-V . \^ v . ^, * . ■\ v° <£. v 0o y "00 A f ^ v« I A &£ THE HISTORY OF VIRGINIA, IN FOUR PARTS. I. The History of the first settlement of Virginia, and the gov- ernment THEREOF, TO THE YEAR 1706. II. THE NATURAL PRODUCTIONS AND CONVENIENCES OF THE COUNTRY, 6UITED TO TRADE AND IMPROVEMENT. III. The native Indians, their religion, laws and customs, in war and FFACE. IV. The present state of the country, as to the polity of the gov- ernment, AND THE IMPROVEMENTS OF THE LAND THE IOtH OF JUNE 1720. BY ROBERT BEVERLEY, A native and inhabitant of the place. • REPKINTBD FROM THE AUTHOR'S SECOND REVISED EDITION, LONDON, 1722. % WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY CHAELES CAMPBELL, Author of the Colonial History of Virginia. J. wl RANDOLPH, - 121 MAIN STREET, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA. 1855. Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1855, by J. W. RANDOLPH, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court in and for the Eastern District of Virginia. H. K. ELLYSON'S STEAM PRESSES, RICHMOND, VA. THE TABLE. BOOK I. CHAPTER I History of the first attempts to settle Virginia, before the discovery of Chesapeake bay. PAGE. §1. Sir Walter Raleigh obtains letters patent, for making discoveries in America, . . . . . . .8 2. Two ships set out on the discovery, and arrive at Roanoke inlet, . 9 Their account o!' the country, . . . . .9 Their account of the natives, . . . .9 3. Queen Elizabeth names the country of Virginia, . . .10 4. Sir Richard Greenvile's voyage, . . . . .10 He plans the first colony, under command or Mr. Ralph Lane, . 1 1 5. The discoveries and accidents of the (irst colony, . • .11 6. Their distress by want of provisions, . . . .12 Sir Francis Drake visits them, . . . • • 12 He gives them a ship and necessaries, . ■ . .12 He takes them away with him, . . . . .12 7. Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir Richard Greenvile, their voyages, . 13 The second settlement made, . . . . .13 8. Mr. John White's expedition, . . . . .13 The first Indian made a Christian there, . . . .14 The first child born there of Christian parentage, . . .14 Third settlement, incorporated by the name of the city of Raleigh, in Virginia, . . . . . . .14 Mr. White, their governor, sent home to solicit for supplies, . 14 9. John White's second voyage ; last attempts to carry them recruits, 14 His disappointment, . . . . . .15 10. Capt. Gosnell's voyage to the coast of Cape Cod, . .15 11. The Bristol voyages, . . . . . .10 12. A London voyage, which discovered New York, . . .16 CHAPTER II. Discovery of Chesapeake bay by the corporation of Ix)ndon adventurers ; their colony at Jamestown, and proceedings during the government by an elective president and council. $13. The companies of London and Plymouth obtrin charters, . 18 14. Captain Smith first discovers the capes of Virginia, . . 19 15. He plants his first colony at Jamestown, .... 20 An account of Jamestown island, . . , .20 16. He sends the ships home, retaining one hundred and eight men to keep possession. . . . , .20 IV THE TAB L E 17. That colony's mismanagement, . . . . .21 Their misfortunes upon discovery of a supposed gold mine, . 21 18. Their first supplies after settlement, . . . .22 Their discoveries, and experiments in English grain, . , 22 An attempt of some to desert the colony, . . . .22 19. The first Christian marriage in that colony, . . .23 They make three plantations more, . . . .23 CHAPTER III. History of the .colony after the change of their government, from an elective president to a commissionated governor, until the dissolution of the com- pany. $20. 21 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. The company get a new grant, and the nomination of the gover nors in themselves, ■ They send three governors in equal degree, All three going in one ship, are shipwrecked at Bermudas, They build there two small cedar vessels, Captain Smith's return to England, . <* . Mismanagements ruin the colony, The first massacre and starving time, The first occasion of the ill character of Virginia, The five hundred men left by Captain Smith reduced to sixty in six months time. ...... The three governors sail from Bermudas, and arrive at Virginia, They take off the Christians that remained there, and design, by way of Newfoundland, to return to England, . Lord Delaware arrives and turns them back, Sir Thomas Dale arrives governor, with supplies, Sir Thomas Gates arrives governor, He plants out a new plantation, . Pocahontas made prisoner, and married to Mr. Rolfe, Peace with the Indians, .... Pocahontas brought to England by Sir Thomas Dale, Captain Smith's petition to the queen in her behalf, His visit to Pocahontas, An Indian's account of the people of England, Pocahontas' reception at court, and death, Captain Yardley's government, Governor Argall's good administration, Powhatan's death, and successors, Peace renewed by the- successors, Captain Argall's voyage from Virginia to New England He defeats the French northward of New England, An account of those French, He also defeats the French in Acadia, His return to England, Sir George Yardley, governor, He resettles the deserted plantation, and held the first assembly, The method of that assembly, The first negroes carried to Virginia, Land apportioned to adventurers, A salt work and iron work in Virginia, Sir Francis Wyat made governor, King James, his instructions in care of tobacco, Captain Newport's plantation, 24 24 24 24 25 25 25 26 26 26 27 27 27 28 28 28 28 29 29 32 32 33 34 34 34 34 35 35 36 36 36 36 36 37 37 37 38 38 38 38 THE TABLE. V 45. Inferior courts in each plantation, . . . . .39 Too much familiarity with the Indians, . . . .39 46. The massacre by the Indians, anno 1622, . . .39 47. The discovery and prevention of it at Jamestown, . - 40 48. The occasion of the massacre, . . . . .41 49. A plot to destroy the Indians, . . . . .42 50. The discouraging effects of the massacre, . . .43 51. The corporation in England are the chief cause of misfortunes in Virginia, . . • . . . .43 52. The company dissolved, and the colony taken into the king's hands, . . . . . . . .44 CHAPTER IV. History of Vie government, from the dissolution of the company to the year 1707. s $53. King Charles First establishes the constitution of government, in the methods appointed by the first assembly, . . .45 54. The ground of the ill settlement of Virginia, . . .45 55. Lord Baltimore in Virginia, . . . . .46 56. Lord Baltimore, proprietor of Maryland, . . .46 Maryland named from the queen, . . . .46 57. Young Lord Baltimore seats Mai yland, . . . .46 Misiortune to Virginia, by making Maryland a distinct govern- ment, . . . . . . . .47 58. Great grants and defalcations from Virginia, . . .47 59. Governor Harvey sent prisoner to England, and by the king re- manded back governor again, . . . . .47 60. The last Indian massacre, . . . . .48 61 . A character and account of Oppechancanough, the Indian em- peror, . . , .... 48 62. Sir William Berkeley made governor, . . . .49 63. He takes Oppechancanough prisoner, . . . .49 OppechancaDough's death, . . . . .50 64. A new peace with the Indians, but the country disturbed by the troubles in England, . . . . . -50 65. Virginia subdued by the protector, Cromwell, . . .50 66. He binds the plantations by an act of navigation, . . 51 67. His jealousy and change of governors in Virginia, . . 51 68. Upon the death of Matthews, the protector's governor, Sir Wil- liam Berkeley is chosen by the people, . . .52 69. He proclaims King Charles II before he was proclaimed in England, . . . . . • .52 70. King Charles II renews Sir William Berkeley's commission, . 52 71. Sir William Berkeley makes Colonel Morrison deputy governor, and goes to England, . ■ . • . .53 The king renews the act concerning the plantation, . . 53 72. The laws revised, . . . . .53 The church of England established by law, . • .53 73. Clergy provided for by law, . . . . .53 74. The public charge of the government sustained by law, . 53 75. Encouragement of particular manufactures by law, . . 54 76. The instruction for all ships to enter at Jamestown, used by law, 54 77. Indian allairs settled by law, ... -54 78. Jamestown encouraged by law, . . • . .54 79 Upstraints upon sectaries in religion, . 55 VI THE TABLE. . 80. A plot to subvert the government, . . . .55 81. The defeat of the plot, . . . . . .55 82. An anniversary feast upon that occasion, , . .56 83. The king commands the building a fort at Jamestown, . 56 84. A new restraint on the plantations by act of parliament, . 56 85. Endeavors for a stint in planting tobacco, . . .56 86. Another endeavor at a stint defeated, . . . .57 87. The king sent instructions to build forts, and confine the trade to certain ports, . ...... 57 88. The disappointment of those ports, . . . .58 89. Encouragement of manufactures enlarged, . . .58 90. An attempt to discovery the country backward, . .59 Captain Batt's relation of that discovery, . . .59 91. Sir William Berkeley intends to procecute that discovery in person, 60 92. The grounds of Bacon's rebellion, . . . .60 Four ingredients thereto, . . . . .61 93. First, the low price of tobacco, . . . . .61 Second, splitting the country into proprieties, . . .61 The country send agents, to complain of the propriety grants, . 61 94. Third, new duties by act in England on the plantations, . 62 95. Fourth, disturbances on the land frontiers by the Indians, . 62 First, by the Indians on the head of the bay, . . .62 Second, by the Indians on their own frontiers, . . .63 96. The people rise against the Indians, . . . .63 They choose Nathan Bacon, jr., for their leader, . . 63 97. He heads them, and sends to the governor for a commission, . 64 98. He begins his march without a commission, . . .64 The governor sends for him, . . . . .65 99. Bacon goes down in a sloop with forty of his men to the governor, 65 100. Goes away in a huff, is pursued and brought back by governor, 65 101. Bacon steals privately out of town, and marches down to the as- sembly with six hundred of his volunteers, . . .65 102. The governor, by advice of assembly, signs a commission to Mr. Bacon to be general, . . . . . .66 66 66 66 67 67 67 67 69 69 69 69 70 70 70 103. Bacon being marched away with his men is proclaimed rebel, 104. Bacon returns with his forces to Jamestown, 105. The governor flies to Accomac, .... The people there begin to make terms with him, 106. Bacon holds a convention of gentlemen, They propose to take an oath to him, 107. The forms of the oath, ..... 108. The governor makes head against him, . General Bacon's death, ..... 109. Bacon's followers surrender upon articles, 110. The agents compound with the proprietors, 1 1 1 . A new charter to Virginia, .... 112. Soldiers arrive from England, .... 113. The dissolution by Bacon's rebellion, 114. Commissioners arrive in Virginia, and Sir William Berkeley re turns to England, . . . . . .71 115. Herbert Jeffreys, esq., governor, concludes peace with Indians, 71 116. Sir Henry Chicheley, deputy governor, builds forts against Indians, 71 The assembly prohibited the importation of tobacco, . . 72 117. Lord Colepepper, governor, . . . . .72 118. Lord Colepepper's first assembly, . . #72 He passes several obliging acts to the country, . . ,72 THE TABLE. VII 119. He doubles the governor's salary, 120. He imposes the perquisite of ship money, 121. He, by proclamation, raises the value of Spanish coins, and lowers it again, ..... 122. Sir Henry Chicheley, deputy governor, . The plant cutting, ..... 123. Lord Colepepper's second assembly, He takes away appeals to the assembly, 124. His advantage thereby in the propriety of the Northern Neck, 1 25. He retrenches the new methods of court proceedings, 126. He dismantled the forts on the heads of rivers, and appointed rangers in their stead, ..... 1 27. Secretary Spencer, president, . 128. Lord Effingham, governor, .... Some of his extraordinary methods of getting money, . Complaints against him, .... 129. Duty on liquors first raised, . 130. Court of Chancery by Lord Effingham, 131. Colonel Bacon, president, .... The college designed, ..... 132. Francis Nicholson, lieutenant governor, . He studies popularity, , The college proposed to him, .... He refuses to call an assembly, .... 133. He grants a brief to the college, 134. The assembly address King William and Queen Mary for a col lege charter, ...... The education intended by this college, . The assembly present the lieutenant governor, . His method of securing this present, 135. Their majesties grant the charter, They grant liberally towards the building and endowing of it, 136. The lieutenant governor encourages towns and manufactures, Gentlemen of the council complain of him and are misused, He falls off from the encouragement of the towns and trade, 137. Edmund Andros, governor, .... The town law suspended, .... 138. The project of a post office, .... 139. The college charter arrived, .... The college further endowed, and the foundation laid, . 140. Sir Edmund Andros encourages manufactures, and regulates the secretary's office, ...... 141 . A child.born in the old age of the parents, 142. Francis Nicholson, governor, .... His and Colonel Q,uarrey's memorials against plantations, 143. His zeal for the church and college, 144. He removes the general court from Jamestown, . 145. The taking of the pirate, .... 146. The sham bills of nine hundred pounds for New York, . 147. Colonel Quarrey's unjust memorials, 148. Governor Nott arrived, ..... 149. Revisal of the law finished, .... 150. Ports and towns again set on foot, 151. Slaves a real estate, ..... 152. A house built for the governor, .... Governor dies, and the college burnt, VIII THE TABLE. 153. Edmond Jennings, esq., president, . . . .89 154. Alexander Spotswood, lieutenant governor, . . .89 BOOK II. Natural Productions and Conveniences of Virginia in its unimproved state, before the English went thither. CHAPTER I. Bounds and Coast of Virginia. » §1. Present bounds of Virginia, . . . . .90 2. Chesapeake bay, and the sea coast of Virginia, . . .91 3- What is meant by the word Virginia in this book, . . 91 CHAPTER II. Of the Waters. §4. Conveniency of the bay and rivers, . . . .93 5. Springs and fountains descending to the rivers, . . .93 6. Damage to vessels by the worm, , . . . .94 Ways of avoiding that damage, . . . . .94 CHAPTER III. Earths, and Soils. §7. The soil in general, . . . . . .96 River lands — lower, middle and upper, . . . .96 8. Earths and clays, ....... 98 Coal, slate and stone, and why not used, . . . .98 9. Minerals therein, and iron mine formerly wrought upon, . 98 Supposed gold mines lately discovered, . . . .99 That this gold mine was the supreme seat of the Indian temples formerly, . . . . . . .99 That their chief altar was there also, . . . .99 Mr. Whitaker's account of a silver mine; . . .99 10. Hills in Virginia, . . . . . . 100 Springs in the high lands, . . . . .101 CHAPTER IV. Wild Fruits. $11. Spontaneous fruits in general, « 102 12. Stoned fruits, viz : cherries, plums and persimmons, . . 102 13. Berries, viz : mulberries, currants, hurts, cranberries, raspberries and strawberries, . . . . . ..„ 103 14. Of nuts, . • . ... . . .104 15. Of grapes, ....... 105 The report of some French vignerons formerly sent in thither, . 107 16. Honey, and the sugar trees, ..... 107 17. Myrtle tree, and myrtle wax, * 108 Hops growing wild, . . . . . .109 18. Great variety of seeds, plants and flowers, . . . 109 Two snake roots, . . * . . . 109 Jamestown weed, . . . . . .110 Some curious flowers, . . . . . .Ill THE TABLE. IX 19. Creeping vines hearing fruits, viz: melons, pompions, macocks, gourds, maracocks, and cushaws, 20. Other fruits, roots and plants of the Indians, Several sorts of Indian corn, Of potatoes, .... Tobacco, as it was ordered by the Indians, CHAPTER V. Fish. $21. Great plenty and variety of fish, Vast shoals of herrings, shad, &c., 22. Continuality of the fishery, The names of some of the best edible fish, The names of some that are not eaten, . Indian children catching fish, Several inventions of the Indians to take fish, Fishing hawks and bald eagles, . Fish dropped in the orchard, CHAPTER VI. Wild Fowl and Hunted Game §25. Wild Water Fowl, 26. Game in the marshes and watery grounds, 27. Game in the highlands and frontiers, Of the Opossum, Some Indian ways of hunting, . Fire hunting, .... Their hunting quarters, . Conclusion, .... 83. 24. 28. 29 112 111 11 ! 115 lib 117 117 118 118 118 li- no 1:21 121 123 123 123 124 124 I:! 125 126 BOOK III. Indians, their Religion, Laws and Customs, in War and Peace. CHAPTER I. Persons of the Indians, and their Dress. $1. Persons of the Indians, their color and shape, . . .127 2. The cut of their hair, and ornament of their head, . .128 3. Of their vesture, . . . . . . .128 4. Garb peculiar to their priests and conjurors, . . . 130 5. Of the women's dress, . . . . . .131 CHAPTER II. Matrimony of the Indians, and Management of their Children. §6. Conditions of their marriage, . . . . .133 7. Maidens, and the story of their prostitution. . . .133 8. Management of the young children, . . . .134 CHAPTER III. Tmcns, Building and Fortification of tin Indians. $9. Towns and kingdoms of the Indiaus, . . . .135 10. Manner of their building, . • . . .135 11. Their fuel, or firewood, . . ... 136 THE TABLE 12. Their seats and lodgirjg, 13. Their fortification!, CHAPTER IV. Cookery and Food of the Indians. m §14. Their cookery, 15. Their several sorts of food, 16. Their times of eating, 17. Their drink, 18. Their ways of dining, CHAPTER V. Traveling, Reception and entertainment of the Indians. §19. Manner of their traveling, and provision they make for it, Their way of concealing their course, 20. Manner of their reception of strangers, The pipe of peace, . . . 21. Their entertainment of honorable friends, CHAPTER VI. Learning and Languages of the Indians. §22. That they are without letters, Their descriptions by hieroglyphics, . , Heraldry and arms of the Indians, 23. That they have different languages, Their general language, .... CHAPTER VII. War and Peace of the Indians. §24. Their consultations and war dances, , 25. Their barbarity upon a victory, ..... 26. Descent of the crown, ..*... 27. Their triumphs for victory, . . , . 28. Their treaties of peace, and ceremonies upon conclusion of peace, CHAPTER VIII. Religion, fVorship and Superstitious Customs of the Indians. §29. Their quioccassan and idol of worship, 30. Their notions of God, and worshiping the evil spirit, , 31. Their pawwawing or conjurations, 32. Their huskanawing, 33. Reasons of this custom, . 34. Their offerings and sacrifice, " . 35. Their set leasts, • 36. Their account of time, . 37. Their superstition and zealotry, . 38. Their regard to the priests and magicians, 39. Places of their worship and sacrifice, Their pawcorances or altar stones, 40. Their care of the bodies of their princes after death, 136 136 138 139 140 140 141 142 142 143 143 145 147 140 147 148 148 149 149 150 150 151 152 155 157 160 164 165 165 165 166 167 168 168 169 THE TABLE XI CHAPTER IX. Diseases and Cures of the Indians. §41. Their diseases in general, and burning for cure, Their sucking, scarifying and blistering, Priests' secrecy in the virtues of plants, . Words wisoccan, wighsacan' and woghsacan, Their physic, and the method of it, 42. Their bagnios or baths, Their oiling after sweating, CHAPTER X. Sports and Pastimes of Vie Indians. 171 171 171 172 172 172 173 Their sports and pastimes in general, . 175 Their singing, ..... • 175 Their dancing, ..... . 1 75 A mask used among them, . 176 Their musical instruments, . 177 §43. CHAPTER XI. Laws, and Authorities of the Indians among one another. §44. Their laws in genera], . . . . . .178 Their severity and ill manners, . . . . .178 Their implacable resentments, . . . . .179 45. Their honors, preferments and authorities, . . .179 Authority of the priests and conjurers, . . . 179 Servants or black boys, . . . . . -179 CHAPTER XII. Treasure or Riches of the Indians. §46. Indian money and goods, . . . . .180 CHAPTER XIII. Handicrafts of the Indians. §47. Their lesser crafts, as making bows and arrows, . .182 48. Their making canoes, ...... 182 Their clearing woodland ground, . . . .183 49. Account of the tributary Indians, . . . . 1 85 BOOK IV. Present State of Virginia. PART I. Polity and Government. CHAPTER I. Constitution of Government in Virginia. §1. Constitution of government in general, .... 186 2. Governor, his authority and salary, . . . .188 XII THE TABLE. 4. Council and their authority, House of burgesses, 189 190 §5. 6. 7. CHAPTER II. Sub-Divisions of Virginia. Division of the country, ...... 192 Division of the country by necks of land, counties and parishes, . 192 Division of the country by districts for trade by navigation, . 194 CHAPTER III. Public Offices of Government. §8. General officers as are immediately commissionated from the throne, 196 Auditor, Receiver General and Secretary, . Salaries of those officers, . 9. Other general officers, Ecclesiastical commissary and country's treasurer 10. Other public officers by commission, Escheators, .... Naval officers and collectors, Clerks and sheriffs, Surveyors of land and coroners, . 1 1 . Other officers without commission, 196 197 197 197 197 198 198 198 199 199 §12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. §18. 19. 20. 21. §22. 23. 24. CHAPTER IV. Standing Revenues or Public Funds. Public funds in general, ...... 200 Quit rent fund, ....... 200 Funds for maintenance of the government, . . . 201 Funds for extraordinary occasions, under the disposition of the as- sembly, . 201 Revenue granted by the act of assembly to the college, . . 202 Revenue raised by act of parliament in EDgland from the trade there, CHAPTER V. Levies for Payment of the Public, County and Parish Debts. Several ways of raising money, Titheables, Public levy, County levy, Parish levy, CHAPTER VI. Courts of Law in Virginia, Constitution of their courts, Several sorts of courts among them, General court in particular, and its jurisdiction, 202 203 203 203 204 204 205 206 206 THE TABLE . XIII 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. Times of holding a general court, . 206 Officers attending this court, . 206 Trials by juries and empannelling grand juries, . . 207 Trial of criminals, .... . 207 Time of suits, ..... . 208 Lawyers and pleadings, .... . 208 County courts ..... . 208 Orphans' courts, .... . 209 §33. • I. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 00. 41. 42. 43. 44. §45. 4G. 47. 48. 49. §50. 51, 52. §53. 54. 55. §56. 57. CHAPTER VII. Church and Church Jljfairs. Parishes, ..... Churches and chapels in each parish, Religion of the country, . Benefices of the clergy, . Disposition of parochial affairs, . Probates, administrations, and marriage licenses, Induction of ministers, and precariousness of their livings, CHAPTER VIII. Concerning the College. College endowments, ..... The college a corporation, .... Governors and visitors of the college in perpetual succession, College buildings, ..... Boys and schooling, ..... CHAPTER IX. Military Strength in Virginia. Forts and fortifications, . Listed militia, .... Number of the militia, Service of the militia, Other particulars of the troops and companies, CHAPTER X. Servants and Slaves. Distinction between a servant and a slave, Work of their servants and slaves, Laws in favor of servants, .... CHAPTER XL Provision for the Poor, and other Public Charitable Works. Legacy to the poor, ..... Parish methods in maintaining their poor, Free schools, and schooling of children, . CHAPTER XII. Tenure of Lands and Grants. Tenure and patents of their lands, Several ways of acquiring grants of land. 210 210 210 210 211 212 213 214 214 215 215 215 217 217 217 218 218 219 219 220 223 223 22 1 225 225 XIV THE TABLE. 58. 59. 60. 61. §62. 63, §64. §65. 66. 67. 09. Rights to land, . . . . . . ' Patents upon survey, ..... Grants of lapsed land, Grants of escheat land, ..... CHAPTER XIII. Liberties and Naturalization of Miens. Naturalizations, ...... French refugees at the Manican town, . CHAPTER XIV. Currency and Valuation of Coins. Coins current among them, what rates, and why carried among them to the neighboring plantations, PART II. Husbandry and Improvements. CHAPTER XV. People, Inhabitants of Virginia. First peopling of Virginia, .... First accession of wives to Virginia, Other ways by which the country was increased in people, CHAPTER XVI. 225 225 226 227 228 228 from 230 Public buildings, Private buildings, Buildings in Virginia. CHAPTER XVII. Edibles, Potables and Fuel. 231 231 232 234 235 §70. Cookery, . . 236 71. Flesh and fish, .... . 236 72. Bread, . 237 73. Their kitchen gardens, . . 237 74. Their drinks, . . 238 75. Their fuel, ' .238 CHAPTER XVIII. Clothing in Virginia. §76. Clothing, ....... 239 Slothfulness in handicrafts, ..... 239 CHAPTER XIX. Temperature of the Climate, and the Inconveniences attending it. §77. Natural temper and mixture of the air, .... 240 78. Climate and happy situation of the latitude, . . . 240 r n K TABL K XV 79. Occasions of its ill character,, Rural pleasures, .... 80. Annoyances, or occasions of uneasiness, Thunders, .... Heat, ..... Troublesome insects, 81. Winters, .... Sudden changes of the weather, CHAPTER XX. Diseases incident to the Country. §82. Diseases in general, . 83. Seasoning, . . . - 84. Cachexia and yaws, 85. Gripes, ...... CHAPTER XXI. Recreations and Pastimes in Virginia. 241 241 243 243 243 243 250 251 252 253 253 253 §86. Diversions in general, .... . 254 87. Deer-hunting, . . . . . . . 254 88. Hare-hunting, ..... . 254 89. Vermin-hunting, .... . 255 90. Taking wild turkies, .... . 256 91. Fishing, . . 256 92. Small game, ..... . 256 93. Beaver, ..... . 256 94. Horse-hunting, ..... . 257 95. Hospitality, ...... . 258 CHAPTER XXII. A'atural Product of Virginia, and tlie Advantages of Husbandry. §96. Fruits, . 97. Grain, 98. Linen, silk and cotton, 99. Bees and catde, . 100. Usefulness of the woods, 101. Indolence of the inhabitants, 259 261 261 262 263 263 THE PREFACE. My first business in the world being among the public records oi my country, the active thoughts of my youth put me upon taking notes of the general administration of the government; but with no other design, than the gratification of my own inquisitive mind; these lay by me for many years afterwards, obscure and secret, and would forever have done so, had not the following accident produced them : In the year 1703, my affairs calling me to England, I was soon after my arrival, complimented by my bookseller with an intimation, that there was prepared for printing a general account of all her ma- jesty's plantations in America, and his desire, that I would overlook- it before it was put to the press; I agreed to overlook that part of it which related to Virginia. Soon after this he brings me about six sheets of paper written, which contained the account of Virginia and Carolina. This it seems was to have answered a part of Mr. Oldmixion's British Empire in America. I very innocently, (when I began to read,) placed pen and paper by me, and made my observations upon the first page, but found it in the sequel so verv faulty, and an abridgement only of some accounts that had been printed sixty or seventy years ago; in which also he had chosen the most strange and untrue parts, and left out the more sincere and faithful, so that I laid aside all thoughts of further observations, and gave it only a reading; and my bookseller for answer, that the account was too faulty and too imperfect to be mended ; withal telling him, that seeing I had in my junior days taken some notes of the government, which I then had with me in Eng- land, I would make him an account of my own country, if I could find nine, while 1 slaiil in London. And this I should the rather undertake in justice to so fine a country, because it has deen so misrepresented to the common people of England, as to make them believe that the ser- vants in Virginia are made to draw in cart and plow as horses and oxen do in England, and that the country turns all people black who § 2. In April following they set out two small ves.-els under the command of Capt. Philip Amidas and Capt. Arthur Bar- low, who after a prosperous voyage, anchored at the inlet by Roanoke, at present under the government of North Car- olina. They made good profit of the Indian truck, which they bought for things of much inferior value, and return- ed. Being overpleased with their profits, and finding all things there entirely new and surprising, they gave a very advantageous account of matters, by representing the country so delightful and desirable, so pleasant and plentiful ; the climate and air so temperate, sweet, and wholesome ; the woods and soil so charming and fruitful ; and all other things so agreeable, that paradise itself seemed to be there in its first native lustre. They gave particular accounts of the variety of good fruits, and some whereof they had never seen the like before ; espe- cially, that there were grapes in such abundance as was never known in the world. Stately tall large oaks, and other timber ; red cedar, cypress, pines, and other ever- greens and sweet woods, for tallness and largeness, exceed- ing all they had ever heard of; wild fowl, fish, deer, and other game in such plenty and variety, that no epicure could desire more than this new world did seem naturally to afford. And to make it yet more desirable, they reported the native Indians (which were then (he only inhabitants) so affable, kind, and good-natured ; so uncultivated in learn- ing, trades, and fashions ; so innocent and ignorant of all manner of politics, tricks, and gunning; and so desirous of the company of the English, that they seemed rather to be like soft wax, ready to take an impression, than any- ways likely to oppose the settling of the English near them. They represented it as a scene laid open for the good and gracious Queen Elizabeth to propagate the gospel in and extend her dominions over ; as if purposely reserved for her majesty by a peculiai direction of providence, that had brought all former adventures in this affair to nothing ; and to give a further taste of their discovery, they took with 2 10 FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. them in their return for England, two men of the native Indians, named Wanchese and Manteo. § 3. Her majesty accordingly took the hint, and espoused the project as far as her present engagements in war with Spain would let her ; being so well pleased with the ac- count given, that as the greatest mark of honor she could do the discoverer, she called the country by the name of Virginia, as well for that it was first discovered in her reign, a virgin queen, as it did still seem to retain the virgin puiity and plenty of the first creation, and the peo- ple their primitive innocence ; for they seemed not debauch- ed nor corrupted with those pomps and vanities which had depraved and enslaved the rest of mankind ; neither were their hands hardened by labor, nor their minds corrupted by the desire of hoarding up treasure. They were with- out boundaries to their land, without property in cattle, and seem to have escaped, or rather not to have been concerned in the first curse, of getting their bread by the sweat of their brows, for by their pleasure alone they supplied all their necessities, namely, by fishing, fowling, and hunting ; skins being their only clothing, and these, too, five-sixths of the year thiown by; living without labor, and only gathering the fruits of the earth when ripe or fit for use ; neither fearing present want, nor solicitous for the future, but daily finding sufficient afresh for their sub- sistence. § 4. This report was backed, nay, much advanced by the vast riches and treasure mentioned in several merchants' letters from Mexico and , Peru, to their correspondents in Spain, which letters were taken with their ships and treas- ure, by some of ours in her majesty's service, in prosecu- tion of the Spanish wars. This was encouragement enough for a new adventure, and set people's invention at work till they had satisfied themselves, and made sufficient essays for the farther discovery of the countrv. Pursuant where- unto, Sir Richard Greenvile, the chief of Sir Walter Ra- leigh's associates, having obtained seven sail of ships, well laden with provision, arms, ammunition, and spare men to FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. 1 1 make a settlement, set out in person with them early in the spring of the succeeding year to make farther discove- ries, taking back the two Indians with him, and accord- ing to his wish, in the latter end of May, arrived at the same place where the English had been the year before ; there he made a settlement, sowed beans and peas, which he saw come up and grow to admiration while he staid, which was about two months, and having made some little discoveries more in the sound to the southward, and got some treasure in skins, furs, pearl, and other rarities in the country, for things of inconsiderable value, he returned for England, leaving one hundred and eight men upon Roan- oke island, under the command of Mr. Ralph Lane, to keep possession. § 5. As soon as Sir Richard Greenvile was gone, they, according to order and their own inclination, set themselves earnestly about discovering the country, and ranged about a little too indiscreetly up the rivers, and into the land backward from the rivers,, which gave the Indians a jealousy of their meaning ; for they cut off several stragglers of them, and had laid designs to destroy the rest, but were happily prevented. This put the English upon the precaution of keeping more within bounds, and not venturing themselves too defenceless abroad, who till then had depended too much upon the na- tives simplicity and innocence. . After the Indians had done this mischief, they never ob- served any real faith towards those English ; for being na- turally suspicious and revengeful themselves, they never thought the English could forgive them ; and so by this jea- lousy, caused by the cowardice of their nature, they were continually doing mischief. The English, notwithstanding all this, continued their dis- coveries, but more carefully than they had done before, and kept the Indians in some awe, by threatening them with the return of their companions again with a greater supply of men and goods ; and before the cold of the winter became uneasy, they had extended their discoveries near an hundred miles along the seacoast to the northward ; but not reaching- 12 FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. the southern cape of Cheaspeake bay in Virginia, they had as yet found no good harbor. § 6. In this condition they maintained their settlement all the winter, and till August following ; but were much dis- tressed for want of provisions, not having learned to gather food, as the Indians did, nor having conveniences like them of taking fish and fowl ; besides, being now fallen out with the Indians, they feared to expose themselves to their contempt and cruelty ; because they had not received the supply they talked of, and which had been expected in the spring. All they could do under these distresses, and the despair of the recruits promised them this year, was only to keep a good looking out to seaward, if, perchance, they might find any means of escape, or recruit. And to their great joy and satis- faction in August aforesaid, they happened to espy and make themselves be seen to Sir Francis Drake's fleet, consisting of twenty-three sail, who being sent by her majesty upon the coast of America, in search of the Spanish treasures, had orders from her majesty to take a view of, this plantation, and see what assistance and encouragement it wanted : Their first petition to him was to grant them a fresh supply of men and provisions, with a small vessel, and boats to attend them ; that so if they should be put to distress for want of relief, they might embark for England. This was as rea- dily granted by Sir Francis Drake, as asked by them ; and a ship was appointed them, which ship they began imme- diately to fit up, and supply plentifully with all manner of stores for a long stay ; but while they weie adoing this, a 2;reat storm arose, and drove that very ship (with some others) from her anchor to sea, and so she was lost for that occasion. Sir Francis would have given them another ship, but this accident coming on the back of so many hardships which they had undergone, daunted them, and put them upon im- agining that Providence was averse to their designs ; and now having given over for that year the expectation of their promised supply from England, they consulted together, and agreed to desire Sir Francis Drake to take them along with him, which he did. FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. 13 Thus their first intention of settlement fell, after discovering many things of the natural growth of the country, useful for the life of man, and beneficial to trade, they having observed a vast variety of fish, fowl and beasts; fruits, seeds, plants, roots, timber-trees, sweet-woods and gums : They had like- wise attained some little knowledge in the language of the Indians, their religion, manners, and ways of correspond- ence one with another, and been made sensible of their cun- ning and treachery towards themselves. § 7. While these things were thus acting in America, the adventurers in England were providing, though too tediously, to send them recruits. And though it was late before they could dispatch them (for they met with several disappoint- ments, and had many squabbles among themselves) ; how- ever, at last they provided four good ships, with all manner of recruits suitable for the colony, and Sir Walter Raleigh designed to go in person with them. Sir Walter got his ship ready first, and fearing the ill con- sequence of a delay, and the discouragement it might be to those that were left to make a settlement, he set sail by himself. And a fortnight after him Sir Richard Greenvile sailed with the three other ships. Sir Walter fell in with the land at Cape Hatteras, a little to the southward of the place, where the one hundred and eight men had been settled, and after search not finding them, he returned : However Sir Richard, with his ships, found the place where he had left the men, but entirely deserted, which was at first a great disheartening to him, thinking them all destroyed, because he knew not that Sir Francis Drake had been there and taken them off; but he was a little better satisfied by Manteo's report, that they were not cut off by the Indians, though he could give no good account what was become of them. However, notwith- standing this seeming discouragement, he again left fifty men in the same island of Roanoke, built them houses ne- cessary, gave them two years provision, and returned. § 8. The next summer, being Anno 15S7, three ships more were sent, under the command of Mr. John White, 14 FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. who himself was to settle there as governor with more men, and some women, carrying also plentiful recruits of pro- visions. In the latter end of July they arrived at Roanoke afore- said, where they again encountered the uncomfortable news of the loss of these men also ; who (as they were in- formed by Manteo) were secretly set upon by the Indians, some cut off, and the others fled, and not to be heard of, and their place of habitation now all grown up with weeds. However, they repaired the houses on Roanoke, and sat down there again. The 13th of August they christened Manteo, and styled him Lord of Dassamonpeak, an Indian nation so called, in reward of the fidelity he had shewn to the English from the beginning, who being the first Indian that was made a Christian in that part of the world, I thought it not amiss to remember him. On the same occasion also may be mentioned the first child there born of Christian parentage, viz: a daughter of Mr. Ananias Dare. She was born the 18th of the same August, upon Roanoke, and, after the name of the country, was christened Virginia. This seemed to be a settlement prosperously made, being carried on with much zeal and unanimity among them- selves. The form of government consisted of a governor and twelve counselors, incorporated by the name of gover- nor and assistants, of the city of Raleigh, in Virginia. Many nations of the Indians renewed their peace, and made firm leagues with the corporation. The chief men of the English also were so far from being disheartened at the former disappointments, that they disputed for the liberty of remaining on the spot; and by mere constraint compel- led Mr. White, their governor, to return for England to negotiate the business of their recruits and supply, as a man the most capable to manage that affair, leaving at his departure one hundred and fifteen in the corporation. § 9. It was above two years before Mr. White could obtain any grant of supplies, and then in the latter end of FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. 15 the year 1589, he set out from Plymouth with three ships, and sailed round by the Western and Caribbee islands, they having hitherto not found any nearer way : for though they were skilled in navigation, and understood the use of the globes, yet did example so much prevail upon them, that they chose to sail a thousand leagues about, rather than attempt a more direct passage. Towards the middle of August, 1590, they arrived upon the coast, at Cape Hatteras, and went to search upon Roan- oke for the people ; but found, by letters on the trees, that they were removed to Croatan, one of the islands forming the sound, and southward of Roanoke about twenty leagues, but no sign of distress. Thither they designed to sail to them in their ships ; but a storm arising in the meanwhile, lay so hard upon them that their cables broke ; they lost three of their anchors, were forced to sea, and so returned home, without ever going near those poor peo- ple again for sixteen years following. And it is supposed that the Indians, seeing them forsaken by their country, and unfurnished of their expected supplies, cut them off, for to this day they were never more heard of. Thus, after all this vast expense and trouble, and the hazard and loss of so many lives, Sir Walter Raleigh, the great projector and furtherer of these discoveries and settle- ments, being under trouble, all thoughts of farther prosecu- ting these designs lay dead for about twelve years follow- ing. § 10. And then, in the year 1602, Captain Gosnell, who had made one in the former adventures, furnished out a small bark from Dartmouth, and set sail in her himself with thirty odd men, designing a more direct course, and not to stand so far to the southward, uor pass by the Caribbee Islands, as all former adventurers had done. He attained his ends in that, but touched upon* the coast of Amer- ica, much to the northward of any of the places where the former adventurers had landed, for he fell first among the islands forming the northern side of Massachusetts bay in New England ; but not finding the conveniences that 16 FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. harbor affords, set sail again southward, and, as he thought, clear of land into the sea, but fell upon the Byte of Cape Cod. Upon this coast, and a little to the southward, he spent some time in trade with the Indians, and gave names to the islands of Martha's Vineyard and Elizabeth's Isle, which retain the same to this day. Upon Elizabeth's Isle he made an experiment of English grain, and found it spring up and grow to admiration as it had done at Roan- oke. Here also his men built huts to shelter them in the night and bad weather, and made good profit by their In- dian traffic of furs, skins, &c. And as their pleasure in- vited them, would visit the main, set receivers, and save the gums and juices distilling from sweet woods, and try and examine the lesser vegetables. After a month's stay here, they returned for England, as well pleased with the natural beauty and richness of the place they had viewed, as they were with the treasure they had gathered in it: neither had they a head, nor a finger that ached among them all the time. § 11. The noise of this short and most profitable of all the former voyages, set the Bristol merchants to work also ; who, early in the year 1603, sent two vessels in search of the same place and trade — which vessels fell luckily in with the same land. They followed the same methods Captain Gosnell had done, and having got a rich lading they returned. § 12. In the year 1605, a voyage was made from Lon- don in a single ship, with which they designed to fall in with the land about the latitude 39°, but the winds put her a little farther northward, and she fell upon the eastern parts of Long Island, (as it is now called, but all went then under the name of Virginia.) Here they trafficked with the Indians, as the others had done before them ; made short trials of the soil by English grain, and found the Indians, as in all other places, ve:y fair and courteous at first, till they got more knowledge of the English, and perhaps thought themselves overreached because one bought better pennyworths than another, upon which, afterwards, FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. 17 they never failed to take revenge as they found their oppor- tunity or advantage. So this company also returned with the ship, having ranged forty miles up Connecticut river, and called the harbor where they rid Penticost harbor, be- cause of their arrival there on Whitsunday. In all these latter voyages, they never so much as en- deavored to come near the place where the first settlement was attempted at Cape Hatteras ; neither had they any pity on those poor hundred and fifteen souls settled there in 1587, of whom theie had never since been any account, no relief sent to them, nor so much as any enquiry made after them, whether they were dead or alive, till about three years after this, when Chesapeake bay in Vir- ginia was settled, which hitherto had never been seen by any Englishman. So strong was the desire of riches, and so eager the pursuit of a rich trade, that all concern for the 'lives of their fellow-christians, kindred, neighbors and countrymen, weighed nothing in the comparison, though an enquiry might have been easily made when they were so near them. CHAPTER II. CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF CHESAPEAKE BAY, IN VIRGINIA, BY THE CORPORATION OF LONDON ADVENTURERS, AND THEIR PROCEEDINGS DURING THEIR GOVERNMENT BY A PRESIDENT AND COUNCIL ELECTIVE. § 13. The merchants of London, Bristol, Exeter, and Plymouth soon perceived what great gains might be made of a trade this way, if it were well managed and colonies could be rightly settled, which was sufficiently evinced by the great profits some ships had made, which had not met with ill accidents. Encouraged by this prospect, they joined together in a petition to King James the First, shewing forth that it would be too much for any single person to attempt the settling of colonies, and to carry on so considerable a trade; they therefore prayed his majesty to incorporate them, and enable them to raise a joint stock for that purpose, and to countenance their undertaking. His majesty did accordingly grant their petition, and by letters patents, bearing date the 10th of April, 1606, did in one patent incorporate them into two distinct colonies, to make two separate companies, viz : " Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, knights ; Mr. Richard Hackluit, clerk, prebend of Westminster, and Edward Maria Wingfield, esq., adventurers of the city of London, ?.nd such others as should be joined unto them of that colony, which should be called the first colony, with liberty to begin their first plantation and seat, at any place upon the coast of Vir- CAI'T. JOHN SMITH. 19 ginia where they should think fit and convenient, between the degrees of thirty-four and forty-one of northern latitude. And that they should extend their bounds from the said first seat of their plantation and habitation fifty English miles along the seacoast each way, and include all the lands within an hundred miles directly over against the same seacoast, and also back into the main land one hun- dred miles from the seacoast ; and that no other should be permitted or suffered to plant or inhabit behind or on the back of them towards the main land, without the express license of the council of that colony, thereunto in writing first had and obtained. And for the second colony, Thomas Hanham, Rawleigh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham, esquires, of the town of Plymouth, and all others who should be joined to them of that colony, with liberty to begin their first plantation and seat at any place upon the coast of Virginia where they should think fit, between the degrees of thirty-eight and forty five of northern latitude, with the like liberties and bounds as the first colony ; provided they did not seat within an hundred miles of them." § 14. By virtue of this patent, Capt. John Smith was sent by the London company, in December, 1606, on his voyage with three small ships, and a commission was given to him, and to several other gentlemen, to establish a colo- ny, and to govern by a president, to be chosen annually, and council, who should be invested with sufficient authori- ties and powers. And now all things seemed to promise a plantation in good earnest. Providence seemed likewise very favorable to them, for though they designed only for that part of Yiiginia where the hundred and fifteen were left, and where there is no security of harbor, yet, after a tedious voyage of passing the old way again, between the Caribbee islands and the main, he, with two of his vessels, luckily fell in with Virginia itself, that part of the continent now so called, anchoring in the mouth of the bay of Chesapeake ; and the first place they landed upon was the southern cape of that bay ; this they named Cape 20 SETTLEMENT OF JAMESTOWN. Henry, and the northern Cape Charles, in honor of the king's two eldest sons ; and the first great liver they searched, whose Indian name was Powhatan, they called James river, after the king's own name. § 15. Before they would make any settlement here, they made a full search of James river, and then by an unani- mous consent pitched upon a peninsula about fifty miles up the river, which, besides the goodness of the soil, was esteemed as most fit, and capable to be made a place both of trade and security, two-thirds thereof being environed by the main river, which affords good anchorage all along, and the other third by a small narrow river, capable of receiving many vessels of an hundred ton, quite up as high as till it meets within thirty yards of the main river again, and where generally in spring tides it overflows into the main river, by which means the land they chose to pitcli their town upon has obtained the name of an island. In this back river ships and small vessels may ride lashed to one another, and moored ashore secure from all wind and weather whatsoever. The town, as well as the river, had the honor to be called by King James' name. The whole island thus en- closed contains about two thousand acres of high land, and seveial thousands of very good and firm marsh, and is an extraordinary good pasture as any in that country. By means of the narrow passage, this place was of great security to them from the Indian enemy; and if they had then known of the biting of the worm in the salts, they would have valued this place upon that account also, as being free from that mischief. § 16. They were no sooner settled in all this happiness and security, but they fell into jars and dissensions among themselves, by a greedy grasping at the Indian treasure, envying and overreaching one another in that trade. After five weeks stay before this town, the ships returned home again, leaving one hundred and eight men settled in the form of government before spoken of. After the ships were gone, the same sort of feuds and SUPPOSED DISCOVERY OF GOLD. 21 disorders happened continually among them, to the unspeak- able damage of the plantation. The Indians were the same there as in all other places, at first very fair and friendly, though afterwards they gave great proofs of their deceitfulness. However, by the help of the Indian provisions, the English chieily subsisted till the return of the ships the next year, when two vessels were sent thither full freighted with men and provisions for supply of the plantation, one of which only arrived directly, and the other being beat off to the Caribbee islands, did not arrive till the former was sailed again for England. § 17. In the interval of these ships returning from Eng- land, the English had a very advantageous trade with the Indians, and might have made much greater gains of it, and managed it both to the greater satisfaction' of the In- dians, and the greater ease and security of themselves, if they had been under any rule, or subject to any method in trade, and not left at liberty to outvie or outbid one another, by which they not only cut short their own profit, but created jealousies and disturbances among the Indians, by letting one have a better bargain than another ; for they being unac- customed to barter, such of them as had been hardest dealt by in their commodities, thought themselves cheated and abused ; and so conceived a grudge against the English in general, making it a national quarrel ; and this seems to be the original cause of most of their subsequent misfortunes by the Indians. What also gave a greater interruption to this trade, was an object that drew all their eyes and thoughts aside, even fiom taking the necessary care for their preservation, and for the support of their lives, which was this : They found in a neck of laud, on the back of Jamestown island, a fresh stream of water springing out of a small bank, which washed down with it a yellow sort of dust isinglass, which being cleansed by the fresh streaming of the water, lay shining in the bottom of that, limpid element, and stirred up in them an unseasonable and inordinate desire after riches ; for they taking all to be gold that glittered, run into the utmost dis- 22 EFFECT OF THE GOLD MANIA. traction, neglecting both the necessary defence of their lives from the Indians, and the support of their bodies by securing of provisions ; absolutely relying, like Midas, upon the al- mighty power of gold, thinking that where this was in plenty, nothing could be wanting ; but they soon grew sen- sible of their error, and found that if this gilded dirt had been real gold, it could have been of no advantage to them. For, by their negligence, they were reduced to an exceeding scar- city of provisions, and that little they had was lost by the burning of their town, while all hands were employed upon this imaginary golden treasure ; so that they were forced to live for some time upon the wild fruits of the earth, and upon crabs, muscles, and such like, not having a day's pro- vision before-hand ; as some of the laziest Indians, who have no pleasure in exercise, and wont be at the pains to fish and hunt: And, indeed, not so well as they neither; for by this careless neglecting of their defence against the In- dians, many of them were destroyed by that cruel people, and the rest durst not venture abroad, but were forced to be content with what fell just into their mouths. § 18. In this condition they were, when the first ship of the two before mentioned came to their assistance, but their golden dreams overcame all difficulties ; they spoke not, nor thought of anything but gold, and that was all the lading that most of them were willing to take care for ; accordingly they put into this ship all the yellow dirt they had gathered, and what skins and furs they had trucked for, and filling her up with cedar, sent her away. After she was gone, the other ship arrived, which they stowed likewise with this supposed gold dust, designing never to be poor again ; filling her up with cedar and clap-board. Those two ships being thus dispatched, they made seve- ral discoveries in James river and up Chesapeake bay, by the undertaking and management of Captain John Smith ; and the year 1608 was the first year in which they gathered In- dian corn of their own planting. While these discoveries were making by Captain Smith, matters run again into confusion in Jamestown, and several FIRST CHRISTIAN MARRIAGE. 23 uneasy people, taking advantage of his absence, attempted to desert the settlement, and run away with the small vessel that was left to attend upon it; for Captain Smith was the only man among them that could manage the discoveries with success, and he was the only man, too, that could keep the settlement in order. Thus the English continued to give themselves as much perplexity by their own distraction as the Indians did by their watchfulness and resentments. § 19. Anno 1609, John Lay don and Anna Burrows were married together, the first Christian marriage in that part of the world. j and the year following the plantation was in- creased to near five hundred men. This year Jamestown sent out people, and made two other settlements ; one at Nansemond in James river, above thirty miles below Jamestown, and the other at Powhatan, six miles below the falls of James river, (which last was bought of Pow- hatan for a certain quantity of copper,) each settlement con- sisting of about a hundred and twenty men. Some small time after another was made at Kiquotan by the mouth of James river. CHAPTER III. SHEWING WHAT HAPPENED AFTER THE ALTERATION OP THE GOVERNMENT FROM AN ELECTIVE PRESIDENT TO A COMMISSIONATED GOVERNOR, UNTIL THE DISSOLUTION OF THE COMPANY. § 20. In the meanwhile the treasurer, council and com- pany of Virginia adventurers in London, not finding that return and profit from the adventurers they expected, and rightly judging that this disappointment, as well as the idle quarrels in the colony, proceeded from a mismanage of go- vernment, petitioned his majesty, and got a new patent with leave to appoint a governor. Upon this new grant they sent out nine ships, and plentiful supplies of men and provisions, and made three joint com- missioners or governors in equal power, viz : Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and Captain Newport. They agreed to go all together in one ship. This ship, on board of which the three governors had em- barked, being separated from the rest, was put to great dis- tress in a" severe storm ; and after three days and nights con- stant bailing and pumping, was at last cast ashore at Bermu- das, and there staved, but by good providence the company was preserved. Notwithstanding this shipwreck, and extremity they were put to, yet could not this common misfortune make them agree. The best of it was, they found plenty of provi- sions in that island, and no Indians to annoy them. But still they quarrelled amongst themselves, and none more than the two Knights ; who made their parties, built each of them a cedar vessel, one called the Patience, the other the Deliverance, and used what they gathered of RETURN OF CAPT. SMITH. 25 the furniture of the old ship for rigging ; and fish-oil, and hog's-grease, mixed with lime and ashes, instead of pitch and tar : for they found great plenty of Spanish hogs in this island, which are supposed to have swam ashore from some wrecks, and there afterwards increased. §. 21. While these things were acting in Bermuda, Capt. Smith being very much burnt by the accidental fi- ring of some gun-powder, as he was upon a discovery in his boat, was forced for his cure sake, and the benefit of a surgeon, to take his passage for England, in a ship that was then upon the point of sailing. Several of the nine ships that came out with the three governors arrived, with many of the passengers ; some of which, in their humors, would not submit to the govern ment there, pretending the new commission destroyed the old one ; that governors were appointed instead of a presi- dent, and that they themselves were to be of the council, and so would assume an independent power, inspiring the people with disobedience ; by which means they became frequently exposed in great parties to the cruelly of the In- dians ; all sorts of discipline was laid aside, and their ne- cessary defence neglected ; so that the Indians taking ad- vantage of those divisions, formed a stratagem to destroy them root and branch ; and, indeed, they did cut many of them off, by massacreing whole companies at a time ; so that all the out-settlements were deserted, and the people that were not destroyed, took refuge in Jamestown, except the small settlement at Kiquotan, where they had built themselves a little fort, and called it Algernoon fort. And yet, for all this, they continued their disorders, wasting their old provi- sions, and neglecting to gather others ; so that they who re- mained alive, were all near famished, having brought them- selves to that pass, that they durst not stir from their own doors to gather the fruits of the earth, or the crabs and mus- cles from the water-side : much less to hunt or catch wild beasts, fish or fowl, which were found in great abundance there. They continued in these scanty circumstances, till they were at last reduced to such extremity, as to eat the 4 26 SUFFERING OF COLONISTS. very hides of their horses, and the bodies of the Indians they had killed ; and sometimes also upon a pinch they would not disdain to dig them up again, to make a homely meal, after they had been buried. Thus, a few months indiscreet management brought such an infamy upon the country, that to this day it cannot be wiped away. And the sicknesses occasioned by this bad diet, or rather want of diet, are unjustly remembered to the disadvantage of the country, as a fault in the climate ; which was only the foolishness and indiscretion of those who assumed the power of governing. I call it assumed, because the new commission mentioned, . by which they pretended to be of the council, was not in all this time arrived, but remained in Bermuda with the new govern- ors. Here, I cannot but admire the care, labor, courage and understanding, that Capt. John Smith showed in the time of his administiation ; who not only founded, but also preserved all these settlements in good order, while he was amongst them ; and, without him, they had cer- tainly all been destroyed, either by famine, or the enemy long before ; though the country naturally afforded sub- sistence enough, even without any other labor than that of gathering and preserving its spontaneous provisions. For the first three years that Capt. Smith was with them, they never had in that whole time, above six months English provisions. But as soon as he had left them to themselves, all went to ruin ; for the Indians had no longer any fear for themselves, or friendship for the English. And six months after this gentleman's departure, the 500 men that he had left were reduced to threescore j and they, too, must of necessity, have starved, if their relief had been delayed a week longer at sea. §. 22. In the mean time, the three governors put to sea from Burmuda, in their two small vessels, with their company, to the number of one hundred and fifty, and in fourteen days, viz. : the 25th of May, 1610, they ar- rived both together in Virginia, and went with their ves- ARRIVAL OP RELIEF. 27 sels up to Jamestown, where they found the small le- mainder of the five hundred men, in that melancholy way I just now hinted. §. 23. Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and Cap- tain Newport, the governors, were very compassionate of their condition, and called a council, wherein they inform- ed them, that they had but sixteen days provision aboard ; and therefore desired to know their opinion, whether they would venture to sea under such a scarcity ; or, if they resolved to continue in the settlement, and take their for- tunes, they would stay likewise, and share the provisions among them ; but desired that their determination might be speedy. They soon came to the conclusion of return- ing for England ; but because their provisions were short, they resolved to go by the banks of Newfoundland, in hopes of meeting with some of the fishermen, (this being now the season,) and dividing themselves among then- ships, for the greater certainty of provision, and for their better accommodation. According to this resolution, they all went aboard, and fell down to Hog Island, the 9th of June, at night, and the next morning to Mulberry Island Point, which is eighteen miles below Jamestown, and thirty above the mouth of the river ; and there they spied a long boat, which the Lord Delawarr (who was just arrived with three ships,) had sent before him up the river sounding the chan- nel. His lordship was made sole governor, and was accom- panied by several gentlemen of condition. He caused all the men to return again to Jamestown ; re-settled them with satisfaction, and staid with them till March follow- ing ; and then being very sick, he returned for England, leaving about two hundred in the colony. §. 24. On the 10th of May, 1611, Sir Thomas Dale being then made governor, arrived with three ships, which brought supplies of men, cattle and hogs. He found them growing again into the like disorders as before, taking no care to plant corn, and wholly relying upon their store, which then had but three months provision in it. He therefore set 28 POCAHONTAS TAKEN PRISONER. them to work about corn, and though it was the middle of May before they began to prepare the ground, yet they had an indifferent good crop. §. 25. In August, the same year, Sir Thomas Gates ar- rived at Jamestown with six ships more, and with a plenti- ful supply of hogs, cattle, fowls, &c, with a good quan- tity of ammunition, and all other things necessary for a new colony, and besides this, a reinforcement of three hundred and fifty chosen men. In the beginning of September he settled a new town at Arrabattuck, about fifty miles above Jamestown, paling in the neck above two miles from the point, from one reach of the river to the other. Here he built forts and sentry-boxes, and in honor of Henry Prince of Wales, called it Heniico. And also run a pali- sado on the other side of the river, at Coxendale, to se- cure their hogs. §.26. Anno 1612, two ships more arrived with supplies; and Capt. Argall, who commanded one of them, being sent in her to Patowmeck to buy corn, he there met with Pocahontas, the excellent daughter of Powhatan ; and hav- ing prevailed with her to come aboard to a treat, he de- tained her prisoner, and carried her to Jamestown, design- ing to make peace with her father by her release ; but on the contrary, that prince resented the affront very high- ly ; and although he loved his daughter with all imagi- nable tenderness, yet he would not be brought to terms by that unhandsome treachery ; till about two years after a marriage being proposed between Mr. John Rolfe, an English gentleman, and this lady ; which Powhatan taking to be a sincere token of friendship, he vouchsafed to con- sent to it, and to conclude a peace, though he would not come to the wedding. §. 27. Pocahontas being thus married in the year 1613, a firm peace was concluded with her father. Both the English and Indians thought themselves entirely secure and quiet. This brought in the Chickahominy Indians also, though not out of any kindness or respect to the English, but out of fear of being, by their assistance, brought un- FOCAHONTAS IN ENGLAND. 29 der Powhatan's absolute subjection, who used now and then to threaten and tyrannize over them. §. 28. Sir Thomas Dale returning for England, Anno 1616, took with him Mr. Rolfe and his wife Pocahontas, who, upon the marriage, was christened, and called Re- becca. He left Capt. George Yardly deputy -governor dur- ing his absence, the country being then entirely at peace ; and arrived at Plymouth the 12th of June. Capt. John Smith was at that time in England, and hearing of the arrival of Pocahontas at Portsmouth, used all the means he could to express his gratitude to her, as having formerly preserved his life by the hazard of her own ; for, when by the command of her father, Capt. Smith's head was upon the block to have his brains knocked out, she saved his head by laying hers close upon it. He was at that time suddenly to embark for New England, and fearing he should sail before she got to London, he made an humble petition to the Queen in her behalf, which I here choose to give you in his own woids, because it will save me the story at large. §. 29. Capt. Smith's petition to her Majesty, in behalf of Pocahontas, daughter to the Indian Emperor, Powhatan. To the most high and virtuous princess, Q.ueen Anne, of Great Britain : Most admired madam — The love I bear my God, my king, and country, hath so often emboldened me in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honestly doth constrain me to presume thus far beyond myself, to present your majesty this short discourse. If ingratitude be a deadly poison to all honest virtues, I must be guilty of that crime, if I should omit any means to be thankful. So it was, That about ten years ago, being in Virginia, and taken 30 PETITION OF CAPT. SMITH. prisoner by the power of Powhatan, their chief king, I received from this great savage exceeding great courtesy, especially from his son, Nantaquaus ; the manliest, comeli- est, boldest spirit I ever saw in a savage ; and his sister Pocahontas, the king's most dear and well-beloved daugh- ter, being but a child of twelve or thirteen years of age, whose compassionate pitiful heart of my desperate estate gave me much cause to respect her. I being the first Christian this proud king and his grim attendants ever saw, and thus enthralled in their barbarous power ; I can- not say I felt the least occasion of want, that was in the power of those my mortal foes to prevent, notwithstanding all their threats. After some six weeks fatting amongst those savage courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she haz- arded the beating out of her own brains to save mine, and not only that, but so prevailed with her father, that I was safely conducted to Jamestown, where I found about eight and thirty miserable, poor and sick creatures, to keep pos- session for all those large territories of Virginia. Such was the weakness of this poor commonwealth, as had not the savages fed us, we directly had starved. And this relief, most gracious queen, was commonly brought us by this lady Pocahontas, notwithstanding all these passages, when unconstant fortune turned our peace to war, this tender virgin would still not spare to dare to visit us ; and by her our jars have been oft appeased, and our wants still supplied. Were it the policy of her fa- ther thus to employ her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinary affection to our nation, I know not : but of this I am sure, when her father, with the utmost of his policy and power, sought to surprise me, having but eighteen with me, the dark night could not affright her from coming through the irksome woods, and, with watered eyes, give me intelligence^ with her best advice to escape his fury , which had he known, he had surely slain her. Jamestown, with her wild train, she as freely frequented as her father's habitation ; and during the time of two or PETITION OF CAPT. SMITH. 31 three years, she, next under God, was still the instrument to preserve this colony from death, famine, and utter confu- sion, which if, in those times, had once been dissolved, Virginia might have lain, as it was at our first arrival, till this day. Since then, this business having been turned and varied by rnany accidents from what I left it, it is most certain, after a long and troublesome war, since my departure, betwixt her father and our colony, all which time she was not heard of, about two years after she herself was taken prisoner, being so detained near two years longer, the colony by that means was relieved, peace concluded, and at last, rejecting her barbarous condition, she was mar- ried to an English gentleman, with whom at this present she is in England. The first Christian ever of that na- tion ; the first Virginian ever spake English, or had a child in marriage by an Englishman — a matter surely, if my meaning be truly considered and well understood, wor- thy a prince's information. Thus, most gracious lady, I have related to your ma- jesty, what at your best leisure, our approved histories will recount to you at large, as done in the time of your majesty's life ; and however this might be presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest heart. As yet, I never begged anything of the State ; and it is my want of ability, and her exceeding desert ; your birth, means, and authority ; her birth, virtue, want and simplicity, doth make me thus bold, humbly to beseech your majesty to take this knowledge of her, though it be fiom one so unworthy to be the reporter as myself; her husband's estate not being able to make her fit to attend your majesty. The most and least I can do, is to tell you this, and the rather because of her being of so great a spirit, how- ever her stature. If she should not be well received, see- ing this kingdom may rightly have a kingdom by her means ; her present love to us and Christianity, might turn to such scorn and fury, as to divert all this good to the 32 MEETING OF SMITH AND POCAHONTAS, worst of evil. Where finding that so great a queen should do her more honor than she can imagine, for having been kind to her subjects and servants, 'twould so ravish her with content, as to endear her dearest blood, to effect that your majesty and all the king's honest subjects most ear- nestly desire. And so I humbly kiss your gracious hands, &c. (Signed) JOHN SMITH. Dated June, 1616. §. 30. This account was presented to her majesty, and graciously received. But before Capt. Smith sailed for New England, the Indian princess arrived at London, and her husband took lodgings for her at Branford, to be a little out of the smoke of the city, whither Capt. Smith, with some of his friends, went to see her and congratu- late her arrival, letting her know the address he had made to the queen in her favor. Till this lady arrived in England, she had all along been informed that Captain Smith was dead, because he had been diverted from that colony by making settlements in the second plantation, now called New England ; for which reason, when she saw him, she seemed to think her- self much affronted, for that they had dared to impose so gross an untruth upon her, and at first sight of him turn- ed away. It cost him a great deal of intreaty, and some hours attendance, before she would do him the honor to speak to him ; but at last she was reconciled, and talked freely to him. She put him in mind of her former kind- nesses, and then upbraided him for his forgetfulness of her, showing by her reproaches, that even a state of nature teaches to abhor ingratitude. She had in her retinue a Werowance, or great man of her own nation, whose name was Uttamaccomack. This man had orders from Powhatan, to count the people in England, and give him an account of their number. Now DEATH OF POCAHONTAS. 33 the Indians having no letters among them, he at his going ashore, provided a stick, in which he was to make a notch for every man he saw ; but this accomptant soon grew wea- ry of that tedious exercise, and threw his stick away : and at his return, being asked by his king, How many peo- ple there were? He desired him to count the stars in the sky, the leaves upon the trees, and the sand on the sea- shore, for so many people (he said) were in England. §. 31. Pocahontas had many honors done her by the queen upon account of Captain Smith's story ; and being introduced by the Lady Delawarr, she was frequently admit- ted to wait on her majesty, and was publicly treated as a prince's daughter ; she was carried to many plays, balls, and other public entertainments, and very respectfully re- ceived by all the ladies about the court. Upon all which occasions, she behaved herself with so much decency, and showed so much grandeur in her deportment, that she made good the brightest part of the character Capt. Smith had given of her. In the meanwhile, she gained the good opinion of everybody so much, that the poor gentle- man, her husband, had like to have been called to an account, for presuming to marry a princess royal without the king's consent ; because it had been suggested that he had taken advantage of her, being a prisoner, and forced her to marry him. But upon a moie perfect re- presentation of the matter, his majesty was pleased at last to declare himself satisfied. But had the'r true condition here been known, that pother had been saved. Everybody paid this young lady all imaginable respect ; and it is supposed, she would have sufficiently acknow- ledged those favors, had she lived to return to her own country, by bringing the Indians to have a kinder dispo- sition towards the English. But upon her return she was unfortunately taken ill at Gravesend, and died in a few days after, giving great testimony alj the time she lay sick, of her being a very good Christian. She left issue one son, named Thomas Rolfe, whose posterity is at this 5 34 DEATH OP POWHATAN. day in good repute in Virginia, and now hold lands by descent from her. §. 32. Captain Yardly made but a very ill governor, he let the buildings and forts go to ruin ; not regarding the security of the people against the Indians, neglecting the corn, and applying all hands to plant tobacco, which pro- mised the most immediate gain. In this condition they were when Capt. Samuel Argall was sent thither gover- nor, Anno 1617, who found the number of people re- duced to little more than four hundred, of which not above half were fit for labor. In the meanwhile the In- dians mixing among them, got experience daily in fire arms, and some of them were instructed therein by the English themselves, and employed to hunt and kill wild fowl for them. So great was their security upon this marriage ; but governor Argall not liking those methods, regulated them on his arrival, and Capt. Yardly returned to England. §. 33. Governor Argall made the colony flourish and in- crease wonderfully, and kept them in great plenty and quiet. The next year, viz. : Anno 161S, the Lord Dela- warr was sent over again with two hundred men more for the settlement, with other necessaries suitable : but sailing by the Western Islands, they met with contrary winds, and great sickness; so that about thirty of them died, among which the Lord Delawarr was one. By which means the government there still continued in the hands of Capt. Argall. §. 34. Powhatan died in April the same year, leaving his second brother Itopatin in possession of his empire, a prince far short of the parts of Oppechancanough, who by some was said to be his elder brother, and then king of Chickahomony ; but he having debauched them from the allegiance of Powhatan, was disinherited by him. This Oppechancanough was a cunning and a brave prince, and soon grasped all the empire to himself. But at first they jointly renewed the peace with the English, upon the accession of Itopatin to the crown. gov. argall's exploits. 35 §. 35. Governor Argall flourishing thus under the bles- sings of peace and plenty, and having no occasion of fear or disturbance from the Indians, sought new occasions of encouraging the plantation. To that end, he intended a coasting voyage to the northward, to view the places where the English ships had so often laded ; and if he missed them, to reach the fisheries on the banks of New- foundland, and so settle a trade and correspondence either with the one or the other. In accomplishing whereof, as he touched at Cape Cod, he was informed by the Indians, that some white people like him were come to inhabit to the northward of them, upon the coast of their neighbor- ing nations. Capt. Argall not having heard of any Eng- lish plantation that way, was jealous that it might be (as it proved,) the people of some other nation. And being very zealous for the honor and benefit of England, he re- solved to make search according to the information he had received, and see who they were. Accordingly he found the settlement, and a ship riding before it. This belonged to some Frenchmen, who had fortified themselves upon a small mount on the north of New England. §. 36. His unexpected arrival so confounded the French, that they could make no preparation for resistance on board their ship ; which Captain Argall drew so close to, that with his small arms he beat all the men from the deck, so that ihey could not use their guns, their ship having only a single deck. Among others, there were two Jesuits on board, one of which being more bold than wise, with all that disadvantage, endeavored to fire one of their cannon, and w T as shot dead for his pains. Captain Argall having taken the ship, landed and went before the fort, summoning it to surrender. The gar- rison asked time to advise ; but that being denied them, they stole privately away, and tied into the woods. Upon this, Captain Argall entered the fort, and lodged there that night ; and the ne^t day the French came to him, and sur- rendered themselves. It seems the king of France had 36 GOV. argall's exploits. granted them a patent for this settlement, but they gave it up to Captain Argall to be cancelled. He used them very well, and suffered such as had a mind to return to France, to seek their passage among the ships of the fish- ery ; but obliged them to desert this settlement. And those that were willing to go to Virginia, he took with him. §. 37. These people were under the conduct of two Je- suits, who upon taking a pique against their governor in Acadia, named Biencourt, had lately separated from a French setttlement at Port Royal, lying in the bay, upon the south-west part of Acadia. §. 38. As Governor Argall was about to return to Virgi- nia, father Biard, the surviving Jesuit (out of malice to Biencourt,) told him of this French settlement at Port Royal, and offered to pilot him to it ; which Governor Ar- gall readily accepted of. With the same ease, he took that settlement also ; where the French had sowed and reaped, built barns, mills, and other conveniences, which Captain Argall did no damage to; but unsettled them, and obliged them to make a desertion from thence. He gave these the same leave he had done the others, to dispose of themselves ; some whereof returned to France, and others went to settle up the river of Canada. After this Gover- nor Aigall returned satisfied with the provision and plunder he had got in those two settlements. §. 39. The report of these exploits soon reached England; and whether they were approved or no, being acted with- out particular direction, I have not learned ; but certain it is/ that in April following there arrived a small vessel, which did not stay for anything, but took on board Go- vernor Argall, and returned for England. He left Capt. Naihaniel Powel deputy ; and soon after Capt. Yardly be- ing knighted, was sent governor thither again. §.40. Very great supplies of cattle and other provisions were sent there that year, and likewise 1000 or 1200 men. They resettled all their old plantations that had been de- serted, made additions to the number of the council, and FIRST GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 37 called an assembly of Burgesses from all parts of the country, which were to be elected by the people in their several plantations. These burgesses met the governor and council at James- town in May, 1620, and sat jn consultation in the same house with them, as the method of the Scots Parliament is, debating matters for the improvement and good govern- ment of the country. This was the first general assembly that was ever held there. I heartily wish though they did not unite their houses again, they would, however, unite their endeavors and affections for the good of the country. §. 41. In August following, a Dutch man-of-war landed twenty negroes for sale ; which were the first of that kind that were carried into the country. §. 42. This year they bounded the corporations, (as they called them :) But there does not remain among the re- cords any one grant of these corporations. There is en- tered a testimony of Governor Argall, concerning the bounds of the corporation of James City, declaring his knowledge thereof; and this is one of the new transcribed books of record. But there is not to be found one word of the charter or patent itself of this corporation. Then also, they apportioned and laid our lands in se- veral allotments, viz. : to the company in several places, to the governor, to a college, to glebes, and to several particular persons ; many new settlements were made in James and York rivers. The people knew their own property, and having the encouragement of working for their own advantage, many became very industrious, and began to vie one with another, in planting, building, and other improvements. Two gentlemen went over as depu- ties to the company, for the management of their lands, and those of the college. All thoughts of danger from the Indians were laid aside. Several great gifts were made to the church and college, and for the bringing up young Indians at school. Forms were madp. and rules appoint 38 SALT — IRON ORE — TOBACCO. ed for granting patents for land, upon the condition of importing goods and persons to supply and increase the colony. And all there then began think themselves the happiest people in the world. §. 43. Thus Virginia continued to flourish and increase, great supplies continually arriving, and new settlements being made all over the country. A salt work was set up at Cape Charles, on the Eastern Shore ; and an iron work at Falling Creek, in James river, where they made proof of good iron ore, and brought the whole work so near a perfection, that they writ word to the company in London, that they did not doubt but to finish the work, and have plentiful provision of iron for them by the next Easter. At that time the fame of the plenty and riches, in which the English lived there, was very great. And Sir George Yardly now had all the appearance of making amends for the errors of his former government. Never- theless he let them run into the same sleepiness and se- curity as before, neglecting all thoughts of a necessary defence, which laid the foundatian of the following ca- lamities. §. 44. But the time of his government being near ex- pired, Sir Francis Wyat, then a young man, had a com- mission to succeed him. The people began to grow nu- merous, thirteen hundred settling there that year ; which was the occasion of making so much tobacco, as to over- stock the market. Wherefore his majesty, out of pity to the country, sent his commands, that they should not suf- fer their planters to make above one hundred pounds of tobacco per man ; for the market was so low, that he could not afford to give them above three shillings the pound for it. He advised them rather to turn their spare time towards providing corn and stock, and towards the making of potash, or other manufactures. It was October, 1621, that Sir Francis Wyat arrived governor, and in November, Captain Newport arrived with fifty men, imported at his own charge, besides passengers ; and made a plantation on Newport's News, naming it FIRST COUNTY COURTS. 39 after himself. The governor made a review of all the settlements, and suffered new ones to be made, even as far as Potomac river. This ought to be observed of the Eastern Shore Indians, that they never gave the English any trouble, but courted and befriended them from first to last. Perhaps the English, by the time they came to settle those parts, had considered how to rectify their form- ei mismanagement, and learned better methods of regula- ting their trade with the Indians, and of treating them more kindly than at first. §. 45. Anno 1622, inferior courts were first appointed by the general assembly, under the name of county courts, for trial of minute causes ; the governor and council still remaining judges of the supreme court of the colony. In the meantime, by the great increase of people, and the long quiet they had enjoyed among the Indians, since the marriage of Pocahontas, and the accession of Oppechan- canough to the imperial crown, all men were lulled into a fatal security, and became everywhere familiar with the Indians, eating, drinking, and sleeping amongst them ; by which means they became perfectly acquainted with all our English strength, and the use of our arms — knowing at all times, when and where to find our people ; wheth- er at home, or in the woods ; in bodies, or disperst ; in condition of defence, or indefensible. This exposing of their weakness gave them occasion to think more contempti- bly of them, than otherwise, perhaps, they would have done ; for which reason they became more peevish, and more hardy to attempt anything against them. §. 46. Thus upon the loss of one of their leading men, (a war captain, as they call him,) who was likewise sup- posed to be justly killed, Oppechancanough took affront, and in revenge laid the plot of a general massacre of the English, to be executed on the 22d of March, 1622, a little before noon, at a time when our. men were all at work abroad in their plantations, disperst and unarmed. This hellish contrivance was to take effect upon all the 40 MASSACRE OF THE COLONISTS. several settlements at one and the same instant, except on the Eastern Shore, whilher this plot did not reach. The Indians had been made so familiar with the English, as to borrow their boats and canoes to cross the river in, when they went to consult with their neighboring Indians upon this execrable conspiracy. And to color their design the better, they brought presents of deer, turkies, fish and fruits to the English the evening before. The very morning of the massacre, they came freely and unarmed among them, eating with them, and behaving themselves with the same freedom and friendship as formerly, till the very minute they were to put their plot in execution. Then they fell to work all at once everywhere, knocking the English un- awares on the head, some with their hatchets, which they call tomahawks, others with the hoes and axes of the English themselves, shooting at those who escaped the reach of their hands ; sparing neither age nor sex, but destroy- ing man, woman, and child, according to their cruel way of leaving none behind to bear resentment. But whatev- er was not done by surprise that day, was left undone, and many that made early resistance escaped. By the account taken of the Christians murdered that morning, they were found to be three hundred and forty- seven, most of them falling by their own instruments, and working tools. §. 47. The massacre had been much more general, had not this plot been providentially discovered to the English some hours before the execution. It happened thus : Two Indians that used to be employed by the English to hunt for them, happened to lie together, the night before the massacre, in an Englishmen's house, where one of them was employed. The Indian that was the guest fell to persuading the other to rise and kill his master, telling him, that he would do the same by his own the next day. Whereupon he discovered the whole plot that was design- ed to be executed on the morrow. But the other, instead of entering into the plot, and murdering his master, got CAUSE OF THE .MASSACRE. '1 I up (under pretence of going to execute his comrade's ad- vice,) went into his master's chamber, and revealed to him the whole story that he had been told. The master here- upon arose, secured his own house, and before day got to Jamestown, which, together with such plantations as could receive notice time enough, were saved by this means ; the rest, as they happened to be watchful in their de- fence, also escaped ; but such as were surprised, were mas- sacred. Captain Croshaw in his vessel at Potomac, had notice also given him by a young Indian, by which means lie came off untouched. §. 48. The occasion upon which Oppechancanough took affront was this. The war captain mentioned before to have been killed, was called Nemattanow. He was an active Indian, a great warrior, and in much esteem among them ; so much, that they believed him to be invulnerable, and immortal, because he had been in very many conflicts, and escaped untouched from them all. He was also a very cunning fellow, and took great pride in preserving and increasing this their superstition concerning him, af- fecting everything that was odd and prodigious, to work upon their admiration. For which purpose he would often dress himself up with feathers after a fantastic man- ner, and by much use of that ornament, obtained among the English the nickname of Jack of the feather. This Nemattanow coming to a private settlement of one Morgan, who had several toys which he had a mind to, persuaded him to go to Pamunky to dispose of them. He gave him hopes what mighty bargains he might meet with there, and kindly offered him his assistance. At last Mor- gan yielded to his persuasion ; but was no more heard of ; and it is believed, that Nemattanow killed him by the way, and took away his treasure. For within a few days this Nemattanow returned to the same house with Mor- gan's cap upon his head ; where he found two sturdy boys, who asked for their master. He very frankly told them he was dead. But they, knowing the cap again, sus- 6 42 DEATH OF JVEMATTANOW. pected the villain had killed their master, and would have had him before a justice of peace, but he refused to go, and very insolently abused them. Whereupon they shot him down, and as they were carrying him to the governor, he died. As he was dying, he earnestly pressed the boys to pro- mise him two things. First, that they would not tell how he was killed ; and, secondly, that they would bury him among the English. So great was the pride of this vain heathen, that he had no other thoughts at his death, but the ambition of being esteemed aftei he was dead, as he had endeavored to make them believe of him while he was alive, viz., that he was invulnerable and immortal, though his increasing faintness convinced himself of the falsity of both. He imagined, that being buried among the English perhaps might conceal his death from his own nation, who might think him translated to some happier country. Thus he pleased himself to the last gasp with the boys' promises to carry on the delusion. This was reckoned all the pro- vocation given to that haughty and revengeful man Oppe- chancanough, (o act this bloody tragedy, and to take inde- fatigable pains to engage in so horrid villainy all the kings and nations bordering upon the English settlements, on the western shore of Chesapeake. § 49. This gave the English a fair pretence of endeavor- ing the total extirpation of the Indians, but more especially of Oppechancanough and his nation. Accordingly, they set themselves about it, making use of the Roman maxim, (faith is not to be kept with heretics) to obtain their ends. For, after some months fruitless pursuit of them, who could too dexterously hide themselves in the woods, the English pretended articles of peace, giving them all manner of fair words and promises of oblivion. They designed thereby (as their own letters now on record, and their own actions •thereupon prove) to draw the Indians back, and entice them to plant their corn on their habitations nearest adjoin- ing to the English, and then to cut it up, when the summer MASSACRE OF THE INDIAN'S. 43 should be too far spent (o leave them hopes of another crop that year, by which means they proposed to bring them to want necessaries and starve. And the English did so far accomplish their ends, as to bring the Indians to plant their corn at their usual habitations, whereby they gained an op- portunity of repaying them some part of the debt in their own coin, for they fell suddenly upon them, cut to pieces such of them as could not make their escape, and after- wards totally destroyed their corn. §50. Another effect of the massacre of the English, was the reducing all their settlements ag^ain to six or seven in number, for their better defence. Besides, it was such a dis- heartening to some -ood projects, then just advancing, that to this day they have never been put in execution, namely, the glasshouses in Jamestown, and the iron work at Falling Creek, which has been .already mentioned. The massacre fell so hard upon this last place, that no soul was saved but a boy and a girl, who with great difficulty hid themselves. The superintendent of this iron work had also discovered a vein of lead ore, which he kept private, and made use of it to furnish all the neighbors with bullets and shot. But. he being cut off with the rest, and the secret not having been communicated, this lead mine could never after be found, till Colonel Byrd, some few years ago, prevailed with an Indian, under pretence of hunting, to give him a sign by dropping his tomahawk at the place, (he not darin HOWARD, GOVERNOR. 77 Col. Robert Carter, another of the council, and the greatest freeholder in that proprietary. §125. To return to my Lord Colepepper's government, I cannot omit a useful thing which his loidship was pleased to do, with relation to their courts of justice. It seems, nicety of pleading, with all the juggle of Westminster Hall, was creeping into their courts. The clerks began in some cases to enter the reasons with the judgments, pretending to set precedents of inviolable form to be observed in all future proceedings. This my lord found fault with, and retrenched all dilatory pleas, as prejudicial to justice, keeping the courts close to the merits of the cause, in order to bring it to a speedy determination, according to the innocence of for- mer times, and caused the judgments to be entered up short, without the reason, alledging that their couris were not of so great experience as to be able to make precedents to posterity ; who ought to be left at liberty to determine, according to the equity of the controversy before them. §126. In his time alfo were dismantled the forts built by Sir Henry Chicheley at the heads of the rivers, and the forces there were disbanded, as being too great a charge. The assembly appointed small parties of light horse in their stead, to range by turns upon the frontiers. These being chosen out of the neighboring inhabitants, might afford to serve at easier rates, and yet do the business more effectu- ally ; they were raised under the title or name of rangers. § 127. After this the Lord Colepepper returned again for England, his second stay not being much longer than the first ; and Sir Henry Chicheley being dead, he proclaimed his kinsman, Mr. Secretary Spencer, president, though he was not the eldest member of the council. § 128. The next year, being 1684, upon the Lord Cole- pepper's refusing to return, Francis, Lord Howard of Effing- ham, was sent over governor. In order to increase his per- quisites, he imposed the charge of an annual under seal of twenty shillings each for school masters ; five pounds for law- yers at the general court, and fifty shillings each lawyer at 78 DUTY ON LIQUORS. the county courts. He also extorted an excessive fee for putting the seal to all probates of wills, and letters of ad- ministration, even where the estates of the deceased were of the meanest value. Neither could any be favored with such administration, or probate, without paying that extor- tion. If any body presumed to remonstrate against it, his lordship's behavior towards that man was very severe. He kept several persons in prison and under confinement, from court to court, without bringing them to trial. Which pro- ceedings, and many others, were so oppressive, that com- plaints were made thereof to the king, and Colonel Philip Ludwell was appointed agent to appear against him in England. Whereupon the seal-money was taken off. § 129. During the first session of assembly in this noble lord's time, the duty on liquors imported from the other English plantations, was first imposed. It was then laid, on pretence of lessening the levy by the poll, for payment of public taxes ; but more especially for rebuilding the State house, which had not been rebuilt since Laurence burnt it in Bacon's time. This duty was at first laid on wine and rum only, at the rate of thiee pence per gallon, with an exemption of all such as should be imported in the ships of Virginia owners. But the like duty has since been laid on other liquors also, and is raised to four pence per gallon on wine and rum, and one penny per gallon on beer, cider, lime- juice, &c; and the privilege of Virginia owners taken away, to the great discouragement of their shipping and home trade. § 130. This lord, though he pretended to no great skill in legal proceedings, yet he made great innovations in their courts, . pretending to follow the English forms. Thus he created a new court of chancery distinct from the general court, who had ever before claimed that jurisdiction. He erected himself into a lord chancellor, taking the gentlemen of the council to sit with him as mere associates and ad- visers, not having any vote in the causes before them. And PROJECT FOR A COLLEGE. 79 that it might have more the air of a new court, lie would not so much as sit in the State house, where all the other public business was dispatched, but look the dining- room of a large house for that use. He likewise made arbitrary tables of fees, peculiar to this high court. How- ever, his lordship not beginning this project very long before he left the country, all these innovations came to an end upon his removal, and the jurisdiction returned to the gen- eral court again, in the time of Colonel Nathaniel Bacon, whom he left president. §131. During that gentleman's presidency, which began Anno 16S9, the project of a college was first agreed upon The contrivers drew up their scheme, and presented it to the president and council. This was by them approved, and referred to the next assembly. But Colonel Bacon's admin- istration being very short, and no assembly called all the while, this pious design could proceed no farther. § 132. Anno 1690, Francis Nicholson, esq., being ap- pointed lieutenant governor under the Lord Effingham, arrived there. This gentleman discoursed freely of country improvements, instituted publio exercises, and gave prizes to all those that should excel in the exercises of riding, run- ning, shooting, wrestling, and cudgeling. When the design of a college was communicated to him, he promised it all imaginable encouragement. The first thing desired of him in its behalf, was the calling of an assembly, but this he could by no means agree to, being under obligations to the Lord Effingham to stave off assemblies as long he could, for fear there might be farther representations sent over against his lordship, who was conscious to himself how un- easy the country had been under his despotic administration. § 133. When that could not be obtained, then they pro- posed that a subscription might pass through the colony, to try the humor of the people in general, and see what voluntary contributions they could get towards it. This he granted, and he himself, together with the council, set a generous example to tlie other gentlemen of the country, 80 CHARTER GRANTED FOR THE COLLEGE. so that the subscriptions at last amounted to about two thousand five hundred pounds, in which sum is included the generous benevolences of several merchants of London. § 134. Anno 1691, an assembly being called, this design was moved to them, and they espoused it heartily ; and soon after made an address to king William and queen Mary in its behalf, and sent the Rev. Mr. James Blair their agent to England to solicit their majesties charter for it. It was proposed that three things should be taught in this college, viz., languages, divinity, and natural phil- osophy. The assembly was so fond of Governor Nicholson at that time, that they presented him with the sum of three hun- dred pounds, as a testimony of their good disposition towards him. But he having an instruction to receive no present from the country, they drew up an address to their majes- ties, praying that he might have leave to accept it, which was granted, and he gave one half thereof to the college. § 135. Their majesties were well pleased with that pious design of the plantation, and granted a charter, according to the desire of Mr. Blair their agent. Their majesties were graciously pleased to give near two thousand pounds sterling, the balance then due upon the account of quit-rents, towards the founding the college ; and towards the endowing of it, they allowed twenty thou- sand acres of choice land, together with the revenue arising by the penny per pound on tobacco exported from Virginia and Maryland to the other plantations. It was a great satisfaction to the archbishops and bishops, to see such a nursery of religion founded in that new world, especially for that it was begun in an episcopal way, and carried on wholly by zealous conformists to the Church of England. §136. In this first assembly, Lieutenant Governor Nich- olson passed acts for encouragement of the linen manufac- SIR EDMUND ANDROS, GOVERNOR. s l turo, and to promote the leather trade by tanning, currying, and shoe making. He also in that session passed a law for cohabitation, and improvement of trade. Before the next assembly he tacked about, and was quite the reverse of what he was in the first, as to cohabitation. Instead of encouraging ports and towns, he spread abroad his dislike of them; 'and went among the people finding fault with those things which he and the assembly had unan- imously agreed upon the preceding session. Such a violent change there was in him, that it proceeded from some other cause than barely the inconstancy of his temper. He had leceived directions from those English merchants, who well knew that cohabitation would lessen their consigned trade. § 137. In February, 1692, Sir Edmund Andros arrived governor. He began his government with an assembly, which overthrew the good design of ports and towns ; but the groundwork of this proceeding was laid before Sir Ed- mund's arrival. However this assembly proceeded no far- ther than to suspend the law till their majesties' pleasure should be known. But it seems the merchants in London were dissatisfied, and made public complaints against it, which their majesties were pleased to hear ; and afterwards referred the law back to the assembly again, to consider if it were suitable to the circumstances of the country, and to regulate it accordingly. But the assembly did not then proceed any farther in it, the people themselves being in- fected by the merchants' letters. ^ 133. At this session Mr. Neal's project for a post-oflice, and his patent of post-master-general in those parts of America, were presented. The assembly made an act to promote that design ; but by reason of the inconvenient distance of Lbeii habitations, and want of towns, this project fell to nothing. § 13 ( J. With Sir Edmund Andros, was sent over the col- lege chatter ; and the subsequent assembly declared, that the subscriptions which had been made to the college were due, and immediately demandable. They likewise gave a 11 82 ENCOURAGEMENT OF MANUFACTURES. duty on the exportation of skins and furs, for its more plen- tiful endowment, arid the foundation of the college was laid. The subscription money did not come in with the same readiness with which it had been underwritten. However there was enough given by their majesties, and gathered from the people, to keep all hands at work and curry on the building, the foundation whereof they then laid ; and the rest, upon suit, had judgment given against them. §140. Sir Edmund Andros was a great encourager of manufactures. In his time fulling-mills were set up by act of assembly. He also gave particular marks of his favor towards the propagating of cotton, which since his time has been much neglected. He was likewise a great lover of method and dispatch in all sorts of business, which made him find fault with the management of the secretary's office. And, indeed, with very good reason ; for from the time of Bacon's rebellion till then, there never was any office in the world more negligently kept. Several patents of land were entered blank upon record ; many original patents, re- cords and deeds of land, with other matters of great conse- quence, were thrown loose about the office, and suffered to be dirtied, torn, and eaten by the moths and other insects. But upon this gentleman's accession to the government, he immediately gave directions to reform all these irregularities ; he caused the loose and torn records of value to be tran- scribed into new books, and ordered conveniences to be built within the office for preserving the records from being lost and confounded as before. He prescribed methods to keep the papers dry and clean, and to reduce them into such or- der, as that any thing might be turned to immediately. But all these conveniences were burnt soon after they were finished, in October 1698, together with the office itself, and the whole State House. But his diligence was so great in that affair, that though his stay afterward in the country was very short, yet he caused all the records and papers which had been saved from the fire to be sorted again and FRANCI3 NICHOLSON, GOVERNOR. 83 registered in ordei, and indeed in much better order than ever they had been before. In this condition he left them at his quitting the government. He made several offers to rebuild the State House in the same place ; and had his government continued but six months longer, 'tis probable he would have effected it after such a manner as might have been least burthensome to the people, designing the greatest part at his own cost. §141. Sir Edmund Andros being upon a progress one summer, called at a poor man's bouse in Stafford county for water. There came out to him an ancient woman, and with her a lively brisk lad about twelve years old. The lad was so ruddy and fair that his complexion gave the go- vernor a curiosity to ask some questions concerning him ; and to his great surprise was told that he was the son of that woman at 76 years of age. His excellency, smiling at this improbability, enquired what sort of man had been his father? To' this the good woman made no reply, but in- stantly ian and led her husband to the door, who was then above 100 years old. He confirmed all that the woman had said about the lad, and, notwithstanding his £ieat age, was strong in his limbs and voice ; but had lost his sight. The woman for her part was without complaint, and seemed to retain a vigor very uncommon at her years. Sir Edmund was so well pleased with this extraordinary ac- count, that, after having made himself known to them, he offered to take care of the lad ; but they would by n<> means be persuaded to part with him. However, he gave them 20 pounds. §142. In November 1698, Francis Nicholson, Esq., was removed from Maryland, to be governor of Virginia. But In' went not then with that smoothness on his brow he had rallied with him when he was appointed lieutenant-governor. He talked then no more of improving of manufactures, towns and trade. But instead of encouraging the manufac- tures, he sent over inhuman memorials against them, oppo- site to all reason. In one of these, he remonstrates, " thai 84 WILLIAMSBURG COMMENCED, 1699. the tobacco of that country often bears so low a price, that it would not yield clothes to the people that make it;" and yet presently after, in the same memorial, he recommends it to the parliament " to pass an act, forbiding the plantations to make their own clothing ;" which, in other words, is de- siring a charitable law, that the planters shall go naked. In a late memorial concerted between him and his creature Col. Q,uarrey, 'tis most humbly proposed, " that all the English colonies on the continent of North America be re- duced under one government, and under one Viceroy ; and that a standing army be there kept on foot to subdue the queen's enemies;" surmising that they were intending to set up for themselves. § 143. He began his government with a shew of zeal for the church. In the latter end of his time, one half of the intended building, that is two sides of the square, was car- ried up and finished, in which were allotted the public hall, the apartments and conveniences for several masters and scholars, and the public offices for the domestics : the mas- ters and scholars were also settled in it, and it had its reg- ular visitations from the visitors and governors thereof. § 144. Soon after his accession to the government, he pro- cured the assembly and courts of judicature to be removed from Jamestown, where there were good accommodations for people, to Middle Plantation, where there were none. There he flattered himself with the fond imagination of be- ing the founder of a new city. He marked out the streets in many places so as that they might represent the figure of a W, in memory of his late majesty King William, after whose name the town was called Williamsburg. There he procured a stately fabric to be erected, which he placed opposite to the college, and graced it with the magnificent name of the capitol. § 145 In the second year of this gentleman's govern- ment, there happened an adventure very fortunate for him, which gave him much credit, and that was the taking of a pirate within the capes of that country. It fell out that several merchant ships were got ready, FIRST PIRATE TAKEN. S5 and fallen down to Lynhaven bay, near the niouili of James river, in order for sailing. A pirate being- informed of this, and hearing that there was no man of war there, except a sixth rate, ventured within the capes, and took several of the merchant ships. But a small vessel happened to come down the bay, and seeing an engagement between the pirate and a merchantman, made a shift to get into the mouth of James river, where the Shoram, a fifth rate man of war, was newly arrived. The sixth rate, commanded by Capt. John Aldred, was then on the careen in Elizabeth river, in order for her return to England. The governor happened to be at that time at Kiquotan, sealing up his letters, and Capt. Passenger, commander of the Shoram, was ashore, to pay his respects to him. In the meanwhile news was brought that a pirate was within the capes ; upon which the captain was in haste to go aboard his ship ; but the governor stayed him a little, prom- ising to go along with him. The captain soon after asked his excuse, and went off, leaving him another boat, if he pleased to follow. It was about one o'clock in the after- noon when the news was brought ; but 'twas within night before his excellency went aboard, staying all that while ashore upon some weighty occasions. At last he followed, and by break of day the man of war was fairly out be- tween the capes and the pirate ; where, after ten hours sharp engagement, the pirate was obliged to strike and sur- render upon the terms of being left to the king's mercy. Now it happened that three men of this pirate's gang were not on board their own ship at the lime of the surren- der, and so were not included in the articles of capitulation, but were tried in that country. In summing up the charge against them (the governor being present) the attorney- general extolled his excellency's mighty courage and con- duct, as if the honor of laking the pirate had been due to him. Upon this, Capt. Passenger look the freedom (o in- terrupt Mi. Attorney in open court, and said that he was commander of the Shoram ; that the pirates were his prison- SO GOVERNOR NICHOLSON 'S VANITY. ers ; and that no body had pretended to command in that engagement but himself: he farther desired that the gover- nor, who was then present, would do him the justice to confess whether he had given the least word of command all that day, or directed any one thing during the whole fight. This, his excellency acknowledged, was true ; and fairly yielded the honor of that exploit to the captain. § 146. This governor likewise gained some reputation by another instance of his management, whereby he let the world know the violent passion he had to publish his own fame. To get honor in New York, he had zealously recommen- ded to the court of England the necessity that Virginia should contribute a certain quota of men, or else a sum of money, towards the building and maintaining a fort at New York. The reason he gave for this, was, because New York was their barrier, and as such, it was but justice they should help to defend it. This was by order of his late majesty King William proposed to the assembly ; but upon the most solid reasons they humbly remonstrated, " that neither the forts then in being, nor any other that might be built in the province of New York, could in the least avail to the defence and security of Virginia ; for that either the French or the northern Indians might invade that colony, and not come within an hundred miles of any such fort." The truth of these objections are obvious to any one that ever looked on the maps of that part of the world. But the secret of the whole business in plain terms was this : Those foils were necessary for New York, to enable that province to engross the trade of the neighbor Indians, which Virginia had sometimes shared in, when the Indians ram- bled to the southward. Now the glory Col. Nicholson got in that affair was this : after he had represented Virginia as republican and rebel- lious for not complying with his proposal, he said publicly that New York should not want the 900 pounds, though NICHOLSON AND dUARRY. 87 he paid it out of his own pocket, and soon after touk a journey to that province. When he arrived there, he blamed Virginia very much, but pretending earnest desires to serve New York, gave his own bills of exchange for 900 pounds to the aforesaid use, but prudently took a defeasance from the gentleman to whom they were given, specifying. " that till her majesty should be graciously pleased to remit him the money out of the quit rents of Virginia, those bills should never be made use of." This was an admirable piece of sham generosity, and worthy of the great pains he took to proclaim it. I myself have frequently heard him boast that he gave this money out of his own pocket, and only depended on the queen's bounty to repay him : though the money is not paid by him to this day. § 147. Neither was he contented to spread abroad this tin truth there ; but he also foisted it into a memorial of Col. Quarry's to the council of trade, in which are these words : "As soon as Governor Nicholson found the assembly of Vir- ginia would not see their own interest, nor comply with her majesty's orders, he went immediately to New York ; and out of his great zeal to the queen's service, and the security of her province, he gave his own bills for 900 pounds to answer the quota of Virginia, wholly depending on her majesty's favor to reimburse him out of the reve- nues in that province. Certainly his excellency and Colonel Quarry, by whose joint wisdom and sincerity this memorial was composed, must believe that the council of trade have very imperfect intelligence how matters pass in that part of the world, or else they would not presume to impose such a banter upon them." But this is nothing, if # compared with some other pas- sages of that unjust representation, wherein they took upon them to desciibe the people of " Virginia to be both numer- ous and rich, of republican notions and principles such as ought to be corrected and lowered in time ; and that then. 88 SLAVES MADE REAL ESTATE. or never, was the time to maintain the queen's prerogatives, and put a stop to those wrong, pernicious notions which were improving daily, not only in Virginia but in all her majesty's other governments. A frown now from her ma- jesty will do more than an army hereafter," &c. With those inhuman, false imputations, did those gen- tlemen afterwards introduce the necessity of a standing army. §148. Thus did this gentleman continue to rule till August 1705, when Edward Nott, esq., arrived governor, and gave ease to the country by a mild rule. His commis- sion was to be governor-general, but part of his salary was paid my Lord Orkney as chief. Governor Nott had the gen- eral commission given him, because it was suggested that that method, viz : the supreme title, would give the greater awe, and the better put the country to rights. § 149. Governor Nott called an assembly the fall after his arrival, who passed the general revisal of the laws, which had been too long in hand. But that part of it which related to the church and clergy Mr. Commissary could not be pleased in ; wherefore lhat bill was dropt, and so it lies at this day. § 150. This assembly also passed a new law for ports and towns, grounding it only upon encouragements, accord- ing to her majesty's letter to that purpose. But^it seems this also could not please the Virginia merchants in Eng- land, for they complained against it to the crown, and so it was also suspended. §151. This assembly also passed the law making slaves a real estate, which made a great alteration in the nature of their estates, and becomes a very good security for orphans whose parents happened to die intestate. § 152. This assembly also voted a house to be built for ihe governor's residence, and laid duties to raise the money for it. But his excellency lived not to see much effected therein, being taken off by death in August 1706. In the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR ALEXANDER SPOTSWOOD. 89 first year of his government the college was burnt down to the ground. § 153. After this governor's death, their being no other nominated by her majesty to succeed him, the government fell into the hands of Edmund Jenings, Esq., (he presi- dent, and the council, who held no assembly during his time, neither did anything of note happen here. Only we heard that Brigadier Robert Hunter received commission to be lieutenant-governor under George, Earl of Orkney, the chief, and set out for Virginia, but was taken prisoner into France. § 154. During Brigadier Hunter's confinement in France, a new commission issued to Colonel Alexander Spotswood to be lieutenant-governor, who arrived here in Anno 1710. He, to the extraordinary benefit of this country, still con- tinues governor, having improved it beyond imagination. His conduct has produced wonders. But it would not be- come me to affront his modesty by publishing those innumer- able benefits of his administration to his face ; therefore I shall leave them to adorn the brighter history of some abler penman. 12 BOOK II. OF THE NATURAL PRODUCT AND CONVENIENCES OF VIRGINIA IN ITS UNIMPROVED STATE, BE- FORE THE ENGLISH WENT THITHER. CHAPTEE I. OF THE BOUNDS AND COAST OF VIRGINIA. §1. Virginia, as you have heard before, was a name at first given to all the northern part of the continent of Amer- ica ; and when the original grant was made, both to the first and second colonies, that is, to those of Virginia and New England, they were both granted under the name of Virginia. And afterwards, when grants for other new col- onies were made by particular names, those names for a long time served only to distinguish them as so many parts of Virginia ; and until the plantations became more familiar to England, it was so continued. But in process of time, the name of Virginia was lost to all except to that tract of land lying along the bay of Chesapeake, and a little to the southward, in which are included Virginia and Maryland ; both which, in common discourse, are still very often meant by the name of Virginia The least extent of bounds in any of the grants made to Virginia, since it was settled, and which we find upon record there, is two hundred miles north from Point Com- fort, and two hundred miles south, winding upon the sea BOUNDS AND COAST OF VIRGINIA. 91 coast to the eastward, and including all the land west and northwest, from sea to sea, with the islands on both seas, within an hundred miles of the main. But these extents, both on the north and south, have been since abridged by the proprietary grants of Maryland on the north, and Ca- rolina on the south. § 2 The entrance into Virginia for shipping is by the mouth of Chesapeake bay, which is indeed more like a river than a bay j for it runs up into the land about two hundred miles, being everywhere near as wide as it is at the mouth, and in many places much wider. The mouth thereof is about seven leagues over, through which all ships pass to go to Maryland. The coast is a bold and even coast, with regular sound- ings, and is open all the year round ; so that, having the latitude, which also can hardly be wanted upon a coast where so much clear weather is, any ship may go in by soundings alone, by day or night, in summer or in win- ter, and need not fear any disaster, if the mariners under- stand anything ; for, let the wind blow how it will, and chop about as suddenly as it pleases, any master, though his ship be never so dull, has opportunity, (by the evenness of the coast,) either of standing off and clearing the shore, or else of running into safe harbor within the capes. A bolder and safer coast is not known in the uni- verse ; to which conveniencies, there is the addition of good anchorage all along upon it, without the capes. ^3. Virginia, in the most restrained sense, distinct from .Maryland, is the spot to which I shall altogether confine this description ; though you may consider, at the. same time, that there cannot be much difference between this and Maryland, they being contiguous one to the other, ly- ing in the same bay, producing the same sort of commo- dities, and being fallen into the same unhappy form of set- tlements, altogether upon country seats, without towns. Vir- ginia, thus considered, is bounded on the south by North Carolina, on the north by Potomac river, which divides it BOUNDS ANP COAST OF VIRGINIA. from Maryland, on the east by the main ocean, called the Virginia seas, and 00 the weal and northwest by the Cali- fornlao sea. whenever the settlements shall be extended so tar, or now by the river Mississippi. This part o( Virginia, now inhabited, it' we consider the improvements in the hands of the English, it cannot upon that score be commended ; but if we consider its natural aptitude to be improved, it may with justice be accounted one of the finest countries in the world. Most of the na- tural advantages of it. therefore. I shall endeavor to disco- ver, and set in their true light, together with its inconve- niences, and afterwards proceed to the improvements. C B AFTER II. OF THE WATERS. § 4. The largeness of the bay of Chesapeake, I have mentioned already. From one end of it to the other, there is good anchorage, and so little danger of a wreck, that many masters, who have never been there before, venture up to the head of the bay, upon the slender knowledge of a common sailor. But the experience of one voyage teaches any master to go up afterwaids without a pilot. Besides this bay, the country is watered with four great rivers, viz : James, York, Rappahannock, and Potomac ri- vers, all which are full of convenient and safe harbors. There are also abundance of lesser rivers, many of which are capable of receiving the biggest merchant ships, viz : Elizabeth river, Nansemond, Chickahominy, Pocosou, Pa- munkey, Mattapony, (which two last are the two upper branches of York river,) North river, Eastermost river, Co- rotoman, Wiccocomoco, Pocomoke, Chissenessick, Pungo- tegue, and many others. But because they are so well de- scribed in the large maps of Virginia, I shall forbear any farther description of them. These rivers are of such convenience, that for almost every half dozen miles of their extent , there is a commo- dious and safe road for a whole fleet, which gives oppor- tunity to the masters of ships to lie up and down strag- gling, according as they have made their acquaintance, rid- ing before that gentleman's door where they find the best reception, or where 'tis most suitable to their business. §5. These rivers are made up by the conflux of an in- finite number of crystal springs of cool ami pleasant water, 94 OF THE WATERS. issuing everywhere out of the banks and sides of the val- leys. These springs flow so plentifully, that they make the iiver water fresh fifty, threescore, and sometimes a hun- dred miles below the flux and reflux of the tides, and some- times within thirty or forty miles of the bay itself. The conveniences of these springs are so many, they are not to be numbered. I shall therefore content myself to mention that one of supplying the country elsewhere, except in the lowlands, with as many mills as they can find work for ; and some of these send forth such a glut of water, that in less than a mile below the fountain head, they afford a stream sufficient to supply a grist mill, of which there are several instances. § 6. The only mischief I know belonging to these rivers is, that in the month of June annually, there rise up in the salts, vast beds of seedling-worms, which enter the ships, sloops or boats wherever they find the coat of pitch, tar, or lime worn off the timber, and by degrees eat the plank into cells like those of a honey-comb. These worms continue thus upon the surface of the water, from their rise in June until the first great rains after the middle of July, but after that do no fresh damage till the next summer season, and never penetrate farther than the plank or timber they first fix upon. The damage occasioned by these worms may be four se- veral ways avoided. 1. By keeping the coat (of pitch, lime and tallow, or whatever else it is) whole upon the bottom of the ship or vessel, for these worms never fasten nor enter, but where the timber is naked. 2. By anchoring the large vessel in the strength of the tide, during the worm season, and hauling the smaller ashore ; for in the current of a strong tide, the worm can- not fasten. 3. By burning and cleaning immediately after the worm season is over ; for then they are but just stuck into the plank, and have not buried themselves in it ; so that the OF THE WATERS. 95 least fire in the world destroys them entirely, and prevents all damage that would otherwise ensue from them. 4. By running up into the freshes with the ship or ves- sel during the five or six weeks that the worm is thus above water ; for they never enter, nor do any damage in fresh water, or where it is not very salt. CHAPTER III. OP THE EARTH AND SOILS. § 7. The soil is of such variety, according to the* differ- ence of situation, that one part or other of it seems fitted to every sort of plant that is requisite either for the be- nefit or pleasure of mankind. And were it not for the high mountains to the northwest, which are supposed to retain vast magazines of snow, and by that means cause the wind from that quarter to descend a little too cold upon them, 'tis believed that many of those delicious summer fruits, growing in the hotter climates, might be kept there green all the winter without the charge of housing, or any other care, than what is due to the natural plants of the country, when transplanted into a garden. But as that would be no considerable charge, any man that is curious might, with all the ease imaginable, preserve as many of them as would gratify a moderate luxury ; and the sum- mer affords genial heat enough to ripen them to perfec- tion. There are three different kinds of land, according to the difference^of situation, either in the lower parts of the coun- try, the middle, or that on the heads of the rivers. I. The land towards the mouth of the rivers is gene- rally of a low, moist, and fat mould, such as the heavier sort of grain delight in : as rice, hemp, Indian corn, &c. This also is varied here and there with veins of a cold, hungry, sandy soil, of the same moisture, and very often lying under water. But this also has its advantages ; for on such land generally grow the huckleberries, cranberries, chinkapins, &c. These low lands are, for the most part, OF THE EARTH AND SOILS. 97 well stored with oaks, poplars, pines, cedars, cypress and sweet gums ; the trunks of which aie often thirty, forty, fifty, some sixty or seventy feet high, without a branch or limb. They likewise produce great variety of evergreens, unknown to me by name, besides the beauteous holly, sweet myrtle, cedar, and the live oak, which for three quarters of the year is continually dropping its acorns, and at the same lime budding and bearing others in their stead. 2. The land higher up the rivers, throughout the whole country, is generally a level ground , with shallow valleys, full of streams and pleasant springs of clear water, having inteispersed here and there among the large levels some small hills and extensive vales. The mould in some places is black, fat, and thick laid ; in others looser, lighter and thin. The foundation of the mould is also various ; some- times clay, then gravel and rocky stones, and sometimes marl. The middle of the necks, or ridges between the rivers, is generally poor, being either a light sand, or a white or red clay, with a thin mould. Yet even these places are stored with chesnuts, chinkapins, acorns of the shrub oak, and a reedy grass in summer, very good for cattle. The rich lands lie next the rivers and branches, and are stored with large oak, walnut, hickory, ash, beech, poplar, and many other sorts of timber, of sur- prising bigness. 3. The heads of the rivers afford a mixture of hills, valleys and plains, some richer than others, whereof the fruit and timber trees are also various. In some places lie great plats of low and very rich giound, well tim- bered ; in others, large spots of meadows and savannahs, wherein are hundreds of acres without any tree at all, but yields reeds and grass of incredible height ; and in the swamps and sunken grounds grow trees as vastly big as I believe the world affords, and stand so close together, that the branches or boughs of many of them lock into one another ; but what lessens their value is, that the greatest bulk of them are at some distance from water-carriage. 13 98 OF THE EARTH AND SOILS. The land of these upper parts affords greater variety of soil than any other, and as great variety in the founda- tions of the soil or mould, of which good judgment may be made by the plants and herbs that grow upon it. The rivers and creeks do in many places form very fine large marshes, which are a convenient support for their flocks and herds. § 8. There is likewise found great variety of earths for physic, cleansing, scouring, and making all sorts of potter's ware ; such as antimony, talk, yellow and red oker, fuller's- earth, pipe-clay, and other fat and fine clays, marl, &c. ; in a word, there are all kinds of earth fit for use. They have besides, in those upper parts, coal for firing, slate for covering, and stones for building, and fiat paving in vast quantities, as likewise pebble stones. Nevertheless, it has been confidently affirmed by many, who have been in Virginia, that there is not a stone in all the country. If such travelers knew no better than they said, my judg- ment of them is, that either they were people of extreme short memories, or else of very narrow observation. For though generally the lower parts are flat, and so fiee from stones, that people seldom shoe their horses ; yet in many places, and particularly near the falls of the rivers, are found vast quantities of stone, fit for all kinds of uses. However, as yet, there is seldom any use made of them, because commonly wood is 10 be had at much less trouble ; and as for coals, it is not likely they should ever be used there in anything but forges and great towns, if ever they happen to have any, for, in their country plantations, the wood grows at every man's door so fast, that after it has been cut down, it will in seven years time grow up again from seed, to substantial fire- wood ; and in eighteen or twenty years it will come to be very good board timber. § 9. For mineral earths, it is believed they have great plenty and variety, that country being in a good latitude, and having great appearances of them. It has been proved, too, that they have both iron and lead, as appears by OP THE EARTH AND SOILS. 99 what was said before concerning the iron works set up at Falling creek in James river, where the iron proved reason- ably good ; but before they got into the body of the mine, the people were cut off in that fatal massacre, and the project has never been set on foot since, till of late ; but it has not had its^ full trial. The golden mine, of which there was once so much noise, may, perhaps, be found hereafter to be some good metal, when it comes to be fully examined. But be that as it will, the stones that are found near it, in great plenty, are valuable, their lustre approaching nearer to that of the diamond than those of Bristol cr Kerry. There is no other fault in them but theit softness, which the weather hard- ens, when they have been sometime exposed to it, they being found under the surface of the earth. This place has now plantations on it. ; This I take to be the place in Purchase's fourth book of his pilgrim, called Uttamussack, where was formerly the principal temple of the country, and the metropolitan seat of the priests in Powhatau's time. There stood the three great houses, near sixty feet in length, which he reports to have been filled with the images of their gods ; there were likewise preserved the bodies of their kings. These houses they counted so holy, that none but their priests and kings durst go into them, the common people not presuming, without their particulai direction, to approach the place. There also was their great Pawcorance, or altar stone, which, the Indians *tell us, was a solid crystal, of between three and four feet cube, upon which, in their greatest so- lemnities, they used to sacrifice. This, they would make us believe, was so clear, that the grain of a man's skin might be seen through it ; and was so heavy too that when they removed their gods and kings, not being able to carry it away, they buried it thereabouts ; but the place has never been yet discovered. Mr. Alexander Whillakei, minister of Henrico, on James river, in the company's time, writing to them, says thus : L 100 OF THE EARTH AND SOILS. " Twelve miles from the falls there is a crystal rock, wherewith the Indians do head many of their arrows ;• and three days journey from thence, there is a rock and stony hill found, which is on the top covered over with a perfect and most rich silver ore. Our men that went to discover those parts had but two iron pickaxes with them, and those so ill tempered that the points of them turned again, and bowed at every stroke, so that we could not search the en- trails of the place ; yet some trial was made of that ore with good success." § 10. Some people that have been in that country, with- out knowing any thing of it, have affirmed that it is all a flat, without any mixture of hills, because they see the coast to seaward perfectly level : or else they have made their judgment of the whole country by the lands lying on the lower parts of the rivers, (which, perhaps, they had never been beyond,) and so conclude it to be throughout plain and even. When in truth, upon the heads of the great rivers, there are vast high hills ; and even among the settlements there are some so topping that I have stood upon them and viewed the country all round over the tops of the highest trees for many leagues together ; particularly, there are Mawborn hills in the freshes of James river ; a ridge of hills about fourteen or fifteen miles up Mattapony river ; Toliver's mount, upon Rappahannock river ; and the ridge of hills in Stafford county, in the freshes of Potomac river ; all which are within the bounds of the English in- habitants. But a little farther backward, there are moun- tains, which indeed deserve the name of mountains for their height and bigness ; which by their difficulty in passing may easily be made a good barrier of the country against incur- sions of the Indians, &c, and shew themselves over the tops of the trees to many plantations at 70 or 80 miles dis- tance very plain. These hills are not without their advantages ; for, out of almost every rising ground, throughout the country, there issue abundance of most pleasant streams, of pure and crys- OF THE EARTH AND SOILS. i tal water, than which certainly the world does not aff< any more delicious. These are every where to be fou: in the upper parts of this country, and many of them flo out of the sides of banks very high above the vales, whi. are the most suitable places for gardens — where the fine water works in the world may be made at a very small e pense. There are likewise several mineral springs, easily discov erable by their taste, as well as by the soil which the drive out with their streams. But I am not naturalist skii ful enough to describe them with the exactness they de serve. CHAPTER IV. OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. §11. Of fruits natural to the country, there is great abundance, but the several species of them are produced according to the difference of the soil, and the various situa- tion of the country ; it being impossible that one piece of ground should produce so many different kinds intermixed. Of the better sorts of the wild fruits that I have met with, I will barely give you the names, not designing a natural his- tory. And when I have done that, possibly I may not men- tion one-half of what the country affords, because I never went out of my way to enquire after anything of this nature. §12. Of stoned fruits, I have met with three good sorts, viz : Cherries, plums and persimmons. 1. Of cherries natural to the country, and growing wild in the woods, I have seen three sorts. Two of these grow upon trees as big as the common English white oak, where- of one grows in bunches like grapes. Both these sorts are black without, and but one of them red within. That which is red within, is more palatable than the English black cherry, as being without its bitterness. The other, which hangs on the branch like grapes, is water coloied within, of a faintish sweet, and greedily devoured by the small birds. The thiid sort is called the Indian cherry, and grows higher up in the country than the others do. It is commonly found by the sides of rivers and branches on small slender trees, scarce able to support themselves, about the bigness of the peach trees in England. This is cer- tainly the most delicious cherry in the world ; it is of a dark puiple when ripe, and grows upon a single stalk like OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. 103 the English cherry, but is very small, though, I suppose, it may be made larger by cultivation, if anybody would mind it. These, too, are so greedily devoured by the small birds, that they won't let them remain on the tree long enough to ripen ; by which means, they are rarely known to any, and much more rarely tasted, though, perhaps, at the same time they grow just by the houses. 2. The plums, which I have observed to grow wild there, are of two sorts, the black and the Murrey plum, both which are small, and have much the same relish with the damson. 3. The persimmon is by Heriot called the Indian plum ; and so Smith, Purchase, and Du Lake, call it after him ; but I can't perceive that any of those authors had ever heard of the sorts I have just now mentioned, they grow- ing high up in the country. These persimmons, amongst them, retain their Indian name. They are of several sizes, between the bigness of a damson plum and a burgamot pear. The taste of them is so very rough, it is not to be endured till they are fully ripe, and then they are a plea- sant fruit. Of these, some vertuosi make an agreeable kind of beer, to which purpose they dry them in cakes, and lay them up for use. These, like most other fruits there, grow as thick upon the trees as ropes of onions : the branches very often break down by the mighty weight of the fruit. §13. Of berries there is a great variety, and all very good in their kinds. Our mulberries are of three sorts, two black and one white ; the long black sort are the best, be- ing about the bigness of a boy's thumb ; the other two sorts are of the shape of the English mulberry, short and thick, but their taste does not so generally please, being of a faintish sweet, without any tartness. They grow upon well spread, large bodied trees, which run up surprisingly fast. These are the pioper food of the silk-worm. 1 . There grow naturally two sorts of currants, one red and the other black, more sweet than those of the same color in England. They grow upon small bushes, or slen- der trees J 04 OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. 2. There are three sorts of hurts, or huckleberries, upon bushes, from two to ten feet high. They grow in the valleys and sunken grounds, having different relishes ; but are all pleasing to the taste. The largest sort grow upon the largest bushes, and, I think, are the best berries. 3. Cranberries grow in the low lands and barren sunken grounds, upon low bushes, like the gooseberry, and are much of the same size. They are of a lively red, when gathered and kept in water, and make very good tarts. I believe these are the berries which Captain Smith compared to the English gooseberry, and called Rawcomens ; having, perhaps, seen them only on the bushes, where they are al- ways very sour. 4. The wild raspberry is by some there preferred to those that were transplanted thither from England ; but I cannot be of their opinion. 5. Strawberries they have, as delicious as any in the world, and growing almost every where in the woods and fields. They are eaten almost by all creatures ; and yet are so plentiful that very few persons take care to transplant them, but can find enough to fill their baskets, when they have a mind, in the deserted old fields. § 14. There grow wild several sorts of good nuts, viz. : chestnuts, chinkapins, hazelnuts, hickories, walnuts, &c. 1. Chestnuts are found upon very high trees, growing in barren ridges. They are something less than the French chestnut ; but, I think not differing at all in taste. 2. Chinkapins have a taste something like a chestnut, and grow in a husk or bur, being of the same sort of sub- stance, but not so big as an acorn. They grow upon large bushes, some about as high as the common apple trees in England, and either in the high or low, but always barren ground. 3. Hazelnuts are there in infinite plenty, in all the swamps ; and towards the heads of the rivers, whole acres of them are found upon the high land. 4. Hickory nuts are of several sorts, all growing upon great trees, and in an husk, like the French walnut, ex- OP THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. 105 cept that the husk is not so thick, and more apt to open. Some of these nuts are inclosed in so hard a shell, that a light hammer will hardly crack them ; and when they are cracked, their kernel is fastened with so firm a web, that there is no coming at it. Several other sorts I have seen with thinner shells, whose kernels may be got with less trouble. There are also several sorts of hickories, called pig nuts, some of which have as thin a shell as the best French walnuts, and yield their meat very easily ; they are all of the walnut kind. 5. They have a sort of walnut they call black wal- nuts, which are as big again as any I ever saw in England, but are very rank and oily, having a thick, hard, foul shell, and come not clear of the husk as the walnut in France doth ; but the inside of the nut, and leaves, and growing of the tree, declare it to be of the walnut kind. 6. Their woods likewise afford a vast variety of acorns, seven sorts of which have fallen under my observation. That which grows upon the live oak, buds, ripen and drops off the tree, almost the whole year around. All their acorns are very fat and oily ; but the live oak acorn is much more so than the rest, and I believe the making of oil of them would turn to a good account ; but now they only serve as mast for the hogs and other wild creatures, as do all the other fruits aforementioned, together with several other sorts of mast growing upon the beach, pine and other trees. The same use is made also of diverse sorts of pulse and other fruits growing upon wild vines ; such as peas, beans, vetches, squashes, maycocks, maracocks, melons, cucumbers, lupines, and an infinity of other sorts of fruits, which I cannot name. §15. Grapes grow wild there in an incredible plenty and variety, some of which aie very sweet, and pleasant to the taste ; others rough and harsh, and perhaps fitter for wine or brandy. I have seen great trees covered with single vines, and those vines almost hid with the grapes. Of these wild grapes, besides those large ones in the mountains, men- 14 106 OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. tioned by Batt in his discovery, I have observed four very different kinds, viz : 1. One of these sorts grows among the sand banks upon the edges of the low grounds, and islands next the bay and sea, and also in the swamps and breaches of the uplands. They grow thin in small bunches, and upon very low vines. These are noble grapes ; and though they are wild in the woods, are as large as the Dutch gooseberry. One species of them is white, others purple, blue and black, but all much alike in flavor ; and some long, some round. 2. A second kind is produced throughout the whole country, in the swamps and sides of hills. These also grow upon small vines, and in small bunches ; but are themselves the largest grapes, as big as the English bullace, and of a rank taste when ripe, resembling the smell of a fox, from whence they are called fox grapes. Both these sorts make admirable tarts, being of a fleshy substance, and perhaps, if rightly managed, might make good raisins. 3. There are two species more that are common to the whole country, some of which are black, and some blue on the outside, and some while. They grow upon vast large vines, and bear very plentifully. The nice observer might perhaps distinguish them into several kinds, because they differ in color, size, and relish ; but I shall divide them only into two, viz : the early and the late ripe. The early ripe common grape is much larger, sweeter and better than the other. Of these some are quite black, and others blue, and some white or yellow ; some also ripen three weeks or a month before the other The distance of their ripen- ing, is from the latter end of August to the latter end of October. The late ripe common grapes are less than any of the other, neither are they so pleasant to the taste. They hang commonly till the latter end of November, or till Christmas ; all that I have seen of these are black. Of the former of these two sorts, the French refugees at the Monacan town made a sort of clatet, though they were gathered off of the wild vines in the woods. I was told by OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. 107 a very good judge who tasted it, that it was a pleasant, strong, and full bodied wine. From which we may con- clude, (hat if the wine was but tolerable good when made of the wild grape, which is shaded by the woods from the sun, it would be much better if produced of the same grape cultivated in a regular vineyard. The year before the massacre, Anno 1622, which destroyed so many good projects for Virginia, some French vignerons were sent thither to make an experiment of their vines. These people were so in love with the country, that the character they then gave of it in their letters to the company in England, was very much to its advantage, namely : " That it far excelled their own country of Languedoc, the vines growing in great abundance and variety all over the land ; that some of the grapes were of that unusual bigness, that they did not believe them to be grapes, until by opening them they had seen their kernels ; that they had planted the cuttings of their vines at Michaelmas, and had grapes from those very cuttings the spring following. Adding in the conclusion, that they had not heard of the like in any other country." Neither was this out of the way, for I have made the same experiment, both of their natural vine and of the plants sent thither from England. The copies of the letters, here quoted, to the company in England, are still to be seen ; and Purchase, in his fourth volume of pilgrims, has very justly quoted some of them. § 16. The honey and sugar trees are likewise sponta- neous near the heads of the rivers. The honey tree bears a thick swelling pod, full of honey, appearing at a distance like the bending pod of a bean or pea ; it is very like the carob tree in the herbals. The sugar tree yields a kind of sap or juice, which by boiling is made into sugar. This juice is drawn out by wounding the trunk of the tree, and placing a receiver under the wound. It is said that the Indians make one pound of sugar out of eight pounds of the liquor. Some of this sugar I examined very carefully. 10S OP THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. It was bright and moist, with a large, full grain, the sweetness of it being like that of good muscovado. Though this discovery has not been made by the English above 2S or thirty years, yet it has been known among the Indians before the English settled there. It was found out by the English after this manner : The soldiers which were kept on the land frontiers to clear them of the Indians, taking their range through a piece of low ground about forty miles above the then inhabited parts of Potomac river, and resting themselves in the woods of those low grounds, observed an inspissate juice, like molasses, distilling from the tree. The heat of the sun had candied some of this juice, which gave the men a curiosity to taste it. They found it sweet, and by this process of nature learned to improve it into sugar. But the Christian inhabitants are now settled where many of these trees grow, but it hath not yet been tried, whether for quantity or quality it may be worth while to cultivate this discovery. Thus the Canada Indians make sugar of the sap of a tree. And Peter Martyr mentions a tree that yields the like oap, but without any description. The eleomeli of the ancients, a sweet juice like honey, is said to be got by wounding the olive tree ; and the East Indians extract a sort of sugar, they call jagra, from the juice, or potable liquor, that flows from the coco tree. The whole process of boiling, graining and refining of which, is accurately set down by the authors of Hortus Malabaricus. §17. At the mouth of their rivers, and all along upon the sea and bay, and near many of their creeks and swamps, grows the myrtle, bearing a berry, of which they make a hard brittle wax, of a curious green color, which by refining becomes almost transparent. Of this they make candles, which are never greasy to the touch, nor melt with lying in the hottest weather ; neither does the snuff of these ever offend the smell like that of a tallow candle ; but instead of being disagreeable, if an accident put a candle out, it yields a pleasant fragrancy to all that are in the OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. 109 voom ; insomuch, that nice people often put (hem out, 01? purpose to have the incense of the expiring snuff. The melting of these berries is said to have been first found out by a surgeon in New England, who performed wonderful things, with a salve made of them. This dis- covery is very modern, notwithstanding these countries have been so long settled. The method of managing these berries is by boiling ihem in water, till they come to be entirely dissolved, except the stone or seed in the middle, which amounts in quantity to about half the bulk of the berry ; the big- gest of which is something less than a corn of pepper. There are also in the plains, and rich low grounds of the freshes, abundance of hops, which yield their product without any labor of the husbandman, in weeding, hilling or poling. § IS. All over the country is interspersed here and there a surprising variety of curious plants and flowers. They have a sort of briar, growing something like the sarsa- parilla. The berry of this is as big as a pea, and as round, the seed being of a bright crimson color. It is very hard, and finely polished by nature, so that it might be put to diverse ornamental uses, as necklaces are, &c. There are several woods, plants and earths, which have been fit for the dying of curious colors. They have the puccoon and musquaspen, two roots, with which the In- dians use to paint themselves red. And a berry, which grows upon a wild briar, dyes a handsome blue. There is the sumac and the sassafras, which make a deep yel- low. Mr. Heriot tells us of several others which he found at Pamtego, and gives the Indian names of them ; but that language being not understood by the Virginians, I am not able to distinguish which he means. Particularly he takes notice of wasebur, an herb ; chapacour, a root ; and tangomockonominge, a bark. There's the snake root, so much admired in England for a cordial, and for being a great antidote in all pestilential diptemppr* 110 OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. There's the rattlesnake root, to which no remedy was ever yet found comparable ; for it effectually cures the bite of a rattlesnake, which sometimes has been mortal in two minutes. If this medicine be early applied, it present- ly removes the infection, and in two or three hours restores the patient to as perfect health as if he had never been hurt. The Jamestown weed (which resembles the thorny apple of Peru, and I take to be the plant so called) is supposed to be one of the greatest coolers in the world. This being an early plant, was gathered very young for a boiled salad, by some of the soldiers sent thither to quell the rebellion of Bacon ; and some of them eat plentifully of it, the effect of which was a very pleasant comedy ; for they turned na- tural fools upon it for several days : one would blow up a feather in the air j another would dart straws at it with much fury ; and another stark naked was sitting up in a corner, like a monkey, grinning and making mows at them ; a fourth would fondly kiss and paw his companions, and snear in their faces, with a countenance more antic than any in a Dutch droll. In this frantic condition they were confined, lest they should in their folly destroy themselves ; though it was observed that all their actions were full of innocence and good nature. Indeed, they were not very cleanly, for they would have wallowed in their own ex- crements if they had not been prevented. A thousand such simple tricks they played, and after eleven days returned to themselves again, not remembering anything that had passed. Peihaps this was the same herb that Mark Antony's army met with in his retreat frotn the Parthian war and siege of Phraata, when such as had eaten thereof em- ployed themselves with much earnestness and industry in grubbing up stones, and removing them from one place to another, as if it had been a business of the greatest consequence. Wine, as the story says, was found a sove- reign remedy for it, which . is likely enough, the malig- nity of this herb being cold. OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. Ill Of spontaneous flowers they liave an unknown variety : the finest crown imperial in the world ; the cardinal flower, so much extolled for its scarlet color, is almost in every branch ; the moccasin flower, and a thousand others not yet known lo English herbalists. Almost all the year round the levels and vales are beautified with flowers of one kind or other, which make their woods as fragrant as a garden. From the materials, their wild bees make vast quantities of honey, but their magazines are very often rifled by bears, raccoons, and such like liquorish ver- min. About the year 1701, walking out to take the air, I found, a little without my pasture fence, a flower as big as a tulip, and upon a stalk lesembli ng the stalk of a tulip. The flower was of a flesh color, having a down upon one end, while the other was plain. The form of it resembled the pudenda of a man and woman lovingly joined in one. Not long after I had discovered this rarity, and while it was still in bloom, I drew a grave gentle- man, about an hundred yards out of his way, to see this curiosity, not telling him anything more than that it. was a rarity, and such perhaps as he had never seen nor heard of. When we arrived at the place, T gathered one of them, and put it into his hand, which he had no sooner cast his eye upon, but he threw it away with in- dignation, as being ashamed of this waggery of nature. It was impossible to persuade him to touch it again, or so much as to squint towards so immodest a representation. Neither would 1 presume to mention such an indecency, but that I thought it unpardonable to omit a production so extraordinary. There is also found the fine tulip-bearing laurel tree, which has the pleasantest smell in the world, and keeps blossoming and seeding several months together. It de- lights much in gravelly branches of chrystal streams, and perfumes the very woods with its odor. So also do the large tulip tree, which we call a poplar, the locust, which 112 OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. resembles much the jasmine, and the perfuming crab tree, during their season. With one sort or other of these, as well as many other sweet -flowering trees not named, the vales are almost everywhere adorned, and yield a sur- prising variety to divert the traveler. They find a world of medicinal plants likewise in that country, and amongst the rest the planters pretend to have a swamp-root, which infallibly cures all fevers and agues. The baik of the sassafras tree and wild cherry tree have been experimented to partake very much of the virtue of the cortex peruviana. The bark of the root, of that which we call the prickly ash, being dried and powdered, has been found to be a specific in old ulcers and long run- ning sores. Infinite is the number of other valuable vege- tables of every kind ; but natural history not having been my study, I am unwilling to do wrong to my subject by an unskillful description. ^ 19. Several kinds of the creeping vines bearing fruit, the Indians planted in their gardens or fields, because they wouls have plenty of them always at hand ; such as musk- melons, watermelons, pompions, cushaws, macocks and gourds. 1. Their muskmelons resemble the large Italian kind, and generally fill four or five quarts. 2. Their watermelons were much more large, and of se- veral kinds, distinguished by the color of their meat and seed; some are red, some yellow, and others white meated; and so of the seed, some are yellow, some red, and some black ; but these are never of different colors in the same melon. This fruit the Muscovites call arpus ; the Turks and Tartars karpus, because they are extremely cooling. The Persians call them hindnanes, because they had the first seed of them from the Indies. They are excellency good, and very pleasant to the taste, as also to the eye ; having the rind of a lively green coloi, streaked and wa- tered, the meat of a carnation, and the seed black and shining, while it lies in the melon. OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. 1 1 3 3. Their pompions I need not describe, but must say they are much larger and finer than any I ever heard of in England. 4. Their cushaws are a kind of pompion, of a bluish green color, streaked with white, when they are fit for use. They are larger than the pompions, and have a long narrow neck. Perhaps this may be the ecushaw of T. Harriot. 5. Their macocks are a sort of melopepones, or lesser sort of pompion or cushaw. Of these they have great va- riety ; but the Indian name macock serves for all, which name is still retained among them. Yet the clypealae are sometimes called cymnels, ('as are some others also,) from the lenten cake of that name, which many of them very much resemble. Squash, or squanter-squash, is their name among the northern Indians, and so they are called in New York and New England. These being boiled whole, when the apple is young, and the shell tender, and dish- ed with cream or butter, relish very well with all sorts of butcher's meat, either fresh or salt. And whereas the pompion is never eaten till it be ripe, these are never eaten after they are ripe. 6. The Indians never eat the gourds, but plant them for other uses. Yet the Persians, who likewise abound with this sort of fruit, eat the cucurbita lagenaris, which they call kabach, boiling it while it is green, before it comes to its full maturity, for when it is ripe the rind diies, and grows as hard as the bark of a tree, and the meat within is so consumed and dried away, that there ie i hen nothing left but the seed, which the Indians take clean out, and afterwards use the shells, instead of flagons and cups, as is done also in several othei parts of the world. 7. The maracock, which is the fruit of what we call the pas-ion flower, our natives did not take the pains to plant, having enough of it growing everywhere, though they often eat it; this fruit is about the size of a pullet's egg. 15 114 OP THE WILD FRUJTS OF THE COUNTRY. § 20. Besides all these, our natives had originally amongst them Indian corn, peas, beans, potatoes and tobacco. This Indian corn was the staff of food upon which the Indians did ever depend ; for when sickness, bal wea- ther, war, or any other ill accident kept them from hunt- ing, fishing and fowling, this, with the addition of some peas, beans, and such other fruits of the earth, as were then in season, was the family's dependence, and the sup- port of their women and children. There are four sorts of Indian corn : two of which are early ripe, and two late ripe, all growing in the same manner ; every single grain of this when planted produces a tall upright stalk, which has several ears hanging on the sides of it, from six to ten inches long. Each ear is wrapt up in a cover of many folds, to protect it from the injuries of the weather. In every one of these ears are several rows of grain, set close to one another, with no other partition but of a very thin husk. So that often- times the increase of this grain amounts to above a thou- sand for one. The two sorts which are early ripe, are distinguished only by the size, which shows itself as well in the grain as in the ear and the stalk. There is some difference also in the time of ripening. The lesser size of early ripe corn yields an ear not much larger than the handle of a case knife, and grows upon a stalk between three and four feet high. Of this may be made two crops in a year, and perhaps there might be heat enough in England to ripen it. The larger sort differs from the former only in large- ness, the ear of this being seven or eight inches long, as thick as a child's leg, and growing upon a stalk nine or ten feet high. This is fit for eating about the latter end of June, whereas the smaller sort (generally speak- ing) affords ears fit to roast by the middle of June. The grains of both these sorts are as plump and swelled as if the skin were readv to burst. OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. 115 The late ripe corn is diversified by the shape of the grain only, without any respect to the accidental differ- ences in color, some being blue, some red, some yellow, some white, and some streaked. That therefore which makes the distinction, is the plumpness or shriveling of the grain ; the one looks as smooth and as full as the early ripe corn, and this they call flint corn ; the other has a larger grain, and looks shriveled, with a dent on the back of the grain, as if it had never come to perfection ; and this they call she corn. This is esteemed by the planters as the best for increase, and is universally chosen by them for planting ; yet I can't see but that this also produces the flint corn, accidentally among the other. All these sorts are planted alike in rows, three, four or five grains in a hill ; the larger sort at four or five feet distance, the lesser sort nearer. The Indians used to give it one or two weedings, and make a hill about it, and so the labor was done. They likewise plant a bean in the same hill with the corn, upon whose stalk it sustains itself. The Indians sowed peas sometimes in the intervals of the rows of corn, but more generally in a patch of ground by themselves. They have an unknown variety of them, (but all of a kidney shape,) some of which I have met with wild ; but whence they had their Indian corn I can give no account ; for I don't believe that it was spontaneous in those parts. Their potatoes are either red or white, about as long as a boy's leg, and sometimes as long and big as both the leg and thigh of a young child, and very much re- sembling it in shape. I take these kinds to be the same with those which are represented in the heibals to be Spanish potatoes. I am sure those called English or Irish potatoes are nothing like these, either in shape, color or taste. The way of propagating potatoes there, is by cut- ting the small ones to pieces, and planting the cuttings in hills of loose earth ; but they are so tender, that it is very dilficult to preserve them in the winter, for the least frost 116 OF THE WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRY. coming at them, rots and destroys them, and therefore people bury 'em under ground, near the fire-hearth, all the winter, until the time comes that their seedings are to be set. How the Indians ordered their tobacco I am not certajja, they now depending chiefly upon the English for what they smoke ; but I am informed they used to let it all run to seed, only succoring the leaves to keep the sprouts from growing upon, and starving them ; and when it was ripe they pulled off the leaves, cured them in the sun, and laid them up for use. But the planters make a heavy bustle with it now, and can't please the market neither. CHAPTER V . OF THE FISH. § 21. As for fish, both of fresh and salt water, of shell fish, and others, no country can boast of more variety, greater plenty, or of bettei in their several kinds. In the spring of the year herrings come up in such abundance into their brooks and fords to spawn, that it is almost impossible to ride through without treading on them. Thus do those poor creatures expose their own lives to some hazard, out of their care to find a more convenient reception for their young, which are not yet alive. Thence it is that at this time of the year the freshes of the rivers, like that of the Broadruck, stink of fish. Besides these herrings, there come up likewise into the freshes from the sea multitudes of shad, rock, sturgeon, and some few lampreys, which fasten themselves to the shad, as the remora of Imperatus is said to do to the shark of Tiburone. They continue their stay there about three months. The shads at their first coming up are fat and fleshy ; but they waste so extremely in milting and spawn- ing, that at their going down they are poor, and seem fuller of bones, only because they have less flesh. It is upon this account (I suppose) that those in the Severn, which in Gloucester they call twaits, aie said at first to want those, intennusculary bones, which afterwards they abound with. As these are in the freshes, so the salts afford at certain limes of the year many other kinds of fish in infinite shoals, such as the old-wife, a fish not much unlike an herring, and the sheep's-head, a sort of fish, which they esteem in the number of their best. 118 OF THE FISH. § 22. There is likewise great plenty of other fish all the summer long 5 and almost in every part of the rivers and brooks, there 'are found of different kinds. Wherefore I shall not pretend to give a detail of them, but venture to mention the names only of such as I have eaten and seen myself, and so leave the rest to those that are better skilled in natural history. However, I may add, that besides all those that I have met with myself, I have heard of a great many very good sorts, both in the salts and freshes ; and such people, too, as have not always spent their time in that country, have commended them to me beyond any they had ever eat before. Those which I know of myself I remember by the names of herring, rock, sturgeon, shad, old-wife, sheep's-head, black and red drum, trout, taylor, green-fish, sun-fish, bass, chub, place, flounder, whiting, fatback, maid, wife, small-turtle, crab, oyster, mussel, cockle, shrimp, needle- fish, breme, carp, pike, jack, mullet, eel, conger-eel, perch, and cat, &c. Those which I remember to have seen there, of the kinds that are not eaten, are the whale, porpus, shark, dog-fish, garr, stingray, thornback, saw-fish, toad-fish, frog fish, land- crab, fiddler, and periwinckle. One day as I was hauling a sein upon the salts, I caught a small fish about two inches and an half long, in shape something resembling a scorpion, but of a dirty, dark color. I was a little shy of handling it, though I believe there was no hurt in it. This I judge to be that fish which Mr. Purchase in his Pilgrims, and Captain Smith in his General History, page 125, affirm to be extremely like St. George's Dragon, except only that it wants feets and wings. Governor Spotswood has one of them dried in full shape. § 23. Before the arrival of the English there the Indians had fish in such vast plenty, that the boys and girls would take a pointed stick and strike the lesser sort as they swam upon the flats. The larger fish, that kept in deeper water, they were put to a little more difficulty to take. But for OF THE FISH. 1 !9 these they made weirs, that is, a hedge of small riv'd sticks, or reeds, of the thickness of a man's finger. These they wove together in a row, with straps of green oak, or other tough wood, so close that the small fish could not pass through. Upon high water mark they pitched one end of this hedge, and the other they extended into the river, to the depth of eight or ten feet, fastening it with stakes, making cods out from the hedge on one side almost at the end, and leaving a gap for the fish to go into them, which were contrived so that the fish could easily find their pas- sage into those cods when they were at the gap, but not see their way out again when they were in. Thus, if they offered to pass through, they were taken. Sometimes they made such a hedge as this quite across a cieek at high water, and at low would go into the run, then contracted into a narrow stream, and take out what fish they pleased. At the falls of the rivers, where the water is shallow, and the current strong, the Indians use another kind of weir, thus made : They make a dam of loose stone, whereof there is plenty at hand, quite across the river, leaving one, two or more spaces or tunnels for the water to pass through ; at the mouth of which they set a pot of reeds, wove in form of a cone, whose base is about three feet, and perpendicular ten, into which the swiftness of the current carries the fish, and there lodges (hem. The Indian way of catching sturgeon, when they came into the narrow part of the rivers, was by a man's clap- ping a noose over their tails, and by keeping fast his hold. Thus a fish finding itself entangled would flounce, and often pull the man under water, and then that man was counted a cockarouse, or brave fellow, that would not let go ; till with swimming, wading and diving, he had tired the sturgeon, and brought it. ashore. These sturgeons would also often leap into their canoes in crossing (he river, as many of them do still every year into the boats of the English. 120 OP THE FISH. They have also another way of fishing like those on the Euxine sea, by the help of a blazing fire by night. They make a hearth in the middle of their canoe, raising it within two inches of the edge ; upon this they lay their burning lightwood, split into small shivers, each splinter whereof will blaze and burn, end for end, like a candle : 'Tis one man's work to attend his fire and keep it flaming. At each end of the canoe stands an Indian, with a gig or pointed spear, setting the canoe forward, with the butt end of the spear, as gently as he can, by that means stealing upon the fish without any noise, or disturbing of the water. Then they with great dexterity dart these spears into the fish, and so take them. Now there is a double convenience in the blaze of this fire, for it not only dazzles the eyes of the fish, which will lie still, glaring upon it, but likewise discovers the bot- tom of the river clearly to the fisherman, which the day- light does not. The following print, I may justly affirm to be a very true representation of the Indian fishery. Tab. I. Repiesents the Indians in a canoe with a fire in the middle, attended by a boy and a girl. In one end is a net made of silk grass, which they use in fishing their weirs. Above is the shape of their weirs, and the manner of setting a weir wedge across the mouth of a creek. Note. That in fishing their weirs they lay the side of the canoe to the cods of the weir, for the more convenient coming at them, and not with the end going into the cods, as is set down in the print : but we could not otherwise represent it here, lest we should have confounded the shape of the weir with the canoe. In the air you see a fishing hawk flying away with a fish, and a bald eagel pursuing to take it from him ; the bald eagle has always his head and tail white, and they carry such a lustre with them that the white thereof may be discerned as far as you can see the shape of the bird, and seems as if it were without feathers, and thence it has its name bald eagle. OF THE PISH. 121 §24. 'Tis a good diversion to observe, the manner of the fishing-hawk's preying upon fish, which may be seen every fair day all the summer long, and especially in a morning. At the first coming of the fish in the spring, these birds of prey are surprisingly eager. I believe, in the dead of win- ter, they fish farther off at sea, or remain among the craggy uninhabited islands upon the sea coast. I have often been pleasantly entertained by seeing these hawks take the fish out of the water, and as they were flying away with their quarry, the bald eagles take it from them again. I have often observed the first of these hover over the water and rest upon the wing some minutes together, without the least change of place, and then from a vast height dart di- rectly into the water, and there plunge down for the space of half a minute or more, and at last bring up with him a fish which he could hardly rise with ; then, having got upon the wing again, he would shake himself so power- fully that he threw the water like a mist about him ; after- wards away he'd fly to the woods with his game, if he were not overlooked by the bald eagle and robbed by the way, which very frequently happens. For the bald eagle no sooner perceives a hawk that has taken his prey but he immediately pursues and strives to get above him in the air, which if he can once attain, the hawk for fear of be- ing torn by him, lets the fish drop, and so by the loss of his dinner compounds for his own safety. The poor fish is no sooner loosed from the hawk's talons, but the eagle shoots himself with wonderful swiftness after it, and catches it in the air, leaving all further pursuit of the hawk, which has no other remedy but to go and fish for another. Walking once with a gentleman in an orchard by the river side, early in the spring, before the fish were by us perceived to appear in shoal water or near the shores, and before any had been caught by the people, w T e heard a great noise in the air just over our heads, and looking up we saw an eagle in close pursuit of a hawk that had a great fish in his pounces. The hawk was as low as the 16 122 OF THE FISH. apple trees before he would let go his fish, thinking to re- cover the wood which was just by, where the eagles dare never follow, for fear of bruising themselves. But, not- withstanding the fish was diopped so low, and though it did not fall above thirty yards from us, yet we with our hollowing, running and casting up out hats, could hardly save the fish from the eagle, and if it had been let go two yards higher he would have got it : but we at last took possession of it alive, carried it home, and had it dressed forthwith. It served five of us very plentifully for a break- fast, and some to the servants. This fish was a rock near two feet long, very fat, and a great rarity for the time of year, as well as for the manner of its being taken. These fishing hawks, in more plentiful seasons, will catch a fish and loiter about with it in the air, on purpose to have chase with an eagle ; and when he does not appear soon enough the hawk will make a saucy noise, and inso- lently defy him. This has been frequently seen by per- sons who have observed their fishings. CHAPTER VI OF WILD FOWL AND HUNTED GAME. §25. As in summer, the rivers and creeks are filled with fish, so in winter they are in many places covered with fowl. There are such a multitude of swans, geese, brants, sheldrakes, ducks of several sorts, mallard, teal, blewings, and many other kinds of water fowl, that the plenty of them is incredible. I am but a small sportsman, yet with a fowling piece have killed above twenty of them at a shot. In like manner are the mill ponds and great runs in the woods stored with these wild fowl at certain seasons of the year. §26. The shores, marshy grounds, swamps and savan- nahs are also stored with the like plenty of other game of all sorts, as cranes, curlews, herons, snipes, woodcocks, sau- rers, ox-eyes, plovers, larks, and many other good birds for the table that they have not yet found a name for. Not to mention beavers, otters, musk rats, minxes, and an infinite number of other wild creatures. § 27. Although the inner lands want these benefits, (which, however, no pond or plash is without,) yet even they have the advantage of wild turkeys, of an incredible bigness, pheasants, partridges, pigeons, and an infinity of small birds, as well as deer, hares, foxes, raccoons, squir- rels, opossums. And upon the frontier plantations, they meet with bears, panthers, wild cats, elks, buffaloes and wild hogs, which yield pleasure as well as profit to the sports- man. And though some of these names may seem frightful to the English, who hear not of them in their own country, yet they are not so there, for all these creatures ever fly 124 OF WILD FOWL AND HUNTED GAME. from the face of man, doing no damage but to the cattle and hogs, which the Indians never troubled themselves about. Here I cannot omit a strange rarity in the female opos- sum, which I myself have seen. They have a false belly, or loose skin quite over the belly ; this never sticks to the flesh of the belly, but may be looked into at all times, after they have been concerned in procreation. In the hinderpart of this is an aperture big enough for a small hand to pass into : hither the young ones, after they are full haired, and strong enough to run about, do fly when- ever any danger appears, or when they go to rest or suck. This they continue till they have learned to live without the dam : but what is yet stranger, the young ones are bred in this false belly without ever being within the true one. They are formed at the teat, and there they grow for seve- ral weeks together into perfect shape, becoming visibly lar- ger, till at last they get strength, sight and hair ; and then they drop off and rest in this false belly, going in and out at pleasure. I have observed them thus fastened at the teat from the bigness of a fly until they become as large as a mouse. Neither is it any hurt to the old one to open this budget and look in upon her young. §28. The Indians had no other way of taking (heir water or land fowl, but by the help of bows and arrows. Yet so great was their plenty, that with this weapon only they killed what numbers they pleased. And when the water fowl kept far from shore (as in warmer weather they sometimes did) they took their canoes and paddled after them. But they had a better way of killing the elks, buffaloes, deer, and greater game, by a method which we call fire hunting : that is, a company of them would go together back into the woods any time in the winter, when the leaves were falling and so dry that they would burn ; and being come to the place designed, they would fire the woods in a circle of five or six miles compass ; and when OF WILD FOWL AND HUNTED GAME. 125 they had completed the first round they retreated inward, each at his due distance, and put fire to the leaves aud grass afresh, to accelerate the work, which ought to be fin- ished with the day. This they repeat till the circle be so contracted that they can see their game herded all together in the middle, panting and almost stifled with heat and smoke ; for the poor creatures being frightened at the flame keep running continually round, thinking to run from it, and dare not pass through the fire ; by which means they are brought at last into a very narrow compass. Then the Indians retreat into the centre, and let fly their arrows at them as they pass round within the circle ; by this means, though they stand often quite clouded in smoke, they rarely shoot each other. By this means they destroy all the beasts collected within that circle. They make all this slaughter chiefly for the sake of the skins, leaving most of the carcasses to perish in the woods. Father Verbiast, in his description of the Emperor of China's voyage into the Easlern Tartary, Anno 1682, gives an account of a way of hunting the Tartars have, not much unlike this ; only whereas the Indians surround their game with fire, the Tartars do it with a great body of armed men, who having environed the ground they design to drive, march equally inwards, which, still as the ring les- sens, brings the men nearer each other, till at length the wild beasts are encompassed with a living wall. The Indians have many pretty inventions to discover and come up to the deer, turkeys and oilier game undiscemed ; but that being an art known to very few English there, I will not be so accessary to the destruction of their game as to make it public. I shall therefore only tell you, that when they go a hunting into the outlands, they commonly go out for (he whole season with (heir wives and family. At the place where they find the most game they build up a convenient number of small cabins, wherein they live dur- ing that season. These cabins are both begun and finished in two or three days, and after the season is over they make no farther account of them. 126 OP WILD FOWL AND HUNTED GAME. § 29. This, and a great deal more, was the natural pro- duction of that country, which the native Indians enjoyed, without the curse of industry, their diversion alone, and not their labor, supplying their necessities. The women and children indeed were so far provident as to lay up some of the nuts and fruits of the earth in their season for their far- ther occasions : but none of the toils of husbandry were ex- ercised by this happy people, except the bare planting a little corn and melons, which took up only .a few days in the summer, the rest being wholly spent in the pursuit of their pleasures. And indeed all that the English have done since their going thither has been only to make some of these native pleasures more scarce, by an inordinate and un- seasonable use of them ; hardly making improvements equiv- alent to that damage. I shall in the next book give an account of the Indians themselves, their religion, laws and customs ; that so both the country and its primitive inhabitants may be considered together in that original state of nature in which the En- glish found them. Afterwards I will treat of the present state of the English there, and the alterations, I can't call them improvements, they have made at this day. . -H BOOK III OF THE INDIANS, THEIR RELIGION, LAWS AND CUSTOMS, IN WAR AND PEACE. CHAPTER I. OF THE INDIANS AND THEIR DRESS. ^ 1. The Indians are of the middling and largest sta<- ture of the English. They are straight and well propor- tioned, having the cleanest and most exact limbs in the world. They are so perfect in their outward frame, that I never heard of one single Indian that was either dwarfish, crooked, bandy-legged, or otherwise misshapen. But if they have any such practice among them as the Romans had, of exposing such children till they died, as were weak and misshapen at their birth, they are very shy of confess- ing it, and I could never yet learn that they had. Their color, when they are grown up, is a chestnut brown and tawny ; but much clearer in their infancy. Their skin comes afterwards to harden and grow blacker by greasing and sunning themselves. They have generally coal black hair, and very black eyes, which are most com- monly graced with that sort of squint which many of the Jews are observed to have. Their women are generally beautiful, possessing shape and features agreeable enough, and wanting no charm but that of education and a fair complexion. 128 OP THE INDIANS AND THEIR DRESS. § 2. The men wear their hair cut after several fanciful fashions, sometimes greased, and sometimes painted. The great men, or better sort, preserve a long lock behind for distinction. They pull their beards up by the roots with inusselshells, and both men and women do the same by the other parts of their body for cleanliness sake. The women wear the hair of the head very long, either hang- ing at their backs, or brought before in a single lock, bound up with a fillet of peak, or beads ; sometimes also they wear it neatly tied up in a knot behind. It is com- monly greased, and shining black, but never painted. The people of condition, of both sexes, wear a sort of coronet on their heads, from four to six inches broad, open at the top, and composed of peak, or beads, or else of both interwoven together, and worked into figures, made by a nice mixture of the colors. Sometimes they wear a wreath of died furs, as likewise bracelets on their necks and arms. The common people go bareheaded, only sticking large shining feathers about their heads, as their fancies lead them. § 3. Their clothes are a large mantle, carelessly wrap- ped about their bodies, and sometimes girt close in the middle with a girdle. The upper part of this mantle is drawn close upon the shoulders, and the other hangs be- low their knees. When that's thrown off, they have only for modesty sake a piece of cloth, or a small skin tied round their waist, which reaches down to the middle of the thigh. The common sort tie only a string round their middle, and pass a piece of cloth or skin round between their thighs, which they turn at each end over the string. Their shoes, when they wear any, are made of an en- tire piece of buckskin, except when they sew a piece to the bottom to thicken the sole. They are fastened on with running strings, the skin being drawn together like a purse on the top of the foot, and tied round the ankle. The Indian name of this kind of shoe is moccasin. But because a draught of these things will inform the *$ OF THE INDIANS AND THEIR DRESS. 129 reader more at first view than a description in many words, I shall present him with the following prints drawn by the life. Tab. II. is an Indian man in his summer dress. The upper part of his hair is cut short to make a ridge, which stands up like the comb of a cock, the rest is either shorn off, or knotted behind his ear. On his head are stuck three feathers of the wild turkey, pheasant, hawk, or such like. At his ear is hung a fine shell with pearl drops. At his breast is a tablet, or fine shell, smooth as polished marble, which sometimes also hath etcbed on it a star, half moon, or other figure, according to the maker's fancy. Upon his neck and wrists hang strings of beads, peak and roenoke. His apron is made of a deer skin, gashed round the edges, which hang like tassels or fringe ; at the upper end of the fringe is an edging of peak, to make it finer. His quiver is of a thin bark ; but sometimes they make it of the skin of a fox, or young wolf, with the head hanging to it, which has a wild soit of terror in it ; and to make it yet more warlike, they tie it on with the tail of a panther, buffalo, or such like, letting the end hang down between their legs. The piicked lines on his shoulders, breast and legs, represent the figures painted thereon. In his left hand he holds a bow, and in his right an arrow. The mark upon his shoulderblade is a distinction used by the Indians in traveling, to show the nation they are of ; and perhaps is the same with that which Baron Lahontan calls the arms and heraldry of the Indians. Thus the several let- . tered marks are used by several other nations about Vir- ginia, when they make a journey to their friends and allies. The landscape is a natural representation of an Indian field. Tab. Ill is two Indian men in their winter dress. Seldom any but the elder people wore the winter cloaks (which they call match-coats) till they got a supply of IT 130 OF THE INDIANS AND THEIR DRESS. European goods ; and now most have them of one sort or other in the cold winter weather. Fig. 1 wears the pro- per Indian match-coat, which is made of skins, dressed with the >fur on, sewed together, and worn with the fur inwards, having the edges also gashed for beauty sake. On his feet are moccasins. By him stand some Indian cabins on the banks of the river. Fig. 2 wears the Duf- field match-coat bought of the English ; on his head is a coronet of peak, on his legs are stockings made of Duf- fields : that is, they take a length to reach from the ankle to the knee, so broad as to wrap round the leg ; this they sew together, letting the edges stand out at an inch beyond the seam. When this is on, they garter below knee, and fasten the lower end in the moccasin. §4.1 don't find that the Indians have any other distinc- tion in their dress, or the fashion of their hair, than only what a greater degree of riches enables them to make, ex- cept it be their religious persons, who are known by the particular cut of the hair and the unusual figure of their garments ; as our clergy are distinguished by their canonical habit. The habit of the Indian priest is a cloak made in the form of a woman's petticoat ; but instead of tieing it about their middle, they fasten the gatherings about their neck and tie it upon the right shoulder, always keeping one arm out to use upon occasion. This cloak hangs even at the bot- tom, but reaches no lower than the middle of the thigh ; but what is most particular in it is, that it is constantly made of a skin dressed soft, with the pelt or fur on the out- side, and reversed ; insomuch, that when the cloak has been a little worn the hair falls down in flakes, and looks very shagged and frightful. The cut of their hair is likewise peculiar to their func- tion ; for 'tis all shaven close except a thin crest, like a cock's comb, which stands bristling up, and runs in a semi- circle from the forehead up along the crown to the nape of the neck. They likewise have a border of hair over the OF THE INDIANS AND THEIR DRESS. 131 forehead, which by its own natural strength, and by the stiffening it receives from grease and paint, will stand out like the peak of a bonnet. Tab. IV. Is a priest and a conjurer in their proper habits. The priest's habit is sufficiently described above. The conjurer shaves all his hair off, except the crest on the crown ; upon his ear he wears the skin of some dark colored bird ; he, as well as the priest, is commonly grimed with soot or the like ; to save his modesty he hangs an otter skin at his girdle, fastening the tail between his legs ; upon his thigh hangs his pocket, which is fastened by tuck- ing it under his girdle, the bottom of this is likewise fringed with tassels for ornament sake. In the middle between them is the Huskanawpen spoken of §32. §5. The dress of the women is little different from that of the men, except in the tieing of their hair. The women of distinction wear deep necklaces, pendants and biacelets, made of small cylinders of the conch shell, which they call peak : they likewise keep their skin clean and shining with oil, while the men are commonly bedaubed all over with paint. They are remarkable for having small round breasts, and so firm, that they are hardly ever observed to hang down, even in old women. They commonly go naked as far as the navel downward, and upward to the middle of the thigh, by which means they have the advantage of discov- ering their fine limbs and complete shape. Tab. V. Is a couple of young women. The first wear- ing a coronet, necklace and bracelet of peak ; the second a wreath of furs on her head, and her hair is bound with a fillet of peak and beads. Between the two is a woman under a tree making a basket of silk grass after their own manner. Tab. VI. Is a woman and a boy running after her. One of her hands rests in hei necklace of peak, and the other holds a gourd, in which they put water or other liquid. 132 OP THE INDIANS AND THEIR DRESS. The boy wears a necklace of runtees, in his right hand is an Indian rattle, and in his left a roasting ear of com. Round his waist is a small string, and another brought cross through his crotch, and for decency a soft skin is fastened before. Runtees are made of the conch shell as the peak is, only the shape is flat and round like a cheese, and drilled edge ways. CHAPTER II. OF THE MARRIAGES AMONGST THE INDIANS, AND MANAGE- MENT OF THEIR CHILDREN. § 6. The Indians have their solemnities of marriage, and esteem the vows made at that time as most sacred and in- violable. Notwithstanding they allow both the man and the wife to part upon disagreement, yet so great is the disrepu- tation of a divorce, that married people, to avoid the char- acter of inconstant and ungenerous, very rarely let their quarrels proceed to a separation. However, when it does so happen, they reckon all the ties of matrimony dissolved, and each hath the liberty of mairying another. But infi- delity is accounted the most unpardonable of all crimes in either of the parties, as long as the contract continues. In these separations, the children go, according to the affection of the parent, with the one or the other ; for chil- dren are not reckoned a charge among them, but rather riches, according to the blessing of the Old Testament ; and if they happen to differ about dividing their children, their method is then to part them equally, allowing the man the first choice. § 7. Though the young Indian women are said to prosti- tute their bodies for wampom peak, runtees, beads, and other such like fineries ; yet I never could find auy ground for the accusation, and believe it only to be an unjust scandal upon them. This I know, that if ever they have ' a child while they are single, it is such a disgrace to them that they never after get husbands. Besides, I must do them the justice to say, I never heard of a child any of them had before marriage, and the Indians themselves dis- 134 OF MARRIAGES AND CHILDREN^ own any such custom ; though they acknowledge, at th© same time, that the maidens are entirely at their own dis- posal, and may manage their persons as they think fit. § 8. The manner of the Indians treating their young children is very strange ; for instead of keeping them warm, at their first entry into the world, and wrapping them up, with I don't know how many clothes, according to our fond custom, the first thing they do is to clip the child over head and ears in cold water, and then to bind it naked to a con- venient board, having a hole fitly placed for evacuation ; but they always put cotton, wool, fur, or other soft things, for the body to rest easy on, between the child and the board. In this posture they keep it several months, till the bones begin to harden, the joints to knit, and the limbs to grow strong ; and then they let it loose from the board, suffering it to crawl about, except when they are feeding or playing with it. While the child is thus at the board, they either lay it flat on its back, or set it leaning on one end, or else hang it up by a string fastened to the upper end of the board for that purpose ; the child and board being all this while car- risd about together. As our women undress their children to clean and shift their linen, so they do theirs to wash and grease them. The method the women have of carrying their children after they are suffered to crawl about, is very particular ; they carry them at their backs in summer, taking one leg of the child under their arm, and the counter-arm of the child in their hand over their shoulder ; the other leg hanging down, and the child all the while holding fast with its other hand ; but in winter they carry them in the hollow of their match-coat at their back, leaving nothing but the child's head out, as appears by the figure. -W7^~ t CHAPTER III. OP THE TOWNS, BUILDINGS AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE INDIANS. § 9. The method of the Indian settlements is altogether by cohabitation, in townships, from fifty to five hundred families in a town, and each of these towns is commonly a kingdom. Sometimes one king has the command of several of these towns, when they happen to be united in his hands by descent or conquest ; but in such cases there is always a vicegerent appointed in the dependent town, who is at once governor, judge, chancellor, and has the same power and authority which the king himself has in the town where he resides. This viceroy is obliged to pay his principal some small tribute, as an acknowledgment of his submission, as likewise to follow him to his wars whenever he is required. § 10. The manner the Indians have of building their houses is very slight and cheap. When they would erect a wigwam, which is the Indian name for a house, they stick saplins into the ground by one end, and bend the other at the top, fastening them together by strings made of fibrous roots, the rind of tiees, or of the green wood of the white oak, which will rive into thongs. The smallest sort of these cabins are conical like a bee-hive ; but the larger are built in an oblong form, and both are covered with the bark of trees, which will rive off into great flakes. Their windows are little holes left open for the passage of the light, which in bad weather they stop with shutters of the same bark, opening the leeward windows for air and light. Their chimney, as among the true born Irish, is a liitle hole on the top of the house, to let out the smoke, having 136 OF THE TOWNS, BUILDINGS AND FORTIFICATIONS. no sort of funnel, or any thing within, to confine the smoke from ranging through the whole roof of the cabin, if the vent will not let it out fast enough. 'The fire is always made in the middle of the cabin. Their door is a pendent mat, when they are near home ; but when (hey go abroad they barricade it with great logs of wood set against the mat, which are sufficient to keep our wild beasts. There's never more than one room in a house, except in some houses of slate, or religion, where the partition is made only by mats and loose poles. §11. Their houses, or cabins, as we call them, are by this ill method of building continually smoky when they have fire in them ; but to ease that inconvenience, and to make the smoke less troublesome to their eyes, they gene- rally burn pine or lightwood, (that is, the fat knots of dead pine,) the smoke of which does not offend the eyes, but smuts the skin exceedingly, and is perhaps another occasion of the darkness of their complexion. § 12. Their seats, like those in the eastern part of the world, are the ground itself ; and as the people of distinc- tion amongst those used carpets, so cleanliness has taught the better sort of these to spread match-coats and mats to ait on. They take up their lodging in the sides of their cabins upon a couch made of boards, sticks, or reeds, which are raised from the ground upon forks, and covered with mats or skins Sometimes they lie upon a bear skin, or other thick pelt dressed with the hair on, and laid upon the ground near a fire, covering themselves with their match- coats. In warm weather a single mat is their only bed, and another rolled up their pillow. In their travels, a grass plat under the covert of a shady tree, is all the lodging they re- quire, and is as pleasant and refreshing to them as a down bed and fine Holland sheets are to us. § 13. Their fortifications consist only of a palisade, of about ten or twelve feet high ; and when they would make themselves very safe, they treble the pale. They often en- OF THE TOWNS, BUILDINGS AND FORTIFICATIONS. 137 compass their whole town ; but for the most part only their king's houses, and as many others as they judge sufficient to harbor all their people when an enemy comes against ihem. They never fail to secure within their palisade all their religious relics, and the remains of their princes. With- in this inclosure, they likewise take care to have a supply of water, and to make a place for a fire, which they fre- quently dance round with great solemnity. 18 CHAPTER IV. OF THEIR COOKERY AND FOOD. §14. Their cookery has nothing- commendable in it, bat that it is performed with little trouble. They have no other sauce but a good stomach, which they seldom want. They boil, broil, or toast all the meat they eat, and it is very common with them to boil fish as well as flesh with their homony ; this is Indian corn soaked, broken in a mortar, husked, and then boiled in water over a gentle fire for ten or twelve hours, to the consistence of frumenty : the thin of this is what my Lord Bacon calls cream of maise, and highly commends for an excellent sort of nutriment. They have two ways of broiling, viz., one by laying the meat itself upon the coals, the other by laying it upon sticks raised upon forks at some distance above the live coals, which heats more gently, and dries up the gravy ; this they, and we also from them, call barbecueing. They skin and paunch all sorts of quadrupeds ; they draw and pluck their fowl ; but their fish they dress with their scales on, without gutting; but in eating they leave the scales, entrails and bones to be thrown away. They also roast their fish upon a hot hearth, covering them with hot ashes and coals, then lake them out, the scales and skin they strip clean off, so they eat the flesh, leaving the bones and entrails to be thrown away. They never serve up different sorts of victuals in one dish • as roast and boiled fish and flesh ; but always serve them up in several vessels. They bake their bread either in cakes before the fire, or in loaves on a warm hearth, covering the loaf first with leaves, then with warm ashes,- and afterwards with coals over all. x mm. '^^JL I «3 OF THEIR COOKERY AND FOOD. 139 Tab. IX. Represents the manner of their roasting and barbecueing, with the form of their baskets for common uses, and carrying fish. §15. Their food is fish and flesh of all sorts, and that which participates of both ; as the beaver, a small kind of tuille, or terrapins, (as we call them,) and several species of snakes. They likewise eat grubs, the nymphse of wasp.?, some kinds of scarabaM, cicadee, &c. These la-t are such as are sold in the markets of Fess, and such as the Aia- bians, Lybians, Parlhians and Ethiopians commonly eat ; so that these are not a new diet, though a very slender one ; and we are informed that St. John was dieted upon locusts and wild honey. They make excellent broth of the head and umbles of a deer, which they put into the pot all bloody. This seems to resemble the jus nigrum of the Spartans, made with (he blood and bowels of a hare. They eat not the brains with the head, but dry them and reserve them to dress their lea- ther with. They eat all sorts of peas, beans, and other pulse, both parched and boiled. They make their bread of the Indian corn, wild oats, or the seed of the sunflower. But when they eat their bread, they eat it alone, and not with their meat. They have no salt among them, but for seasoning use the ashes of hickory, stickweed, or some other wood or plant affording a salt ash. They delight much to feed on roasting ears ; that is, the Indian corn, gathered green and milky, before it is grown to its full bigness, and roasted before the fire in the ear. For the sake of this diet, which they love exceedingly, they are very careful to procure all the several sorts of Indian corn before mentioned, by which means they contrive to prolong their season. And indeed this is a very sweet and pleasing food . They have growing near their towns, peaches, strawber- ries, cushaws, melons, pompions, macocks, Ti