^.,- V /■ SPEECH DELIVERED AT LYNN, MASS., NOVEMBER 1, 1858, . BY GEORGE B. LORING, OF SALEM, Democratic Candidate for Congress from the Sixth District. PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE SALEM ADVOCATE, 1858. 1 \ :^ S Fellow dcmocrcd'i. Fellow ciiizer.s of the election, after loiig and incessant labor I congratulate you on the auspice'-- ■under which, as citizens and democrats, "we meet liere to take council together tpon those high political qnestions, which occupy ■US, as an American people. The cloud ■which lias hung over our community, and ■which twelve months ago gave a severer chill to the approach of winter, and brought pinching penury into your very households, is now passing away. The industry of the artizan. the mechanic, the laborer, has its prorai e of a sure reward. And as we look beyond our own community, into the great national field of politics, we can rejoice, as patriots, as Ameiicans, over the ever bright- ening refulgence which gathers around the policy of our countrj^, and gives through each succeeding event in our history, new lustre to the career of the national democ- racy. We are at peace at heme and abroad, and amidst tlie conflicts of parties, and the strifes of ambition, amidst the ' cunning de- vices" of factions and the temporary tri- umphs of intrigue, the principles of the con in the towns and cities with which you arc associated for congressional purposes, to pre- sent to the people of Lynn these things which I conceive belong to their political salvation. Since I received the nomination, I have met with every variety of charge, and have been presented in every variety ot form, until I have almost begun to doubt my own identity. A corresodudent fr. .m this city pro- claimed one morning through a daily journal in the city of Boston, that J was a " Buchan- an democrat"— as if hat were a term of op- nrobrium, against which any hi. nest demo- crat would care to defend himself. But the very next day the same correspondent in the same pap<^r, announced that I was a " Doug- las democrat" — as if that too were an odi- ous distinetiun. I leave all such classifica- tions as these fnr the enj'iyment of those who stick fast in a dilemma of their own creatine. And as a last resort of the en- a miserable falsehood with regard to cmy, - — some surgical cruelty said to have been com- mitted many years ago, at a safe distance stitution as laid down and interpreted by for the perpetrator of the calumny, has been democratic statesmen, shine forth far above urged upon the community with an industry the storm, a beacon light to the nation, and' which has led me to feel that my political the accepted guide of '"the American people. Irecord must be a strong one, when such Mse Demagogues may misuse them, on the one and wretched assaults upon my private liand,lind legal "sophists may deny them on'character are deemed necessary the other, but they ai-e the national faith and lie at the very heart of the people. I stand here, fellow citizens, under pecu- liar circumstances — not vo^Iuntarily, not of my own choice, but by order of the conven- tion which placed me in nomination as a candidate for one of the highest and most important offices in the gift of the people I have been instructed to discuss before the people of this district, those principles of Now, fellow citizens, I am here to defend democratic principles, not as a partizan,not as the advocate of any man or any set of men in this country. I sustain the administration, and repel with scorn and indignation all at- tempts to identify it with any special section or interest, by senseless cries of pro-slavery, hunker, slave-driving and southern dictation. For I remember that this present adminis- tration is the work of the national democracy. governmental policy which have made its a accomplished amidst just such a storm ot just great nation, and I am here, on the very evelsuch cries as these, and placed m power with 4 the hearty approval of all men who love thciiicvery locality to settle for themselves, and cnintry better tlian a .scetionul triumph, oriwhich would have been peaceably settled, in thuu a constant agitation for political purpos- the new slates, as it was in the old ones, but OS. And I thank God at this hour, that the destinies of our nation are in the hands of men whose pos and Missouri Compromi.ses they found'ery, which is now distracting our country. We have tried every expedient in vain. We have ofiered every reasonable compromise to our opponents, without effect. Step by step the necessity has come upon us of resorting to the only jirinciplc of the Constitution by which such a conflict can be settled — a prin- ciple upon which democratic statesmen have turned tlieir eyes through all the shifting scenes of this agitation since 1820, down to this very hour. Upon its adoption as the basis of our national policy, our national ex- lic ion l)y 'Congress over the matter of slav- istencc de]->cnds. And yet it is the adoption cry in the territories; but is in favor of lcav-|of this principle which has brought upon the ingto the i.e<'j»le who inhaliit them the right heads of the national democracy this eternal to cstablisli and regulate their own djmes-|and unceasing charge of being engaged in tic institutions and lelations, under the gcn-'cxteiiding slavery tliroughout the territories, oral jirineif.lcs of the Constitution; and this Because the democratic party has stood by is u claim for tlicia which cannot be disal- the Constituiion. because it has anticipated h.wed by the national democracy, devoted as the Supreme Court in its decisions, because it iH to th<- lik-rtv. e.|uality. and fraternity ten years ago it laid down a platform which of this great brothcrhn.xl i'>\' state-"." its enemies now adopt, it is charged with I look ui^m this as a liigh tribute to tlic unwavering devotion to the South and her wi-Uora of the "national democracy." It is institutiuns. Now, gentlemen, the democi-at- U'-'thi g that could stand the test of an hour b -fore the people. Interference by Congres in the states and territories seemed but poor doctrine for these modern times. It was a democratic resolution which offered the only safe lb ithold for them. And with unparal- h'lcd effrontery, with their record behind them, they unlilushingly resolved "That in the language of the Massacliu- setts democratic convention of 1 8-18, this Con vent ion is opposed to the exercise of any ju ris( ic party knows no distiuctions among thejfifty years in extending slavery. This may states of this confederation, and it has neveribe so — but considering the fact that the known any. You are told that it has chang- democratic party has been in power more ed its policy, and is not the democracy of |than three quarters of the time, it has met Jackson and Silas Wright. You are told: with but poor success in its peculiar calling, that it has deserted the ancient faith. Butjl find that on the adoption of that constitu- if you will look over the record of its lead-'tion, there were but thirteen states, all in- ing statesmen for the last forty years, if you terested more or less in the institution of will read its platf trms, if you will examine, slavery, and all reserving to themselves the its acts, you will find that the doctrines ofjright to regulate this matter according to that resolution which I have just read hasi their own interests and necessities. And at been the guide to all its operations, and the a time when the constitution left this mat- light of all its counsels. The democratic Iter with the states in their sovereign capac- party changed I Why, had you lived in the ity, the slave states had a strong body of days of Jefferson you would have heard this, representatives in Congress. In 1811 the same pro-slavery charge brought against it. difference in favor of the free states was on- In 1812, the opposition had no other weapouily fifteen, But under the auspices of that to use against us. In 1820, the cry was party which has enlarged our borders and still against the pro-slavery democracy. It was continued throughout the administration of Jackson and Van Buren. It 1 84i it multiplied our states the majority of free- state representatives has reached fifty-three. Is this the work of the opposition ? Can burst out with renewed fury. In 1848, itithe party which in all its Protean shapes was repeated. In 1852, you heard it from has risen up against the democracy, and has one end of the land to the othftr. In 1856 opposed the acquisition of new territory, and the whole rally of the opposition was uponthe introduction of new states, which would this charge. You hear it at this day. Howjhave confined our republic between the At- then has the democratic party changed? Iflantic coast and the Mississippi, which re- in the opinion of its opponents it was pro-sisted the purchase of Louisiana, a:;d con- slavery half a century ago, and is pro-slav-jsidered the annexation of Texas "of no bind- ery now, how can it have changed? I take;ing force whatever," can this party claim their own groundwork of assault as a proof Ithe distinguished honor of thus enlargi g the of the unwavering and persistent and con-jpower of the free states in Co gi'ess ? Why sistent course of the "national democracy. "lit is ore of the proudest boasts of the "na- According to the testimony of our opponents.'tio'ial democracy" that under their interpre- our crime has been the same throughout thetation of the constitution, the fou daiio i of whole life of our party. And you may learn our republic is so broad that state upon froin the testimony of our friends that our state can be added to the columu u:itil it virtues as a party have been the same. No reaches the arch of heaven. It has bee.i. fellow-democrats, our party has not changed, ad is their work to multiply sta'es here^ in It is the same party of constitional fieedomthis confederation, regardless of the i.istitu- to-day that it was when the constitutionitions of the people, and requiring only that was adopted. It accepted in 1791 the greatltheir government should be republican in truth of Jefferson with regard to the rights its form. Have you forgotten that wh^n the Mis- =!0u I i compromise was pas^^ed it was de of the states and it has never abandoned it It is the party of freedom now as it was then. And if you will bear with me for a few mo- ments, I will present to you ns I had occa- sion to do repeatedly to the democratic par- ty throughout the New England States, in our last national cam^Taign the fidelity of the democracy to the great interests of this re public regardless of sectional divisions, and the entire inconsistency of its opponents..^ I have told you that this "pro-slavery" charge i-. no new complaint of the opposition The democratic party has been engaged - - • j according to the opposition for more than|United States, and by treaty consigned to nounced as an act of the "pro-slavery" de- mocr-icy ? Why, that measure was never even acceptabL^ to the soundest deui icratic tatc'^men. Jefferson looked upon it_ with intense alarm, and foretold its inevitable eneal. It was fidopted with the h )pe of all lying this no'thern agitation. It involv- .-d the dedication by the south of a large ^ract of country Iving north of 36 degrees rod ^^0 n inute^ north l.ititnde. b-iug a lart (if ri.e ier;it;-r) coaea i>: F.^uicc i'; the 8 slavery, to the free stales. It wasinlcndedolerf^yinc'U of New Eiiglaucl appealed to as a peacemaker. And yet your own faith- Almighty God lo prevent the passage of ful representative from Massachusetts Mr. the act. It was the last great step of the Shaw of Lanesborough, the senator from'" national democracy," we were told, in New Hampshire Mr. Parrot, Mr. Lanmanthe infomous work of extending slavery, of Citiinecticut were all insulted aud burnt And yet it embodied the sentiments and in etligy, by these very men who now talk 'almost the very words of the resolution I about "tliat sacred compact," and mob the have read to you. It is the embodiment men of the north who voted to repeal it. of that very doctrine which the republican 'fhcv hang and burn our effigies if wc vote'pariy now claim as their own. You have forthecouipromisc. aud they hang and burn been told by republicans in your own coun- us if we vote against it. Can you tell me ty that Kansas was comiug out of her how we are to satisfy these modern samples troubles because the " guarantees of the of consistency, whose great charge is thatlNebraska bill are all furtilled." And you the democracy changes its policy ? |may learn from the Hon. Eli Thayer, the ■\Vhou the Mexican war was fought andgentleman who enlarges his party by col- thoso deeds of valor were enacted, whichlonizing, the most vigorous opponent of the ave us along line of heroes, warriors and democracy, that Kansas is a free state statesmen, and added new lustre to our name as a warlike people, this "pro-slav- ery" charge was heard once more. Can any man point to the power it has given the .^outh ? Is not the addition of the rich and prosperous State of California, a free state, opening her markets for oar manufacturei-,, pouring her golden treasures into our lap, establi.-hing free institutions on the shore of the Pacific and carrying our constitu- tion there, a glorious reward for that strug- gle ? Aud yet this was the work of "the national democracy," sustaining the honor and laboring for the prosperity of our coun- try, while this freedom-loving opposition were praying that our soldiers in Mexico might be welcomed "with bloody hands to hospitable graves." An ardent republican undertook to reply t3 mc in a neighboring town not many nights ago, and he claimed that no credit \yas duo the democratic party for the addi- tion of a free state out of territory acquired by the jAIcxican war— but that the Provi- dence of God used the party in this instance for high and good purposes. This may be so, my friends, but did it ever occur to you that tlio Providence of God never usedthe republican party for any good purposes? A^rain, fellow citizens, when the Kansas because the Missouri Compromise was re* pealed, and the Kansas-Nebraska act was passed. I believe with Mr Eli Thayer. At the time of the passage of the bill, I foretold that in ten years you could not find a man who was ever opposed to the Nebraska act. Not five years have rolled away, and the opposition have already be- gun to claim it as their policy, and to as- cribe to it the consummation of their wish- es. The justice and constitutionality of the bill no man could deny. It had the very light of freedom irradiating every line of its various sections. It proclaimed a system of government which had made every old state free and sovereign, and will make every new one another star in our galaxy. The freedom it bestowed upon the people of Kansas, is precisely that freedom which we enjoy in Massachusetts, and which we should claim were we to leave our "stern rnd rock-bound coast" for the broad and verdant savannahs of the south. It left the people free to "settle tlicir own affairs in their own way" under the constitution. I had the honor of defending the bill be- fore the democrats of this county in con- vention, in the first speech delivered in its behalf in New England. I have never ceased to be proud of the reception you gave .N(!ljraska act was passed, the measure of me, and of that flattering consideration tliose agitators seemed to be full. The which prompted you to circulate that whole land rung witii their indignant pro- speech Ihrougiiout your party. I defended tests. Every art that the ingenuity of man it because I thought it contained the funda- could devise to prevent and misrepresent mental doctrines of freedom. I defended r- ^''j-J''^^ adopted. The senate of the it because it declared "its intent and mean- I nit«-( Stales was made the scene of theingto be not to legislate slavery into the rno.sf, dishonest parlizan movement, ever territories nor out of them." 1 defended it known in the country. Three Ihou-and because it extended "equal and exact jus- 9 tide" to all the people and all states iaour confederation. ^ And I here declare tliat on no other consideration would I have de- fended it. Had I supposed it was intended to carry slavery ijito Kansas, or to give any one state an undue advantage over another there, had I supposed tha't ils ob- ject was to interfere with the rights of the people of that territory, or to give them over to the tender mercies of congress, my tongue should have cleaved to the roof of my nioutli before I would have sustained it. I believed then, and I believe now, that the principles incorporated in the bill is dear To the hearts of the American people, and that it will lead any parly on to victory. I do not wonder, fellow democrats, that our rei)ublican opponents are anxious to adopt it. AVill they be honest and honor- able, and acknowledge that the "national democracy" was not devoted to slavery when they passed the bill ? Have you discovered, fellow citizens, in these acts any foundatioB for the pro-slav- ery charge prepared against the democratic party? I find none. I find that by word and deed, they have indicated an even- handed and impartial regard for the whole miion. lu all the attempts that have been made to pervert their acts there has been this one all-pervading policy. J.n the con- flict in Kansas, which was nothing more nor less than a fight between a wretched, miserable band of border-ruflfiansfrom Mis- souri, and an equally miserable wretched band led on by Gren. Lane from the New England states, you all know what constant efforts were made by your democratic 3h-csident to preserve peace and good order there. You all know how promptly a dem- ocratic senate endeavoi'ed to repeal the ob- . iioxious laws thei-e. You all know the course pursued by a republican house of Representatives in their bill fastening slav ry upon Kansas. And if you have followed out the history of the republican party in these matters, you have seen with aston- ishment their action upon the Lecompton hill during the last session of congress. The "Lecompton swindle," as they called it, was the sum of all human horrors. They denounced it with new zeal. They de- nounced the convention which framed the Lecompton constitution. They denounced the territorial legislature which called that convention. They denounced the voters who Kiistained that legislature. They had their o alternative by which they'were to lire or die. The constitution which the free state men bad adopted at Topeka, that work of a factious party in the territory, they declar- ed to be the only constitution' which by any act of theirs should be fastened uponKan- sas. They refused to recosjnize any act of the territorial legislature directly or indi- rectly. But as time went on, Mr. Critten- den of Kentucky presented a bill upon the Lecompton question io the senate ; it came down to the house and Mr. Montgomery of Pennsylvnnia moved an amendment to the bill, — the substance of both being that if the people of Kansas desired to come in- to the union under the Lecompton constitu- tion they could do so — and proclaiming that : — '' r/tc people of the teriilory of Kansas did, by convention of delegates assembled at Lecompton on the Atk day of September, 1857, for that purpose, formfor themselves a constitution and state gov- crnmciit, which said consiituion is republican in form. ' ' For this bill the republicans in the house voted. It was hard work for some of them, but they did it, and down went their Tope- ka constitutions, and all their charges against the unconstitutionality of the terri- torial legislature. Their glorious project of freedom was thrown to the winds. Once more they were compelled to recognize the propriety and legitimacy of democratic poli- icy. Again they abandoned their old ground, and went before the country, a contemptible party of expedients, devoid of principle, de- void of honesty, devoid of that sense of rec- titude which is always more triumphant than the thousand shifts of the artful and cuu- ning. When I contemplate the course of such a party, when I consider the intricacies of its career, when I bring to my mind the ever shifting expedients to which it is obliged to resort, m its vain endeavors after victory, and compare it with that great party whose path to victory is laid down in the constitu- tion, and which pursues but one course in its policy, I am reminded of that old fable of the cat and the fox. A democratic cat and a republican fox sat beneath a tree one summer afternoon discoUi-sing upon the chances and changes of life, and while the fox boasted of the thousand expedients by which he could escaf)e from the hounds, and told of all his doublings and turnings, his Wilniot Provisos, his Dunn's bills, his 10 rrittcndcn-Montgomcry bills, Lis protcc-'cclio the voice of Lis party, as expressed in live lariffs, iiiid Lis Missouri compromiscs.lLis state. It is unnecessary for lue to dis- t he c;it. sat looking demurely on thinking cuss I\Ir. Alley here. You know Lim better only of tlic superior prowess of Ler sly re-lhan I do. As he has spoken no word, and J publican neighbor. At that moment tLe made no sign in this campaign, I am autLor- Luunds Love in sight, and as the cat rushed ized to believe that lie is contented with rep- u[) the broad overarching constitutional tree resenting that party whose crooked and dc- beneath which they sat. she locked down from her jilace of safety to sec her adroit and wily ccmpaninn torn into more pieces than he hadcxjiedicnts, or than his party had jdaidcs to their platform, I think the moral is a good one. For myself, for my party, for my country, 1 claim but one ark of safety — the consti- tution with its guarantees. And when I look back over the history of the two par- ties into which our people are divided, and find on one side, as I have shown you, a steady and consistent observance of the doc- trine contained in the resolution I have read, a fearless fidelity to the common rights and vious ways I have endeavored to mark out to you. You know whether he possesses these public and private characteristics which make him a fit representative of that party. And I leave it to you to say whether in smoking them out, I have not also smok- ed out their candidate. If he enjoys the awkward position in Avhich he is placed by his friends, standing upon a democratic resolution to fight the democratic party, he is certainly well qualified to enjoy the kind of success, such a position may possibly bring. It is not surprising that he should show no dis- position to discuss the leading questions of the day, under these circumstances. I leave interests of our whole country — and on thc^him with his party, to avail himself of any other a temporizing, inconsistent and eva- new "expedient" which may arise, give policy, I am proud to take my stand But, fellow democrats, I find myself not with Jefferson and Jackson, as a "national engaged in single combat in this campaign, democrat." If they were pro-slavery, I amKVhen I entered upon the work of defending content in my huml)le way, to accept the democratic principles I supposed I should be same title. I could not come before the hon-jobli^ed to meet the open and avowed enc- ost voters of this district, the candidate of jmies of the party alone. I did not antici- that party which in its national convention jpate a triangular content. I knew that an in ISOG, resolved: — Ihonest defifccratic convention, after a fair "That the constitution confers upon con- and honorable struggle, had selected myself grcss sovereign power over the territories ofjas the candidate of'the party in this district. the T'nited States for their government, andji expected to receive that support which I that in the exercise of this power it is the was ready to give. Had the choice of that right and imperative duty of congress to pro-:Convcntion fallen elsewhere, you would have Libit in the territories these twin relics of.found me a soldier fighting in the ranks as barbarism, polygamy and slavery ;" — and in'caniestly as the most ardent among you. its Massachusetts state convention in 1859, jThe platform upon wLicL I took my stand declared tliat "tins convention is opposed to|wLcn I was nominated, is tLat by wLicL a tlie exercise of any jurisdiction by congress;demoeratic administration is now conducting over tlic matter of slavery in the territories."jthc affairs of the country. Your resolutions 1 could not do this ami look honest men in'so declare. And I look upon the efforts of a the face. 1 leave such work for candidates disappointed aspirant, going out of that con- who have their "thousand expedients," and vcntion, and using a false charge of fraud who prefer to exercise them, rather than for an opportunity to gratify his personal to look the men of this District fin the|malice, and an insult to the democratic party face. J leave it to the republican candidate and to a democratic administration, here, in your own city— a gentleman, who,| It is such defection as this, that has after a long life of bitter sectional agitation,lbrought forward in our district, what is in which he has proclaimed uncomiiromisiiig'called an "independent candidate" — that war upon one f-cction of our country, and kind of politician, which Burke calls "the na.s defied constitutidii and law in his abo- most dangerous and mischievous of all pjli- lition zeal, now seems to be filled with a ticians." A coalition of fjictions in our dis- suddcn ficnsc of tLe riglits of nm- citizens in'trict Las selected a gentleman to represent the tornt-ries. if wr may suppose Lim t()|tLcir views, who L;u> been a long time in 11 search of a party, and has at last found onelgocs there, except by act of congress, and among men who arc ready to go far back that any people can go there except by au- into the archives of tlic old Essex junto, for thority from congress. He seems to consid- their platform of faith. Perhaps this is all cr those clauses of the constitution by which well enough. It giyes that venerable body the government of the United States ^is an opportunity to speak once more, in the person of the Hon. Otis P. Lord. And I confess that I have been entertained and amused, with the exhibition of the rare and respectable relics of antiquity, which has been made by him, under the superinten- dence of a few dissatisfied democrats, whose names shall never be perpetuated by any word of mine, and whose chjiracter you all fully understand. 1 have no doubt Mr. Lord thinks he is serving his country and his party, by tak- ing his present position in this district. But I tell you, fellow democrats, and all na- clothed with power to declare war and make treati^, as conferring upon government the sole and absolute control of territory acquir- ed in any manner — in fact the possession and ownership of lands not divided into or- ganized states. Under this theory of gov- ernment, it is natural that he should declare that "this government has power over the territories — that power which any sover- eign GOVERNMENT HAS O^TJR TERRITORY THAT IS ACQUIRED BY WAR OR TREATY ;" and that "absolute, supreme, unlimited power" should be exercised by congress over the territories. It is natural that he should look with a jeal- tioual men, he has presented a platform ofious eye upon any construction of the cou principles to the voters here, far more dan- stitution which would "give up the territo- gerous and far more sectional than any that'ries to anybody and everybody who happens our more adroit and nimble opponents have dared to promulgate. I pass by his Amer- icanism — for the compliments I have heard him pay the American party in times past, enables me to set a true value upon his pro- fessions on that matter. I will not discuss his theory of a high protective tariff — for I take it for granted that he who nrides him- self upon having been baptized inwthe faith, and rather despises a new convert, will nev- er learn that the people of this country re- jected the impoverishing and exclusive sys- tem of protection long ago, and crushed it out beyond the hope of redemption. But . I desire to dwell for a few moments upon his theory of the power of Congress over the ter ritories, in order that all national men who are asked to vote for him, may see where he is leading them, and in order to confirm my to go there." And it , is natural moreover that he should find himself, in his definition of the duties of a representative m congress, limited to the state from which he is sent — he might have added be it South Carolina or Massachusetts. Now, fellow democrats, I have not been taught to understand our r.ational govern- ment, or to read our constitution in any such way as this. In the convention which framed our constitution, a contest arose be- tween the advocates on the one hand of just such a government as that laid down by Mr. Lord — a government intended as Hamilton expressed it, "to swallow up the state pow- ers"— and on the other hand, the advocates of a federal compact, a league among the states, a confederation of co-equal powers, a union of sovereign states, a federal organiza- statement that he presents a system of gov- tion, expressed by that great synonym of re- ernment which no free people, no free con- publican freedom, the United States ot federation, no free state would tolerate for America, an hour. I propose to show that he is an agitator of the most dangerous sort. In his speech at Salem, accepting the nomination as an "independent candidate," Mr. Lord defines our system of governmen^t, as an independent authority created by "the people of the United States," and clothed with delegated powers, not in the form of a Thank God, this latter policy prevailed. And we are living to-day, not under a government consolidated foi- the cre- ation of national supreme power, not under a government of the people of this country, not under a government which has "su- preme, absolute, unlimited power" over the territories as the property of government — but under a eederal constitution, under a confederacy of sWes but in the form of a'government composed of powers delegated sovereign government, intended to create alby the states with a jealous regard for their sovereign nation. Under the control of this own rights, under a government denomma- supreme power, he places the territory of the ted by Washington "the federal government United States, denvine that the constitution of these states," under a government which 12 elmply liolJs the territory of the Unitcclliy France, as a free and sovereign state in States in trust under safe keeping, for the our rcpuljlie, is above the colonial possessions common occupation of the states. The con- of Great Britain on this continent, or the stitution, in its body recognizes no otherVelation uhich conquered Algeria holds to form of government than a federal form, in her imperial conqueror. lx)th branches of Congress the existence ofl ]\Ir. J.ord thinks the Cl«cf Justice of the states as distinct and independent comrauni-jSupremc Court of the United States in sup- ties, and not as "districts of one great com- porting this view of the Constitution v.'as munity." And if our opponents -will read guilty of heresy — that there is a fallacy in t'ae history of their country aright, they- will'his argimient. Perhaps there is. 15ut I lind tliat tlie tirst act apportioning the mcm-|am fully as ready to take my understanding bersofthe House of Jteprescntatives, was'of the Constitution from "that most able jur- vetocd by Washington, because it assumedist and pure-minded man" Judge Taney, as its basis of apportionment the existence supported as he is by all sound democratic of one nation or community, and not the ex- authority, ly our statesmen, by our party isteuce of so many independent states. Itiaction, as I am to be taught my duty in this ■was the states, which made the constitution, Ircspect by an able and skillful Essex Coun- and it is the states which through their leg-!ty Lawyer, supported by t^ic abandoned and jslatures or throu.irh conventions called for exploded theories of unsuccessi'al sta-tesmcn. the purpose, can alone amend the constitu tion, by an agreement of three-fotirths of their number. \\'c ought never to lose sight of this distinctive character of our government. It is the foundation of all our power. It enables our republic to expand by the multiplication of free and sovereign communities, each one of which feels the full value jfits relation to tl>c confederation, and of ihe powers it has delegated to the gener- al government. 1 conceive it to be a federal constitution and by the expedicnls of narrow rainded pol- iticians, who have never learned that they have any obligations to their country, be- yond the limits of Massachusetts. AYheu moreover Mr. Lord appeals to Mr. Calhoun as he does to sustain him in his in- terpretation of the Constitution, and his un- derstanding of the powers of congress in the territories, I too appeal to Mr. Callioun, and in order that you may judge wbo is right in this matter. Mr. Lord, who has not given a single Y\m from Mr. Calhoun, or myself. of this description whicli extends over thc'I quote fr« a speech of this great statesman territories as the common property of the 'delivered in the United States Senate in L'nited States. If it is true, as Mr. Lord^] 841), upon this very question of the exten- avers, that "the Constitution of the Unitedjsion of the Constitution over the territories. States to-day is limited to the people of the'He says : — I'nitcd States," I claim that the people ofj ."The constitution interprets itself. lb" the I nitcd States are to be found, wherever,prouounces itself to be the supreme law of our territorial pssessions extend. A citi-!the land. The territories of the United izcn of .Massachusetts who leaves his homelstates, are a part of the land. It is the su- liere for the enjoyment of new social relations, preme law, not within the limits of the union and for tlie foririation of a new civil organi-j merely, but wherever our flag waves — wher- zation wiihiii the limits of temtory belong-jcver our aiithority goes, the constitution in ing to the Cni ted States, carries the flag of jpart goes, not all its provisions certainly, the I nion with hrm. Tlie constitution at-, but all its suitable pronsions. AVhy, can tends hiin. lie goes with the supreme law'we have any authority beyond the coustitu- of tlie land, a free, American citizen, to|tion ? I put this question solemnly to gei> tound a free, American, republican statdtlemen ; if tlie constitution docs not go there, 'I his i.s the peculiar genius of our govern-[how are we to have any authority or juris- m.-nt— that genius which enables our people lUction whatever? Is not congress the to buii.l up not tiibutary colonies, but sov-'creaturc of the constitution ? Does it not e that supreme pow- er in the territories, which is claimedfor it by the "independant candidate" for copgress in this district, a most dangerous blow will be struck at our republic. As a northern man I would not submit to it. Nothing but a victory of one section of this confederation over another, could possibly clothe congress with such power, with power to bind and loose,. 14 to include ami exclude according to its sorcr-!sf niggling for the possession of that power creign pleasure ; and were 1 a victor in the|Wluc;h goes with the general government, cuntlict 1 should look witli shame upon my But the common tie whicli united this trophic? — were I vanquished I would neveripowcrful family of states, and has extended silently submit to the tyrannical exercise ofonrfree institutions from sea to sea, siart- ].(>\ver to which I should hi^ subjected. I praylling the nations of the earth with the vigor that the longest life in this hall may not ex- and grandeur of republican enterprise, tend over such a triumph : f u- whoever doescan exist no longer. A representative live to sec it, Avill Ixhold the great temple ofjof Massachusetts who forgets that he is our constitutional freedom totterino; from living under a flag whose folds are irradi- foundation to dome, on the verge of iudis- (.riminate ruin 1 am ni>t surprised, fellow citizens, at the position in which Mr. Lord finds himself at the conclusion of his discourse upon the powers of congress, and the character of our constitution. He has no alternative but sectionalism. When he declares that "who- ever shall represent Massachusetts in con- gress, is not only recreant to his own con- stituents, not only recreant to himself, but he is recreant to the great interests of this ropulilic, if he cast a vote or does an act that .'^hall not tend to the establishment in every tcrritury of the free institutions and the free labor of Xcw England," he takes his stand with those men north and south who would pervert the constitution to their own section- al purposes. Let him transport himself to South Carolina, and the obligation which he has imposed upon himself would send him ated witli other stars than his own, is in- deed recreant to the constitution of his country. He labors for a civil coiivulsioni. He insults the memory of those illustrious statesmen who made Massachusetts what she is, by enrolling h«r name in a free con- federacy, and by securing to her citizens their share of the glory and prosperity of a great republic. He serves his stal^ best who serves his country best ; and who feels in bis heart the full power of that cit- izenship which the constitution carries into, our remotest borders, into territories wait- ing to receive our institutions, into the rich and luxuriant islands of the sea — a power which congress can neither give nor take away. He is the truest patriot who car- ries to the halls of congress, a comprehen- sive statesmanship, and a devotion to his whole countrv, which would ruise to a high and comm^ding equality all the states of to congress, if he sliould go there at all,iour confederation, and would give an hon bound to extend southern institutions over'orable recognition to those mutual rights every foot of American soil. Are there notjand interests which all have in our com- dutics higher than this? Did Massachu-mon possessions. Xot by advocating the setts join the confederation with a compla cent sense of her own superiority, and for her own agrandizcment, that she should call upon her representatives in congress, to forgot their obligations to her sister supreme power of congress in the territo- ries, not by ignoring the genius of the con- stitution, not by inflaming our country with sectional warfare, not by violating that sentiment of free citizenship which lies at stales, in tlieir devotion to herself? If the heart of the people, can a young man this be so, if each state is to feel that she'prepare the way for an honorable career, alone is entitled to the privileges which or an old one give new glory to the evening the constitution secures, we are not living of his days. For the constitution jTi-ovides in that republic which our fathers founded, ino home" for such heresies, on this couti- w;hen they proclaimed to the world, thatlncnt "ill order to form a more perfect union, es- tablish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common dcfi-nso, promote the general welfare, and secure the bless- ings of liberty to themselves, and their I hare been called upon, fellow demo- crats, to withdraw from this contest, and to give my support to Mr. Lord, as against Mr. Alley. Why I was thus called upon I could never exactly tell. Por I have jxistcrity, Ihcy did "establish this consti-lassurances in this tlirontred and crowdod tiition lor the United Slates of America."|hall, that there is a party in this city, II this be so, we have no tinion. Fear and which will never accept such doctrines as interest may bmd us together with tempoJMr. Lord has avowed, and such as Mr. rary bonds, a rivalry of slates, striving foriAlley believes. I have learned in the :>seendcncy in the national councils, and'campaign in this district that there is a \ 15 body of men within its limits, who have a quick and hearty sense of democratic truth, and who are not to be lured away from them by the sophistries or temptaiions of an "independant candidate," I have been placed in nomination by men who believe in the truth of democracy, in the wisdom of the supreme coiirt of the United States, in the power of the constitution, in the right of citizens in the territories, in the limited powers of congress, audinthe sov- ereignty of the people. And I shall stand by them as a part of the "national democ- racy," sustaining the only policy which has made our country great, and can carry it on to new and greater glory. I shall never withdraw from a contest with every form of sectionalism, under whatever name it may appear, until called upon to do so by that party which it is my pride and duty to defend and support.