offi- 
 cers and soldiers on half pay, officers* widows 
 and soldiers pensioned, shall preserve their 
 grades, honours, and pensions. 
 
 " 70. The public debt is guarantied. Every 
 engagement of the state with its creditors is 
 inviolable. 
 
 "71. The old nobility resumes its titles, 
 the new preserves its. The king creates no- 
 bles at pleasure; but he only grants them 
 rank and honour, without any exemption 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE J 
 
 from the burdens or duties as members of : 
 society. ■ 
 
 " 72. The legion of honour is preserved. \ 
 The king will determine its regulations and ,; 
 decorations. 
 
 " 73. The colonies shall be governed by \ 
 special laws and regulations. ] 
 
 " 74. The kins' and his successors shall swear ^ 
 
 O 1 
 
 in the solemnity of their consecration, faithfully ' 
 to observe the present constitutional charter. 
 
 " ICT" The king and his successors shall i 
 
 ■J 
 
 swear, at their accession, to observe faithfully 1 
 the present constitutional charter. | 
 
 "|G™ The present charter, and the rights 
 -it consecrates, shall be entrusted to the pa- 
 triotism and courage of the national guards, ' 
 and of all the citizens. 
 
 " ICT™ France resumes her colours. In fu- i 
 lure, no other cockade but the tricoloured i 
 shall be worn. ! 
 
 " ICT" All anterior laws and ordinances, so ; 
 
 far as they are contrary to the reform of the 
 
 charter, are null and void." i 
 
 ■1 
 Thus have we given an accurate tran- i 
 
 script of the French charter as it originally ] 
 
 was, and with its present modifications. ; 
 
 Whether the object of the latter be liberty, ; 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 145 
 
 licentiousness or the promotion of self inte- 
 rest on the part of the modifiers we leave it 
 to the reader to judge, and to futurity to de- 
 cide. 
 
 On the same day the following- special pro- 
 visions were adopted: 
 
 " I. All the creations of peers during the 
 reign of Charles Tenth, are declared null and 
 void. 
 
 " II. Article 27th of the charter shall be 
 the subject of a fresh examination in the ses- 
 sion of 1831. 
 
 "III. The chamber of deputies declares, 
 finally, that it is necessary to provide, by suc- 
 cessive and separate laws, and with the short- 
 est delay possible, — 1st. For the extension of 
 the trial by jury for misdemeanors, particu- 
 larly those of the press, and for political of- 
 fences. 2d. For the responsibility of mini- 
 sters and secondary agents of government. 
 3d. For re-election in case of deputies ap- 
 pointed to public functions. 4th. For the 
 annual voting of the army estimates. 5th. 
 For the organization of the national guards, 
 and for their electing their own officers. 6th. 
 For a military code, insuring in a legal man- 
 ner the situation of officers of all ranks. 7th. 
 
 N 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 For the departmental and municipal admini- 
 strations, with the intervention of the citi- 
 zens in their nominations. 8th. For public 
 instruction and the freedom of tuition. 9th. 
 For the abolition of the double vote, and for 
 fixing the qualifications for electors and de- 
 puties.'* 
 
 Some time posterior to this the ex-mini- 
 sters were arrested in trying to make their 
 escape, and lodged in the prison, or as it is 
 called, the Chateau of Vincennes. Polig- 
 nac was seized while travelling in the suite 
 of a lady, who took out a passport for herself 
 and a domestic. Polignac personated the 
 character of the domestic, but his awkward 
 representation of it, gave birth to the suspi- 
 cion, on which he was arrested. An imme- 
 diate confession on his part, cut short fur- 
 ther investigation, and he was escorted to the 
 capital to be incarcerated with his fellow mi- 
 nisters. Their principal crime consisted in 
 having signed their names to the following 
 report to the king! 
 " Sire— 
 
 " Your ministers would be unworthy of 
 the confidence with which your Majesty 
 honours them, if they delayed any longer in 
 laying before your eyes a view of our inte- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 147 
 
 rior situation, and in pointing out to your 
 high wisdom the dangers of the periodical 
 press. 
 
 "At no period within these fifteen years, has 
 this situation been more serious and afflict- 
 ing. Notwithstanding a course of prosperi- 
 ty, unparalleled in our annals, signs of disor- 
 ganization and symptoms of anarchy are de- 
 veloping themselves in every part of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 " The successive causes that have concurred 
 to paralyse the resources of monarchical go- 
 vernment, are now tending to modify and 
 change its nature: deprived of its moral 
 force, authority, whether in the capital or in 
 the departments, never struggles against 
 factions but with disadvantage; pernicious 
 and subversive doctrines, loudly professed, 
 are spreading and propagating themselves 
 through every class of society; disturbances 
 too generally diffused, agitate and torment 
 the minds of the people. On every side, they 
 demand for the present, pledges of security 
 for the future. 
 
 "An active, ardent and indefatigable, but 
 malicious vigilance, exerts itself to raze every 
 foundation of order, and to wrest from France 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the happiness she enjoys under the sceptre of 
 her kings. Skilled in engendering discon- 
 tents, and exciting animosities, it foments, 
 among the people, a spirit of defiance and 
 hostility towards the government, and scat- 
 ters the seeds of dissention and civil war. 
 
 "And already. Sire, recent events have 
 proved that the political passions entertain- 
 ed by the higher branches of society begin 
 to disseminate themselves through the lower, 
 and to affect the mass of the people. They 
 have also proved that this popular excite- 
 ment would not be always without danger, 
 even to the men who are striving to snatch 
 the people from the bosom of peace. 
 
 " A multitude of facts, collected in the 
 course of electoral operations, confirm this 
 position, and would afford us a too certain 
 presage of new commotions, were it not in 
 the power of your majesty to avert the evil. 
 
 " There exists every where, if attentively 
 observed, a want of order, of power and of 
 permanence^ and the agitations which ap- 
 pear the most contrary to it, are in reality 
 only the expression and testimony of it. 
 
 " It is necessary to observe this well: these 
 agitations which cannot be increased with- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 149 
 
 out great danger, are almost exclusively pro- 
 duced and excited by the liberty of the press. 
 A law of the elections, not less fruitful in dis- 
 orders, has without doubt concurred in pro- 
 ducing them: But it would be denying evi- 
 dence not to see that the Journals are the 
 hot-beds of a corruption whose progress is 
 daily more sensible, and the primary source 
 of the calamities which threaten the king- 
 dom. 
 
 " Experience, Sire, speaks more authoHta- 
 tively than theory. Some enlightened men, 
 whose fidelity otherwise cannot be suspected, 
 led by the bad example of a neighbouring 
 country, have believed that the benefits de- 
 rived from the periodical press would coun- 
 terbalance its disadvantages, and that its ex- 
 cesses would be neutralized by contrary ex- 
 cesses. But the event has not verified the 
 hypothesis, the proof is decisive, and the 
 question is now determined in the public 
 mind. 
 
 " The periodical press has never been soj 
 it is not in the nature of an instrument of se- 
 dition and disorder to be so. 
 
 " What numerous and irrefragable proofs 
 militate in the establishment of this truth! 
 
 N 2 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 It is on the principle of the violent and unin- 
 terrupted action of the press, that the too 
 sudden and frequent variations of our inte- 
 rior politics may be explained. It has not 
 permitted the establishment of a regular and 
 permanent form of government, nor has it 
 suffered to be introduced into the branches 
 of public administration, the meliorations of 
 which they are susceptible. All the minis- 
 ters from 1814, although created under dif- 
 ferent influences, and often directly opposed 
 to each other, have still had in view the same 
 track, the same attacks, and the same object 
 of unbridling the passions. Sacrifices of 
 every kind, concessions of power, formations 
 of party, nothing has been able to divert 
 them from this common object. 
 
 " This reproach alone, so fertile in reflec- 
 tions, should suffice to assign to the press its 
 true, its invariable character. It exerts it- 
 self with persevering efforts, every day re- 
 peated, to unbind the ties of obedience and 
 subordination, to abuse the resources of pub- 
 lic authority, to prostrate it, to revile it in 
 the opinion of the people, and to create for 
 it, in every quarter, resistance and embar- 
 rassments. 
 
fuench revolution of 1830. 151 
 
 " Its art consists not in substituting for a 
 too easy submission of mind, a wise freedom 
 of examination, but in reducing to a problem, 
 the most positive truths; not to provoke a 
 frank and useful controversy on political 
 questions, but to exhibit them in a false 
 light, and resolve them by sophisms. 
 
 " The press has thus cast disorder into the 
 most correct intelligences, shaken the firm- 
 est convictions, and kindled in the bosom of 
 society, a confusion of principles which en- 
 courages the most dangerous attempts. Its 
 anarchy of doctrines, is but a prelude to 
 anarchy in the state. 
 
 " It is worthy of remark. Sire, that the pe- 
 riodical press has not even fulfilled its most 
 essential condition, that of publicity. What 
 is strange, but at the same time true, is, that 
 there is no such thing as publicity in France, 
 when this word is taken in its most just and 
 rigorous acceptation. In its representation 
 of the state of things, articles, when they 
 are not entirely false, never come to the 
 knowledge of readers, unless garbled, disfi- 
 gured, and mutilated in the most odious 
 manner. A thick cloud, raised by the jour- 
 nals, obscures the truth and intercepts the 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 light between the government and the peo- 
 ple. 
 
 " The kings, your predecessors, Sire, have 
 always loved to communicate with their sub- 
 jects; it is a satisfaction that the press has 
 not wished your Majesty to enjoy. 
 
 " Its unbounded licentiousness pays no 
 respect, even on the most solemn occasions, 
 either to the express will of the king, or to 
 the orders emanating from the throne. The 
 one is misrepresented and denaturalized, the 
 other is the object of perfidious commenta- 
 ries, or pungent derision. Thus the last act 
 of royal power, the proclamation, was dis- 
 credited by the public, even before it was 
 known to the electors. 
 
 " This is not all. The press aims at no 
 less than the subjugation of sovereignty, 
 and the invasion of the powers of the state. 
 A pretended organ of public opinion, it as- 
 pires to direct the debates of the two cham- 
 bers, and it is incontestable that it carries 
 there a weight of influence, no less baneful 
 than decisive. This domination has as- 
 sumed, particularly in the last two or three 
 years, a manifest character of oppression and 
 tyranny. In this interval of time, the jour- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 133 
 
 tials persecuted with insult and outrage, the 
 members whose votes appeared to them un- 
 certain or suspected. Too often, Sire, the de- 
 liberations in this chamber have yielded to 
 the redoubled attacks of the press. 
 
 " We cannot mention in less severe terms, 
 the conduct of the journals on the opposition 
 in more recent circumstances. After having 
 themselves provoked an address derogatory 
 to the prerogatives of the throne, they did 
 not hesitate to promote the re-election of 
 22) deputies — which proceeding was the 
 consequence of their address. Your Majesty 
 repulsed this address as offensive^ you bore 
 public blame for refusing to concur in the 
 sentiments therein expressed; you announced 
 your immutable resolution to defend the 
 rights of your crown, so manifestly compro- 
 mised. The public papers laid no i '^^'ess on 
 your determination; on the contra, ^, they 
 exerted themselves to renew, to perpetuate, 
 and to aggravate the offence. Your Majesty 
 will decide whether this last attack is to re- 
 main long unpunished. 
 
 " But of all the excesses of the press, the 
 most serious perhaps remains for us to spe- 
 cify. From the first moment of the expedi- 
 
1 54 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 tion, the glory of which reflects so pure and | 
 so durable a lustre on the noble crown of^ 
 France, the press criticised with unprece-l 
 dented severity, its causes, its objects, its; 
 means, its preparatives, its chances of sue- 1 
 cess. Insensible to national honour, it was 
 not their fault that our banner was not tar-; 
 nished by the barbarian. Indifferent to the 
 great interests of hunaanity, it was not their; 
 fault that Europe did not remain subject to< 
 an oppressive vassalage and dishonouring 
 tribute. j 
 
 " Nor was this enough: by a species of* 
 treason, of which our laws could have taken 
 cognizance, the press sedulously published^ 
 all the secrets of the expedition, conveyed to 
 the enemy the knowledge of the state of our 
 forces, the number of our troops, that of our 
 vessels, the indication of our points of sta-i 
 tion, the means to be employed to contravene; 
 the variableness of the winds, and to get on: 
 shore. Every thing, even the spot of their: 
 disembarkment was divulged, as if for the| 
 purpose of instructing the enemy to make ai 
 more certain defence. And what is without 
 a parallel among a civilized people, the press,; 
 by giving false and alarming accounts of the i 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 155 
 
 dangers to be encountered, has not scrupled 
 to damp the courage of the army, and direct- 
 ing its hatred against the very commander 
 of the enterprise, it has, to use the expression, 
 excited the soldiers to raise against him the 
 standard of revolt, or to desert their colours. 
 Such are the daring deeds of the organs of 
 a party that pretends to be national. 
 
 " Every day, in the interior of the king- 
 dom, it dares no less than to disturb the ele- 
 ments of public peace, to dissolve the links 
 of society, and to speak plainly, to make the 
 earth tremble under our feet. Let us not be 
 afraid to reveal here the whole extent of our 
 evils, in order to appreciate more justly the' 
 extent of our resources. A systematic defa- 
 mation, organized on a large scale and di- 
 rected with an unprecedented perseverance, 
 persecutes far and near, even the humblest 
 agents of power. No one of your subjects. 
 Sire, is shielded from outrage, if he receive 
 from his sovereign the slightest mark of con- 
 fidence, or of satisfaction. A vast net, spread 
 over France, enmeshes all the public func- 
 tionariesj placed continually in a situation 
 of disrespect, they appear to be in some 
 measure cut off from civil society^ they only 
 
156 HISTORY OP THE J 
 
 are spared, whose fidelity is wavering; those 
 only are praised whose fidelity succumbs| i 
 others are noted to be more slowly immo- i 
 lated to popular vengeance. ] 
 
 " The periodical press has equally perse- ■ 
 cuted, with envenomed darts, religion and 
 the priesthood. It wishes, and will ever] 
 wish, to root out from the hearts of the peo- > 
 pie, even the last seed of religious senti-^ 
 ments. Do not doubt. Sire, that it will ac-j 
 complish this, in attacking the foundations i 
 of faith, in altering the sources of public : 
 morality, and in producing abundantly deri- 
 sion and contempt for the ministers of the ; 
 altar. \ 
 
 " No force, we must own, is capable of re- ^ 
 sisting such an energetic violator as thej 
 press. In every period, when it was let 
 loose, it made an irruption, an invasion into ': 
 the state. One cannot but be singularly^ 
 struck with the similitude of its effects these 1 
 last fifteen years, notwithstanding the diver- 
 sity of circumstances and the change of men 
 who moved on the political stage. Its object ; 
 is, in a word, to recommence the revolution,* 
 whose principles it loudly proclaims. Placed ; 
 and replaced, at different times, under the; 
 
TRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 157 
 
 yoke of censure, whenever it obtained liberty 
 it resumed its favourite employment. To 
 continue this work with more success, it has 
 found an active auxiliary in the departmental 
 press, which, exciting jealousies and local 
 animosities, shedding dread on the hearts of 
 the timid, and harassing authority by inces- 
 sant intermeddlings, has exercised an almost 
 decisive influence on the elections. 
 
 " These last effects. Sire, are transient, but 
 more durable eff'ects are to be remarked in the 
 manners and character of the nation. Ardent 
 misrepresentations and impassioned contro- 
 versies, schools of scandal and licentiousness, 
 produce in these, serious changes and deep 
 alterations^ it gives a false direction to the 
 mind, fills it with prepossessions and preju- 
 dices, diverts it from serious studies, injures 
 the progress of the arts and sciences, excites 
 discord among us, introduces baneful dis- 
 sentions even into the bosom of families, and 
 tends to reduce us gradually to barbarism. 
 
 " It would be superfluous to investigate 
 the causes for adopting the mistaken lenity 
 which has hitherto left the power of repres- 
 sion a useless weapon in the hands of power. 
 
 " Judiciary acts cannot easily be brought 
 o 
 
158 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 to repress it efficaciously. This truth, glean- 
 ed from observation, was long since remark- 
 ed by well intentioned men; it has recently 
 acquired a more distinctive character of evi- 
 dence. Imperious necessity required that 
 the repression should have been prompt 
 and strong; it has remained slow and weak, 
 and gradually dwindled into nothing. It 
 never interferes before the fault is commit- 
 ted, and then the punishment only causes 
 the scandal of debate. 
 
 " Juridical prosecution becomes tired; the 
 seditious press never tires. The former 
 ceases, because it has too many to handle 
 roughly; the latter multiplies its forces by 
 multiplying its offences. 
 
 " Under different circumstances, power 
 has had its periods of activity and relaxa- 
 tion: but whether the public ministry be 
 zealous or lukewarm it matters nothing to the 
 press. It seeks, by redoubling its excesses 
 to guaranty its impunity. It is time, more 
 than time, to stop its ravages. 
 
 " Hearken, Sire, to that prolonged cry of 
 indignation and dread that resounds from 
 every point of your kingdom. The lovers of 
 peace, the men of integrity, the friends of 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 159 
 
 order, lift up their suppliant hands to your 
 Majesty. All request you to preserve them 
 from a return of those evils vv^hich their 
 fathers and themselves had so keenly to de- 
 plore. These alarms are too real not to be 
 listened toj these prayers are too legitimate 
 not to be received. 
 
 " There is but one method of performing 
 what they ask; it is to act up to the charter. 
 If the terms of the 8th article are ambiguous, 
 its spirit is evident. It is certain that the 
 charter does not grant liberty to journals and 
 periodical writings. The right of publish- 
 ing one's own opinions does not surely imply 
 the right of publishing the opinions of others. 
 One is the use of a faculty which the law 
 may have left free or subject to restrictions; 
 the other is a speculation of industry, which, 
 like all others, supposes the superintendence 
 of public authority. 
 
 " The intention of the charter, on this sub- 
 ject, is explained with exactness in the law 
 of the 21st of October, 1814, which is in 
 some measure an appendix to it: it cannot 
 be doubted that this law was presented to 
 the chambers on the 5th of July, that is to 
 
160 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 say, a month after the promulgation of the 
 charter. 
 
 "In 1819, at the very period when a con- 
 trary system prevailed in the chambers, it 
 was loudly proclaimed that the periodical 
 press was not regulated by the disposition of 
 article 8. This truth is further attested by 
 the very laws that have imposed on journals 
 the condition of giving security. 
 
 " At present, Sire, nothing remains but to 
 ask how this return to the charter and the 
 law of the 2 1 st of October, 1814, are to be ac- 
 complished? The serious state of the pre- 
 sent juncture resolves this question. 
 
 " It is needless to trifle. We are no longer 
 in the ordinary condition of a representative 
 government. The principles on which it was 
 established could not weather the storm in 
 the midst of political vicissitudes. A turbu- 
 lent democracy, which has wormed itself 
 into our laws, aims at substituting itself for 
 legitimate power. 
 
 " It disposes of the majority of elections 
 through the medium of its journals, and the 
 concourse of numberless adoptions. It has 
 paralysed, as much as it could, the regular 
 exercise of the most essential prerogative of 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 161 
 
 the crown, that of dissolving the electoral 
 chamber. By this, the constitution of the 
 state is shaken^ your Majesty alone has the 
 power of re-establishing it on its basis. 
 
 " The right, as much as the duty of main- 
 taining it, is the inseparable attribute of 
 sovereignty. No government upon earth 
 could stand, if it had not the right of taking 
 measures for its own safety. This power 
 existed before the laws, because it is in the 
 nature of things. These, Sire, are maxims 
 sanctioned by the opinions of all the public 
 characters of Europe. 
 
 "But these maxims are still more posi- 
 tively sanctioned by the charter itself. The 
 14th article invests your Majesty with a 
 power sufficient, not to change our institu- 
 tions, but to consolidate them and render 
 them more immutable. 
 
 " Imperious necessity forbids the exercise 
 of this supreme power to be any longer de- 
 ferred. It is now the time to have recourse 
 to measures which accord with the spirit of 
 the charter, but which are out of its legal 
 order; all other resources have been in vain 
 jexhausted. 
 
 " These measures, Sire, your ministers who 
 o 2 
 
162 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 assure you of success, do not hesitate to pro- 
 pose to you, convinced that force will remain 
 on the side of justice. 
 " We are with the most profound respect, 
 Sire, Your Majesty's 
 
 most humble and very faithful subjects, 
 
 Prince de Polignac, 
 President of the Council of Ministers. 
 Chantelauze, 
 Keeper of the Seals of France^ Minister of 
 Justice, 
 
 Baron D'Hausez, 
 Minister Secretary of State of the Marine 
 and the Colonies, 
 
 Count de Peyronnet, 
 Minister Secretary of State of the Interior, 
 
 MONTBEL, 
 
 Minister Secretary of the State of Finances. 
 Count de Guernon Ranville, 
 Minister Secretary of the State of Ecclesi- 
 astical Affairs and of Public Instruction. 
 Baron Capelle, 
 Minister Secretary of the State of Public 
 Works:' 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 163 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Anecdotes characterizing the gallant conduct of the 
 French, during the three memorable days. 
 
 It would be impossible to relate all the 
 excellent traits of these three glorious clays; 
 we will relate a ^^w of them, to illustrate the 
 value of the pure patriotism, devotedness, 
 and disinterestedness of the people, in their 
 glory and in their dangers. 
 
 Benoit, a gig-driver, without any other 
 weapon than a sword, was the first in seiz- 
 ing a piece of cannon that had been firing in 
 Richelieu street. This brave fellow was 
 carried astride the piece of cannon he had 
 taken, amidst the shouts of his companions 
 in arms, as far as the Exchange. 
 
 An officer of the national guards ordered 
 a labourer to prevent any person from carry- 
 ing any thing away from the castle of the 
 Tuileries: — ^^ Do not fear, captain; we have 
 changed our government, but not our con- 
 sciences." 
 
 A boy of sixteen years, armed with a double 
 
164 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 barrelled gun, and two pistols, was the first 
 who opened the gates of the Louvre to the 
 people. This gallant young man was riddled 
 with wounds^ they carried him to the church 
 of St. Germain I'Auxerrois, and from thence 
 to the Hotel-Dieu, with the Swiss and other 
 soldiers of the royal guards. We regret that 
 we are not able to give his name. 
 
 At one of the battles against the royal 
 guards, the latter, being repulsed by the citi- 
 zens, abandoned a piece of their cannon, 
 which was left in an open field; but, at the 
 same time, it was very dangerous to ap- 
 proach it, on account of the firing. A 
 pupil of the Polytechnic school, who was at 
 the head of the citizens, ran and seized the 
 piece in his arms. " This is ours," cried he, 
 " I will keep it: I will die upon it, sooner 
 than surrender it." Some person behind 
 cried out to him: — ^^ The brave are dear to 
 us; you will be killed; come back to us." 
 The young man would not listen to them, 
 but embraced the piece more closely, not- 
 withstanding a shower of balls that rained 
 around him. At last the royal guards were 
 forced to fall back, by the fire of the citizens. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 165 
 
 who advanced upon the ground, arrived at 
 the piece, and saved the brave boy who had 
 seized it. 
 
 The attack on the Louvre, made in front 
 by the patriotic band, advancing from the 
 faubourg St. Germain, was greatly assisted 
 by another division, that fired from the op- 
 posite side of the river, from the bridge of 
 Arts to the royal bridge, against the Swiss, 
 who retreated on the castle of the Tuileries. 
 This division, after arriving at the royal 
 bridge, sustaining for more than half an 
 hour the fire of the castle and guard house, 
 and surmounting, finally, every obstacle, 
 penetrated into the Tuileries, continuing to 
 fire at those who were in full retreat. 
 
 We cannot praise too much the conduct of 
 M. Joubert, who bore the tricoloured flag in 
 the van of the band, and who planted it at 
 the entrance of the bridge, under a hot 
 and tremendous cannonade. This was the 
 same flag that had been hoisted on the top 
 of the belfrey by these brave defenders — 
 viz: Messrs. Thomas, Guinard and Gauja. 
 
 Every witness of this action also praises 
 the conduct of Messrs. Picard (a veteran). 
 
166 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Boinvilliers, Bastide, Levasseur, Cavaignac, 
 Dupont, Drolling. 
 
 There were 600 wounded, carried to the 
 hospital of Beaujon. 
 
 The post of the Swiss des Ecuries, con- 
 sisting of about sixty men, was reduced at 
 three o'clock to twenty-eight. Twenty brave 
 fellows attacked it without relaxation, from 
 eight o'clock in the morning. 
 
 The French soldiers would not be execu- 
 tioners. In the reign of Charles IX. the 
 viscount d'Orthes did not thus find the 
 troops under his command. So have a 
 great number of the officers of the guard 
 thought, during the first days of the glorious 
 struggle. These brave fellows know better 
 the true point of honour, than the executors 
 of ministerial works. Many of them, after 
 having at first imprudently yielded to the 
 usual passive obedience, nobly sent in their 
 resignation the next day, against the atro- 
 cious and infamous orders that had been ad- 
 dressed to them and summed up, by M. de 
 Polignac, in these ferocious and surprising 
 words: — ^' Fire where you will and where 
 you can." 
 
 One of them. Count Raoul de la Tour du 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 167 
 
 Pin, sent with his resignation, the following 
 letter, addressed to Polignac. This letter 
 will remain as a monument of the true senti- 
 ments with which it will never be permitted 
 to a worthy soldier to abjure the empire. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " After a day of massacre and disaster, un- 
 dertaken against all divine and human laws, 
 I have not taken a part in it without re- 
 proaching myself; my conscience imperious- 
 ly forbids my obeying a moment longer. 
 
 " I have given during my life, a sufficient 
 number of proofs of my attachment to the 
 king, for him to permit me, without having 
 my intentions slandered, to distinguish that 
 which comes from him, from the atrocities 
 committed in his name. I have the honour 
 to request you my lord to lay my resignation 
 of the office of captain of the guards, under 
 the eyes of his Majesty. 
 
 " I have the honour to be, sir, your excel- 
 lency's most humble and obedient servant. 
 Signed, 
 " The Count Raoul de Latour du Pin. 
 « July QSth, 1830." 
 
 M. de Chateaubriand, was walking on the 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 30th, from the street du Coq-saint-Honor6, 
 to the chamber of Peers. He was recog- 
 nised. Immediately the mob collected around 
 him, crying, " Vive Chateaubriand! Vive le 
 defen§eur de la liberte de lapresseT* In a mo- 
 ment Chateaubriand was borne in triumph, 
 ai)tl carried to the gates of the chamber of 
 Peers. 
 
 M. Mole, who entered the chamber at the 
 same time with Chateaubriand, was sa- 
 luted with the most lively acclamations. 
 
 It was remarked that strangers, Russians, 
 English, and Germans, gave all the assist- 
 ance in their power, to the defenders of the 
 charter. They received them in their own 
 houses when they were wounded; they 
 brought them refreshments and food; in 
 fact, all Europe took some part in the me- 
 morable day of the 29th of July. 
 
 M. Bavoux, prefect of the police, being 
 informed on the 29th, that the victors, too 
 generous to dishonour their victory, had 
 thrown with indignation into the Seine, the 
 vessels of gold and silver which they found 
 in the Archbishop's palace, gave orders to 
 the mariners to rake the bottom of the 
 river. This was immediately done, and all 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 169 
 
 the things were on the same day at the po- 
 lice office. 
 
 The Archbishop of Paris was arrested on 
 the 30th, at the moment he was about to fly; 
 carrying with him a great quantity of jewels, 
 and five hundred thousand francs in gold, in 
 his coach. 
 
 One would have thought that the zeal of 
 the French youth for the study of the sci- 
 ences, letters and laws, might have given 
 them some confidence in the success of the 
 abominable projects which were defeated by 
 the heroism of the Parisians. But the young 
 men set the most glorious examples of pa- 
 triotism and courage. Honour to the pupils 
 of the Polytechnic school I These were the 
 young heroes who captured from the royal 
 troops the first pieces of cannon, on the left 
 bank of the Seine. They achieved their vic- 
 tory with as much skill as intrepidity. 
 
 There is opposite the Louvre, under the 
 colonnade, and opposite the church of St. 
 Germain I'Auxerrois, a plain surrounded by 
 a simple barricade of wood; in a corner of 
 this place, and on the side towards the Seine, 
 were buried on the morning of the 30th, the 
 
 p 
 
170 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 remains of the heroic citizens, who, on the 
 days of the 28th and 29th, lost their lives 
 in the attack of the Louvre. 
 
 Two large ditches were dug, in which 
 about eighty dead bodies were inhumated be- 
 tween two layers of quick-lime^ the dead 
 were carried in large waggons, and buried 
 one after another. The military conferred 
 upon them all the honours due to soldiers 
 and to Christians; they fired a round over 
 this vast sepulchre, and called a priest of the 
 church of St. Germain TAuxerrois, to per- 
 form the funeral service. This was the abbe 
 Paravey, who came in his sacerdotal gar- 
 ments, and blessed the soil of the dead; the 
 national guard accompanied him home to 
 his door. The next day on this bed of glo- 
 rious slumber, was erected a large cross of 
 wood, to which was appended this concise 
 funeral inscription: 
 
 " To the French who died for Liberty. ^^ 
 
 Parisians and strangers often visit this 
 modest tomb with tenderness, and strew it 
 with garlands, wreathed with evergreens and 
 laurels. 
 
 The court, confident of success and despis- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 171 
 
 ing' the opinions about popular courage, could 
 not preserve for even two days a firm and de- 
 termined attitude. On the 30th, the duke of 
 Mortemar presented himself at the H6tel-de- 
 Ville as bearer of a despatch from Charles X. 
 to general Lafayette, at 5 in the afternoon. 
 The general took the letter smiling and said: 
 " I presume there vy^ill be no indiscretion in 
 reading this aloud." The duke made an 
 humble bow, and the general read the royal 
 message. Charles X, in this letter, appoint- 
 ed Casimir Perrier, minister of finances, ge- 
 neral Gerard for aff*airs of war, and Dupin for 
 those of justice. Lafayette was himself held 
 in the generalship of the national guard; 
 the Bourbons accepted besides many conse- 
 quences of the revolution. The general mere- 
 ly replied that he was commissioned to watch 
 over the public safety, of which duty he 
 would acquit himself, but that he was not 
 commissioned to have any dealings with 
 Charles X. 
 
 On the 29th, as soon as the detachment of 
 the line that occupied the station of the Ab- 
 baye had surrendered their arms to the na- 
 tional guards of the eleventh legion, Mr. Su- 
 berbie, one of them, gave them refreshments ^ 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 at the hou3e of M. Dumas, a wine merchant 
 at the corner of Rue de Boucheries, as he 
 also did to two deserters who were set at li- 
 berty, and whom he incorporated in one of 
 the detachments of the eleventh legion which 
 was marching to the attack of the Tuileries. 
 An Englishman who witnessed the general 
 energy said to him: " Sir, the valour that 
 the French display to regain their liberty, 
 will be the admiration of all people.*'— Yes, 
 answered the guard," and our provident wis- 
 dom after the victory will merit the respect 
 of kings." 
 
 A tradesman whose apparel did not be- 
 speak easy circumstances, and who on the 
 28th, had co-operated, from 5 o'clock in the 
 morning in seizing several posts, had not 
 eaten a morsel at three in the evening. A 
 young man offered him 100 sous. — ^" Sir,*' 
 answered the tradesman, " I do not fight for 
 money 5 but I thankfully accept of 10 sous to 
 buy myself a morsel of bread.*' 
 
 It was a doleful spectacle, on the 30th, to 
 see, a large boat covered with a black pavil- 
 lion, floating below the Morgue, whence they 
 let down on handbarrows, the dead who filled 
 the halls of that mournful edifice. Some 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 173 
 
 were in loosely nailed coffins, which the 
 slightest shock would burst open, others 
 were all nakedj they were ranged in piles, 
 covered with straw and sprinkled over with 
 quicklime, to neutralize the effects of putre- 
 faction. The crowd on the breastwork of 
 the Seine, in contemplating this funeral em- 
 barcation, appeared congealed with horror. 
 Violent imprecations of the people occasion- 
 ally interrupted the solemn silence. The mo- 
 thers of the dead shed tears, others more 
 happy embraced their children whose tender 
 age had prevented them from bearing arms 
 in this sanguinary combat. At some paces 
 further on, a convoy of the wounded was car- 
 ried by. They were surrounded by specta- 
 tors who shouted out " long live liberty and 
 our country.'* They put back the crowd 
 from around them, in order to let them 
 breathe more freely, and those who passed 
 respectfully took off their hats. 
 
 At the taking of the Castle, a schoolboy, 
 who was at the head of some armed citizens, 
 went up to the iron gate, when a superior 
 officer advanced. " Open the gate," cried the 
 beardless chieftain, " unless you want to be 
 all exterminated: liberty and strength de- 
 p 2 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 clare for the people." The officer refused 
 to open, and drew out his pistol; it missed 
 fire. The boy, in possession of all his pre- 
 sence of mind, instantly seized the officer by 
 the breast, and pointing his sword at him, 
 exclaimed : " Now, sir, your life is in my 
 hand; I could at this moment pierce your 
 heart, but I have no thirst after blood." The 
 officer, affected by this act of generosity tore 
 off the military ornaments he wore and pre- 
 sented them to his noble enemy, exclaiming, 
 " Brkvo, my gallant boy, no one is more 
 worthy than you to carry these emblems of 
 honour; receive them from my hand; as a 
 superior officer, I enjoyed the credit of my 
 rank up to this moment, and I am sure it 
 will be continued to you." 
 
 On the 30th day, at the Exchange, two men 
 of the working class, were posted as guards 
 on the Swiss and royal guards who had been 
 taken prisoners, whose life had been gene- 
 rously granted. " We have not eaten a mor- 
 sel these twelve hours," said the workmen. 
 Immediately M. Darmaing, chief editor of 
 the Gazette des Tribunaux, who happened to be 
 present, gave them 5 francs, saying " friends, 
 go eat something, and I will take your place 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 175 
 
 till you return.*' They seemed to hesitate. 
 " Take it, (said he) for among us every thing 
 is in common." The workmen then accept- 
 ed it, went off, and returning in a quarter of 
 an hour, gave him back 55 sous in change 
 with many thanks. 
 
 Charles X. wished to distribute crosses of 
 honour among the royal guards who had re- 
 turned to St. Cloud, on the 29th, after having 
 massacred their brethren. The soldiers, to 
 whom he offered them, refused to receive 
 them, being ashamed to accept a reward so 
 badly merited. 
 
 The last act of Charles X. was a decree 
 for the dissolution of the Polytechnic school. 
 Napoleon once said: — ^" The Polytechnic 
 school is my hen that lays golden eggs." 
 To-day the nation realizes this expression, 
 so spiritually true. 
 
 A very characteristic episode of the popu- 
 lar heroism of the revolution, happened on 
 the morning of the 28th, in St. Honore street; 
 a woman of thirty or thirty-five was shot 
 dead by a bullet, in the middle of her fore- 
 head. A baker's boy with legs and arms 
 naked, a man of colossal stature and of Her- 
 culean muscle, was struck with horror at this 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sight. He took up the dead body and carry- 
 ing it on his head, brought it to the Place de 
 Victoire, shouting as he went along, — re- 
 venge! revenge! There, after having laid it 
 on the ground at the pedestal of the statue of 
 Louis XIV. he harangued the multitude 
 with an energy that electrified every heart. 
 Then taking up the corpse again, he carried 
 it SLWSiy to the station of the body guard, at 
 the bank near the Place de Victoire, and on 
 his approaching the soldiers at the gate, he 
 threw down his bleeding burden before them, 
 exclaiming:—" See how your comrades treat 
 our women! will you do the like?'* " No," 
 cried one of the soldiers, passionately grip- 
 ping his hand, " but come with arms!" The 
 other soldiers turned pale, and big tears start- 
 ed in the eyes of the officers. A few mo- 
 ments after, as they were complaining to an 
 officer of the number of citizens killed by 
 the royal guard, he was heard to say these 
 words, in a significant tone, — ^' Kill me, kill 
 me: death is preferable to a situation like 
 mine." 
 
 Polignac*s wife arrived at Versailles on 
 Monday morning, at eleven o'clock, August 
 2d, from her house at Millemont. Her car- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 177 
 
 riage was stopped, and a workman, going up 
 to the door of it, told her with sadness, show- 
 ing her the people in arms:—" See what a 
 state your husband has reduced us to; but 
 go on, we will not avenge ourselves on wo- 
 men.'* The carriage proceeded without fur- 
 ther obstacle. 
 
 An Englishman, Mr. Knight, who put up 
 at the Hotel-Meurice, had constantly fought 
 on the side of the people during the days of 
 the 28th and 29th. His valour and enthu- 
 siasm animated the citizens so much, that 
 they chose him, unanimously, for their cap- 
 tain. This gallant stranger conducted them 
 to the fire with an unparalleled ardour, and 
 never gave up the command he so well de- 
 served, till tranquillity was entirely restored. 
 Such acts do honour at once to both na- 
 tions, and show how much the conduct of 
 the French inspires strangers with confi- 
 dence. 
 
 Suche, a stove maker, was watching 
 over the tranquillity of his own district, 
 when it was told to him that two of his 
 brothers were killed in Rue St. Honore; in- 
 stantly seizing his gun, he flew to the place, 
 
178 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and fought desperately from morning till 
 night. 
 
 Justice ought to be done to the conduct of 
 general de Wals, ex-commandant of the 
 Place de Paris. He ordered the line not to 
 fire upon the citizens, but when they should 
 be attacked, to fire in the air. The officers 
 of the 53d gave the same orders. 
 
 The gallant conduct of the people of Chail- 
 lot, deserves notice. Seventy-five of these 
 brave men, led on by Suche and Villemain, 
 after having disarmed three posts, stood the 
 fire of five regiments of the guard who want- 
 ed to force a retreat through the barrier of 
 Passy. More than eighty prisoners fell into 
 their hands. 
 
 It is well known at present, who was the 
 man that hoisted the first national flag on 
 the towers of Notre Dame^ he carried it the 
 whole morning in a scarf. His name is 
 Petit Jean (little John), No. 30, Rue de 
 I'Echiquierj it was thought he belonged to 
 the bar of Paris. He rallied under his com- 
 mand, a little troop of valiant citizens, and 
 the tocsin he caused to be rung, gathered in 
 a few moments 300 men, among whom he 
 distributed 500 cartridges. At the head of 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 179 
 
 this little army, which he harangued with all 
 the eloquence of patriotism, this intrepid 
 chief went through every spot where the 
 battle was bloodiest, especially at the Place 
 la Greve and the quays, where the royal 
 guard were letting off tremendous fires. He 
 had the misfortune to see great numbers of 
 his friends fall around him; but by his per- 
 severing resistance, he contributed power- 
 fully to the success of the national cause on 
 the bloody day of the 28th. The compa- 
 nions of his glory and of his dangers are 
 anxious to pay a tribute to his conduct on 
 that bloody day. 
 
 A workman while fighting in the suburb 
 of Montmartre, under a burning sun, was thus 
 addressed by Dr. Samuel who had established 
 his rounds under the gate:*—" Come,my brave 
 fellow, take some refreshments." — " No, sir," 
 said the labourer, "my brother was killed 
 yesterday, and I have sworn to eat but 
 bread and drink but water, till his death be 
 avenged." 
 
 They quote a good saying of a veteran of 
 Rue Notre-dame-des-Victoires. 
 
 " You have then surrendered your arms," 
 said a neighbour— " surrendered my arms!" 
 
180 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cried the brave man — ^^* No, I only lent 
 them." "m 
 
 A brazier's boy, liamed Richard, and 
 Dubois, an old blacksmith, fought on the 
 31st of July, between Sevres and Versailles 
 against twenty cuirassiers of the royal guard j 
 they dismounted two soldiers and returned to 
 Paris upon their horses. 
 
 In the affair of the 28th July, at the time 
 when the resistance was not well organized, 
 in the square of the Hotel de Ville, a young 
 man who bore a standard on the head of his 
 lance, thinking he perceived some hesitation 
 among the Parisian troops, advanced within 
 ten paces of the royal guard, saying to his 
 comrades: "I will teach you how to die I'* 
 He fell in an instant pierced with numbers 
 of balls. 
 
 ■ jOn the same day, a youth of 15 years ad- 
 vanced, in the midst of a fire of grape shot 
 and musketry, very near one of the officers of 
 the cavalry that protected the cannon, and 
 discharging a pistol at him fractured his 
 skull. A volley was instantly poured upon 
 him; but the youth foreseeing what would 
 happen, fell prostrate, and afterwards arising 
 escaped safe and sound. Perceiving that he 
 
rHENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 181 
 
 had left his cap behind, he returned to the 
 post without hesitation and came back with- 
 out receiving any injury. 
 
 On the 30th July, tranquillity was perfect- 
 ly established; and Paris after three glorious 
 days of contest for the liberty of France, pre- 
 sented the most admirable spectacle; it was 
 at the same time a camp and a city, a siege 
 and a festival. Some were constructing and 
 repairing barracks, others sung and revel- 
 led; every thing was calm and smiling, every 
 thing was grave and therefore solemn; large 
 guns were seen in the hands of young men 
 of 20 years, who used them like old soldiers; 
 soldiers were formerly met with, but now are 
 seen honest labourers, who, apparelled in 
 brilliant cuirasses and gilded helmets, march 
 around the city as conquerors, but without* 
 abusing their triumph. Each body of guards 
 belonged to the national guard; it was every 
 where. 
 
 Watchmen patrolled the streets, which 
 freed from the enemy's fire, were illumi- 
 nated during the night; no disorder broke 
 out. In the Tuileries nothing was disturb- 
 ed. From the Archbishop's palace they took 
 nothing but some linen to be carried to the 
 
 Q 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Hotel Dieu. At the Museum the mob tore 
 only the scriptural paintings; all the others 
 were respected. The citizens were in the 
 streets or at their windows; every one gaily 
 passed the nightf the men reading the jour- 
 nals; the women preparing lint on their 
 thresholds, or administering comfort to the 
 wounded in their houses, proud and consoled 
 by the idea of having saved their country. 
 The art of war was not forgotten in this 
 great circumstance; all the hospitals without 
 exception were open for the wounded, and 
 the surgeons of these establishments emu- 
 lated each other in zeal and devotedness in 
 giving immediate succour to the victims of 
 the bloody struggle between liberty and op- 
 pressive power. Medical ambulances were 
 established in every quarter where there was 
 a battle, and the house of every physician be- 
 came a place of succour for the wounded. In 
 this general emulation for doing good, the 
 Hotel Dieu was particularly distinguished. 
 Situated in the centre of Paris and in the 
 neighbourhood of the most sanguinary af- 
 fray, it afforded succour to more than IGOO 
 wounded, and took in more than 500. 
 
 Every thing appeared to have been pre- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 183 
 
 pared, as if by enchantment, for a vast medi- 
 cal ambulance. The young surgeons follow- 
 ing the Utters, removed the wounded out of 
 the reach of the musket fire; they who had 
 received only slight wounds, were dressed 
 under the vestibule by the care of Messrs. 
 Legros and Jobert, assistants in the clini- 
 cal department; they who were more seri- 
 ously wounded, and proper subjects for the 
 hospital, were carried to chambers, where 
 they received the best care from numerous 
 surgeons; among whom were Messrs, Du- 
 puytren, Breschet, and Samson, chief, and 
 Messrs. Meniere, Moux, Guerin, Robert, 
 &c. Sec. secondary, surgeons of the hospi- 
 tal. All the succours were prepared by 
 the care of Mr. Dupuytren, who remained 
 with his fellow-labourers, during three days 
 and nights, at this post of honour and duty. 
 
 It was a sight truly interesting, to behold 
 our fellow citizens who were occupied the 
 day before in peaceful affairs, suddenly trans- 
 formed into heroes. 
 
 We should not forget to mention Mr. Des- 
 porte, manager of Hotel Dieu, who seemed 
 to be in every place where his presence 
 might be necessary at the same moment. 
 
184 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 These three great days presented some mov- 
 ing episodes. Brothers recognised their 
 brothers in the opposite^ ranks; a soldier 
 killed his father; the soldiers and the 
 Swiss, were generously saved; the women 
 and children took part in the combats; 
 young men isolated from the rest, placed 
 themselves in ambush behind the corners of 
 the streets, and fired upon whole regiments; 
 a pupil of the Polytechnic school took a can- 
 non upon the place de Greve, under which 
 he lay down until his comrades came to his 
 aid. One of these brave fellows fell asleep 
 on a matrass destined for the wounded; his 
 sleep was so profound, that he did not awake 
 till they carried him into the Hotel de Ville; 
 the people took of their hats as he passed, 
 as was customary when a corse passed by. 
 It was an afflicting sight to see wheelbar- 
 rows loaded with the dead, who were covered 
 with large wounds. 
 
 Old men, and such as were young in 93, 
 were astonished at the three days which ori- 
 ginated in the provocation of the ministry, 
 and terminated in the triumph of the people. 
 " Never," said they, " have we viewed such 
 a combat." The most furious combats of 
 the people in the revolution of 89, did not 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 185 
 
 last more than one day. After this, how 
 trifling appeared the struggles of '89 and '93, 
 when compared with those of the 27th and 
 29th of July! In this latter period there 
 were no proscriptions, no murders, no usurp- 
 ed power, no profaned temples^ and to cele- 
 brate the victory, funerals without pomp and 
 a cross of wood, opposite the colonnade of the 
 Louvre, of which the Parisians were so 
 proud, that the Swiss guards were ordered 
 to mutilate it, on account of which action 
 the former have cause to be prouder than 
 ever of it. 
 
 At the sight of so many wonderful opera- 
 tions, so unanimous and with so few efforts, 
 one would be tempted to say " It was writ- 
 ten!" Might it not be said, that France is 
 placed under the spell of a happy and power- 
 ful fatality, which wrests her spontaneously 
 from all despotism, and which, when she is 
 in want of its aid either to raise or break 
 down thrones, invariably and justly never re- 
 fuses her assistance. 
 
 The provisional government decided that 
 
 a pension of 500 francs should be granted to 
 
 the widows and children of the brave fellows 
 
 who perished in the defence of liberty, and 
 
 q2 
 
186 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 that a pension of 300 francs should be grant- 
 ed to the wounded. 
 
 One of the national guards, named Jeanis- 
 son, proprietor of the baths of St Guillaume, 
 took the street of Richelieu, from the cojffee- 
 house of Minerva, where he established a 
 battery. 
 
 On the 31st, the court despatched some 
 royal troops to arrest the duke of Orleans at 
 Neuilly, where they learned that he had de- 
 parted for Paris, during the night; the king 
 immediately issued an ordinance declaring 
 the prince an outlaw^ and ordering all his 
 subjects to fall upon him. 
 
 Two lieutenant-generals by the name of 
 Gerard, distinguished themselves in the 
 great national movement. One, the count 
 Gerard, general of the infantry, deputy and 
 minister of war; the other, baron Gerard, 
 inspector-general of the cavalry, and one of 
 our best officers of the light cavalry. 
 
 The revolution of July, 1830, was signal- 
 ized by every trait of devotedness and noble- 
 ness. The conduct oi the duke of Choiseul 
 in the moment of danger, and after the vic- 
 tory, will remain as a model of patriotism 
 and self denial. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 187 
 
 " To the Inhabitants of the City of Paris. 
 " Messieurs, 
 
 "A proclamation signed by the generals 
 Lafayette, Gerard, and the duke of Choiseul, 
 under the title of members of the provisional 
 government, and having accepted this office^ 
 this was placarded on the 28th of July, and 
 the days following, on the walls of Paris. 
 
 " The result was then uncertain; the strug- 
 gle commenced; the signers were in immi- 
 nent danger in case of the royal army being 
 victorious; our punishment would have fol- 
 lowed the victory. 
 
 " My name undoubtedly appeared useful; 
 my consent was not even asked. I was a 
 nothing, I commanded nothing; the only 
 risk was for myself; I was silent: I should 
 have thought myself a coward to tell the 
 truth, since there was question of nothing 
 but my head; and I felicitated myself, that the 
 benevolence, with which I was honoured by 
 the Parisian guard, and my fellow-citizens, 
 might have been of some service. 
 
 " Now that the victory is no longer doubt- 
 ful, I am bound in conscience to declare, that 
 
188 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 I never took any part in the provisional go- 
 vernment, and that such a proposition was 
 never made to me. I risked in silence, every 
 danger in the hour of battle, I owe a tribute 
 to truth in the hour of victory. 
 
 " The Duke of Choiseul, 
 " Peer of France, ancient Colonel of the First 
 Legion, and Ex-Major of the Parisian 
 National Guard. 
 
 " Paris, Jlug. I.ISZO." 
 
FRENCH REVOI^lh'ION OF 1830. 189 
 
 HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS 
 
 CONCERNING THE DAYS OF THE 27TH, 28TH, 
 29th and 30tH JULY. 
 
 The details which follow are extracts from 
 letters of reports, and pieces of which the 
 originals are curious; these pieces appear to 
 have been lost in the disorder of the retreat. 
 The state in which the most part of them 
 were found, proves that they had fallen into 
 the dirt. The first is a little billet without 
 date, and without any precise direction, con- 
 taining these words: — ^' We must demand 
 from the minister, a supply calculated in 
 such manner, that each regiment, count- 
 ing what remains for it, may be supplied 
 with fifty cartridges per man.'* 
 
 The following appears in a letter of the 
 28th July, to a colonel of infantry of the 
 royal guard. 
 
 " Colonel, — The major general of the re- 
 giment authorizes you to distribute to-day, 
 at your own expense, the quantity of wine 
 you think necessary for the troops under 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 your orders^ the expenses will be refunded 
 to you." 
 
 It appears that on the 28th, the resistance 
 of Paris did not permit the rations of bread 
 in sufficient quantity to be distributed to the 
 troops. The duke of Ragusa wrote on this 
 subject to Charles X. The following is the 
 answer that he received from St. Cloud, on 
 the same day, at half past eleven at night: 
 
 " I have the honour of forwarding your 
 letter to his Majesty. According to his or- 
 ders, the chamberlain has employed all the 
 men in his service, in baking the bread you 
 stand in need of. I asked for 30000 rations. 
 
 " I believe that it will not be difficult to 
 obtain half of it during the night. I have 
 also commanded 25000 rations from Ver- 
 sailles. Notwithstanding these two com- 
 mands, I fear that the bread will not reach 
 you before ten o'clock in the morning." 
 
 The rest of the letter relates to military 
 affairs, and the disposal of the troops. From 
 this also it appears, that there was no guard 
 occupying the barrier des Bons Hommesj 
 none to protect the route from St. Cloud; 
 that the captains of the guards should, on 
 the next morning, join at St. Cloud their 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 191 
 
 four companies; that the king had given or- 
 ders that one battalion of the young men of 
 Saint Cyr, and six pieces of cannon should 
 be despatched to St. Cloud on the 29th at three 
 o'clock in the morning. The artillery, sup- 
 ported by the infantry of the guards, mixed 
 with some companies of the young men of St. 
 Cyr, was to be employed in defending the 
 bridges. The signer of the letter announces 
 to the marshal that he ordered the captains 
 of the guards to place two detachments at 
 Sevres for the purpose of acting on the left 
 bank of the Seine; that the detachments at 
 St. Cloud should communicate by the bridge 
 of Crenelle, with those of Sevres; that he 
 placed watches on the wood of Boulogne 
 as well as the road to Neuilly and that to 
 Versailles, where there had been some 
 gatherings. 
 
 On the 28th, 244 litres of wine were dis- 
 tributed among the troops of the guard sta- 
 tioned on the Carousel. This distribution 
 was made for the service of the king, says the 
 letter. 
 
 The sum of 18,241 fr. 40 c. was to have 
 been distributed on Thursday, the 29th of 
 July, by order of the king. It appears by 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 this letter that on the day alluded to, only 
 10,000 francs were paid. A bond for the 
 payment of 25,000 was delivered for the 
 sixth regiment of the guard. Lastly, another 
 bond for the sum of 8000 francs, destined for 
 the fifth regiment of the line, states that it was 
 to be put to the account of a gratuity of one 
 month and a half over pay, which his ma- 
 jesty graciously vouchsafed to grant to the 
 army by his order issued on the 20th of 
 July, 1830. 
 
 This order of the day has not yet reached 
 us; it is a historical document of high im- 
 portance, when we consider its object, and the 
 terms in which it is couched. 
 
 Thus, wine to banish reason; gold to stifle 
 the voice of conscience and the cries of hu- 
 manity; bullets to exterminate the people of 
 Paris; such were the last memorials and 
 farewell-offerings of Charles X. to the 
 French people. 
 
 On the subject of the revolution, there ex- 
 ists the greatest variety of opinions, the ma- 
 jority of mankind, however, is inclined to be- 
 lieve that the present form of government 
 will result neither in the happiness nor the 
 glory of the French nation. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 18^0. YJ! 
 
 The whole is an illegitimate and confused 
 proceeding-, tending rather to degrade than 
 to meliorate the condition of the people, 
 under whose special sanction and ardent 
 wish, the present system is pompously pre- 
 tended to have been modelled. 
 
 At present the government appears so per- 
 plexed and perpetually liable to fluctuations 
 from the slightest cause, that we can scarce 
 look upon it as any thing else than an inter- 
 regnum — a garment suited for a stormy day 
 which may be shuffled off" on the abatement 
 of the tempest. 
 
 Should a monarchical form be eventually 
 adopted, we can perceive but two competi- 
 tors for the throne, the duke of Bordeaux 
 and Napoleon; the one by right of inherit- 
 ance according to the constitution of Louis 
 XVIII. the other by the legitimate choice of 
 the people. How things may eventuate, it is 
 impossible to predict, though it is not diffi- 
 cult to infer from all circumstances that no 
 member of the Capet family can long occu- 
 py the throne of France. We have no de- 
 sire to canvass the respective claims of these 
 candidates, but the great preponderancy of 
 sentiments and gratitude appears to us to be 
 
 R 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 on the side of the son of the august Emperor, 
 Can the French have forgotten their golden 
 age of glory and freedom? Can they ever for- 
 get the Jupiter of France whose eagles never 
 bore a bolt that vi^as not aimed at her ene- 
 mies and slavery, and whose thunders re- 
 sounded from the pyramids of Egypt to the 
 towers of Moscoav? Can a grateful people 
 permit the son of the idolized Napoleon to 
 linger in painful exile from his native land 
 rendered iso illustrious by his father, while a 
 stranger of a despotic family flourishes a 
 sceptre over them? 
 
 As an opinion, emanating from a source 
 so unexceptionable and illustrious as that of 
 the Count de Survilliers, the cherished bro- 
 ther and bosom friend of the Emperor, must 
 bear much weight, we hasten to lay before 
 our readers a translation of his letter to an 
 officer^ of which, though not originally intend- 
 ed for publication, we have been politely fa- 
 voured with a copy from Point Breeze, in 
 the French language. 
 
 " To Mr, L. formerly a French officer of the Re- 
 public and the Empire. 
 
 " Sir, — I have received the letter in which 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 195 
 
 you tender your services to accompany me 
 to Europe, in case that circumstances should 
 require my presence; nothing but duty could 
 cause me to leave this country. Like my 
 brother Napoleon, I have adopted the motto 
 * all for the French^ therefore with regard to 
 the nation I have only duties to fulfil, and no 
 right to exercise whether in my own name or 
 in that of my nephew. Governments are a 
 necessity of the people, who can either erect 
 or demolish them, according to their degree 
 of utility: I am therefore resigned to conform 
 to the will of the nation, when legitimately 
 expressed. You are well aware that three 
 million five hundred thousand votes called 
 my family to the empire, at a period when 
 foreigners had no influence in France; you 
 may well conceive that I cannot, without 
 apathy, forget that my nephew, the son of 
 my brother, was proclaimed by the chamber 
 of deputies in 1815; that the Emperor abdi- 
 cated only on that condition; that the bayo- 
 nets of strangers alone twice brought back 
 the Bourbons, and assisted at the executions 
 of so many illustrious champions of the coun- 
 try. 
 
 " I should have started before this, had I 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 not seen among the national names of the 
 members of the provisional government, that 
 of a prince vs^ith whom mine shall never be 
 connected; convinced that a Bourbon, what- 
 ever branch he may belong to, is not suit- 
 able for my country. I have repeatedly told 
 you, that the only house in France, which the 
 nation does not, and cannot wish for, is the 
 house of Bourbon; had that family loved 
 France, and known that its divorce was to be 
 eternal, it would long since have renounced 
 every pretension to the throne; this divorce 
 was sealed by enough of French and foreign 
 blood during twenty-five years, without its 
 being necessary for it to cause the effusion, a 
 second time, of the blood of the Parisians, 
 beneath the mercenary steel of the Swiss. 
 
 " The great destiny of the revolution is 
 not yet decided: the Emperor Napoleon 
 thought that enough of blood had been shed 
 in the interior of France; he desired to close 
 every wound, he opened the country to all 
 those whom he considered as tired of civil 
 war as he was himself; he sincerely wished 
 for equality, and deferred the entire liberty 
 of the country for a general peace. When an 
 immense and dictatorial power was no longer 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 197 
 
 requisite to resist the allied powers of Eu- 
 rope, always roused by the rivalship of Eng- 
 land and the oligarchy of its ministry, he de- 
 sired to conclude tlie revolution; presented 
 himself as mediator in France, as moderator 
 in Europe; England alone compelled him, 
 by the wars she incessantly provoked, to 
 achieve conquests which she subsequently 
 denounced, and of which she alone was the 
 guilty cause, and ended by blasting in France 
 all the fruit of thirty years of heroism and 
 victory, by imposing this family of the good 
 old times, on a regenerated nation. 
 
 " As long as there will be any question in 
 France, of a branch of that house, I will re- 
 main where I am; my family does not, nor 
 ever did it, desire a civil war. If the nation 
 had declared for a republic, you know my 
 sentiments — they are of an old date — happy 
 the people to whom I could have applied 
 them without peril. You may remember 
 what I have often told the Spaniards: * You 
 never could have so much liberty as I would 
 wish to give you, but it is requisite to pos- 
 sess the power of supporting it; time is a 
 necessary element for every thing.' 
 
 " It is affirmed that our youth have made 
 R 2 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 great progress towards the doctrines of re- 
 publicanism. Government is indubitably a 
 remedy for an evil; happy the country which 
 is prudent enough to do without it; we 
 scarcely perceive a vestige of it in the coun- 
 try where we have so long resided — but can 
 this be well applied to France? and is it not 
 the irritation, occasioned by the absurd pre- 
 tensions of rulers who have lain as an incu- 
 bus upon her these fifteen years, that has 
 stimulated these generous young men to a 
 degree of enthusiasm, perhaps beyond what 
 suits the rest of their fellow citizens and the 
 tranquillity of Europe, at the present day. 
 
 " There remains a third hypothesis, in 
 which case I would be called by honour, by 
 duty, by all I owe to emancipated France, to 
 Napoleon II., to the son of a brother whom 
 I am bound to love and respect, more than 
 any one on earth; because I knew him from 
 his infancy better than any one, and because 
 I am certain of the truth of his sentiments 
 and his opinions. When dying on the rock 
 of St. Helena, he told me through the pen of 
 general Bertand, ' Let my son be directed by 
 your counsels, let him never forget above all 
 that he is a Frenchman, that France may en- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 199 
 
 joy as much liberty under his reign, as it did 
 equality under mine; let him adopt my motto, 
 
 * ALL FOR THE FrENCH.' 
 
 " I have positive assurances that in spite of 
 fortune, Napoleon II. is as good a French- 
 man as either you or I; he will be worthy of 
 France and his father. * * * * 
 
 " Joseph count de Survilliers. 
 " Paint Breeze, Sept. Uth, 1830." 
 
 New symptoms of discontent are rapidly 
 developing themselves in France, and resig- 
 nations are handed in from all quarters. 
 Many ministers, apprehensive of the over- 
 throw of the Orleans dynasty, and a repeti- 
 tion of the revolutionary drama, have thrown 
 up their situations. If many more resign, it 
 may be difficult for Louis Philip to find men 
 adventurous enough to accept the vacant 
 places. By an ordinance, dated November 
 3d, he appointed Lafitte to be President of 
 the Council and Minister of Finance, in the 
 place of Baron Louis, resigned. The Mar- 
 shal Marquis Maison, to be Minister of Fo- 
 reign Affairs, in the place of Count Mole, re- 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 signed. Count Montalivet, to be Minister 
 of the Interior, in the place of M. Guizot, re- 
 signed. M. Merilhon, to be Minister of Pub- 
 lic Instruction and Ecclesiastical Affairs, in 
 the place of the Duke de Broglie, resigned. 
 The other gentlemen composing the Council 
 of Ministers, are M. Dupont de I'Eure, Mi- 
 nister of Justice; Marshal Gerard, Minister 
 of War; Count Sebastiani, Minister of Ma- 
 rine. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 201 
 
 Topographical Notice of Places referred to in 
 the foregoing Chapters, 
 
 RAMBOUILLET. 
 
 A village and royal chateau, twelve miles 
 from Paris. 
 
 HOTEL DE VILLE. 
 
 This edifice was erected in 1733, after the 
 designs of an Italian architect, named Boc- 
 caridora, sometimes called Cortonna. It is 
 worthy the traveller*s attention on account 
 of its antiquity, and the extraordinary scenes 
 which it has witnessed. When Louis XVI. 
 was brought from Versailles, he was ex- 
 hibited to the populace from one of the win- 
 dows of this mansion. Hither Robespierre 
 retreated after he had been outlawed. In 
 front of the Hotel de Ville is the famous 
 lamp-iron, and within the building is pre- 
 served the still more celebrated guillotine. 
 
 PLACE DE GREVE. 
 
 This square was the appointed scene of 
 public executions. The ravages of the mur- 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 derous guillotine will long render it a place 
 of interest. 
 
 PLACE VENDOME. 
 
 The name of this square is derived from 
 Cesar de Vendome, for whom Henry IV. 
 built an hotel in this quarter of the city. 
 The miarquis de Louvais, in the reign of 
 Louis XIV., wishing to form a communica^ 
 tion between Rue St. Honore, and Rue-des- 
 Petits-Champs, conceived the project of 
 building a square in this place. 
 
 The present square is 444 feet long and 
 420 broad. The buildings which enclose it 
 on three sides are uniform, and have a noble 
 appearance. They are decorated with Corin- 
 thian pillars, and on the ground floor is one 
 continued covered gallery, pierced with ar- 
 cades. In the middle was an equestrian sta- 
 tue of Louis XIV. which gave way to a 
 column 1 30 feet high, formed on the model 
 of that of Antoninus, at Rome, and bearing a 
 statue of Napoleon. The statue has been 
 taken down, but the column remains. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 203 
 THE LOUVRE. 
 
 This is the most ancient of the royal pa- 
 laces. It existed in the time of Philip Au- 
 gustus, who surrounded it with towers and 
 moats. 
 
 The court of the Louvre presents a per- 
 fect square, surrounded by buildings. Three 
 were constructed by Perrauld. They are of 
 the Corinthian order, and each has three 
 projecting masses, the middle one of which 
 is surrounded by a triangular pediment. 
 The fourth building is of the Composite 
 order, crowned by an attic. 
 
 THE TUILERIES. 
 
 This edifice derives its name from its 
 being erected on a piece of ground appropri- 
 ated to the manufacture of tiles. It was 
 founded by Catharine de Medicis, when 
 Charles IX. destroyed her former residence, 
 the Palace Tournelles. 
 
 The palace was much enlarged by Henry 
 IV. and afterwards by Louis XIII. The 
 front now consists of five pavilions, com- 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 prising that in the centre, with four ranges 
 of buildings connecting them together, and 
 forming one grand fagade. Every order of 
 architecture is rendered subservient to the 
 embellishment of this magnificent edifice^ 
 but the Ionic pillars on the right of the ter- 
 race particularly captivate the eye by their 
 beautiful proportion and exquisite workman- 
 ship. 
 
 THE PALAIS ROYAL. 
 
 This building is in form of a parallelo- 
 gram, enclosing a large garden. It is of 
 the most elegant modern architecture, little 
 more than the foundation of the first palace 
 remaining. It is surmounted by a parapet, 
 decorated with immense stone vases of ex- 
 quisite beauty, while pillars of the Ionic 
 order form a series of arcades, through 
 which are given the most pleasing prospects 
 of the garden. 
 
 The Palais Royal presents a very curious 
 and amusing spectacle. Retaining the name 
 of palace, with all the magnificence of royal- 
 ty, it affords a scene of mingled splendour 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 205 
 
 and poverty, beauty and deformity, luxury 
 and misery, which defies all description. 
 Under the arcades at one end is a double 
 row of little shops, in which is the most 
 beautiful and fanciful display of jewels, 
 china, prints, books, ribands, clothes, and 
 indeed of every possible luxury. Beneath 
 are subterranean apartments, in one of which 
 a motley assemblage is tripping it to the 
 music of some wretched performer; in a 
 second, an equally ill-assorted group are re- 
 galing themselves with their favourite li- 
 queurs, from the vin de Burgundie to simple 
 small beer; in a third, a number of misera- 
 ble objects are crowding around the hazard 
 or the billiard table; and, if you dare venture 
 into a fourth, you witness the most disgust- 
 ing scenes of debauchery and vice. Ascend- 
 ing once more to the arcades, the stranger 
 admires the cleanly and elegant appearance 
 of the restaurateurs, or taverns. The Eng- 
 lish epicure can form no conception of the 
 lich and almost innumerable dishes which 
 there invite his taste. The coffee houses 
 are convenient and elegant, and constantly 
 
 fdled. 
 
 s 
 
206 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 BOULEVARDS. 
 
 Paris is surrounded by the ancient and 
 modern boulevards, comprising an extent of 
 seven miles. 
 
 The old boulevards to the north, called 
 the great boulevards, were begun in 1531, 
 and planted in 1660 with four rows of trees, 
 which form three alleys; the middle for car- 
 riages and horsemen, and the two side 
 ones for foot passengers. Upon these walks 
 are displayed every thing that can attract 
 and interest the stranger. Theatres, coffee- 
 houses, vauxhalls, magnificent hotels, and 
 taverns, present themselves in constant suc- 
 cession, while bands of music charm the 
 ears, and puppet-shows and jugglers without 
 nuinber divert the eyes. 
 
 The old boulevards to the south, com- 
 pleted in 1761, extended from the Observa- 
 tory to the Hotel of Invalids, the walks of 
 which are longer and wider than the others, 
 and the trees thrive better. 
 
 SAINT CLOUD. 
 
 The village and palace of St. Cloud are 
 situated about five miles from Paris, on the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 207 
 
 banks of the Seine. This place derives its 
 name from very remote antiquity. Clodoald, 
 or St. Cloud, grandson of Clovis, having 
 escaped when his brothers were murdered, 
 retired to this place to escape the persecu- 
 tion of his uncles, and founded a monastery 
 at the village of Nogent, now called from 
 him, St. Cloud. 
 
 The palace of St. Cloud is justly cele- 
 brated for its beautiful prospect, its gardens, 
 its park, its magnificent cascades, and the 
 master-pieces of painting and sculpture 
 which it contains. 
 
 The entrance to the palace is by an exten- 
 sive court, composed of a great range of 
 buildings, and a fagade 144 feet in length, 
 and 72 in height. Two pavilions at the ex- 
 tremity form the commencement of two 
 wings less elevated. The ascent to the state 
 apartments is by the grand staircase to the 
 left, the pillars and balustrades of which are 
 composed of the choicest marble. Four sa- 
 loons have the following titles, and they are 
 embellished by corresponding ornaments. 
 The Saloon of Spring towards the garden, 
 that of Summer on the side of the court, that 
 of Autumn likewise towards the court, and 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the Saloon of Winter facing the garden. All 
 the apartments are adorned with a magnifi- 
 cence becoming a royal residence. 
 
 POLYTECHNIC SCHOOL. 
 
 This school, which holds the most distin- 
 guished rank among the establishments of 
 this class, is intended to complete the educa- 
 tion of the students who have rendered them- 
 selves conspicuous in other institutions. For 
 this purpose the most distinguished masters 
 in every branch of science, are employed by 
 the government. Every year a certain num- 
 ber of scholars are admitted, after undergo- 
 ing the most rigorous examination. The 
 number of pupils amounts to 300. The 
 usual course of study is three years. The 
 school possesses an excellent philosophical 
 and chemical apparatus, and a well-selected 
 library, containing 10,000 volumes. Each 
 pupil is allowed 200 livres per annum, by 
 government. 
 
 PONT DE NEUILLY. 
 
 This village, situated on the road from 
 Paris to St. Germain, upon the banks of the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 209 
 
 Seine, has acquired much celebrity on ac- 
 count of its magnificent bridge, delightful 
 gardens, and the interesting views which it 
 commands. In 1606 there was simply a ferry 
 at this village, but an event, which nearly 
 terminated the life of Henry IV. and his 
 suite, led to the construction of the bridge. 
 The monarch was returning from St. Ger- 
 main with his queen and several of his no- 
 blesse. On approaching the river, the horses, 
 frightened by a thunder storm, precipitated 
 themselves into the water, dragging the 
 vehicle into the deepest part; and had not 
 the most timely assistance been given, that 
 great king and his companions miust inevita- 
 bly have perished. The bridge which was 
 built upon this occasion only lasted thirty- 
 five years; after which period the present 
 superb structure was planned and executed, 
 being 750 feet long, and composed of five 
 arches, each 120 feet wide, and 30 feet in 
 height. It was erected after the design of 
 Perronnet. It was opened with great cere- 
 mony in 1772. 
 
 s 2 
 
210 HISTORY OF THE, &C. 
 
 VINCENNES. 
 
 The village of Vincennes is four miles and 
 a half from Paris. It is of the remotest an- 
 tiquity; and was inhabited by many of the 
 early kings and queens of France. The 
 palace, which was erected by Francis I., had 
 the appearance, and possessed all the advan- 
 tages, of a fortress, particularly that part de- 
 nominated the dungeon. In this fabric 
 Charles V. expired, and here the warlike 
 Henry V. of England breathed his last in 
 1422; nor is there a building more connect- 
 ed with curious ancient historical incidents 
 than the chateau now under review. Of 
 more recent date may be seen the apart- 
 ments wherein was confined the prince of 
 Conde in 1617, and forty years after, the 
 great Conde his son. Cardinal Mazarine 
 also expired at Vincennes, in 1661; nor 
 should the name of the celebrated Mirabeau 
 be omitted, who was imprisoned four years 
 within the walls of this building, during 
 which period he wrote the admirable letters 
 between Gabriel and Sophia. In one of the 
 moats of this castle the duke D'Enghein was 
 executed, and the ex-ministers were confined 
 here, while awaiting their sentence. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 
 
 211 
 
 PEERS OF CHARLES X. 
 
 The following are the ninety-three peers of France 
 who have been disqualified from taking their seats 
 under the new government, by the decision of the 
 Chamber of Deputies : — 
 
 Count de Villele, Arch- 
 bishop of Bourges. 
 
 Count de Chabons, Bishop 
 of Amiens, 
 
 Count Salmon du Chatel- 
 lier. Bishop of Evereux. 
 
 Count de Graramont de 
 Aste. 
 
 Count de Cheverus, Arch- 
 bishop of Bordeaux. 
 
 Count de Montblanc, Arch- 
 bishop of Tours. 
 
 Count de Brault, Arch- 
 bishop of Alby, 
 
 Count Morel de Mons, 
 Archbishop of Avig- 
 non. 
 
 Count de Pins, Archbish- 
 op of Amasie. 
 
 Count de Divonne. 
 
 Count de St. Aldegonde. 
 
 Marquis de Monteynard. 
 
 Count Eugene de Vogue. 
 
 Count de Mostuejouls. 
 
 Marquis de Mirepois-Le- 
 vis. 
 
 Count de Panis. 
 
 Marquis de Neuville. 
 
 Marquis de Conflans, 
 
 Count de Bonneval. 
 
 Marquis de Mac-Mahon. 
 Baron de Grosbois. 
 Count de Kergarion. 
 Viscount Chifflet. 
 Count d'Urre. 
 Marquis de Radepont. 
 Count de la Fruglaye. 
 Count Budes de Guebriant. 
 Marquis de Calviere. 
 Viscount de Castlebajac. 
 Duke d'Esclignac. 
 Baron Sarret de Couspar- 
 
 gues. 
 Count de la Vieuville. 
 Marquis de Lancosme. 
 Count Ruze d'Effia^. 
 Count de Quinsoras. 
 Marquis de Froifsard. 
 Marquis de Cotrtarvel. 
 Count Humbert do Ses- 
 
 maison. 
 Marquis de Colbert. 
 Marquis Aymar de Dam- 
 
 pierre 
 Count dJ Bernis. 
 Marquis de Civrac. 
 Count de Kergolay . 
 Count de Tocqueville. 
 Viscount de St. Maurie. 
 Marquis de Bailly, 
 
212 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Count d*Im6court. 
 Count Dubotderu. 
 Count d'HolFelize. 
 Count de Caraman. 
 Baron de Fr^uilly. 
 Count de Choiseul. 
 Prince D'Arenberg. 
 Prince Duke de Berghes. 
 Marquis de Traraecourt. 
 Count de Bouille. 
 Count de Pontgibaud. 
 Count d'Andlau. 
 Marquis d'Albon. 
 Marquis de Beaurepaire. 
 Count de la BouUerie. 
 Count de la Panouze. 
 Count Hocquart. 
 Prince de Croi-Sobre. 
 * Marshal Duke de Dal- 
 
 matia. 
 Marquis Ferbin des Is- 
 
 sarts. 
 discount Sapinand. 
 C»unt de Lur-Saluces. 
 Co*nt de Nansouty. 
 
 Count de Peyronnet. 
 Cardinal Duke d'lsoard. 
 Archbishop of Auch. 
 Duke de Cereste. 
 Marquis de Puyvert. 
 Baron de Vitrolles. 
 Count Valee. 
 Marquis de St. Mauris. 
 Marquis de Levis. 
 Count OUivier. 
 Prince de Montmorency. 
 Count de Maquill^. 
 Count de Rouge. 
 Marquis de Gourguas. 
 Viscount de Causans, 
 Marquis Desmonstiers de 
 
 Merinville. 
 Count de Suzannet. 
 Count de Villele. 
 Count de Corbi^res. 
 Count Ravez. 
 Marquis de Tourzel. 
 Count de Labourdonnaye. 
 Count Beugnot. 
 * Admiral Duperre. 
 
 * Thi Duke of Dalmatia and Admiral Duperre have 
 been madi peers again by Louis Philip. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 21: 
 
 THE 
 
 TWO BRANCHES OF THE ROYAL FAMILY 
 
 SINCE HENRY IV. 
 
 HENRY IV., KING OF France, died in 1610. 
 
 1st. DEGREE. 
 
 Louis XIII., king of France, son of Henry IV., 
 died in 1643. 
 A 
 
 \ 
 
 Philip, duke of Or- 
 
 Louis XIV., king of 2(J leans, brother to 
 
 France, son of Louis u^gree Louis XIV., hus- 
 
 XIII.; died in 1715. ' band of Henriette 
 
 of England ; died in 
 1701. 
 
 Louis, called the Great Philip II., duke of Or- 
 
 Dauphin, son to 3d leans, son of the pre- 
 
 Louis XIV., died in degree, ceding, regent; died 
 1711. in 1723. 
 
 Louis, duke of Bur- Louis, duke of Orleans, 
 
 gundy, dauphin, son 4th son of the preceding; 
 
 of the preceding ; degree, died in 1785. 
 died in 1712. 
 
 Louis XV., king of Louis-Philip, duke of 
 
 France, son of the 5 th Orleans, son of the 
 
 preceding ; died in degree, preceding ; died in 
 1774. 1785. 
 
 Louis, dauphin, eon of Louis-Philip, (Ega- 
 
 Louis XV.; died in 6th /^7d,)duke of Orleans, 
 1765. degree, son of the preceding; 
 
 Had three sons who guillotined in 1793. 
 have reigned un- 
 der the following 
 names : 
 
214 HISTORY OF THE &C. 
 
 Lours XVI., ^ 7th Louis Philip L king 
 
 Louis XVIIL," > degree. ^^ ^^^ French, son 
 
 Charles X,, ) of the preceding. 
 
 Louis Aulhony, duke ^ 
 
 of AngoLileme, son j 
 
 of Charles X. ( 8 th 
 
 Charles Fekdi- | degree. 
 
 NAND, duke of I 
 
 Berry. j 
 
 •• 
 Henry, duke of Bor- 9th 
 
 deaux, son of the degree. 
 
 duke of Berry. 
 
 * Louis XVIL, son of Louis XVL, who died a child, 
 does not augment the number of degrees of relation- 
 ship. 
 
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