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PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY 
 
 LION GARDINER 
 
 1599=1668, 
 
 WITH AN APPENDIX. 
 
 Our ancestors, though not perfect and infallible in all respects, were a religious, brave and virtuous set of men, 
 whose love of liberty, civil and religious, brought them from their native land into the American Deserts. 
 
 —Jonathan Mayhew, Election Sermon, 1754. 
 
 Edited, with Notes Critical and Illustrative, 
 
 CURTISS G. GABDINEK. 
 
 ST. LOUIS: 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE EDITOR. 
 
 MDCCCLXXXIII. 
 

 PRESS OF 
 
 LEVISOX S; BLYTHE STATIONERY CO., 
 
 ST. LOUIS. 
 
 o; 
 
THIS WORK 
 IS INSCRIBED TO THE MEMORY OF 
 
 LIOX GARDINER; 
 
 But for whose life my life had never known 
 This faded vesture which it calls its o-nn.— Holme 
 
 The Editor. 
 
ANNOUNCEMENT. 
 
 I purpose to publish a volume, to be called the " Papers and Biography of 
 Liou Gardiner." It will contain copies of his manuscripts, being reprints of 
 manuscripts and autograph letters; gleanings from colonial histories and extracts 
 from public and private records relating to events in which he bore a part. Also 
 traditionary reminiscences and some account of his family name and arms. The 
 whole to conclude with a biographical sketch and notes of reference. 
 
 I shall be able to show, from authentic sources, his nativity, early life and 
 occupation; his departure from abroad and arrival in this country; his career in 
 colonial times; his purchase and occupation of an island which bears his name; 
 being the progenitor of a respectable family in America. 
 
 CURTISS C. GARDINER,. 
 St. Louis, Missouri, July 14th, 1SS3. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Frontispiece. 
 Dedication. 
 
 Announcement. 
 Contents. 
 
 PAPERS. 
 
 Chapter I.— Writing in a Genevan Bible. 
 Chapter IT. — Relation of the Pequot Wars. 
 Chapter III. — Letters to John Wiuthrop, Jr. 
 
 BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Chapter I.— Family Name. 
 Chapter EI. — Family Arms. 
 Chapter III.— Biographical Sketch. 
 
 Editorial Egotism— Acknowledgments and Comments. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 INDEX. 
 
PAPERS. 
 
 Behind the documents there was a man.— Taint. 
 
PAPERS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 WRITING IN A GENEVAN BIBLE. 
 
 The writing on the fly-leaf of the Genevan Bible— printed at 
 London, 1599 — which is in the possession of the family at Gardiner's 
 Island, has been pointed to for many generations as the hand- 
 writing of Lion Gardiner ; and until the discovery of his undoubted 
 autograph letters it was not questioned. 
 
 This Genevan Bible was in the possession of the Conkling 
 family of East Hampton, L. I., as late as the sixth generation from 
 Lion Gardiner, when Elisha Conkling, (1) a great-grandson of Lion 
 Gardiner's daughter Maiy, who married a Conkling, presented it 
 to John Lyon Gardiner, (2) seventh proprietor of Gardiner's Island, 
 since which time it has been counted among the valued relics of the 
 family at the island. 
 
 The tradition is, that this bible was once the property of Lion 
 Gardiner ; yet it does not contain his name, nor any other name 
 indicating ownership. The better opinion, as to the writing in this 
 bible, seems to be that it is a copy from an original writing made by 
 Lion Gardiner. 
 
 (1) Vide lufra, pp. 12, 80. 
 
 (2) Jolm Lyon Gardiner was born at Gardiner's Island, November 8th, 1770. He was graduated at the 
 College of New Jersey in the class of 17S!>. His father died while he was in his infancy, aurl the island was 
 placed in the care of iiireu trustees uulil lie ulitain*al his majority, when he became tiie seventh proprietor 
 of the island. In 17113. he wrote a very intereslin;: paper, entitled •■ Notes ami observations on the Town of 
 
 East Hampton. L 1.." which included liar t's Island .-Vide Ducumciil.irv History of N. Y.,Vol. I, 
 
 p. 674, et seq. On March 4. 1803. he married Sarah Griswold of Lyme "" 
 
 was three sonsand two daughter-. II- died \.e. cm l.er 22.) . 1S1G. Ilis wid 
 
 During the middle life of Mr. .lobu I.y.ni Gardiner the Hev Lyman lieeel, 
 
 Hampton. I.. I., from 1798 To 1809. We quote from Beecher's Autolm 
 
 to Gardiner's Island as being within his parish, he mentions the seventh oi tne send 
 
 of educatiou and reliucnient. ami celebrated for hN loudness !ur anliouai ian rosea 
 
 naturally be attractive, to a youthful minister, aud accordingly tin- island, with i 
 
 mansion, was ever one of his favorite visiting places: and during Ins East Hampton i 
 
 ever thought ready for the press till it had beeu submitted to the inspection of his friend. John Lyou 
 
 Gardiner."— 0. V. G. 
 
12 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 COPY OF THE WRITING IN A GENEVAN BIBLE. 
 
 "In the yeare of our Lord 1635, July the 10th, came I, Lion Gardiner and 
 Mary my wife from Woreden, a towne in Holland, where my wife was borne, being 
 tbe daughter of one Derike Wilamson, derocaut; her mother's name was Hachim 
 Bastians ; her aunt, sister of her mother, was the wife of Wouter Leanderson, 
 Old Burger Measter, dwelling in the hofston over against the brossoen in the 
 Unicorn's Head ; her brother's name was Punc Gearstsen, Old Burger Measter. 
 We came from Woerden to London, and from thence to New Eugland, and dwelt 
 at Saybrook forte four years, of which I was commander ; and there was borne 
 unto me a son named David, in 1636, April the 29, the first born in that place, 
 and in 1638, a daughter was born to me callei Mary, August the 30, and then 
 I went to an island of mine owne, which I bought of the Indians, called by them 
 Manchonake, by us the Isle of Wite, and there was born another daughter 
 named Elizabeth, Sept. the 14, 1641, she being the first child born theire of 
 English parents." 
 
 The writing from which the above was copied is very irregular 
 and considerably faded and defaced, and could hardly be deciphered 
 by any one without some knowledge of the subject. 
 
 COPY OF ANCIENT MANUSCRIPT. 
 
 The following is a co'pj of ancient manuscript, which, with the 
 memorandum annexed to it, was copied from the records in the 
 Family Bible of John Lyon Gardiner, seventh proprietor of Gardi- 
 ner's Island: (1) 
 
 " In the year of our Lord, 1635, the tenth of July, came I, Lion Gardiner and 
 Mary my wife from Woerdon a towne in Holland where my wife was born being 
 the daughter of one Derike Wilemson deurcant ; her rnother"s name was Hachin 
 and her auut, sister of her mother, was the wife of Wouter Leonardson old 
 burger meester dwelling in the hostrate over against the Brewer in Unicorn's 
 head; her brother's name was Punce Garretson also an old burgher meester. We 
 came from Woerdon to London and from thence to New England and dwelt at 
 Saybrooke fort four years, it is at the mouth of the Connecticut river, of which I 
 was commander, and there was born to me a son named David, 1636, the 29th of 
 April, the first born in that place, and 1638, a daughter was born named Mary, 
 the 30th of August, and then I went to an island of my owne which I had bought 
 and purchased of the Indians, called by them Manchonake, by us the Isle of 
 Weight, and there was born another d'aujrhter named Elizabeth the 14th of Sept., 
 1641, she being the first child of English parents that was born there." 
 
 —"Memorandum by John Lyon Gardiner, August 30th, 1804. * * * 
 The above writing is a literal copy of ancient manuscript in the possession of Miss 
 Lucretia Gardiner, (2) daughter of David Gardiner of New London, from which it 
 is probable the writing in an old family bible, printed at London, 1599, was taken, 
 as they are nearly similar, which bible was a few years since — about 1794— given 
 to John L. Gardiner by Mr. Elisha Coukling of Wernot, being great-grandson of 
 the above-mentioned Mary, who married Jeremiah Conkling of East Hampton, 
 L. I., about 1658, and died June 15, 1727, aged 89." 
 
 1.1) Tlii- lan.ih t.il.h- cntaiii - tin- t.irlhs. marriages and deaths of the eldest sous, who had heen proprie- 
 tors 01 Hi' Island 03 entail; bul then Is no Information of the yonugvr sons and daughters (,?) The arrange- 
 ment or all ..I Ilio rr .1- ,- 11 k 1 li. .. I i .-:. I and • ■..inpl.le. even lo ihe iiiinutcsl pari k-nlavs. Iln the last printed 
 
 page is tin- loll.. wing: "Till- ln.ok »;i- purchased, July 8th, anno doinini 1803, by Johu Lyon Gardiner — 
 
 (2) Miss Lucretia Gardiner was a daughter ..1 David Gardiner who was a son of David Gardiner, fourth 
 
 Sroprietor. and never married. Whal became of the ancient manuscript which was in her possession has not 
 eeu ascertained. It appears there 
 
 daughter of John Gardiner, the only: 
 proprietor. The Misses Lucretia were secoutl t 
 
LION GARDINER. 13 
 
 The foregoing " memorandum " is particularly important, because 
 the author of it is well known and thoroughly reliable. It is in the 
 nature of a certificate as to the copy of "ancient manuscript"- — 
 giving to that writing something of the legal effect of a certified 
 copy. As to other matters the author declares that the " Genevan 
 Bible " was presented to him by a certain member of the Conkling 
 family in 1794; and states on his belief that the "writing" in the 
 Genevan Bible is probably a copy — overthrowing all of the tradi- 
 tions with reference to the old bible itself and to the writing in it. 
 
14 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 RELATION OF THE PEQUOT WARS. 
 
 The following "Letter" and "Relation of the PequotWars, " by Lion Gardiner, are reprints copied 
 verbatim et literatim from the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, published in the year 1833. 
 Vol. Ill, 3rd series, 131-160. The publishingcommitt.ee of the Society state that "the original manuscript of 
 this 'Relation,' and a copy in the handwriting of Gov. Jonathan Trumbull, the elder, 11 were delivered to 
 them for publication "by William T. Williams," a grandson of Gov. Trumbull, of Lebanon, Ct. The com- 
 mittee further slate, " on account of the difficulty the printer would find in deciphering the original, have 
 followed the orthography of the copy, excepting in the proper names, where they thought it of more import- 
 ance to adhere to the ancient orthography." The existence of this manuscript was known to historical 
 writers for many years before it was published. B. Trumbull's His. of Ct., 2 vols., New Haven, 1797 and 1818, 
 refers to " Manuscripts of Gardiner," Vol. I, 61. It is said to have formerly belonged to the Winthrop family 
 of New London. But whether the manuscript lias been preserved, to the present time, cannot be ascertained. 
 Neither of the historical societies of New England have the custody of it. In accordance with the custom of 
 historical societies the manuscript is printed without making corrections.; even the name Gardiner is printed 
 Gardeuer because, it may be, the letter intended for an i, does not happen to be dotted, obviously the result 
 of carelessness. 
 
 The " Relation " is both spirited and entertaining; the style is stately and quaint, frequently amusing 
 and always exact, and abounds in scriptural phrases after the manner of the Puritans. 
 
 The reader will bear in mind that this is a copy of original manuscript written in the seventeenth century, 
 by an aged man, who had dwelt twenty-five years in a wilderness; yet Lion Gardiner's orthography, as well 
 as phraseology, will compare favorably with the best specimens of Ills distinguished contemporaries. 
 
 LETTER. 
 
 East Hampton, June, 12, 1660. 
 
 Loving friends, Robert Chapman and Thomas Hmiburt: My 
 love remembered to you both, these are to inform, that as you desired 
 me when I was with you and Major Mason at Seabrooke two years 
 and a half ago to consider and call to mind the passages of God's 
 Providence at Seabrooke in and about the time of the Pequit War, 
 wherein I have now endeavoured to answer your desires and having 
 rumaged and found some old papers then written it was a great help 
 to my memory. You know that when I came to you I was an engi- 
 neer or architect, whereof carpentry is a little part, but you know I 
 could never use all the tools, for air hough for my necessity, I was 
 forced sometimes to use 1113" shifting chissel, and my holdfast, yet you 
 know I could never endure nor abide the smoothing plane; I have 
 sent you a piece of timber scored and forehewed unfit to join to any 
 handsome piece of work, but seeing I have done the hardest work, you 
 
LION GARDINER. 15 
 
 must get somebody to chip it and to smooth it lest the splinters 
 should prick some men's fingers, for the truth must not be spoken 
 at all times, though to my knowledge I have written nothing but the 
 truth, and you may take out or put in what you please, or if you 
 will, throw it all into the lire ; but I think you may let the Governor 
 and Major Mason see it. I have also inserted some additions of 
 things that were done since, that they may be considered together. 
 And thus as I was when I was with jou, so I remain still. 
 
 Your Loving Friend, 
 
 Lion Gardiner. 
 
 relation. 
 
 In the year 1635, 1, Lion Gardiner, engineer and master of works of 
 fortification in the legers of the Prince of Orange, in the Low Coun- 
 tries, through the persuasion of Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Hugh Peters 
 with some other well-affected Englishmen of Rotterdam, I made an 
 agreement with the forenamed Mr. Peters for £100 per annum, for 
 four years, to serve the company of patentees, namely, the Lord Say, 
 the Lord Brooks, Sir Arthur Hazilrig, Sir Mathew Bonnington, Sir 
 Richard Saltingstone, Esquire Fenwick, and the rest of their com- 
 pany. I was to serve them only in the drawing, ordering and making 
 of a city, towns or forts of defence. 
 
 And so I came from Holland to London, and from thence to New 
 England, where I was appointed to attend such orders as Mr. John 
 Winthrop, Esquire, the present Governor of Conectecott, was to 
 appoint, whether at Pequit river, or Conectecott, and that we should 
 choose a place both for the convenience of a good harbour, and also 
 for capableness and fitness for fortification. 
 
 But I landing at Boston the latter end of November, the afore- 
 said Mr. Winthrop had sent before one Lieut. Gibbons, Sergeant 
 Willard, with some carpenters, to take possession of the liver's mouth, 
 where they began to build houses against the spring; we expecting, 
 according to promise, that there would have come from England to 
 us 300 able men, whereof 200 should attend fortification, 50 to till 
 the ground, and 50 to build houses. 
 
 But our great expectation at the river's mouth came only to two 
 
16 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 men, viz. Mr. Penwick, and his man, who came with Mr. Hugh Peters, 
 and Mr. Oldham and Thomas Stanton, bringing with them some 
 otter-skin coats, and beaver, and skeins of wampum, which the Pe- 
 qaits had sent for a present, because the English had required those 
 Peqnits that had killed a Yirginean, one Capt. Stone, with his bark's 
 crew, in Conectecott river, for they said they would have their lives 
 and not their presents ; then I answered, " seeing you will take Mr. 
 Winthrop to the Bay to see his wife, newly brought to bed of her 
 first child, and though you say he shall return, yet I know if you 
 make war with these Pequits, he will not come hither again, for I 
 know you will keep yourselves safe, as you think, in the Bay. but 
 myself, with these few, you will leave at the stake to be roasted, or 
 for hunger to be starved, for Indian corn is now 12s. per bushel, and 
 we have but three acres planted, and if they will now make war for 
 a Virginian and expose us to the Iudians, whose mercies are cruel- 
 ties, they, I say, love the Virginians better than us : for, have they 
 stayed these four or five years, and will they begin now, we being so 
 few in the river, and have scarce holes to put our heads in \ " 
 
 I pray ask the Magistrates in the Bay if they have forgot what 
 I said to them when they returned from Salem I For Mr. Winthrop, 
 Mr. Haines, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Ludlow. Mr. Humfry, Mr. Belingam, Mr. 
 Coddington, and Mr. NowelT; — these entreated me to go with Mr. 
 Humfry and Mr. Peters to view the country, to see how fit it was for 
 fortification. And I told them that nature had done more than half 
 the work already, and I thought no foreign potent enemy would do 
 them any hurt, but one that was near. They asked me who that was, 
 and I said it was Capt. Hunger that threatened them most, for, said 
 1. •■ war is like a three-footed stool, want one foot and down comes 
 all; and these three feet are men, victuals, and munition, therefore, 
 seeing in peace you are like to be famished, what will or can be 
 done if war? Therefore I think," said 1, " it will be best only to 
 fight against Capt. Hunger, and let fortification alone awhile : and if 
 need hereafter require it, I can come to do you any service : " and 
 thej r all liked my saying well. 
 
 Entreat them to rest awhile, till we get more strength here about 
 us, and that we hear where the seat of war will be, may approve of 
 it, and provide for it, for I had but twenty-four in all, men, women. 
 
LION GARDINER. 17 
 
 and boys and girls, and not food for them for two months, unless we 
 saved our corn-field, which could not possibly be if they came to 
 war, for it is two miles from our home. 
 
 Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Fenwick, and Mr. Peters promised me that 
 they would do their utmost endeavour to persuade the Bay-men to 
 desist from war a year or two, till we could be better provided for it ; 
 and then the Pequit Sachem was sent for, and the present returned, 
 but full sore against my will. 
 
 So they three returned to Boston, and two or three days after 
 came an Indian from Pequit, whose name was Cocommithus, who had 
 lived at Plimoth, and could speak good English ; he desired that Mr. 
 Steven "Winthrop go to Pequit with an £100 worth of trucking cloth 
 and all other trading ware, for they knew that we had a great cargo 
 of goods of Mr. Pincheon's, and Mr. Steven Winthrop had the dis- 
 posing of it. And he said that if he would come he might put off all 
 his goods, and the Pequit Sachem would give him two horses that 
 had been there a great while. So I sent the shallop with Mr. Steven 
 Winthrop, Sergeant Tille, whom we called afterward Sergeant Ket- 
 tle, because he put the kettle on his head, and Thomas Hurlbut and 
 three men more, charging them that they should ride in the middle 
 of the river, and not go ashore until they had done all their trade, 
 and that Mr. Steven Winthrop should stand in the hold of the boal, 
 having their guns by them, and swords by their sides, the other four 
 to be, two in the fore cuddie, and two in aft, being armed in like 
 manner, that so they out of the loop-holes might clear the boat, if 
 they were by the Pequits assaulted ; and that they should let but 
 one canoe come aboard at once, with no more but four Indians in 
 her, and when she had traded then another, and that they should lie 
 no longer there than one day, and at night to go out of the river ; and 
 if they brought the two horses, to take them in a clear piece of land 
 at the mouth of the river, two of them to go ashore to help the horses 
 in, and the rest stand ready With their guns in their hands, if need 
 were, to defend them from the Pequits, for I durst not trust them. 
 So they went and found but little trade, and they having forgotten 
 what I charged them, Thomas Hurlbut and one more went ashore to 
 boil the kettle, and Thomas Hurlbut stepping into the Sachem's wig- 
 wam, not far from the shore, enquiring for the horses, the Indians 
 
18 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 went out of the wigwam, and Wincumbone, his mother's sister, was 
 then the great Pequit Sachem's wife, who made signs to him that he 
 should be gone, for they would cut off his head ; which, when he per- 
 ceived, he drew his sword and ran to the others, and got aboard, and 
 immediately came abundance of Indians to the water-side and called 
 them to come ashore, but they immediately set sail and came home, 
 and this caused me to keep watch and ward, for I saw thej r plotted 
 our destruction. 
 
 And suddenly after came Capt. Endecott, Capt. Turner, and Capt. 
 Undrill, with a company of soldiers, well fitted, to Seabrook, and 
 made that place their rendezvous or seat of war, and that to my great 
 grief, for, said I, " you come hither to raise these wasps about my 
 ears, and then you will take wing and flee away ; " but when I had 
 seen their commission I wondered, and made man}' allegations 
 against the manner of it, but go they did to Pequit, and as they 
 came without acquainting any of us in the river with it, so they went 
 against our will, for I knew that I should loose our corn-field; then 
 I entreated them to hear what I would say to them, which was this : 
 " sirs, seeing you will go, I pray you, if you don't load your barks 
 with Pequits, load them with corn, for that is now gathered with 
 them, and dry, ready to put into their barns, and both you and we 
 have need of it, and I will send my shallop and hire this Dutchman's 
 boat, there present, to go with you, and if you cannot attain your 
 end of the Pequits, yet you may load your barks with corn, which 
 will be welcome to Boston and to me : " But they said they had no 
 bags to load them with, then said I, " here is three dozen of new bags, 
 you shall have thirty of them, and my shallop to carry them, and six 
 of them my men shall use themselves, for I will with the Dutchmen 
 send twelve men well provided ; " and I desired them to divide the 
 men into three parts, viz. two parts to stand without the corn, and to 
 defend the other one-third part, that carried the corn to the water- 
 side, till they have loaded what they can. And the men there in 
 arms, when the rest are aboard, shall in order go aboard, the rest 
 that are aboard shall with their arms clear the shore, if the Pequits 
 do assault them in the rear, and then, when the General shall display 
 his colours, all to set sail together. To this motion they all agreed, 
 and I put the three dozen of bags aboard my shallop, and away they 
 
LION GARDINER. 19 
 
 went, and demanded the Pequit Sachem to come into parley. But 
 it was returned for answer, that he was from home, but within three 
 hours he would come ; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, 
 there came none. But the Indians came without arms to our men, 
 in great numbers, and they talked with my men, whom they knew ; 
 but in the end, at a word given, they all on a sudden ran away from 
 our men, as they stood in rank and file, and not an Indian more was 
 to be seen : and all this while before, they carried all their stuff 
 away, and thus was that great parley ended. Then they displayed 
 their colours, and beat their drums, burnt some wigwams and some 
 heaps of corn, and my men carried as much aboard as they could, 
 but the army went aboard, leaving my men ashore, which ought to 
 have inarched aboard first. But they all set sail, and my men were 
 pursued by the Indians, and they hurt some of the Indians, two 
 of them came home wounded. The Bay-men killed not a man, 
 save that one Kichomiquim, an Indian Sachem of the Bay, killed 
 a Pequit ; and thus began the war between the Indians and us in 
 these parts. 
 
 So my men being come home, and having brought a pretty 
 quantity of corn with them, they informed me, both Dutch and Eng- 
 lish, of all passages. I was glad of the corn. 
 
 After this I immediately took men and went to our corn-field, to 
 gather our corn, appointing others to come about with the shallop 
 and fetch it, and left five lusty men in the strong-house, with long 
 guns, which house I had built for the defence of the corn. Now these 
 men not regarding the charge I had given them, three of them went 
 a mile from the house a fowling ; and having loaded themselves with 
 fowl they returned. But the Pequits let them pass first, till they had 
 loaded themselves, but at their return they arose out of their am- 
 bush, and shot them all three ; one of them escaped through the 
 corn, shot through the leg, the other two they tormented. Then 
 the next day I sent the shallop to fetch the five men, and the rest 
 of the corn that was broken down, and they found but three, as 
 is above said, and when they had gotten that they left the rest; 
 and as soon as they had gone a little way from shore they saw the 
 house on fire. 
 
 Now so soon as the boat came home, and brought us this bad 
 
20 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 news, old Mr. Michell was very urgent with me to lend him the boat 
 to fetch hay home from the Six-mile Island, but I told him they were 
 too few men, for his four men could but carry the hay aboard, and 
 one must stand in the boat to defend them, and they must have two 
 more at the foot of the Rock, with their guns, to keep the Indians 
 from running down upon them. And in the first place, before they 
 carry any of the cocks of hay, to scour the meadow with their three 
 dogs, — to march all abreast from the lower end up to the Rock, and 
 if they found the meadow clear, then to load their hay ; but this was 
 also neglected, for they all went ashore and fell to carrying off 
 their hay, and the Indians presently rose out of the long grass, 
 and killed three, and took the brother of Mr. Michell, who is the 
 minister of Cambridge, and roasted him alive ; and so they served 
 a shallop of his, coining down the river in the Spring, having two 
 men, one whereof they killed at Six-mile Island, the other came down 
 drowned to us ashore at our doors, with an arrow shot into his eye 
 through his head. 
 
 In the 22d of February, I went out witli ten men and three dogs, 
 half a mile from the house, to burn the weeds, leaves and reeds, 
 upon the neck of land, because we had felled twenty timber-trees, 
 which we were to roll to the water-side to bring home, every man 
 carrying a length of match with brimstone-matches with him to 
 kindle the fire withal. But when we came to the small of the Neck, 
 the weeds burning, I having before this set two sentinels on the small 
 of the Neck, I called to the men that were burning the reeds to come 
 away, but they would not until they had burnt up the rest of their 
 matches. Presently there starts up four Indians out of the fiery 
 reeds, but ran away, I calling to the rest of our men to come awaj^ 
 out of the marsh. Then Robert Chapman and Thomas Hurlbut, 
 being sentinels, called to me, saying there came a number of In- 
 dians out of the other side of the marsh. Then I went to stop 
 them, that they should not get the wood-land ; but Thomas Hurlbut 
 cried out to me that some of the men did not follow me, for Thomas 
 Rumble and Arthur Branch, threw down their two guns and ran 
 away ; then the Indians shot two of them that were in the reeds, and 
 sought to get between us and home, but durst not come before us, 
 but kept us in a half-moon, we retreating and exchanging many a 
 
LION GARDINER. 21 
 
 shot, so that Thomas Hurlbut was shot almost through the thigh, 
 John Spencer in the hack, into his kidneys, myself into the thigh, 
 two more were shot dead. But in our retreat I kept Hurlbut and 
 Spencer still before us, we defending ourselves with our naked 
 swords, or else they had taken us all alive, so that the two sore 
 wounded men, by our slow retreat, got home with their guns, when 
 our two sound men ran away and left their guns behind them. But 
 when I saw the cowards that left us, I resolved to let them draw lots 
 which of them should be hanged, for the articles did hang up in 
 the hall for them to read, and they knew they had been pub- 
 lished long before. But at the intercession of old Mr. Michell, Mr. 
 Higgisson, and Mr. Pell, I did forbear. 
 
 Within a few days after, when I had cured myself of my wound, 
 I went out with eight men to get some fowl for our relief, and found 
 the guns that were thrown away, and the body of one man shot 
 through, the arrow going in at the right side, the head sticking fast, 
 half through a rib on the left side, which I took out and cleansed it, 
 and presumed to send to the Bay, because they had said that the 
 arrows of the Indians were of no force. 
 
 Anthony Dike, master of a bark, having his bark at Rhode 
 Island in the winter, was sent by Mr. Vane, then Governor. 
 Anthony came to Rhode Island by land, and from thence he came 
 with his bark to me with a letter, wherein was desired that I 
 should consider and prescribe the best way I could to quell these 
 Pequits, which I also did, and with my letter sent the man's rib 
 as a token. 
 
 A few days after came Thomas Stanton down the river, and 
 staying for a wind, while he was there came a troop of Indians 
 within musket shot, laying themselves and their arms clown behind 
 a little rising hill and two great trees ; which I perceiving, called 
 the carpenter whom I had shewed how to charge and level a gun, 
 and that he should put two cartridges of musket bullets into two 
 sakers guns that lay about; and we levelled them against the place, 
 and I told him that he must look towards me, and when he saw me 
 wave my hat above my head he should give fire to both the guns ; 
 then presently came three Indians, creeping out and calling to us to 
 speak with us : and I was glad that Thomas Stanton was there, and 
 
22 PAPEES AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 I sent six men down by the Garden Pales to look that none should 
 come under the hill behind us ; and having placed the rest in places 
 convenient closely, Thomas and I with my sword, pistol and carbine, 
 went ten or twelve poles without the gate to parley with them. And 
 when the six men came to the Garden Pales, at the corner, they found 
 a great number of Indians creeping behind the fort, or betwixt us 
 and home, but the}' ran away. Now I had said to Thomas Stanton, 
 whatsoever they say to you, tell me first, for we will not answer them 
 directly to anything, for I know not the mind of the rest of the Eng- 
 lish. So they came forth, calling us nearer to them, and we them 
 nearer to us. But I would not let Thomas go any further than the 
 great stump of a tree, and I stood by him ; then they asked who we 
 were, and he answered " Thomas and Lieutenant," But they said he 
 lied, for I was shot with many arrows ; and so I was, but my buff 
 coat preserved me, only one hurt me. But when I spake to them 
 they knew my voice, for one of them had dwelt three months with 
 us, but ran away when the Bay -men came first. Then they asked 
 us if Ave would fight with Niantecut Indians, for they were our 
 friends and came to trade with us. We said we knew not the 
 Indians one from another, and therefore would trade with none. 
 Then they said, have you fought enough? We said we knew not 
 yet. Then they asked if we did use to kill women and children ? 
 We said that they should see that hereafter. So they were silent 
 a small space, and then they said, We are Pequits, and have killed 
 Englishmen, and can kill them as mosquetoes, and we will go to Con- 
 ectecott and- kill men, women, and children, and we will take away 
 the horses, cows and hogs. When Thomas Stanton had told me this, 
 he prayed me to shoot that rogue, for, said he, he hath an English- 
 man's coat on, and saith that lie hath killed three, and these other 
 four have their cloathes on their backs. I said, "no, it is not the 
 manner of a parley, but have patience and I shall tit them ere they 
 go." " Nay, now or never," said he ; so when he could get no other 
 answer but this last. I bid him tell them that they should not go to Con- 
 ectecott, for if they did kill all the men, and take all the rest as they 
 said, it would do them no good, but hurt, for Englishwomen are lazy, 
 and can't do their work ; hoi*ses and cows will spoil your corn-fields, 
 and tlie hogs their clam-banks, and so undo them : then I pointed to 
 
LION GARDINER. 23 
 
 our great house, and bid him tell them there lay twenty pieces of 
 trucking cloth, of Mr. Pincheon's, with hoes, hatchets, and all man- 
 ner of trade, they were, better fight still with us, and so get all 
 that, and then go up the river after they had killed all us. Having 
 heard this, they were mad as dogs, and ran away ; then when they 
 came to the place from whence they came, I waved my hat about 
 my head, and the two great guns went off, so that there was a great 
 hubbub amongst them. 
 
 Then two days after came down Capt. Mason, and Sergeant 
 Seely, with five men more, to see how it was with us ; and whilst. 
 they were there, came down a Dutch boat, telling us the Indians had 
 killed fourteen English, for by that boat I had sent up letters to Con- 
 ectecott, what I heard, and what I thought, and how to prevent that 
 threatened danger, and received back again rather a scoff, than any 
 thanks for my care and pains. But as I wrote, so it fell out to my 
 great grief and theirs, for the next, or second day after, as Major 
 Mason well knows, came down a great many canoes, going down the 
 creek beyond the marsh, before the fort, many of them having white 
 shirts ; then I commanded the carpenter whom I had shewed to level 
 great guns, to put in two round shot in the two sackers, and we lev- 
 elled them at a certain place, and I stood to bid him give fire, when 
 I thought the canoe would meet the bullet, and one of them took off 
 the nose of a great canoe wherein the two maids were, that were 
 taken by the Indians, whom I redeemed and clothed, for the Dutch- 
 men, whom I sent to fetch them, brought them away almost naked 
 from Pequit, they putting on their own linen jackets to cover their 
 nakedness ; and though the redemption cost me ten pounds, I am yet 
 to have thanks for my care and charge about them : these things are 
 known to Major Mason. 
 
 Then came from the Bay Mr. Tille, with a permit to go up to 
 Harford, and coming ashore he saw a paper nailed up over the gate, 
 whereon was written that no boat or bark should pass the fort, but 
 that they come to an anchor first, that I might see whether they 
 were armed and manned sufficiently, and they were not to land 
 any where after they passed the fort till they came to Wethersfield ; 
 and this I did because Mr. Michell had lost a shallop before coming- 
 down from Wethersfield, with three men well armed. This Mr. Tille 
 
24 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 gave me ill language for my presumption, as he called it, with other 
 expressions too long here to write. When he had done I hid him go 
 to his warehouse, which he had built before I came, to fetch his 
 goods from thence, for I would watch no longer oyer it. So he, know- 
 ing nothing, went and found his house burnt, and one of Mr. Plum's 
 with others, and he told me to my face that I had caused it to be 
 done ; but Mr. Higgisson, Mr. Pell, Mr. Thomas Hurlbut and John 
 (ireen can witness that the same day that our house was" burnt at 
 Cornfield-point I went with Mr. Higgisson, Mr. Pell, and four men 
 more, broke open a door and took a note of all that was in the house 
 and gave it to Mr. Higgisson to keep, and so brought all the goods 
 to our house, and delivered it all to them again when they came for 
 it, without any penny of charge. Now the very next day after I had 
 taken the goods out, before the sun was quite down, and we all to- 
 gether in the great hall, all them houses were on tire in one instant. 
 The Indians ran aw T ay, but I would not follow them. Now when Mr. 
 Tille had received all his goods I said unto him, I thought I had 
 deserved for my honest care both for their bodies and goods of those 
 that passed by here, at the least better language, and am resolved to 
 order such malepert persons as you are ; therefore I wish you and 
 also charge you to observe that which you have read at the gate, 'tis 
 my duty to God, my masters, and my love I bear to you all which is 
 the ground of this, had you but eyes to see it ; but you will not till 
 you feel it. So he went up the river, and when he came down again 
 to his place, which I call Tide's folly, now called Title's point, in our 
 sight in despite, having a fair wind he came to an anchor, and with 
 one man more went ashore, discharged his gun, and the Indians fell 
 upon him, and killed the other, and carried him alive over the river 
 in our sight, before ray shallop could come to them ; for imme- 
 diately I sent seven men to fetch the Pink down, or else it had been 
 taken and three men more. So they brought her down, and I sent 
 Mr. Higgisson and Mr. Pell aboard to take an invoice of all that was 
 in the vessel, that nothing might be lost. 
 
 Two days after came to me, as I had written to Sir Henerie Vane, 
 then Governor of the Bay, I say came to me Capt. Undrill, with twenty 
 lusty men, well armed, to stay with me two months, or 'till some- 
 thing should be done about the Pequits. He came at the charge of 
 my masters. 
 
LION GAEDINER. 25 
 
 Soon after came down from Harford Maj . Mason, Lient. Seely, 
 accompanied with Mr. Stone and eighty Englishmen, and eighty In- 
 dians, with a commission from Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Steel, and some 
 others ; these came to go fight with the Pequits. But when Capt 
 Undrill and I had seen their commission, we both said they were not 
 fitted for such a design, and we said to Maj. Mason, we wondered he 
 would venture himself, being no better fitted ; and he said the Magis- 
 trates could not or would not send better : then we said that none of 
 our men should go with them, neither should they go unless we, 
 that were bred soldiers from our youth, could see some likelihood 
 to do better than the Bay -men with their strong commission last 
 year. 
 
 Then I asked them how they durst trust the Mohegin Indians, 
 who had but that year come from the Pequits. They said they would 
 trust them, for they could not well go without them for want of 
 guides. Yea, said I, but I will try them before a man of ours shall 
 go with you or them ; and I called for Uncas and said unto him, 
 " you say you will help Maj. Mason, but I will first see it, therefore 
 send you now twenty men to the Bass river, for there Avent yester- 
 night six Indians in a canoe thither; fetch them now dead or alive, 
 and then you shall go with Maj. Mason, else not." So he sent his 
 men who killed four, brought one a traitor to us alive, whose name 
 was Kiswas, and one run away. And I gave him fifteen yards of 
 trading cloth on my own charge, to give unto his men according to 
 their desert. And having staid there five or six days before we 
 could agree, at last we old soldiers agreed about the way and act, 
 and took twenty insufficient men from the eighty that came from 
 Harford and sent them up again in a shallop, and Capt. Undrill with 
 twenty of the lustiest of our men went in their room, and I fur- 
 nished them with such things as they wanted, and sent Mr. Pell, the 
 surgeon with them ; and the Lord God blessed their design and 
 way, so that they returned with victory to the glory of God, and 
 honour of our nation, having slain three hundred, burnt their fort, 
 and taken many prisoners. 
 
 Then came to me an Indian called Wequash, and I by Mr. Hig- 
 gisson inquired of him, how many of the Pequits were yet alive that 
 had helped to kill Englishmen; and he declared them to Mr. Higgis- 
 
26 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 son, and he writ them down, as may appear by his own hand here 
 enclosed, and I did as therein is written. 
 
 Then three days after the light came Waiandance, next brother to 
 the old Sachem of Long Island, and having been recommended to me 
 by Maj. Gibbons, he came to know if we were angry with all Indians. 
 I answered i; no, but only with such as had killed Englishmen." 
 He asked me whether they that lived upon Long Island might come 
 to trade with us ? I said " no, nor we with them, for if I should send 
 my boat to trade for corn, and you have Pequits with you, and if my 
 boat should come into some creek by reason of bad weather, they 
 might kill my men, and I shall think that you of Long-Island have 
 done it, and so we may kill all you for the Pequits ; but if you will 
 kill all the Pequits that come to you, and send me their heads, then I 
 will give to you as to Weakwask, and you shall have trade with us." 
 Then, said he, I will go to my brother, for he is the great Sachem 
 of Long-Island, and if we may have peace and trade with you, we 
 will give you tribute as we did the Peqnits. Then I said, "If you 
 have any Indians that have killed English, you must bring their 
 heads also." He answered not any one, and said that Gib- 
 bons, my brother would have told you if it had been so ; so he 
 went away and did as I had said, and sent me five heads, three 
 and four heads for which I paid them that brought them as I had 
 promised. 
 
 Then came Capt. Stoten with an army of 300 men, from the Bay, 
 to kill the Peqnits ; but they were fled beyond New Haven to a 
 swamp. I sent Wequash after them, who went by night to spy them 
 out, and the army followed him, and found them at the great swamp, 
 who killed some and took others, and the rest fled to the Mowhakues 
 with their Sachem. Then the Mohaws cut off his head and sent it 
 to Harford, for then they all feared us, but now it is otherwise, for 
 they say to our faces that our Commissioner's meeting once a year, 
 and speak a great deal, or write a letter, and there's all for they dare 
 not fight. But before they went to the Great Swamp they sent 
 Thomas Stanton over to Long Island and Shelter Island, to find 
 Pequits there, but there was none, for the Sachem Waiandance, that, 
 was at Plimoth when the Commissioners were there, and set there 
 last, I say, he had killed so many of the Pequits, and sent their heads 
 
LION GARDINER. 27 
 
 to me, that they durst not come there ; and he and his men went with 
 the English to the Swamp, and thus the Pequits were quelled at that 
 time. 
 
 But there was like to be a great broil between Miantenomie and 
 Unchus who should have the rest of the Pequits, but we mediated 
 between them and pacified them ; also Unchus challenged the Nar- 
 raganset Sachem out to a single combat, but he would not fight with- 
 out all his men ; but they were pacified, though the old grudge re- 
 mained still, as it doth appear. 
 
 Thus far I had written in a book, that all men and posterity might 
 know how and why so many honest men had their blood shed, yea, 
 and some flayed alive, others cut in pieces, and some roasted alive, 
 only because Kichamokin, a Bay Indian killed one Pequit; and 
 thus far of the Pequit war, which was but a comedy in comparison 
 of the tragedies which hath been here threatened since, and may yet 
 come, if God do not open the eyes, ears, and hearts of some that I 
 think are wilfully deaf and blind, and think because there is no 
 change that the vision fails, and put the evil threatened - day far 
 off, for say they, we are now twenty to one to what we were then, 
 and none dare meddle with us. Oh ! wo be to the pride and security 
 which hath been the ruin of many nations, as woful experience has 
 proved. 
 
 But I wonder, and so doth many more with me, that the Bay 
 doth not better revenge the murdering' of Mr. Oldham, an honest 
 man of their own, seeing they were at such cost for a Virginian. The 
 Narragansets that were at Block-Island killed him, and had £50 of 
 gold of his, for I saw it when he had five pieces of me, and put it up 
 into a clout and tied it up altogether, when he went away from me 
 to Block-Island ; but the Narragansets had it and punched holes 
 into it, and put it about their necks for jewels ; and afterwards I 
 saw the Dutch have some of it, which they had of the Narragansets at 
 a small rate. 
 
 And now I find that to be true which our friend Waiandance 
 told me many years ago, and that was this ; that seeing all the plots 
 of the Narragansets were always discovered, he said they would let 
 us alone till they had destroyed Uncas, and him, and then they, with 
 the Mowquakes and Mowhaukes and the Indians beyond the Dutch, 
 
28 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and all the Northern and Eastern Indians, wonld easily destroy us, 
 man and mother's son. This have I informed the Governors of these 
 parts, but all in vain, for I see they have done as those of Wethers- 
 field, not regarding till they were impelled to it by blood ; and thus 
 we may be sure of the fattest of the flock are like to go first, if not 
 altogether, and then it will be too late to read Jer. xxv. — for drink 
 we shall if the Lord be not the more merciful to us for our extreme 
 pride and base security, which cannot but stink before the Lord ; 
 and we may expect this, that if there should be war again between 
 England and Holland, our friends at the Dutch and our Dutch Eng- 
 lishmen would prove as true to us now, as they were when the fleet 
 came out of England ; but no more of that, a word to the wise is 
 enough. 
 
 And now I am old, I would fain die a natural death, or like a 
 soldier in the field, with honor, and not to have a sharp stake set in 
 the ground, and thrust into my fundament, and to have my skin 
 flayed off by piece-meal, and cut in pieces and bits, and my flesh 
 roasted and thrust down my throat, as these people have done, 
 and I know will be done to the chiefest in the country by hun- 
 dreds, if God should deliver us into their hands, as justly he may 
 for our sins. 
 
 I going over to Meantecut, upon the eastern end of Long Island, 
 upon some occasion that I had there, I found four Narragansets there 
 talking with the Sachem and his old counsellors. I asked an Indian 
 what they were ? He said that they were Narragansets, and that 
 one was Miannemo, a Sachem. " What came they for F said I. He 
 said he kuew not, for they talked secretly ; so I departed to another 
 wigwam. Shortly after came the Sachem Waiandance to me and 
 said, do you know what these came for ? " No," said I ; then he 
 said, they say I must give no more wampum to the English, for they 
 are no Sachems, nor none of their children shall be in their place if 
 they die ; and they have no tribute given them ; there is but one 
 king in England, who is over them all, and if you would send him 
 100,000 fathom of wampum, he would not give you a knife for it, nor 
 thank you. And I said to them, Then they will come and kill us 
 all, as they did the Pequits ; then they said, no, the Pequits gave 
 them wampum and beaver, which they loved so well, but they sent 
 
LION GARDINER. 29 
 
 it them again, and killed them because they had killed an English- 
 man ; but you have killed none, therefore give them nothing. Now 
 friend, tell me what I shall say to them, for one of them is a great 
 man. Then said I, " tell them that you must go first to the farther 
 end of Long-Island, and speak with all the rest, and a month hence 
 you will give them an answer. Mean time you may go to Mr. Haines, 
 and he will tell you what to do, and I will write all this now in my book 
 that I have here ;" and so he did, and the Narragansets departed, and 
 this Sachem came to me at my house, and I wrote this matter to Mr. 
 Haines, and he went up with Mr. Haines, who forbid him to give 
 anything to the Narraganset, and writ to me so.— And when they 
 came again they came by my Island, and I knew them to be the 
 same men ; and I told them they might go home again, and I gave 
 them Mr. Haynes his letter for Mr. Williams to read to the Sachem. 
 So they returned back again, for I had said to them, that if they 
 would go to Mantacut I would go likewise with them, and that Long- 
 Island must not give wampum to Narraganset. 
 
 A while after this came Miantenomie from Block-Island to Man- 
 tacut with a troop of men, Waiandance being not at home ; and 
 instead of receiving presents, which they used to do in their progress, 
 he gave them gifts, calling them, " brethren and friends ; for so are 
 we all Indians as the English are, and say brother to one another ; 
 so must we be one as they are, otherwise we shall be all gone shortly, 
 for you know our fathers had plenty of deer and skins, our plains 
 were full of deer, as also our woods, and of turkies, and our coves 
 full of fish and fowl. But these English having gotten our land, 
 they with scythes cut down the grass, and with axes felled the trees ; 
 their cows and horses eat the grass, and their hogs spoil our clam 
 banks, and we shall all be starved ; therefore it is best for you to do 
 as we, for we are all the sachems from east to west, both Mououa- 
 kues and Mowhauks joining with us, and we are all resolved to fall 
 upon them all, at one appointed day; and therefore I am come to 
 you privately first, because you can persuade the Indians- and Sa- 
 chem to what you will, and I will send over fifty Indians to Block- 
 Island, and thirty to you from thence, and take an hundred of South- 
 ampton Indians with an hundred of your own here ; and when you 
 see the three fires that will be made forty days hence, in a clear 
 
30 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 night ; then do as we, and the next day fall on and kill men women, 
 and children, but no cows, for they will serve to eat till our deer be 
 increased again." And our old men thought it was well. 
 
 So the Sachem came home and had but little talk with them, yet 
 he was told there had been a secret consultation between the old men 
 and Miantenomie, but they told him nothing in three days. So he 
 came over to me and acquainted with the manner of the Narragansets 
 being there with his men, and asked me what I thought of it ; and I 
 told him that the Narraganset Sachem was naught to talk with his 
 men secretly in his absence, and bid him go home, and told him a 
 way how he might know all, and then he should come and tell me ; 
 and so he did, and found all out as is above written, and I sent intel- 
 ligence of it over to Mr. Haynes and Mr. Eaton ; but because my 
 boat was gone from home it was fifteen days before they had any 
 letter, and Miantenomie was gotten home before they had the news 
 of it. And the old men, when they saw how I and the Sachem had 
 beguiled them, and that he was come over to me, they sent secretly 
 a canoe over, in a moon-shine night, to Narraganset to tell them all 
 was discovered ; so the plot failed, blessed be God, and the plotter, 
 next spring after, did as Ahab did at Ramoth-Gilead. — So he to Mo- 
 hegin, and there had his fall. 
 
 Two years after this, Ninechrat sent over a captain of his, who 
 acted in every point as the former ; him the Sachem took and bound 
 and brought him to me, and I wrote the same to Governor Eaton, 
 and sent an Indian that was my servant, and had lived four years 
 with me ; him, with nine more, I sent to carry him to New-Haven, 
 and gave them food for ten days. But the wind hindered them at 
 Plum-Island ; then they went to Shelter-Island, where the old Sachem 
 dwelt — "VVaiandance's elder brother, and in the night they let him 
 go, only my letter they sent to New-Haven, and thus these two plots 
 was discovered ; but now my friend and brother is gone, who will 
 now do the like ( 
 
 But if the premises be not sufficient to prove Waiandance a true 
 friend to the English, for some may say he did all this out of malice 
 to the Pequits and Narragansets ; now I shall prove the like with 
 respect to the Long-Islanders, his own men. For I being at Meanta- 
 cut, it happened that for an old grudge of a Pequit, who was put to 
 
LION GARDINER. 31 
 
 death at Southampton, being known to be a murderer, and for this 
 his friends bear spite against the English. So as it came to pass at 
 that day I was at Mantacut, a good honest woman was killed by 
 •them at Southampton, but it was not known then who did this mur- 
 der. And the brother of this Sachem was Shinacock Sachem could or 
 would not find it out. At that time Mr. Gosmore and Mr. Howell, 
 being magistrates, sent an Indian to fetch the Sachem thither ; and 
 it being in the night, I was laid down when he came, and being a 
 great cry amongst them, upon which all the men gathered together, 
 and the story being told, all of them said the Sachem should not go, 
 for, said they, they will either bind you or kill you, and then us, both 
 men, women, and children; therefore let your brother find it out, or 
 let them kill you and us, we will live and die together. So there 
 was a great silence for a while, and then the Sachem said, now you 
 have all done I will hear what my friend will say, for he knows what 
 they will do. So they wakened me as they thought, but I was not 
 asleep, and told me the story, but I made strange of the matter, and 
 said, " If the magistrates have sent for you why do you not go ? " 
 They will bind me or kill me, saith he. " I think so," said I, " if 
 you have killed the woman, or known of it, and did not reveal it ; 
 but you were here and did it not. But was any of your Mantauket 
 Indians there to-day ? " They all answered, not a man these two 
 days, for we have inquired concerning that already. Then said I, 
 " did none of you ever hear any Indian say he would kill English ? " 
 No, said they all; then I said, " I shall not go home 'till to-morrow, 
 though I thought to have been gone so soon as the moon was up, but 
 I will stay here till you all know it is well with your Sachem ; if 
 they bind him, bind me, and if they kill him, kill me. But then you 
 must find out him that did the murder, and all that knoAv of it, them 
 they will have and no more." Then they with a great cry thanked 
 me. and I wrote a small note with the Sachem, that they should not 
 stay him long in their houses, but let him eat and drink and be gone, 
 for he had his way before him. So they did, and that night he found 
 out four that were consenters to it, and knew of it, and brought them 
 to them at Southampton, and they were all hanged at Harford, 
 whereof one of these was a great man among them, commonly called 
 the Blue Sachem. 
 
32 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 A further instance of his faithfulness is this ; about the Pequit 
 war time one William Hainman of the Bay, killed by a giant-like 
 Indian towards the Dutch. I heard of it, and told Waianclance that 
 he must kill him or bring him to me, but he said it was not his 
 brother's mind, and he is the great Sachem of all Long-Island, like- 
 wise the Indian is a mighty great man, and no man durst meddle 
 with him, and hath many friends. So this rested until he had killed 
 another, one Thomas Farrington. After this the old Sachem died. 
 and I spake to this Sachem again about it, and he answered, He is 
 so cunning that when he hears that I come that way a hunting, that 
 his friends tell him, and then he is gone. — But I will go at some time 
 when nobody knows of it, and then I will kill him ; and so he did — 
 and this was the last act which he did for us, for in the time of a 
 great mortality among them he died, but it was by, poison ; also two 
 thirds of the Indians upon Long-Island died, else the Narragansets 
 had not made such havoc here as the}' have, and might not help 
 them. 
 
 And this I have written chiefly for our own good, that we might 
 consider what danger we are all in, and also to declare to the country 
 that we had found an heathen, yea an Indian, in this respect to 
 parallel the Jewish Mordecai. But now I am at a stand, for all we 
 English would be thought and called Christians ; yet though I have 
 seen this before spoken, having been these tweuty-four years in the 
 mouth of the premises, yet I know not where to find, or whose name 
 to insert, to parallel Ahasuerus lying on his bed and could not sleep. 
 and called for the Chronicles to be read ; and when he heard Mor- 
 decai named, said, What hath been done for him ? But who will say 
 as he said, or do answerable to what he did? But our New-Eng- 
 land twelve-penny Chronicle is stuffed with a catalogue of the names 
 of some, as if they had deserved immortal fame ; but the right New- 
 England military worthies are left out for want of room, as Maj. 
 Mason, Capt. Undrill Lieut. Sielly, &c, who undertook the desperate 
 way and design to Mistick Fort, and killed three hundred, burnt the 
 fort and took many prisoners, though they are not once named. 
 But honest Abraham thought it no shame to name the confederates 
 that helped him to war when he redeemed his brother Lot ; but 
 Uncas of Mistick, and Waiandance, at the Great Swamp and ever 
 
LION GARDINER. 33 
 
 since your trusty friend, is forgotten, and for our sakes persecuted 
 to this day with fire and sword, and Ahasuerus of New-England is 
 still asleep, and if there be any like to Ahasuerus, let him remember 
 what glory to God and honor to our nation hath followed their wisdom 
 and valor. 
 
 Awake ! awake Ahasuerus, if there be any need of thy seed or 
 spirit here, and let not Hainan destroy us as he hath done our Mor- 
 decai! And although there hath been much blood shed here in 
 these parts among us, God and we know it came not by us. But if 
 all must drink of this cup that is threatened, then shortly the king 
 Sheshack shall drink last, and tremble and fall when our pain will 
 be past. 
 
 that I were in the countries again, that in their but twelve years 
 truce, repaired cities and towns, made strong forts and prepared all 
 things needful against a time of war like Solomon. I think the soil 
 hath almost infected me, but what they or our enemies will do here- 
 after I know not. I hope I shall not live so long to hear or see it 
 for I am old and out of date, else I might be in fear to see and hear 
 that I think ere long will come upon us. 
 
 Thus for our tragical story, now to the comedy. When we were 
 all at supper in the great hall, they the Pequits gave us alarm to 
 draw us out three times before we could finish our short supper, for 
 we had but little to eat, but you know that I would not go out ; the 
 reasons you know. 2nclly. You Robert Chapman, you know that 
 when you and John Bagley were beating samp at the Garden Pales, 
 the sentinels called you to run in, for there was a number of Pequits 
 creeping to you to catch you ; I hearing it went up to the redoubt 
 and put two cross-bar shot into the two guns that lay above, and 
 levelled them at the trees in the middle of the limbs and boughs, 
 and gave order to John Frend and his man to stand with hand-spikes 
 to turn them this or that way, as they should hear the Indians shout, 
 for they should know my shout from theirs for it should be very 
 short. Then I called six men and the dogs, and went out, running to 
 the place, and keeping all abreast, in sight, close together. And 
 when I saw my time, I said, stand ! and called all to me saying, look 
 on me ; and when I hold up my hand, then shout as loud as you can, 
 and when I hold down my hand, then leave ; and so they did. Then 
 
34 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the Indians began a long sliont, and then went off the two great guns 
 and tore the limbs of the trees about their ears, so that divers of 
 them were hurt, as may yet appear, for you told me when I was up 
 at Harford this present year, '60, iu the month of September, that 
 there is one of them lyeth above Harford, that is fain to creep on all 
 four, and we shouted once or twice more ; but they would not answer 
 us again, so we returned home laughing. 
 
 Another pretty prank we had with three great doors of ten feet 
 long and four feet broad, being bored full of holes and driven full 
 of long nails, as sharp as awl blades, sharpened by Thomas Hurl- 
 but. — These we placed in certain places where they should come, 
 fearing least they should come in the night and fire our redoubt and 
 battery, or all the place, for we had seen their footing, where they 
 had been in the night, when they shot at our sentinels, but could not 
 hit them for the boards ; and in a dry time and a dark night they 
 came as they did before, and found the way a little too sharp for 
 them ; and as they skipped from one they trod upon another, and 
 left the nails and doors dyed with their blood, which you know we 
 saw the next morning laughing at it. 
 
 And this I write that young men may learn, if they should meet 
 with such trials as we met with there, and have not opportunity to 
 cut off their enemies ; yet they may, with such pretty pranks, pre- 
 serve themselves from danger, — for policy is needful in wars as well 
 as strength. 
 
LION GARDINER. 35 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 LETTERS TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 The discovery of manuscripts in the handwriting of Lion Gardiner was a great surprise to his descendants 
 and to students of our early colonial history. They appear to have been brought forth by unexpected hands 
 from unexpected places. His " Kelation of the Pequot Wars," first published in 1S33, and his "Letters to 
 John Winthrop, Jr.," first published in 1S65, were found in the custody of strangers, yet rightfully possessed ; 
 having escaped fire and flood and avoided every other hazard for periods varying from one hundred and fifty- 
 eight to two hundred and twenty-four years. The letters contained in this chapter are a part of the collec- 
 tion which have been published, from time to time, by the Massachusetts Historical Society under the 
 designation of '■ Winthrop Papers " —being of amass of manuscripts preserved for many generations by the 
 "Wiutbrop family of New London. Many of the letters of this collection bear dates from the earliest settle- 
 ments in New England, and quite a number were written by eminent persons. The discovery of these 
 manuscripts was made at the Winthrop residence on Fisher's Island in Long Island Sound in 1S60; a large 
 and valuable island which was first purchased by John Winthrop, Jr., in IGM. It seems the existence ot 
 this collection was wholly unknown to the present generations; and the finding of them was unexpected ; many 
 of them were apparently in the same condition as when originally filed. As usual the historical society have 
 printed these letters without corrections; and, consequently, the irregular orthography used by our ances- 
 tors in their carelessly written private letters, is made to appear as if on exhibition. The "Winthrop Papers " 
 are invaluable to the student of New England affairs, aud will be found in the Mass. Hist Coll., Vols. VI and 
 VII, 4th series, and I and VIII, 5th series. 
 
 [From the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. VII, tth Series, 52-65.] 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To the Worsliipfull Mr. John WintJirope Junior Esquire at Bos- 
 towne in the bay these present. 
 
 Worshipfull Sir, — I have received your letter, whearein I doe 
 vnderstand that you are not like to returne, and accordinge to your 
 order I have sent your servaunts Robeart and Sara. I wonder that 
 you did not write to me, but it is noe wonder, seeing that since your 
 and Mr. Phenix departure, there hath beene noe provision sent, but, 
 one the contrary, people to eate vp that small, now noe store, that 
 wee had. Heare hath come many vessells with provision, to goe vp 
 to the plantations, but none for vs. It seemes that wee have neather 
 masters nor owners, but are left like soe many servaunts whose 
 masters are willinge to be quitt of them ; but now to late I wish that 
 I had putt my thoughts in practice, that was to stay and take all 
 such provisions out of the vessells, as was sufficent for a yeare ; 
 summer goods God's good providence hath not onely brought, but 
 allso stayed, but if the could have gone, I did intent to have taken 
 
36 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 all the victualls out, and kept them for owre necesitie; and seeinge 
 that you, Mr. Peeters, and Phenwicke knowes that it was agaynst my 
 minde to send the Pequitts present agayne, and I with theas few men 
 are, by your wills and likeings, pat into a warlike condicion, there 
 shall he noe cause to complayne of our ffidelitie and indeavours to 
 you ward, and if I see that there he not such care for vs that owr 
 lives may be preserved, then must I be fforced to shift as the Lord 
 shall direct. I wish that it may be for God's glory and all your 
 credits and proffitts. Heare is not 5 shillings of money and noe 
 bevor. The Dutch man will bringe vs some corne and rye, but we 
 have noe thinge to pay him for it. Mr. Pinchin, had a bill to receive 
 all the wampampeige we had ; we have not soe much as will pay for 
 the mendinge of our ould boate. I have sent your cowes vp to the 
 plantations with 2 oxen ; 2 of them we have killed and eaten, with 
 the goates: a ramm goate was brought from the Manatos, but the 
 enemie gott him and all the greate swine, 22, in one day, and had 
 gotten all the sheep and cowes likewise, had we not sallid out. It 
 was one of the Saboath day, and there was 4 men with the cowes 
 with nerlocks. For the sheep, I have kept them thus longe, and 
 when the pinches comes downe I hope the will bringe hay for them 
 for I haue not hay for them to eate by the way, if I should sent them 
 to the bay ; but now for our present condicion ; since Mr. Phenwicke 
 is gone for England, I hope you will not be fforgettfull of vs, and I 
 thinke if you had not beene gone away and he had not come, we 
 had not as yet beene at warrs with the Indians vppon such tearmes ; 
 they vp the river when I sent to them how it stood with vs, & in 
 what need we weare, did jeare or mock vs, but time and patience 
 will shew the efect of it. I heare that the Bachelor is to bringe vs 
 provision, I pray you forgett vs not when shee comes from the Ber- 
 mudas with some potates, for heare hath beene some Virginians that 
 hath taught vs to plant them after a nother way, and I have put it 
 in practise, and found it good. I pray you when you pay or recken 
 with the owners of the pincke which brought the gunns heather, to 
 shorten them for 3 weekes time and diet, for Sergant Tilley for pilat- 
 einge the pincke vp with the cowes. I have, instead of your man 
 Robert, hired Azarias for 20 shillings per moneth, or else I should not 
 have let him come away. Heare is 2 men and ther wifes come from 
 
LION GARDINER. 37 
 
 the Dutch plantation, a tayler and a shipp write, and I sett them 
 boath to worke, but I have neather money nor victnalls to pay them. 
 I doe intend to sett the Dutch man to worke to make a Dutch smacke 
 sayle, which shall carry 30 or 40 tun of goods, and not draw 3 foote 
 and a halfe of water, principally to tranceport goods and passengers 
 vp the river in safety. I pray lett us not want money or victnalls, 
 that some things may goe forward. Mr. Peeter sayd when he was 
 heare that I should sell victnalls to John Nott, Richard Graves, and 
 them that came from the Dutch plantation, out of that little we 
 had, and if all fayled he would supply vs with more, and fish like 
 wise, to sell, but we have neather fish nor flesh to sell for others nor 
 yet for [ourse] Ives. Your wisdome will vnderstancl the meaneinge 
 of this writeinge. 
 
 At the closing of this letter came the cetch from the Naragansets 
 with corne, and I haue tacken one hondard buchils of it, be cans I 
 do not know whether we shall haue anie relief or not. Sum. other 
 small things of good-man Robbingson and John Charls I haue re- 
 sauid, I pray yow fayl not to pay them. Thus with my loue to your 
 selfe, your wife, ffather, mothar, and brethren, I reste yowrs 
 
 to cumand 
 
 Lion Gardiner. 
 
 Saybroock, this 6 of Novem. 1636. 1636. 
 
 We haue great cause of fear that William Quick with all the 
 men & barke are taken by the Indians, coming downe the river ; the 
 Hope & they came downe togither from Watertowne, & came togither 
 20 mile. William Quick stayd there behind, & we fear went ashore 
 a fowling. The Hope came in yesterday at noone, the wind hath 
 been very faire to haue brought them downe ever since, & yet they 
 are not come. We sadly fear the event : Pray for vs & consider, 
 &c. &c. &c. 
 
 Nov : 7, late at night. 
 
 Immediately after the writing, this they came in dark night be- 
 yond expectation : but I thinke it would be good if no vessels may 
 be suffred to come, but the men knowne & fitted with armes suitable, 
 charg'd not to goe ashore, for they venture not onely their owne lines 
 
38 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 but wrong others also. The Indians are many hundreds of both 
 sides the riuer, & shoote at our pin aces as they goe vp & downe, for 
 they firrnish the Indians with peeces, powder, & shot, & they come 
 many times & shoot our owne pieces at vs, they haue 3 from vs, 
 allready, 5 of Capt. Stones, one of Charles his, &c. Pardon our 
 hast, &c. &c. 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To the Worshipfull Mr. John Winthrop, at Boston, Ipsidge, or ese 
 'where, thes deliver. 
 
 Worshipfull Sir, — These are to certyfie you how the Lord 
 hath beene pleased to deale with vs this winter : it hath pleased 
 him, of his goodnes and mercy, to give vs rest from the Indians all 
 this winter, butt one the 22th of the last moneth I, with tenn men 
 more with me, went abou [e] our neck of land to fire some small 
 bushes and marshes, whear we thought the enimie might have lien 
 in ambush, and aboute halfe amile from home we started 3 Indians, 
 and havinge posibility to have cutt them short, we runinge to meett 
 them, and to fire the marsh, but whylest our men was settinge it one 
 fire, there rushed out of the woods, 2 severall wayes, a great com- 
 pany of Indians, which though we gaue fire vppon them, yett they 
 run one to the very mussells of our peices, and soe the shott 3 men 
 downe in the place, and 3 more men shott that escaped, of which one 
 died the sam[e] night; and if the Lord had not putt it into my 
 mind to make the men draw ther swords, the had taken vs all aline, 
 soe that sometime shouttinge and sometime retraightinge, keepinge 
 them of with our sword [s,] we recovered a bayre place of ground, 
 which this winter I had cleard for the same vse, and they durst not 
 follow vs any further, because yt is vnder command of our great 
 guns, of which I hope the have had some experience, as we heare by 
 the relation of other Indians, and your friend Sacious and Nebott 
 are the cheife actors of the treachery & villainy agaynst vs. As 
 concerninge my sheep, which you writt to me of, I tooke order with 
 Mr. Gibbins about them, but if he be not yett come home, I would 
 intreat you that the may be kept with yours, untill you heare from 
 
LION GARDINER. 39 
 
 him. Thus hopeinge that you will be a meanes to stirr vp our 
 friends in the bay, out of there dead sleep of securytie, to think that 
 your condicon may be as ours is, vnles some speedy course be taken, 
 which must not be done by a few, but by a great company, for all 
 the Indian[s] haue ther eyes fixed vppon vs, and this yeare the will 
 all joyne with vs agaynst the Pequtt, and it is to be feared that the 
 next year the will be agaynst vs. "We have vsed 2 sheets of your 
 lead, which was in square JjL foote. I hay writ to the gouernour to 
 pay you soe much agayne. I haue sent you your bead steed, and 
 would haue made a better, butt time would not permit, for we watch 
 every other night, neuer puttinge of our clothes, for the Indians show 
 themselves in troupes aboutevs, every day, as this bearer can certyfie 
 you more at large. Thus committinge you, your wife, father and 
 mother, Mr. Peeter, and the rest of our friends, to God, I rest 
 Your asured frend to command 
 
 Lion G[a] rdiner. 
 1636. 
 Seabrooke this 23th of the first moneth, 1636. 
 
 I mentioned that your lead was the one shiet 16 foot longe and 4 
 brood, the other 10 longe 4 brodd. 
 
 16 10 
 
 4 4 
 
 64 40 
 
 40 
 
 104 square foot. 
 Indorsed by J. Winthrop, jun., " Leift Leon Gardiner : " 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To his much honored ffrend Mr. John Winthrop at Nameag, dd. 
 
 Honored Sir,— I haue receiued yours by the Duchman, with the 
 newes, for the which I humbly thanke you. I sent you a bush ell of 
 hay seeds by Dauid Provost, a Duchman ; if you thinke that it 
 will proue and sute your ground, you may haue more, if you please. 
 
40 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 I lieare you haue gotten slieepe : if you haue not a compleat English 
 rame for them, I can lett j t ou haue one which will bee a great ad- 
 vantage to you. This bearers, being our frencls, desired, me to write 
 to you that thay might leaue their canow with you in safty, whilst 
 thay goe to Mohegan, which I desier, and you shall command me as 
 much in the like respect. I pray remember me to your wife and 
 sister. Soe I rest 
 
 Lion Gardiner. 
 
 Wight, this 14th Aprill, 1649. 
 
 Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Leift : Gardiner, Reed. Apr : 16 : " 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To the worthyly Hormorid met. John Wtliorp at his hows at Peqicit, 
 theas present. 
 
 1650, FROM the Ile of Wight, Aprill 27. 
 
 Honnorid See, — I resavid yours by the Iudiau, with the hay seed, 
 for which I kindly thanke yow ; and for the cows that I have to sell, 
 yow may have them. Thay ar ten, 5 on thier second or 3d califf, 5 
 heifers redi to calve. It' yow will have all, when their calves ar 
 wenid, yow may, or 5 now, the rest ten weeks hence, for hftie pound, 
 in good marckantabl wampem, bever, or silver ; but if yow wil have 
 them now, before the hefers have calvid, then I wil keep the 5 first 
 calves, and their price is 55H. If my ocations wear not great, I 
 wowld not sel so m of them for SU. a peece. As consarning the yong 
 man j^ow writ of, this is our determination : not to have aboue 12 
 fafmilies, and wee know that we may pay as much as 24 in othar 
 plasis, by reson of the fruitfulnes of our ground, and by reson that 
 we ar to be but few, we ar resolvid not to resave anie, but such as 
 ar tit for Cherch estate, being rethar wiling to part with sum of 
 theas hear, then to resave more without good tesrimonie. Att pres- 
 ent wee ar willing to giue this man you writ of 20U. a year, with such 
 diat as I myself eat, til we see what the Lord will do with vs : and 
 being he is but a yong man, hapily he hath not manie books, thear- 
 fore let him know what I have. First, the 3 Books of Martters, 
 
LION GARDINER. 41 
 
 Erasmus, moste of Perkins, Wilsons Dixtionare, a large Concordiance, 
 Mayor on the New T[e]stement ; some of theas, witli otliar that I 
 have, may be vcefull to him. I pray you, for the Lord sake, do 
 what you can to get him hathar, and as I am ingagid to you allredie, 
 so shall I be more 
 
 Yours to comand in the Lord, 
 
 Lion Gardener. 
 
 I pray you send me word speedily about the cows, for els I must 
 dispoes of them othar ways. 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To the worthyly honnored John Winthorp Esquire, at Peqwit, theis 
 
 present. 
 Honnorid Ser,— My loue and sarvis bing remembrid to yow and 
 al yours, ar theas to intreat yow to send me word whethar thear be 
 anie hope of the man of Sitient, whome yow writt to me of; if not 
 him, whethar yow hear of anie othar that might serue vs. I pray 
 yow consider our conditon, and though wee might be forgit of yow 
 loue and care for vs, yet the Lord wil not, whoes caws it is. Thus, 
 in haste, I comit yow to the protextion of him that watchith over 
 
 Israeli, and rest 
 
 Yours by his help, 
 
 Lion Gardener. 
 
 Wight, this 10th Agust, 1650. 
 
 Indorsed by John Winthrop, jim., " Leift : Gardener." 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 From the Ile of Wight, this 22th of November, 1651. 
 Honnored Sir, — My loue and sarvice being remembrid to you 
 and yours, ar theas to let you know that 1 am myndid sudenly to 
 sell 20 or 30 pounds worth of sheep, and having this opertunitie, I 
 
42 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 thought to profer them to yow, knowing that thay ar of a better 
 kinde then yours ar, espeshally if yow think tit to take a ram or 2 
 of mine, & sarve your other sheep with them, but that at your owne 
 choys. Now if yow pleas to haue them, the pay that I desj-ar for 
 them is marchantable wampem, or buttar at the ordenarie price, 6 
 pence a lb., the wampem to be payd to Martin Cruyer, the Duch 
 man, when he cums in the s[p]rihg to Goodman Stanton, or buter to 
 him when lie thinks fit to fetch it ; but if you minde not to have 
 them, then, let Goodman Stanton have the next profer, and let me 
 have a flat yea or nay by this bearar, Goodman Bond. Thus in 
 haste, I rest 
 
 Yours to be comandid, 
 
 Lion Gardener. 
 
 Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Lt. Gardiner." 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To his worthily honored John Winter, Esq. at his house in Pequit, 
 these present. 
 Ffrom the Ileaweight, this 21 Ffebruary, 1651. 
 Honered Sir, — My loue and seruice being remembred to you 
 and yours, hoping of your health, as we are all at present, God be 
 praysed ; these are to let you know that all yours sheepe ewes which 
 were marked for you, according to your order, by goodman Bond, 
 on Saturday last were all well and in good case, and we looke for 
 lambes the begginning of March, therefore you may order it as you 
 see good, for the fetching of them away. I desire that you would 
 satisfie Captaine Cryar with 30 pound of good wampom, for I haue 
 depended upon it, and, if there be any oppertunity, I pray you to 
 send me ten or twenty bushells of Indian meale, and I shall returne 
 you, either barly, molt, or wampom. I should intreat you that these 
 bags of wheat that I now send may be returned the first oppertunity, 
 for we are in want of meale. Thus hoping to see you heere when 
 you fetch the sheepe, I committing [sic] you to the Lord and rest 
 
 Yours by his helpe, 
 
 Lion Gardener. 
 
 Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Leift. Gardiner, wherein his order for the 
 payment of 30//. to Mr. Creiger." 
 
LION GARDINER. 43 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To the worthyly Honord John [ Winthrop'] Esqr. 
 
 Honored Sir, — I expected you heere the last weeke. The Mian- 
 taquit Sachem told me, that you would come to fetch the slieepe, 
 "but hauing this oppertunity, I sent these 3 bags more, that if you 
 haue any corne, I desire you to fill my bags, and send them by 
 Joseph Garlicke, and if you haue none, speake to Thomas Stanton 
 to fill them ; and when you come for the sheepe we will make all 
 strait on all sides. If there be any salt, I desire you to send me 2 
 or 3 bushells : thus hoping to se you heere, I rest 
 
 Yours to command, 
 
 Lion Gardener. 
 
 Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Mr. Lion Gardiner.' 
 
 LION GXRDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 From the Ilb of Wight, this last of Febrewari, 1652. 
 Honorid Ser, — My lone and sarvis being remembrid, ar theas to 
 thank yon for the hay seeds you sent me. I sowid them then, and 
 sum came up. I have sent yon a rariti of seeds which came from 
 the Mouhaks, which is a kinde of milions, but far exelith all othar. 
 They ar as good as weat frowar to thikin milk, and swet as sugar, 
 and bakid thay [are] most exelent, having no shell. You may keep 
 them as long as anie pumkins. And whereas you formarly spake 
 to me to get you sum shels, I have sent you nou by Goodman Garlick 
 1200, and allso 32 sailings in good wampem, desyaring you, if pos- 
 ible, to send me 2 or 3 bushils of sumar wheat that is clean, without 
 smut for seed ; for I plowid not a foot of ground the last year, and 
 now would fain sow sum that is clear of smut. I have one bagg 
 with you still, and have sent 3 more, desiaiing to fill them with 
 meall and no peas, and if you wil be pleasid to balance our small 
 acounts, what is clew to you, I will send, or if yow wil take anie 
 goods of Martin Cruyar, charge it on my acount, and I wil pay him, 
 
44 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and if anie opertewniti aford, hearafter, you may send me meall at 
 all times, and I shall be redie to make pay to your desiar. Thus 
 hoping to see you shortly, I comit yow to the Lord, and rest, evar 
 
 Yours, Lion Gardener. 
 
 My wife desiarith Mistris Lake to get hur a dusen of trays, for 
 shee hearith that thear is a good tray maker with you, and shee or 
 will send him p ay, or let Martin Cruyar, if he lyke anie thing he 
 brings. 
 
 The shels cost me 30 shillings, the wampem in the bag, 32. 
 
 Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Li : Gardiuer." 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To Ms worthyly lionnorid frind, John Winthorp, Esqu. tlieas pres- 
 ent, Peqioit. 
 
 Honnorid Ser, — My lone and sarvis being remembrid, artheas to 
 let you know that I resayid the 2 bushils of Indian meall by Cap. 
 Sibada, in your sak, and have sent in it 3 bushils of malt, and 4 
 more in a sak of myne oune a and is all that I have at present. I 
 thought to have sent yow sum barly to have maltid thear, becaws 
 it is far better then the last year, but not knowing your minde, let 
 it alone. I pray you send me what Indian meall yow can in the 
 bags and emti barils, and what is in the bags and what in the barils 
 a part. Conserning your sheep, thay ar all aly ve, and though I have 
 lost a great manie lambs this year, and never lost anie. before, yet 
 yours is a sofitient increas. Thus in haste, I rest yours to vce, 
 
 Lion Gardener. 
 
 Aprill 5, 1652. 
 
 If you have no store of Indian, I pray you speak to Thomas 
 Stanton, to send me 8 bushiles. 
 
 Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., "Leift. Gardiner." 
 
LION GARDINER. 45 
 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To the much honored Oouemor John WintTvrope alt Conetticutt, 
 
 these dd. 
 
 Honored Sir, — I liaue made bould to write vnto you a line ore to. 
 So it is, that, by a neybour of yours it was propounded unto me the 
 sale of my Hand, but I hauing children and children's children, am 
 not minded to sell it att present ; butt I haue another plac, (I sup- 
 pose) more convenient for the gentleman that would buy, liinge vpon 
 Long Hand, betweene Huntington & Setokett : onely I thought good 
 to make you acquainted with it, because I would not willingly be a 
 means of bringing any into these parts, that would not like you and 
 my ould freinds in this riner; and therefore, if you & Mr. Willis & 
 Mr. Allen, Mr. Stone, & other of my freinds like nott the buisnes, I 
 can yett stop. If it be thought he wilbe as cordiall to you as I haue 
 beene & yet am, it shal be, otherwise not. So desiring, when you 
 can haue opertunty, to lett me vnderstand your mind herein. I rest 
 Yours in what duty and service I can, 
 
 Lion Gardener . 
 
 His name is Mr. Daniell Searle. 
 
 Novemb. 5. 1660. 
 
 Indorsed by John Winthrop, juri., "Lieft: Gardiner about sale of land vpon 
 Long Hand betweene Huntington & Setuket, to the Governor of Barbados that 
 then was, Mr. Serle." 
 
 [From the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, I , otli Series, 3S5-7.] 
 LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 
 
 To the loorthyly honored John Winthrope, Msquire, Gouerner of the 
 jurisdiction of Connecticut, Hartforde, these prst. 
 
 TMaech, 1659-60?] 
 
 Eight "worthy & honered friend, M k Wintrop, — After my 
 seruice presented, these few lines salute yow. These are to aquaint 
 your worship that I receued your letter bearing date Desember the 
 
46 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 12, wherin your worship desired to know the ocation of my stoping 
 a vesell, seiced by twoe of Capt Pennys saruants of North Sea, com- 
 ing to ray Hand vpon ocation. I stopt her, vidz. the vesell, vpon 
 complant of my naghbour. John Scot informed mee they had taken 
 his vesell from of Ms own land, & that in the name of the Kinge of 
 Portinggale, vsing no other name when they seiced her. Ypon this 
 complant, I examened & found it acording to my. naghbours inform- 
 ation, for these tow men, vidz. Grigis & Hause, owned they had 
 neither commission nor coppie about them to act by, but sayd it 
 was in one of ther chests, vidz. Grigis, abord a ship with his name 
 in it, from the Portinggal imbasadore, which was ther master, & 
 that they toke her one ther owne acount, & had no e relation to anny 
 other, & that they would bring their commission within ten days or 
 foriit 2 hundred ponds & set free the vesell & goods, pay all just 
 damages to the ownere of the vesell & the owner of the goods, if 
 they brought not ther commision acording to ther time aboue men- 
 tioned. Then I gaue them 20 days time more then thay desiared, & 
 this they did frely, without any compulsion, & thay weare noe pris- 
 oners one my Ilande, but had giuen pasage with what help I could 
 aford them to Long Hand by a conoue, & thay were bound joyntly 
 & seuerely, & one of the parties returnd again to the ship to Oyster- 
 bay, 12 days before ther bond was out, which is not aboue 70 miles 
 distant from Sowthampton or North Sea, to which place thaye in- 
 gaged to haue theyr Portinggale commission, & proue her pris by 
 ther commision, or set her free & neuer lay claim to her; but they 
 cam not acording to couenaut by 7 days, & when they cam brought 
 noe commision with them, & then cam & demanded the vesell that 1 
 had taken from them, as they were Capt Pennys seruants. My 
 answer was, I never heard the name of Capt Penny ore the state of 
 England. Soon after this ther com one George Lee, with a letter of 
 aturney from Cap 1 Penny, & commenced an action against mee, lay- 
 ing to my carge damege to the valie of 500 ponds. The Court saw 
 cause not to meddle with the bisines, but bound mee.ouer to TIait - 
 forde to your worships for trial, & to apear the 17" 1 of March, 1659" 
 Vpon the fourfetour of 2 hundred ponds to George Lee," I being de- 
 fectum by my not apearinge acording to time, and hee Avas ingaged 
 in the sam sum set, he not apearing. The 17th of this instant, John 
 
LION GARDINER. 47 
 
 Scot being their, hee tendered his bond or staning security to answer 
 for George Lee, but that would not satisfye. I prefered to bee bound 
 for him my self, but nothinge would satesfy but I was the man they 
 amed at. Thus am I wronged by being exposed to a great danger, 
 in regard of my age & great weaknes, & inforsed to com ouer in such 
 a boat as by seamen, inhabitants of Saybrook, whoe serched the 
 vesell, promised they would not haue crosed the Sound in her, as I 
 had don, for all my estate. Thus is your pour seruant abused for 
 doeing an act of justes. Thus with my serues to you & your wif 
 remembered, I rest 
 
 Your asured louing freind to command to my power, 
 
 Lion Gardener, 
 
BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 The battles, sieges, fortunes, I have passed.— Shakespeai-e . 
 
BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 THE FAMILY NAME. 
 
 To find out the true originall of surnames is full of difficul tie.— Camden. 
 
 The name Gardiner (1) may be derived from two Saxon words, 
 gar, signifying a weapon, dart, javelin, arms ; and dyn, signifying a 
 sound, noise, alarm. Thus, Ed-gar signifies a happy weapon, liter- 
 ally the peaceable ; Ethel-gar signifies a noble weapon, literally the 
 magnanimous; Gar-far, a martial way, that is a military appear- 
 ance; Gar-held, a martial place, that is a military encampment; 
 Gar-dyn, a martial sound, that is a clashing of arms. The words 
 Gar and dyn, with the English termination er, denoting the inhabi- 
 tant of a place, make Gar-dyn-er. By an easy and natural transi- 
 tion of the y in dyn to %, it makes Gabdinee. 
 
 Again, the name may be derived from the same roots as Gair- 
 din, which, in the Gaelic language, signifies an inclosed place, a 
 beacon hill ; from Gair, an out-cry, and din, a hill, literally a fortifi- 
 cation. Add to Gairdin the termination er and it makes Gairdin-er. 
 The English pronounciation of Gairdiner would soon lead to drop- 
 ping the i in the first syllable, which would make it Gaedinee. 
 
 Again, the name may be derived from an occupation, the keeper 
 of a garden, as Garden-er, which subsequently may have been 
 
 (1) The materials for tins chapter have been mostly drawn from -'An Etymological Dictionary of Family 
 Names." by William Arthur, M. A. His eldest son Chester A. Arthur, President of the United States, con- 
 tributed the Introductory Essay, showing rare literary ability, and a marked degree of research and ingenu- 
 ity, interspersed with humor, yet his name docs not appear in the work, being at the time of its publication 
 a young lawyer in the city of New York. It is pertinent to our subject to remark that the tirst law firm 
 formed by young Arthur was Messrs. Arthur & Gardiner, which was continued until dissolved by the death 
 of his partner. Mr. Henry D. Gardiner, who was a descendant of Lion Gardiner.— C. O. G-. 
 
52 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 changed from Gardener to Gardiner, that the occupation and the 
 name of a person might be the more readily distinguished. (1) 
 
 Camden's Reniaines, printed at London, 1614-, relates that a book 
 had been written against Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, 
 by a brother prelate, in which the supposed origin of Gardiner's 
 name was sneeringly alluded to ; " at which time," Camden says, 
 " wise was the man who told my Lord Bishop that his name was not 
 Gardener, as the English pronounce it, but Gardmer, with the French 
 accent, and therefore a gentleman.^ 
 
 (1) The name Gardiner, Gardener and Gardner can be traced to a very early period in England. 
 
 Emigrants of the name came to New England Willi the earliest Puritans. The Mayflower brought one, and 
 others came a decade before Lion Gardiner. It cannot lie ascertained that any of f He early arrivals were 
 related by the ties of consanguinity. The popular belief that the spelling of a family name indicates 
 relationship is not well founded. Only authenticated records can be relied upon to make proof of pedi- 
 
Fac Simile of Signature and Seai.— From lie Collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
 Society, Vol. VII, 1th Series, Appendix. 
 
 |fac Simile of ^iguatuvc and J&cal. 
 
 Attached to letter dated Saybrooke, November (3th, 1636. 
 
 Heraldic Description: Pelican Vnlning Herself. 
 
 LION GARDINER, 1599-1663. 
 
 THE PELICAN EST HERALDRY. 
 
 C. C. G. 
 
 HER ii.DRY.-The Pelican when represented in profile she isj'vulning herself," and when m 
 full face on her nest feeding her young, she is "in her v ietj."-JEnc!jclopedia Brtianmca, Vol. XI, 
 
 P ' 701 The Pelican is always represented with her wings endorsed, neck embower!, and picking her 
 breast from which issue 'drops of hh<mi.-/ : :,ir,,rloi,aUa or Ileraldru. bu John burke, p AAll. 
 
 The ' u ,g l'elican is led bv the rcgurgitaiod food of .is mother: hence arose the poetic idea 
 of the ancients! that she nourished her young with her blood.- The American Cyclopedta,Xo\. VIII, 
 p. 236. 
 
LION GABDLTSTER. 55 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 THE FAMILY ARMS. 
 
 Every man of the children of Israel shall pitch by his own standard, 
 ■with the ensign of their father's house.— Lumbers II, 2. 
 
 The use of particular symbols by nations, families and individ- 
 uals is very ancient. Heraldry is purely a feudal institution, and 
 had its origin in the necessity of adopting some device to distin- 
 guish persons concealed in armor in battles and at tournaments, 
 which was gradually elaborated during the Crusades. The Nor- 
 mans introduced it into England. As a system, bound by certain 
 rules and forms, with technical nomenclature, it can be traced to the 
 thirteenth century, when arms began to be displayed on coins, 
 monumental brasses and tombs, and in architectural decorations, 
 and on shields and surcoats. From their use on garments is derived 
 the phrase " coat of arms." 
 
 FEONTISPIECE. 
 
 Arms— Argent a chevron between three buglehorus stringed gules. 
 Crest— An arm in armor hand grasping the broken shaft of a lance. 
 
 Our frontispiece represents a coat of arms which indicates great 
 antiquity^tcTthe jfamily bearing them. The form of the shield and 
 thT^dfapery^urrounding it have no heraldic significance. The 
 Helmet shows the rank, and the emblems depicted on the Shield 
 together with the figure representing the Crest, constitute the armo- 
 rial insignia. The Chevron is one of the honorable " ordinaries " in 
 heraldry, adopted from the bow of the ancient war saddle, which 
 rose high in front. The Buglehorn is one of the important "charges" 
 in heraldry. 
 
 The word bugle is derived from the Latin bicculus, signifying 
 an ox. The first bugles were probably formed from ox horns, and 
 were brought into use by shepherds to call their flocks, by hunters 
 
56 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 to wind in tlie chase, and by warriors to signal for battle. The 
 Crest was introduced subsequent to the first bearing of arms, and 
 the ornament selected for it usually had reference to the act for 
 which the honor was conferred. The arm is frequently employed as 
 a figure of strength. A Crest represented by "an arm in armor 
 hand grasping the broken shaft of a lance," indicates that it was 
 worn by a warrior of great power, who was skilled in the use of the 
 lance, and famed for disarming his opponent. 
 
 THE FATHERS' AVERSION TO TITLES AND ARMS. 
 
 The Fathers of New England established a government on the 
 basis of equality, and consequently were averse to recognizing dis- 
 tinctions of rank and hereditary titles and the appendages to them, 
 including coats of arms which were looked upon as the finery of 
 princes and bauble of the gentry; as impracticable, yet harmless 
 things. Their aversion to rank and titles was transmitted to suc- 
 ceeding generations,' and ultimately found expression in the text of 
 our national constitution, which declares that no title of nobility 
 shall be granted, and no person holding an office shall accept of a 
 title from any foreign state. Their repugnance to coats of arms 
 does not appear to have been of a very pronounced character, prob- 
 ably because there were but few in the country, and none were 
 ostentatiously displayed. 
 
 Disuse, neglect and lapse of time have made it difficult to trace 
 some of those which have been preserved to an undoubted ancestor 
 who rightfully bore them. 
 
 LION GARDINER'S FAMILY ARMS. 
 
 It is believed that Lion Gardiner was descended from a family 
 that had a coat of arms. The ground for this belief rests upon 
 undoubted proof that he was a gentleman, as the term was applied 
 to those having coats of arms and of the middle rank in England ; 
 and, furthermore, upon the fact that his descendants have been in 
 
LION GARDINER. 
 
 57 
 
 possession of a coat of arms for many generations, bearing tlie 
 tradition that they were our Gardiner Arms. 
 
 There is no evidence showing that arms were ever borne by 
 Lion Gardiner, nor by his son David Gardiner. Only a bible is 
 claimed to have been handed down from Lion, and absolutely noth- 
 ing is known to have come down from David. 
 
 EARLIEST KNOWN DISPLAYS OF OUR GARDINER ARMS. 
 
 The earliest known display of our Gardiner Arms were those 
 placed on the tombstone of John Gardiner, the eldest grandson of 
 Lion, and third proprietor. (1) That tombstone was erected in the 
 old burying ground at New London, Ct., where it remains in a fair 
 state of preservation. It consists of a plain brown stone slab, 
 placed horizontally over the grave, and supported On stone pillars. 
 Near the head of the slab there is a square piece of new slate-stone, 
 imbedded and cemented in the top, on which is graven a strange 
 coat of arms. Then follows the inscription. (2) 
 
 (11 The arms displayed on this tomb, at tliat time, were unquestionably our Gardiner Arms for no other 
 arms wen' known in tin'- lam.h inilil a later period This John ( inline, 's Will provides that he ''shall he 
 decently buried, at the discretion of his executors." who were Xa thanicl llunttnii-' . ;'. .a lid V 1 ,,,! : ',',H • ''otliis 
 .Jr., both of hast Hampton, L. I. As he died suddenly at New London, the probability is 1 hat 1 e pl.i ol his 
 interment and the tomb, inscription and arms were agreed upon by the executors and the testator's fannlj .- 
 
 (2) ARMS ON OLD SLATE-STONE, WITH INSCRIPTION. ARMS ON NEW SLATE-STONE, WITH INSCRIPTION. 
 
 ERE LYETII BURIED YE BODY OF HIS EXCELLENCY 
 JOHN GU'.DINER, THIRD LORD OF YE ISLE OF 
 WIGHT. HE WAS BORN APRIL I9TH, 16(31, AND 
 DEPARTED THIS LIFE JUNE 25TII, 1738. 
 
 •RE LYETH BURIED YE BODY OF HIS EXCELLENCY 
 JOHN GARDINER. THIRD LORD OF YE ISL1, , > • 
 WIGHT. HE "AS BORN APRIL ltlTH, 1661, AND 
 DEPARTED THIS LIFE JUNE 25TH, 1738. 
 
58 PAPERS aint> biography of 
 
 At New London there is a well authenticated tradition concern- 
 ing this tombstone, which runs this wise : " When first erected there 
 was a piece of slate imbedded in the slab, occupying the same space 
 which is now filled by the new slate, on which was graven the 
 Gardiner Arms. Some time prior to the present century the old 
 piece of slate was ruthlessly taken ont and carried away, and the 
 vacant space was not occupied till filled by the new slate very 
 recently." It is not known who removed the old slate, but, unques- 
 tionably, kinsmen (?) directed the putting in of the new slate. 
 
 At New London, Mrs. Coit, nee Brainard, wife of Hon. Robert 
 Colt, (1) has in her possession the original Will of John Gardiner, 
 third proprietor. Also a very old representation of our Gardiner 
 Arms, painted in water colors on parchment ; showing a shield em- 
 blazoned with the arms which with helmet, crest and mantlings 
 are done with the proper metals and colors ; and the heraldic descrip- 
 tion written underneath the shield, thus: "He beareth argent a 
 chevron gules between three buglehorns stringed sable." The whole 
 fabric being inclosed, under glass, in a gilded frame 14 by 18 inches, 
 which hangs squarely against the wall. Mrs. Coit has a number of 
 very old looking prints of the same arms taken on paper from copper- 
 plate, which have the name John Gardiner engraved, in script, 
 underneath the shield. 
 
 The Will, and the painted arms, and the printed arms were all 
 received by Mrs. Coit from her great aunt, Mary Gardiner, b. 1769, 
 d. 1858, who never married, and who was a daughter of John Gardi- 
 ner, the only son of Jonathan Gardiner, one of the sons of John 
 Gardiner, third proprietor. 
 
 The tradition concerning the painted arms is that they have 
 
 (1) Mr. Robt. Coit graduated at Vale College, and is a lawyer, ami lias been Mayor of New London, 
 Judge of Probate. Member of the House an. 1 of the Senate In the Legislature of Connecticut, and is one of the 
 best known and inline ■nlial eitl/i i.s ,,f Xev, I.nilduii. lu.w ill bis lilt \ -li.iirt li year. His meat grandmother, on 
 his father's side, was Man (iar.liner. b. 1711. .1. 1-21. :■ daughter ol Dal id Gardiner, win, was a s,.n tit David 
 
 Gardiner, fourth proprietor she married Thomas Colt, M. !>.. b. 1725, d. i-n Mr- Robt. Goit's great 
 
 grand 1 lie r. nil her la 1 her'- -i'h-. \\a- Sar.ib ( lanlinei . a daughter "1 John Gardiner, who Was Hie only son 
 
 nf Jonathan Gardiner, a sen ,.f ,I,,lm Gardiln r. third proprietor. She married Judee .Jeremiah Gates Brain- 
 ard. b. ITIill. d 1S30. a di-lim.-ui.hed citizen ol'Xew London. Mrs. Coifs father was a brother of Connecticut's 
 highly gifted poet. John Gardiner Coit Brainard, b. 17Uli. d. 1S2S, who departed this life far too soou for his 
 
LION GARDINER. 59 
 
 been handed down many generations ; from a period so remote that 
 the name of the ancestor who bore them is not remembered. It has 
 been the custom to speak of these painted arms as the original 
 arms, implying thereby that they were the first of our arms known 
 in this country, and from which copies had been taken. 
 
 At the Gardiner's Island residence, Mr. J. Lyon Gardiner, 
 twelfth proprietor, (1) has in his possession our Gardiner Arms 
 embroidered on black satin, showing a shield emblazoned with the 
 arms, which, with the helmet, crest and mantlings, are worked in 
 the proper metals and colors. The material representing the face 
 of the shield is silvered thread, while that representing the chevron 
 and bnglehorns is black sewing silk; the helmet is made of golden 
 thread on a light blue silk field, and the crest is of light blue and 
 white silk, except the staff, which is of silvered thread. The 
 whole fabric being inclosed under glass in a mahogany and gilt 
 lozenge-shaped frame, 23 by 23 inches square, which hangs against 
 the wall, over the parlor mantel. The island tradition (2) is 
 that this piece of needlework was executed by a daughter of 
 David Gardiner, fourth proprietor, while she was attending school 
 in Boston. The fourth proprietor had three daughters, and the ad- 
 vanced school age of either of them occurred after 1730. Also, a 
 number of small prints, of the same arms, taken on paper from 
 copper-plate, which were engraved and printed under the direction 
 of John Lyon Gardiner, seventh proprietor, and by him pasted on 
 the front covers of the books in his library. These prints are a 
 near fac simile of the prints in the possession of Mrs. Coit, at 
 
 (II Mr. J. Lvon Gardiner, twelfth proprietor, purchased the island of his brother, Mr. David J , 
 
 late eleventh proprietor, who a.- -.-.I il ).v (In- will ..l his lalli.-c. the late Samuel B., tenth proprietor. A 
 
 Notice of Gardiner's Island will be fottud in the succeeding chapter.— C. V. G. 
 
 Island. August 9th and 10th. 1S55, I met Mr; 
 
 named Marvwho man-led Samm-l, the son of~Rov. Xalhaniel llnnltln^ of East Hampton 
 n be. thai Alio was the accomplished maid.-n who embroidered the honored heir-loom, and 
 nd of her own choice .— C. C. &. 
 
60 
 
 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 New London. Also, within the family biuying ground, the same 
 arms, graven on the tombstones of the fifth, sixth and seventh 
 proprietors. (1) 
 
 At Middletown, Ct,, Rev. Thos. W. Coit, D. D. ; (2) has in his pos- 
 
 0) Within the family burying ground at Gardi- 
 ;t\- Island there are four tombstones which have 
 iseriptions with arms graven on them, namely: 
 
 FOURTH PROPRIETOR. 
 
 INSCRIPTION AND ARMS ON A BROWN STONE 
 
 1111 
 
 LIFE JULY 4. 1751. IN THE 01ST 
 
 Note. 
 
 The heraldic reading of the above arms are very 
 like the arms of Richard Gardiner, D. D., third 
 Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, who died Decem- 
 ber 20, l'>70, aged 7?, which read thus: Sable a 
 chevron between two griffins heads erased iu chief 
 and a cross patee iu basse or. Vide "Wood's Athena 1 
 Oxonienses, Vol. III. p. 690. 
 
 The distinguished Canon who bore these arms 
 was born in Hereford. Herefordshire, and his 
 remains are buried in Christ Church Cathedral, 
 Oxford, where there is a Latin epitaph reciting 
 his many virtues. "Was lie a relative of Lion 
 Gardiner? There is no proof.— C. C. G. 
 
 IN MEMORY QY Jit UN G A KM NEK. ESQ.. OF THE ILE 
 OF WIGHT, WHO DEPARTED THIS LIFE MAY THE 
 19TH. A. D. 1764, IN THE jOTH YEAR OF HIS AGE. 
 
 HERE LIE> THE RODY OF DAVID GARDINKR, ESQ.. 
 OF THE ILE OF WIGHT. WHO DEPARTED THIS 
 LIFE SEPTEMBER STH, 1774. IN THE 36TU YEAR OF 
 HIS AGE. 
 
 SEVENTH PROPRIETOR. 
 
 INSCRIPTION AND CREST ON A WHITE MARBLE 
 MONUMENT. 
 
 READER, 
 BENEATH THIS MARBLE ARE DEPOSITED THE 
 REMAINS OF JOHN L. GARDINER. ESQ., THE 
 SEVENTH PROPRIETOR OF GARDINER'S ISLAND. 
 BORN. NOVEMBER 8TH, 1770. DIED. NOVEMBER 
 22ND. IS16. 
 
 2 Th. 
 
 I Wii 
 
 i American clergv i 
 e College in 1X21. 1 
 . in 183-1. Sin.-,- 
 ong the foremost < 
 ' its doctrines and ] 
 
 i iu Xl 
 
 w London, 
 
 
 ofTransvl- 
 
 
 
 
 and is the 
 
 . \ ol. 
 
 V. p. 33. 
 
LION GARDINER. 61 
 
 session our Gardiner Arms quartered with the Coit Arms, embroidered 
 on black satin ; the Gardiner Arms occupying- the dexter chief and 
 sinister base ; the shield, showing the quartered arms, crest, mant- 
 lings and motto, worked in the proper metals and colors ; the whole 
 fabric being inclosed in a lozenge-shaped frame, 22 by 22 inches 
 square, which hangs against the Avail. The Crest belongs to the 
 Gardiner Arms, and the Motto, "Virtus sola nobilitas, to the Coit Arms. 
 Dr. Coit states that these arms were the handwork of his grand- 
 mother, Mary Gardiner, b. 1744, d. 1824, the wife of Thos. Coit, M. D., 
 b. 1725, d. 1811, and a daughter of David Gardiner, one of the sons 
 of David Gardiner, fourth proprietor. The work was executed when 
 his grandmother was quite young, and he has a clear recollection of 
 seeing the arms when a child, during the lifetime of his grandmother, 
 while in the possession of his uncle, Jonathan Coit, and still later in 
 the possession of his unmarried sister, Mary G. Coit, from whose 
 effects he procured them by purchase. 
 
 THE EDITOR'S CONCLUSIONS. 
 
 Our iirst inquiry will be directed to the evidence introduced into 
 this chapter bearing respectively upon the two different representa- 
 tions of arms shown. 
 
 First, The Arms which read, " Sable a chevron between two 
 griffins heads erased in chief and a cross forme'e in base or," are dis- 
 played on the tombstone of David Gardiner, fourth proprietor, at 
 Gardiner's Island ; and now on the tombstone of John Gardiner, 
 third proprietor, at New London. These arms bear no tradition and 
 have no record, and no one has ever been able to explain why they 
 were placed on the tomb of a descendant of Lion Gardiner. 
 
 Second, The Arms which read, "Argent a chevron between three 
 bugiehorns stringed gules. Crest, an arm in armor hand grasping the 
 broken shaft of a lance," are those which were sd, first displayed on the 
 tombstone of John Gardiner, third proprietor, at New London ; and 
 on the painted and printed representations in the possession of 
 
62 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. Coit at New London; and on the embroidered and 
 printed representations in the possession of Mr. J. Lyon Gardiner, 
 twelfth proprietor, at Gardiner's Island ; and on the tombstones of 
 the fifth, sixth and seventh proprietors, at Gardiner's Island ; and on 
 the embroidered representation in the possession of Dr. Coit, at 
 Middletown. These arms bear with them many concurring tradi- 
 tions of the most authentic character. (1) 
 
 In our opinion the most ancient of the several representations 
 of arms, referred to in this chapter, are the painted and the printed 
 displays in the possession of Mr. and Mrs. Coit at New London, 
 which, we think, were once the property of John Gardiner, third 
 proprietor. This belief is founded partly on conjectures and 
 partly on the fact that the displays, themselves, appear to be of 
 great age ; but chiefly because the Will of the said John Gardiner 
 and the Arms mentioned have been handed down together, as 
 companion pieces, so to speak. 
 
 The next oldest display are the embroidered arms at Gardiner's 
 Island ; and the next, the embroidered arms at Middletown : and 
 the last, the prints taken from copper-plate, which were executed 
 under the direction of John Lyon Gardiner, seventh proprietor, as 
 our Gardiner Arms. Our frontispiece is a fac simile of one of those 
 prints. (2) 
 
 The Encyclopedia of Heraldry, Or General Armory of Eng- 
 land, Scotland and Ireland, by John Burke, contains a registry 
 of armorial bearings from the earliest time. In this work the 
 name Gardiner has twenty-three separate and distinct registra- 
 tions ; the name Gardener has eight; the name Gardner has 
 
 embroidered arms, eun.-id'erulify faded.' .-'how ],..tli the chevron and biiglehorns 'sable.— (3. eve! 
 
 J i (in my visit to Gardiner's Maud, Mr. Samuel B. Gardiner presented to me one of tlie small prints 
 of arms tbat were executed by tile direction of bis father, which I still possess. The fact that John l.von, 
 seventh proprietor, ordered a copper-plate cneraviiie representing our Gardiner Arms, shows verv point- 
 edly that he took no notice of the graven symbols on the tomb of the fourth proprietor.— C. (J. tt. ' 
 
LION GARDINER. 63 
 
 twenty-two ; the name Gardenar lias one ; the name Gardinor 
 has one. Total, fifty-five. The description of our Gardiner Arms 
 is not like either of the above fifty-five registrations. Several 
 of them have the chevron between three buglehorns stringed, 
 some with and some without crests, but our distinctive crest does 
 not appear. Though our Gardiner Arms were identical with a 
 registry at the College of Arms, it would still be difficult to 
 claim them, by right of inheritance, without first establishing a 
 pedigree from an undoubted ancestor, who bore them. 
 
 In our country, when it is ascertained that a coat of arms 
 cannot be found in the registers of heralds, the defect is not 
 considered as necessarily fatal to their legitimacy, provided there 
 is proof to show they have been perpetuated, by the family 
 claiming them, from a remote period. 
 
 Our old families usually hold these ancient ensigns as heir- 
 looms, like old furniture, paintings, plate, books and other relics 
 of the household, rather than as badges boastful of ancestral pride. 
 
 lion Gardiner's signature and a seal. 
 Personal seals were used before and after the introduction of 
 armorial bearings in England. (1) Very probably Lion Gardiner had 
 a private seal which he used for stamping letters and instruments 
 in writing, as was customary with gentlemen. He may have used 
 the crest of his family arms for a seal ? There is a fac simile of his 
 signature and of a seal attached to a certain letter of his, dated at 
 Saybrooke, November 6th, 1636, addressed to John Winthrop, Jr., 
 which can be found in the Appendix of Vol. VII, Fourth Series 
 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections ; and upon a leaf 
 fronting the first page of this chapter. Unfortunately there is no 
 proof showing that this particular seal was the property of Lion 
 Gardiner. The mere fact that an impression of it was found 
 
 (1) The old common law definition of a seal is that given by Lord Coke: Sigillum est eera impressa. 
 
64 PAPERS AND BIOGKAPHY OF 
 
 stamped in wax on one of his letters does not establish any own- 
 ership. Within the Appendix of the volume mentioned, as con- 
 taining the fac simile of his signature and seal, there are fourteen 
 other signatures, of his contemporaries, which show two different 
 seals to each name ; also three other signatures which show three 
 different seals to each name ; and two other signatures which show 
 the same seal to each name ; and many signatures without seals. 
 Therefore the presumption that either of the writers, of signatures 
 referred to, stamped their letters with their own seals, cannot he 
 sustained without extraneous proof. 
 
'F~M^ 
 
 ?1,UM/. mi 
 
 /v — ^p ^ %, 
 
LION GARDINER. 67 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF LION GARDINER. 
 
 We would speak first of the Puritans, the most remarkable body of men, perhaps, which the world has 
 ever produced. * * * Those who aroused the people to resistance— who directed their measures 
 through a long series of eventful years— who formed, out of the most unpromising materials, the finest army 
 that Europe had ever seen— who trampled down king, church aud aristocracy— who in the short intervals of 
 domestic sedition and rebellion, made the name of England terrible to every nation on the face of the earth, 
 were no fanatics, * * * If they were unacquainted with the works of philosophers and poets, they 
 were deeply read in the oracles of God. If their names were not found in the registers of heralds, they felt 
 assured that they were recorded in the Book of Life. If their steps were not accompanied by a splendid train 
 of menials, legions of ministering aDgels had charge over them: their diadems crowns of glory which should 
 never fade away.— Lour Macaulay. 
 
 I. — FOUNDERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 The Founders of New England belonged to that party of sturdy 
 Englishmen which, early in the seventeenth century, distinguished 
 itself by great pertinacity and courage in its repeated efforts in behalf 
 of constitutional government and religious freedom. They were called 
 Puritans. The first Puritan emigrants to New England embarked 
 from Holland. They were the Pilgrim Fathers of the Plymouth 
 Colony. The second company of Puritan emigrants, called "the 
 great emigration," sailed from England, led by John Winthrop, the 
 elder, and his associates of the Massachusetts Company. Closely 
 following the Winthrop fleet, came Roger Williams, John Daven- 
 port, Henry Vane, Hugh Peters, John Winthrop, the younger, on his 
 second voyage, and many others equally distinguished. 
 
 The earliest English soldier emigrant was Miles Standish, the 
 valiant Captain of Plymouth. Later on came John Endicott, Israel 
 Stoughton, John Mason, John Underhill, Edward Gibbons, Simon 
 Willard, Robert Seeley and Lion Gardiner, all of whom participated 
 in the early Indian wars in Connecticut. 
 
 These, with others, penetrated the wilderness, repelled the sav- 
 ages, formed the settlements, gathered the churches, kept the schools, 
 made their own laws and governed themselves. They were the 
 founders of New England. 
 
68 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 The subject of this sketch was highly favored. He lived in one 
 of the grand epochs of modern times — that which witnessed the rise 
 of the Republic in Holland, the establishment of the Commonwealth 
 in England and the colonization of the Puritans in New England, all 
 links of one chain. (1) 
 
 II. — LION GARDINER. 
 
 Lion Gardiner was a native of England. (2) He was a gentleman, 
 without title, of the middle rank between the nobility and 3 r eonianry. 
 His nativity is well authenticated, but his ancestry is not known, 
 never having been successfully traced. (3) 
 
 He was born in the days of Good Queen Bess, and lie attained 
 his majority during the reign of the first English Sovereign of the 
 unfortunate House of Stuart, in the same year which witnessed the 
 embarkation of the Pilgrim Fathers for New England. At that time 
 the implacable differences between the Established Anglican Church 
 and the Protestant Dissenters deeply agitated England. Compre- 
 hending the gravity of affairs he was not content to be a mere spec- 
 tator. In the struggle between the King and Parliament he adhered 
 to the Parliament party, and was a Dissenter and a friend of the 
 Puritans. It is probable that he was a younger son and went abroad 
 early in life. Young and ambitious, his heart was set upon deeds of 
 adventure ; and, following the footsteps of many of his countrymen, 
 he volunteered to maintain the republican standard in Holland. 
 
 England had been the ally of Holland in its greatest dangers. 
 
 (1) Motley's Rise of the Dutch Republic, Vol. I, p. iv. 
 
 (2) One annotatur calls Lion Gardiner a native of Scotland. Vide Mass. Hist. Coll. VII. 4th series, 52, 
 note. The statement is not sustained bv proof. In ll'.SC. David, son of Lion Gardiner, in a petition to Gov. 
 Dongauof New York, mentions bis father as tin- lir-t Englishman that had settled in Unit Province. Family 
 tradition claims him as a native of England. Should there remain anv doubt as to bis nativitv. hi>. manuscript 
 writings will settle the question. If his mother tongue was Seidell, it is nowhere shown in his words and 
 phrases. I ndoubtedly, therefore, be was of English descent.— 0. C. G. 
 
 (3) One writer states that East Hampton, L. I., was first called Maidstone because Lion Gardiner and 
 others camel, oni Maidstone. Count v of Kent. England. i 9 ) Another writer states that some of the first settlers 
 ot East Hampton oame Irom sta listed. County of Kent, and possible some mav have come from Maidstone, (b) 
 The late James Savage of Itoston. while on a visit to England in 1S42, stated in'his •' Gleanings" : ■■ Sir Thos. 
 C. Banks, author ot Dormant ami Extinct l*aroncleie> of England wrote me: ■ I suspeet the family of Gardi- 
 ner of Gardiner's Island to be the representatives of Mr. Gardiner who married one of the co-heiresses of the 
 Barony, the most ancient llarony of Fitz Walter, now under claim before the House of Lords bv Sir H. 
 Brooke Bridges. Bart.' Fitz Waller was General of the Barons' army which obtained the Magna Cliarta of 
 King John."— Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII, 3rd series, 310. All of the foregoing, it will be ohscn ed, are mere 
 conjectures. Distinguished antiquarians and kinsmen, visiting England, have frequently searched among 
 the repositories of counties and parishes, and consulted registers of heralds without any success whatever.— 
 
 (a) Thompson's His. L. I., I, 296. 
 
 (1) J. L. Gardiner, Notes on East Hampton, Vide Doc. His. N. Y., I. 679. 
 
LION GARDINER. 69 
 
 Robert, Earl of Leicester, commanded the English forces there under 
 Queen Elizabeth. English regiments had for a long period garri- 
 soned some of its towns. Sir Thomas Fairfax, of the Scottish peer- 
 age, served there under the command of Lord Vere, in the reign of 
 Charles the First ; and, about that time, young Gardiner appeared 
 with the same forces, a Lieutenant. 
 
 III. — MILITARY SERVICE IN HOLLAND. 
 
 The years rolled on ! A change and new honors awaited the 
 young Lieutenant. "In 1635," Gardiner's own account states, (1) he 
 was " an engineer and master of works of fortification in the legers 
 of the Prince of Orange in the Low Countries." While there, certain 
 eminent Puritans acting for a company of Lords and Gentlemen in 
 England, approached him with an offer to go to New England* and 
 constrirct works of fortification and command them. The offer was 
 accepted, through the " persuasions " of Hugh Peters, pastor of a 
 church of English exiles at Rotterdam, and John Davenport, a dis- 
 senting minister from London, and " some other well-affected Eng- 
 lishmen of Rotterdam." 
 
 He contracted with the company " for £100 per annum for four 
 years," and himself and family were to be furnished transportation 
 and subsistence to the place of his destination ; and he was to serve 
 the company "only" in the " drawing, ordering and making of a 
 city, towns or forts of defence," under the immediate direction of 
 John Winthrop, the younger. 
 
 About the time he entered into this engagement, he was married 
 to Miss Mary Wilemson of "Woerdon, Holland. 
 
 IV. — EMBARKS EOR NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 " On the tenth day of July, 1635," Gardiner and his wife left "Woer- 
 don, Holland, bound for New England via London. They took pas- 
 sage in the bark Bachelor, probably, at Rotterdam 
 
70 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 In the Custom House at London, under date of August 11th, 
 1635, there is recorded the arrival of the Bachelor, with Gardiner and 
 his wife and their maid and one other person, as passengers, " who 
 are to pass to New England." (1) 
 
 Under date of London, August 16th, 1635, Edward Hopkins, 
 agent for forwarding certain ships with supplies to the " Connecticut 
 plantation " in New England, addressed a letter to John Winthrop, 
 the younger, then on his way to New England, informing him that he 
 had just cleared the "North Sea Boatt" — meaning the Bachelor — for 
 New England. The passengers mentioned are Gardiner and his wife 
 and their maid and his workmaster ; the cargo is stated ~by item, 
 and the master, together with the crew, are individually named. The 
 passengers and crew numbered twelve persons. A postscript states 
 that the Bachelor got off to sea at Gravesend August 18th, 1635. (2) 
 
 Y. — ARRIVAL AT BOSTON. 
 
 Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, who kept a journal of the 
 transactions in the colony, under the date of November 28th, 1635, 
 mentions the arrival of a small bark sent over by Lord Say and 
 others, with "Gardiner an expert engineer" and provisions of all 
 sorts to begin a fort at the mouth of Connecticut River. (3) 
 
 Gardiner remained for some little time in Boston. The winter 
 
 (1) Extract from MS. volume in folio at the Augmentation Office where Rev. Joseph Hunter one of the 
 Record Commissioners presides in IN. I Is Court. Westminster Hall, which c mains Hie names of persons to em- 
 bark at (lie Port ..t London after Cliri-I mas ntfi t., the -am- period in the ft. 11.. whip; \ ear: ••)' !';,. 11 Auuli In 
 
 abroad at that time.— C. C. G. 
 
 (2) Extract ofa letter from Edward Hopkins to John Winthrop, Jr.. dated: " London the 16th of August 
 1635. Perthe Shlpp Bateheler, whom God preserve: Mr. John Winthrop, Sir: * * * I have now 
 cleared of from hence t lie North Sea 1'x.att * * * It was nott easv here to tret any att this tvuie to goe 
 insoesmallavessell. * * « The master is able enough but savours nott godlinesse. '* * * 
 Serieant Gardener and Win Jot. his workotna-ter with the Sori.-nnt "s wielo and his mavd came over in this 
 barnue "—i. e. over from Holland to Loudon —C. C. G (?) * ■• They are all to be at the Com- 
 panies charge for ma tier of diett. The Serieant hath receave.l of me he forehand towards his tirst year's wages 
 301. sterllnge. A Win Job hath rereai ed IS!., the master also of the bant. ic hath rcceaved 81." " * * * 
 Mass. Hist. Coll . VI. 1th series. 325. 
 
 (3) Winthrop's Journal says: "Nov. 28, 1C35. Here arrived a small Norsey bark of twenty-five tons 
 sent by Lords Sa\ Ac .wilh one Gardiner an expert engineer or work base and provisions of all sorts to 
 begin a fort at tile mouth of Connecticut. She came through many great tempests: yet. through the Lord's 
 great providence. Iter passengers twelve men and two women, and goods all safe."— Winthrop His. N . E., I, 
 173. The "Norsey hark." which for a long period pn/.zled Winthrop's annotators. was the "North Sea 
 Boatt " Bateheler. referred to in Edward Hopkins' letter to John Winthrop, Jr. Vide Note (2)-C. C. G. 
 
LION GARDINER. 71 
 
 had set in unusually early and was very severe, and, it is probable, 
 that was the cause of his detention. 
 
 The authorities of Boston improved the opportunity of Gardi- 
 ner's being there by engaging him to complete the fortifications on 
 Fort Hill. At a town meeting held January 23rd, 1636, it was 
 " agreed yt for ye raysing of a new worke of fortification vpon ye 
 ffort hill, about yt which is there alreaddy begune, the whole towne 
 bestowe fourteene dayes worke" a man. Commissioners were 
 chosen, and a treasurer, and a " clarke " ; and the work was to be 
 commenced as soon as the weather would permit, for " ye engineere, 
 Mr. Lyon Garner, who doth so freely offer his help therevnto, hath 
 but a short time to stay."(l) 
 
 About the same time, the "Magistrates of the Bay" desired 
 Gardiner to visit Salem, and " see how fit it was for fortification." 
 He did so, and upon his return told them he thought the people were 
 more in danger of starvation than of any " foreign potent enemy," 
 and to defer works of that kind for the present. His own account of 
 the affair concludes thus : "And they all liked my saying well." 
 
 Early in the spring Gardiner and his family continued their 
 journey. The good ship Bachelor which had carried them safely 
 from Holland to England and across the Atlantic was now to bear 
 them to their destination. 
 
 VI. — THE CONNECTICUT RIVER. 
 
 The valley of the Connecticut was early the object of acquisi- 
 tion. Its fertility, picturesque beauty and mild temperature attracted 
 many from the seaboard settlements. To the Puritan emigrants it 
 was the promised land. Four English plantations were commenced 
 upon the river in the year 1635. A party from Watertown settled at 
 Wethersfield; another party from Dorchester settled at Windsor; 
 and another party from Cambridge settled at Hartford. 
 
 eirh iV ^t°*f-";J? ?'-n ",r u '! n '"' ",V e town records are arranged in a column the following names, and against 
 CoAn fev,, '■',:,, ,', ,1 ii ',V' a "'i V-"",'; ^ "l" 1 , 1 ;" 1 '- st "-- ' <"l<J">.-«>". Winihroi,. jui, . Kayue. Hutchinson, 
 Logan, i^eiett, and Harding.— S. G Drake's His. and Ant. of Boston, 188-89. 
 
72 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 The fourth settlement was begun at the mouth of the river early 
 in the month of November by a party of twenty men sent out by a 
 bark from Boston under the direction of John Winthrop, the younger, 
 who had recently returned from England (1) with a commission from 
 the proprietaries of the territory at the mouth of the Connecticut to 
 be Governor of the river and harbors and adjacent places for one 
 year. Winthrop's commission instructed him to repair to the 
 mouth of the Connecticut with all convenient speed and to provide 
 at least fifty men to work at fortification and to build houses. First 
 they were to erect houses for their own accommodation, after which 
 they were ordered to construct others for " men of qualitie " which 
 should be " within ye fort." The original projectors of this scheme 
 of emigration were distinguished Lords and Gentlemen in England 
 who had become thoroughly disgusted with the arbitrary govern- 
 ment of Charles the First. The names subscribed to "Winthrop's 
 commission, which was an agreement made in their " own names " 
 and for the "rest of ye company," are the following: Lord Say and 
 Seale, Sir Arthur Haslerigge, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Henry Lawrence, 
 George Fenwick and Henry Darley Esq's. (2) It is known that Lord 
 Brooke and Sir Matthew Boynton belonged to the companj- ; and 
 Henry Vane, the younger, and Hugh Peters and others were active 
 agents. There is little doubt but some of their number contemplated 
 removing to the new plantation. (3) It is more than probable that 
 
 (1) Winthrop's Journal says: " Oct. 6. 1635- There came also John Winthrop. the younger, with com- 
 mission from the Lord Say. Lor'] lirooke ami divers other "reat persons in England to begin a plantation at 
 Connecticut and to be governor there. Thev sent also men and ammunition and £2.\w iii munev to begin a 
 fortification at the mouth of the River. 1 "— Winthrop's His. N. E., I, 170. 
 
 (2) Vide "Agreement of the Seabrook Company with John Winthrop, Jr."— Mass. Hist. Coll.. I, 5th 
 series, -1S2. 
 
 (31 The following extracts of letters addressed to John Winthrop, Jr. , by the parties named, will show 
 something of their intent and interest in the Connecticut plantation at Savbroo'ke: 
 
 "Sir: * * * Our dependance on vou is greate. * * ' * Your ahilitie to performe your 
 yndertaking we doubt not * * * only our request is that, with what speede possible may be', titt 
 houses he builded." * * * Sir A. Heslerissre and fieo Fenwick Sep IS 1635— Mass. Hist, toll., 
 VI, 4th series. 361. 
 
 " Sir: * * * I pray von advertise ine what course I shall take for providing a house against lnv 
 coral nge over, where I mav remaine with mv ff ami lie till I ran lie better provided to sot tie niv self and lettnie 
 haye your best assistance." Sir Matt. Boyhtou. Feb. 23. 1636— Mass Hist. Coll.. VII. 4th series. 16-1. 
 
 "Sir: * * * We are peremtory for Counecticiitt. it beimt. as vou know, aud so coulinuiuge the 
 ioyute resolution of vs all, that nothing but a play lie impossibility could divert us from that place * * * 
 the time of your goinge up, whcli wee assuredly expect, shall' be this winter * * * a third is, yt 
 fortifications and some convenient buildiuges for the receipt of gentlemen may so baude iu haude, for there 
 are like to come more over next summer * * * than vou are vet aware of- " * * * He: 
 Lawrence. Sep H, Iffi.-Mi-s. Hist. Coll . I. .'.lb scries, ;i.-,. 
 
 "Sir: * * * Sent vou som servants, but not so many 
 Brooke likewise, that vndertooke for XX tve failed and scut vs not 
 the same and are lna wav of selling oil" tlieir'estales wiih the greatest expeditii 
 Sep. 21. 1635.— Mass. Hist. Coll.. I. 5lli series, 213. 
 
LION GARDINER. . 73 
 
 Lord Say and Seale, Sir Arthur Haslerigge, Sir Matthew Boynton and 
 Mr. Henry Lawrence intended to come. One authority declares that 
 Lord Say and Lord Brooke were early in consultation with Hamp- 
 den the kinsman of Cromwell. Without doubt Hampden deemed it 
 prudent, at one time, to leave England ; and, it is said, the two 
 cousins, Hampden and Cromwell, actually took passage in a vessel 
 which lay in the Thames hound for North America, when a royal 
 order prohibited the ship from sailing. Seven other ships rilled with 
 emigrants were stopped at the same time. (1) " Hampden and 
 Cromwell remained, and with them remained the Evil Genius of 
 the House of Stuart." (2) 
 
 VII. — SAYBROOKE FORT. 
 
 Winthrop's advance party, consisting of Lieutenant Gibbons, 
 Sergeant Willard, with some carpenters, took possession of a point 
 of land upon the west bank of the river, near its mouth, where there 
 was an excellent harbor, and began to fell trees and make a clearing, 
 late in November, 1635. Very little progress was made towards a 
 settlement during the ensuing winter. Probably a few log houses 
 were put up of the most primitive character. 
 
 The Bachelor arrived with Gardiner and family very early in the 
 following spring, probably in March. The voyagers having reached 
 their destination, were doubtless rejoiced to step on firm earth, after 
 many months of tediousness and peril on the sea. As compared 
 with the homes they had left what must' have been their astonishment 
 at the view before them ? Let us hope that their first glances were 
 greeted with genial rays of sunshine, fresh verdure of budding trees, 
 and sweet fragrance of early blossoms. The wild scene doubtless 
 suggested pleasures, yet it brought them anxieties. A mere clearing 
 without habitable abodes, no fields for planting, and few laborers, was 
 
 (1) This storv lias been questioned, yet there is 
 others relate it. Arguments pro and cou may b 
 
 (2) Lord Macaulay's Essay on John Hampden. 
 
74 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 not cheering for contemplation. Gardiner's account of the place at 
 their arrival shows considerable disappointment. He boldly asserts 
 that the company had not sent forward men " according to promise." 
 At least three hundred men were expected ; some for fortification, 
 some for tilling the ground and others to build houses ; but, the 
 " great expectation," Gardiner tauntingly remarks, came " only to 
 two men — Mr. Fenwick and his man." However, notwithstanding 
 every vexation and hindrance, the place was fortified by Gardiner 
 with the men and means at his command. A fort was constructed 
 of square-hewn timber with ditch, drawbridge, portcullis, rampart 
 and palisade. (1) This was the first fortification erected in New 
 England. (2) In honor of Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brooke, the 
 fort was named Saybrooke. 
 
 The Indians were more numerous in this vicinity than in any 
 other part of ]S"ew England. The Pequots occupied both sides of the 
 Pequot River — now called the Thames — and numbered upwards of 
 seven hundred warriors ; the Narragansetts and Mohegans were like- 
 wise formidable tribes ; and all of them combined would make a 
 powerful enemy for the English to contend against, for at this time 
 the settlers on the Connecticut were very few in numbers ; and in all 
 of the colonies not to exceed three hundred able men could be mus- 
 tered for duty. The dangers which threatened the settlements, threat- 
 ened the fort. Besides hostile Indians, the Dutch of JSTew Netherlands 
 lay in unfriendly proximity. However, the equanimity of the com- 
 mander of the fort does not appear to have been disturbed by a 
 knowledge of his imperiled situation. Disappointments had been 
 met and could still be borne, and dangers were to be expected in the 
 possession of a fortified place. 
 
 On the 1st day of April, 1636, John Winthrop, Jr., arrived at the 
 
 (1) The following articles came as freight in the Bachelor: "Iron worke for 2 drawbridges, as follows: 
 02 -l.i |»li-~. -in -laple luniks for portcullis. -1 chains. 10 hotilts. -1 plates, s chainc clasps, 1 under hinges. 23M yard9 
 of redd tlagg stnffe for Serieanl Cardencr's vse ,V: some small lines that came from Holland .V a wheelbar- 
 row."— Mass. Hist. Coll.. VI. Ith si-ries. 326. 
 
 (2) History and traditions show that the fort was erected on a steep eminence which jutted out into 
 the riverwhich'was united to the mam land by a sandy beach and was Hanked by salt marshes. The land side of 
 the fort was prelected byapallsade It could not lie succe-sl'ullv assailed bv any near approaches of firm 
 ground. Tills fort was destroyed by tire in 1647.— V. C. G. 
 
LION OARDINER. 75 
 
 fort. (1) He brought friendly messages for Gardiner. Sir Richard 
 Saltonstall, of Whitefreyers, England, wrote Winthrop : " Pray you 
 commend me, after yourselfe, to your good wife and Sergieant 
 Gardiner with his fellow soldier, whom I purpose, God willing, to 
 visitt this summer, if he will prouide a house to recieue me and 
 mine att my landing." (2) Hugh Peters, then at Salem, wrote 
 Winthrop: "Salute honest Mr. Garddner and the rest." (3) And, 
 later in the month, William Pynchon, then at Roxbmy, wrote 
 Winthrop: "I pray you remember my harty loue to Mr. Gardener 
 and the rest with you." (4) In the same month, Winthrop, the elder, 
 wrote his son: "Therefore I here end, with salutations to all our 
 friends. Mr. Gardiner, and his wife &c" (5) On May 16th, Winthrop 
 wrote his father that he had sent the Bachelor to Boston, but should 
 soon have use for her. On May 21st, Fenwick, one of the Saybrooke 
 Company, arrived at Boston and wrote Winthrop, that his coming- 
 would not dissolve his commission. On June 23d, Winthrop, the 
 elder, wrote his son that the Bachelor would go back the next week ; 
 and that Fenwick, Peters, and some others would set out on horse- 
 back expecting to meet a shallop at one of the upper towns on 
 the Connecticut to take them down to the fort. (6) 
 
 Fenwick and Peters arrived at the fort early in July. They were 
 bearers of letters to Winthrop— one from his brother Adam closing 
 
 (1) John Winthrop, Jr., came on to Saybrooke fort from Boston, with his brother Stephen Pfjiaps, 
 and a small party, !>v land as far as Narruganscll Hay. where they niel the Indian < nod < nlu.uii lit. alio 
 from thence bv a vessel. He writes, in a letter to his lather, from '■ l'a hoshaukc. Ihe Indian nil , l.-i .i\- 
 hrooke fort (,i ') : dated '-April 7. 1636," * * * " The first oflhis month we s, 11 sal l< lr..in Xarlgaiiset . 
 and in the aflernoone. about 11 a eloeke. arrived hern-: fortius place I have mil yet scene an> I no- mail 
 shoudhealdc,:,wr,,d,tofit,'' * * * Mass I list. Coll .. VI . l.h series. M l-ln \\m,hro,, -c,,mi,,,s 
 sionconstiinledl.ini ■■ Governor of the river Connecticut * * * one whole > cat attei 1 is at m a 
 there"' V he a,, pears to have entered upon his duties the previous allium,, by sending men to locale and 
 prepare the place Vol settlement and fortification. Here began an ollicial acquaintance led ween Gardiner and 
 Winthrop which soon ripened into a personal friendship that was continued with mutual confidence and 
 fldeli (JfThe\"n''llVis' i l'n\naiVmi,nehe i c'ame known will be explained in the following letter, copied from 
 
 Winthrop. Jr.. found himsell, m tlie7thofAp.il. irai. and which neither ol us could donio.c than haz.ii.l a 
 guess about when the lirst volume of the ■ Winlhrnp Papers ' was in press 1 can new pni-Jn mote ex. 
 r,iformalion. 1 have before me Ihe original dralt of a deed dated ' Ma; .1. 1 ..1: . » which liilll Ax. Sat R in 
 ofPommauoccaml Aswaw. Sachem his wife.' convey their -Island called Monehonal to 1 ,„ , , a it. r 
 commander of the forte called Saybrooke fort als PASHPESHAUKS at the mouth oiUie i-ivci^ii^KeunectiLOt. 
 
 The"" deed" referred to is in the hand-writing of Thos. Lecliford, a lawyer „i ■Boston from 1637 to 1641 
 
 well known to sit ills of colonial history, and will soon he published in Ihe Lechlord Record Book by the 
 
 American Antiquarian Society. -C. C. G. Also Vide Infra, p. 81, note (2). 
 
 (2) Mass. Hist. Coll., VI, 4th series, 581. (3) Mass. Hist. Coll., VI, 4th series, 93. 
 (4) Mass. Hist. Coll., VI, «h series, 370. (5) Wiuthrop's Hist. N. E. 1, 389. 
 
 (6) Winthrop's Hist. N. E., 1, 392. 
 
76 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 thus — " I pray remember my lone to my brother Steven, and Mr. 
 Gardnar and his wife, and all the rest of my friends ;"(1) and 
 another from his father, saying : " I paid Mr. Garsford of Salem £5 
 for a bnff-coat for Mr. Gardiner, which you must remember to put to 
 his account ; " (2) also of a commission (3) from the Bay authorities 
 requesting him to ask for a " solemn meeting of conference " with 
 the Chief Sachem of the Pequots, and to demand of him the mur- 
 derers of Capt. Stone and others ; and, in case the demand was 
 refused, to return the present (4) — a token of amity — which the 
 Chief had sent the Bay authorities on a former occasion when a 
 demand was made for the same murderers. Accordingly, Winthrop 
 sent for Sassacus, and upon his arrival a conference was held, when 
 the demand was made and refused ; thereupon the present was 
 returned, and immediately after Fenwick and Peters with "Winthrop 
 departed for Boston. (5) The return of the present was naturally 
 construed into a declaration of war by the Pequots. Gardiner 
 understood what would be its effect, and had endeavored to persuade 
 the Bay authorities against their hot haste. He plead for delay and 
 a more lenient policy until the new settlements grew stronger; but 
 his entreaty availed nothing, the present was returned, said he " full 
 sore against my will." 
 
 Immediately the Pequots began to plot against and irritate the 
 neighboring settlements. Before the end of the month John 
 Oldham, a well known trader, was killed by the Indians on Block 
 Island. The Bay authorities charged the act upon the Pequots. 
 Gardiner's account shows the murder was committed by the 
 Narragansetts. The Bay authorities being undecided, were com- 
 pelled to do something to satisfy the general clamor. "I wonder," 
 said Gardiner, " that the Bay doth no better revenge the murdering 
 
 (1) Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII, 5th series, 220. (2) Winthrop *s Hist. N. E., 1, 391. 
 
 (3) Mass. Hist. Coll., Ill, 3d series, 129. 
 
 (4) The present consisted of "otter skin coats aud beaver and skeins of wampum."— C. C. G. 
 
 (5) Winthrop did not return to the fort. He had been there just three months. His commission to be 
 -rof the place was such that he could throw it up at any time. It is probable that his own projects 
 
LION GARDINER. 77 
 
 of an honest man of their own?" Finally it was settled that the 
 Block Island Indians should be punished. An expedition was fitted 
 out, commanded by Endicott, which first landed at Block Island, 
 and then proceeded to the fort, " to my great grief," said Gardiner, 
 ' : for you come hither to raise these waps about my ears and then 
 you will take wing and flee away." From thence the expedition 
 went to Pequot River. Gardiner, thinking there might be an oppor- 
 tunity for booty, sent along his shallop and another boat with twelve 
 men, and bags to fill with corn. He says his men " brought a pretty 
 quantity of corn" but the "Bay men killed not a man," only a 
 " Sachem of the Bay killed a Pequot ; " and that began the war " in 
 these parts." The expedition was timid in action and unproductive 
 in results. The authorities of Connecticut and of Plymouth thought 
 it ill-advised. It is evident that the ability of the Indians to make 
 reparation for offences was not well understood by the settlers. (1) 
 
 Immediately thereafter the fort was besieged by great numbers 
 of Indians lying in ambush ; attacking all that ventured abroad ; 
 killing, and sometimes roasting their victims alive. A trader named 
 Tilly landed on a point, in sight of the fort, and himself and another 
 man carelessly going on shore were captured and killed by the 
 Indians. Tilly was tortured in the most inhuman manner. Gardiner 
 had previously notified Tilly not to go ashore ; and was given " ill 
 language " for his cautionary advice ; so he called the place of Tilly's 
 rashness Tilly's Folly, now known as Tilly's Point. On the 22d of 
 February, 1637, Gardiner went out of the fort with ten men to burn 
 the reeds and leaves on a neck of land near the marsh. Suddenly 
 a " great company of Indians " came out of the woods from several 
 directions, while others sprang from the " fiery reeds," and all com- 
 menced a furious attack with their bows and arrows. Gardiner and 
 his party being largely out-numbered, began retreating and firing ; 
 but they were closely pursued ; even " on to the very muzzles of 
 
 (1) S. G. Drake's Hist, and Am. of Boston, 202. 
 
78 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 their pieces," so that at times they were compelled to defend them- 
 selves with their " naked swords." Gardiner was hit with many 
 arrows, one of which seriously wounded him in the thigh. Two of 
 his men were severely wounded, and four were shot dead. (1) A few 
 days later the Pequots, thinking they had killed Gardiner in their 
 recent attack upon him, swarmed about the fort fully three hun- 
 dred strong. Their attitude showed they were "bent upon mischief. 
 Gardiner called for his "sword, pistols, and carbine," and ordered 
 out a small party for a parley. At first the Pequots did not know 
 Gardiner, for, said they, he was shot with many arrows ; and " so I 
 was," said Gardiner, " but my buff-coat preserved me, and only one 
 hurt me ; " (2) but when he spake they knew his voice, and began to 
 fall back. At the close of the parley he gave a signal to his gunner 
 at the fort, and " the two great guns went off" which caused a " great 
 hubbub amongst them " and made them beat a speedy retreat. 
 
 Late in March, Governor Vane sent a messenger with a letter to 
 Gardiner requesting him to " prescribe the best way to quell the 
 Pequots." In his reply, Gardiner "presumed to send an arrow," 
 that had killed one of his men, "with the head sticking fast half 
 through the man's rib-bone " — as a token — because it was reported 
 at the Bay that Indian arrows had no force. (3) About the 10th of 
 April, Underhill arrived with twenty lusty men from the Bay. They 
 came upon the requisition of Gardiner and were to remain " till 
 something should be done about the Pequots." 
 
 While the colonists were debating upon the gravity of the 
 situation a massacre was committed by the Pequots near Wethers- 
 field — foiirteen men and women were killed, and two maids were 
 carried awaj'. (4) The maids were soon liberated by some Dutch 
 
 (1) Mather says there were about seventy Indians who fought G. 
 men ; that a lil'tli who was Sorely wounded recovered , and lived to u 
 shot him, the next year.— s. G. Drake's Hist, and Ant. of Boston, 205. 
 
 (2) The English soldiers armor at that time was a steel cap and corselet with back and 
 buff coats.— C. C. G. 
 
 (3) Extract from a letter of Ed. Winslow of Plymouth to John Wiuthrop, the elder : 
 
 seems, m nr 1 1 .list i a -vlli com m on men hv exlallinir tin- \ aim- of yutir ad\ ersaries. preterm 
 
 Spaniards. "-Mass. Hist. Coll., VI, 4th series, 1G4. 
 
 (4) April 23, 1637. 
 
LION GARDINER. 79 
 
 traders who went in a sloop to Pequot River, and secured them 
 by a resort to stratagem. Gardiner says he sent the Dutchmen 
 at his own cost who returned the maids to the fort almost naked, 
 whom he clothed and sent home. 
 
 At a general court held at Hartford, (1) it was voted to raise 
 ninety men, and make an attack on the Pequots stronghold "beyond 
 Pequot River. The Bay authorities, through the efforts of Roger 
 Williams, effected a secret alliance with Miantonomoh, Chief of the 
 JSTarragansetts ; and the Connecticut settlers secured Uncas, Chief of 
 Mohegans, who had rebelled against the authority of Sassacus, and 
 naturally attached himself to the settlers for protection and for 
 revenge. The Pequots now stood alone and defiant ! In a few days 
 Mason with ninety settlers, and Uncas with eighty warriors dropped 
 down the river to the fort, from whence the combined forces were to 
 move. To Mason, Gardiner and Underhill was given full authority 
 to fit out the expedition. Gardiner says "we old soldiers agreed 
 about the way." Mason held the chief of command. Twenty "in- 
 sufficient men " were sent home and their places were filled by an 
 equal number of the "lustiest" at the fort. The friendship of Uncas 
 was satisfactorily tested by a novel plan proposed by Gardiner, and 
 a surgeon, and provisions were supplied by the fort — and the brave 
 little army sailed out of the Connecticut. (2) 
 
 Our subject does not require a further statement of particulars. 
 Colonial historians have related the story of the encounter. In 
 one brief hour the proud Pequots were nearly exterminated and 
 the victorious colonists hastened to their homes. Mason and about 
 twenty of his men returned across the country ; arriving at the shore 
 opposite to the fort at sunset. Gardiner " observed his approach ; 
 and never did the heart of a Roman consul, returning in triumph, 
 swell more than the pride of Mason and his friends, when they found 
 themselves received as victors ; and ' nobly entertained with many 
 
 (1) May 1, 1637. 
 
 (2) The attack was made on the Pequot fortress at Mistick on the morning of May 26th, 1637.— C. C. G . 
 
80 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 great guns.'"(l) On the following morning Mason and his party 
 crossed the river and received "many courtesies" from the com- 
 mander of the fort. (2) 
 
 The fall of the Pequots put an end to Indian depredations ; and 
 the prospect of an enduring peace brought increased prosperity to 
 the river settlements. The fort was maintained at its former strength ; 
 the commander was watchful, but a warlike vigilance was not 
 required ; he could now practice husbandry without the aid of 
 "great guns," and hold a parley without calling for his "sword, 
 pistols and carbine." 
 
 The Narragausetts were now the most powerful of the tribes 
 in this vicinity, and promptly asserted their supremacy by de- 
 manding tribute from their neighbors. The Montauks declined 
 to acknowledge their power, preferring the friendship of the set- 
 tlers, and Wyandanch, Sachem of the Montauks, came to the fort to 
 ask for peace and trade with the settlers promising to pay tribute 
 in wampum. Gardiner granted his request, and assured him of 
 friendship and protection so long as his tribe kept their pledges to 
 the English. Such was the situation of affairs when the engagement 
 of Commander Gardiner with the Saybrooke Company expired, which 
 was in the summer of 1639. 
 
 Lion Gardiner's life and experiences at Saybrooke Fort would 
 not be entirely complete without stating that his newly married wife, 
 with her maid, was an occupant of the fort and shared with him its 
 deprivations and dangers and bore him two children, first, David, 
 born April 29th 1636 ; and, second, Mary, (3) born August 30th, 1638. 
 David was the first child born of English parents in Connecticut. 
 
 (0 Bancroft's Hist, of the V. S Vol. I, 407. 
 
 (2) Vide Mason's History of the Fequot war.— Mass. Hist. Col!.. VIII, 2nd series, 120-152. 
 
 (3) This daughter married Jeremiah Coukllug of East Hampton. L. I., ancestor of the Coukling family 
 of New York— notably Judge Alfred Conkllng and hissoiis Hon. Roseoe Conkliug and Col. Fred'k A. Conkling. 
 
LION GARDINER. 81 
 
 VIII. — MANCHONACK ClUdS ISLE OF WIGHT. 
 
 Gardiner early comprehended the situation of affairs at Say- 
 brooke and wrote Winthrop, soon after the latter departed from the 
 fort, saying: "it seemes wee have neather masters nor owners;" at 
 the same time, said he, •' there shall be noe cause to complayne of 
 our ffidelitie and endeavours to you ward;" yet, if not provided for, 
 " then must I be fforced to shift as the Lord may direct," (1) 
 
 Notwithstanding every discouragement Gardiner remained at his 
 post and fulfilled his contract to the end ; and, when " fforced to shift," 
 was fortunate in securing from the Indians the possession of a large 
 island in Long Island Sound, called by them Manchonactc, signifying, 
 by tradition, " a place where many had died." The original deed of 
 purchase bears date May 3, 1639, by which " Yovawan, Sachem of 
 Pommanocc, and Astoaio, his wife," convey their "Island called Man- 
 chonat" to "Lion Gardiner, commander of the forte called Say brooke 
 fort als Pashpeshauks, at the mouth of the river of Kennecticot." (2) 
 According to tradition the consideration paid was " one large black 
 dog, one gun, a quantity of powder and shot, some rum and a few 
 Dutch blankets." (3) Subsequently Gardiner procured a grant of the 
 same island, called by the English Isle of Wight, from an agent of 
 
 (1) Vide Supra, pp. 35-36. 
 
 (2) Vido Supra, p. 75, note («). Also, the following :-C. C.G. Hartford, August 15, 1883. 
 Mr. C. C. Gardiner. St. Louis, Mo., Dear Sir: I send you a copy of the Deed of Gardiner's Island. 
 
 The uniform tradition of the purchase from Waiaudance is, as you will see, unfounded. Waiaudance, as 
 Gardiner mentions in his narrative, was a younger • ■ brother of the old-Sachem of Long Island," who "dwelt 
 at Shelter Island," and was not, at the date of this deed, himself, Sachem. Pommauoc was an Indian name 
 oi Long Jsland-or rather of the east end of the Island. Yovawan, the old Sachem, may have been the elder 
 brother of Waiandance, who was called by the English, Poggatacut. See Prime's History of L. I., p. 91. 
 Yours Truly (Signed) J. Hammond Trumbull. 
 
 Indian Deed of Gardiner's Island: "Knowe all men by these presents, that we Yovawan Sachem 
 of Pommanocc and Aswaw his wife for ten coats of trading cloath to us before the making hereof payed and 
 delivered by LION Gardiner commander of the forte called Saybrooke fort als Pashpeshauks at the mouth 
 of the River of Kennecticot, doe hereby for us and our heirs and successors grant, bargaine and sell uuto the 
 said Lion Gardiner all that our Island called Manchonat wth the appurtenances aud all our right, title and 
 demand of, in and to the same, to have and to hold the said Island wth the appurtenances unto the said Lion 
 Gardiner his heirs and assigns forever. IN witness whereof we have hereto sett our hands aud seales the 
 third day of the month, called, by the English, May in the yeare by them of their Lord written one thousand 
 six hundred thirty and nine, 1639." [Signatures aud seals not given in copy.] 
 
 From the original draft by Thomas Lechford.— J. H. Trumbull. 
 
 (3) This tradition is not well founded, as will be seen by reading the Indian Deed.-C. C. G. 
 
 11 
 
82 PAPERS AND BIOGPvAPHY OF 
 
 Earl of Stirling, grantee of the King of England, (1) bearing date 
 March 10, 1639 [o. s.] (2) 
 
 He removed with his family to his island soon after purchasing 
 it of the Indians, taking with him a number of men from the fort for 
 farmers— forming, it is said, the earliest English settlement within 
 the present limits of the State of New York. The island was then a 
 wilderness, far away from European settlements and open to Indian 
 depredations ; but, without doubt, was guarded by Gardiner's trusted 
 friend Wyandanch, Sachem of the Montauks, between whom and 
 himself there appears to have existed a remarkably close and firm 
 friendship — a Heathen and Christian — that continued steadfast and 
 unbroken even unto death ! 
 
 In 1641, Gardiner's daughter Elizabeth was born on the 14th day 
 of September — the first birth from English parents in the Province 
 of New York. 
 
 In 1642, Miantonomoh visited the Montauks and endeavored to 
 persuade them to give wampum to the JSTarragansetts, and not to 
 the English. Gardiner, happening to be Avith the Montauks, advised 
 Wyandanch not to give any answer, but to ask for a month's delay 
 to consider the subject. Meantime Gardiner wrote of the matter by 
 "VVyandanch to Gov. Hain.es at Hartford, who forbade the Montauks 
 
 (11 Copy or Earl ok Stirling's Grant to Lion Gardiner.— Know all whom this present "Writing 
 
 may concern, that I. .lame- Karrott of Long Island. Gent . Deputy lo the Light Hou'lilc the Kuril ol Starling 
 Secretary tortile Kingdom nl Si'. .llano, doe by these presents, in (he name anil heluill of the said Karl I of si aiding 
 and in my own name al- ... a-, no. Deputy, as it doth or may concern myself. Give & Grant free leaveand liberty 
 to Lion Gardiner his hen- ox, en I,, r- and icdiae I,, oiiio> Unit l-!nnd which he lialh now in posses-ion called 
 
 by the Indians .Maiicln.naek. by the Knglislt the 1-1 'Wight: I -av lo.niov both now* lor ever, which Island 
 
 bath been purchased, before my coming, from the ancient Inhabitants, the Indians: Nevertheless though the 
 said Lion Gardiner had his possession tirsl from the Indian- before inv coining, yet is be now contented to hold 
 the tenor A title ol the p,,s-e-i..n ..I the aforesaid I-lan.l Ir.on tlicEarll of Starling or his successors whomso- 
 
 the aforesaid Kit . . 
 
 known, there I ore. linil 1. Hie -.0.1 .lain. - l-'.n r. 1 1 d... _- 1\ -■ \ |i;,i!i -j\ en li ..■ liberty and power to Hie said Lion 
 
 Gardiner, his Heirs. Kxe'r- and A— ign- and their Sueee ■- forever to eniov the possession of the aforesaid 
 
 I-laiid. In build ,v plain thereon a- b. -t likelh ihem. and I,. ,li-| ■ I hereof as lhc\ think till, and also lo make. 
 
 execute* put in practice sneii laws lor (. liurch and civil Government as are according loGo.l, the Kings and 
 the practise of (he c.unlry. without giving any account thereof to any whomsoever and the aforesaid Itight & 
 title, both ol land and Government to remayne with, and to Ihem aud their successors for ever, without any 
 trouble or moleslaln.ii Irom the said Karll oranv of his successors, for now & forever. And as much as it hath 
 
 pleased Our ISnyal Mug to give Ihe Palle I g Island p. i he aforesaid Karle of Starling in consideration 
 
 whereof it is agreed upon thai the trade with the Indians shall 1 ■eniavne with, the said Karle and his successors, 
 to dispose upon from time to time and at all times as best likctb him. Notwithstanding [allowing! the said 
 Lion Gardiner to trade with thelndvans for Come oranv Kinde of victuals for the use of the I'lanialion and 
 no farther; and if the said Lion Gardiner shall trade in AVainpnni from the Indians bee shall pay for every 
 
 fadome twenty shillings and also the said Li iardiner in. I hi-,.. --,,,■. -hall pal lo (he said Karle •"■ ''<'■= 
 
 depulyesa yearly aeknowledgineu I being the - flan 1" id-, being lawfully demanded i of lawfull i 
 
 o! I'.ngla n. I. or such coin mod it \s as al Unit time -hall pa-- lor mono \ in •' 
 
 begin on the last, of Oct. KM.'i, the three former v.-ares Peine u.lv; .1 I'm 
 
 witness whereof the party has put his hands and si al the tenth day of Al 
 
 Sealed aud delivered in the presence of ffulk Davis, Benin Price." 
 
 (2) According to New Style, this date should be reckoned as March 10, 1040. 
 
LION GARDINER. S3 
 
 giving wampum to the Narragansetts. The next year, Miantonomoh 
 visited the Montauks, bringing them gifts ; and, Wyandanch being- 
 absent, he held a secret consultation with the old men of the tribe. 
 On Wyandanch's return he was told of the secret talk and carried the 
 news to Gardiner, who notified Gov. Eaton at New Haven and Gov. 
 Haines at Hartford — so Miantonomoh's second attempt failed. After 
 the death of Miantonomoh, his successor, JSTinigret, sent one of his chief 
 men to the Montauks to form ail alliance against the English, and 
 Wyandanch seized and bound him and turned him over to Gardiner, 
 who sent him under guard with a letter to Gov. Eaton at New Haven. 
 Being wind bound at Shelter Island, he got away from the guard in 
 the night and returned to his tribe. This was another of the plots 
 of the Narragansetts which was discovered, and revealed to the 
 English, by the faithful "Wyandanch. 
 
 Previous to the Pequot war a giant-like Indian, toward the 
 west, killed a man named Hammond, in Southampton, and he could 
 not be taken because he was protected by Poggatacut, Sachem of 
 Manhasset. Afterwards the same Indian killed another man named 
 Farrmgton — yet he could not be found. Wyandanch sought out the 
 murderer after the death of Poggatacut and killed him by the direc- 
 tion of Gardiner. Then, a woman was killed, by some unknown 
 Indians, and the magistrates sent for Wyandanch to appear and 
 produce the murderers, but Lis tribe being fearful of his safety 
 would not let him go. Wyandanch then said, " I will hear what my 
 friend will say" — meaning Gardiner, who, being there, saw the diffi- 
 culty, and offered himself as a hostage for the safe return of Wyan- 
 danch, and was accepted, with loud and joyous shouts of thanks 
 from the tribe. That same night Wyandanch departed, with a note 
 from Gardiner saying that no one should " stay him " but to " let 
 him eat and drink and be gone," and before his return he found four 
 " consenters " to the murder, who were arrested and afterwards hung 
 at Hartford — one of whom was the Blue Sachem. The foregoing- 
 instances are related to show that Wyandanch was the faithful 
 
S4 PAPERS AND BIOGKAPHY OF 
 
 friend of the settlers, even when murders were committed by the 
 Long Island Indians. 
 
 In 1649, Gardiner became one of the original purchasers of about 
 30,000 acres of land for the settlement at East Hampton, which was 
 first called Maidstone. In 1650, the first church was gathered at East 
 Hampton. The same j'ear Gardiner wrote John Winthrop, Jr., about 
 a young man, not named, for a minister — it may have been Thomas 
 James. (1) 
 
 In 1651, Poggatacut, Sachem of Manhasset, died, and his brother, 
 Wyandanch, succeeded him as Grand Sachem of Paumanacke, as 
 Long Island was called by the Indians. 
 
 In 1653, Gardiner placed his island in the care of farmers and 
 removed with his family to East Hampton. (2) His place of resi- 
 dence was on the east side of the main street, toward the southern 
 extremity of the town, nearly opposite to the old burying ground in 
 which it is supposed himself and wife and some of his descendants 
 were buried. The same place is now owned by a descendant. 
 
 In 1654, a war broke out between the Narragansetts and Mon- 
 tauks. Frequent incursions were made by both tribes. On a certain 
 raid upon the Montauks, by jNinigret he captured the daughter of 
 Wyandanch on the night of her nuptials and killed her spouse, 
 and captured and killed many others. Through the exertions of 
 Gardiner the hapless bride was redeemed and restored to her 
 afflicted parents. In grateful remembrance, Wyandanch presented 
 his friend Gardiner a free gift of land, by deed bearing date July 
 14, 1659, comprising the principal part of the present town of Smith- 
 town, L. I. (3) In 1655, and likewise in 1657, Gardiner, with others, 
 
 (1) Vide Supra, p. 40. 
 
 (2) Joshua Garlieke. Benjamin Price and John Miller, were at different times overseers of the island.— 
 Ch. of E. Hampton. 
 
 (31 Office Secretary of State. Albany, NT. T.. Book of Deeds. Vol. II, p. IIS 
 
 ira>. Hi' il known unt,'. all ni.-n. both Eiiidish and In. Ivan-, e-i hilly the inlial 
 
 ile'fended ourselves, and ransomed iijy Daughter and ttii.nds. And wee say and know 
 had great comfort and reliefe. from the most Honobl of the English Nation here abo 
 yet live, and both of us being now old. and not that we at any time have given bin 
 
LION GARDINER. 85 
 
 were appointed a committee to visit Hartford and treat with the 
 magistracy about placing East Hampton under the protection of 
 Connecticut. 
 
 In 1657, Goody Garlicke, wife of Joshua Garlicke of East Hamp- 
 ton, was charged with witch-craft. Witnesses deposed many facts 
 and much debate arose. Gardiner charged one witness with fal- 
 sification and declared the accused innocent. Her case was referred 
 to the general court at Hartford, but she was never taken there and 
 the matter was not heard of afterwards. 
 
 In 165S, Gardiner became one of the purchasers in the original 
 conveyance from the Indians of about 9,000 acres of land on Montauk 
 Point. (1) The grantees guaranteed protection to the Montauks, and 
 the latter reserved the right to live on the lands — a right their pos- 
 terity have ever since enjoyed. In the same year Wyandanch 
 brought a suit against one Daily, for damage done his " great can- 
 now," which was tried by three men. Gardiner testified in the case, 
 and the jury found for the plaintiff ten shillings damages and court 
 charges. (2) In the same year, a fatal epidemic spread among the 
 Montauks and destroyed more than half of the tribe. Wyandanch 
 died, that year, by poison secretly administered. Previous to his 
 death he appointed Gardiner and his son David guardians to his son 
 Wyancombone, who, it appears, divided the government of his tribe 
 with his widowed mother, styled Sunk-Squa — meaning something 
 like Dowager-Queen. Gardiner pathetically remarks upon the death 
 
 love, care ami Charge, wee having left that is worth his acceptance, but a small Tract of land and we desire 
 him to accept it for himselfe. his Inures. Executors and Assignes for over: No we that it may boo knowne how, 
 and where tiiis Land lveth on Long Island, Wo sav it lyoth between Huntington and Seatalcott the westeme 
 Bounds being Cowharbour. Laslerh Ashaiuoinuek, and Sunt herlv erosse ve island to the end of ye groat hollow 
 or valley or more than hallo through the Island, and that this is our (free Act ami Deed, doth appeare by out- 
 hand Markes underwritten. Signed, sealed ami delivered in the presence of Richard Smith, Theiu.is Coalfield, 
 Thomas Talmage. by Wvandance. his mark. Wvankanbone, his mark. Sachem's wife, her mark." 
 
 On the saiue page follows immediately the following entry: "Moreover, I, Wvankanbone with my 
 .Mother doackm>wled;-'e to have sold to Lvou Gardiner abovenaiiied, the next iacent Tract of Land Easterly, 
 That is to sav. Neseqtiake River, and all the land both Neck and Creokes, thereunto belonging, and to ruune 
 paralel through the Island with tint other, and have reed so much for it. as wee demanded, to our full content, 
 so that that land from Cowharbour to Nesaouakc River with the same River, holongeth to Lyon Gardiner his 
 heires. Executors and Assigns forever. This done by us this 6th of April infill. Witness our bands Marks . t 
 Scales in ye puts of these, wee sav not mi I V the Laud. I ait all vt dm 1 1 ( »r shall mil lira 11 v grow thereon .— Thomas 
 Talinage.'Tl as Glial lie Id. bv W vankanboue, his mark. His mother, her mark. Ache mans, a wituesse."- 
 
 1 copied the above from Albany Correspondence in the SIGNAL of Babylon, L. I., June 30, 1883.— 
 C. C. G. 
 
 (1) The purchase was confirmed by deed August 1, 1660, and Feb. 11,1661.— C. C. G. 
 
 (2) Hedges' Two Hundredth Anniversary Address, East Hampton, 1819. 
 
86 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 of Wyandanch, " my friend and brother is gone, who will now do the 
 like ? " (1) In" the same year, Gardiner made his Will. (2) 
 
 Iu 1659, Gardiner was prosecuted, before the magistrates of East 
 Hampton, by certain English captors of a Dutch vessel, for retaking 
 the Dutch yessel at his island; damages were laid at £500. The 
 case was referred to the general court at Hartford, but was never 
 tried. (3) 
 
 In 1660. Gardiner wrote his well known and often quoted " Rela- 
 tion of the Pequot Wars." (4) 
 
 Iu 1662, Gardiner, with others, were chosen to " compound a 
 difference," between certain parties, " about Meantaquit." 
 
 In the same year Gardiner's daughter Elizabeth, wife of Arthur 
 Howell, died leaving a daughter Elizabeth. 
 
 In 1663, Gardiner conveyed his lands in Smithtown, L. I., to 
 Richard Smith of R. I., whom he had known when at Saybrooke. 
 
 In the latter part of 1663, Gardiner died at the age of 64. In 
 1664 his widow made her Will, (5) and early in 1665 she died at the 
 age of 64. Both were buried at East Hampton. 
 
 Kastll; 
 gave it. 
 whole- al 
 Elizabcf 
 
 (1) Vide Supra, p. 30. 
 
 (2) WILL of Liox Gahdineii 
 
 the: 
 
 ie presents that I, L 
 
 iou Gardiner ot 
 
 Inn 
 
 I give, bequeath my i 
 
 ioul to God that 
 
 
 U. First, then 1 leavi 
 
 ; mv wile, Marv, 
 
 call 
 
 ed mine, only where: 
 toy daughter" Mary sli 
 
 ,s. iin .laui.-lil.-V, 
 all each of tlii-ln 
 
 , and dispos 
 
 ises, hut otl 
 il take care 
 
 
 
 1,11, ,wn torn 
 
 : as I live, s 
 
 h might be 
 
 s James, tl 
 
 10 K. 
 
 •vTi-I'i 1 
 
 id Minister '( 
 
 bom I will 
 
 that 
 
 they i 
 
 shall have ft 
 
 
 carl 
 
 of "them and thei 
 
 i be the 
 
 i) hei 
 
 ■e. tw 
 
 or one wit 
 
 n Gardiner 
 
 I.I 
 
 wm 
 
 LRDINEB. 
 
 that when I am dead. h\ wilful u, -elect she he m.l brought CO poverty whi 
 grief and sorrow. Tie- executor- of this my Will. I desire to l,e Mr. thou 
 the Word ofGod al Easthanipt.ui. with John Mulfor.l and Kob.-rt llond. 
 every day spent about this mv Will: I say thev shall have live shilliiiL-s f 
 charges home. But in ease that three of the overseers of mv Will shou 
 my wife may choose others. Witness my own hand seal the 13(11 Akici. 
 
 duecd unto and api.i .\ , .1 b\ i h. . ..in t lure at SoutliainDtOtl. aild In the - iH Court ordered to he recorded by 
 in.-. Hi iiiv l-i.i-o.i. Ih.i-ie, Will and iiiv.nlon oi prop.-i-n record.-. I in a I 1, euli I Town and County 
 
 Records. LiberA,pagi i-aieii:'. 1663 deposited among the town records of Southampton, Long Island, N. Y.) 
 
 (3) Vide Supra, p. Hi. (4) Vide Supra, p. H, et sect. 
 
 (5) Will of Mauy Gardiner, Widow of Lion Gardiner.— Be it known unto all men by these 
 presents that I. Marv Gardiner of .Maidstone, als Easlhampton upon Long Island. Iieimr in eoo.l and "perfect 
 understanding. I say I do by thc-e proems make mv last Will and Testament. 1. 1 I.e.iucalli mi soul to God. 
 and my bodj to the earth from whence il came, and mine estate as tolioweUi: I give mj Island, .-all. .1 the 
 
 Is] ■ Wleht alia- Mom bollock . iv -on Da\ i.l. wholh to be his .lurine hi- lib-', and alb r hi- dl - i-, . 10 
 
 his next heire mailc begotten bvhim. 'then my Will i-. it' shall succeed to the h, ire mail. ■ of m\ daughter 
 
 Marv. a- an Inheritance; audit - lie without an heire maile. to succeed to the heire mail.- ol my 
 
 gi-an'd-cliiid Elizabeth, and to be entavled to the first belres mailc proceeding from the body of my 
 deceased husband, Lion Gardiner, and hie his wife Mary, Irom time to lime, forever. Never to' be sold 
 
 !>■ Ih. -in but to he a continuous inheritance to the heires of me and mv husband forever; but if in future time 
 
 the heires maile shall be extinct, then to succeed to the females in an eqilall division as shall be found most 
 
LION GARDINER. 
 
 87 
 
 Thus passed from earth one of the prominent figures in the early 
 colonial history of New England. 
 
 Lion Gardiner was singularly modest ; firm in his friendships ; 
 "patient of toil; serene amidst alarms; inflexible in faith " — and 
 he " died in a good old age, an old man and full of years." 
 
 . I give to my daughter Mary«/my "Whole accommodations 
 
 foresaid, but. with 
 ilcle Elizabeth; if 
 ■ executors whom 
 rk and household 
 or before slice be 
 
 just ami equall for the dp 
 
 riding the! 
 
 said Isla 
 
 at Ivisthaiupton ,,r Maids 
 
 tone with 
 
 ill tile ll 
 
 ..ne-llalfe of inv stork, vi 
 
 z., neat k 
 
 hide, ho 
 
 Marv to lie divided o.piall 
 
 
 
 hold' goods to inv dallghtr 
 
 r Marv'. ti 
 
 he'divi. 
 
 in v stoeic to mv grand-eli 
 
 ild. both t 
 
 lat vvliii 
 
 give tile other llalle of ill 
 
 
 
 this proviso. 1 -i\ -■ m\ -l 
 
 
 
 God be pleased to din 
 
 
 
 I appoint to be my son D 
 
 
 
 goods after l!i\ doera-i : 
 
 
 
 L 
 
 -at} 
 
 tlie same us ruimerlv m\' hi 
 anv one shall he deceased 
 present, if two he absent 
 
 one or two more with him 
 two servants Japliel ami I 
 David choosing wliicli of I 
 twenty-five pounds left in : 
 law Arthuix'or his heires. 
 will it, iK-Wi.fii.n-v.l by n 
 which that bill was made. 
 
 For confirmation of tl 
 Witness.-: Thomas .lames, 
 upon good consideration si 
 saving or excepting Ihehoi 
 and daughter Minn , ni\ -^v.x 
 for their best advalitagi- till 
 
 Witnesse: John Mnii 
 [liiila] before ye Court of S< 
 Thomas James. John Mult' 
 
 and ■' Jet 
 ltd Testan 
 
 emiah 
 lent. ] 
 
 ," and tlie 
 set to mv 1 
 
 land at 
 
 id scale (s 
 
 ..It' 
 
 ted) Maky Gabdis 
 
 , lor 
 
 ■d. Robert 
 
 Itond: 
 
 April 111th, 
 
 1661. 
 
 .Memo™ 
 
 
 I, Mary Gardi 
 
 
 Will and 
 
 Teslai 
 
 last "Will be 
 ames. The 
 
 aile.di 
 tilcm" 
 
 proba 
 
 in all re: 
 ive to the 
 to be eg.ua 
 
 lion of tb 
 
 -1" 
 IP 
 
 Ml' 
 
 ildn I 
 Mlivii 
 Mai 
 Will. 
 
 onfirro the sa 
 i of my son Da 
 led avid impro 
 .v Gardiner 
 the 6th of Jv 
 
 vid! 
 ved 
 
 ,n Soutliol 
 
 il. was 
 
 attested ur. 
 
 
 ll by two 
 
 Of 
 
 thew 
 
 ituesses, namely: 
 
 NOT 
 
 Lion Gardiner was at au early age a God-fearing Puritan; he emigrated in tlie interest of Puritanism, 
 aud labored with and for the early fathers, and .justly belongs among the founders of New England. After 
 leaving Saybrooke he "was still, practically, under New England protection both at his Island and at East 
 Hampton. All ot his social, religious aud trade relations were with the settlers of New England. His Island 
 was au independent plantation during his life time, and East Hampton and the other towns at the east end 
 of Long Island were during the same period under the protection of Connecticut until 10G2. At no time was 
 he ever called upon to recognize the government of New York. His son David first acknowledged the suprem- 
 acy of the government of New York in 1665.— C. C. G. 
 
EDITORIAL EGOTISM. 
 
EDITORIAL EGOTISM. 
 
 ZFIITIS COBON-AT 0:FUS. 
 
 Thirty years ago I began a search for my ancestry, a pursuit I 
 thoroughly enjoyed, as a pastime, because it brought me many 
 entertaining letters, ivith fresh facts and, interesting reminiscences. 
 Within a comparatively brief period I was the possessor of a mass of 
 materials sufficient to make a moderate volume, yet I had no thought 
 of preparing the matter for publication. I was content to rest from 
 my labors, when I had succeeded in establishing a complete chain of 
 descent from my earliest ancestor in this country. 
 
 Here is my pedigree: Curtiss Crane Gardiner, born in Eaton, 
 N. T., December 1, 1822; the son of Lyman Gardiner, born in 
 Sherburne, N. T., July 25, 1798, married first Mary Crane, died at 
 Nunda, N. T., December 7, 1846 ; the son of Daniel Denison Gardiner, 
 born in Groton, Ct., March 28, 1773, married Eunice Otis, died at 
 Eaton, N. T., July 17, 1817 ; the son of William Gardiner, born in 
 Groton, Ct., September 5, 174-1, married Esther Denison, died at 
 Chenango Forks, JV. Y., March 31, 1800 ; the son of Joseph Gardiner, 
 born on Gardiner's Island, April 22, 1697, married Sarah Grant, 
 died at Groton, Ct., May 15, 1752; the son of John Gardiner, born 
 on Gardiner's Island, April 19, 1661, married first Mary King, died 
 at New London, Ct., June 25, 1738 ; the son of David Gardiner, born 
 in Saybrooke Fort, Ct., April 29, 1636, married Mary Leringman, 
 widow, died at Hartford, Ct., July 10, 1689; the son of Lion Gardiner, 
 the progenitor of the family in America. 
 
92 EDITORIAL EGOTISM. 
 
 / then gathered up the letters and papers which had accumulated 
 in the course of my search, and carefully packed, them away, and 
 they remained packed away in my possession, from 1855 to 1882— 
 tiventy-seven years— when I found it necessary to consult them as 
 aids in the preparation of the manuscript for this volume. Unfolding 
 those old, familiar letters— companions of other days — I discovered 
 the Great Destroyer of all living had cut down all hut one of the 
 writers. Such a destruction was appalling and well calculated to 
 awaken the most solemn reflections. But such is life. True, my old 
 friends had passed away, yet I found consolation in the fact that 
 they heed left me valuable autograph letters; and w hat is so like one's 
 friend as his letters ? ' In one instance, a letter which I had written 
 to one of those old correspondents, became the subject of a conspicuous 
 newspaper item, in the folloiving language : "There is a letter in the 
 
 post office at S S , (N. TJ, addressed to Mr. G r V 
 
 W k. As that gentleman has slept with his forefathers nearly 
 
 a quarter of a century, we are not a little curious to know ivho it is 
 that has for so many years survived him, and not yet learned that 
 he long ago wrapped 'the drapery of his couch about him and lies 
 down to pleasant dreams.' " My experience reminded me of Rip Van 
 Winkle, ivhen he returned to his native village, after twenty years' 
 sleep in the Highlands. Like him, I found my old friends "gone," 
 and like him I was ready, for the moment, to doubt my own existence, 
 and to exclaim "I'm not myself— I'm some body else." 
 
 The production of this volume should be credited to the publi- 
 cation of the "Winthrop Papers." It appeared to me, after reading 
 that valuable collection, that if some one should make a compilation 
 of all the papers of Lion Gardiner, such a volume would be an 
 acceptable offering to his descendants. If I have succeeded in that, 
 my purpose has been fulfilled. 
 
 All of the authorities consulted have been credited in the proper 
 places, except where the same events have appeared, in a number of 
 publications without any claim to originality. All histories of the 
 
EDITORIAL EGOTISM. 93 
 
 early colonial times in New England, and of the Eastern settlements 
 of Long Island, necessarily mention Lion Gardiner. A. memoir of him, 
 by Alexander Gardiner, was published in 1849, by the Massachusetts 
 Historical Society, Vol. X, 3d Series, pp. 173-185. His career is 
 referred to very fully in the " Two-Hundredth Anniversary " Address, 
 by H. P. Hedges, at East Hampton, published in 1850. He is likewise 
 written up exhaustively in the "Chronicles of East Hampton" by 
 David Gardiner, published in 1871. The "History of the City of New 
 York," by Mrs. M. J. Lamb, refers to him, but is more devoted to his 
 descendants. 
 
 My acknowledgments are due to a number of gentlemen, and to 
 one lady, none of xvhom I have the pleasure to know, and I do not 
 feel authorized to mention their names. With grateful remembrances 
 to all, I beg to say that I have found them agreeable, painstaking and 
 obliging correspondents, and I hope they may never have cause to 
 regret having contributed, what they could, to this work. Only a 
 limited edition will be printed, solely for private circulation. Bated 
 this 27th day of August, 1883. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 GARDINER'S ISLAND. 
 
 " Where now, it may be ask'd, are all 
 Those tawny tribes? From off this beauteous Isle, 
 By time's rude haud, swept like the sands which 
 Rolling waves have hurled into the deep. "Where 
 The tall chiefs, who strode like spirits o'er this 
 Sunny Isle, threading the forest by their magic 
 Trail, marshalling their hosts, sole monarchs of the 
 Soil? ...... 
 
 All, all are gone! Oblivion's 
 Wave, with waters dark and deep, roll o'er their 
 Dust, their memories and their names." 
 
 This island originally belonged to the jurisdiction of the Mon- 
 tauk Indians, and was purchased from the aboriginal owners by 
 Lion Gardiner, by deed bearing date May 3, 1639, (1) called by them 
 Manchonack; and from the grantee of the King of England by a 
 grant bearing date March 10, 1640,(2) called by the English Isle of 
 Wight. It was created a Manor. On the death of Lion Gardiner he 
 bequeathed (3) his whole estate to his wife, who, at her death, be- 
 queathed (4) the island to her son David—" during his life, and after 
 his decease to his, next heire maile begotten by him" and "to be 
 entayled to the first heires maile proceeding from the body," of her 
 late husband and herself, "from time to time forever." October 5, 
 1665, David Gardiner procured a grant from Governor Nicoll for a 
 quit-rent of £5 a year. September 23, 1670, he procured a release 
 from Governor Lovelace for one lamb yearly, if it should be de- 
 manded. November 1, 1683, the General Assembly of New York 
 divided the province into counties and towns, and included the Isle 
 of Wight within the county of Suffolk— the island still retaining its 
 
 (1) Vide Supra, p. 75, note (»). Also Vide Supra, p. 81, note (2). (2) Vide Supra, p. 82, note (1). 
 (3) Vide Supra, p. 86. (*) Vide Supra, p. 86. 
 
98 APPENDIX. 
 
 manorial rights and privileges. September 11, 1686, David Gardiner 
 procured a grant from Governor Dongan hy which the island was 
 erected into the "Lordship and Manor of Gardiner's Island," for one 
 lamb yearly in lien of all services whatsoever. (1) March 7, 1788, 
 the State Legislature passed an act attaching the island to the town 
 of East Hampton in the county of Suffolk, which is its present polit- 
 ical status. 
 
 The locality of the island is north-east of the bay of the same 
 name, about three miles east of Long Island. Its greatest length, 
 including the sand bars at the two extremities, is nearly seven and 
 a half miles. Its greatest width slightly exceeds one mile. The 
 general outline of the shore is irregular, and portions of the surface 
 are uneven, with here and there fresh water ponds and patches of 
 deep forest. The whole island contains upwards of three thousand 
 acres of good land. 
 
 The first, third and seventh proprietors are the most conspicu- 
 ously mentioned in history. A sketch of Lion Gardiner, first 
 proprietor, occupies this volume. While John Gardiner, third pro- 
 prietor, was iu possession, Kidd, the notorious pirate, visited the 
 island at least twice. At one time he came in the absence of the 
 proprietor, and requested the proprietor's wife to roast him a pig. 
 She being afraid to refuse him, cooked it well, which pleased him, 
 and on his departure he presented her with two small blankets of 
 gold cloth — a small remnant of one of them still remains with the 
 relics of the family. (2) At another time Kidd came, and, in the pres- 
 ence of the proprietor, buried a quantity of gold, silver and precious 
 stones, enjoining upon him the most solemn pledges of secrecy. 
 After the arrest of Kidd, the burial of the treasure was made known, 
 and government officials were dispatched to secure it. Having taken 
 
 ( 1 1 The lees for these executive grants, under Ihe seal of the province, was a perquisite of Hie Governors— 
 to till their pockets al the expense or the people.— Thompson's His. L. I., 1, pp. 139-U7. Gov. Nicoll 
 fathered a harvest of lees from exacting new title .lee. Is. ITinlcr Gov. Luvclace, In- successor. Ihe same 
 
 system was more fully developed.— Bancroft's His. of the u. S., II, pp. 320,321. 
 
 (2) I have a small particle of the gold cloth which was clipped oft' from the remnant and presented to me 
 by Mrs. Gardiner, widow of the seventh proprietor, at the island, August 9th and 10th, 1855.— C. C. G. 
 
APPENDIX. 99 
 
 possession, they gave a receipt — the original of which is still pre- 
 served by the family, as follows : (1) 
 
 Boston, New-England, July, 25, 1699. 
 A true account of all such gold, silver, jewels, and merchandise, late in the pos- 
 session of Captain William Kidd, which have been seized and secured by us under 
 written pursuant to an order from his Excellency Richard Earl of Bellomont, Captain 
 General and Governor in Chief in and over her Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts 
 Bay, &c. bearing date July 7, 1699. 
 
 In Capt. ffm. Kidd's box, viz. ounces 
 
 One bag qt fifty-three silver bars .... 357 
 
 One bag qt seventy-nine bars and pieces of silver . . 442^ 
 
 One bag qt seventy-four bars of silver . . . 421 
 
 One enameled silver box guilt in which are— four diamonds set in gold lockets, 
 one diamond loose, one large diamond set in a gold ring. 
 Found in the Mr. Duncan Campbell's house : 
 
 ounces 
 No. 1. one bag qt of gold ..... 58% 
 
 2. one bag qt . ' . . . ' . 94 
 
 3. one handkerchief qt ..... 50 
 
 4. one bag qt ...... 103 
 
 5. one bag qt . . . , ■ • 3S}-s 
 
 6. one bag qt ...... 19% 
 
 7. one bag qt of silver ..... 203 
 
 Also twenty dollars one-half and one-quarter pieces of eight, nine English 
 Crowns, one small bar of silver, one small lump of silver, a small chain, a small bottle, 
 a coral necklace, one piece of white and one piece of chequered silk. 
 
 In Capt. Win. Kidd's chest, viz: two silver casons, two silver candlesticks, one 
 silver porringer, and some small things of silver qt 82 ounces. Kubies small and great, 
 sixty-seven green stones— 69 precious stones. One large load stone. 
 
 Landed from on board the sloop Antonia, Capt. Wm. Kidd late commander, 57. 
 bales of sugar, 17 canvass pieces, 41 bales of merchandise. 
 
 Received of Mr. Duncan Campbell three bales of merchandise, whereof one he 
 
 had opened being much damnified by water qt eighty-five pieces of silk Rouralls and 
 
 Bangalls. Sixty pieces of calico and muslins. 
 
 Received the 17th instant of Mr. John Gardiner, viz: ounces. 
 
 No. 1. one bag dust gold qt 60% 
 
 2. one bag coyned gold qt . . • .11 
 and in it silver qt ..... 124 
 
 3. one bag dust gold qt ..... 24% 
 
 4. one bag qt three silver rings and sundry precious stones 4% 
 one bag unpolished stones qt .... 12}£ 
 one pure crystal and brazer stones two Cornelian rings, two 
 
 small agates, two amethysts, all in the same bag. 
 
 5. one bag silver buttons and a lamp . .29 
 
 6. one bag broken silver qt 173)^ 
 
 7. one bag gold bars . .... 353^ 
 
 8. one bag gold bars .... 238}£ 
 
 9. one bag dust gold . . 59>a 
 
 10. one bag silver bars .... 212 
 
 11. one bag silver bars . . 309 
 
 The whole of the gold above mentioned is eleven hundred and eleven ounces Troy 
 Wt. The silver is two thousand three hundred and fifty-three ounces. 
 
 The jewels or precious stones weighed— are seventeen ounces three-eighths of an 
 ounce and sixty-nine stones by scale. 
 
 The sugar is contained in 57 bags. The merchandise contained in 41 bales. The 
 canvass in seventeen pieces. 
 
 (1) I made this copy from tlieorigiual document at the island, August 9tli and lOtli, 1855.— C. C. G. 
 
100 APPENDIX. 
 
 A true account of the first sheet of the accompt of the treasure goods and mer- 
 chandise imported by Captain William Kidd and company and accomplices Anno 1699. 
 Seized by order of the Earl of Bellomont which accompt was presented in thirteen 
 sheets under the hands of Samuel Sewall, Nathaniel Byfield, Jeremiah Dumer, and 
 Andrew Belcher, Esq., Commissioners appointed to receive and secure and upon their 
 oaths. — And is lodged in the Secretary's office at Boston. 
 
 (1) Ex'm'd pr F. Addington Sec'y- 
 
 Other pirates came to the island at a later period for plunder — 
 assaulting and wounding the proprietor. During the Revolutionary 
 War there were frequent raids by the ■ British for stock and other 
 products. At the same time British seamen, from the men-of-war 
 anchored in the hay, made it their sporting ground. 
 
 John Lyon Gardiner, seventh proprietor, was highly intelligent, 
 and especially fond of antiquarian research. His manuscripts relat- 
 ing to the family and to the island and adjacent places, are invaluable 
 to the historian. He secured the Genevan Bible — printed at London 
 1599. (2) Also an Indian Bible — printed at Cambridge, Mass., 1663 — 
 the first printing office established in America. (3) 
 
 The title-page of the Indian Bible is printed in English as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " The Holy Bible containing the old testament and the new. Translated into the 
 Indian language and ordered to be printed by the Commissioners of the United Colonies 
 of New England. At the charge and with the consent of the corporation in England 
 for the propogation of the gospel amongst the Indians of New England— Cambridge, 
 printed by Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson mdclxiii." 
 
 The following is the heading over the first chapter of the Old 
 Testament, together with the first verse in Genesis : 
 
 Negonne oosukkuhwhouk Moses. Ne usweetamuk. 
 
 GENESIS. 
 
 1. Wcike kutchitsik a aytum god kefuk kah alike. 
 
 The following is the commencement of the New Testament, with 
 the first verse in Matthew : 
 
 (1) It is said one diamond was carelessly dropped by tlie officials at Gardiner's Island, which was found 
 alter their depart lire, and is now in llle possession of the family of Gardiner Green, of Boston, a descendant of 
 a daughter of John Gardiner. Ihird proprietor. Parlies frc.picntlv ask permission lo disr lor Kidd 's treasure at 
 the island. -C. C. G. " My lather when a young man was sent h'v his lather, and a chart Liven him iodic up 
 some ot Kidd's buried treasures near Monlauk Point. Thcv were seared away by the MonlanU Indians, and 
 never returned. I copied the chart when a boy, and may have it still."— Letter "from Dr. T. W. Coit, Mid- 
 dletown, Ct., Allg.7, 1883. 
 
 (2) Vide Supra, p. 11. 
 
 (3) " I received this Indian Bible from Joshua Nonesuch of the Niliontic tribe iu Lyme— by means of 
 Daniel Wank. at. this I7tli day id' May, IM.'i. It is said to have been present.'. I lo the tribe by a Sachem of the 
 Moneags in Norwich, Ct.''— Mem. by John Lron Gardiner, seventh proprietor. 
 
APPENDIX. 101 
 
 Wunaunchemookaonk Nashpe. 
 
 MATTHEW. 
 
 1. Uppometuongane a book Jesus Christ wunnuaumonuh David lounnuaumonuh 
 
 Abraham. 
 
 The island has been a plantation by itself from its earliest 
 occupancy — continuing, without interruption, in the possession of the 
 descendants of the first purchaser. Prior to the Revolutionary War 
 the proprietors were called, after the custom in England, Lords of 
 the Manor, and, for some time later, the soubriquet was extended to 
 them by the courtesy of their neighbors. 
 
 The usual approach to the island is from the shore of Long 
 Island, at a post-village called " the Springs." There is no harbor 
 on the island — only a boat-house. The mansion fronts to the west, 
 near the shore. The present structure was erected by the sixth pro- 
 prietor and is upwards of a century old — large, two-story, with wide 
 gables and dormer windows, a deep porch in front, and is shaded by 
 forest trees of venerable and stately appearance. Within this large 
 and hospitable abode there are many relics and priceless heir- 
 looms — fire arms, hunting trophies, paintings, books, documents, 
 plate, and the family coat of arms. The cemetery is located about 
 a half a mile east of the mansion, in which there are not to exceed a 
 score of graves including the several proprietors, from the fourth to 
 the tenth inclusive. The first proprietor was buried at East Hamp- 
 ton, (1) the second at Hartford, (2) the third at New London. (3) 
 
 The island is a charming spot. As a plantation it is devoted 
 chiefly to grazing and stock raising. Further than this our subject 
 does not require any particulars. 
 
 (1) Vide Supra, p. S6. 
 
 (2) The tombstone of David Gardiner, second proprietor, was lost to his descendants for a great many 
 years. He was hnried in the rear of (he Centre Church. Hartford, Ct... and over hisjiravc was placed allori- 
 zontal slab of rod sand stone, with an inscription, which in the course of time became parllv imbedded in 
 the earth and its whereabouts was not known for at least a couture. In ISM Mr. J. W. Barber of New Haven, 
 discovered thestoneand with considerable dittioullv, deciphered the inscription, as follows: 
 
 " Here lyeth the body of Mi. David Gardiner of Gardiner's island. Deceased Jvly 10, 
 10s9, in the fifty-fovrth year of his age well. sick, dead. in one hovrs space. 
 " Engrave the kememckance of death on thine heart 
 • When as thov dost see how swiftly- hovrs depart." 
 
 (3) Vide Supra, p. 57. 
 
102 APPENDIX. 
 
 PROPRIETORS OF GARDINER'S ISLAND. 
 
 First: Lion Gardiner died in 1663, and left male issue, aged 64. 
 
 Second : David Gardiner, only son of Lion. Bequeathed to him as a life estate, by 
 the will of his mother, to be entailed to the first heirs male, from time to time for- 
 ever. Died in 16S9, and left male issue, aged 53. 
 
 Third : John Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding David. Died in 173S, and left male 
 issue, aged 77. 
 
 Fourth: David Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding John. Died in 1751, and left 
 male issue, aged 60. 
 
 Fifth : John Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding David. Died in 1764, and left male 
 issue, aged 36. 
 
 Sixth : David Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding John. Died in 1774, and left male 
 issue, aged 36. 
 
 Seventh: John Lyon Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding David. Died in 1S16, and 
 left male issue, aged 46. 
 
 Eighth : David Johnson Gardiner, eldest sou of the preceding John Lyon. Died in 
 1S29, unmarried and intestate, aged 25. There being no heir male the island 
 became an inheritance to the nest of kin. In common parlance, the entail was 
 broken. 
 
 Ninth : John Griswold Gardiner, brother of the preceding David Johnson. Purchased 
 the interests of other heirs and became the owner in fee simple. Died unmarried 
 and intestate in 1861, aged 49. 
 
 Tenth: Samuel Buell Gardiner, brother of the preceding David J. and John G. Pur- 
 chased the interests of other heirs. Died in 1SS2, aged 67. 
 
 Eleventh : David J. Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding Samuel Buell. Bequeathed 
 to him by his father, and he sold to his brother J. Lyon Gardiner. 
 
 Twelfth : J. Lyon Gardiner, brother of the preceding David J. Owned by purchase. 
 
INDEX. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 THIS INDEX DOES NOT REFER TO LION GARDINER, NOR TO INDIANS, NOR 
 TO AUTHORS QUOTED. 
 
 Allyn (Allen), 45. 
 Arthur, TV., 51. 
 Arthur, C. A., 51. 
 
 Bagley, 33. 
 
 Beecher, Rev. L., 11. 
 
 Bellingham (Belingam), IB, 71. 
 
 Boynton (Bonnington), Sir Matt., 15, 
 
 Bond, 86, 87. 
 
 Brooke (Brooks), Lord, 15, 72, 73, 74 
 
 Branch, 20. 
 
 Chapman, 14, 20, 33. 
 
 Charles (Charts), 37. 
 
 Chatfleld, 85. 
 
 Conkling, 11, 13, 80, 87. 
 
 Coddington, 16,71. 
 
 Coit, Robert, 58, 62. 
 
 Coit, Mrs. Rob't (Brainard), 58, 62. 
 
 Coit, Thomas, 58, 61. 
 
 Coit, Thos. W., 60,61, 62, 100. 
 
 Coit (Sarah Gardiner) , 58. 
 
 Coit, Jonathan, 61. 
 
 Coit, Mary G., 61. 
 
 Colet, 70. 
 
 Cruyer (Cryar), 42, 43, 44. 
 
 Cromwell, 73. 
 
 Davenport, 15, 67, 69. 
 
 Darley, 72. 
 
 Daily, 85. 
 
 Davis, 82. 
 
 Dike, 21. 
 
 Dudley, 16. 
 
 Eaton, 30, S3. 
 Endicott, 18, 67, 77. 
 
 Farrett, 82. 
 Farrington, 32, 83. 
 Fairfax, 69. 
 
 Fenwick, 15, 16, 17, 72 
 (Phenwicke),36. 
 
 74, 75, 76; (Phenix),35; 
 
 Gardiner, Mary, 12, 58, 59, 69, 70, 80, 86, 87. 
 'Gardiner, John Lyon, 11, 12, 59, 60, 62, 68, 100. 
 Gardiner, (Sarah Griswold), 11, 59. 
 Gardiner, David, 12, 57, 58, 60, 61, 68, 80, 85, 9 
 
 87, 100. 
 Gardiner, Elizabeth, 12, 86,87. 
 Gardiner, John, 12, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 98, 99, 100. 
 Gardiner, Jonathan, 12, 58. 
 Gardiner, Lucre tia, 12. 
 Gardiner, Henry D., 51. 
 Gardiner, J. Lyon, 59, 62. 
 Gardiner, David J., 59. 
 Gardiner, Samuel B., 59, 62, 
 Gardiner, Richard, 60. 
 Gardiner, the name of, 51, 52. 
 Gardiner, signature and a seal, 53. 
 Gardiner, arms of, 55-64. 
 Gardiner's Island, 97. 
 Gardiner's Island, Proprietors, 102. 
 Gardiner, Pedigree, 91. 
 Garlicke, 43, 84, 85. 
 Gibbons, 15, 26, 67, 73. 
 Gosmore, 31. 
 Green. 24, 100. 
 Graves, 37. 
 
 Haines, 16, 29, 30, 82. 
 Hammond (Hamman), 32, S3. 
 Hampden, 73. 
 
 Heslerigge, Sir Arthur, 15, 72, 73. 
 Hedges, 57, 85. 
 
106 
 
 Higginson (Higgisson), 21, 24, 25. 
 
 Howell31; (Gardiner), 86, 87. 
 
 Hopkius, 70. 
 
 Huvlburt (Huiibut), 14, 17, 20, 21, 24, 34. 
 
 Humphrey (Humfry), 16. 
 
 Huntting, 57, 59. 
 
 Hunter, 70. 
 
 James, 84, 86, 87. 
 Jope (Job) , 70. 
 
 Kidd, 98, 99. 
 
 Lake, 44. 
 
 Lam-enee, 72, 73. 
 Lee, 46,47. 
 Leicester, Earl of, 69. 
 T.ecbiord, 75,81. 
 Ludlow, 16, 25. 
 
 Mason, 14, 15, 23, 25, 32, 67, 79, 80. 
 Mitchell (Michell), 20, 21, 23. 
 Miller, 84. 
 Mulford, 86, 87. 
 
 Nowell, 16. 
 Nott, 37. 
 Nye, 72. 
 
 Oldham, 16, 27, 76. 
 
 Peters, 15, 16, 17, 36, 37, 39, 67, 69, 72, 75, 76. 
 
 Pell, 21, 24,25. 
 
 Pennys, 46. 
 
 Plum, 24. 
 
 Provost, 29. 
 
 Price, 82, 84. 
 
 Pynchon (Pincheon), 17, 23; (Pinchin), 36, 
 
 Quick, 37. 
 
 Robinson (Eobbingson), 37. 
 Rumble, 20. 
 
 Saltonstall (Saltingstone), 15, 72, 75. 
 
 Say and Seal, Lord, 70, 72, 73, 74. 
 
 Scott, 46. 
 
 Seeley, 23, 25, 32, 67. 
 
 Searle, 45. 
 
 Sibada, 44. 
 
 Smith, 85, 86. 
 
 Spencer, 21. 
 
 Standish, 67. 
 
 Stanton, 16, 21, 22, 42, 43, 44. 
 
 Stone, 25, 45, 76. 
 
 Steel, 25. 
 
 Stoughton (Stoten), 26, 67. 
 
 Talmage, 85.. 
 
 Tilly (Tille),17, 23, 24, 77. 
 
 Trumbull, 14. 
 
 Trumbull, J. Hammond, 75, 81. 
 
 Turner, 18. 
 
 Underhill (Undrill), 18, 24, 25, 32, 67, 78, 79. 
 
 Vane, 21, 24, 67, 71, 72,78. 
 Vere, Lord, 69. 
 
 Webb, 70. 
 
 Wilemson, 69. 
 
 Williams, W. T., 14. 
 
 Winthrop, 15, 16, 17, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 
 
 63, 67, 69, 70, 71,72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 81, 84. 
 Willard, 15,57,73. 
 Williams, Roger, 29, 67, 79. 
 Winslow, 78. 
 Wyllys (Willis) , 45. 
 
rW 
 
 \^m ) / 
 
 %xon dardiwer. 
 
 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 GARDINER. 
 
The Papers and Biography of Lion Gardiner, 
 1599-1C63. With an Appendix. Edited, with 
 Rotes Critical aud Illustrative, by Curtiss C 
 Gardiner. St. Louis. 1883. 
 It is with regret that we pronounce this hand- 
 some volume to be a failure, because such family 
 records generally claim so moderate a rauk 
 But it points out a defect which gentlemeu of 
 leisure are apt to overlook-namely, that a u*e- 
 , less book is worse than nothing. la the present 
 case, out of the hundred pages of the book, only 
 [ two have any value-namely, those which give 
 . a .list of the proprietors of Gardiner's Island, and 
 ' the pedigree of the author's own line The 
 other contents are merely reprints of wel<- 
 known documents, not sufficient to constitute a 
 biography. Besides these, the editor has ap- 
 pended some whimsical ijotes, which only reveal 
 his lack of special information. 
 
 It is greatly to be regretted that any descend- 
 ant of the well-known engineer and soldier, Lion 
 Gardiner, having the means and the desire to 
 print a memorial, should have lacked the happy 
 inspiration of getting some competent person to 
 collect and arrange the material for him The 
 theme is an interesting one, and, in the hands of 
 a local antiquary, it would doubtless have been 
 ■ productive. What is expected nowadays in such 
 a book is exact details and careful arrangement 
 It is certain that the history of the manor of 
 Gardiner's Island, and a sketch of its successive 
 proprietors, their connections and offshoots 
 would be a welcome addition to American geue- 
 alogy. It is seldom that the possessor of family 
 papers, traditions, and memorials is also com- 
 petent to give them a suitable form. But to 
 avail of the services of a compiler is no more un- 
 necessary, or unreasonable than, to secure, a i 
 printer/-'-.- . . . I 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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