V- # 
 
 *U. v» 
 
 
 v* 1 '*< 
 
 ,j\. 
 
 
 
 
 
5 V.V 
 
 
 ' . \ V 
 
 
 
 
 
 '/' 
 
 'c 
 
 Jp 
 
 J. 00 - 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 °i- ' * « 
 
 
 -^ <# 
 
 -/• ,<x 
 
 ->, ,^ v 
 
 ''*.. c* 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 . ■ 
 
 X",. ,** 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 &**. - 
 
 '■*,. s~ 
 
 •/• v 
 
 '+. ^ 
 
 O X 
 
 
1609 
 
 History 
 
 of 
 
 7 . 1 
 
 i88 3 
 
PRESENTED WITH THE PUBLISHERS' COMPLIMENTS. 
 
 SPECIMEN CHAPTERS 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 NOW BEING PREPARED BY 
 
 J. THOMAS SCHARF and THOMPSON WESTCOTT. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 L. H. EVERTS & CO. 
 
 OCT %imn 
 
 m...L. ...... . 
 
Copyright, 1882, by L. H. Everts & Co. 
 
 
HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 TOPOGRAPHY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 " Pulchra duos infer sita Stat Philadelphia rivos ; 
 Inter quos duo sunt niillin louga via. 
 Delawar hie major, Sculkil minor ille vacatur; 
 India et Suevis notus utorque diu. 
 .52dibus ornatur multis urbs limite longo, 
 Quae parva emicuit tempore magna brevi. 
 Hie plateas mensor spatiis delineat acquis, 
 Et domui recto est ordine juncta domus." 
 — Thomas Makin, In landes Pennsylvania pcema, 1729. 
 
 History, as men have come to -learn, is not simply 
 the annals of kings and queens, of factions and par- 
 ties, nor must it rest with recording the battles and 
 movements of armies and the proceedings of parlia- 
 ments and assemblies. To satisfy intelligent inquiry, 
 to instruct as well as amuse, it should present a pic- 
 ture of the country and the people, and show how 
 external circumstances and internal relations have 
 reciprocally acted one upon the other to mould char- 
 acter and determine events. The court, the forum, 
 the public assemblage are not to be neglected, but the 
 full history of a country or a period cannot be written 
 until we have accompanied the people to their firesides, 
 and seen how they lived, ate, dressed, thought, spoke, 
 and looked. The historian should be an artist, full 
 of sincerity, full of imagination, and even a degree 
 of sentiment for his work, but that work must be 
 founded in the first instance upon close, accurate, ex- 
 haustive study of the age, tire men, the manners and 
 customs, and all the private concerns, as well as the 
 public performances of the community which is 
 dealt with. In the pursuit of such inquiries nothing 
 which is relevant can be trivial, for history resembles 
 a post-mortem examination, which must be so con- 
 ducted as to enable us not only to reconstruct an 
 
 Notk. — The author wishes to state in advance that not only the present 
 chapter, but much of all that succeeds it, lias been preparedin associa- 
 tion with Thompson Westcott, and with the indispensable aid of his 
 manuscripts, h is collections of material, his researches, and his exten- 
 sive publications on the subject of the history of Philadelphia. He has 
 devoted a lifetime lo the faithful, industrious, and intelligent pursuit of 
 tliix history; few records have escaped him, and he has supplemented 
 their evidence with recollections of a trustworthy character and te-ti- 
 moov from a thousand sources, sin h as none but the most indefatigable 
 antiquarian would seek or could procure access to. Such aid, such cheer- 
 ful co-operation, such fruitful products of uutiiinginduntry in special in- 
 vestigation cannot fail to make tin- present work Luminous in respect 
 of that intimate local information and those obscure but essential par- 
 ticulars into which so few histories descend. 
 1 
 
 actual living frame from inanimate remains, giving 
 accurately all the details of race, age, sex, complexion, 
 frame, general conformation, and individual peculi- 
 arity, but to show also with firm and irrefutable 
 demonstration what was the lesion under which the 
 vital powers were extinguished, what organs were 
 affected, and how their disorder came to be climaxed 
 in dissolution. An era or an epoch is as the life of a 
 man, and must be studied with the aid of the scalpel 
 and the microscope. In no other way can an accurate 
 and vivid reproduction of the past be effected. Es- 
 pecially should the historian avoid interpreting a past 
 age by the feelings, sentiments, and experiences of the 
 present. He must, as nearly as possible, assimilate 
 himself to the times and the men he is describing, 
 analyze their shortcomings and prejudices in the same 
 atmosphere and light that engendered them, and 
 enter into the period as if he belonged to it. Thus, 
 as Taine has acutely said, " through reflection, study, 
 and habit we succeed by degrees in producing senti- 
 ments in our minds of which we were at first uncon- 
 scious ; we find that another man in another age 
 necessarily felt differently from ourselves ; we enter 
 into his views and then into his tastes, and as we place 
 ourselves at his point of view we comprehend him, 
 and in comprehending him find ourselves a little less 
 superficial." 
 
 The historian who holds this opinion of his duty 
 and his task must always look with peculiar pleasure 
 upon all that concerns the birth, growth, and develop- 
 ment of cities, for it is in these congregated and 
 crowded communities that man is seen working at 
 most freedom from the restrictions and limitations of 
 nature and evolving the greatest results from that 
 complex and co-operative force which we call society. 
 Civilization itself is the product of civic and social 
 life, and depends for its continuance upon the main- 
 tenance of society in a healthy civic condition. The 
 city is the fountain of progress ; it is the type, how- 
 ever, and exemplar of the State, though often its fore- 
 runner. 
 
 The city of Philadelphia must always be an object 
 of particular and inexhaustible interest to the student 
 of American history and American institutions. Pecu- 
 liar in its origin and initial institutions, — a city which 
 was made and did not spring spontaneously from the 
 concurrence of circumstances and surroundings, — it 
 yet took its place at a very early day as the focus of 
 
 1 
 
HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 American tendencies and aspirations, and became the 
 centre and the birthplace of the United States as an 
 independent Commonwealth. In the military and in 
 the political history of this nation Philadelphia occu- 
 pies the foremost place. It was founded as an asylum 
 of peace and the home of pacific industry, but it be- 
 came not only the sport and the prey of contending 
 armies, but the arsenal of the war-making power of 
 the continent during seven years of eager and fluctu- 
 ating contest. The greatest of deliberations were 
 carried forward to national conclusions within its ven- 
 erated walls, and from it as a centre were derived those 
 impulses to sublime action which attain even grander 
 proportions as they recede in the vista of time. Here, 
 too, American industry was first fostered in a pecu- 
 liarly national and American way, until a continental 
 policy grew out of local practice and the successes 
 which attended local experiment. Philadelphia has 
 besides a history of its own, which catches in a pecu- 
 liar manner the light of the genius loci. In many re- 
 spects of constitution, institutions, municipal rule and 
 law, construction, manners and customs, it is. dissimi- 
 lar from other cities and possesses a physiognomy all 
 its own. It is the aim of the present work to give the 
 history of Philadelphia with accuracy and intelli- 
 gence, omitting nothing that will contribute in any 
 degree to illustrate its origin and growth, its national 
 importance, and its peculiar local features, — to paint 
 a portrait of the city as it was and as it is, in which 
 every lineament shall be truthfully portrayed and 
 represented with life and vigor enough to make its 
 fidelity acknowledged by all. If these objects can be 
 attained by zeal, sincerity, and faithful, patient, and 
 exhaustive research, the author has no fear of the 
 reception which awaits his formidable undertaking. 
 
 " Philadelphia," says the worthy Dr. James Mease, 
 in his "Picture" of the city, published in 1811, "lies 
 on a plain nearly level, and on the western bank of 
 the river Delaware, in 39 degrees 57 minutes of north 
 latitude, and 75 degrees 8 minutes of longitude west 
 of London. It is about one hundred and twenty miles 
 distant from the ocean by the course of the river, and 
 sixty in a direct line ; its elevation above low-water 
 mark ranges from two to forty-six feet, the highest 
 part being between Seventh and Eighth Streets from 
 Schuylkill." This topographical description is not, 
 however, so accurate as that of Mr. Makin, the learned 
 schoolmaster, quoted at the head of this chapter, and 
 which his successor, Proud, the historian, has rendered 
 into stanzas after the style of Alexander Pope, — 
 
 "Fair Philadelphia next is rising seen, 
 Betwixt two rivers plac'd, two miles between," — 
 
 and so on. This is not precisely what Mr. Makin says, 
 but it will serve. The peculiarity of the site proceeds 
 from the fact that the city, placed upon the western 
 side of one great river, lies almost immediately upon 
 the delta of another stream not so large, yet of con- 
 siderable length and volume, and draining a wide sec- 
 
 tion of country. The Delaware empties at a distance 
 below into a wide bay, but the Schuylkill has a true 
 delta, comprising several mouths. When the Swedes 
 first came upon the spot these outlets were still more 
 numerous than now, and it has been conjectured, not 
 without probability, that in some prehistoric period 
 some one of the main debouches of the stream was, 
 from Fairmount, or some point between that and the 
 Falls of the Schuylkill, eastward across to the Dela- 
 ware at or about Kensington, by the beds of the streams, 
 creeks, and coves now or formerly known by the names 
 of Wingohocking, Frankford, Pegg's Run, Gunner's 
 Run, etc. 1 If this were the case really, Philadelphia 
 would properly be described, so far as the original 
 city is concerned, as occupying the upper part of an 
 island in the delta of the Schuylkill, where its several 
 mouths empty into the Delaware. 
 
 The range of hills and mountains in Virginia, 
 Maryland, and Pennsylvania is invariably from 
 northeast to southwest. The streams of these sec- 
 tions, on the other hand, flow in a general course 
 from northwest to southeast. They are thus forced 
 to cut through the ranges transversely in their 
 course to the sea. What the Potomac does at Har- 
 per's Ferry and Point of Rocks and the Susquehanna 
 between Harrisburg and Port Deposit, the Delaware 
 repeats at the " Water-Gap" and the Schuylkill at 
 Fairmount. The Potomac, in bursting through the 
 South Mountain of Maryland and Virginia, needed 
 the waters of the Shenandoah to aid it. In the same 
 way the Schuylkill is reinforced by the Wissahiccon 
 before it cuts through the Fairmount barriers. The 
 Delaware and the Susquehanna neither of them have 
 risen as far west as the loftier and broader breast- 
 works of the Alleghanies, their upper streams pass- 
 ing to the eastward of these ranges and descending 
 almost on north and south parallel courses from the 
 neighborhood of the noble table-lands of central New 
 York, where the flattening out of the mountains has 
 enabled an easy artificial stream for commerce to be 
 constructed from the great lakes to the Hudson River. 
 The Schuylkill rises in the eastern foot-hills of these 
 mountains, and, fed by many small streams and forest 
 rills, makes a tortuous way through an uneven coun- 
 try to the Delaware, with which it mingles by mouths 
 so obscure and insignificant that the Dutch called it 
 " hidden river," and the early Swede cartographs con- 
 founded it with the minor coves and creeks which in- 
 dent the western bank of the Delaware in so many 
 places from the Horekill to the Neshaminy. Leaving 
 
 l On Hill'Bmnp of the city, 1796, the approach of Falls' Run to the head 
 of Wingohocking Creek, and the numerous ponds and hollows stretching 
 across the peninsula on the line of Pegg's Kun are marked in such relief 
 as to give a topographical plausibility to this idea. A caual was at that 
 time cut across part of the peninsula in such a way as to show a design 
 to unite the two rivers at that point. An original cut-off of the Schuyl- 
 kill at the Falls would accoun t for this insignificance of the river's mouth 
 where it actually and finally empties into the Delaware. The assump- 
 tion thatthere was such a cut-off, however, must be left where it belongs, 
 in the domain of pure conjecture. 
 
TOPOGRAPHY. 
 
 out the strictly alluvial country, we may assume that 
 it is the general topographical characteristic of Phila- 
 delphia County to consist of gentle ranges of hills 
 running from northeast to southwest, separated by 
 valleys or low plains, and cut transversely by numer- 
 ous streams flowing from northwest to east and south- 
 east, except where the water-shed deflects them into 
 the Schuylkill, in which case their course is from a 
 little east of north to a point or two west of south. 
 This of course is the general description only. There 
 are many exceptions, the character of which will be 
 shown farther on. Each of these streams, cutting 
 through the ranges of high ground, had its own con- 
 terminous valley, and these valleys interrupted and 
 broke up the bluffs bordering on the Delaware, which 
 otherwise would have been continuous. These bluffs, 
 it must be remarked, on the Delaware side had the 
 true characteristics of river dykes or levees, the result, 
 in part at least, of glacial action. They rested upon 
 gravel, and were higher than the land back of them, 
 so that the original ground upon which Philadelphia 
 stands did not drain to the river directly, but back- 
 wards to the smaller streams, which broke through 
 the dyke at intervals. In the tide-washed flat lands 
 near the debouch of the Schuylkill the minor streams 
 originally flowed indifferently between the Delaware 
 and the Schuylkill, with openings into both rivers, 
 like canals. When there was a freshet in the Dela- 
 ware that river must have overflowed by Hollandaer's 
 Kyi and half a dozen more such estuaries into the 
 Schuylkill. 
 
 The true latitude and longitude of Philadelphia 
 we give from a compilation made by Prof. B. A. 
 Gould for one of the numbers of " The American 
 Ephemeris and Nautical Almanac." The data are 
 determined for the observatories in each case (Inde- 
 pendence Hall being here taken) : 
 
 Philadelphia, N. Latitude, 39° 57' 7.5". (MS. 
 communication from Prof. Kendall) ; Longitude E. 
 from Washington (U. S. Coast Survey) : 
 
 By 5 sets Eastern clock-signals 
 By " Western " 
 
 . 7 33.66 
 . 33.60 
 
 Mean 7 33.63 
 
 The mean, by comparison with the 
 
 next East station (Jersey City), is 7 33.64 
 
 Hence the longitude in arc is 358° 6' 35.4 /r from 
 Washington, and from Greenwich, 75° 9' 23.4". 1 
 
 ' On July 6, 1773, the Bight Honorable the Earl of Dartmouth, who 
 was At that time Colonial Secretary (he had succeeded Lord Hillsbor- 
 ough one year before) in the cabinet of George III., wrote to the Deputy 
 Governor of Pennsylvania (Jolin Penn, the sou of Richard Penn, who 
 was the fifth child of William Penn by his second wife, Hannah Callow- 
 hill) propounding certain "Heads of Enquiry relative to the present 
 State and Condition" of Pennsylvania. The answers to these inquiries 
 were transmitted to Lord Dartmouth under date of Jan. 30, 1775. In 
 the communication the following occurs: " The City of Philadelphia, sit- 
 uated near the Conflux of Delaware and one of its chief Branches, tho 
 Schuylkill, is tho most considerable Town in tho Province, or indeed in 
 
 The city is 96 miles from the Atlantic Ocean, 125 
 miles in a direct line northeast of Washington, and 
 85 miles southwest of New York. Its greatest length, 
 north-northeast, is 22 miles ; breadth, from 5 to 10 
 miles ; area, 82,603 acres, or 129.4 square miles. The 
 surface between the rivers Delaware and Schuylkill 
 varies in elevation from 30 to 300 feet, the alluvial 
 flats, however, having originally no actual relief 
 above the line of high tide, while in the district west 
 of the Schuylkill the face of the country is undu- 
 lating to a degree which is almost rugged in contour 
 and romantic in aspect. The valley of the Wissa- 
 hiccon and the reservations made for Fairmount Park 
 have long been celebrated for their effective scenery 
 and the fine composition of forest and stream, rocky 
 hillsides, deep vales, and wild ravines. 
 
 Penn's original city was laid off in the narrowest 
 part of the peninsula between the Delaware and the 
 Schuylkill Eivers, — the belt of the ir- 
 regular-shaped urn or vase, so to speak, 
 which is thus formed, — and five or six § 
 miles above the mouth of the latter % 
 river. If we might take the peninsula M//m 
 to be a guitar, and could place the strings across 
 the instrument instead of lengthwise, they would rep- 
 resent the contour of the old city's streets, bounded 
 on the west by the Schuylkill, on the east by the 
 Delaware, determined on the north by Vine Street, 
 and on the south by South Street, or Cedar Street, 
 as it was formerly called. The distances from the 
 Delaware and the Schuylkill to Broad Street were 
 respectively 5088 feet, and Broad Street 100 feet, 
 making a total of 10,276 feet (l^fo miles). The 
 distance from Cedar (now South) Street to Vine 
 Street was 5253 feet (lacking 27 feet of a mile), di- 
 
 North America. The State-House in this City lies in North Latitude, 
 39° 56' 53"; its Longitude from the Royal Observatory at Greenwich, 
 computed West, 75° 8' 45" ; or, in time, 5 hours and 35 seconds. This 
 Latitude and Longitude were both fixed by accurate astronomical Ob- 
 servation at the Transit of Venus, 1769." In the Journal of Mason and 
 Dixon, November, 1763, we learn that these surveyors established an 
 observatory in the southern part of Philadelphia, in order to find the 
 starting-point of the parallel which they were to run off. Their point 
 of departure was " tho most Southern part of Philadelphia," which they 
 ascertained to be the north wall of a house on Cedar Street, occupied by 
 Thomas Plumstead and Joseph Huddle, and their observatory must have 
 been immediately adjacent to this. The latitude of this point they de- 
 termined to be 39° 56' 29" north. In 1845, when the northeast corner- 
 stone of Maryland could not be found (it had been undermined by a 
 freshet, and was then taken and built into the chimney of a neighbor- 
 ing farm-house), the Legislatures of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Dela- 
 ware appointed ajoint commission, who employed Col. Graham, of the 
 United States Topographical Engineers, to review Mason and Dixon's 
 work so far as was requisite in order to restore the displaced corner. 
 Col. Graham, in the course of his measurements, determined the latitude 
 of the Cedar Street observatory to be 39° 56' 37.4" north. This is 8.3" 
 more than the latitude given by Mason and Dixon. If we add the dis- 
 tance from Cedar Street to Chestnut Street, 2650 feet, we have for Inde- 
 pendence Hall latitude as determined by Mason and Dixon, 39° 56' 55"; 
 as determined by Col. Graham, 39° 57' 03". The slight variation in 
 these calculations is surprising. That reported by Governor Penn may 
 have been based upon data differing from those of the surveys of 1761 
 and of Mason and Dixon. The greatest variation, however, is only 
 about 1260 feet, or less than the fourth of a mile ; the least is only 200 
 feet. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 vided thus : From Cedar to Pine Street, 652 feet ; to 
 Spruce, 468 feet; to Walnut, 821 feet; to Chestnut, 
 510 feet ; to Market, 497 feet ; to Arch, 663 feet ; to 
 Race, 614 feet; to Vine, 612 feet, making, with the 
 width of the streets added, an area of nearly two 
 square miles, or twelve hundred and eighty acres. 
 The width of the squares from the Delaware to the 
 Schuylkill was orginally three hundred and ninety- 
 six feet. 1 In 1854 the limits of the city were widely 
 extended, so as to embrace the whole of Philadelphia 
 County, and to include the area and dimensions given 
 above. This was effected by the " consolidation" of 
 all the suburbs and outlying districts and townships 
 with the city proper. Consolidated Philadelphia is 
 bounded on the east by the Delaware River, on the 
 northeast by Bucks County, on the north-northwest 
 and west by Montgomery County, on the west and the 
 south again by Delaware County and the Delaware 
 River. The northeast boundary line follows Poques- 
 sing Creek from its mouth along towards its source, 
 the ancient boundary of Byberry; just northwest of 
 the old road to Newtown the line corners and runs 
 southwest in a straight line to the Tacony at what 
 was called Grubtown ; from this point it goes straight 
 northwest on the boundary of Bristol township to a 
 corner more than a mile northeast of Mount Airy; 
 thence a mile southwest to. the line of German 
 township ; thence northwest four miles to a corner ; 
 thence southwest straight to the Schuylkill at the 
 point of the old soapstone quarries, crossing the Wis- 
 sahiccon about half a mile northwest of Chestnut 
 Hill. The line now follows the bed of the Schuyl- 
 kill southeast to a point just below the mouth of the 
 Wissahiccon, from this corner crossing southwest in 
 a straight line to Cobb's Creek at a point a mile and 
 a fourth west from Haddington ; thence by Cobb's 
 Creek to the junction of Bow Creek north of Tinnecum, 
 and by the east bank of Bow Creek to the Delaware. 
 The distance from the extreme northeast corner of By- 
 berry to the extreme southwest corner of Kingsessing 
 is between twenty-three and twenty-five miles. From 
 League Island northwest to the Chestnut Hill corner 
 is very nearly fifteen miles; from the soapstone 
 quarry on the Schuylkill across to the mouth of the 
 Poquessing it is fifteen miles; and from Gloucester 
 Point to the ford at the old Blue Bell tavern is seven 
 miles. The general statement of the "face of the 
 country" in the old maps, made on the basis of town- 
 ships, is : City, " level ;" built part of Northern Liber- 
 ties and Southwark, "level;" Blockley, "gentle de- 
 clivities;" Bristol, "hilly;" Byberry, " pretty level;" 
 Dublin, "gentle declivities;" Germantown, "hilly;" 
 Kingsessing, "mostly level ;" Moyamensing, "level;" 
 Moorland, "pretty level;" Northern Liberties (out 
 part), "mostly level;" Oxford and Frankford, "gen- 
 tle declivities;" Passayunk, "level;" Penn, " mostly 
 level ;" Roxborough, " hilly." Of the townships, 
 
 1 Hazard's third volume of Watson's Annals. 
 
 Blockley and Kingsessing were west of Schuylkill, 
 bordering on Montgomery and Delaware Counties; 
 Kingsessing, Passayunk, Moyamensing, Southwark, 
 City, Northern Liberties, Oxford, and Dublin were 
 touched by or bordered on the Delaware ; Byberry 
 bordered on Bucks and Montgomery ; Moorland, 
 Dublin, Oxford, Bristol, Germantown, and Roxbor- 
 ough bordered on Montgomery ; and Roxborough, 
 Penn, City, and Passayunk had the Schuylkill on 
 their west. 
 
 The most picturesque and agreeable approach to 
 Philadelphia is from the northwest, crossing the 
 Schuylkill above the Falls, and descending by way of 
 the Ridge or the Germantown road. The least im- 
 posing approach, so far as the land surface is con- 
 cerned, is by the west bank of the Delaware, following 
 the line of the old King's road and the Philadelphia, 
 Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad. This road, 
 however, is made beautiful by the aspect of the noble 
 river lying upon the right in broad and generous 
 reaches, and seeming to rise above the level of the 
 foot-passenger as he looks across its populous and 
 busy bosom ; by the multitudinous evidences of a 
 gigantic industry, employing force and machinery 
 with an intelligent usurpation that inspires new con- 
 ceptions of man's power over nature; and by the 
 gentle beauty of the margin of firm land in Delaware 
 County parallel to the river at about an average dis- 
 tance of a mile inland. This, called " the water- 
 shade," marks the bank of the prehistoric river be- 
 fore its present margin of flats was upheaved, and its 
 moderate elevation and rounded slopes afford many 
 fine building sites, while contributing largely to the 
 advantage of the adjacent manufacturing establish- 
 ments. This line of approach, moreover, was that by 
 which the early settlers came to Philadelphia, the 
 route of the Swedes and of William Penn. We can- 
 not do better than follow in their footsteps in attempt- 
 ing to trace up the topography of Philadelphia. 
 
 The circle of twelve miles radius from New Castle 
 as a centre which defines the boundary of the State of 
 Delaware on the northeast, touches the banks of the 
 Delaware River a few rods northeast of the mouth of 
 Naaman's Creek or Kill, a stream whose several forks 
 rise not far inland of the water-shed line. The land 
 through which the body of the creek flows is flat and 
 diluvian in its origin, as is all the land from the 
 river's margin to the " water-shade," from this point 
 until Crum and Ridley Creeks are reached, when we 
 begin to encounter marsh, swamp, and pure alluvium 
 or mud deposits. The Swedes held most of the land 
 in this section at the time of Penn's arrival. Oelle 
 (or Woolley or AVilly) Rawson owned the mill-site on 
 the creek where the King's road crossed it. Naaman, 
 it is supposed, was an Indian chief who gave his 
 name to this kill, a fact which Lindstrom's map 
 seems to show. He was one of the sachems treating 
 with Governor Printz on his first arrival, and Cam- 
 panius quotes a friendly speech he made on that occa- 
 
TOPOGRAPHY. 
 
 sion. The arc of the boundary circle dips into the 
 river in what was the land of Nathaniel Langley. 
 Adjoining him on the northeast were plantations sold 
 by Perm to William Hewes, Robert Bezar, William 
 Clayton, William Flower, Sandeland, and other old 
 settlers. These lands lie in Chichester township. The 
 main public road from Concord to Chichester (or 
 rather to Marcus Hook landing), which was laid out 
 as early as 1686, reached the Delaware between the 
 lands of Clayton and Sandeland, and here was doubt- 
 less a landing and a shipping place from a very early 
 period. Marcus Hook, with the adjacent creek, 
 variously called Marrieties Kill, Chichester Creek, 
 Memanchitonna [La Rivih-e drs Marikes is Lind- 
 strom's translation of the name), was deeded by Queen 
 Christina to Lieut. Hans Asmundsen Besk, the deed, 
 including all the land to Upland. It afterwards fell 
 into various hands. The Marrieties Kill, like Naa- 
 man's, was the main channel of several forks rising in 
 the front part of the water-shade. All the rivers in 
 this section which have been or will be described are, 
 without exception, tidal and salt-water streams from 
 their mouths to the rising ground of the water-shed, 
 where they lose their character of. coves or estuaries 
 and become brooks, rills, or inland rivers, with volume 
 ample for milling purposes but too much fall for navi- 
 gation. The Swedes gave the name of " Finland" to 
 this entire township, the Indian name of the district 
 being Chamassung. 
 
 Several creeks or kills of minor importance, but all 
 of which extend inland across the railroad and the 
 ancient King's road, succeed one another to the north- 
 east of Marcus Hook — Middle Run, Stony Creek, 
 Harwick's Kill, Lamako Kill, etc. — until we come to 
 Chester Creek. The character of the face of the 
 country hereabouts as it was originally may be 
 gathered from the fact that before Upland (now 
 Chester) acquired its importance as the seat of the 
 colonial court, the old King's road diverged to the 
 left to avoid the low lands, and crossed the creek at 
 Chester Mills, at the foot of the water-shed. After- 
 wards it was continued along the water-front, passed 
 through the town, and then made a sharp angle to 
 the left in quest of firmer ground. On the southwest 
 side of Upland Kill, from the mill and ford to the 
 Delaware, the land was originally owned by Holbert 
 Henriksen, John Bristow, and Robert Wade, the 
 latter a Quaker early settler, who entertained Penn 
 at his house, Essex House, the site at least of which 
 had been formerly occupied, and the house probably 
 built, by the daughter of the Swedish Governor 
 Printz, Armgart Pappagoya. Chester Creek, Up- 
 land Kill, or Mecoponacka was called by Lindstrom 
 Tequirasi (Otherwise Techoherassi), from the Indian 
 name of a properly bordering on it and fronting on 
 the Delaware, which had been patented by Oele 
 Stille, and was later the home of Rev. L. Carolus. 
 This Stille property, however, some of it marsh or 
 flooded land, extended northeastward probably from 
 
 Ridley Creek to Crum Kill, and Lindstrom seems to 
 have wrongly named it Stille's or Priest's Kill, being 
 the alternate names of Ridley Creek, and the stream 
 was most likely called also after Stille's property. 
 The streams which give volume to Chester Creek rise 
 some of them in Chester County, flowing through 
 several townships of Delaware County, and furnish- 
 ing a good deal of water-power to factories and mills. 
 Many of Penn's thrifty followers — Caleb Pusey, the 
 Sharplesses, Crosby, Brassy, Sandeland, etc. — took 
 up land on it or adjacent to it. Ridley Creek and 
 Crum Kill, the next streams northeast of Chester, 
 were also important for mill purposes. The neck of 
 land at the debouch of these creeks upon the Dela- 
 ware was marshy, and this was mostly occupied by 
 Swedes. Mattson, Van Culen, Johnson, Hendrik- 
 son, Cornelis, Mortenson, Nielson are names of set- 
 tlers along this water-front from Ridley Creek to 
 Tinnecum, while back of them, on the water-shade, 
 we find the Quakers took up large tracts, — Simcock, 
 Harvey, Maddock, Steadman, Ashcom, Hallowell, 
 Whitacre, etc. The Swedes called the settlements 
 northeast of Finland "Upland," then came " Car- 
 coen's Hook" lands, then " Tacony." Amesland com- 
 prised a portion of Darby and Ridley townships. 
 Crum Kill was, as Lindstrom interprets, La Riviere 
 Courbee, or Crooked Kill, otherwise Paperack or 
 Peskohockon in Indian dialect. These names on 
 the Delaware present almost insuperable difficulties 
 from their variety and confusion, the fact that the 
 Indians seem to have had no standard titles for their 
 streams, and the want of any rule in guiding the at- 
 tempts of Europeans to give a phonetic interpretation 
 to the Indians' indistinct, guttural pronunciation. 
 Amesland Creek (Amesland, or Amas-land, is said 
 to mean the " midwives' land") was formed by the 
 junction of Darby and Cobb's Creeks. It flowed 
 southeast into the Delaware, separating Tinnecum 
 from the mainland and Amesland. But at this 
 point we find a network equally of names and 
 rivers, all equally running into swamp and confu- 
 sion. The delta of the Schuylkill begins here, and 
 here also Philadelphia begins, for, though Bow Creek 
 is the formal county line at the Delaware, the actual 
 boundary is Darby Creek, after it has united with 
 Minquas Kill, Cobb's Creek, and the true Amesland 
 Kill, the Muckinpattus or Mokornipates Kill, a 
 smaller stream than the Darby, flowing into it be- 
 tween its junction with Cobb's Creek and its mouth. 
 The topography of this lower part of Philadelphia 
 is peculiar and must not be slighted. There have 
 been great changes in the face, of the country, in its 
 levels and contour, and in the direction and beds of 
 its water-courses since the days of the Swedes and the 
 early Quakers. Some streams have disappeared, 
 some have changed their direction, nearly all have 
 been reduced in volume and depth by the natural silt, 
 the annual washing down of hills, by the demands 
 of industry for water-power, the construction of mill- 
 
HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 dams and mill-races and bridges, the emptying of 
 manufacturing refuse from factories, saw-pits, and 
 tan-yards, and by the grading and sewerage necessary 
 in the building of a great city. In this process old 
 landmarks and ancient contours are not respected, 
 the picturesque yields to utility, and the face of nature 
 is transformed to meet the exigencies of uniform 
 grades, levels, and drainage. The Board of Health, 
 the Police Department, the City Commissioners, and 
 the Department of Highways have no bowels of com- 
 passion for the antiquarian and the poet. They are 
 the slaves of order, of hygiene, of transportation, of 
 progress. 
 
 Darby and Cobb's Creeks both rise in the slate beds 
 of the upper corner of Delaware and the adjacent 
 townships of Montgomery County and flow eastward 
 towards the Delaware, each augmented in volume as 
 they descend through the mica, slate, and gneiss 
 regions parallel to each other. After they reach the 
 margin of the "water-shade," which is here as far 
 inland as Hey ville on the Darby and the Burd Asylum 
 on Cobb's Creek, the two streams approach each 
 other in the diluvial lowlands, uniting just below the 
 towns of Darby and Paschallville. The common 
 stream, now called the Darby, flows east with serpen- 
 tine course until it touches the edge of the alluvium 
 and marsh section, when it turns more towards the 
 left, and with two or three sweeping curves reaches 
 the Delaware. Just after the turn is made the Darby 
 receives the waters of the Amesland or Muckinpattus 
 Kill, and the neck of land between was well known to 
 the Swedes under the name of Carcoen's Hook, a 
 name it still retains. 1 This section at the bend, a low, 
 marshy flat, is cut by several canal-like streams or 
 guts, forming the two islands, Hay and Smith's. The 
 neck was early occupied by the Swedes, and the names 
 of the Boons (Bondes), Mortonsons, Meens, Streckets, 
 Cornells, Jonsens, Mounsens, Jorans, Petersons, Hans- 
 sens, Joccums, Urians, and Cocks may be found on 
 all the old land-plats of that region. Darby Creek 
 was called by the Indians Nyecks, Mohorhoottink, 
 or Muckhuton; Cobb's Creek, named after William 
 Cobb, a contemporary of Penn, was also called Kar- 
 kus or Carcoen's Creek by the Swedes, a corruption 
 of the Indian name of Karakung, or Kakarakonk, 
 and by the English, Mill Creek. This name came 
 from the old Swedes' mill, built by Governor Printz, 
 at the ford where the old Blue Bell tavern and Pas- 
 challville now stand, the crossing of the Darby road. 
 Cobb took the mill after Penn came in, and gave his 
 name to the stream. The mill was used by a wide 
 circuit of people, from the Swedes at Upland and 
 Tinuecum to the Welsh at Haverford and Merion 
 and the first Quakers in Bucks County. From its 
 bend towards the left to its mouth Darby Creek flowed 
 west and south of Tinnecum Island, dividing it from 
 
 1 Carcoon , M Hook, Kalkonliutten, place of wild turkeys. Calcoen's 
 Hook was tile neck formed tty tlie junction of Cruui Kill and Little I'm in 
 Kill. 
 
 the main land. This tract is all alluvium, except one 
 spot of firm ground, where the underlying gneiss rock 
 comes boldly to the surface. Tinnecum, Tennakong, 
 Tutenaiung was the site selected by the Swedish 
 Governor, Johann Printz, for his fort of Nya Gothe- 
 borg, and for his residence of Printz Hall. The 
 channel used by vessels at that time probably flowed 
 on the west side of the Delaware, in which case 
 Printz's fort commanded it. Off Tinnecum in the 
 Delaware was a long, narrow sand and mud and marsh 
 spit, designated by the name of Little Tinnecum 
 Island, and somewhat above it, in the river channel, 
 was Hog Island, as it is now called, but which the 
 Indians knew as Quistquonck, or Kwistkonk, and the 
 Swedes dignified with the title of Keyser Island, or 
 Iledes Empereurs, as Lindstrom explains on his map. 
 Tinnecum Island is cut in half by a kill of many 
 forks, uniting it with the Darby, and traversing the 
 island in several directions. This stream is known 
 as Plum or Plom Hook, and its branches are vari- 
 ously called Long Hook, Grom Creek, and Middle 
 Creek. On the Delaware side of Tinnecum were 
 situated Printz's Hall and the first Swedish Church 
 and churchyard on the Delaware, consecrated in 1646. 
 This spot is now occupied by the Philadelphia Quar- 
 antine station and the Lazaretto Hospital, the site of 
 the ancient fort and grounds belonging to it being 
 adjacent to what is now Tinnecum Hotel. 
 
 On the right or east side of Darby Creek, midway 
 between the junction with the Karakung and the 
 sharp bend of the creek to the left, Minquas Kill en- 
 ters it. This once broad tidal estuary, which united 
 the Schuylkill and the Delaware with the Darby by 
 a four-pronged fork, is differently called Mincus and 
 Mingoes Creek, and derives its name from the Indian 
 nation, the Iroquois, whom the Delawares called 
 Minquas or Mingoes. The Susquehannocks, who 
 were of this race, frequented these swamps, probably 
 to facilitate their military operations against the war- 
 like Nanticokes of the Delaware peninsula. The 
 Swedes called this kill with its southernmost fork 
 Church Creek, because they used it in going by boat 
 from Tinnecum and Carcoen's Hook through Hol- 
 laudaer's Creek to the church at Wicaco. At the elbow 
 of Darby Creek, where it turns to encircle Tinnecum, 
 it is joined by Bow Creek, another tidal estuary which 
 connects it with the Delaware opposite Hog Island. 
 Bow Creek or Kill, the southern boundary of Phila- 
 delphia, was called by Lindstrom Boke Kyi, Beech 
 Creek, and also (confusing it with the stream imme- 
 diately above it on the Delaware) Kyrke Kill, or 
 Church Creek. Bow Creek, with Church Creek, 
 Bonde's Creek, and another small kill, one of the 
 mouths of the Schuylkill, combined with the Minquas 
 Kill, the Delaware, and the Schuylkill to form three 
 small islands, more or less entirely marsh land and 
 liable to floods and tide overflow. These were Min- 
 quas or Andrew Bonde's Island, Aharommuny Island, 
 and Schuylkill Island, the first occupied by Andrew 
 
TOPOGKAPHY. 
 
 Boone or Bonde, and the other two by Peter Cock, 
 both of them Swedes and among the earliest settlers. 
 All this region is now fast, firm land, and the streams 
 we have been describing, once so considerable, have 
 dwindled into insignificance or disappeared. The 
 Swedes called the district east of Darby Creek and 
 Minqnas Kill, Tennacong ; that west of Minqnas Kill, 
 between Cobb's Creek and the Schuylkill, was King- 
 sesse or Kingsessing, a Swedish hamlet, where the 
 Duke of York's court used sometimes to hold its 
 sessions instead of at Upland, and west of that, and 
 divided from Kingsessing by the Darby road, was the 
 district called Arunnamink. Above Quiskonk or 
 Hog Island, and immediately at the mouth of the 
 Schuylkill, on the west, was Mud Island, a bank of 
 tide-washed alluvium, where Fort Mifflin was built 
 and offered such a gallant resistance to the English 
 during the Revolutionary war. This island is now 
 fast and solid and united to the mainland. 
 
 We have now reached the point of junction of the 
 Schuylkill and the Delaware Rivers. The Schuyl- 
 kill was called by the Indians indifferently Mana- 
 yunk, Manajungh (Swedish spelling), Manaiunk, and 
 Lenni Bikbi (having some allusion to the linden-tree 
 or its bark). Lindstrom terms it the Menejackse Kill 
 (another Indian name), but also designates it as the 
 Skiar-kill, die (or) Linde River. Skiar-kihl in Swed- 
 ish would be " Brawling Creek," a derivation no 
 better than that from the Dutch of hidden or " Skulk- 
 ing Creek," from its insignificance and obscurity of 
 its mouth. On Lindstrom's map, indeed, the river is 
 marked as if it were no bigger than Crum Kill or Plum 
 Hook. It is really, however, a stream of extensive 
 drainage, having its source in the coal-fields west of 
 the Blue Mountains, descending by Pottsville, Read- 
 ing, and Norristown, by beautiful valleys, to the Dela- 
 ware. Its chief tributaries — Maiden Creek, Manata- 
 way, Monocasy, Tulpehocking, Little Schuylkill, 
 Norwegian, Mill Creek, Perkiomen, and Wissahiccon 
 — flow through a goodly expanse of territory. From 
 its junction with the Delaware to the Falls above 
 Fairmount no important affluents are received by the 
 Schuylkill upon either side. Opposite the mouth of 
 Minquas Kill there is still a small stream draining 
 through the swamp, called Sepakin Kill, and above it 
 the Piney or Pinneyo (an Indian name, interpreted 
 to mean "sleepy"), a small creek, emptied into the 
 east side, at the site of the Swedish fort and trad- 
 ing-post, Korsholm, now occupied by the Point Breeze 
 Gas- Works. Drainage has obliterated this stream ; 
 the old Passayunk road used to border it. Nearly 
 opposite, marking the boundary line between King- 
 sessing and Arunnamunk, the Inkoren Kill (named 
 after Andries Inkhooren, a Swedish landholder) 
 flowed into the west side of Schuylkill. The next 
 stream on that side which was important enough to 
 bear a name (excepting the runlets called Botanic 
 Creek and Peach Creek, on the property of Peter 
 Joccuni and Mocus Jonson, which afterwards John 
 
 Bartram owned) was Mill Creek, a brook large enough 
 to support two mills. It rose in Upper Merion town- 
 ship. Near its mouth was the property of Hans Moens, 
 containing such an eligible mill-seat that the Upland 
 court gave the owner the option of erecting a mill 
 upon it or surrendering the land to his neighbors 
 who would build. Gray's Ferry bridge is three blocks 
 below the mouth of Mill Creek. This ferry was for 
 the convenience of travelers to Darby by the Darby 
 road. In the neck between Mill Creek and the Schuyl- 
 kill is situated Woodlands Cemetery, where the 
 Friends very early had a graveyard. The present 
 cemetery, however, includes all the tracts known as 
 "the Welsh Friends' land" and John Eckley's farm. 
 Mill Creek, in the course of its descent from Merion, 
 passes through the grounds of the Pennsylvania Hos- 
 pital for the Insane and a corner of the Cathedral 
 Cemetery. A branch of it, called George's Run, nearly 
 touches the southwestern extremity of Fairmount 
 Park, and bisects Hestonville. In the part of Phila- 
 delphia (Twenty-seventh Ward) we have been speak- 
 ing of only one brook of importance — Thomas' Run 
 — flows into Cobb's Creek. Beyond the Almshouse 
 grounds, on the north, is Beaver Creek, then no more 
 streams on the west side of the Schuylkill until Fair- 
 mount Park is reached. On the east side used to be 
 Minnow Run, flowing from Bush Hill through Logan 
 Square, and reaching the Schuylkill by a winding 
 route, in the course of which two or three spring- 
 heads lent their waters to it. Another small brook 
 emptied into the east side of the Schuylkill below 
 Fairmount; a third, Darkwoods Run, below Lemon 
 Hill ; a fourth, Falls Run, reached it at the Falls. 
 
 Three or four blocks beyond the Falls the Schuyl- 
 kill receives the waters of the romantic Wissahiccon. 
 The Quakers gave this stream, which has delighted 
 both poets and artists, and is the most charming acces- 
 sory to the beauties of Fairmount Park, the unromantic 
 name of Whitpaine's Creek, from the original settler 
 on its bank, John Whitpaine, who built a "great 
 house" in Philadelphia, too big for his humility, and 
 in the large front room of which the Provincial 
 Assembly used to meet. The Indian meaning of 
 Wissahiccon, however, is said to be " catfish," and 
 certainly " Catfish Creek" is not susceptible of adap- 
 tation to poetical forms of speech. The Wissahiccon 
 rose in Montgomery County, in the same water-shed 
 which supplies the sources of Stony Run, the Skip- 
 pack, Pennepacka Creek,- and the southwestern branch 
 of the Neshaminy. Its chief branches were Paper- 
 Mill Creek, on which the father of the astronomer 
 Rittenhouse built the first paper-mill in Pennsyl- 
 vania, a mill that supplied the presses both of Wil- 
 liam Bradford, of Philadelphia, and Christopher Saur, 
 of Germantown, and Cresheim Creek, named for the 
 Rhenish town from which the earlier settlers of Ger- 
 mantown came. The northwest corner of Philadel- 
 phia approaches, but does not touch, the banks of the 
 Perkiomen. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 The Delaware River, the eastern boundary of Phil- 
 adelphia, which the Indians called by several names 
 not having any especial relevancy, 1 rises on the border 
 of Greene and Delaware Counties, N. Y., on the 
 western slope of the Catskill Mountains, in two 
 branches, the Pepacton and the Oqnago, which unite 
 at Hancock, on the line between Pennsylvania and 
 New York. It flows southeast, continuing to form the 
 boundary between those States, until it reaches Port 
 Jervis, where it turns southwest, flowing at the west- 
 ern base of the Kittatinny Mountains until it bursts 
 through these at the Water Gap. At Easton it re- 
 ceives the volume of the Lehigh River, and from the 
 Water Gap to Borden town speeds southeastward as 
 if intent upon reaching the Atlantic at Barnegat or 
 Egg Harbor. At Bordentown it encounters the bluffs, 
 however, and turns southwestward again, until at 
 New Castle it resumes its seaward direction, soon 
 widening into Delaware Bay. Between Port Jervis 
 and the mouth of Naaman's Creek it is the boundary 
 separating New Jersey from Pennsylvania ; below 
 that it divides New Jersey from Delaware. It has 
 many tributaries within the limits of Philadelphia, 
 besides inclosing several islands in the arms of its 
 channel. The first of these islands above the mouth 
 of the Schuylkill is that low-lying mud-bank (as it 
 used to be) called League Island, a tract of over nine 
 hundred acres, which during the civil war the city of 
 Philadelphia purchased and jiresented to the United 
 States government for a navy-yard, in order to expe- 
 dite the removal of the existing navy-yard from its 
 place on the river-front in South wark. League Island is 
 separated from the mainland by a narrow sort of canal 
 called the Back Channel. Into this Back Channel 
 empties Hollandaer's Creek, named for Peter Hol- 
 landaer, second Swedish Governor on the Delaware. 
 This stream also flows into the Delaware at the be- 
 ginning of Wicaco Avenue. It is a tidal estuary 
 traversing what was once a swamp, and is consider- 
 ably diverted from its original course, since there 
 seems to be no doubt that it once crossed the neck, 
 also uniting the Schuylkill as well as the Back Channel 
 with the Delaware. The Swedish records make men- 
 tion of Rosamond's or Roseman's Kill, which cannot 
 now be traced with certainty, beyond the fact that it 
 was one of the branches of Hollandaer's Creek. Hay 
 Creek was another of these intersecting streams; a 
 third bore several names, among which were Dam, 
 Hell, Holt, Float, or Little Hollandaer; Jones' Creek 
 was a fourth, and Malebore fifth of these marshland 
 conduits for the tide. Malebore's Creek was called 
 by the name of an Indian chief; it was also called 
 Shakanoning, or Shakaning. The Indian name for 
 Rosamond's Creek was Kikitchimus, meaning the 
 woodchuck. Hollandaer's Creek and its branches 
 made two islands of the extremity of the peninsula, 
 the one on the Delaware side being originally called 
 
 1 See Chapter III. fur the i 
 
 by the Swedes by a name which Lindstrom interprets 
 as He de Rasins, Grape Island, now Greenwich 
 Island, and the one on the Schuylkill side Manasonk 
 or Manavunk Island. Careful study of the old sur- 
 veys and narratives will enable all these points of 
 interest in the southwestern necks to be made out with 
 sufficient accuracy, and their relations to one another 
 determined. Moyamensic (Moyamensing) marsh, 
 which also had a kill of its own, we read, comprised 
 sixty-four acres, lying between Hollandaer's and Hay 
 Creek. This latter creek was 93 perches south of Hol- 
 landaer's and Rosamond's Creeks, 158 perches south 
 of Hay. Bonde's Island is called 1} Swedish miles — ■ 
 8.31 English miles — from the old Swedish Church at 
 Wicaco; Matson's Ford, 17J English miles from that 
 central point of Swedish associations ; Kingsessing, 
 5 miles ; Carcoen's Hook, 9.9 miles. 
 
 Dock Creek, the next stream towards the northeast 
 after passing Hollandaer's, was in many respects the 
 most interesting of all the Delaware tributaries within 
 the limits of Philadelphia. A street now covers its 
 bed, a wharf marks the place where it emptied into 
 the Delaware, but its course may still be distinctly 
 traced. In fact, the Philadelphia of the primitive 
 Quakers was built quite as much with reference to 
 this stream as to Peun's plans and the plats of Sur- 
 veyor Holme. The Indians called it Coocanocon, but 
 the name of Dock Creek was shorter and more descrip- 
 tive from the time of the English settlement, for the 
 obvious reason that the stream was used as a dock or 
 quay for all the smaller craft. Ship-yards and tan- 
 yards were established along its banks, it was encum- 
 bered with depots for lumber, and the first landing- 
 place and the first tavern of Philadelphia were 
 planted at its mouth. In those early days it was 
 thought to be a good thing for the well-to-do mer- 
 chant of the Quaker City to build his mansion on 
 the slope in sight of the creek, his garden and lawn 
 extending down to its green banks. One of its 
 branches rose west of Fifth Street and north of 
 Market Street, another began west of Fifth Street 
 between Walnut and Prune Streets, the two uniting 
 about where the Girard Bank now stands. At Third 
 Street the creek widened into a cove, receiving here 
 another branch, which flowed into it from the rear 
 of Society Hill. Penn and the early inhabitants 
 were anxious to have this creek become a perma- 
 nent dock, but it lost its usefulness from being filled 
 up and made shallow with sawdust and tan-bark, it 
 became foul and unwholesome from accumulated 
 filth, and the doctors raised an outcry against it as 
 the fruitful source of malaria, typhus and yellow 
 fever, and the summer diseases of children, so that 
 in 1784 an act was passed requiring it to be arched 
 over. At the northeastern mouth of this creek was 
 the sandy beach known as Blue Anchor Tavern land- 
 ing, for several years the chief public wharf the city 
 had. Opposite the wharves on the Delaware front 
 between Fitzwater and Arch Streets, and in mid- 
 
TOPOGRAPHY. 
 
 channel of the river, are two long, narrow islands, 
 separated from each other by a canal. Smith's Island 
 and Windmill Island, as the upper and lower ones are 
 respectively named, are of more recent construction 
 than the City of Brotherly Love. On the maps of 
 Thomas Holme, the first surveyor, these islands are 
 put down as bars or shoals in the river's bed, extend- 
 ing from opposite Spruce Street to a point below 
 Cedar Street. The accumulation of sand, silt, and 
 refuse brought down by the ice and by spring floods 
 united these bars and flats and lifted them above the 
 surface and the overflow of tides. They became fast 
 land, and the new island was patented by enterprising 
 men. John Hardinge built a wharf and a wind-mill 
 on it, and it took its name from the latter structure. 
 The island was not exactly a permanent establish- 
 ment for some time, as it washed away at one end as 
 fast as it grew at another; however, bathing resorts 
 were stationed upon it, willow-trees were planted and 
 flourished on it, and Thomas Smith, an old occupant, 
 became so identified with it that it finally took his 
 name. A canal was cut through the island in 1838 
 to promote the rapid transit of ferry-boats, and rail- 
 road companies now own the southern section, that 
 to the north of the canal being called at present Ridg- 
 way Park, and used as a public resort. The present 
 Treaty Island, which belongs to New Jersey and lies 
 in the bed of the Delaware opposite Kensington, was 
 patented as early as 1684 by Thomas Fairman (an 
 early Quaker, in whose house Penn spent the first 
 winter in Philadelphia), under the name of Shacka- 
 maxon Island, of which name Treaty Island is a re- 
 flection, Shackamaxon or Kensington being the place 
 where Penn's reputed treaty with the Delawares was 
 negotiated. After Fairman's death it was called 
 Petty's Island, from John Petty, the then owner. 
 
 Willow Street, as laid out at present, represents 
 part of the bed of the stream called Pegg's Run, 
 named from Daniel Pegg, who owned extensive tracts 
 of meadow, marsh, and upland in the Northern Lib- 
 erties on the Delaware border. The Indian title of 
 this stream was Cohoquinoque ; one of its branches 
 rose about the neighborhood of Fairmount Avenue 
 and Fifteenth Street, the other west of Eleventh be- 
 tween this avenue and Green Street ; at Vine Street 
 east of Tenth Street they united to flow eastward to 
 the Delaware. Much of the ground bounding on this 
 stream was marshy and alluvian, liable to be flooded 
 both by tides and freshets, and requiring dykes and 
 ditches to fit it for cultivation even as meadow. At 
 the next bend of the Delaware above the mouth of 
 Pegg's Run the river received the waters of Cohock- 
 sink Creek, a stream composed of Mill Creek (so called 
 from its being the site of the mill built by Penn, where 
 the Globe Mills were later) and the Coozaliquenague, 
 rising above Jefferson Street near Broad, where the 
 Gratz property lay. Cohocksink (Cuwenasink) is 
 supposed to mean " pine grove." About the north- 
 ern limits of Kensington another kill flowed into the 
 2 
 
 Delaware from the west, by the English called Gun- 
 ner's Run, after Gunnar Rambo, a Swede settler who 
 held adjacent lands; the Indian name was Tumanara- 
 maning; its sources were found on the west of Fair 
 Hill, near Harrowgate, where was a mineral spring, 
 and near Nicetown and the old Cedar Grove property. 
 
 At " Point-no-Point" is the mouth of Frankford 
 Creek, the product of the Wingohocking, Tacony, 
 Little Tacony, and Freaheatah Creeks. The Swedes 
 called the whole stream Tacony (Taokanink), and 
 gave the same name to all the districts north and east 
 of Wicaco, or, as some say, and the tax-lists of the 
 Dutch and Duke of York's Governors show, from 
 Carcoen's Hook to the Falls of the Delaware. The 
 source of the name is doubtful ; some take it from 
 Tekene, a Lenape word supposed to mean "inhab- 
 ited." On Lindstrom's map the Swedish and French 
 equivalents are Aleskius Kylen, " La Rivilre des An- 
 guilles kcorche.es" Skinned Eels River. The Wingo- 
 hocking ( Winge-hacking) is thought to mean " a good 
 place for planting." This stream is also called " Lo- 
 gan's Run," because it flows by Stenton, the country- 
 seat of James Logan, Penn's secretary; it rises near 
 Mount Airy, the Tacony in Montgomery County. 
 Indian dialects afford the philologists the same 
 chances to disagree which they seek in more polished 
 tongues. A small stream rising in Dublin township 
 and entering the Delaware near the United States 
 Arsenal staggers under the triplicate alias of Sissin- 
 iockisink, Wissinoming, and Little Wahauk, derived, 
 says one, from Wischanmunk, " where we were 
 scared ;" says another, from Wissachgamen, " vine- 
 yard." * 
 
 Above Frankford Creek what is called Dublin 
 Creek empties into the Delaware, a stream which is 
 the product of four small forks, and which is often 
 called by its Indian name of Pennipacka or Penni- 
 ceacka. Two miles north of this is the Poquessing, 
 the northeast boundary of Philadelphia, a stream 
 
 1 Very little dependence can be placed on the spelling or interpretation 
 of these Indian words, and particularly little upon attempts to get at the 
 meaning of Indian names of things and places by analysis and recomposi- 
 tion of their roots. Some illustration of this fact may be found in the vo- 
 cabularies collected by Maj. Ebenezer Denny, and inserted in his journal, 
 which has been lately published by the Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
 Maj. Denny collected these words in Ohio in 1785-80, while at Forts Mc- 
 intosh and Finney, from DelawareB. One givesfor " very bad" the word 
 machelmo, the other' matla-wissah ; the words are similar, but the conso- 
 nants differ. Probably Maj. Denny heard the same word each time, but the 
 pronunciation was not distinct enough to enable him to catch the proper 
 form of spelling. So, again, "woman" is in one place ochgwe, in an- 
 other avquawan; evidently the same word, with the same difficulty in 
 writing it down phonetically. " Sleep" in otie place is nepaywah, in the 
 other caaiceela : " pipe," oJiquakay and hobocaw ; the numerals are guttee, 
 or necootay ; nechshaa, or 7ier,swuy ; nochliaa, vrnethway ; nevaa, or neaway, 
 etc. When it comes to give these Indian sounds an English form and 
 interpretation after reaching us through a Swedish, Dutch, or French 
 medium, the difficulty is increased almost immeasurably, and a decent 
 skepticism is the only defense behiud which criticism can shelter itself 
 if it would avoid absurdities and escape.glaring contradictions. Itisfor 
 this reason that in this chapter Indian words and their translations are 
 treated as allegations lather than facts ; and this will continue to be done 
 throughout. 
 
10 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 coming down from Montgomery County by a circui- 
 tous cpurse, in which it receives the waters of Byberry 
 Creek and several minor brooks. The ancient spell- 
 ing of this name is Poetquessingh and Pouquessinge, 
 interpreted by Lindstrom as " Riviere de Kahamous," 
 or (as a variation) " Riviere des Dragons." 
 
 We describe an eligible farm as being well watered, 
 and having due proportions of meadow, intervale, 
 upland, and forest, with a various and undulating 
 surface, all susceptible of tillage. By well watered a 
 farmer means "water in every field." The descrip- 
 tion suits the topography of the site of Philadelphia 
 exactly. If the city as Penn found it had been di- 
 vided into twenty-five-acre lots, it would have been 
 so proportioned as to have water in every field. A 
 perfect network of small brooks and spring-heads 
 inland joined one another on their way to the main 
 trunk arteries, the Delaware and the Schuylkill. Their 
 courses were various, their volumes now small now 
 great, and the surface of the city's site was like a 
 complicated map, yet the general topography of Phil- 
 adelphia obeyed the general rule of the Atlantic 
 States, — streams flowing from northwest to southeast, 
 hills ranging from southwest to northeast. In this 
 case the Delaware from Burlington, in its changed 
 course, represented the ocean, the common receiver, 
 and the Schuylkill flowed southeast into it after tak- 
 ing up the small streams on its eastern side, which 
 were prevented by the water-shed from reaching the 
 Delaware directly. The intersection of the valleys 
 between hills by the valleys following water-courses 
 apparently cut up the surface into detached eleva- 
 tions and depressions, but there was still a regular 
 rise from tide-level at the Schuylkill delta to three 
 hundred feet in Bristol, and three hundred to four 
 hundred feet in Germantown and Boxborough, and 
 there was besides a regular "water-shade" at the 
 margin of the alluvium, beginning at Point Breeze on 
 the Schuylkill, and tending northeast to Society Hill. 
 From this point the " water-shade" ran flush with 
 the bank of the Delaware, except where the stream 
 valleys cut through it, up to near Kensington, where 
 it receded inland for some distance. The first spot in 
 the southeast where the underlying gneiss rock broke 
 through the alluvium so as to form an elevation was 
 at a point midway in Kingsessing, east of Minquas 
 Kill. Here, at a place called Blakeley, and near by 
 the old Bowling Green, was a considerable hill, a 
 spur repeated opposite on the west side of Darby 
 Creek, and again just by the mouth of the Schuylkill, 
 where the old pest-house used to be. This was 
 Peter Cock's land at one time, and his house may 
 have been here. The next elevation on Cobb's Creek 
 was a spur adjacent to the bridge at the Blue Bell 
 Tavern, called Pleasant Prospect. St. James' Church 
 was built on it. This elevation corresponded with 
 that which began on the east side of the Schuylkill 
 below Gray's Ferry. It was the beginning of the 
 " water-shade" which extended eastward to South- 
 
 wark. From Society Hill the bluffs on the Dela- 
 ware front were continuous, except where streams 
 cut through, with an elevation of fifteen to fifty feet, 
 averaging about thirty feet. A line drawn from the 
 Blue Bell Tavern bridge to Southwark would touch 
 Clover Hill, which is the beginning of continuous 
 rising ground on the Schuylkill. The Passayunk 
 road, midway between Schuylkill Lower Ferry and 
 Cedar (now South) Street, passed over another con- 
 siderable elevation. The plateau of the original 
 Philadelphia laid out by Penn was not broken much 
 except on its eastern and western sides, where it came 
 to the rivers. On the line of the Northern Liberties, 
 however, Philadelphia County showed a sort of ter- 
 race, extending from Cobb's Creek almost to the 
 Delaware, and rising into occasional domes, as at 
 Cedar Hill and Bush Hill, with corresponding eleva- 
 tions west of the Schuylkill. North of this terrace 
 another rose still higher, beginning with Green Hill 
 on Cobb's Creek (the Morris property), then, as we 
 pass eastward, George's Hill, Lansdowne, Belmont, 
 and Mount Prospect, and east of Schuylkill, Fair- 
 mount, Lemon Hill, Point Pleasant, Mount Sidney, 
 Vineyard Hill, Laurel Hill, Green Hill, and several 
 other elevations. From the spurs of Lower Merion 
 township another terrace stretched eastward, having 
 among its domes Robinson's Hill, Neptune Hill, 
 Logan's Hill, Strawberry Hill, Tacony and Forest 
 Hills, and Frankford Hill. Still another terrace rose 
 to the northward, conspicuous in which range were 
 Mount Airy, Mount Pleasant, and Chestnut Hill. 
 
 The hills and streams are included in the class of 
 natural landmarks. Roads are artificial landmarks, 
 which nearly always are found to be as old as any set- 
 tlement, and almost as enduring. A certain habit of 
 use clings to all old-established roads, making a change 
 in their bed very difficult. We have elsewhere spoken 
 to some extent of the oldest roads in Philadelphia 
 County. The first of these was the Darby road, 
 though it is possible that there was a still older road of 
 the Swedes from the Lower Schuylkill Ferry between 
 Tinnecum and Wicaco. The Darby road crossed 
 Cobb's Creek at the Swedes' mill and Blue Bell Tav- 
 ern; it ran northeast towards the Schuylkill, crossing 
 it at Gray's Ferry, but originally, it is supposed, only 
 at Middle Ferry, where High Street touched the 
 river. The old York road followed the bed of this 
 road from Upland, proceeding through Market Street 
 (High Street) in Philadelphia to Front Street, and 
 thence by the bed of the road to Bristol. Another 
 route was to go north by way of Second Street to the 
 junction of the Germautown and Frankford roads, and 
 follow the latter. Later the York road followed 
 the margin of the Delaware from Chester, crossing 
 Tinnecum, and crossing the Schuylkill by the Lower 
 Ferry, where it could either pass eastward, striking 
 the Moyamensing road to Wicaco on the Greenwich 
 and Gloucester Point road, or else follow the Passa- 
 yunk road to Dock Creek draw-bridge, and so get into 
 
TOPOGRAPHY. 
 
 11 
 
 Second or Front Street. What was called the " Fed- 
 eral road," from Gray's Ferry to Southwark (to meet 
 the Darby and Great Southern road), was not laid off 
 until 1788. The " Baltimore Post and Stage Road," 
 however, long preferred the line from Middle Ferry 
 ( Market Street bridge) to the Blue Bell Ford. At Mid- 
 dle Ferry (or Woodlands, just west of it) the Chadd's 
 Ford road began, running southwest, crossing Cobb's 
 Creek where the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Balti- 
 more Railroad now crosses it, and thence to Kellysville. 
 This road, now Baltimore Avenue in Philadelphia, 
 became Delaware County turnpike after crossing the 
 county line. The Westchester road ran due west 
 from Middle Ferry, on the line of the present West- 
 chester Railroad. The road to Lancaster ran north- 
 west from the same ferry, crossing Cobb's Creek at 
 West Haverford. The Haverford road ran about 
 midway between the Lancaster and the Westchester 
 roads, passing through Haddington. The Manataway 
 Ridge road, running from the corner of Vine and 
 Ninth Streets, in Philadelphia, to Norristown, in 
 Montgomery County, had its counterpart in the 
 Reading road, which started from the Lancaster road 
 and followed the west bank of the Schuylkill into 
 Montgomery County. From Vine Street and Schuyl- 
 kill First Street a road proceeded to Fairmount; then 
 forked, one branch leading to Laurel Hill, the other 
 rounding Lemon Hill and cutting the Ridge road at 
 Turner's lane, which, in turn, extended to the Ger- 
 mantown road north of Fair Hill. There were sev- 
 eral minor roads, all now streets, between the German- 
 town and Ridge roads north of Turner's lane, and 
 between that and the county bounds. The German- 
 town road passed from the end of North Second Street 
 through the Northern Liberties to Fair Hill, nearly 
 due north. Just beyond this elevation the Township 
 Line road left the Ridge road at the old Botanic Gar- 
 den, and went northwest in a straight line, dividing 
 Roxborough township from Germantown. This road 
 crossed the Wissahiccon at Dewees' mill and went to 
 Perkiomen Town. Another" Township Line road 
 crossed the Germantown road at Logan's Hill, and 
 the Wissahiccon at Weiss' mill, going thence to the 
 Lutheran Church at Barren Hill, where it intersected 
 the Ridge road. At Naglee's Hill the Germantown 
 road parted with Fisher's lane, running northeast 
 across the Old York road. At the market-house in 
 Germantown Indian Queen lane led off southwest ; 
 parallel to it, a little more north, was School-house 
 lane, opposite which Church lane branched off north- 
 eastward to Lukens' mill, where it struck the Lime- 
 kiln road running north. Farther up Germantown 
 road, at Green Tree Tavern, was Meeting-House lane 
 running east, and Rittenhouse Mill lane running west; 
 the road to Abington crossed at Chew's house ; Trul- 
 linger's lane and Gorgus' lane at Beggarstown ; Mil- 
 ler's lane went east from Mount Airy; Allen's lane 
 west from the same point; Mermaid lane east and 
 Kerper's and Weiss' Mill lanes west from Chestnut 
 
 Hill. At this point the Germantown road forked, one 
 branch going towards Reading, the other towards 
 Bethlehem. Mermaid lane going northeast inter- 
 sected the Limekiln road, and the two became the 
 road to Skippack, a more easterly branch running 
 towards Bethlehem. The old York road (one branch 
 of it) followed the Germantown road to Sunville, and 
 thence went north by Miles Town through Bristol 
 township. The Frankford road ran eastward from 
 Front Street, passing farther east by Harrowgate and 
 Holmesburg. It had many branches and feeders 
 leading to various points in Bucks and Montgomery 
 Counties. 
 
 The sites of forts afford another means for clearing 
 up the topography of any locality. They are ordi- 
 narily put in commanding places, where lines of travel 
 or a wide sweep of country may be kept under con- 
 trol of their guns. The Dutch, the Swedes, the Eng- 
 lish, and our own countrymen have all erected forts 
 at different epochs within the present limits of Phila- 
 delphia. The history of these forts belongs to subse- 
 quent chapters, as part of the regular account of 
 events to be narrated. Their sites, however, are part 
 of the topographical history of the city. The earliest 
 of these structures was Fort Beversrede, erected by 
 the Dutch, and, it is affirmed, before the Swedes es- 
 tablished themselves upon the river. It was built 
 where it would be convenient for the beaver trade 
 with the Indians, and it must have served that pur- 
 pose, for we find that the Swedish Governor Printz 
 went the length of building a trading-house directly 
 in front of it, not a biscuit-toss away, in order to de- 
 stroy its utility. Fort Beversrede stood on the east 
 bank of the Schuylkill, in the district of Passayunk, 
 opposite the debouch of Minquas Kill, where the 
 river-bank begins to rise, beyond the Penrose Ferry 
 bridge. The Susquehanna Indians appear to have 
 used Minquas Kill to come out from their hunting- 
 grounds, and a trading-post at that point would 
 naturally attract them. The Delawares and Iroquois 
 also came down the Schuylkill in their canoes, 
 making a portage at the Falls. The second Swedish 
 fort was built at Nya Gotheborg, or New Gottenburg, 
 on that outcrop of gneiss rock which gave a patch of 
 dry land to Tinnecum Island. The Swedes imitated 
 the Dutch in building a fort in Passayunk, on the 
 property given by Queen Christina to Lieut. Sven 
 Schute. It was on the east side of the Schuylkill 
 above Beversrede, and probably on the rising ground 
 at Point Breeze. Myunk, another Swedish stockade 
 on the Schuylkill, "on Manayunk Island," probably 
 near thejunction with the Delaware. Fort Gripsholm 
 was built by Governor Printz on an island in the 
 Schuylkill, "within gunshot of its mouth." Its site 
 is disputed, but Mr. Westcott conjectures that from 
 the Dutch descriptions of it by Andrew Hudde it 
 was most probably built at the mouth of Minquas 
 Kill, on the west bank of the Schuylkill, on Province 
 Island. The block-house at Wicaco, which was con- 
 
12 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 verted into a church in 1677, stood on the site of the 
 venerable- church Gloria Dei of the Swedes, and was 
 convenient to the settlers of that race in the district 
 of Passayunk and Moyamensing. This spot was the 
 first rising ground on the Delaware above the mouth 
 of the Schuylkill, and as such was a favorite point of 
 defense against foes expected to come up the river. 
 As such it was used in 1747 when the " Association 
 Battery," the first fortification of the Quaker City, 
 was erected by a committee at the time of the 
 renewal of hostilities between France and Great 
 Britain. The Friends would not build forts, but the 
 Penn family promised the artillery if the citizens 
 would erect the breastworks, and the Association 
 Battery was built with this understanding by " the 
 Association for General Defense," part of the funds 
 for it being raised by a lottery. About the same time 
 and by the same devices another battery was erected 
 upon Society Hill, on the bluff between Lombard and 
 Cedar Streets. During the Revolution a fort was 
 erected on Mud Island, in the Delaware, off the shore 
 of Kingsessing and between Hog Island and Province 
 Island. This fort was begun in 1773 by the Province 
 of Pennsylvania. It was a position commanding the 
 channel of the river and the chevaux-de-frise between 
 it and Red Bank. Subsequently to the Revolution it 
 was called Fort Mifflin, after Pennsylvania'^ general 
 and Governor, Thomas Mifflin. At the capture of 
 Philadelphia by the British the fort was gallantly de- 
 fended by Col. Samuel Smith, of Maryland, holding 
 out against an overwhelming force of British until 
 nine-tenths of its garrison was hors du combat. In 
 1776, Gen. Israel Putnam was deputed by Congress to 
 provide for the safety of Philadelphia and look after 
 its fortifications. The object sought was defense on 
 the land as well as the seaward side. Putnam made 
 his surveys and began his intrenchments, of which 
 next year the British showed their approval by adopt- 
 ing and completing them. K battery was thrown up 
 on Darby Creek or Tinnecum Island, below Mud 
 Fort. The British entered the city in 1777 and com- 
 menced fortifying it, after they had reduced Mud 
 Fort and Red Bank. A battery was erected near Reed 
 and Swanson Streets, the Association Battery at Wicaco 
 was renovated and armed, and a third battery put up 
 near Swanson and Christian Streets, on the other side 
 of Wicaco. A fourth battery was erected on a wharf 
 at Kensington, above the mouth of the Cohocksink. 
 On the land side Putnam's unfinished lines were fol- 
 lowed up with a series of redoubts and intrenchments, 
 protected by outworks and abattis. The first of these 
 was on the bank of the Cohocksink, east of Front 
 Street and above the Frankford road, a square redoubt, 
 commanding the approach to the Northern Liberties 
 by three important roads. It was flanked with abattis 
 and redans. The next redoubt was west of the Ger- 
 mantown road, north of Poplar Street; the third was 
 on the same line, west of Third Street, and the fourth 
 northwest of that, with a redan to supjjort its flanks. 
 
 The fifth battery and redoubt was at the corner of the 
 present Poplar and Sixth Streets ; the sixth, east of 
 the Ridge road near Fairmount Avenue ; the seventh, 
 near Fairmount Avenue on Bush Hill. An advance 
 battery on the Ridge road covered the approach to this 
 redoubt. Number eight was near the intersection of 
 Twentieth Street with Fairmount Avenue ; ninth, near 
 Lemon Hill ; tenth, on the northwest slope of Fair- 
 mount Hill. This commanding point had also small 
 batteries on its west and northeast slopes. There 
 were rifle-pits in advance of the redoubts on all the 
 main roads, and a lunette was thrown up on the Ridge 
 road below the present site of Girard College. This 
 line, it will be noted, was the line also of fine resi- 
 dences and country-seats. It commanded generally 
 what would have been the south bank of the Schuyl- 
 kill, provided that river ever actually crossed to the 
 Delaware from above Fairmount to Kensington. 
 Two or three fascined redoubts were built on the hills 
 on both sides of the Schuylkill commanding the Lower 
 and Middle Ferries. In the time of the late civil war, 
 when it was feared Philadelphia would not be safe 
 from Confederate raids, this important spot was once 
 more fortified. In 1812 forts were erected on the east 
 side of Gray's Ferry, commanding that road of ap- 
 proach, and on the same elevation west of the 
 Schuylkill, opposite Hamilton's Grove. 
 
 A good deal has been said in regard to the early 
 occupants of land along the Schuylkill and Delaware 
 on the site of Philadelphia, and much more will be 
 found on this subject in connection with the narra- 
 tive as it progresses. It is necessary to the full com- 
 prehension of a city's topography, and it is also an 
 integral part of that city's history, to trace the lines 
 on which population spread from point to point until 
 the wilderness became thickly settled. It is not need- 
 ful, however, to give the names and the lots taken by 
 all the first settlers of Penn's newly laid off city, since 
 one lot is but the pattern of all the others, and the 
 history of one is the history of all. That history will 
 be found to be fully treated. But with regard to 
 land outside the city the case was different. Here 
 men had a choice, and the eligibility of this or that 
 locality is illustrated by the promptness of its occu- 
 pancy as compared with the taking up of others. 
 Fortunately there are extant maps which enable us 
 to give the ownership of tracts in Philadelphia at 
 several intervals with very satisfactory exactness. 
 The first and most important of these maps is that of 
 Thomas Holme, Penn's first surveyor-general, who 
 began in 1681 " A Map of the Improved Parts of the 
 Province of Pennsylvania." It is remarkably clear 
 and accurate for the first survey of a wooded wilder- 
 ness, is well engraved, and a handsome facsimile of 
 it has recently been republished. Beginning, as we 
 did when tracing the streams, at the south corner, we 
 find the line of swamp northeast of Bow Creek very 
 clearly marked and colored in green. Peter Ellet, 
 who held the point of land where Cobb's and Darby 
 
TOPOGRAPHY. 
 
 13 
 
 Creeks unite, held also the point on the east side of 
 Cohb's Creek, and a piece of dry land in the swamp 
 to the east, which he had to reach by a bridge or 
 causeway. There are three other dry spots in these 
 swamps, occupied by Andrew Boo>n, Ernest Cock, 
 and Peter Cock. These were old Swedish titles, con- 
 firmed by patents from Upland Court under the Duke 
 of York's laws. No other land is marked as being 
 held southwest of Schuylkill and east of Minquas 
 Kill. Northwest of this kill and of Peter Ellet's land 
 is the tract of Otto Ernest Cock, running up to the 
 Swedes' Mill tract. On the east of these are the lands 
 of Oelle Dalbo, 1. Hunt, Enochson and Jonas Neil- 
 son, and then come the farms of Widow Justice, An- 
 dreis Justeison, Andrew Peterson, and Robert Long- 
 shore. A large tract northwest of these is assigned 
 to Peter Joccum, Thomas Pascall, Wm. Clayton, 
 Neil Jonson, Mouns (Moens) Jonson, and Lawrence 
 Hedding. Northwest of these again are "The Lib- 
 erty Lands of Philadelphia City," a broad, long belt, 
 crossing the Schuylkill above the city, extending to 
 Frankford Creek and the Wingohocking in one direc- 
 tion, and descending to the Delaware between Pegg's 
 Run and Vine Street. This tract included Spring- 
 ettsbury Manor, Fairmount, and in fact the entire 
 townships of Blockley, Penn, and Northern Liberties, 
 except a part of the latter on the Delaware front. 
 On the east side of Schuylkill, northwest of this tract, 
 are lands which belonged to Robert Turner, Richard 
 and Robert Vicaris, and the "German Township 
 Company," their tract being bounded north and 
 northwest and northeast by " Gulielma Maria" and 
 " Penu's Manor of Springfield." Roxborough is as- 
 signed respectively to Phil. Tathman, Francis Fin- 
 cher, James Claypoole, Samuel Bennett, Charles 
 Hartford, Richard Snee, Charles Jones, Jonas Smith, 
 Jasper Farmer, and the Plymouth Company, whose 
 tract extends into Montgomery County. When we 
 return to the Delaware we find the farms on that 
 stream from the Liberties up marked down to An- 
 drew Sahmg, Michael Neelson, Thomas Fairman, 
 Samuel Carpenter, John Bowyer, Robert Turner, 
 Gunnar Rambo and Peter Nelson, Mouns Cock, 
 George Foreman, Wm. Salway, and Eric Cock. 
 Northeast of Frankford Creek is Toaconing (Tacony) 
 township, bounded by the Little Tacony and the Del- 
 aware. Between the Little and Great Tacony were 
 holdings of Thomas Fairman, Henry Waddy, Robert 
 Adams, John Harper, John Hughes, John Bunto, 
 Henry Waddy again, Benjamin East, etc. In Bris- 
 tol, between the Tacony and Wingohocking, the 
 holders were John Moon, Griffith Jones, Thomas 
 Bowman, Barnabas Wilcox, John Goodson, Richard 
 Townshend, John Barnes, Samuel Carpenter, John 
 Songhurst, and Benjamin Whitehead. From Tao- 
 coning township to Dublin or Pennepack Creek on 
 the Delaware were Enoch & Keene, George Hutch- 
 inson, Charles Claus, Neels Nelson, Peter Rambo, 
 Erick Meels, Antony Salter, Elenor Holme, Ha. 
 
 Salter, Charles Thomas, Thomas Sare. West of 
 these were John Ducket, John James, Kat. Martin, 
 Joseph Ashtot, John Simmer, Richard Worrul, 
 Thomas Levesly, Robert Fairman, Walter King, 
 Richard Dungworth, William Chamberlin, and Jo- 
 seph Phipps. Coming down on the northeast side 
 of Dublin Creek, and south of Moreland Manor, we 
 find Daniel Heaphy, William Stanley, Silas Crispin, 
 John Mason, Allen Foster, Jam. Atkinson, Joseph 
 Fisher, Robert Turner, Samuel Claridg, Thomas 
 Holme, Peter Rambo, Jr., Lase Bore, and Benj. 
 Acrod. This brings us to the Poquessing. The 
 original occupants of Byberry were Robert Fairman, 
 Thomas Young, John Carver, Edward Godwin, 
 Nicholas Rideout, Giles Knight, John Tibby, Thomas 
 Cross, Samuel Ellis. Daniel Jones, Andrew Gris- 
 comb, George John, and Collis Hart. 
 
 The names upon Holme's map, however, do not 
 always include a case of actual occupancy. Many 
 allotments were never taken up at all by the parties 
 who subscribed for land; many never immigrated; 
 many let their subscriptions lapse without payment, 
 and the assignments in numerous cases were altered 
 or modified by the Proprietary Government. This 
 is shown, for example, in Reed's map, reproduced in 
 facsimile in 1846. On this map the Northern and 
 Western Liberties are no longer unoccupied, and it 
 is evident that many landholders under Swedish, 
 Dutch, and English grants, ignored by Holme, have 
 had their claims and locations recognized. Peter 
 Cock, for instance, had a two-hundred-acre tract of 
 this description in Blockley west of Mill Creek; 
 William Warner and son three large tracts north- 
 west of this, stretching from Schuylkill half-way to 
 Cobb's Creek on the line of the Haverford road. 
 Jurian Hartfelder's patent for four hundred and 
 fifty-seven acres at what was afterwards Camping- 
 ton, southwest of Cohocksink Creek, is now mapped. 
 The Swansons, who owned Coaquinnoc as well as land 
 at Wicaco, having given up the former, are assigned 
 in recompense a large tract, twelve hundred and 
 twenty acres in all, west of Springettsbury, and lying 
 between that and the Welsh purchase of Griffith 
 Jones and John Roberts. This Swanson tract was on 
 both sides the Schuylkill from the Falls to Fairmount. 
 Northwest of it and between it and the purchases 
 of Pastorius for the Frankford (German town) Com- 
 pany were numerous small farms averaging not over 
 fifty acres, of which one is put down to Penn's Dep- 
 uty Governor, William Markham, and one to Dennis 
 Rockford. Actual settlers and " Welcome" passengers 
 or immigrants of 1682-83 are found among these land- 
 holders' names in goodly numbers. Shakhamaxunk 
 (Shackamaxon, Kensington) lands appear in a large 
 tract without names, while Kensington proper ap- 
 pears to be laid off into town lots ; but northwest of 
 these many names familiar in the first years of Penn's 
 proprietorship are found, and they do not agree in 
 many instances with names attached to the same 
 
14 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 localities in Holme's map. Among these names are 
 those of Holme himself, Nicholas Moore, Thomas 
 Lloyd, John Goodson, James Claypoole, James Har- 
 rison, Christopher Taylor, Robert Turner, Joseph 
 Fisher, Isaac Norris, Joseph Growden, Society of 
 Free Traders, John Mifflin, Samuel Carpenter, John 
 Songhurst, Enoch Flower, John Barber, Thomas 
 Bowman, Robert Greenway, Silas Crispin, Nicholas 
 Wain, Thomas Pudyard, etc., all names recorded 
 among those of the first Quaker settlements and 
 names of persons prominent in the history of Phila- 
 delphia and the province. 
 
 The quaint-looking map of Nicholas Scull and I. 
 Heap is dated 1750. It is small and not very precise, 
 yet it conveys a good deal of topographical informa- 
 tion. On this map Bow Creek is distinctly marked 
 and named, but it opens on the Delaware at Mud 
 Island; Minquas Kill is called Kingsesse Creek, Boon's 
 Island retains its name, but Simcock now owns Peter 
 Ellett's land, and the names of Boon and Cock are no 
 longer found on these swampy lands. The middle of 
 the three islands that now appear east of Mingo 
 Creek is called Carpenter's; the one at the mouth 
 of Schuylkill, Province Island. Joccum holds his 
 own southeast of the Darby road, and the lands west 
 of Penrose Ferry belong to Bonsai and Jones Hunt. 
 On the east side of Schuylkill at this point, going 
 northwest, the names are Hannis, Penrose, Cox, Lord, 
 Morris, Cadwallader, Rambo, and then we come to 
 Gray and Gray's Ferry. Besides these there are not 
 many names in all of the Southwark, Moyamensing, 
 and Passayunk peninsula ; Cox, Brockden, Morris, 
 AVharton (Wharton's lane named for him), Duche, 
 Pemberton, Lorenz, Turner, Davey, Sims, Griffin, 
 Powell, Lawrence, Crouse, and Poll are all of them. 
 Northwest of the Darby road, on Cobb's Creek, the 
 names are found of Rambo, Stilly (Stille), Whitman, 
 showing that the Swedes still held their own here. On 
 the Darby road, between Blue Bell Tavern and Gray's 
 Ferry, were Gibson, Bartram, Hanby, White, Jones, 
 Coffman (Kaufman), Richard, Lois, and George. 
 The Warners still held on the Schuylkill west from 
 Fairmount; Scull kept the Upper Ferry, Springett- 
 bury became a small, insignificant tract, Bush Hill 
 belongs to Plumsted, Swansons still hold (under the 
 name of Shute) their tract east of Schuylkill, and 
 Mifflin, Harrison, etc., remain where they originally 
 planted. The house of Isaac Norris at Fair Hill is 
 given with a cupola on it. There is another on James 
 Logan's mansion at Stenton. The families of Wain, 
 Greenway, More, Ashmead, Whitman Griffith, ap- 
 pear still on original sites in the northeast, yet after all 
 there has been a woful thinning out of " first pur- 
 chasers." Scull and Heap got out a new edition of 
 their map in 1777. It is interesting as showing ame- 
 liorations in the face of the country; the names of 
 land-owners have not changed radically in the inter- 
 val of twenty-seven years. The arrangement of the 
 water-courses in the Moyamensing and Passayunk neck 
 
 differs from that on previous maps. The stream 
 which bounds Greenwich Island northeast is called 
 Hay Creek on the Delaware side, Hollandaer Creek at 
 the west end. Three Creek enters it from the south- 
 east ; from the northeast, Hel 1 Creek, Dam Creek, Shak- 
 hausin Creek, and Ship Brook. From the point where 
 Hollandaer's Creek empties into Schuylkill around to 
 Penrose Ferry there are eight small creeks given in 
 this map : Rivers, Tiney (Pinneyo), Rogue, Sipehon, 
 Little, Matts-Hay, Speak's, and Jones'. Moyamensing 
 and Passayunk townships show less marsh and flooded 
 lands ; Hog, League, and Windmill Islands are clearly 
 defined ; the "Shakhamaxunk" reservation has disap- 
 peared ; the line of built-up streets in Philadelphia 
 extends to beyond Broad Street, and the roads are 
 plainly marked on lines which are still followed by 
 the main thoroughfares. In 1762 another map of 
 Scull's was published, giving the Delaware River front 
 at that day. Windmill Island then lay in the channel 
 between Pine and Christian Streets, the mill on the 
 extreme north end. There was a fort just south of 
 Wicaco lane, closing Swanson Street in that direction. 
 Coates' wharf was midway between Wicaco lane and 
 Christian Street, Dennis' factory, the Swedes' Church, 
 Gloria Dei, Wharton's, immediately above Christian 
 Street. The Dock at that time extended from Third 
 Street, half-way between Chestnut and Walnut 
 Streets, diagonally to a point just east of the foot 
 of Spruce Street. Reynolds and Penrose were wharf- 
 owners foot of Queen Street ; Trotter, foot of Cath- 
 arine Street; Niemans, Lewis, Allen, and Penrose, 
 to beyond Almond Street ; Moes, Hockley, Mifflin, 
 Church, Morton, Moore, and Willing, to Lombard 
 Street; Eagan & Nixon,'' Rhoads & Emlin, Plum- 
 stead, Sims, May & Allen, Powel, and Stamper, as 
 far as Dock Creek. On the east side of the Dock 
 the wharf belonged to "The Corporation;" then came 
 Hamilton, Penrose, Dickinson, Fishbourne & Mere- 
 dith, Carpenter, Flower, Morris, King, Pemberton, 
 and then the " Crooked Billet" public landing, foot 
 of Chestnut Street. Old Ferry Slip aud Austin's 
 Ferry were at the foot of Arch Street. From Chest- 
 nut Street to Callowhill Street the names of wharf- 
 holders were Sims, Lawrence, Allen, Henry, Masters, 
 Hoop, Potts, Bickley, Aspend & House, Clifford, Rawle 
 & Peel, Warner, Okill, Wilkinson, Hoops, Shoe- 
 maker, James, Hodges, Hasell, Parrock, Goodman, 
 Mifflin, West, Hewling, Salter, Allen, Clifton, Moyer, 
 and Huston. 
 
 Hill's maps of 1796 (the circular map) and 1808 
 are almost purely topographical, and their leading 
 features have been embodied in the foregoing pages. 
 The Swedes' Church at Wicaco appears on the edge 
 of the river bluff; the bed of Church Street, in the 
 rear, runs through a deep ravine, widening at Whar- 
 ton Street. There is a pond by the Passayunk road, 
 south of Prime Street, and several of them south of 
 Cedar Street between Shippen's and Irish lane. The 
 changes in the chaunel, some land emerging, some 
 
TOPOGRAPHY. 
 
 15 
 
 sinking, and the peculiar way in which the ranges of 
 hills are divided into knobs and domes by the trans- 
 verse ravines along the course of the streams, are 
 curiously illustrated upon these maps. No Phila- 
 delphian would be able to recognize the contour of 
 his city if the streets, roads, and houses should be 
 removed from this checker-board scheme of knolls 
 and ravines, with a stream at the bottom of every 
 hollow. The idea that Philadelphia is a flat and 
 level city disappears in the presence of so much evi- 
 dence of variety of grade. It may be added, in con- 
 clusion, that both the surface contour and the subsoil 
 of Philadelphia are favorable to good drainage; none 
 of the rock-masses are so continuous nor are the 
 underlying clays so tenacious as to prevent water 
 from sinking through them. 
 
 To complete the chronographic history of Phila- 
 delphia it is proper to add something concerning the 
 city's political and quasi-political divisions. The city, 
 laid off in 1781-83, was part of Philadelphia County, 
 which, having about its present northern and south- 
 ern boundaries, with the Delaware on the east, ex- 
 tended westward indefinitely towards the State line. 
 From time to time other counties were cut out of it 
 until the present western boundary was practically 
 established by the erection of Montgomery County 
 in 1784. In 1701 (October 25th), Philadelphia was 
 chartered by William Penn as a sort of borough city, 
 with a government of its own, separate from that of 
 the State and county. This charter, which is said to 
 have been modeled upon that of the old city of Bris- 
 tol, England, bestowed only a very limited sort of 
 municipal authority upon the mayor and corporation 
 of the town. It was, however, divided into wards as 
 the population increased, though the adjoining dis- 
 tricts, boroughs, and townships of this county were 
 not incorporated with the city until its final consoli- 
 dation in 1854. The previous act of incorporation of 
 the old city was passed March 11, 1809, but the charter 
 of 1701 had been materially modified several times in 
 this interval. In 1749, when Dr. Franklin, Joseph 
 Shippen, Chief Justice Allen, and others took the 
 census of the city, it comprised ten wards, named 
 Mulberry, Dock, Lower Delaware, Upper Delaware, 
 South, North, Middle, and the wards between, and 
 named for High (or Market) Street, Chestnut Street, 
 and Walnut Street, inclusive, with Fourth Street on 
 the west. The number of squares in the original city 
 was one hundred and eighty-four. In 1800, when the 
 number of squares had increased to two hundred and 
 fifty-two, the ward division was improved and the 
 number increased to fourteen, seven commencing at 
 the Delaware and ending at Fourth Street, and seven 
 extending from Fourth Street to the Schuylkill. This 
 shows that half the population of the city at that 
 time was east of Fourth Street, south of Vine Street, 
 and north of South Street. These wards were thus 
 laid off— Delaware side : New Market Ward, South 
 to Spruce Street ; Dock Ward, Spruce to Walnut 
 
 Street; Walnut Ward, Walnut to Chestnut Street; 
 Chestnut Ward, Chestnut to Market Street; High 
 Street Ward, Market to Arch Street ; Lower Delaware 
 Ward, Arch to Sassafras Street; Upper Delaware 
 Ward, Sassafras to Vine Street. Schuylkill side: 
 Cedar Ward, South to Spruce Street (west of Fourth 
 Street) ; Locust Ward, Spruce to Walnut Street ; 
 South Ward, Walnut to Chestnut Street; Middle 
 Ward, Chestnut to Market Street ; North Ward, Mar- 
 ket to Arch Street ; South Mulberry Ward, Arch to 
 Race Street; North Mulberry Ward, Race to Vine 
 Street. 
 
 Philadelphia now comprises thirty-one wards a 
 less number, in proportion to the increase of area 
 and population, than it had in 1800. The First Ward 
 of the city begins at the mouth of the Schuylkill, 
 extending north to Wharton Street, and west to 
 Broad Street, as far as its intersection with McKean 
 Street, from which point the line runs northeast 
 along the Passayunk road. This ward includes part 
 of Southwark, incorporated in 1762, 1787, and 1790, 
 and the oldest district of Philadelphia County. 
 Parts of the Swedish settlements of Wicaco and Moya- 
 mensing are within its limits, and it includes also 
 Greenwich Island, the formerly named town of " Bain- 
 bridge," on South Second Street, with League Island, 
 Girard Point, Martinsville, etc. Adjoining the First 
 Ward on the left, and bounded by the Schuylkill 
 River, Peltz Street, Sutherland Avenue, Ellsworth, 
 Nineteenth, Washington, and Ninth Streets, the Passa- 
 yunk road, McKean, and Broad Streets, the Twenty- 
 sixth Ward is found. It includes much of what was 
 once Moyamensing and all of Passayunk ; it lies 
 " down the Neck," and includes what was once nearly 
 all marsh, with, however, solid ground at Point Breeze 
 and Gray's Ferry. Moyamensing, originally a farm 
 tract deeded to Stille, Andries, Bankson, and Mattson, 
 Swedes, in 1664 and 1684, later became a township. 
 When it was incorporated, in 1812, it had an area of 
 two thousand five hundred and sixty acres. Passa- 
 yunk (called by Lindstrom, Paisajungh, and variously 
 named in former times Passuming, Perslayonk, Pas- 
 sayon, etc.) is said to have been the site of an Indian 
 village, and to mean " a level place." The first survey 
 of it included a tract of one thousand acres, granted to 
 Lieut. Swen Shute in 1653. It was afterwards deeded 
 by Governor Nichols to the brothers Ashman, etc. The 
 township at one time had five thousand one hundred 
 and ten acres. The Twenty-sixth Ward contains two 
 cemeteries, and the City Prison and the Point Breeze 
 Gas- Works, Gray's Ferry and Penrose Ferry. Oppo- 
 site the Twenty-sixth Ward, on the other side of the 
 Schuylkill, is found the Twenty-seventh Ward, taking 
 in all the southwestern part of the city, between Bow 
 and Cobb's Creeks and the Schuylkill to Market Street 
 in West Philadelphia. Suffolk Park, the Almshouse 
 property, and Woodlands Cemetery are within its ex- 
 tensive limits. It contained Kingsessing and part of 
 Blockley townships, the Darby and Baltimore roads, 
 
16 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 the ancient village of Kingsessing (the oldest settle- 
 ment in Philadelphia County), and the towns of May- 
 landville, West Philadelphia, Hamilton, Nya Vasa, 
 Arunnamink, and other ancient and modern settle- 
 ments. North of the Twenty-seventh Ward, still on 
 the west side of the Schuylkill, and bounded by the 
 city limits from Cobb's Creek to the corner opposite 
 the mouth of the Wissahiccon, is the Twenty-fourth 
 Ward, which included the rest of Blockley, West 
 Philadelphia, Mantua, Hestonville, Haddington, etc., 
 with the grounds of the insane asylum and the 
 greater part of Fairmount Park, with all its historic 
 sites. Originally it was part of the Western Liber- 
 ties, and it contained the district of Belmont also, 
 which took its name from the country-seat of the 
 Peters family, so distinguished in the Eevolutionary 
 and subsequent periods of the history of Philadel- 
 phia. Blockley was one of the oldest townships of 
 the county, and contained originally seven thousand 
 five hundred and eighty acres. 
 
 Returning to the Delaware side we find the Second 
 AVard small and compact in comparison with those 
 just mentioned, lying north of the First, from Whar- 
 ton to Christian Streets, from the Delaware to Ninth, 
 to Washington, to Broad, to Christian Street. This 
 was Wicaco proper, and the old United States Navy- 
 Yard, now occupied by the American Steamship Com- 
 pany, was within its limits. The Third Ward, having 
 the same boundaries east and west as the Second 
 (Broad Street and the Delaware), lies north of it, fol- 
 lowing German Street west to Passayunk road to Fitz- 
 water Street, thence to Broad Street. The Fourth 
 Ward is north of the Third, within the same limits 
 east and west, running up to South Street, west to 
 Broad Street. These three wards include all the re- 
 maining part of Southwark to the old city limits. 
 West of them, from Broad Street to the Schuylkill, lies 
 the Thirtieth AVard, between South, Ellsworth, Nine- 
 teenth, and AVashington Streets. The United States 
 Arsenal and Naval Asylum are in this ward, and a 
 part of it was called Irish Town. The Fifth AVard 
 lies between Seventh Street and the Delaware, South 
 Street on the south and Chestnut north. It abounds 
 in the historic monuments of Philadelphia, for here 
 the town began, here Penn first landed, and here the 
 Declaration of 1776 was adopted and signed. Wind- 
 mill Island and Smith's Island, in the Delaware, be- 
 long to the Fifth AVard. 1 
 
 1 "Windmill and Smith's Islands properly belong to New Jersey, as the 
 original deeds from Charles II. to James. Duke of York, and from James 
 to Berkeley and Carteret, Byllinge, Penn, Lawrie, etc., include all the 
 islands, etc., to the east side of Delaware Bay aud River. When the 
 States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey settled the question of jurisdic- 
 tion, however, after the Revolution, Treaty Island went to New Jersey, 
 but Windmill Island was assigned to Pennsylvania. In a deed dated 
 March, .1779, the surveyor describes the island as '• all that island and 
 sand-bar situate in the fiver Delaware opposite to Philadelphia, begin- 
 ning at a stake, for a station, standing on tho sand-bar, from whence Wil- 
 liam Brown's old windmill Btood," containing one hundred and sixty 
 acreB besides highway allowance. Byllinge aud his co-trustees conveyed 
 tho island to William Roydon aud Messrs. Ogle & Lax, tenants in coln- 
 
 The Sixth Ward lies north of the Fifth, with 
 Seventh Street for its western limit and Vine Street 
 on the north. West of Seventh Street, extending to 
 the Schuylkill, are the Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, and 
 Tenth AVards, Spruce Street marking north limit of 
 the Seventh, its southern limit South Street; Chest- 
 nut is north of the Eighth ; Arch Street of the Ninth ; 
 and Vine Street of the Tenth. Old Philadelphia, 
 therefore, is entirely included in AVards Five to Ten, 
 inclusive, except a slice eight squares long and one 
 square deep, which belongs to the Fourth Ward. 
 
 The Eleventh AA 7 ard extends up the Delaware from 
 Vine Street to Poplar, with Third Street on the west ; 
 on the left of Third Street, as far as Sixth Street, from 
 Vine to Poplar Street, is the Twelfth Ward ; west of 
 that the Thirteenth AA^ard extends to Tenth Street ; 
 the Fourteenth, to Broad Street ; and the Fifteenth, 
 to the Schuylkill, all three with Vine and Poplar 
 Streets on north and south. These wards were in what 
 was the Northern Liberties. The land was part of Ju- 
 rian Hartfelder's original purchase (called Hartsfield) 
 on the east and part of Springettsbury Manor on the 
 west, including Fairmount and Lemon Hill. Poplar 
 Street occupies the bed of Cohocksink Creek ; AAlllow 
 Street that of Pegg's Bun. Spring Garden township 
 was in this parallelogram. It contains the Eastern 
 Penitentiary, the Fairmount AA 7 ater-AA T orks, and the 
 Ridge road cuts it diagonally. Penn district and 
 Penn township were also in this group of wards. In 
 this group also were to be found the old towns or vil- 
 lages of Chingihameng (laid down on Lindstrom's 
 map), Callowhill Town, between Vine Street and Wil- 
 low, on the old York road, Campington, or Camp 
 Town, where the British barracks stood in Braddock's 
 day, Bath Town, Morrisville, New Philadelphia, and 
 New Rotterdam, and Fairmount Park extends along 
 its western bounds. The Sixteenth A\ T ard, shaped 
 like an axe with a nick in its blade, resembles a sec- 
 tion of crooked Boston crowded within the limits of 
 rectangular Philadelphia. North of Poplar Street, it 
 has the Delaware and the lower end of the Frankford 
 road on the east, Girard Avenue north, and Sixth 
 Street on the west. This was part of Pegg's farm. 
 Point Pleasant village was in this ward. The Seven- 
 
 mon, in 1676. It was surveyed to Royden, devised by him to a brother, 
 and the seventh Royden in succession gave a power of attorney to John 
 Lee to buy and sell his real estate, etc. This was i n 1777. Lee had tho 
 island resurveyed, acquired all Royden's estate in it and five-tenths of 
 another titlo to it undcranothorwarrant from West Xew Jersey to Ilew- 
 lings. Lee conveyed to Richard Wells, Richard to Gideon Wells, who 
 became bankrupt. His assignees sold the premises to James Stokes (five- 
 tenths), Miers Fisher (three- tenths'), Daniel Oflley (one-tenth), and Daniel 
 Smith (one-tenth). In 1S17, Stokes el al. leased Windmill Island (" lat- 
 terly called tho Sand-bar") to John Smith for ten years, with the privi- 
 lege of buying at any time upon three months' notice in writing to 
 Stokes, etc. Edward Sharp, between 1S17 and 1S2I1, bought out Stokes 
 d «!., and sold in ISiO to Thornpsofraiid Woodruff. In 1S27, within tho 
 ten years, Smith gave notice to Stokes of his intention to buy, tendered 
 the money and asked a deed, and the same year Smith bought of Thomp- 
 son all theproperty except one-twenty- fifth share. Smithdied intestate, 
 and his heirs (1S40-46) conveyed the property to Thomas Q. and Robert 
 W. Smith. 
 
GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 
 
 17 
 
 teenth lay just north of it, between Girard Avenue 
 and Oxford Street, and Sixth and the Frankford road. 
 The Eighteenth Ward is Kensington, with the Frank- 
 ford road on the west, the Delaware on the east, and 
 Norris Street on the north. It is cut into as if with 
 a wedge by the Thirty-first Ward, which cleaves it to 
 the intersection of Norris Street with the canal ; what 
 remains of the Eighteenth follows the Delaware to 
 Lehigh Avenue, lying south of that and east of the 
 canal. The southern part of the ward comes to a 
 point at the Pennsylvania Railroad depot, Shacka- 
 maxon Ferry. Hero was an Indian town, perhaps a 
 council-seat, called Shackamaxon ; here the Swedes 
 laid off a town ; here was Penn's treaty-tree ; here was 
 land once owned by Lasse Cock, by Thomas Fairman, 
 and other well-known persons. The Thirty-first Ward, 
 from Norris Street south, and the canal on the east, 
 has the Reading Railroad track north, Kensington 
 Avenue northwest, and Front Street west. The Nine- 
 teenth Ward lies north, and the Twentieth west, of 
 the Seventeenth Ward. The Twenty-ninth again is 
 west of the Twentieth, with Broad Street on the east, 
 and extending west to the park, with Montgomery 
 Avenue on the north, and Poplar Street south. Girard 
 College is in the Twenty-ninth Ward, and it includes 
 the upper part of Francisville (Penn's Vineyard) and 
 a good deal of Springettsbury Manor. The Twenty- 
 eighth, a large ward, lies north of the Twentieth and 
 Twenty-ninth, the Germantown road marking its east 
 line and the Ridge road its west, Montgomery Avenue 
 on the south, School lane northwest, and Wissa- 
 hiccon and Roberts Avenues north. This ward has 
 many cemeteries in it, with Laurel Hill and Schuylkill 
 Falls ou the west. The villages of Nicetown, Ken- 
 derton, and Rising Sun are in it, and the Schuetzen 
 Park. The Twenty-first Ward, ou both sides the Wis- 
 sahiccon, contains the townships of Manayunk and 
 Roxborough, with the town of Andorra. The Twenty- 
 second Ward, besides Germantown and Chestnut Hill, 
 has a number of villages, — Somersville, Branchtown, 
 Crescentville, McCartersvilie, Olney, Feltonville, 
 Milestown, Pittville, etc. The Twenty-fifth Ward has 
 Hunting Park, the New Cathedral Cemetery, Cooper- 
 ville, Harrowgate, Franklinville, Chalkley, Brides- 
 burg. The Twenty-third Ward, the city's northeast 
 corner, contains the townships or boroughs of Frank- 
 ford, Tacony, Holmesburg, Oxford, Byberry, Lower 
 Dublin, and Moreland, and the towns and villages of 
 Frankford, White Hall, Volunteertown, Cedar Grove, 
 Tacony, Holmesburg, Hollinsville, Torresdale, Bristol, 
 Southampton, Mechauicsville, Collegeville, Harris- 
 burg, Byberry Square, Bensalem, Pleasantville, 
 Smithfield, Byberry Point, Knightsville. Bustleton, 
 Lagrange, Bell's Corner, Verreeville, Rocky Hill, 
 Sandy Hill, Five Points, Livezeytown, and Fox 
 Chase. Byberry, Oxford, Moreland, Frankford, and 
 Dublin are all old established townships. 
 
 In Philadelphia's 82,000 acres there are more than 
 twelve hundred miles of streets. Their continuous 
 3 
 
 length would extend four hundred miles beyond Chi- 
 cago, or reach to New Orleans. A man walking four 
 miles an hour and ten hours a day would need a good 
 month to traverse them all. There are about six 
 thousand streets, lanes, alleys, and courts, all told, 
 but a plain and simple method of enumeration en- 
 ables the stranger to find any place in any one of 
 them, the number of the house describing in what 
 part of the city it is to be sought. Names of streets 
 have undergone many and great changes in Philadel- 
 phia since Penn established his system of numbering 
 from east to west, and using names of trees and shrubs 
 for the streets running north and south. Any such 
 good method ought to have been adhered to, if for no 
 other reason at least to protect a city from the niai- 
 series and bad taste of city councilmen, who are com- 
 monly presumptuous in proportion to their ignorance. 
 At present the nomenclature of streets in Philadelphia 
 resembles a " Dolly Varden" print of a very irregular 
 pattern, — one style here, another style there, parti- 
 colored and piebald all over. A street name should 
 not be outre in its form, nor difficult to pronounce ; it 
 should signify something, either an object, a person, 
 or an event, and it should never be changed when 
 once permanently bestowed. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE, VEGETATION, AND 
 ANIMALS OF THE SITE OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 The geology and the flora and fauna of a section 
 so large as that occupied by the city of Philadel- 
 phia must needs be a comprehensive and interest- 
 ing study, embracing, as this region does, an area of 
 129.4 square miles, and including within that area 
 all the varieties of soil and all the diversities of 
 surface to be looked for in a range of elevation 
 from tide-washed, alluvial flats to rock-faced bluffs 
 and granite ledges three hundred feet high (over four 
 hundred at Chestnut Hill), and scarred with the 
 marks of those rude wars of the giants which are 
 typical of the glacial period. Much attention has 
 been given to this subject from the days of James 
 Logan, Benjamin Franklin and the American Philo- 
 sophical Society, John Bartram, and Alexander Wil- 
 son down to the present time, and much has been 
 written and published concerning the natural history 
 and physical characteristics of Philadelphia, in both 
 a comprehensive and a fragmentary and special way. 
 It is hard to find, however, any brief and clear resumes 
 of the general subject, couched iu language such as all 
 can understand without having scientific vocabularies 
 at their fingers' ends, and condensed within such a 
 space that it does not become a laborious task to read 
 them. No ordinary reader can afford to ransack the 
 
18 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 journals of the American Philosophical Society, or 
 compare together all the five hundred and seventy 
 thousand specimens in the collections of the Philadel- 
 phia Academy of Natural Sciences in pursuit of infor- 
 mation of this kind, hut every one is capable and will- 
 ing to master the important features, briefly and plainly 
 set forth, of the order of rocks, plants, and animals 
 appertaining to his place of abode. Without having 
 room for hypothesis, without giving space to specula- 
 tion, it is proposed here to present the leading facts 
 bearing upon these matters, in as concise a form as 
 may be. We will not be quite so brief and concise, 
 however, as some of the old writers. For instance, 
 Dr. Mease, in his " Picture of Philadelphia," seems 
 to have conceived that such a subject could be ex- 
 hausted and dismissed in a paragraph. " The imme- 
 diate substratum of Philadelphia," he says, " is clay 
 of various hues and degrees of tenacity, mixed with 
 more or less sand, or sand and gravel. Underneath, 
 at various depths, from twenty to nearly forty feet, and 
 also on the opposite shores of New Jersey, are found 
 a variety of vegetable remains, which evidently appear 
 to have been left there in remote period of time by the 
 retiring waters; hickory-nuts were found a few years 
 since in digging a well upwards of thirty feet beneath 
 the surface, and the trunk of a sycamore (buttonwood ) 
 tree was discovered in Seventh near Mulberry Street, 
 near forty feet below, imbedded in black mud, abound- 
 ing with leaves and acorns. About sixty feet distant 
 from that place, and nearly at the same depth, a bone 
 was found ; the stratum above was a tough potter's 
 clay. In various other parts of the city, and even at 
 the distance of several miles in the country, similar 
 discoveries have been made. Sharks' teeth are occa- 
 sionally dug up many feet below the surface near 
 Mount Holly. All these facts seem to prove the truth 
 of the opinion first delivered by our countryman, 
 Lewis Evans, that the site of Philadelphia formed 
 part of the sea, whose coast was bounded by a reef of 
 rocks (they are formed of gneiss, micaceous schist, 
 and other primitive rocks), some two, three, or six 
 miles broad, rising generally a little higher than the 
 adjoining land, and extending from New York west- 
 wardly by the Falls of Delaware, Schuylkill, Susque- 
 hannah, Gunpowder, Patapsco, Potomac, Rappahan- 
 nock, James River, and Roanoke, which was the 
 ancient maritime boundary, and forms a regular 
 curve. The clay and other' soil which compose the 
 borders of the rivers descending from the upland 
 through this tract are formed by the soil washed 
 down with the floods and mixed with the sand left 
 by the sea." And that is all which Dr. Mease has to 
 say of the geology of Philadelphia. 1 
 
 lit is of course understood that geology as u science is altogether 
 modern. It did not properly oxistbefuro Werner wrote, and the Freiberg 
 professor was not horn until l"r,ll. Werner, Do Saussure, Cuvier, Hut- 
 ton first brought paleontology into existence by showing that rocks 
 were to be profitably studied, not as stones, but as beds of fossils. This 
 was the key to the cryptogram of tho rocks. But the meteorology and 
 
 The geology of Philadelphia presents many diffi- 
 culties, and no satisfactory solution of them has yet 
 been reached. There was a geological survey of the 
 State of Pennsylvania made fifty years ago, under 
 the supervision of Prof. Henry D. Rodgers, which 
 established many facts in the geognosy of the State, 
 but was not sufficiently thorough to enable the geol- 
 ogy of the difficult eastern portion to be determined. 
 The geological map of this survey was published in 
 1858. Since that time great advances have been 
 made in systematic investigation. A second geolog- 
 ical survey of the State is in progress, the prelimi- 
 nary reports of which were made in 1874, and further 
 reports have been made annually since then, under 
 the auspices of a State commission and the superin- 
 tendence of Prof. Peter Lesley, State geologist. Mr. 
 Charles E. Hall is making the examination of the 
 rocks on the lower Delaware and Schuylkill Rivers. 
 Mr. H. C. Lewis and Rev. G. F. Wright are studying 
 the surface deposits, moraines, etc., of this section. 
 Mr. Hall has already made a report of progress (1881) 
 for his section, including a large geological map of 
 Philadelphia, Bucks, and Montgomery Counties, with 
 special analyses of minerals, made by Dr. F. A. Genth 
 and his son. There have also been published in this 
 connection a historical sketch of geological explora- 
 tions in Pennsylvania and other States by J. P. Les- 
 ley, a preliminary report of the mineralogy of the 
 State by Dr. Genth, and a " Special Report on the 
 Trap Dykes of Southeastern Pennsylvania" by Prof. 
 T. Sterry Hunt. These various reports enable the 
 
 geognosy, the flora and fauna and mineralogy of the earth, had been 
 universally studied before that, and the philosophers of early Philadel- 
 phia gave as much attention to their own section as most others were 
 contemporaneously receiving. Isaac Lea, of Wilmington, ill 1S17 con- 
 tributed to the Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences a brief study 
 of the minerals of Philadelphia. Gerhardt Troost, an alumnus of Ley- 
 den and Paris, who came to this country in 1S10 in the interest of man- 
 ufacturers of chemicals, and who did much to advance the knowledge of 
 the country's mineral wealth in several sections, in Maryland and Ten- 
 nessee as well as Pennsylvania, published in 1826 a regular "Geological 
 Survey" of Philadelphia, giving pretty accurately the rock forms and 
 stratifications of the onvirons of the city. Since then the subject has 
 been handled more or less fully by P. A. Brown, G. W. Carpenter, H. D. 
 Bodgers, F. A. Genth, H. C. Lewis, C. E. Hall, and others. Tho earlier 
 treatises, however, while they contain many facts, are worthless as sys- 
 tematic presentations of scientific knowledge. Accurate examination 
 and acute observation go for nothing in support of antiquated and ob- 
 solete formula;. Modern geology takes no account of the ancient con- 
 test between the Neptunians and Plutonians. Science is greater than its 
 greatest masters, and it resigns even a Newton and a Cuvier to oblivion 
 in respect of matters where their hypotheses have been superseded by 
 the progress of modern discovery. In mineralogy, Berzelius, Werner, 
 De Lisle, Haiiy, and Mohs are giving place to a modern school which is 
 growing up under the light of the now chemistry ; in botany, Limueus 
 and TJe Candolle are becoming as obsolete as DioscoridesandCresalpinus; 
 in geology and the associated sciences, Catastrophists are no longer 
 heeded, and even Agassiz, Cuvier, and Carpenter are falling in the rear 
 behind the followers of Lamarck and Darwin, and incisive and destruc- 
 tive heralds of development and evolution like Herbert Spencer, Hux- 
 ley, Tyndall, Bucbner, Haeckel, Virchow, Cope, aud Gegenbaur. Tho 
 old geologists, it has been well remarked, are like tho knights who fought 
 about the color of tho shield. In fact wo cannot, in this science, advance 
 from limited, particular data to broad generalization; wo must bring 
 tho sum of extensive general knowledge to tho understanding of special 
 facts rovealed by particular localities. 
 
GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 
 
 19 
 
 progress made in determining the geological features 
 of the Pennsylvanian country to be understood. 
 
 Prof. Lesley, in speaking of the geological maps 
 and profiles of cross sections accompanying the report 
 on Philadelphia County, remarks that "it must not 
 be supposed that the geology of the district is fully 
 understood. Geologists will have much to discover 
 in years to come. A deep obscurity still shrouds 
 parts of its underground structure and constitution, 
 especially west of the Schuylkill." There are many 
 difficulties, says the professor, in making proper ex- 
 aminations. "The surface of the country is under 
 high cultivation. The water-courses are shallow. 
 Extensive areas are marked by recent gravel and 
 clay deposits. Rock exposures, though numerous, 
 are small and isolated. Plications, faults, and even 
 overturns are the rule, rather than the exception ; 
 and metamorphism is universal. Mineral beds are 
 rare. Fossils are absolutely wanting. Character- 
 istic lithological features are evident enough on a 
 large scale ; but when looked for on a small scale 
 they fail the geologist at every stage of his progress, 
 along any belt of outcrop, and fade into each other, 
 or repeat themselves and alternate so rapidly and 
 monotonously, in the visible groups of strata exposed, 
 that special classification in vertical order becomes 
 almost impossible." The future systematic geology 
 of the district, the professor adds, must largely de- 
 pend on artesian well borings. In constructing the 
 map there is a practical difficulty growing out of 
 the number and confusion of azoic rocks, all of a 
 metamorphic character. " We have a country of 
 mica schists, garnet schists, granitic, syenitic, horn- 
 blendic, and micaceous gneisses, with included ser- 
 pentine, steatite, talc schists, chrome iron beds, and 
 disseminated gold, all of them rocks which it is still 
 impossible to assign with the least confidence to any 
 age." 
 
 Geology is so much a matter of classified, tabulated 
 names and their definitions that it cannot be intelli- 
 gently discussed apart from this system of grouping 
 and interpretation. Prof. Hitchcock, in preparing a 
 tentative geological map of the United States, adopts 
 the following scheme, the oldest formations being first 
 given : 
 
 (a) EOZOIC. (b) PALiEOZOIC. 
 
 (3) Coal Measures. 
 w). (and pernio carboniferous), 
 (d) CENOZOIC. 
 
 (1) Silurian ; (2) Devonian ; 
 
 (and lower carbonifer 
 (c) MES0Z0IC. 
 
 (1) Triassic (2) Cretaceous. Tertiary ; Alluvium ; Volcanic. 
 Jurassic. 
 
 "The eozoic (dawn of life) embraces all formations 
 older than the parodoxide beds, including the meta- 
 morphic Appalachian schists," says Prof. Hitchcock. 
 Philadelphia, in Prof. Hitchcock's map, rests entirely 
 upon the eozoic formation. A better and more gen- 
 eral scheme is that of Prof. James D. Dana, and 
 which our geologists usually follow, with some mod- 
 ifications. It may be rudely represented thus : 
 
 * 1 
 
 AGE OF MAN. 
 f Post-Tertiary.... 
 
 is 
 
 Epochs and Sub-Epochs. 
 ..(xvii.) Pleistocene. 
 
 .) pi, 
 
 ) Mioc 
 (xiv.) Eoce 
 
 {(* 
 
 :iii.) Upper and Lower Chalk 
 (Upper Cretaceous). 
 
 :ii.) Middle Cretaceous 
 
 (Upper Green Sand). 
 
 :i.) Lower CretaceoUB 
 
 (Lower Green Sand). 
 
 .) Wealden. 
 
 ix.) Upper Oolito (Portland 
 
 Clay), 
 viii.) Middle Oolite (Oxford 
 
 Clay). 
 
 vii.) Lower Oolite (Stones- 
 field), 
 vi.) Upper Lias, 
 v.) Marl Stone. 
 
 iv.) Lower Lias. 
 iii.) Kenper. 
 ii.) Muschelkalk. 
 i.) Buntersandstein. 
 
 Carboniferous 
 
 .,(xv.) Pernio Carboniferous. 
 
 l (xiv. a) 
 
 Suh-CarbunilVrmis.. 
 
 Catskill.... 
 
 Chemung . 
 
 Upper Ileldr-rln'i-g 
 
 Upper Coal Measures. 
 b) Lower Coal Measures. 
 v. a) Millstone Grit. 
 
 iii.b) Upper Sub-Carbon- 
 iferous, 
 iii. a) Lower Sub-Carbon- 
 
 x. c) Genesee. 
 x. h) Hamilton, 
 x. a) Marcellus. 
 
 ix. c) Upper Helderberg. 
 ix. b) Schoharie, 
 ix. a) Cauda-Galli. 
 
 iii.) Oriskany, 
 vii.) Lower 
 
 Salina.... 
 Niagara.. 
 Hudson... 
 
 Trenton . 
 
 . b) Medina. 
 . a) Oneida. 
 
 {% 
 
 . b) Trenton, Black River, 
 
 Birds' Eye. 
 . a) Chazy. 
 
 The ascent from primitive rocks to those more re- 
 cent is from the bottom of the column, beginning 
 with azoic rocks, or those in which there are no 
 fossils, corresponding to Prof. Hitchcock's eozoic. 
 Geologists recognize two great divisions of rocks: (1) 
 the massive or (igneous) primitive rocks, which form 
 the earth's crust. These have been formed by the 
 action of heat, underlie all others, or have been 
 forced up through them from beneath. Such are 
 granite, basalt, porphyry, etc. (2) The sedimentary 
 
20 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 or stratified rocks, which have heen deposited hy 
 water as limestone, clays, etc. A third-form of rock 
 is the metamorphio, resting on the igneous rocks, un- 
 derlying the stratified rocks, containing no fossils, or 
 scarcely any, stratified, yet having been violently 
 changed (metamorphosed) hy heat or water, or both. 
 Of such are gneiss, mica slate, talcous slate, etc. 
 The rocks which underlie Philadelphia are almost all 
 of them metamorphic. Geologists divide rocks as to 
 their antiquity into several ages, as the azoic (eozoic), 
 paleozoic (or the age of primary forms of life, etc., 
 such as mollusks), mesozoic, or secondary age, and 
 cenozoic, or tertiary age. Philadelphia County shows 
 none but rocks of the azoic and the paleozoic ages. 
 The paleozoic age is divided into Upper and Lower 
 Silurian, Devonian, and Carboniferous periods or 
 epochs, and Philadelphia can show but few paleozoic 
 strata of a more recent epoch than the Lower Silurian 
 formation. This formation comprises eight stages or 
 groups, and Philadelphia County again confines itself 
 principally to the lowest of these groups, the Potsdam 
 sandstone. The primitive rocks are in many places, 
 however, overlaid by the drift brought down by floods 
 and glaciers and by the mud deposited from rivers. 
 This is not a stratification, but a superficial and (ge- 
 ologically speaking) a recent deposit. It is classed as 
 belonging to the modern epoch, the age of man. The 
 glacial drift period is assumed to be like a wedge be- 
 tween the tertiary or post-tertiary period and the age 
 of man. Its characteristic mark is the deposit of 
 gravel and bowlders. The county of Philadelphia 
 shows many of these erratic bowlders or "gray- 
 heads." In many places the primitive rock is over- 
 laid with deep beds of gravel, and in other places 
 the recent alluvium rests in deep beds both upon 
 the primitive rock and upon the gravel ; sometimes 
 it rests upon both at once, overlying the gravel which 
 overlies the bed of azoic rock. 
 
 The general system for the rocks embraced in Mont- 
 gomery, Bucks, and Philadelphia Counties is recent 
 alluvium, Trenton Gravel, Red Gravel, Philadelphia 
 Brick Clay, Yellow Gravel, Bryn Mawr Gravel, Iron- 
 Bearing Clay, Wealden Clay, Trap, New Red Sand- 
 stone (mesozoic), Serpentine, Chestnut Hill Garnetif- 
 erous Schists, Manayunk Mica Schists and Gneiss, 
 Philadelphia Mica Schists and Gneiss, Quartzose 
 Slate and Mica Schists of South Valley Hill, Slate 
 and Limestone alternations, Magnesian Limestone 
 and Marble (No. 2), Edgehill Rock (Quartzite and 
 Conglomerate), Potsdam Sandstone (No. 1), Syenitic 
 and Granitic Rocks. Of these the first six are of 
 recent formation ; Wealden clay belongs to the Ceno- 
 zoic epoch ; the slate, sandstone, and conglomerate of 
 the new red sandstone formation are of Mesozoic ; 
 the syenites and granites are of the Laurentian sys- 
 tem of primitive or metamorphosed rock, and the 
 slates, mica schist, marble, limestone, and slate and 
 limestone alternations belong to the calciferous, 
 Trenton and Hudson River groups, Cambro-Silurian 
 
 epoch, Paleozoic period, metamorphosed rocks. With 
 respect to distribution, we find the Potsdam sandstone 1 
 along the northern edge of Philadelphia County in 
 two places. The syenite group is found north of 
 Chestnut Hill. " Otherwise," says Mr. Charles E. 
 Hall, "the mica schists and gneisses occupy the 
 entire county, unless limestone be proven to exist 
 north of Somerton and flanking the Potsdam sand- 
 stone on the south. Its existence is exceedingly 
 doubtful." 2 Thegneissic and micaceous series of rocks 
 in Philadelphia County seem to belong to one geo- 
 logical formation. Sharply-defined subdivisions have 
 not been thus far detected. The belts of rocks fade 
 into and blend with one another in a sort of imper- 
 ceptible gradation and transition. The "pitch" of 
 the rock is generally northwestward except along the 
 northern edge, where there is a reverse " dip." This 
 is so invariable as to be a great aid to the geologist 
 in tracing the true relations of these rocks to one 
 another. The entire northern portion of Philadel- 
 phia County is covered by gravel. Along the Dela- 
 ware River mud or alluvial deposits are frequent. 
 They cover the greater part of the south end of the 
 city. The gravel-beds flank these mud deposits along 
 the course of the river. This belt of gravel was de- 
 posited by the river before it had receded to its present 
 channel ; it marks the ancient bed of the Delaware. 
 The gravel is exposed wherever streets have been 
 graded down. The Trenton or river-shore gravel 
 gradually merges into what are known as the Phila- 
 delphia brick clays, mixed with or bounded by the 
 red and yellow gravels. These red gravels are so 
 characteristically high in their colors that William 
 Penn would not employ them when he laid out the 
 walks of his garden and lawn at Pennsbury Manor, 
 and directed his steward to get the gravel from the 
 pit near by and not from Philadelphia, as that was 
 " too red." In other words, he preferred the Trenton 
 to the Philadelphia red clay gravel. The gravel-beds 
 in the southern part of Philadelphia are at least one 
 hundred feet deep. The gravels are composed of and 
 have been derived from the paleozoic rocks along the 
 course of the upper Delaware, — debris brought down 
 by ice action and floods. 
 
 The garnetiferous group of Philadelphia County is 
 exposed across the, northern end, between Chestnut 
 
 1 So called from a sandstone found and determined in New York by 
 the State geological survey. All the groups in geology east of the Alle- 
 ghauies are arranged on the basis of this survey. The Potsdam stone is 
 a fine agglomerate of sand, with occasional species of mica in it. In 
 Philadelphia its strata are synclinal generally ; i C-, they dip towards each 
 other so as to form basins. 
 
 - Report of Progress, O, p. 90. By syenite is meant simply a form of 
 granite (from Sycne, in Ej;ypt) in which the tough hornldendo pre- 
 dominates instead of mica. Granite is composed of feldspar (the chief 
 ingredient), quart'/, or flint, and mica. Gneiss is a bastard granitic ag- 
 glomerate, with a slaty structure. Quartz is a form of flint, and when 
 ground produces sand ; feldspar, when ground, yields clay; thus the allu- 
 vium of the Philadelphia flats overlying the gravel and the primitive 
 rocks is, in fact, composed of the same substance as these solid masses of 
 crystallized and apparently adamantine solidity. So it is also with the 
 soils. 
 
GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 
 
 21 
 
 Hill and the Schuylkill River. "Its northern limit 
 is a diagonal line across the northern corner of the 
 county." Its southern limit is less clear, but indica- 
 tions are found half-way between Lafayette Station 
 and Manayunk. The rocks in this belt are garnet- 
 iferous mica schists (schists are rocks having a slaty 
 structure, but otherwise not dissimilar to gneissic 
 rocks), thin-bedded sandy gneisses, and hornblendic 
 slate. They are peculiar in having deposits of ser- 
 pentine and steatite. 1 Serpentine occurs on the north- 
 western edge of Chestnut Hill, extending across the 
 Wissahiccon to a point half-way to the Ridge road. 
 It is also found not far above Manatawna, and again 
 half-way between that point and Lafayette. These 
 strips of serpentine are on a line with and belong to 
 the same geological " horizon" as the steatite quarry 
 on the Schuylkill below Lafayette Station. 
 
 The belt of Manayunk mica schists and gneisses is 
 visible along the Schuylkill from the Falls to a point 
 half-way between Manayunk and Lafayette Station, 
 its north boundary being south of Chestnut Hill, and 
 its south liue in the vicinity of Germantown. There 
 is a gradual transition of this belt on the north to the 
 Chestnut Hill schists, and on the south to a micaceous 
 feldspathic gneiss. There are extensive exposures of 
 hornblendic slates between the Falls and Manayunk, 
 on the line of the Schuylkill, and there is a small 
 bed of steatite below the mouth of Cresheim Creek. 
 The belt of Philadelphia mica schist and gneiss ex- 
 tends from the Poquessing to Cobb's Creek, and from 
 the Delaware to the Falls of Schuylkill. In the 
 eastern part of the county it extends north beyond 
 the county line. Exposures of it may be found on 
 the Schuylkill from Gray's Ferry up, and on the Po- 
 quessing, Pennepack,and Tacony Creeks. All through 
 this belt, as in the other belts which have been de- 
 scribed, the gneisses and schists are continually merg- 
 ing into one another with an avoidance of sharp 
 transitions. There are beds of hornblendic rock in 
 several places, the largest along the Schuylkill above 
 Columbia bridge, and on the river-bank at the south 
 end of the river road, below the Strawberry Mansion. 
 Above this point there is an alternation of feldspathic 
 micaceous gneiss and slaty micaceous schists. This 
 same alternation is observed below Columbia bridge 
 to Gray's Ferry, with occasional lenticular beds of 
 quartz in the mass. Feldspar predominates near 
 Gray's Ferry, and forms deposits of kaoline, some of 
 which are very pure and white. South of Gray's 
 Ferry the micaceous gneiss is exposed along the river. 
 At the western end of Market Street, on the east bank 
 of Cobb's Creek, is a quarry of quartzose hornblendic 
 gneiss, resembling that at Columbia bridge, and there 
 is a quarry of compact gray gneiss at Frankford. 
 
 1 Serpentine is u compact rock of a greenish drab color; it is an nn- 
 Btratified hydrated silicate of magnesia in composition, while steatite is 
 soapstoue, a magnesian silicate also, and allied to talc, mica, and asbes- 
 tos. All these minerals are apt to occur in close proximity to one an- 
 other, and serpentine is often, if not usually, accompanied with chromic 
 
 The arrangement of the Delaware River gravels 
 and clays illustrates the geological history of Phila- 
 delphia. The Delaware flows in a southeast direction 
 from Easton to a point a short distance below Tren- 
 ton, where it turns and flows southwest to and beyond 
 Philadelphia. This bend is a right angle, and is 
 caused by the river striking the hilly outcrop of the 
 New Jersey cretaceous formation. At an 'earlier 
 period the river passed by or through much more of 
 this marl or chalky formation than now. Its bed was 
 apparently north and northwest of its present bed, 
 and it must have worked its way along the line where 
 the marl-beds joined the solid rock. The bed of the 
 old river is probably marked by the limits of the 
 Trenton gravel. This extends along the river from 
 Yardleyville, on the Delaware, in Bucks County, 
 above Trenton, to Darby Creek, below Philadelphia. 
 Between Morrisville, opposite Trenton, and the mouth 
 of the Poquessing Creek there are two sets of terraces 
 and escarpments, marking an earlier course of the 
 river, and showing that at one time it cut off across 
 country without going around the long angle at Penns- 
 bury. The belt of red clay and gravel which extends 
 above the Trenton gravel is composed of the debris 
 of all the geological formations existing along the 
 course of the Delaware, together with those of the 
 sands and conglomerates of the edge of the New 
 Jersey Cretaceous and perhaps Tertiary formations 
 also, undermined by the river and carried down by 
 its floods in the process of time. Among these debris 
 are large angular blocks of sandstone and quartzite. 
 The clay is in many cases bedded with the gravel, or 
 deposited in large masses, as, for example, one west 
 of the Pennsylvania Hospital for the Insane and 
 several patches on this range east of the Schuylkill. 
 Mr. Hall is not satisfied whether this deposit be the 
 wash of the cretaceous beds or a deposit similar to 
 the glacial clays of the Hudson River, but he seems 
 to incline to the latter opinion. The age of the de- 
 posit, he observes, is " unquestionably not remote from 
 the glacial period. The material which forms much 
 of the gravel with which the clay is associated owes 
 its transport to glacial agencies. Whether the ice 
 did or did not extend to this latitude may still be 
 questioned; but I think there is little question as to 
 the period when the angular blocks were brought 
 south and deposited here with the gravel." Frag- 
 ments of unmistakably fossiliferous rock — Oriskany 
 sandstone and Helderberg slate — have been found in 
 various places. As to the Bryn Mawr gravel, which 
 only exists at an elevation of four hundred feet above 
 tide, Mr. Hall does not know its origin, though he 
 suggests it may be the remains of a Tertiary or Upper 
 Cretaceous formation swept away by flood and gla- 
 ciers, and that it is connected with the Cenozoic de- 
 posits of New Jersey, the ancient Delaware having 
 carried away all the deposits of this sort covering 
 the intervening space, — that is to say, having once 
 i flowed with a current three hundred feet deep above 
 
22 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 the present city of Philadelphia. But, in fact, Mr. 
 Hall looks upon the Delaware River from Trenton to 
 Chester as representing, in part at least, "the ancient 
 coast line of the Atlantic Ocean." 
 
 Professor Lesley, after summing up the results of 
 the survey thus far, comparing the results attained by 
 Professor Rogers in 1836-58 with those reached by Mr. 
 Hall, and stating the difficulties attending the inves- 
 tigation, concludes that it is impossible just now to 
 locate the Philadelphia series of rocks exactly as to 
 time and place in the general geological series; "all 
 speculation is therefore fruitless," he says, "and we 
 are left in almost total ignorance of the real state of 
 things." We only know that these deposits are enor- 
 mously thick. " If it were not for these faults" 
 (breaks in the strata), says Professor Lesley, " we 
 could assert that from the kaoline outcrops at Gray's 
 Perry up to the soapstone quarries above Manayunk 
 the total pile of micaceous and hornblendic schists 
 and gneisses measured about twenty-five thousand 
 feet, representing in ancient times a mountain range 
 as high as the Alps, now eroded nearly to a level no- 
 where more than four hundred feet above sea-level." 
 Allowing for every fault, he thinks the ancient thick- 
 ness might have been equivalent to a level of ten 
 thousand feet above tide. Nothing can more em- 
 phatically illustrate the intensity of the geological 
 disturbance at this point than the fact that the site of 
 Philadelphia may at one time have occupied the side 
 of a mountain range from ten thousand to twenty-five 
 thousand feet high, and at another may have been two 
 hundred or three hundred feet below the surface of an 
 ocean. In regard to the glacial movement, the Penn- 
 sylvania geologists are waiting for the report of Mr. 
 Henry Carvill Lewis, who is now tracing the moraine 
 deposits across Pennsylvania. But some interesting 
 facts are already known on this subject so far as Phil- 
 adelphia is concerned. The great Delaware glacier 
 has been partly traced by the moraine which it left. 
 It crosses the Delaware River near Belvidere, below 
 the Water Gap, in a straight line north of west to 
 Beach Haven, on the North Branch of the Susque- 
 hanna, and thence to Lycoming Creek near Rals- 
 ston. It passed diagonally over mountains and val- 
 leys without ever swerving from its course, crossing 
 the top of the Kittatinny Mountain as if it despised 
 to creep through the Water Gap at the mountain's 
 foot. On the very top of the mountain, as a sign that 
 it had been there, it left a block of Helderberg lime- 
 stone more than six feet long. It had brought this 
 from a valley below and five miles distant. The Oris- 
 kany stone has been brought sixty miles down the 
 valley of the Schuylkill and deposited in West Phila- 
 delphia. Others have come down the Delaware 
 through the Water Gap, yet Professor Lesley thinks 
 it " more than doubtful" whether solid ice ever 
 reached Philadelphia. " Floating fragments of the 
 back country glaciers undoubtedly reached the Phila- 
 delphia neighborhood." The professor also doubts if 
 
 the ocean level ever rose sufficiently to explain the 
 Bryn Mawr gravel, four hundred feet above tide. " It 
 is, however, quite certain," he concludes, "that the 
 Delaware River once flowed in a channel several 
 hundred feet above its present bed, and has cut down 
 since then to its present level. Its deposits of various 
 ages are visible in terraces and patches at various ele- 
 vations. This is in conformity with what we know 
 of most of the rivers of the world," and the cases 
 of the French rivers, the Seine and the Somme, 
 are adduced in illustration. In the graveled ter- 
 races of the latter river at Abbeville remains of pre- 
 historic man. have been found. "Similar gravels," 
 says Professor Lesley in conclusion, "line the sides 
 of the Delaware River valley, and human imple- 
 ments of a remote antiquity have been found in 
 them at Trenton." Attention has been called to the 
 fact of such deposits in the alluvium and gravel by 
 Kalm, the Swedish botanist, by Dr. Mease, in his 
 " Picture of Philadelphia," and by John F. Watson, 
 the antiquarian. Kalm's account in 1749 is curious. 
 It may be found in the second volume of his travels, 
 where he says that he once called together the oldest 
 inhabitants of the village of Raccoon (Gloucester Co., 
 N. J.) to converse with j;hem on the natural history 
 of the country. There) came to the meeting Mans 
 Keen (Kyn), Aoke Helm, Peter Rambo, William 
 Cobb, Sven Lock, and Eric Ragnilson. They told 
 Ivalm that whenever a well was dug in Raccoon, 
 they always found at the depth of twenty or thirty 
 feet great numbers of clam and oyster shells, some- 
 times reeds and rushes, once a hank of flax. " Char- 
 coal, firebrands, great branches, blocks, and Indian 
 trowels had often been found very deep in the 
 ground." Peter Rambo found marine animals, pet- 
 rified or burnt wood, a huge spoon, and some bricks. 
 Mans Keen, at the depth of forty feet, found chestnut 
 wood, roots, and stalks, etc., and reported that at 
 Elfsborg, when the Swedes first built their fort there, 
 they found, twenty feet below the surface, broken 
 earthen vessels and good whole bricks. 1 
 
 In connection with the soil and rocks which under- 
 laid the site of Philadelphia a great variety of min- 
 erals were found. The binary compounds, sulphides 
 and arsenides, were represented by a bastard graphite 
 or plumbago which has been found at Robinson's Hill ; 
 bismuthite exists in tourmaline in a granite vein in the 
 masses of gneiss on the west side of Schuylkill, over 
 against Fairmount Water- Works, and these rocks, as 
 well as the Frankford gneiss, contain molybdenite. 
 The Frankford gneiss also shows copper pyrites in 
 piuchback brown crystals, as well as fluorite or fluor- 
 spar in purplish crystalline masses. Menalcite exists 
 in a quarry near Columbia bridge and in the gneiss 
 opposite Fairmount; magnetite or lodestone at Chest- 
 nut Hill ; crystals of limpid quartz in the soil at sev- 
 eral places, in the Darby country particularly and 
 
 1 MicUle, " Reminiscences of Old Gloucester." 
 
GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 
 
 23 
 
 in the peaty hollows and spring-heads at the foot of 
 rocky hills ; smoky quartz from the Schuylkill across 
 to Upper Darby ; flint chalcedony is found in connec- 
 tion with serpentine rock, and in rolled fragments in 
 the Schuylkill and Delaware gravel-beds. White 
 hornstone exists along the Wissahiccon ; pseudo-mor- 
 phous quartz in a quarry between the Germantown 
 and old York roads ; hyolite in the gneiss at Frank- 
 ford and at the Wissahiccon paper-mills. Actinolite, 
 in association with hornblende or serpentine, exists in 
 talcose rocks at Columbia bridge and on the Wissa- 
 hiccon ; asbestos and amianthus exist near the serpen- 
 tine and steatite formations, as at Falls of Schuylkill ; 
 it is found with crystalline quartz in a quarry of horn- 
 blendic gneiss on the upper Schuylkill ; white beryl, 
 in large, well-defined crystals, is found on the old 
 York road, some distance out, and it is traced beyond 
 Schuylkill to Delaware County ; a yellowish-green va- 
 riety exists in the same place and from the Fairmount 
 gneiss across to Darby Creek. Garnet is found in sev- 
 eral places, red, brownish-red to black, near German- 
 town, on Wissahiccon, at Flat Rock tunnel, Schuylkill 
 Falls, Fairmount, Haverford, and in the bed of Darby 
 Creek ; zircon on the old York road ; dark bottle-green 
 crystals of epidote in the gneiss at Frankford, on Wis- 
 sahiccon, and Falls of Schuylkill ; zoisite in crystals 
 and gray masses in the Schuylkill hornblende gneiss ; 
 muscovite mica in West Philadelphia above Gray's 
 Ferry, and elsewhere distributed largely ; green mica 
 at Chestnut Hill ; moonstone in Schuylkill gneiss ; 
 crystals of orthoclase feldspar much disseminated; 
 black tourmaline in the gneissic rocks in numerous 
 outcroppings ; fibrolite in coarse fibres and columnar 
 masses on the Wissahiccon ; cyanite in beautiful speci- 
 mens at Darby Ferry and on Wissahiccon ; titanite in 
 yellow and brown crystals in Schuylkill and Frank- 
 ford gneiss; staurolite in the soapstone beds; lamo- 
 nite at Columbia bridge; apophyte in the Frankford 
 gneiss ; talc in serpentine at Wissahiccon and Rox- 
 
 borough ; apatite at McKinstry's quarry, and alumin- 
 ium sulphate in gneiss rock on Wissahiccon and at 
 Hestonville. Calcites, marble, granular and compact 
 limestone, are found at Columbia bridge and Flat 
 Rock tunnel ; building marble at Marble Hall and 
 near Conshohocken ; malachite in bright emerald- 
 green masses at Frankford quarry ; glockerite in 
 brownish, stalactitous, resinous masses at Columbia 
 bridge and Hestonville ; ochreous clay, deeply tinged, 
 in bed of Delaware at Tinicum. 
 
 The minerals around Philadelphia include most of 
 the compounds in which silica predominates, such as 
 quartz, chalcedony, jasper, hornstone, spar, many in 
 which alumina is the controlling component, as cor- 
 undum, fibrolite, cyanite, staurolite, spinella, some 
 of the magnesian earths, etc. The alkaline earths 
 are well represented by mica, feldspar, chlorite, tour- 
 maline, etc. ; the useful acidiferous minerals are 
 found, and some of the metalliferous ones, as goethite, 
 chromate of iron, cupreous bismuth, and some of the 
 combustible minerals. The marsh of Tinicum Isl- 
 and, and probably that of the lowlands northeast of it, 
 overlies an ancient cedar or cypress swamp, and it is 
 supposed that Fort Gotheborg (Gottenburg) was built 
 by Governor Printz of the logs of these cypresses not 
 then altogether submerged. 
 
 The analyses of minerals and rocks in Philadelphia 
 County, made under the auspices of the State Geo- 
 logical Survey, while they present many points of 
 interest to the expert and the scientist, are too techni- 
 cal for the lay reader. These analyses show the exact 
 character and chemical composition of the under- 
 lying rocks of Philadelphia, and how and wherein 
 the granite, gneisses, and schists of this locality varv 
 from those found elsewhere, as well as how they differ 
 from other specimens found in adjacent localities. 
 We subjoin a table, made up from Dr. Genth's report, 
 showing the results of analyses of some leading min- 
 erals in the rocks of Philadelphia County : 
 
 Ingredients. 
 
 ■M.2 
 
 *j a" 
 — ~ i: 
 
 a 
 
 P. 
 
 i 
 
 ■d 
 | 
 a 
 
 — J3 
 
 s 
 
 fi- 
 ll = 
 
 |-5 
 
 1 
 
 Oft 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 Id 
 
 ■3 o 
 
 ■9,02 
 
 as 
 
 OS 
 
 a 
 sS 
 
 p 
 
 
 6. 
 > 
 
 A a" 
 
 O ~ 
 
 1 
 
 s 
 
 *5 
 
 
 74.24 
 13.71 
 
 75.04 
 12.59 
 
 73.59 
 11.37 
 4.65 
 1.62 
 2 82 
 0.77 
 
 2.07 
 1.80 
 0.07 
 
 41.80 
 10.39 
 
 30.60 60.04 
 
 36.02 
 18.95 
 9 25 
 
 3.17 
 9.39 
 trace. 
 0.29 
 2.20 
 
 
 59.31 
 16.85 
 1.89 
 5.51 
 2.43 
 2.68 
 
 79.60 
 9.48 
 1.54 
 0.72 
 1.77 
 0.76 
 
 1.83 
 0.71 
 0.19 
 
 50.70 
 19.86 
 6.95 
 1.94 
 7.34 
 5.86 
 
 3.55 
 0.68 
 0.30 
 
 trace. 
 
 trace. 
 1.79 
 
 57.51 
 14.45 
 0.21 
 4.20 
 5.54 
 4.47 
 
 66.32 
 12.60 
 1.76 
 5.25 
 2.22 
 4.13 
 
 50.62 
 15.70 
 0.96 
 9.42 
 2.13 
 7.61 
 
 46.25 
 12.32 
 
 1.02 
 11.02 
 
 3.65 
 10.37 
 
 
 12.47 
 0.53 
 9.50 
 9.15 
 9.50 
 
 27.52 
 8.81 
 0.19 
 7.30 
 1.77 
 trace. 
 0.56 
 3.78 
 0.13 
 
 
 
 11.68 
 0.18 
 0.21 
 
 
 l.CS 1.44 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1.1 i'J 
 trace. 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 1 
 
 
 
 052, 37.23 
 
 1.01 
 5.00 
 
 2.57 
 90 
 0.28 
 
 3.22 
 2.01 
 0.33 
 
 3.06 
 2.11 
 0.32 
 
 3.79 
 1.34 
 0.20 
 
 1.44 
 1.50 
 
 
 0.36 1 0.5M 
 0.26 ' 0.31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 trace. 
 
 
 trace 
 
 
 0.67 
 10.44 
 0.10 
 
 7.79 
 
 
 
 0.67 
 1.49 
 
 0.57 
 6.49 
 
 trace. 
 1.44 
 
 0.14 
 7.49 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 trace. 
 
 6.37 
 
 10.71 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 : 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
24 
 
 HISTORY OE PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 While there are no conspicuous treatises on the 
 specific subject and limited to the one locality, our 
 information in regard to the natural history of Phila- 
 delphia, its flora and fauna, is full and satisfactory. 
 All the early descriptive writers have had much to 
 say on this subject, as if it fascinated them. The 
 works of the Bartrams, the Darlingtons, Kalm, 
 Wilson, and others have added a touch of genius for 
 pleasant writing to the attractiveness of the theme 
 itself. The scientific treatises of Darlington are be- 
 come classics, and every lover of flowers and birds 
 has heard'something charming about John and Wil- 
 liam Bartram and Alexander AVilson. With Darling- 
 ton and other writers on Chester, with the exhaustive 
 way in which various naturalists have from time to 
 time illustrated the botany and animal life of Bucks, 
 Montgomery, and Chester Counties and the sections 
 of New Jersey opposite to Philadelphia, it is easy to 
 tell the whole story of the city's flora and fauna. The 
 beauty and the strangeness, the wild luxuriance and 
 shaded mysteries of the primeval forest, however, 
 must be left to the imagination. The pen cannot 
 describe them. In subsequent chapters will be found 
 many quotations from the early writers, showing how 
 vividly they were impressed with the landscape. 
 That was wild without being savage. It was stately 
 and imposing, yet had something of a parklike look, 
 while the occasional birch-bark canoe along shore 
 and the thin curling blue smoke from an Indian's 
 lodge here and there did not disaccord. The under- 
 growth was not greatly tangled, save in damp and 
 springy places, and the immense proportion of full- 
 grown trees in the primitive forest always lends to it 
 a certain dignity and patriarchal aspect. In the 
 swamps there were great white cedars, almost as ven- 
 erable as the cypresses of the South, but one missed 
 their bearding of gray Spanish moss. The stately 
 elm spread and branched with full-grown vigor, and 
 the oak was so much at home that Bartram enumer- 
 ates twenty-one varieties as being found within the 
 boundaries of Philadelphia County. Penn, in one of 
 his early letters, enumerates black walnut, cedar, 
 cypress, chestnut, hickory, sassafras, beech, and the 
 oaks as among the most useful native trees. Of fruits 
 growing wild he mentions the white and black mul- 
 berry, plums, strawberries, cranberries, huckleberries, 
 etc. Apples and peaches were plentiful wherever the 
 Indians had clearings, and Penn found them as good 
 as any English peaches, " except the true Newington." 
 His mind is not made up as to whether the fruit is 
 native to the soil or not. Gabriel Thomas, in his 
 little history of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey, 
 after mentioning such wonders as the salamander 
 stone (asbestos), " having Cotton in Veins within it, 
 which will not consume in the Fire, though held there 
 a long time," speaks of several sorts of wild fruits, — 
 
 "as excellent Grapes, Red, Blnck, White, Muscadel, and Fox, which upon 
 frequent Experience have prodnc'd Choice Wine, being daily Cultivated 
 by skilful Vineroru. . . . Walnuts, ChesnutB, Filberts, Hockery Nuts, 
 
 Hartleberries, Mulb 
 Plumbs of several soi 
 
 Fruit-Trees are Appl 
 
 Rasberries, Strawberries, Cramberries, 
 rts, and many other Wild Fruits in great plenty, 
 d free for any to gather." " The common Planting 
 ;s, which from a Kernel (without Inoculation) will 
 
 shoot up to be a large Tree, and produce very delicious, large and pleas- 
 ant Fruit, of which much excellent Cyder is made, in taste resembling 
 that in England pressM from Pippins and Pearmains.sold commonly for 
 between Ten and Fifteen Shillings per Barrel, Pears, Peaches, &c, of 
 whicli they distil a Liquor very much like the taste of Runim, or Brandy, 
 which they yearly make iu great quantities. There are Quinces, Cher- 
 ries Gooseberries, Currants, Squashes, Pumpkins, Water-Mellens, Musk- 
 mellens, and other Fruit in great Numbers, which seldom fail of yield- 
 ing great plenty. There are also many curious and excellent Physical 
 Wild Herbs, Roots, and Drugs of great Vertue, and very sanative, as the 
 Sassafras and Saisaparilla, so much us'd in Diet Drinks for the Cure of 
 the Venereal Disease, which makes the Indians, by a right application 
 of them, as able Doctors and Surgeons as any iu Europe, performing 
 celebrated cures therewith, and by the use of some particular Plants 
 only, find Remedy in all Swellings, Burnings, Cuts, Ac. There grows 
 also in great Plenty the Black Snake-Root(fam'd for its sometimes pre- 
 serving, but of I en curing the Plague, being infused only in Wine, Brandy, 
 or Rumm), Rattle-Snake Root, Poke-Root, call'd in England Jallop, with 
 several other beneficial Herbs, Plants, and Roots, which Physicians have 
 approved of, far exceeding in Nature and Vertue those of other Countries." 
 
 Campanius, in his lively but careless narrative, 
 speaks of the great quantity of rushes, with thick, 
 strong roots, that grow in the marshes, and the hog's 
 turnip, like the Jerusalem artichoke, that the Indians 
 eat when their bread and meat give out. He speaks 
 of "the fish-tree, which resembles box-wood, and 
 smells like raw fish." It cannot be split, but melts 
 away if fire be built around it. The Indians had 
 peas, beans, and squashes before the white settlers 
 came in, with gourds and melons. In the dialects of 
 the Unamis, or Delawares of the lowlands, there 
 were- many names for tree, shrub, and plant which 
 they must have become familiar with in the vicinity 
 of where Philadelphia now stands. Schau-we-min-shi 
 means the red-beech ; ga-wunsch, the green brier; hob- 
 be-nac, the potato ; Coaquoimoc, the site of Philadel- 
 phia, is a corruption of Cu-we-quen-a-Tcu, "the grove 
 of tall pines;" cu-wen-ha-sink (Cohocksink), meaning 
 " where the pines grow," from cu-we, pine-tree, co-wa- 
 nesque (ga-wun-shes-que), "overgrown with briers;" 
 Hob-ben-i-sink, " where there are wild potatoes ;" Per- 
 kiomen (Pak-ih-mo-mink), "place of cranberries," 
 from pak-him, cranberry ; si-pu-o-man-di-can, " wild 
 plums;" topi, the alder; tom-bic, crab-apple; woap-i- 
 min-schi ("the white tree"), the chestnut-tree; woap- 
 hallac.h, " wild hemp ;" wech-que-tauk, the willow ; wi- 
 sach-gim, grapes; win-ak, sassafras; schind, spruce; 
 mitz-hack, gourd, squash, etc. ; ge-scund-hac, pump- 
 kins ; musquem, corn ; mis-si-me-?ia, apple. 
 
 A complete catalogue of plants in Philadelphia 
 County would be ou t of place in a work of this character, 
 but some mention may be made of prominent families, 
 species, and varieties. The ferns were largely repre- 
 sented in a place containing so many shady and moist 
 spots, rocks, and hollows and spring-heads in the 
 depths of groves. Among these were several of the 
 horsetail ferns (Equiselacece), as the E. arvense, E. syl- 
 vaticum, E. hyemale, or scouring rush ; the various poli- 
 podia, including maiden-hair, the purple brake, the 
 Dicksoniapuiictilobula, or bladder- fern , ophioglossum, 
 
GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 
 
 25 
 
 and all the tribe of lycopods found in the latitude of 
 Philadelphia; the spa guides, phewe&dm, hypnides, etc. 
 There were full representations of the hepcUices, or liver- 
 wort family, etc. Of the general class of phiBnoga- 
 nions plants, the typical clematis (virgin's bower), tall 
 anemone, the wind-flower, meadow-rue, crow-foot, 
 buttercup, marsh marigold, wild columbine, lark- 
 spur, and black snake-root represent the order Ra- 
 nunculacece ; the magnolias have the Magnolia glauca 
 (sweetbay, growing in the southeast of the county) 
 and the Liriodendron tulipifera, or tulip-tree, so often 
 called poplar. Of the Anonacees, the papaw (Asimina 
 triloba) is mentioned by the early writers, and is said 
 to grow now on Darby Creek ; the moonseed (Meni- 
 spermum) is common along streams ; the Berberis 
 canadensis, the Podophyllum peltatum (May-apple), 
 and Nelumbium luteum (water-chinquapin, introduced 
 from Connecticut), represent two small families. Of 
 the Nymphaceee, or water-lily family, Philadelphia 
 used to be famous for its spatterdocks (yellow pond- 
 lily, Nuphar advena), and its sweet water-lily [Nym- 
 pluca odorata). The Sarracenia purpurea (pitcher- 
 plant, very rare) is found in wet places about Tinicum ; 
 the poppy family has the celandine and the blood- 
 root to represent it. Among the Fumaracece are the 
 common climbing fumitory, the Dicentra eucullaris 
 (Dutchman's breeches), and the Corydalis glauca. The 
 Cruciferoz have Nasturtium officinale (common water- 
 cress), N. sylvestre (yellow cress, peculiar to Philadel- 
 phia low grounds), N. palustre (marsh cress), Carda- 
 mine rhomboidea (spring cress), C. hirsuta, Arabia 
 dentata, Barbarea prascox (scurvy grass), Sisymbrium 
 canescens (tansy mustard), Sinapis alba et nigra (but all 
 natives of Europe), Draba verna (whitlow grass), Le- 
 pidum virginicum (wild pepper-grass), Capsella (shep- 
 herd's purse), Herperis matronalis (rocket), and Lu- 
 naria rediviva (honesty). The Isatis tinctoria, or 
 woad, was introduced by Penn. Of the violet family, 
 Philadelphia has Solea concolor (green violet), and 
 Viola roiundifolia (round-leaved), V. lanceolata, V. 
 blanda (sweet white), V. cucidlata (common blue), V. 
 palmata, V. villosa, V. sagiltata, V.pedata (bird's-foot, 
 grows on mica slate soils), V. Muhlenberghii (dog 
 violet), V. pubescens, V. tricolor (pansy), and V. odo- 
 rata. The sundew family (Droseracew) has D. fili- 
 forniis. The St. John's-wort family (Hypericacece) 
 has Hypericum perforatum (common St. John's-wort), 
 Ascyrum Crux Andreie (St. Andrew's cross), H. ellip- 
 licum, H. corymbosum, H adpressum, If. mutilum (the 
 Parviflorum of Muhlenberg), H. Virginicum (Elodea 
 Virginica of Nuttall). The pink family (Caryo- 
 phyllaceev) is represented by Dianthus armeria (Dept- 
 ford pink), Saponaria officinalis (common soap-wort, 
 "Bouncing Bet"), Silene stellata (starry campion), 
 & Pennsylvanica (common wild pink), S. antirrhina 
 (sleepy catchfly), Agrostemma Gilhago (corn-cockle), 
 Stelluria media (chickweed), S. pubera, S. longifolia, 
 C'eraxtiuiii ru/gn/iiiit, < '. rixroxuiu, < '. oblongi 'folium (north 
 of Chestnut Hill), C. nutans. The purslane family (Por- 
 
 tulacacece) has Portulaca oleracea (common pursley), 
 and Claytonia Virginica (spring beauty). The mal- 
 lows (Malvacece) are represented by Malva roiundi- 
 folia (common mallow), Abutilon, Avicenna, Hibiscus 
 moschentos (Bow Creek swamp rose-mallow), H tri- 
 onum. The Linden or Basswood family ( Tiliacece) 
 has Tilia Americana (basswood; not common, though 
 the Swedes and Indians both gave it as the local name 
 of water-courses). The Linv/m Virginianum (wild 
 flax) is the only one of that family. The wood-sor- 
 rels (Oxalidaceee) have chiefly the Oxalis stricta, the 
 yellow species. The Geraniacece (Cranesbill family) 
 have the G. maculatum (the common plant) ; G. Caro- 
 linianum. The Balsaminacece (Balsam family) have 
 the Impaliens pallida (Touch-me-not), /. fulva, and 
 Tropceolum magus (from Europe). The sumachs have 
 Rhus typhina (staghorn sumach), R. glabra, R. vene- 
 nata, and R. toxicodendron (poison oak and poison 
 sumach). The Vine family show Vitis labrusca (fox- 
 grape), V. aestivalis (chicken grape), V. cordifolia 
 (winter grape), V.vulpina (muscadine), and Ampelopsis 
 quinquefolia (Virginia creeper, American ivy). The 
 Buckthorn family (Rhamnacece) show Rhamnus cathar- 
 ticus and Ceanothus Americanus (Jersey tea). The 
 Celastracece yield Celastrus scandens (climbing bitter- 
 sweet), Euonymus atropurpureus (burning bush), and 
 E. Americanus (strawberry-tree). The Sapindacece 
 yield Staphylea trifolia (the bladder-nut) ; Acer sac- 
 charinum (sugar-maple); A. rubrum (swamp maple; 
 this is the " fish-tree" of Campanius) ; Negundo acer- 
 oides (box-elder). The Milkwort family furnishes 
 Polygala sanguinea, P. cruciata, P. verticillata, P. am- 
 bigua, P. Senega (Seneca snake-root, referred to by 
 Gabriel Thomas), P. polygama (P. rubella of Muhlen- 
 berg). Of the Leguminosw, there are Lupinus perennis 
 (wild lupine, Chestnut Hill), Orotqlaria sagittalis 
 (rattle-box), Trifolium arvense (stone-clover), with T. 
 pratense, T. repens, T. agrarium, and T. procumbens (all 
 the useful clovers); Melilotus officinalis and alba; 
 Medieago saliva (lucerne), Amorpha fruticosa ; Robinia 
 pseudacacia (common locust), R. viscosa, Tephrosia 
 Virginiana (goats' rue), Desmodium nudiflorum, D. 
 acuminatum, D. rotundifolium, D. canescens, D. cuspi- 
 datum, D. paniculatum, D. rigidum, D. Marylandicum, 
 etc. ; Lespideza violacea (three sorts), L. procumbens, 
 L. repens, etc. ; Vtcia saliva (vetch) ; Lathyrus venosus 
 and Palustris, L. lalifolius, L. odoratus, Cicer arie- 
 tinum, Phaseolus perennis (wild bean), P. helvolus, P. 
 vulgaris; Apios tuberosa (ground-nut); Galactia gla- 
 bella (milk-pea) ; Amphicarpea monoica ; Baptisia tinc- 
 toria (wild indigo), B. Australia, Cercis Canadensis 
 (Judas-tree), Cassia Marylandica (wild senna), C. 
 chamozcrista (partridge pea), C. nictitans (wild sensi- 
 tive-plant), and Gleditschia triacanthus (honey-locust). 
 Of the Rose family there are Prunus Americana (wild 
 plum), P. chicasa (chicasaw plum), P. spinosa (sloe), 
 P. Pennsylvanica (wild cherry), P. avium, P. serotina, 
 P. vulgaris, P. Virginiana ; Spirwa opulifolia (wine- 
 bark), S. salicifolia (meadow-sweet), S. tomentosa; Gil- 
 
26 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 tenia trifoliata (Indian physic); Agrimonia eupatoria 
 and parvifolia; Potentilla Canadensis (common five- 
 finger), P. palustris ; Fragaria Virginiana and vesca 
 (wild strawberries) ; Rubus strigosus, R. occidentalis 
 (red and black raspberry), R. villosus (blackberry), 
 R. Canadensis (dewberry), R. hispidus, and R. cunei- 
 folius ; Rosa Carolina, R. lucida (wild-rose), R. rubi- 
 ginosa (sweet-brier) ; Crataegus cordata, C. oxyacanthea>. 
 (hawthorn), C. coccinea;, C. tomentosa (blackthorn), C. 
 parvifolia; Pgrus coronaria (crab-apple), P. arbuti- 
 folia, P. mains, P. communis (the Seckel pear is a 
 native of Philadelphia), P. Americana (mountain 
 ash), Amelanchier Canadensis (service-berry), and 
 Cydonia vulgaris (quince). The Lytheraceos have 
 Ammania humilis, Lyihrum lineare, Neswa verticillata, 
 and Cuphea viscosissima. The Evening Primrose 
 family (Onagracece) furnish Epilobium palustre, E. 
 coloratum, (Enothera biennis (common primrose), (E. 
 fruticosa (sun-drop), (E. pumilla, Caura biennis, Lud- 
 wigia pahistris (water parsley), and drama lutetiana 
 (nightshade) ; Myriophyllum scabratum, M. ambiguum 
 (pond plants), and Opuntia vulgaris. The Currant 
 family is represented by Ribes hirtellum (wild goose- 
 berry), R. Floridum (black currant), and R. rubrum. 
 The Gourd family has Sicyos angulatus, Cucumis sa- 
 tivum, C. rnelo, C. citrullus, Cucurbita pepo, C. melopepo, 
 C. aurantia, and Lagenaria vulgaris (all cultivated by 
 Indians). Of the order of Saxifrages there are Saxi- 
 fraga Virginiensis, S. Pennsylvania, S. erosa (Penni- 
 pack Creek), Heuchera Americana (alum-root), Mitella 
 diphylla (bishop's cap), Chrysosplenium Americanum 
 (golden saxifrage), Ilea Virginica, and Philadelphus 
 coronarius. The Witch-hazel family gives Hamamelis 
 Virginica, Liquidambar styraciflua (sweet gum or 
 liquidamber tree, used by the Swedes to make hubs 
 for their cart-wheels, as Campanius notes). The 
 Umbellifera or Parsley family is represented in Phila- 
 delphia by two species of pennyworts [Hydroeotyle 
 Americana and umbellata), two species of black snake- 
 root, the Eryngium yuccoefolium (rattlesnake root), 
 Daucus carota (carrot), Heracleum lanatum (cow- 
 parsnip), Pastinaca sativa (common parsnip), Ar- 
 chemora rigida (cowbane), Archangelica hirsuta and 
 atropurpurea, Thaspium bardinode, Thaspium atropur- 
 pureum, Cicuta maculata (musquash-root, water hem- 
 lock), Sium lineare, Cryptotoznia Canadensis (hone- 
 wort), Osmorrhiza longistylis (sweet-cicely), Conium 
 maculatum (hemlock), Erigenia bulbosa, Apium petro- 
 selinum (parsley), A. graveolens (celery), A. fceniculum 
 (fennel), Anathum graveolens (dill). The Ginseng 
 order have Aralia spinosa (Hercules' club), A. race- 
 mosa (spikenard), A. medicaulis (wild sarsaparilla), 
 and A. trifolia (dwarf ginseng). The Dogwood fam- 
 ily have Cornus Florida (common dogwood), C. 
 sericea (silky cormel or kinikinnik), C. paniculata, C. 
 altemifolia, and Nyssa multiflora (black gum). The 
 Honeysuckle family is represented by Lonicera sem- 
 pervirens (trumpet honeysuckle), L. grata (woodbine), 
 Diervilla Canadensis, Triosteum perfoliatum (horse 
 
 gentian), Sambucus Canadensis (elder), Viburnum 
 nudum, V. prunifolium (black haw), V. lentago (sheep 
 berry), V. dentatum (arrow-wood), V. acerifolium, V. 
 opulus (snow-ball), and V. lantanoides (hobble-bush) 
 The Madder family has Galium aparine (goose-grass) 
 G. asprcllum, G. obtusum, G, triflorum, G. pilosum. 
 G. circcezans and lanceolalum (wild liquorice) ; Diodia 
 teres (button-weed), Mitchella repens (partridge berry), 
 and Qldenlandea cazrulea (bluets). Of the Composite 
 order there are iron-weed ( Vernonia noveboraeensis), 
 Elephantopus Carolinianus, Liatris squarrosa, L. spi- 
 cata, and L. dubia ; Eupatoreum purpureum (trumpet- 
 weed), E. teucrifolium, E. rotundifolium, E. perfoli- 
 atum (boneset), E. ageratoides (white snake-root), E. 
 aromaticum ; Mikania scandens ; Conoclinium cades- 
 tinum (moist-flower), Tussilago far/ara, Sericocarpus 
 solidageus, S. coryzoides ; Aster and starworts, a dozen 
 leading varieties ; Erigeron canadense (butter-weed), 
 E. Philadelphicum (fleabane), E. annuum (sweet 
 scabious), E. strigosum ; Biplopappus linarif otitis, D. 
 umbellatus, and D. amygdalinus ; Boltonia asteroides 
 (Bartram), Solidago squarrosa (golden-rod), S. bicolor, 
 and fourteen other varieties ; Chrysopsis mariana 
 (golden aster), Inula helenium (elecampane), Potymnia 
 Canadensis; Iva frutescens ; Ambrosia trifida (rag- 
 weed), A. artemesiafolia (hogweed), Xanthium stru- 
 marium (cockle-bur), X. spinosum, Eclipia procumbens, 
 Heliopsis laevis (ox-eye), Rudbechia (cone-flower), 
 four varieties ; Helianthus (sunflower), five varieties, 
 including H. tuberosus (Jerusalem artichoke), and H. 
 annuus (garden sunflower) ; Coreopsis trichinosperma, 
 Bidens frondosa (beggar-lice), B. connata, B. cernua, 
 B. chrysanthemoid.es, B. bipinnata (Spanish needles) ; 
 Helenium autumnale (sneeze-weed), Maruta cotula 
 (Mayweed), Achillea millefolium (yarrow, or mill- 
 foil), Leucanthemum vulgare (ox-eye daisy), Ma- 
 tricaria parthenium (feverfew), Tanacetum vulgare 
 (tansy), Artemisia caudata (wormwood), A. vulgaris 
 (mugwort), Gnaphalium polycephalium (everlasting), 
 G. purpureum (purple cudweed) ; Filago Germanica, 
 Erechtites hieracifolia, Cacalia atriplicifolia (plantain), 
 Senecio aureus (squaw-weed), Centaurea cyanus (blue- 
 bottle), Cirsium (thistle), seven varieties, including 
 common thistle [C. lanceolatum) , and Canada thistle 
 (C arvense) ; Lappa major (burdock), Cichorium 
 intybus (chiccory), Hieracium scabrum (hawkweed), 
 H. Gronovii, H. venosum (rattlesnake-weed), and H. 
 paniculatum ; Nabalus albus, N. altissimus, Taraxacum 
 densleonis (dandelion), Lactuca elongata (wild let- 
 tuce), Mulgedium acuminatum, Sonchus oleraceus (sow 
 thistle) and S. asper. The Lobelia family have the 
 cardinal flower, the great lobelia (L. syphilitica), the 
 L. inftata (Indian tobacco), the blue lobelia (Z. 
 spicata), and L. Nuttallii. The Campanulas have the 
 marsh bell-flower, the tall bell-flower, and Venus' 
 looking-glass. Of the heaths there are Gaylussaccia 
 frondosa and G. resinosa (the blue and the black 
 huckleberry), Vaccinium macroca.rpon (cranberry), V. 
 stamineum (squaw huckleberry), V. Pennsylvanicum, 
 
GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 
 
 27 
 
 and V. vadllans; the Epigma (trailing arbutus), 
 Gaultheria procumbens (wintergreen teaberry), Leu- 
 cothoe raeemosa, Clethra alnifolia (white alder), Kalmia 
 laiifolia (mountain laurel), K. angusUfolia (sheep 
 laurel), Azalea viscosa (swamp honeysuckle), A. nudi- 
 flora (Pinxter flower),. Pyrola rotundifolia, P. ellip- 
 tica, Chimaphlla umbellata (pipsissewa), C.maculata, 
 Monotropa uniflora (Indian pipe), and M. hypo- 
 pit U* (pine-sap). The AquifoliacecB or Holly fam- 
 ily give specimens (but infrequent) of Ilex opaea 
 (American holly), and I. verticillata (black alder). 
 The Ebony family is represented by Diospyros Vir- 
 giniana (persimmon); the plantains by Plantago 
 major, P. lanceolata, and P. virginica ; the primulas 
 (primroses) by Dodecatheon Meadia (American cow- 
 slip), Lysimachia stricta (loose-strife), L. quadrifolia 
 and L. ciliata, and the pimpernel [Anagallis arvensis). 
 There is one bladderwort, Utricularin vulgaris; and 
 one bignonia, the catalpa. The Orobanchacece have 
 Epiphegus Virginiana (beech-drop), Conopholis Ameri- 
 cana (cancer-root), and Aphyllon wciflorum. The 
 Scrophulariacece have the common mullein, the moth 
 mullein, the toad-flax (Linaria Canadensis and L. vul- 
 garis, "butter-and-eggs"), Scrophularia nodosa, Che- 
 lone glabra (turtle-head), Mimulus alatus and M. rin- 
 gens( the monkey-flower), Hernia/it husmicran themoides, 
 Veronica (speedwells, seven varieties), Buchnara 
 Americana, Gerardia (five sorts), Castilleia coccinea 
 (scarlet painted cup), Pedicularis Canadensis (wood 
 betony), P. lanceolata. The verbenas have V. hastola 
 (blue vervain) and the white variety. The Labiatce, 
 or Mint family, are represented by the wood-sage or 
 American germander, spearmint {Mentha viridis), 
 peppermint and wild mint (M. Canadensis); Lycopus 
 Virginicus (bugle-weed), Cunila mariana (dittany), 
 Pycnanthemum incanum (basil), and five other sorts, 
 Origanum vulgare (horse-mint or wild marjoram), 
 Thymus serpyllum, T. vulgaris (thyme), Melissa officin- 
 alis (balm), Hedeoma pulegioides (pennyroyal), Col- 
 limonia Canadensis (rich-weed, horse-balm), Salvia 
 lyrata and S. officinalis (sage ; the fine flowering sages 
 are from South America) ; Monardia jistulosa (wild 
 bergamot), Lophanthus (hyssop), two sorts; Nepeta 
 cataria (catnip) and N. glechoma (ground ivy) ; Scu- 
 I, ,/,>, ia i skull-cap), six sorts; Marrubium vulgare (bore- 
 hound), Leonurus ca/rdiaca (motherwort). The Borage 
 family have Echium vulgare, Onosmodium Virginianum, 
 Lithosperm um arvense (common gromwell), Myosotispa- 
 lustris (forget-me-not), Oynoglossum officinale (hound's 
 tongue), C Virginicum, C. Morisoni (beggar's- lice); of 
 the Water-leaf family (Hydrophyllacece) there are two 
 sorts besides the Ellisia nyctcha and the Phacelia par- 
 vifolia; of the Polemoniacece, Polemoniareptans (Jacob's 
 ladder) and Phlox maculala (wild sweet-william), P. 
 pilosa and /'. subulata, with 1'ijxidanthcra burbulata. 
 Of the Convolvulus family, Ipomea purpurea ( morning- 
 glory), I. pamluratii, Cmtrolouliis arpensis (bindweed), 
 Omenta Qronovii (dodder). The.Nightshade family 
 have Solatium dulcamara (bitter-sweet), S. nigrum 
 
 (nightshade), S. Carolinen.se (horse-nettle) ; Physalis 
 pubescens and viscosa (ground cherry), Datura stra- 
 mon ium (jimson-weed) ; the Solanum tuberosum (potato), 
 S. melongena (egg-plant), Lycopersicum esculentum (to- 
 mato), Airopa belladonna (deadly nightshade), Nico- 
 tiana tabacum and Capsicum annuum (red pepper, Cay- 
 enne) are all allied to this family and all naturalized in 
 Philadelphia County. The Gentian family gives the 
 centaury, fringed gentian, Gentiana saponaria (soap- 
 wort gentian), 07. Andrewsii (closed gentian), Bartonia 
 tenella, and Obolaria Virginica; the family of Apocy- 
 nacece gives the spreading dogbane and the Indian 
 hemp (Apocynum Cannabinum). The Milkweed order 
 yields Asclepias cornuti (common milkweed) and ten 
 other varieties; the Olive family yields privet, fringe- 
 tree (Chionanthus Virginica), white-ash, red-ash, and 
 black or elder-leaved ash. There are two sorts of 
 Aristolochiacece, the asarabacca (wild ginger) and Aris- 
 tolochia serpentaria (Virginia snake-root). The poke- 
 weed family have Phytolacca decandea (common poke); 
 the Goosefoot family, Chenopodium album (lamb's 
 quarters), C. ambrosioides (Mexican tea worm-seed) ; 
 the amaranth, Amaranthus albus, A. hybridus (pig- 
 weed), A. spinosus — prince's feather ("love lies bleed- 
 ing"), is of this family — and Acnida Cannabina. The 
 Buckwheat family has Polygonum orientale, P. Penn- 
 sylvanicum, P.persicaria (lady's thumb), and ten other 
 sorts ; Fagopyrum escidentum (buckwheat), Rumex 
 (water-dock), four varieties, E. acetocella (sheep-sorrel), 
 Rheum rhaponicum (pie-plant); of the Lauracece there 
 are sassafras and benzoin (spice-wood); of the Meze- 
 reums, the Dirca palustris ; of the Santalacece, the Co- 
 inandra umbellata ; of the mistletoes, Phoradendron 
 flavescens. There are besides the Saururus cernuus, the 
 Ceratophyllum demersum, Callitriche verna, Podostemon 
 ceratophyllum, Euphorbia corollata (spurge), E. macu- 
 lata, and E. hypericifolia, and the Acalypha gracilens. 
 Of the Urticacece or Nettle family there are Ulmus 
 fulva (slippery elm), U. Americana (native elm), Celtis 
 occidentalis (hackberry), Morus rubra (red mulberry), 
 M. alba, M. papyri/era, Madura aurantiaca (osage 
 orange, naturalized), Urtica dioica (stinging nettle), 
 Laportea Canadensis, Pilea pumila (richweed), Parie- 
 taria Pennsylvania (pellitory ), Cannabis sativa (hemp), 
 Humuluslupulus (hop). Of thePlane-tree family, Plata- 
 nus occidentalis (the sycamore or buttonwood-tree) ; of 
 the walnuts, Juglans cinerea and J. nigra (butternut and 
 black-walnut), Caryaalba (shellbark), C. sulcata (hick- 
 ory-nut), C. tomentosa and C.microcarpa (hickories), C. 
 glabra (pig-nut hickory), C. amara (swamp hickory). 
 Of the Oak family ( Cupiliferw) there are found in Phila- 
 delphia the Quercus obtusiloba (post-oak), Q.alba( white- 
 oak), swamp chestnut-oak, swamp white-oak, yellow 
 chestnut-oak, chinquapin-oak, willow-oak, laurel- 
 oak, black-jack, scrub-oak ( Q. ilicifolia), Spanish oak, 
 pin-oak, quercitron-oak ( Q. tinctoria), scarlet-oak, red- 
 oak, the chestnut, chinquapin, beech, hazel-nut, and 
 horn-beam or ironwood. Of the Myricacece are the 
 wax-myrtle (bayberry) and the sweet fern; of the 
 
HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Birches, Betula nigra (red-birch), and Alnus serrulata 
 (smooth alder) ; of the Willow family [Salicaceos), 
 there are the Salix tristis (dwarf gray-willow), the 
 low-bush, weeping, basket, or osier, silky-leaved, 
 petiolate, black, white, and brittle willows ; the quiv- 
 ering aspen, large-toothed aspen, Athenian, Lom- 
 bardy, and silver poplar (naturalized since 1785), and 
 the Populus candidans (Balm of Gilead). Of the 
 Ooniferce, there are Pinus inops (Jersey pine), P. rigida 
 (pitch-pine), P. strobus (white-pine), Abies Canadensis 
 (hemlock-spruce), Thuja occidentalis (American arbor- 
 vitae), Cupressus thyoides (white-cedar), and the Juni- 
 perus communis and Virginiana (savin). Of the Arum 
 family there are Arisema iriphyllum (Indian turnip), 
 and Draeontium, the skunk-cabbage, the golden-club, 
 and the Calamus or sweet-flag ; of the Cat- tails, Typha 
 latifolia, Sparganium simplex, and S. ramosum ; of the 
 Duck-weeds, Lemna minor and L. polyrrhiza ; of the 
 Pond-weeds (Naiadacece), Naias flexilis, Ruppia mari- 
 tima, Potamogetonnatans, P. perfoliatum, P. lucens, etc. ; 
 of the AlismaeecB, Alismaplantago, SagiUaria variabilis; 
 of the Frog-bits, Anacharsis Canadensis and Vallisneria 
 spiralis (eel-grass) ; of the Orchid family, Orchis spec- 
 tabilis, Oymnadenia tridentata and flava, five sorts of 
 Plantathera, Goodyerapubescens, Spiranthes gracilis and 
 cernua ; three sorts of Pogonia, Calopogon pulchellus, 
 Mycrostyllis ophioglossoides, Liparis liliifolia, Corallor- 
 rhiza, three varieties; Aplectrum hyemale (Adam-and- 
 Eve), Cypripedium pubescens, and acaule (lady's slip- 
 per). Of the Amaryllises, there is Hyposcys erecta 
 (star-grass); of the Bloodworts, Alelris farinosa; of 
 the Irises, the blue flag and fleur-de-luce, the Bermuda 
 grass, the crocus, blackberry lily, and tiger-flower ; 
 of the Yams, Dioscorea villosa; of the Smilaxes, S. 
 rotundifolia (greenbrier), S. glauca, and S. herbacea 
 (carrion-flower) ; Trillium cernuum (wake-robin), and 
 Madeola Virginica (Indian cucumber). Of the Lily 
 family there are Asparagus officinalis, Polygonalum 
 giganteum (Solomon's seal), Smilacina racemosa, S. 
 Canadensis, Convallaria majalis (lily of the valley), 
 day-lily, Star-of-Bethlehem, wild leek, field garlic, 
 meadow garlic, Lilium Philadelphicum, L. Canadense, 
 L. superbum (Turk's cap), Erythronium Americanum; 
 of the Colchicum family, there are the bellwort, the 
 bunch-flower, the white hellebore, the Amianthium 
 muscoetoxicum, the Chamcelirium luteum, and Tofieldia 
 pubens. Of the Bush family, Jimeus effusus (common 
 rush), and six others; of the Pontideriacece, Pontideria 
 condata, the mud-plantain, and the water star-grass; 
 of the Spiderworts, Commelyna Virginica and Trades- 
 cantia Virginica; of 'the Xyridacece, Xyris Caroliniana; 
 of the Pipeworts, Eriocaulon gnaphalodes. The Sedges 
 are represented by five varieties of Oyperus, seven of 
 Scirpus, five of Fimbristylis, thirty-three of C'arex, be- 
 sides Dulchium spathaeeum, Eleocharis obtitsa, E. tenuis, 
 and E. acicularis, and Eriophorum Virginicum ; Cype- 
 rusrotundus is nut-grass ; the carices do not vary much 
 in appearance, though the catalogue of their varieties 
 in Gray's Manual occupies nearly thirty pages. Of 
 
 the family of Graminece, or grasses, Philadelphia was 
 the habitat of a great many genera and species ; there 
 were two Leersim, three Agrostes, five Muhletibergios, 
 five Poce, three sorts of Elymus, fifteen of Panicum, 
 and three of Andropogon ; among these were rice- 
 grass, fly-catch, water-oats, meadow fox-tail, timothy, 
 drop-seed grass, bent-grass, thin-grass, orchard-grass, 
 herd-grass, poverty-grass, blue-grass, green-grass, 
 cheat, wild-oats, bur-grass, red-top, nimble will, hair- 
 grass, joint-grass, rattlesnake-grass, spear-grass, wire- 
 grass, meadow fescue, darnel, couch-grass, wild-rye, 
 sweet-scented vernal grass, millet, bottle-grass, sesame, 
 and broom-corn. 
 
 Of the animals, birds, and fishes, the reptiles and 
 insects of Philadelphia, the old writers make much 
 mention, but it is still rather of a confused sort. Penn 
 dwells upon the elk and deer, the bears, beavers, rac- 
 coons, rabbits, and squirrels, the turkeys, pheasants, 
 pigeons, and partridges, and the water-fowl. The 
 abundance offish struck him, and he frequently com- 
 mented upon them. Gabriel Thomas names " swans, 
 duck, teal, geese, divers, brands, snipe, curlew, eagles, 
 Turkies (of Forty or Fifty Pound Weight), Pheasants, 
 Partridges, Pigeons, Heathbirds, Blackbirds, and the 
 strange and remarkable fowl called (in these parts) 
 the Mocking-Bird, that Imitates all sorts of Birds in 
 their various Notes. And for Fish, there are prodigious 
 quantities of most sorts, viz. : Shadd, Cat-Heads, Sheep- 
 Heads, Herrings, Smelts, Boach, Eels, Perch. As also 
 the large sort of Fish, as Whales (of which a great deal 
 of Oyl is made), Salmon, Trout, Sturgeon, Bock, Oys- 
 ters (some six Inches long), Crabs, Cockles (some as big 
 as Stewing Oysters, of which are made a Choice soupe 
 or Broth), Can ok, and Mussels, with many other sorts 
 of fish, which would be too tedious to insert. There are 
 several sorts of wild Beasts of great Profit, and good 
 Food, viz. : Panthers, Wolves, Fither, Deer, Beaver, 
 Otter, Hares, Musk-Eats, Minks, Wild Cats, Foxes, 
 Baccoons, Babbits, and that strange creature, the 
 Possum, she having a false Belly to swallow her Young 
 ones, by which means she preserveth them from dan- 
 ger when anything comes to disturb them. There are 
 also Bears, some Wolves, are pretty well destroyed by 
 the Indians for the sake of the Beward given them 
 by the Christian for that service. Here is also that 
 Bemarkable Creature, the Flying Squirrel, having a 
 kind of Skinny Wings, almost like those of the Batt, 
 though it hath the like Hair and Colour of the Com- 
 mon Squirrel, but is much less in Bodily Substance. 
 I have (myself) seen it fly from one Tree to another 
 in the Woods, but how long it can maintain its Flight 
 is not yet exactly known. There are in the Woods 
 abundance of Bed Deer (vulgarly called Stags), 
 for I have bought of an Indian a whole Buck (both 
 Skin and Carcass) for two Gills of Gunpowder. 
 There are vast Numbers of other Wild Creatures, 
 as Elk, Buffaloes, etc., all which, as well Beasts, Fowl, 
 and Fish, are free and common to any Person who can 
 shoot or take them, without any lett, hinderance, or 
 
GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 
 
 29 
 
 opposition whatsoever. There are among other vari- 
 ous sorts of Frogs, the Bull-Frog, which makes a 
 roaring noise, hardly to be distinguished from that 
 well known of the Beast from whom it takes its 
 Name. There is another sort of Frog that crawls 
 up to the tops of Trees, there seeming to imitate the 
 Notes of several Birds, with many other strange and 
 various Creatures, which would take up too much 
 room here to mention." Campanius mentions tor- 
 toises, sturgeons, and whales. The rattlesnake, he 
 says, has a head like a dog, " and can bite a man's 
 leg off as clear as if it had been hewn down with an 
 axe." The "sea-spiders" (king crab) are "as large 
 as tortoises, and like them have houses over them of 
 a kind of yellow horn. They have many feet, and 
 their tails are half an ell long, and made like a three- 
 edged saw, with which the hardest trees may be sawed 
 down." The "tarm-fish" has no head, and is like a 
 smooth rope, one-quarter of a yard in length and four 
 fingers thick, and somewhat bowed in the middle. 
 At each of the four corners there runs out a small 
 bowel three yards long and as thick as coarse twine. 
 "AVith two of these bowels they suck in their food, 
 and with the other two eject it from them" (a sort of 
 medusa, probably). There is also a devil-fish, called 
 by the Indians "manitto," which plunges deep in the 
 water and spouts like a whale. 
 
 That whales once frequented the Delaware does not 
 admit of question. De Vries established the colony 
 at Swaanendael as a point d'appui for the whale fish- 
 ery ; Vanderdonck says these mammals were fre- 
 quently stranded on the shores and captured by 
 Indians and settlers ; Lambrechtsen mentions cod, 
 tunny, and whale as among the fish of the North and 
 South Rivers ; Du Simitiere's manuscripts contain an 
 account of a whale that came up to Philadelphia. It 
 will be noticed that Thomas mentions buffaloes as 
 among the animals of Eastern Pennsylvania; the 
 same thing is done by the author of the so-called 
 " Plantagenet's Albion" pamphlet, and by Vander- 
 donck, the latter saying that" " the buffaloes keep to- 
 wards the southwest, where few people go." It has 
 been said very positively that the American bison 
 never came east of the Allegheny Mountains, and 
 the general silence of early naturalists on the subject 
 seems to make the statement probable. But the 
 cause assigned, that the bison, a prairie animal, 
 avoids mountains, is no longer admissible, for we 
 now know that he hides in the deepest valleys of 
 the Rocky Mountains, and climbs cliffs as daringly 
 as he storms the snow-drifts. Besides, the bison 
 could easily have passed round the mountains by 
 way of the northern lakes, descending the Hudson, 
 Delaware, and Susquehanna. The animal's frequent- 
 ing-place was doubtless the treeless plains ; but he 
 may have easily come to visit, though not to stay, in 
 the East. Evidently the Delaware Indians knew of 
 the beast; they had a name for him (siisilie), and they 
 called one of the branches of the Allegheny River 
 
 Sissilie Hanna, " the stream where the buffaloes re- 
 sort." The city of Buffalo, on Lake Erie, would 
 seem to have its name from the resort of these ani- 
 mals, and there are four townships and one town called 
 Buffalo in Pennsylvania. One Buffalo Creek, in this 
 State, empties into the Juniata ; another into the 
 Susquehanna, both east of the Alleghenies; the name 
 is also found in North Carolina, Georgia, and Mary- 
 land, at points east of the mountains. This is posi- 
 tive evidence, so far as the names of places go, in 
 favor of eastern migrations of the bison ; the non- 
 mention of the animal by early writers is negative 
 evidence against such migrations. 
 
 It is not necessary to present a full account of the 
 zoology of Philadelphia County. Dr. Michener, B. 
 H. Warren, Prof. Cope, Alexander Wilson, Spencer F. 
 Baird, John Cassin, Dr. Joseph Thomas, Mr. Brewer, 
 Mr. Barnard, etc., have collected all the information 
 on the subject that is desirable, and a hundred times 
 more than can be used here. Of the insectivora 
 there are several bats, five shrews, and two moles, 
 which are named ; of the carnivora there are the pan- 
 ther, (Felts concolor), Lynx rvfus (American wildcat), 
 L. Canadensis ; the American wolf, red fox, gray fox, 
 weasels (three sorts), the mink, the ferret, the otter, 
 the skunk, the raccoon, and the black bear. Of the 
 marsupials, only the opossum ; of the rodents, the 
 squirrel family, including the cat, gray, red, black, 
 and flying squirrels, the ground-squirrel or chip- 
 munk, and the ground-hog or American marmot ; of 
 the muridce or rat family, there were the beaver, the 
 musk-rat, the jumping- mouse, the black and brown 
 rats, the wood-rat, the house-mouse, field-mouse, 
 meadow-mouse, and upland meadow mouse ; of the 
 porcupine family there was the American hedgehog ; 
 of the rabbits, two, the white and the gray. Of ru- 
 minants, the elk, the red deer, the buffalo (besides 
 domesticated animals), the horse, and (among fossils 
 near by in Chester County and in New Jersey) the 
 Ekphas primogenius and the mastodon. Among the 
 birds Dr. Michener and Mr. Barnard have recognized 
 two hundred species as belonging to the vicinity of 
 Philadelphia, of which nearly a fourth might still be 
 found. The vultures are represented by the turkey- 
 buzzard ; the falcons or hawks by the duck-hawk, the 
 pigeon-hawk, the sparrow-hawk, the goshawk, and 
 seven other species, the kite, the marsh-hawk, the 
 golden and the white-headed eagle, and the fish-hawk. 
 The owls have the barn-owl, the great horned owl, the 
 screech, the long-eared, the short-eared, the barred, 
 " saw-whet," and snowy owls ; the cuckoos have 
 two varieties ; the woodpeckers eight varieties ; the 
 humming-birds have only one sort; there are five 
 varieties of swallows ; the whip-poor-will and shrike, 
 or night-hawk, are common, and there are the king- 
 fisher and the king-bird. There are eight sorts of 
 fly-catchers, including the pewee ; six varieties of the 
 thrush, including the robin and the wood and her- 
 mit thrush ; two kinds of wren, the blue-bird, the 
 
30 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 titlark and the black and white creeper, the yellow- 
 throat, the redstart, and the three water thrushes 
 {sciurus). Of the warblers twenty -four varieties 
 have been specified ; of the vireos and fly-catchers 
 twelve varieties ; the butcher-bird and the mocking- 
 bird were much more frequent in former times, but 
 the cat-bird holds its own, though the brown thrush 
 (Minius rufus) is getting scarce. The marsh wren is 
 common, but not so the other ihryothori. The gray 
 creeper, the nut-hatcher, the titmouses and chicka- 
 dees, the larks, tanagers, red-birds, grosbeaks are 
 common ; of the finches and cross-bills several va- 
 rieties are named ; there are thirteen named sorts 
 of sparrows, four grosbeaks, two orioles, two black- 
 birds, two sorts of crows; the jay, turtle-dove, wild 
 pigeon, pheasant, partridge ; twelve cranes, herons, 
 bitterns, and ibises ; three sorts of the plover ; the 
 kildeer, phalarope, woodcock ; fifteen species of 
 snipe, sand-pipers, etc., and seven or eight sorts of 
 rail, curlew, and marsh-hen. The coot, swan, wild- 
 goose, brant, and loon used to be very abundant 
 on the Delaware — now scarce ; the mallard, black 
 duck, sprig-tail, teal, shoveler, summer duck, scaup, 
 canvas-back, red-head, buffel-head, spine-tail, shell- 
 drake, merganser are still shot, and in winter the 
 Delaware is still frequented by five or six varieties of 
 gulls and three sorts of grebes. 
 
 The reptiles of Philadelphia were never very for- 
 midable, but still, numerous. Sixteen varieties of 
 salamander are catalogued, and eleven toads and 
 frogs, including all the Bufonidce, Hylidce, and Ran- 
 idoe. Of the ophidians, two were venomous, — the 
 banded rattlesnake ( Orotalus horridus) and the cop- 
 perhead. The other snakes were the worm snake, 
 ring snake, chain snake, house snake, grass snake, 
 black snake, garter snake, ribbon snake, yellow-bel- 
 lied snake, water snake, and spotted and black viper. 
 There was but one lizard, but nine tortoises, including 
 the snappers. 
 
 The fish include ten varieties of perch (with the 
 pike), four darters, a miller's thumb, a stickleback, 
 a gar, trout, salmon, a dozen chubs, dace, shiners, etc., 
 in the small streams ; seven or eight mullets or suckers, 
 six sorts of cat-fish, one variety of eel, two of stur- 
 geon, three lampreys, etc. Of the mollusca there is 
 no end of slugs and snails, pupadce, etc., eighty-six 
 varieties being catalogued, thirty or forty sorts of 
 mussels and pectino-branchiates, and this is in addi- 
 tion to the salt-water shell-fish. 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 THE INDIANS. 
 
 When Henry Hudson, in 1609, after having exam- 
 ined and sounded the entrance to Delaware Bay, en- 
 tered and explored New York Bay and the North or 
 Hudson River, he encountered the natives of the 
 country, who called themselves Mohegans or Mohe- 
 
 canne. These savages had never seen white men ; 
 but after the first surprise and wonder, they met the 
 strangers with the utmost confidence, and made a 
 graceful display of their inexhaustible, generous hos- 
 pitality, bestowing presents and spreading before the 
 new-comers the choicest treasures of their little store. 
 This visit of Hudson's seems to have made an indel- 
 ible impression upon the Indians. The incident was 
 handed down in vivid traditions from generation to 
 generation, and Heckewelder heard an account of it 
 from the Pennsylvania Indians, among whom he was 
 doing his gentle duties as a missionary. The ship 
 was mistaken for a supernatural visitant, and its cap- 
 tain and crew were esteemed as being far superior to 
 earthly men. The simple natives fancied themselves 
 blessed with the presence of some great Manitou, and 
 they did their utmost to honor the occasion and pro- 
 pitiate the powerful strangers, whose house had white 
 wings and at whose command were the resources of 
 the elements, the lightning and the thunder. The 
 Indians put on their gala-day costumes and bravest 
 paint, brought out their fetishes and amulets, and 
 prepared a sacrifice, a feast, and a dance. Hudson, 
 deus ex machina, not to be outdone, met the natives 
 in ceremonious state, furnished them with draughts 
 of nectar, — in this case it was true Holland schnapps, 
 poured forth from a junk-bottle, "fire-water," as the 
 deluded savages most appropriately denominated it, 
 — and made them drunk after the ancient English 
 fashion. It is a point in the unconscious satire of 
 history that the Indians of the temperate zone of 
 North America were not sufficiently " civilized" to 
 have discovered the means of intoxicating themselves 
 by the manufacture of fermented or distilled liquors. 
 The Mexicans had their pulque, the South American 
 Indians their cushaw beer and wine, the Mobilians 
 their "black drink," the Peruvians their coca and 
 probably their "pisco" also, but the Algonkins and 
 their kindred had no other drink but water, and their 
 sole stimulant was tobacco, in the fumes of which they 
 quieted their brains after the fullness of the banquet, 
 or when the excitement of the chase or the war-path 
 was over. This tobacco, and their bronze and clay 
 pipes, handsomely ornamented, the Indians put at 
 the service of their visitors, and it may be remarked, 
 in proof of the universal reciprocity of service in ex- 
 changes, that if the whites taught the Indians the 
 use of rum and introduced the smallpox among them, 
 the Indians in return have taught the whole world, 
 civilized and uncivilized, how to smoke tobacco. 
 
 The Indians who received Hudson were of the same 
 nation as those who dwelt upon both sides of the Del- 
 aware Bay and River. They called themselves Lenni 
 Lenape, or Renni Renappi, a name said to signify the 
 " original people" or its equivalent. 1 The river upon 
 
 1 There id some doubt as to whether Lenni Lenape is to lie taken as 
 meaning autochthones in an abstract sense, or whether it means, in a 
 personal way, the boast that " we are the people, 11 the men par excel- 
 lence* 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 31 
 
 whose banks some of them dwelt they called after 
 their own name, Lenape Wihittuck, Lenape River, 
 and when the English decided that the name of the 
 river should be Delaware they translated the Indian 
 generic title into Delaware also, and so the tribe are 
 called Delawares to this day. Between Hudson's 
 voyage and the beginning of the eighteenth century 
 there is frequent contemporary mention of the Lenape 
 Indians and their kinsmen, the Nanticokes, and their 
 neighbors, the Mengwes, Minquas, or Miugoes, who 
 were known in Maryland as the Susquehannas, and 
 whose remnant afterwards became known in Pennsyl- 
 vania as the Conestogas. Capt. Cornells Hendrickson, 
 who explored part of the Delaware in 1615-16 in a 
 small yacht built by Capt. Block in New York Harbor 
 to replace his vessel which had been burned, 1 reported 
 having met and traded with the Minquas, from whose 
 bonds he redeemed three prisoners belonging to the 
 Dutch trading company at Fort Nassau, up the Hud- 
 son. It is probable that Hendrickson encountered 
 these natives at Christina or Upland Creek. His 
 intercourse with them was the beginning of the Dela- 
 ware River fur trade. 
 
 In 1623, Capt. Cornelis Jacobson Mey built Fort 
 Nassau on the east side of the Delaware River, just 
 below where Philadelphia now stands. Mey was 
 agent for the Dutch West India Company, and the 
 fort was intended as a trading-post. It was alternately 
 occupied or deserted as trade demands required. In 
 1633, De Vries found the Indians in possession of it. 
 De Vries himself, acting for some members of the 
 Dutch Company, had bought from the Indians bodies 
 of land on both sides of Delaware Bay near the 
 ocean, and in 1630 a colony was planted under his 
 direction at the Harekills or Lewes Creek, in Lower 
 Delaware, and called Swaanendael, or Swanvale, a 
 house being built and surrounded with palisades, to 
 which the name of " Fort Oplandt" was given. In 
 spite of the land purchase the garrison of this fort 
 got into trouble with the Indians, and the entire 
 party, some thirty men, were massacred. This land at 
 Swaanendael was bought by Hossett and Heysen, the 
 commissary and captain of the expedition organized 
 by De Vries, on May 5, 1631, from Sannoowouns, Wie- 
 wit, Pemhacke, Mekowetick, Teehepewwya, Matha- 
 men, Sacoock, Anchoopoen, Janquens, and Pokahake, 
 who were either Lenape or Nanticoke Indians. De 
 Vries, humane as he was intelligent, saw at once on his 
 return to the Delaware that the massacre at Fort Op- 
 landt was provoked by some act of the garrison or its 
 commander. He did not care to investigate too closely 
 a deed which was irreparable, and which he was 
 assured in his own consciousness must have originated 
 in some brutality or debauchery of his own people, 
 so he simply called the Indians together and made 
 a treaty of peace with them, sealing it with presents. 2 
 
 t Sco next chapter. 
 
 2 Do Vries Inn! witnessed with extreme disgust the cruelty and bad faith 
 of the whites in their dealings with the Indians. lie attributed the ruas- 
 
 At the time of De Vries' plantation, and his expe- 
 dition afterwards in 1633 up the Delaware, the Min- 
 quas appear to have been at war with the Lenapes on 
 the other side of the river, and this may in part ex- 
 plain the hostile attitude in which the navigator 
 found the Indians at several points. This fact will 
 also explain the readiness of the sachems of New 
 Jersey in that year to sell to Arent Corssen the land 
 on the westside of the river on which Fort Beversrede 
 was afterwards erected. In 1638 the Swedes came 
 to the Delaware, and having established themselves 
 at Christina and subsequently at other points, began 
 an active and intimate trade with the Indians for 
 furs. They too bought the land which they occupied, 
 and appear to have lived with the savages on very 
 familiar terms, for we find that they supplied inter- 
 preters for many years, supplanted the Dutch in the 
 fur trade, and annually visited the Minquas in their 
 strongholds in Cecil County and on the Susquehanna. 
 When the Iroquois came to attack the Susquehan- 
 nocks in their castle in 1662, they were baffled by a 
 regular fort, constructed in European style by Swe- 
 dish engineers, with bastions and mounted cannon. 3 
 The Swedish Governors appear to have understood 
 how to conciliate the Indians effectively, and were 
 much preferred to the Dutch. The natives aided 
 Pappegoya to put on shore the last party of Swedish 
 immigrants who arrived in the Delaware after the 
 subjugation of the colony by Stuyvesant. The in- 
 structions by Queen Christina's government to both 
 Printz and Risingh were very minute in their in- 
 junction of friendliness and good conduct to the 
 Indians. 
 
 De Laet, the contemporary Dutch historian, who 
 was also one of the directors of the Dutch West In- 
 dia Company, and one of the patrons for whom 
 De Vries purchased Indian titles on the Delaware, 
 names some of the Indian bands in that section in 
 his volume, Novus Orbis. Campanius states that the 
 Swedes in his time had no intercourse except with 
 " the black and white Mengwes," and he holds that 
 the Lenapes were cannibals, in proof of which he 
 adduces a story which is fully as authentic as his ac- 
 count of the rattlesnake. This author also speaks of 
 
 sacre of Hossett and his men to " mere jangling with the Indians" (in 
 his interesting journals), and he himself had experience of Indian loy- 
 alty and kindness when kindly treated. The suggestion of debauchery 
 grows out of the name given by the Dutch to Lewes Creek, which, says 
 Smith, the historian of New Jersey, on the authority of a manuscript 
 in the British Museum giving a Swedish account of the early settle- 
 ments on the Delaware, " had its rise from the liberality of the Indians 
 for lavishly prostituting, especially at that place, their maidens and 
 daughters to our Hollanders." Hossett's party had no women with 
 them, and it will be remembered that one of the earliest complaints of 
 the Delawares to Perm's government was founded upon the charge that 
 a settler's servants had made the males drunk and then debauched their 
 wives. The complaisance which, according to Cadwallader Colden, the 
 Indians extended to the whites ou theirflrstarrivalmight easily become 
 a grave indignity when the whites were discovered to be no longer su- 
 perior beings, but men like themselves. To meet with Amphitryons 
 visitors must not cease to bo Jupiters. 
 3 Parkman," Jesuits iu North America," p. 442. 
 
32 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 the broad faces, flat noses, large lips, and square teeth 
 of the savages, adding that they often had their heads 
 artificially flattened in infancy. The warriors some- 
 times wore necklaces made of thumbs of their ene- 
 mies cut off after battle ; the Indians (again Cam- 
 panius is responsible) ate just when they happened 
 to be hungry ; they wore head-dresses of feathers and 
 snake-skins, and fed upon bear's meat, venison, birds, 
 fish, and maize, either in the shape of hominy or 
 pone. When they traveled they mixed their cakes 
 with tobacco juice to quench thirst. They painted 
 their bodies with river mud or ochreous clays, and 
 made no use of salt except as an antidote to epi- 
 lepsy. In short, Campanius is utterly untrustworthy 
 as an observer, although he is sensational enough as 
 a raconteur. De Laet says the earth was their table 
 as well as their bed, — " humo strati, aut super storeas 
 junceas, somnum pariter atque cibum capiunt," — while 
 Campanius (giviDg Pastorius as his authority, how- 
 ever) absurdly makes them out as being such churls 
 as to mount and sit cross-legged upon tables in Chris- 
 tian houses to which they were asked; they never, in 
 fact, sitting cross-legged under any circumstances. 
 We learn from De Vries that the Indians used the 
 reed-pipe as a musical instrument, and Penn men- 
 tions the tambourine. De Laet seems to suppose that 
 they had no religion. " Nullus ipsis religionis sensus, 
 nulla Dei veneratio," he says, a singular misconcep- 
 tion. George Alsop, in his little tract called " A 
 Character of the Province of Maryland" (London, 
 1666), devotes a chapter to " A Relation of the Cus- 
 toms, Manners, Absurdities, and Religion of the Sus- 
 quehanock Indians in and near Maryland." These 
 were the Mengwes of Campanius, and the Susquesa- 
 hannoughs of Capt. Smith. Alsop says they are re- 
 garded as " the most Noble and Heroick Nation of 
 Indians that dwell upon the confines of America; 
 also are so allowed and lookt upon by the rest of the 
 Indians, by a submission and tributary acknowledg- 
 ment, being a people cast into the mould of a most 
 large and warlike deportment, the men being for the 
 most part seven foot high in altitude and in magni- 
 tude and bulk suitable to so high a pitch ; their voyce 
 large and hollow, as ascending out of a Cave, their 
 gate and behavior straight, steady, and majestick, 
 treading on the Earth with as much pride, contempt, 
 and disdain to so sordid a Centre as can be imagined 
 from a creature derived from the same mould and 
 Earth." They go naked summer and winter, says 
 Alsop, " only where shame leads them by a natural 
 instinct to be reservedly modest, there they become 
 cover'd. The formality of Jezabel's artificial Glory is 
 much courted and followed by these Indians, only in 
 matter of colours (I conceive) they differ." They 
 paint their faces in alternate streaks of different 
 colors, and Alsop thinks, with other early writers, 
 that their skins are naturally white but changed to 
 red and cinnamon-brown by the use of pigments. 
 Their hair is " black, long, and harsh," and they do 
 
 not permit it to grow anywhere except upon the head. 
 The Susquehannas tattooed their arms and breasts 
 with their different totems, "the picture of the Devil, 
 Bears, Tigers, and Panthers," says Alsop. They are 
 great warriors, always at war, and keep their neigh- 
 bors in subjection. Their government is complex 
 and hard to make out ; " all that ever I could observe 
 in them as to this matter is, that he that is most 
 cruelly Valorous is accounted the most Noble," which 
 is a very good approximation of the fact that the war- 
 chief derives his rank or influence from his deeds. 
 Our author adds that " when they determine to gi 
 upon some Design that will and doth require a con- 
 sideration, some six of them get into a Corner and sit, 
 in Juncto, and if thought fit their business is made 
 popular and immediately put in action; if not, they 
 make a full stop to it, and are silently reserv'd." 
 On the war-path they paint and adorn their persons, 
 first well greased ; their arms, the hatchet and fusil, 
 or bow and arrows. Their war parties are small ; they 
 march out from their fort singing and whooping; if 
 they take prisoners they treat them well, but dress 
 them and anoint them so that they may be ready for 
 the stake and torture when their captors return home. 
 Alsop gives a full account of the process of torture, 
 and declares that prisoners are hacked to pieces and 
 eaten by the warriors. The religion of the Susque- 
 hannas Alsop regarded as an absurd and degrading 
 superstition, they being devil-worshipers ; but he ad- 
 mits that, "with akindof wilde imaginary conjecture, 
 they suppose from their groundless conceits that the 
 World had a Maker." They sacrifice a child to the 
 devil every four years, and their medicine men have 
 great influence among them. Their dead are buried sit- 
 ting, face due west, and all their weapons, etc., around 
 them. The houses of the Susquehannas " are low and 
 long, built with the bark of trees arch-wise, standing 
 thick and confusedly together." The hunters go on 
 long winter hunts; the women are the menials and 
 drudges, and yet they are commended for their beauty 
 of form, and their husbands are said to be very con- 
 stant to them. " Their marriages," says Alsop, in con- 
 clusion, " are short and authentique ; for after 'tis re- 
 solv'd upon by both parties, the Woman sends her 
 intended Husband a kettle of boil'd Venison, or 
 Bear, and he returns in lieu thereof Beaver or Otter 
 Skins, and so their Nuptial Rites are concluded with- 
 out other Ceremony." 
 
 What has been quoted above serves rather to prove 
 how difficult it is to extract from contemporary 
 writers a clear account of the Indians than to fur- 
 nish an illustration of their actual situation and 
 character. Nor do we get the satisfactory narratives 
 we should expect from observers like Penn and Ga- 
 briel Thomas and Thomas Budd, though they must 
 have seen the Indians often, face to face, in their 
 homes and in the wigwams likewise. It is greatly to 
 be regretted that a keen observer and judge of men 
 like James Logan did not write the history of the 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 33 
 
 Delaware Indians, whom he knew so long and so in- 
 timately. As it is, the best account of these Indians 
 which is to be found anywhere is a fragmentary 
 sketch, only a few pages, by Charles Thompson, the 
 secretary to the Continental Congress. This brief 
 paper, which breaks off in the middle of a sentence, 
 is yet sufficient 
 to explain to us 
 why both whites 
 and Indians dig- 
 nified Thomp- 
 son as the very 
 incarnation 
 of una- 
 dulterated 
 truth, and 
 adds to 
 
 nent patriot and civilian should have shrunk from 
 writing the history of those great events in which 
 he bore so large and yet so nebulous a part. We 
 will presently speak further of this paper of 
 Thompson's, which has been published among the 
 memoirs of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
 Budd, who arrived in Burlington, N. J., as early as 
 1668, and had many opportunities to see and study 
 the Indians, said of them, "The Indians told us in a 
 conference at Burlington, shortly after we came into 
 the country, they were advised to make war on us and 
 cut us off while we were but few, for that we sold 
 them the smallpox with the match-coats they had 
 bought of us, which caused our people to be in fears 
 and jealousies concerning them; therefore, we sent 
 for the Indian kings to speak with them. . . . One 
 
 of them, in behalf of the rest, made the following 
 speech in answer : 
 
 " ' Our young men may Bpeak such words as we do not like nor approve 
 of, and we cannot help that, and some of your young men may speak 
 such words asycm do not like, and you cannot help that. We are your 
 brothers, and intend to live like brothers with you ; we have no mind to 
 have war. for when we have war we are only skin and bones, the meat 
 that we eat doth not do us good; we always are in fear, we have not the 
 benefit of the sun to shine on us, we hide us in holes and corners; we 
 are minded to live in peace. If we intend at any time to make war we 
 will let you know of it, and the reasons why we make war with you; 
 and if you make us satisfaction for the injury done us, for which the 
 war was intended, then we will not make war on you ; and if you inteud 
 at any time to make war on us, we would have you let us know of it 
 and the reason, and then if we do not make satisfaction for the injury 
 done unto you, then you may make war on us, otherwise you ought not 
 to do it ; you are our brothers, and we are willing to live like brothers 
 with you ; we are willing to have a broad path for you and us to walk 
 in, and if an Indian is asleep in this path the Englishman shall pass by 
 and do him no harm ; and if an Englishman is asleep in this path, the 
 Indian shall pass him by and say, 'He is an Englishman, he is asleep; 
 let him alone, he loves to sleep.' "... 
 
 Budd adds that 
 
 "The Indians havo been very serviceable to us by selling us venison, 
 Indian corn, peas and beans, fish and fowl, buck-skins, beaver, otter, 
 and other skins and furs; the men hunt fish, and fowl, and the women 
 plant the corn and carry burthens. There are many of them of a good 
 understanding considering their education, and in their puhlick meet- 
 ings of business they have excellent order, one speaking alter another, 
 and while one is speaking all the rest keep silent, and do not bo much 
 as whisper to one another; we had several meetings with them. . . . 
 The kings sat on a form, and we on another over against them; they 
 had prepared four belts of wampum (so their current money is called, 
 being black and white beads made of a fish-shell) to give us us seals of 
 the covenant they made with us; one of the kings, by the consent and 
 appointment of the rest, stood up and spoke." 
 
 William Penn, in his letter to the Free Society of 
 Traders, written in 1683, has discoursed copiously 
 about the Delaware Indians. It was not until his 
 second visit, in 1699, that he became much acquainted 
 with other tribes. In a letter of prior date to the one 
 ust spoken of, written to Henry Savell, from Phila- 
 delphia, 30th of Fifth month, 1683, the proprietary 
 says,— 
 
 " The natives are proper and shapely, very swift, their language lofty 
 They speak little, but fervently and with elegancy. I have never seen 
 more naturall sagacity, considering them without y° help — I was going 
 to say y e spoyle — of tradition. The worst is that they are y° wors for ye 
 Christians who have propagated their views and yielded them tradition 
 for ye wors & not for y° better things, they believe a Diety and Immor- 
 tality without y° help of metaphysicks &, some of them admirably sober, 
 though y° Dutch & Sweed and English have by Brandy and Rum almost 
 Debaucht y m all and when Drunk ye most wretched of spectacles, often 
 burning & sometimes murdering one another, at which times y° Chris- 
 tians are not without danger as well as fear. Tho' for gain they will run 
 the hazard both of ytaud y° Law, they make their worshipp to consist 
 of two parts, sacrifices w*» they offer of their first fruits with marvellous 
 fervency and labour of holy sweating as if in a bath, the other is their 
 Cauticoes, as they call them, w ch is performed by round Dances, some- 
 times words, then songs, then shouts, two being iu ye midlo y l begin 
 and direct y° chorus ; this they performe with equal fervency but great 
 appearauces of joy. 1 In this I admire them, nobody shall want w l an- 
 
 i Penn appears particularly anxious to show here and in his letter to 
 the Society of Free Traders that the songs (or Cauticoes, as he calls them) 
 and dances of the Indians, which he enjoyed heartily, were purely reli- 
 gious in their character,— acts of exalted spiritual fervor. In fact, he 
 
34 
 
 HISTOKY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 other has, yettthey have propriety (property) hut freely communicable, 
 they want or care for little, no Bills of Exchange nor Bills of Lading, 
 no Chancery suits nor Exchequer Acct. have they to perplex themselves 
 with, they are soon satisfied, and their pleasure feeds them, — I mean 
 hunting and fishing." 1 
 
 This letter is made much more full iu the one to 
 the Free Society of Traders, written in August of the 
 same year. The natives, Penn says, are generally 
 tall, straight in their person, — 
 
 " well built, and of singular proportion [i.e., of symmetry]; they tread 
 strong and clever, and mostly walk with u lofty chin. 2 Of complexion 
 black, but by design, as the gipsies in England. They grease them- 
 selves with bear's fat clarified, and using no defence against sun and 
 weather, their skins must needs be swarthy. Their eye is livid and 
 black, not unlike a straight-looked Jew. The thick lips and flat'nose, 
 so frequent with the East Indians and blacks, are not common to them; 
 fori have seen as comely European-like faces among them, of both sexes, 
 as on your side the sea ; and truly an Italian complexion hath not more 
 of the white; and the noses of several of them have as much of the 
 Roman. Their language is lofty, yet narrow ; but, like the Hebrew, in 
 signification full. Like short-hand in writing, one word serveth in the 
 place of three, and the rest are supplied by the understanding of the 
 hearer; imperfect in their tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, 
 adverbs, conjunctions, and interjections. I have made it my business to 
 understand it, that I might not want an interpreter on any occasion; 
 and I must say that I know not a language spoken in Europe that hath 
 words of more sweetness or greatness, in accent and emphasis, than 
 theirs ; for instance, Octockekon, Eancocas, Oricton, Shak, Marian, Po- 
 quesian, all which are names of places, and have grandeur in them. Of 
 words of sweetness, anna is mother; issimus, a brother ; neleap, friend ; 
 vsqucoret, very good ; pane, bread ; metea, eat ; mattu, no ; hatta, to have ; 
 payo, to come ; Sepassen, Passijon,the names of places ; Tamane,Secane, 
 Menanse, Secatareus, are the names of persons. If one ask them for 
 anything they have not, they will answer, matla ne hatta, which, to 
 translate, is ' not I have,' instead of ' I have not.' 
 
 "Of their customs and manners there is much to be said. I will begin 
 with children. So soon as they are born they wash them in water, and 
 while very young and in cold weather to choose, they plunge them in 
 the rivei's to harden and embolden them. Having wrapt them in a 
 clout, they lay them on a strait thin board a little more than the length 
 and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the board to make it 
 straight; wherefore all Indians have fiat heads; and thus they carry 
 them at their backs. The children will go [walk] very young, at nine 
 months commonly. They wear only a small clout around their waist 
 
 was on record as opposing ordinary song and dance, saying of dancing, 
 in the words of one of the ancients, " As many paces as a man maketh 
 in dancing, so many paces doth he make to go to hell." (" No Cross, no 
 Crown," 16G9, p. 86.) The Indians may have sung and danced at their 
 religious services (if they had any), but unfortunately they sung and 
 danced likewise after all their feasts, and especially when they had had 
 one of their orgies, and the rum and cider were masters of the savages' 
 ordinary decorum and stoical self-containment. 
 
 1 Penn. Archives, vol. i. pp. GS-9. 
 
 2 Penn had noticed a singularity in the Indians' gait, yet did not detect 
 what it was; yet it is so obvious that a few years back, in Kentucky, 
 where the people still walk like the Indians, even a school-boy would 
 recognize a person from the East by differences in his way of walking 
 from the way of those to the manner born. The Indian steps with a 
 perfectly straight foot and without turning his toes out, so that if the 
 sun were upon his back the shadow of his shanks would entirely cover 
 his feet. This tread is the antithesis of that of the sailor, who walks 
 with his toes very much turned out, and the European and the Eastern 
 man walk like him. Iu both cases convenience and propriety are suited: 
 the sailor, by his mode of locomotion, is enabled to tread mure firmly and 
 safely upun an uncertain deck that is always uneasy ; the Indian, by 
 his mode, is able to walk more safely the narrow forest path, and to step 
 also with greater stealth and softness in pursuit of his enemy ami his 
 game where leaves to rustle and twigs to break are numerous. But the 
 diffeience is that the sailor "lulls" in his gait and his shoulders swing 
 from side to side, while the Indian's walk makes him carry himself sin- 
 gularly straight, his shoulders never diverging from a perpendicular. 
 This little circumstance added materially to the outward appearance of 
 gravity in the savago'a general demeanor. 
 
 till they are big. If boys, they go a-fishing till ripe for the woods, 
 which is about fifteen. There they hunt; and having given some proofs 
 of their manhood by a good return of skins, they marry ; else it is a 
 shame to think of a wife. The girls stay with their mothers, and help 
 to hoe the ground, plant corn, and carry burthens; and they do well to 
 use them to that, while young, which they must do when they are old; 
 for the wives are the true servants of the husbands; otherwise the men 
 are very affectionate to them. When the young womeu are fit for mar- 
 riage they wear something upon their heads for an advertisement, but 
 so as their faces are hardly to be seen but when they please. The age 
 they marry at, if women, is about thirteen and fourteen; if men, seven- 
 teen and eighteen. They are rarely older. Their houses are mats or 
 harks of trees, set on poles iu the fashion of an English barn, but out of 
 the power of the winds, for they are hardly higher than a man. They 
 lie on reeds or grass. In travel they lodge in the woods about a great 
 fire, witli the mantle of duffils they wear by day \\ rapt about them and 
 a few boughs stuck round them. Their diet is maize or Indian corn 
 divers ways prepared, sometimes roasted in the ashes, sometimes beaten 
 and boiled with water, which they call homine. They also make cakes 
 not unpleasant to eat. They have likewise several sorts of beans and 
 peas that are good nourishment, and the woods and rivers are their 
 larder. If an European comes to see them, or calls for lodging at their 
 house or wigwam, they give him the best place and first cut. If they 
 come to visit us they salute us with an Hah ! which is as much as to say, 
 1 Good be to you !' and set them down, which is mostly on the ground, 
 close to their heels, their legs upright ; it may be they speak not a word, 
 but observe all passages [all that passes]. If you give them anything to 
 eat or drink, well, for they will not ask ; and, he it little or much, if it 
 be with kindness, they are well pleased; else they go away sullen, but 
 say nothing. They are great concealers of tbeir own resentments, 
 brought to it, I believe, by the revenge that hath been practiced among 
 them. In either of these they are not exceeded by the Italians. A 
 tragical instance fell out since I came into the country. A king's 
 daughter, thinking herself slighted by her husband in suffering an- 
 other woman to lie down between them, rose up, went out, plucked a 
 root out of the ground, and ate it, upon which she immediately died; 
 and for which, last week, he made an offering to her kindred for atoue- 
 ment and liberty of marriage, as two others did to the kindred of their 
 wives, who died a natural death ; for till widowers have done so they 
 must not marry again. Some of the young women are said to take 
 undue liberty before marriage for a portion ; but when married, chaste. 
 When with child they know their husbands no more till delivered; and 
 during their month they touch no meat, they eat but with a stick, lest 
 they should defile it; nor do their husbands frequent them till that time 
 be expired. 
 
 "But in liberality they excel; nothing is too good for their friend; 
 give them a fine gun, coat, or other thing, it may pass through twenty 
 hands before it sticks; light of heart, strong affections, but soon spent. 
 The most merry creatures that live, feast and dance perpetually; they 
 never have much, nor want much ; wealth circulateth like the blood ; 
 all poets partake; and though none "shall want what another hath, yet 
 exact observers of property. Some kings have sold, others presented 
 me with several parcels of land ; the pay or presents I made them were 
 not hoarded by the particular owners; but the neighboring kings and 
 their clans being present when the goods were brought out, the parties 
 chiefly concerned consulted what and to whom they should give them. 
 To every king then, by the hands of a person for that work appointed, 
 is a proportion sent, so sorted and folded, and with that gravity that is 
 admirable. Then that king subdivideth it in like manner among his 
 dependants, they hardly leaving themselves an equal share with one of 
 their subjects; and bo it on such occasions as festivals, or at their com- 
 mon meals, the kings distribute, and to themselves last. They caro for 
 little, because they want but little; and the reason is, a Utile contents 
 them. In this they are sufficiently revenged on us; if they are ignorant 
 of our pleasures, they are also free from our pains. . . . Since the Euro- 
 peans came into these parts they are grown great lovers of strong liquors, 
 rum especially, and for it they exchange the richest of their skins and 
 furs If they are heated with liquors they are restless till they have 
 enough to sleep, — that is their cry, Some more and I will go to sleep ; but 
 wheu drunk one of the most wretched spectacles in the world! 
 
 "In sickness, impatient to he cured; and for it give anything, espec- 
 ially for their childreu, to whom they are extremely natural. They 
 drink at these times a (wan, or decoction of some roots in spring-water; 
 and if they eat any flesh it must be of the female of any creature. If 
 they dio they bury them with their apparel, bo they man or woman, and 
 the nearest of kin fling in something precious with them as a token of 
 their love. Their mourning is blacking of their faces, which they con- 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 35 
 
 lit For a year. They nro choice of the graves of their dead, for, lest 
 
 they Bhould be lost by time and fall to common use, they pick off the 
 grass that grows upon them, and heap up tho fallen earth with greatcare 
 and exactness. These pom- people ai Q under a dark night in tilings re- 
 lating to religion ; to be sure the tradition of it ; yet they beliove a God 
 and immortality without tho help of metaphysics, for they say, 'There 
 is a Great King that made them, who dwells in a glorious country to the 
 southward of them, and (hat the souls of tho go«»d shall go thither where 
 they shall live again.' Their worship consists of two parts, sacrifice and 
 cantico. Their sacrifice is their first fruits; tho first and fattest buck 
 they kill gooth to the fire, where he is all burnt, with a mournful ditty 
 of li i tn that porforuieth the ceremony, but with such marvellous fer- 
 vency and labor of body that he will even sweat to a foam. The other 
 part is their cantico, performed by round dances, sometimes words, some- 
 times songs, then shouts, two being in tho middle that begin, and by 
 singing and drumming on a board direct the chorus. Their postures in 
 the dance ure very autick and differing, but all keep measure. This is 
 done with equal earnestness and labor, but great appearance of joy. In 
 the fall, when the corn cometh in, they begin to feast one another. 
 There have been two great festivals already, to which all come that will. 
 I was at one myself; their entertainment was a great neat by a spring 
 under some shady trees, and twenty bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, 
 both wheat and beans, which they make up in a squaro form in the leaves 
 of the stem and bake them in the ashes, and after that they fall to dance. 
 But they that go must carry a small present in their money ; it may be 
 sixpence, which is made of the bone of a fish ; the black is with them 
 as gold, tho white silver; they call it all wampum. 
 
 " Their government is by Kings, which they call Sachama, and these 
 by succession, bat always on the mother's side. For instance, the chil- 
 dren of him who is now kiug will not succeed, but his brother by the 
 mother, or the children of his sister, whn.se sons (and after them the chil- 
 dren of her daughters) will reign, forwoman inherits. The reason they 
 render for this way of descent is, that their issue may not be spurious. 
 Every King hath his Council, and that consists of all the old and wise 
 men of his nation, which, perhaps, is two hundred people. Nothing of 
 moment is undertaken, be it war, peace, selling of land, or traffick, with- 
 out advising with them, and, which is more, with the young men too. 
 It ia admirable to cunsider how powerful the Kings are, and yet how 
 they move by the breath of their people. I have had occasion to be in 
 council with them upon treaties of land, and to adjust the terms of trade. 
 Their order is thus: The king sits in the middle of an half moon, and 
 hath his council, the old and wise, on each hand ; behind them, or at a 
 lit i lo distance, sit the younger fry in the same figure. Having consulted 
 and resolved their business, the King ordered one of them to speak to 
 me; he stood up, came to me, and, in the name of his King, saluted me; 
 then took me by the hand and told me, ' Ho was ordered by his King to 
 speak to me, and that now it was not he, but the King that spoke ; be- 
 cause what ho should say was tho King's mind. 1 He fust prayed me 'to 
 excuse them, that they had not complied with me the last time, he feared 
 there might be some fault in the Interpreter, being neither Indian nor 
 English; besides, it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take up 
 much time in council before they resolve, and that if the young people 
 and owners of the laud had been as ready as he, I had not met with so 
 much delay.' Having thus introduced his matter, he fell to the bounds 
 of tho land they had agreed to dispose of and the price, which now is 
 little and dear, that which would have bought twenty miles not buying 
 now two. During the time that this man spoke not a man of them was 
 observed to whisper or smile, the old grave, the young reverent in their 
 deportment They speak little but fervently, and with elegance. I have 
 it more natural sagacity, considering them without the help (I 
 oing to say tho spoil) of tradition, and lie will deserve tho name of 
 wise that outwits them in any treaty about a thing they understand. 
 When the purchase was agreed great promises passed between us, 'of 
 kindness and good neighborhood, and that the Indians and English must 
 live in love as long as the sun gave light,' which done, another made a 
 ■ I- ■ li to the Indians in the name of all the Sachemakers or Kings, first 
 to tell them what was done, next to charge and command them ' to love 
 the Christians, and particularly live iii peace witli mo and the people 
 under my government ; that many governors had been in the river, but 
 that no Governor \\.i'\ come himself to live and stay here before, ami hav- 
 ing how such an one, that had treated them well, they should never do 
 him or his any wrong,' :it -■very sentence of which they shouted and said 
 ,\m< in in their way. Tho justice they have is pecuniary. Incaseofany 
 wrong or ovll fart, be it minder itself, they atone by feasts and presents 
 of their wampum, which is proportioned to the quality of the offence, or 
 the i i -n injured, or of the sex tln-y are of. For in cose they kill a 
 woman tliey pay double, and tho reason they render is, ' that she breedeth 
 
 children, which men cannot do.' It is rare they fall out if sober, and if 
 drunk they forgive it, saying, 'It was the drink, and not the man, that 
 abused them.' 
 
 " We have agreed that in all differences between us six of each side 
 shall end the matter. Do not abuse them, but let them have justice and 
 you win them. The worst is that they are the worse for the Christians, 
 who have propagated their vices and yielded their traditions for ill and 
 not for good things. But as low an ebb as these people are at, and as in- 
 glorious as their own condition looks, the Christians have not outlived 
 their sight, with all their pretensions to an higher manifestation. What 
 good, then, might not a good people graft where there is so distinct a 
 knowledge left between good and evil? I beseech God to incline the 
 hearts of all that come into these parts, to outlive the knowledge of the 
 natives, by a fixed obedience to their greater knowledge of the will of 
 God, for it were miserable indeed for us to fall under the just censure of 
 the poor Indians' conscience, while we make profession of things so far 
 transcending. 
 
 ' For their original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish race; I 
 mean, of the stock of the ten tribes, and that for the following reasons: 
 First, they were to go to a 'land not planted nor known'; which, to be 
 sure, Asia and Africa were, if not Europe, and He that intended that ex- 
 traordinary judgment upon them might make the passage not uneasy to 
 them, as it is not impossible in itself, from the easternmost parts of Asia 
 to the westernmost of America. In the next place, I find them of the 
 like countenance, and their children of so lively resemblance that a man 
 would think himself in Duke's Place, or Berry Street, in London, when 
 he seeth them. But this is not all: they agree in rites; they reckon by 
 moons ; they offer their first fruits ; they have a kind of feast of taber- 
 nacles; they are said to lay their altar upon twelve stones ; their mourn- 
 ing a year ; customs of women, with many other things that do not now 
 
 So much wrote Penn concerning the aborigines of 
 his province. Gabriel Thomas says (not repeating 
 those matters in which Penn and he write identically) 
 
 ' When they bury their Dead, they put into the Ground with them 
 some House-Utensils and some Money (as Tokens of their Love and Af- 
 fection) with other Things, expecting they shall have Occasion for them 
 again in the other World. And if a Person of Note dies very far from 
 the Place of his own Residence they will carry his Bones home some con- 
 siderable time after to be buried there. They are also very curious, nay, 
 even nice, in preserving and repairing tho Graves of their Dead. They 
 do not love to be asked twice their Judgment about one Thing. They 
 are a People who generally delight much in Mirth, and are very studi- 
 ous in observing the Vertues of Roots and Herbs, by which they cure 
 themselves of many Distempers in their Bodies, both internal or exter- 
 nal. They will not suffer their Beards to grow, for they will pluck the 
 Hair off with their own fingers as soon as they can get hold of it, hold- 
 ing it a great Deformity to have a Beard. . . Their chief Imployment 
 is in Hunting, Fishing, and Fowling, and making Canoes, or Indian 
 Boats and Bowls, in all which Arts they are very dexterous and ingeni- 
 ous. Their Women's Business chiefly consists in planting of Indian 
 Corn and pounding it to Meal in Mortars, with Pestile (as we beat our 
 Spice), and make Bread, and draw their Victuals, which they perform 
 very neatly and cleanlily. They also make Indian Mats, Ropes, Hats, 
 and Baskets (some of curious Workmanship) of their Hemp,, which there 
 grows wild and natural in the Woods in Great Plenty. In short, the 
 Women are very ingenious in their several Imployments as well as tho 
 Men. Their young Maids are naturally very modest and shamefae'd. 
 And their young Women when newly married are very nice and shy, 
 and will not suffer the men to talk of any immodest or lascivious Mat- 
 ters. Their Houses are, for the most part, cover'd with Chestnut Bark, 
 but very close and warm, insomuch that no Rain can go through. Their 
 Age in Computation may be compared with the Christians. Their wear- 
 ing Habit is commonly Deer-Skins or Duffles. They don't allow of men- 
 tioning the Name of any Friend after his Death, for at his Decease, they 
 make their Face black all over with black Lead, and when their Affairs 
 go well with them they paint their Faces with red Lead, it being a Token, 
 of their Joy, as tho other is of their Grief. They are great Observers of 
 tho Weather by the Moon. They take great Delight in Cloths of vari- 
 ous Colours. And are so punctual that if any go from their first Offer or 
 Bargain with them, it will be very difficult for that Party to get any 
 Dealings with them any more, or to have any further Converse with 
 them, and moreover, it is worthy of Remark, that when a compauy of 
 them are got together they never interrupt or contradict one another, 
 
36 
 
 HISTOKY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 'till two of them have made an end of their Discourse, for if never so 
 many be in Company only two must discourse at a time, and the rest 
 must keep Silence. The English and they live together very peace- 
 ably, by reason that the English satisfies them for their Land. . . . The 
 Dutch and Sweads inform me that they are greatly decreased in num- 
 ber to what they were when they came first into this country, and the 
 Indians themselves say that two of them die to every one Christian that 
 comes in here." * 
 
 To show what the early settlers of America thought 
 about the Indians is a very different thing from show- 
 ing what they really were. Observers were not trained 
 in those days to report things as they are. They went 
 to their work with settled prejudices, preconceived 
 opinions, predilections, and that obstinate half-knowl- 
 edge which is in so many cases worse than no knowl- 
 edge at all. They would not look at the Indians ex- 
 cept as they conformed to or differed from European 
 standards and European social systems, and the narrow 
 theories of the day, upon all matters connected especi- 
 ally with ethnology, absolutely prevented them from 
 forming just opinions, even in respect to what they 
 clearly saw. Hence a thousand wild and ridiculous 
 speculations and dreams, mixed up with very little 
 plain fact. Our early writers gave us, so to speak, 
 all the alchemy and astrology of Indian history, while 
 neglecting its plain chemical analysis, and the simple 
 but comprehensive mathematical laws by which its 
 vital system could be intelligently explained. We 
 are told much of Indian kings and emperors, of coun- 
 cil fires, peace-pipes, and wampum belts, but almost 
 nothing of the Indian social system and domestic 
 economy, and practically less than nothing in regard 
 to Indian languages, since nearly all there is said upon 
 that necessary factor in ethnological study is false and 
 illusory. The hardest task which students of Ameri- 
 can antiquities to-day have to encounter is that of 
 rescuing hard solid facts from the mass of opinion 
 and speculation in which they are hidden and buried. 
 The day for these theories is not yet quite passed 
 away, as Prof. W. D. Whitney has observed in his 
 lectures on iC Language and the Study of Language :" 
 " When men sit down with minds crammed with scat- 
 tering items of historical information, abounding 
 prejudices, and teeming fancies to the solution of 
 questions respecting whose conditions they know 
 nothing, there is no folly which they are not prepared 
 to commit." But still men are content to speculate 
 far less absurdly to-day than they did a century 
 and more ago on this subject. We have just seen 
 how gravely and calmly Penn put forward his hy- 
 pothesis that the Delawares are descendants of the 
 ten tribes of Israel ; but scholars who have much 
 more pretentiously devoted themselves to American 
 antiquities have not rested with the ten tribes. The 
 Indians have been derived successively from nearly 
 every civilized country of the Old World; Wales, 
 
 1 Gabriel Thomas. "Historical Description of the Province and 
 Country of West New Jersey in America. London, 1698." In his His- 
 tory of Pennsylvania, Thomas simply repeats what Penn had to Bay 
 about the Indians. 
 
 Ireland, Scandinavia, Spain, Egypt, Phoenicia, India, 
 and China have been called upon in turn to make 
 themselves responsible for the institutions and the 
 monuments of our American aborigines, and China 
 and Mongolia are still favorites in this matter with 
 the most serious and best instructed historians. 2 
 
 - Bancroft, in bis first edition, permits himself enough dalliance with 
 the hypothesis of a Calmuck or Mongolian immigration as to attempt 
 to show that it was not impossible, perhaps not improbable. Grotias, 
 De Laet, etc., speculated with less information perhaps than our his- 
 torian, and with more prejudices, but not more widely from the purpose. 
 Seme writers have assumed that the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, be- 
 cause they made adventurous voyages and passed outside the Straits of 
 Hercules, must have come to America. Plato's myth of the Atlantides 
 has been made to do service iu buoying up a sunken continent out of 
 the oozy depths uf the ocean and the mermaiden grottoes of fantastic 
 legend. Mexico and Peru, as has been infallibly shown time and again, 
 must have got their monuments from Egypt or from India,— Carnac, 
 Luxor, Elephauta are reproduced at Paleuque and Uxmal, at Cholula 
 and Cuzco. Aristotle is quoted to show that the ancients must have 
 had a knowledge of and intercourse with America. Slight similarities 
 of costume, face, and habits have been seized upon as eagerly as Penn 
 seized upon the fact that the Indians counted time by moous (as if Penn 
 himself did not do the same thing!) to establish relationship for our 
 barbarians with the children of Israel, with the fugitive Cauaanites, 
 etc. The sons of Prince Madoc of course have not been neglected. 
 White Indians in North Carolina spoke the purest sort of a Cymric dia- 
 lect, and some of theShawaueseare reported to have been seen carrying 
 around Welsh Bibles in the same belt along with their tomahawks aud 
 scalping-knives. Menassah Ben Israel concludes, upon the same sort 
 of data as those which convinced Penn, that the lost tribes emerged be- 
 tween California and the Mississippi, but Spizelius and those who fol- 
 lowed hini iu the last century were content to ascribe the origin of our 
 Indians to a country less distant than the Levant. China, Tartary, Si- 
 beria, and Kamtschatka, with the Aleutian archipelago, afforded a 
 natural route for immigration, though no attempt is made to explain 
 how the hordes of savages were able to make their way through the 
 frozen wastes of Alaska ami British America. The fact that Lei f, sou 
 of the Northman, Eric the Red, did discover America in the year 1000 
 a.d. has made work for the pseudo-ethnologists as well as the poets in 
 the scratchings on the Digbtou rocks in Massachusetts, and the old mill 
 at Newport, II. I., and has even led to the factitious discovery of sup- 
 posed inscriptions upon the face of the masses of Seneca sandstone at 
 the falls of the Potomac. The Norsemen themselves encouraged the 
 belief that on the Atlantic coast, between Virginia and Florida, a white 
 nation existed, who clothed themselves in lung, snowy robes, carried 
 banners on lofty poles, and chanted songs and hymns. These were sup- 
 posed to be the Irish immigrants, who replied in pure Gaelic when 
 Raleigh's seamen accosted them, and spared Owen Chapelain's life in 
 1G69 because bespoke to them in Welsh. Alexander v-n Humboldt has 
 condescended to listen to some of these fables, aud to repeat them in his 
 Cosmos. The Chinese or Japanese settlement of our continent, by 
 vessels coming over the Pacific Ocean, has found many advocates. Span- 
 ish legends are adduced to confirm this view. M. de Guignes, in a 
 memoir read before the French Academy of Inscriptions, con lends that 
 the Chinese penetrated to America a.d. 45R, and adduces the description 
 and chart of Fou Sang in proof. In our own day that ripe Philadelphia 
 scholar, Charles G. Leland, has republished the story of the so-called 
 island of Fou-Sang and its inhabitants De Guignes holds that the 
 Chinese were familiar with the Straits of Magellan, and that the Coreans 
 bad a settlement on Terra del Fuego. Another Chinese immigration is 
 assigned to a.d. 1270, the time of the Tartar invasion of the " Central 
 Flowery Kingdom." But there are other speculations still on this sub- 
 ject Thomas Morton, in his" New Canaan" (a.d. 1G37), argues for the 
 Latin origin of the Indians, because he heard them use Latin words, 
 and make allusions to the god Pan. Williamson thinks that the race 
 unquestionably springs from a Hindoo or a Cingalese source. Thorow- 
 good, Adair, and Boudinot agree with Penn and Rabbi ben Menassah. 
 Roger Williams also said, "Some taste of affinity with the Hebrew I 
 have found." Cotton Mather thought that " probably the Devil, seducing 
 the first inhabitants of America into it, therein aimed at the having of 
 them and their posterity out of the sound of the silver trumpets of the 
 gospel, then to bo board throughout the Roman empire. If the Devil 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 37 
 
 The study of our antiquities is certainly engirt with 
 tremendous difficulties, and these are especially promi- 
 nent when we approach the linguistic side of our eth- 
 nology. All the conditions of the problem of our 
 native languages are perplexing. " The number, va- 
 riety, and changeableness of the different tongues is 
 wonderful." Each family almost constitutes a tribe; 
 each tribe has its dialect; each dialect changes from 
 year to year, so that the speech of this generation is 
 barely intelligible to the next. Warfare was the 
 normal state of the Indian, and the perpetual strife 
 of petty tribes is thought to have been gradually ex- 
 tinguishing American civilization for many years; the 
 culture of Mexico was yielding to the influence of 
 barbarism, just as the mound-builders of our Missis- 
 sippi Valley were extinguished before a later and 
 more savage race. Climate and mode of life have 
 also contributed to accelerate the differentiation of 
 our American dialects, which are mobile and change- 
 able intrinsically to a remarkable degree. We have 
 studied these dialects only indifferently well and 
 
 had nny expectation that by the peopling of America he should utterly 
 deprive any Europeans of the two benefits, literature and religion, which 
 dawned upon the miserable woild (one just before, the other just after 
 the first famed navigation hither), 'tis to be hoped he will be disap- 
 pointed of that expectation." As for the source of the Indians Mather 
 fancied them Scythians, because they answered Julius Caesar's descrip- 
 tion of " diflicilius invenire quam inUrJicei-e." But the fact of idle and 
 comical opiuions on this subject does not destroy the interest in these 
 speculations, nor the utility of continuing our investigations, on a 
 rational basis, into American archaeology. Humboldt has Baid, partly 
 in apology and partly in a spirit of protest, that " I do not participate 
 in the rejecting spirit which has but too often thrown popular traditions 
 into obscurity, but I am, on the contrary, firmly persuaded that by 
 greater diligence and perseverance many of the historical problems 
 which relate to the maritime expeditions of the Middle Ages, to the 
 striking identity in religious traditions, manner of dividing time, and 
 works of art in America and Eastern Asia, to the migrations of the 
 Mexican nations, to the ancient centres of dawning civilization in 
 Aztlan, Quivira, and Upper Louisiana, as well as in the elevated plateaux 
 of Cundinamarca and Peru, will one day be cleared up by discoveries of 
 facts with which we have hitherto been entirely unacquainted." (Cosmos, 
 vol. ii., 610, note.) Professor Whitney is less sanguine. "The linguistic 
 condition of America," he says, "and the state of our knowledge re- 
 specting it being such as we have seen, it is evident how futile must be 
 atpresentany attempt to prove by the evidence of language the peopling 
 of the continent from Asia, or from any other part of the world outside. 
 . . . What we have to do at present is simply to learn all that we can 
 of the Indian languages themselves, to settle their internal relations, 
 elicit their laws of growth, reconstruct their older forms, and ascend 
 toward their original condition as far as the material within our reach 
 and the state in which it is presented will allow ; if our studies shall at 
 length put us in a position to deal with the question of their Asiatic 
 derivation, we will rejoice at it. I do not myself expect that valuable 
 light will ever be shed upon the subject by linguistic evidence ; others 
 may be more sanguine, but all must at any rate agree that as things are 
 the subject is in no position to be taken up and discussed with profit." 
 Nevertheless, Professor Whitney insists that greater diligence should be 
 devoted to the study of our antiquities. " Our national duty and honor," 
 he contends, " are peculiarly concerned in this matter of the study of 
 aboriginal American languages as the most fertileand important branch 
 of American archaeology. Europeans accuse us, with too much reason, 
 of indifference and inefficiency with regard to preserving memorials of 
 the races whom wo have dispossessed and are dispossessing, and to pro- 
 moting a thorough comprehension of their history. Indian scholars and 
 associations which devote themselves to gathering together and making 
 public linguislic and other archaeological materials for construction of 
 the proper ethnology of the continent aro far rarer than they should be 
 among us." 
 
 during a brief period; they have no literature, their 
 traditions are scanty and ill-preserved ; the tribes 
 themselves in many instances have wasted away from 
 war, pestilence, famine, and the blighting shadow of 
 the white man. These things make the search for 
 the elements and radical character of our American 
 dialects a difficult and arduous undertaking, and it is 
 no wonder, the circumstances being such, that the 
 ancient history of the continent is buried in the 
 deepest obscurity. But we know that the continent 
 had a history. 
 
 "Indicia of a nil merous and civilized population, 
 over whose memories and labors unnumbered ages 
 have rolled, are yet discoverable on the shores of our 
 ocean lakes, on the banks of our mighty rivers, and 
 in the depths of our impenetrable forests. But these 
 teach us no more of the ancient inhabitants than is 
 known of the most aged of mortals, — that they were, 
 and are not. We are doomed, perhaps, to be forever 
 ignorant of the origin and progress of that race which 
 preceded the inhabitants found upon our coasts at the 
 first visits of Columbus and his successors, who are 
 supposed not only to have adorned our country with 
 the works of science and art, but to have conquered 
 and enlightened a large portion of those climes which 
 ignorance and pride have denominated the Old 
 World." 1 
 
 Gordon here refers to the theory of Thomas Jefferson, 
 which many others have coquetted with, that America, 
 being the oldest hemisphere, might also have been the 
 home of the elder races of men. The theory, what- 
 ever its merits may be in other respects, ought to be 
 useful in the way of " retort courteous" to those who 
 insist that our continent has been peopled from else- 
 where. There is no necessity within the domains of 
 strict science for believing that our Indians are not 
 autochthones, — sprung from the soil itself. Voltaire 
 has suggested that we should be no more astonished 
 that the discoverers found men in America than that 
 they found flies. But if the hypothesis of migration 
 be insisted upon, America is as good a place to migrate 
 from as to migrate to. Franklin, upon this point, seems 
 to have coincided with Jefferson. Hector St. John 
 Crevecceur,' 2 in his account of Franklin, represents 
 "Poor Richard," in the course of some comments 
 upon the works of the mound-builders, as saying, 
 "This planet is very old. Like the works of Homer 
 and Hesiod, who can say through how many editions 
 it has passed in the immensity of ages?" And the 
 philosopher throws out the suggestion, without advo- 
 cating it, that the mound-builders may have been 
 swept away by some cataclysm of nature in prehis- 
 toric time. " The rent continent, the straits, the gulfs, 
 the islands, the shallows of the ocean, are but vast 
 fragments, on which, as on the planks of some wrecked 
 vessel, the men of former generations who have es- 
 
 1 Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, Chap. I. 
 
 1 " Voyage dans la Haute Penusylvanie," Chap. II. 
 
38 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 caped these commotions have produced new popula- 
 tions. Time, so precious to us, the creatures of a 
 moment, is nothing to nature." And the obverse of 
 the shield can be presented to those who insist upon 
 the Old World as the mother of our people with no 
 little effect. Geologically, the continental mass of 
 North America is far older than that of the other 
 hemisphere. In the western part of this country, in 
 California, Arizona, New Mexico, there are evidences, 
 such as we find in the Syrian deserts, the plains of 
 Mesopotamia, the Campagna of Rome, and the sandy 
 wastes of Chinese Turkestan, of a country worn out 
 and wasted by man's occupancy. The deep canons 
 and sun-baked valleys of Arizona once teemed with 
 populations like Palmyra and Babylon and Nineveh. 
 The Basque tongue in Europe is thought to be the 
 oldest now spoken, if not the very language of the 
 primitive race. It is older than the ancient Aryan 
 speech, than the oldest Turanian tongue, and it has 
 more affinities with the American dialects than any 
 other which is known. These affinities are not devel- 
 oped or understood enough to warrant the building 
 of any conclusions upon them. But as far as they 
 have been studied they do nothing to negative the 
 hypothesis that the Indian race is the surviving rem- 
 nant of an older civilization which once peopled this 
 continent with men and adorned it with monuments. 
 Some of these monuments in the Mississippi Valley 
 are so old that they belong to older geological forma- 
 tions. The epochs of glacier and drift have cast their 
 debris upon the foot of these mounds, which must 
 have been standing when down from the north, over 
 mountain, lake, and river, with resistless might, the 
 vitreous mass of the great glacier stream moved slowly 
 southward. Why may not Algonkin and Iroquois 
 have been survivors, like these mounds, from the 
 elder civilization which built them ? 
 
 When we descend to historic times, when we come 
 to understand the Indian as he has been since the 
 white man first visited these shores, we find one 
 single race of men occupying practically the entire 
 continent, excepting the Esquimaux of the far North, 
 with whom we have no concern. This race, so far as 
 the section of country we speak of is in debate, pos- 
 sessed a belt extending certainly from the Mississippi 
 River to the Atlantic Ocean, and from some point, 
 not exactly defined, north of the St. Lawrence River 
 to North Carolina Sounds on the east, and the Ken- 
 tucky cane-brakes on the west. It is probable that, 
 as science progresses, it will be discovered that the 
 one common race need not be divided into more than 
 four or five nations, and that the subdivision of these 
 nations into tribes and bands which now exists 
 serves no ethnological purpose. Within the limits 
 of the United States east of the Mississippi River, 
 south of Hudson's Bay, and north of Georgia, only 
 two nations need to be considered in historic times. 
 One of these is the Delaware, Lenape, or, to speak 
 more generally, the Algonkiu nation ; the other is 
 
 the Iroquois nation. Each of these nations was rep- 
 resented upon the soil of Pennsylvania, and on the 
 site or in the vicinity of Philadelphia. The re- 
 searches of John Gilmary Shea, Francis Parkman, 
 and others who have given a special and intelligent 
 attention to the subject, have established the fact 
 that the tribe called Minquas or Minquosy by the 
 Dutch (in the Latin of De Laet, Machoeretini) , Meng- 
 wes by the Swedes (the English corruption of which 
 was Mingoes), Susquehannocks or Susquehannoughs 
 (Sasquesahannogh is the rendering by Capt. John 
 Smith) by the Marylanders, and Andastes or Gan- 
 dastogues (corrupted in Pennsylvania into Conesto- 
 gas) was a branch of the Iroquois nation, settled 
 above tide on the Susquehanna and Potomac Rivers. 
 This ambitious race of savages, inspired with a con- 
 quering instinct which put them on a par with the 
 ancient Romans, not only consolidated its strength 
 at home by a political and military confederacy, but 
 extended its power and influence abroad by the estab- 
 lishment of military colonies, just as republican Rome 
 was in the habit of doing. One of these colonies con- 
 stituted the tribe of the Tuscaroras, occupying part 
 of North Carolina and Georgia, upon the flanks of 
 the Cherokee nation. Another was the Nottaways, 
 south of the James River, in Virginia. A third col- 
 ony was the tribe of the Nanticokes, afterwards (in 
 Pennsylvania) known as the Conoys, who held the 
 Delaware and Eastern Shore of Maryland peninsula 
 from the Brandywine southward. They were joined 
 on the north by the Minquas or Susquehannas, whose 
 " fort" was on the Susquehanna River at or near the 
 mouth of Conestoga Creek. The Huron Iroquois of 
 Canada were of this same nation, which thus occu- 
 pied a belt of territory from north to south extend- 
 ing from Lake Simcoe to the southern limits of North 
 Carolina, all in the country of the Algonkins, yet as 
 distinctly separate from them by difference of language, 
 character, and habit as a vein of trap rock in a body 
 of gneiss or granite. The Andastes (to call them by 
 their own tribal name, Andasta meaning a cabin-pole, 
 and the tribe wishing to imply by it that they were 
 house-builders rather than dwellers in lodges), like 
 the Lenapes, claimed a Western origin, and they were 
 the most warlike race upon the continent, proud and 
 haughty as the Romans whom they so closely resem- 
 bled, and, like them, enabled to conquer by their com- 
 pact military and civil organization. Other tribes 
 were split into small bands, between which there 
 was only a feeble and defective concert and unity of 
 action. The Iroquois, on the other hand, were a na- 
 tion, and wherever we find them we discover that 
 they lived and acted together in co-operative union. 
 In Pennsylvania, for example, in all the land pur- 
 chases made by Dutch, Swedes, and English, we find 
 the Minquas acting as one tribe, dealing as one peo- 
 ple and one name, whereas with the Lenapes each 
 petty chief seemed to do what was best in his own 
 sight. Tamine or Tamanend was probably the great 
 
AUTOGRAPHS OF DELAWARE INDIANS. 
 
 39 
 
 chief of the Lenap.es in the time of Penn, and his su- 
 preme authority was manifest in the councils, hut 
 when it came to selling land he was no more than 
 on a level with the twenty or thirty sachems who 
 signed their marks to the deeds of conveyance for 
 the various tracts. The Minquas ruled all the tribes 
 adjacent to them and received tribute from them. 
 Before the confederacy of the Five Nations entered 
 
 
 Kowyorkhnkox. 
 July 15, 1682. 
 
 \ 
 
 £ 
 
 Malebone. 
 
 
 hth Mo. 14, 1683. 
 
 Alloioham. 
 
 
 July 15, 16S2. 
 
 
 /^ 
 
 * 
 
 m jfY \^V 
 
 Secane. 
 bth Mo. 14, 1683. 
 
 \&T) 
 
 jy 
 
 >mmm^r 
 
 Icquoquehan. 
 
 Tamanen. 
 
 hth Mo. 14, 1683. 
 
 June 23, 1683. 
 
 
 &5 
 
 C C 
 
 ■^ -^ 
 
 Essepeiimhe. 
 
 \^^ 
 
 /wne 23, 1683. 
 
 Tamanen. 
 June 23, 1683. 
 
 -vs 
 
 Tamanen {Receipt for Money). 
 
 Ohettarickon. 
 June 23, 1683. 
 
 June 23, 1683. 
 
 Kehelappan. 
 
 1 
 
 Neneshhlcen. 
 hth Mo. 14, 1683. 
 
 June 23, 16S3. 
 
 > 
 
 Wingebone. 
 .June 25, 16S3. 
 
 Pendanoufjhah Neahannock. 
 
 6th Mo. 14, 1683. 
 
 X 
 
 Rekerappan. 
 
 Sivanpees. 
 
 Sept. 20, 1683. 
 
 June 23, 1683. 
 
 
 A 
 
 a 
 
 Wessapoal, 
 
 Malebone. 
 
 June 23, 1683. 
 
 bth Mo. 311, 1683. 
 
 <i - / a ~^" 
 
 Shnkakoppek. 
 bth Mi,. 30, 1685. 
 
 Mit Uf/hhouf/hsin. 
 ith Mo. 3, 1684. 
 
 King Tamanent. 
 June 15, 1692. 
 
 King Tangours. 
 June 15, 1692. 
 
 upon their ambitious course (the confederacy seems 
 to have been formed during the second decade of the 
 seventeenth century), the Iroquois probably were rec- 
 ognized as superiors by all the tribes of the Algonkins. 
 Their Wyandot branch in Canada overawed the Al- 
 gonkins there, though the latter were much more 
 numerous. The Mohawks and Senecas kept in check 
 the Mohegans of New York, New Jersey, and New 
 England; the Susquehanna Minquas and the Nanti- 
 cokes dominated among the Lenape of Pennsylvania 
 and Maryland ; the Erie Iroquois were where they 
 could look after the Moncey tribes of the Lenape, 
 the most warlike branch of that comparatively gentle 
 race; the Nottaways kept in check the branch of the 
 Powhatan Lenapes, and the Tuscaroras were in guard 
 upon the Cherokees and the Florida Indians. When 
 the five nations of the Iroquois of the lakes — the Mo- 
 hawks, Oneidas, Senecas, Cayugas, and Onondagas — 
 formed their confederacy and entered upon their 
 career of conquest their conduct was obnoxious to 
 their kindred both north and south of them, and 
 they speedily found themselves at war both with the 
 Wyandots in Canada, the Eries in the West, and the 
 Andastfe-Conestogas on the Susquehanna. In such 
 a state of affairs the semi-hostile relations long ex- 
 isting between them and the Lenapes would of course 
 be very embarrassing, and it was probably at this time 
 that they made a neutral nation of the tribe of the 
 Algonkins who occupied the territory on both sides 
 of the Niagara Eiver betweeu them and the Hurons, 1 
 subjecting the Lenapes of the Delaware and Hudson 
 to the same sort of taboo. Heckewelder, whose crit- 
 ical discernment was blinded by his unvarying par- 
 tiality for the Lenape and his admiration for their 
 mildness and amiability of character, has told a 
 
 1 The neuter nation were called by the Senecas Kahkwae, and by the 
 French Atturamhircnf^ Atliicciidaro»ks, Atirliiiiteurenrts, Rhagenratkas, or 
 Attionidarom. The Niagara River, flowing through their territory, waB 
 called Ongwiaahra, or river of the neutrals. This tribe in 1640, ac- 
 cording to Lullemant, numbered forty villages, twelve thousand soulB. 
 ("Jesuit Relations, 1 ' quoted by Parkmau.) 
 
40 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 story, often repeated, of how the Dela wares were 
 made " women," or reduced to a state of neutrality, 
 by the astute contrivance and diplomatic dissem- 
 bling of the Iroquois, who are said to have induced 
 them to assume metaphorically the garments of 
 women and surrender their warlike apparatus upon 
 the pretext that there was an exalted and honorable 
 merit in the feminine function of peace-maker. This 
 might suit the notions of a simple-hearted Moravian 
 missionary like Heckewelder; but, stripped of its sen- 
 timental environment, the naked fact seems to be that 
 the Iroquois, finding they had these wars with their 
 own kindred on their hands, disarmed the Lenapes 
 and the Attiwandarons who surrounded them, and 
 who had become by conquest more or less their trib- 
 utaries, and guaranteed to them both peace and pro- 
 tection if they would abstain from hostilities on 
 either side. It is likely that the Hurons and the 
 Susquehannas also ratified these guarantees on their 
 own behalf. The compact put a species of taboo upon 
 the neutralized tribes. Their persons, their property, 
 and their territory were to be respected by the bellig- 
 erents, and while war-parties could march through 
 their country, it was not to be made the scene of 
 conflict, nor were their villages, plantations, or trade 
 to be disturbed. The neuter nations could frequent the 
 countries of both the hostiles with the impunity of am- 
 bassadors or heralds. At the same time they were 
 classed as " women," were treated as such, and Heck- 
 ewelder did not need to be told that the name of 
 woman was an epithet of reproach which no nation 
 of warriors would submit to save under the pressure 
 of dire necessity. Nor did the enforced neutrality of 
 the Lenape protect them from the contempt and the 
 tyranny of the Iroquois. After these had conquered 
 their enemies they did not respect the terms of the 
 convention with the Lenapes. During Governor 
 Fletcher's rule in Pennsylvania the latter appealed 
 to him to save them from the necessity of going to 
 war with the French, as they had been ordered to do 
 by the Five Nations; and at the time of the consum- 
 mation of the " walking treaty" in 1744, when the 
 Delawares were dissatisfied with the results of the 
 contract, they were brutally told by the Iroquois that 
 they had no rights and no say in the matter whatever ; 
 they were women, and could not sell land without 
 consent of their masters; they had lost their senses, 
 and deserved to be taken by the hair of the head and 
 jerked around as some lords of creation are in the habit 
 of serving their wives in order to brighten their wits. 
 They were, in fine, ordered to remove into the inte- 
 rior of Pennsylvania, where they could be "watched," 
 and they obeyed. Here after a while they were 
 joined by their kindred, the Shawanese, from the 
 valleys and mountains of Virginia, and by some frag- 
 ments of Maryland and other tribes. They made war 
 upon the whites, and after the Revolution, in Ohio and 
 Western Pennsylvania, in league with the tribes of 
 the Eastern prairies, they finally forced the survi- 
 
 vors of the Five Nations to remove the taboo and 
 the stigma of womanhood from them. 
 
 The Maryland and Pennsylvania Mingoes were a 
 tribe of stalwart warriors, whose fighting qualities were 
 of a superior sort, and their strategy equal to that of 
 their kinsmen on the lakes. Prior to A.D. 1600 they 
 are said to have been at war with the Mohawks, whom 
 they wellnigh exterminated in the course of a ten 
 years' struggle. Capt. Smith found this war still rife 
 when he met the Susquehannas in 1G08. The name 
 he gave to the Mohawks was Massawomakes. In 
 1633 De Vries found them at war with the Lenape 
 bands on the east side of the Delaware, the Arme- 
 wamen and the Sankikans. They were on good terms 
 with the Dutch and the Swedes, with whom they had 
 an extensive trade in peltries, by which they were 
 supplied with fire-arms and ammunition ; and they 
 were alternately at peace and war with Maryland and 
 the Maryland Indians. They so harassed the Chesa- 
 peake and Potomac tribes during the first ten years 
 of the Maryland settlement that Governor Calvert in 
 1642 proclaimed them as public enemies. In 1647 
 they had thirteen hundred warriors trained to the use 
 of fire-arms by Swedish soldiers. Then they offered 
 their aid to the Canadian Wyandots, who were being 
 crushed by the Five Nations, having first sent an 
 embassy to Onondaga to propose a general peace be- 
 tween the Iroquois cantons, which overtures were 
 rejected by the Five Nations. In 1652 the Susque- 
 hanna Andastes, in the presence of a Swedish deputy, 
 ceded to Maryland all the territory of the Eastern 
 Shore and that of the Western Shore from the Patux- 
 ent to the Susquehanna, and four years later they were 
 again at war with the Iroquois of the lakes, while the 
 smallpox was destroying their population by whole- 
 sale. They maintained a bold front, however, drove 
 the Cayugas across Lake Ontario, and injured mate- 
 rially the fur trade of the Senecas. The Iroquois, 
 supported by the French, sent a force of eight hun- 
 dred warriors against the Susquehanna fort in 1663, 
 but it was too strong and well defended to be attacked, 
 and a stratagem attempted by the Iroquois cost them 
 twenty-five warriors, who were burned at the stake. 
 The war continued until 1675, when it ended with the 
 complete overthrow of the Susquehannas. Some of 
 their warriors retreated into Maryland, and the mur- 
 der of a portion of these led to Bacon's war in Vir- 
 ginia, and a border war in Maryland which still fur- 
 ther reduced the number of the surviving Mingoes. 
 Finally they made peace both with the Five Nations 
 and Lord Baltimore, and were permitted to remain 
 at their ancient fort. From this time they began to 
 dwindle away. They were at peace, however, with 
 Pennsylvania from the time of Penn's treaty with 
 their chief, Canoodagtoh, in 1701, until the last 
 wretched remnant of the tribe, then only known as 
 Conestogas, living on their reservation farm at Cones- 
 toga, in Manor township, Lancaster County, were 
 cruelly set upon by the Paxton rangers and brutally 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 41 
 
 murdered in Lancaster jail, whither the authorities 
 had sent them for protection. Tims perished a race 
 of formidable Indian warriors, hunters, and states- 
 men, whose war-chief, Hochitagete (Barefoot), is a 
 Hector in Indian legend, and whose last survivor, 
 "Logan," or Tah-galt-ju-te, is known to general fame 
 as a master of that noble, sententious eloquence in 
 which his race excels. Capt. Smith saw the Susque- 
 hanna warriors in their prime, and describes them as 
 "such great and well proportioned men as are seldom 
 seen, for they seemed like giants to the English ; yea, 
 and to the neighbors, yet seemed of an honest and 
 simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from 
 adoring vs as Gods, ... for their language it may 
 well beseame their proportions, sounding from them 
 as a voyce in a vault. . . . Five of their chief wero- 
 wances came aboord vs and crossed the Bay in their 
 Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signi- 
 fied in the Mappe [accompanying Smith's narrative], 
 the calfe of whose leg was three-quarters of a yard 
 about, and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to 
 that proportion that he seemed the goodliest man we 
 ever beheld." 
 
 The Iroquois of the Susquehanna, or Andastes, as 
 their name and residence imply [Connadago, the 
 name of their fort, signifying the same as andatagoii, 
 — from andata, village, — meaning he is in the house 
 or village of ridge-poles), differed in their mode of 
 dwelling from the Algonkins. The identity of the 
 word for house and town shows that they, too, like the 
 Wyandots and the Five Nations, lived in "long 
 houses," on the community principle. In fact, with 
 all the Indians, relationship and rank passed through 
 the female ; the band represented the members of a 
 family, and, among the Iroquois, as among the ancient 
 Mexicans and the modern Zunis and Pueblo Indians, 
 the family dwelt in one house and under one roof. 
 This house was added to as the family increased in 
 numbers and want, just as the bees add cells to 
 their combs. No man or woman could marry in 
 their own family, or with any one hearing the same 
 totem or gens mark ; that is to say, descended from 
 the same mother. The man or woman of the Bear, 
 the Beaver, the Wolf, the Serpent, or the Tortoise 
 totem or family could marry in any of the others, but 
 no Tortoise could wed with Tortoise, nor Serpent with 
 Serpent, etc. The children born to the woman of the 
 Tortoise symbol became Tortoises, whether their 
 father was Beaver or Wolf, or of any other family, 
 and these families lived together in the long houses, 
 the construction of which was as in the diagram 
 below : 
 
 (7) A (6) A (5) A (4) A (3) A (2) A (1) B 
 
 A, passage-wiiy ; B, entrance ; (1) to (7), fire-pits. 
 
 This house would accommodate seven fires, twenty- 
 eight families, representing probably three or four 
 generations and their increase by birth and accretion 
 of wives and husbands. A Seneca long house, as it 
 was in 1677, and as above represented, is described by 
 Hon. Lewis H. Morgan in a paper called " A Study 
 of the Houses of the American Aborigines," pub- 
 lished in the first Annual Report of the Archaeologi- 
 cal Institute of America, 1880. The facts are gath- 
 ered from the description of Greenhalgh. " The 
 interior of the house was divided into compartments 
 at intervals of six or eight feet, leaving each chamber 
 entirely open, like a stall, upon the passage-way or 
 hall, which ran through the centre of the house from 
 end to end. Between each four apartments, two on a 
 side, was a fire-pit in the centre of the hall, used in 
 common by their occupants. Thus a house with six 
 fires would contain twenty-four apartments, and would 
 accommodate as many families, unless some of the 
 apartments were reserved for storage-rooms. Raised 
 bunks were constructed around the three sides of each 
 stall for beds, and the floor was slightly raised above 
 the level of the ground. From the roof-poles were 
 suspended strings of maize in the ear, braided to- 
 gether by the husk ; also strings of dried squash and 
 dried mead. Each house, as a rule, was occupied by 
 related families, the mothers being sisters, own and 
 collateral, who, with their children, belonged to the 
 same gens or clan, while their husbands, the fathers of 
 these children, belonged to other gentes, consequently 
 the gens, or clan, of the mother predominated in 
 numbers in the household, descent being in the female 
 line. Whatever was taken in the hunt or raised by 
 cultivation by any member of the household was for 
 the common benefit. Provision was held as common 
 stock within the household. The Iroquois had but 
 one cooked meal each day, a dinner. Each house- 
 hold, in the matter of the management of their food, 
 was under the care of a matron. When the daily 
 meal had been cooked at the several fires the matron 
 was summoned. It was her duty to divide the food 
 from the kettle to the several families within the 
 house, according to their needs. What remained was 
 put aside to await the further direction of the matron." 
 This was the sort of communism in which the Iro- 
 quois and their kin, the Minquas or Conestogas, lived, 
 until the long houses finally disappeared under the 
 influence of the whites. To this methodical and 
 economical household communism the Iroquois un- 
 doubtedly owe their tribal unity, their faculty of con- 
 federating for defense and offense, and their military 
 strength and political influence. John Bartram, in 
 his account of his journey to Onondaga, in company 
 with the Indian interpreter, Conrad Weiser, in 1743, 
 gives a description of one of these long houses, in 
 which he was entertained. It was the official house 
 of the tribe, besides being a community home. 
 " They showed us," he says, " where to lay our lug- 
 gage and repose ourselves during our stay with them, 
 
42 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 which was in the two end apartments of this large 
 house. The Indians that came with us were placed 
 over against us. This cabin is about eighty feet long 
 and seventeen broad, the common passage six feet 
 wide, and the apartments on each side five feet, raised 
 a foot above the passage by a long sapling, hewed 
 square, and fitted with joists that go from it to the 
 back of the house. On these joists they lay large 
 pieces of bark, and on extraordinary occasions spread 
 mats made of rushes, which favor we had. On these 
 floors they sit or lie down, every one as he will. The 
 apartments are divided from each other by boards or 
 bark, six or seven feet long from the lower floor to 
 the upper, on which they put their lumber. . . . All 
 the sides and roof of the cabin are made of bark, 
 bound first to poles set in the ground, and bent round 
 on the top, or set aflat for the roof as we set our 
 rafters. Over each fireplace they leave a hole to let 
 out the smoke, which in rainy weather they cover 
 with a piece of bark, and this they can easily reach 
 with a pole to perch it on one side or quite cover the 
 hole." 
 
 The Algonkins, the Lenni Lenapes in Pennsyl- 
 vania, were also variously called Wapanacki (Euro- 
 pean corruptions : Openaki, Openagi, Abenaquh, and 
 Apenahis). The Delaware regions appear to have 
 been their principal seat, though affiliated and de- 
 rivative nations of their stock were found from Hud- 
 son's B.ay to Florida, and from Lake Superior to East 
 Tennessee. Forty tribes acknowledged the Lenapes 
 as grandfather or parent stock. Their traditions, 
 which are not always authentic, relate that the tribe 
 once upon a time dwelt in the far distant wilds of the 
 West, whence they moved eastward towards sunrise 
 by slow stages, often passing a year in a single camp 
 but eventually reaching the bank of the Named Sipu, 
 the River of Fish (Mississippi), where they found the 
 Mengwes or Iroquois, migrating like themselves, but 
 who had descended from the northwest. The Lenape 
 scouts reported the country east of the river to be 
 held by a people called the Allegewi (whence the 
 name Alleghany River and Mountains), who were 
 numerous, tall, stout, some of them giants, all dwell- 
 ing in intrenched or fortified towns. The Lenajje 
 were denied leave to settle among the Allegewi, but 
 obtained permission to pass through their country. 
 When they were half over the river, however, the 
 Allegewi attacked and drove them back with great 
 loss. The Lenape now formed an alliance with the 
 Mengwe; the two nations united forces, crossed the 
 river, attacked the Allegewi, and after a long and 
 desperate war defeated them and expelled them from 
 their country, they fleeing southward. The conquered 
 country was apportioned between the conquerors, the 
 Mengwes choosing the northern part, along the lakes, 
 the Lenapes choosing the more southern section, 
 binding on both sides of the Ohio. Moving eastward 
 still, they came finally to the Delaware River and the 
 ocean, and thence spread beyond the Hudson on the 
 
 north and beyond the Potomac on the south. This 
 legend, however, is full of inconsistencies and incom- 
 patibilities, and hardly answers to what was known of 
 the condition and location of the great Algonkin race 
 at the time of the first settlement of the whites among 
 them. As to their origin as members of the human 
 family, they have divers legends. They claim to have 
 come out of a cave in the earth, like the woodchuck 
 and the chipmuck ; to have sprung from a snail that 
 was transformed into a human being and taught to 
 hunt by a kind Manitou, after which it was received 
 into the lodge of the beaver and married the beaver's 
 favorite daughter. In another myth a woman is dis- 
 covered hovering in mid-air above the watery waste 
 of chaos. She has fallen or been expelled from 
 heaven, and there is no earth to offer her a resting- 
 place. The tortoise, however, rose from the depths 
 and put his broad, shield-like back at her service, and 
 she descended upon it and made it her abode, for its 
 dome-like oval resembled the first emergence of dry 
 land from the waters of the deluge. The tortoise 
 slept upon the deep, and round the margin of his 
 shell the barnacles gathered, the scum of the sea col- 
 lected, and the floating fragments of the shredded 
 sea-weed accumulated until the dry land grew apace, 
 and by and by there was all that broad expanse of 
 island which now constitutes North America. The 
 woman, weary of watching, worn out with sighs for 
 herlonesomeness, dropped off into a tranquil slumber, 
 and in that sleep she dreamed of a spirit who came 
 to her from her lost home above the skies, and of that 
 dream the fruits were sons' and daughters, from whom 
 have descended the human race. 1 Another legend 
 personifies the Great Spirit under the form of a gigan- 
 tic bird that descended upon the face of the waters, 
 and brooded there until the earth arose. Then the 
 Spirit, exercising its creative power, made the plants 
 and animals, and lastly man, who was formed out of 
 the integuments of the dog, and endowed with a 
 magic arrow that was to be preserved with great care, 
 for it was at once a blessing and a safeguard. But 
 the man carelessly lost the arrow, whereupon the 
 Spirit soared away upon its bird-like wings and was 
 no longer seen, and man had henceforth to hunt and 
 struggle for his livelihood. Manabozho, relates the 
 general Algonkin tradition, created the different 
 tribes of red men out of the carcasses of different 
 animals, the beaver, the eagle, the wolf, the serpent, 
 the tortoise, etc. Manabozho, Messou, Michaboo, or 
 Nanabush is a demi-god who works the metamor- 
 phoses of nature. He is the king of all the beasts ; 
 his father was the west wind, his mother the moon's 
 great-grandfather, and sometimes he appears in the 
 form of a wolf or a bird, but his usual shape is that 
 of the Gigantic Hare. Often Manabozho masquerades 
 in the figure of a man of great endowments and ma- 
 
 1 Campanins' History of New Sweden. Dupi 
 Book III. chap. i. 
 
 translation, 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 43 
 
 jestic stature, when he is a magician after the order 
 of Frospero ; but when he takes the form of some 
 impish elf, then he is more tricksy than Ariel, and 
 more full of hobgoblin devices than Puck. "His 
 powers of transformation are without limit; his 
 curiosity and malice are insatiable;" he has inspired 
 a thousand legends; he is the central figure in the 
 fairy realm of the Indian, which, indeed, is not very 
 full nor genially peopled. Manabozho is the restorer 
 of the world, submerged by a deluge which the ser- 
 pent-manitous have caused. Manabozho climbs a 
 tree, saves himself, and sends a loon to dive for mud 
 from which he can make a new world. The loon fails 
 to reach the bottom ; the muskrat, which next at- 
 temps the feat, returns lifeless to the surface, but with 
 a little sand in the bottom of its paws, from which 
 the Great Hare is able to recreate the world. In other 
 legends the otter and beaver dive in vain, but the 
 muskrat succeeds, losing his life in the attempt. 1 
 
 The Atlantic Algonkins, the Lenapes, were sub- 
 divided into three tribes, of which the Unamis or the 
 Tortoise were one, the Unalachto or Turkey the sec- 
 ond, and the third the Wolf, the Mind. These were 
 equally the tribal names and the totems of these 
 tribes, of whom the greatest and most intelligent 
 were the Unamis, living on the lower Delaware and 
 adjacent streams near the tide, a fishing people, and 
 to some extent planters as well as hunters, having 
 numerous villages under minor chiefs, who were sub- 
 ordinate to the great council of the nation. The 
 
 DELAWARE INDIAN FORT. 
 [From Campanius' " New Sweden."] 
 
 Minsi, often called Monceys by the English, the most 
 warlike of the tribes of Delaware Indians, dwelt in 
 the interior, between the other tribes and the Iroquois. 
 Their towns extended from their council-seat at the 
 Minisink to the Hudson on the east, the Susque- 
 hanna on the southwest, the Catskills on the north, 
 and the JMuskenecum hills in New Jersey. Subordi- 
 
 1 Manabozho is also culled Michabou, Chiabo, Tarenyawagon ; lie is 
 the Hiawatha of the Ojibways, the Onondagas, and Mr. Longfellow — 
 
 "Skilled in all the craft of 1 tere, 
 
 Learned in all the lore of old men, 
 In all youthful sports and pastimes, 
 In all manly arts and labors." 
 
 nate bands had their names from their places of 
 residence, as the Shackamaxons and the Nesham- 
 ineks, or from some other accidental circumstance. 
 
 The Lenapes suffered much from the warlike pro- 
 pensities and the strategic devices of the Iroquois, 
 who did not hesitate to murder members of other 
 tribes with the weapons of the Delawares in order to 
 involve them in hostilities. In this way they pro- 
 voked the Cherokees to fall upon the Lenapes, who 
 suffered much in tne long and bloody war which en- 
 sued. For nearly two generations after the first 
 treaty between Deputy Governor Markham and the 
 Lenapes in 1681, in which they surrendered lands to 
 William Penn, these Indians maintained pacific re- 
 lations with the whites of Pennsylvania. Still they 
 had begun to suffer and to feel impatient in conse- 
 quence of the increase and the pressure of the land- 
 hungry English in the province. After their with- 
 drawal to Wyoming and Shamokin by order of the Five 
 Nations they were reinforced by the restless bands of 
 their kindred, the Shawanese, who had settled as far 
 south as the basin of the Cumberland River in Ken- 
 tucky and Tennessee, whence they had been driven by 
 the Creeks and Cherokees, a part north of the Ohio 
 River, a part to the valley of Virginia about Win- 
 chester, their principal band having crossed into the 
 hilly section of South Carolina. They numbered 
 about two thousand souls on the Susquehanna after 
 the government of Pennsylvania allowed them to 
 settle there. There were numerous treaties between 
 the proprietary government and the Delawares, the 
 Shawanese and their kindred, and the Mengwes 
 from the time of Penn's negotiations in 1701 to 1754, 
 the time of the first overt act of hostility on the part 
 of the Lenape. The causes of this alienation after a 
 peace of seventy years were the abuses in the Indian 
 trade, which rested on avarice, rum, and fraud, de- 
 spoiling and besotting the poor savages, whose wives 
 were often-debauched by the traders ; on the execu- 
 tion of a Delaware chief, Wehahelah, in New Jersey 
 for what was regarded as an accidental homicide, 2 
 and on their being unjustly despoiled of their lands. 
 The " walking treaty" was sorely resented by the 
 Delawares. This is an unsavory part of the history 
 of Pennsylvania. In 1685 Penn had secured a deed 
 from Packenak, Essepertank, and some other chiefs 
 of the Delawares for land from Neshaminy Creek 
 westward " as far in the woods as a man could go in 
 a day and a half." This land was not wanted at that 
 time, and the treaty was left unexecuted. Penn's 
 last will left to his grandson, William Penn, a tract of 
 
 2 Smith, however, in his History of New Jersey, declares that the 
 deed was a deliberate assassination, and the execution only took place 
 after a legal trial and regular conviction and sentence. Weekquehela, 
 as he styles the chief, was an Indian living near Shrewsbury, and of 
 great account both among Christians and his own people, being a 
 wealthy man with an extensive farm, cattle, horses, and negroes ; he 
 raised large wheat crops, had a handsome house, feather beds, curtains 
 to his bed, etc., often entertained distinguished persons, and was thought 
 to be fully civilized. 
 
44 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 ten thousand acres. The grandson sold the devise to 
 William Allen, a land speculator. Allen had the 
 land located on the Minisink, in the country of the 
 Minsis, where the whites had bought no territory. A 
 land lottery was got up at the same time, and Indian 
 lands about Easton were squatted upon. When the 
 Minsis resented this, the Iroquois were called upon, 
 and the Delawares forced to remove. In 1737, John 
 and Thomas Penn conferred with the Indians at 
 Pennsbury, and demanded a confirmation of the 
 deed of 1685 ; the day and a half s walk was in- 
 trusted to hired and trained runners, who ran out a 
 line of eighty odd miles into the heart of the best 
 reserved lands of the Indians on the Kittatinny 
 range. The Indians denounced this as a fraud. 
 Tedyuscund, the Delaware chief, at the conference at 
 Easton in 1756, boldly declared against the swindle. 
 Stamping his foot upon the ground, he told Governor 
 Denny that — 
 
 " This very ground that is under me was my land and iuheritance, and 
 it is taken from me by fraud. When I 6ay this ground, I mean all the 
 land between Tohiccon Creek and Wyoming on the Susquehanna." And 
 Tedyuscund explained his accusation with definite and unmistakable 
 precision: "When one man had formerly liberty to purchase lands, 
 and he took the deed from the Indians for it and then dies, and after his 
 death his children forge a deed like the true one, with the same Indian 
 names to it, and thereby take lands from the Indians which they never 
 sold, Otis is fraud ! Also, when one king has land beyond the river, and 
 another king has land on this side, both bounded by rivers, mountains, 
 and springs, which cannot be moved; and the proprietaries, greedy to 
 purchase lands, buy of one king what belongs to another, this likewise is 
 fraud /" 
 
 The fact was indisputable ; the French fanned.the 
 flame of discontent and furnished arms, and the Dela- 
 wares went to war, harassing the frontier settlements 
 and doing many deeds of blood. The Quakers patched 
 up a peace with them ; they fought for the American 
 side in the Revolution, but their doom was sealed. 
 They moved West, joined theShawanese, the Miamis, 
 the Maumees, the Wyandots, and Iroquois; went 
 farther West, to Missouri, to Kansas, to the Indian 
 Territory. To-day the tribe has ceased to exist as a 
 tribe ; a few scattered hunters and scouts are the sole 
 survivors of this representative and leading tribe of 
 the great Algonkin race, who once occupied a terri- 
 tory extending over fifteen degrees of latitude and 
 twenty-five degrees of longitude in the most fertile 
 parts of the United States, where now there is a popu- 
 lation of thirty million souls and an annual value of 
 products exceeding $4,000,000,000. 
 
 The Lenapes had not the compact tribal unity of 
 the Iroquois, nor did they seem to dwell like them in 
 communal houses, yet Mr. Morgan is convinced that 
 the community system was more or less established 
 among all the American Indians; he traces it among 
 the Mandans and the Sioux, the Arickarees and the 
 Cherokees, and declares that Lewis and Clark found 
 it among the Columbia River Indians, in Oregon, in 
 1808. Campanius, in speaking of the Delawares, says 
 that they have no towns or fixed places of habitation ; 
 " they mostly wander about from one place to another, 
 
 and generally go to those places where they think 
 they are most likely to find the means of support. . . . 
 When they travel, they carry their meats with them 
 wherever they go and fix them on poles, under which 
 they dwell. When they want fire, they strike it out 
 of a piece of dry wood, of which they find plenty ; and 
 in that manner they are never at a loss for fire to warm 
 themselves or to cook their meat." 1 
 
 In constructing their lodges, says Campanius, the 
 Lenapes " proceed in this manner: they fix a pole in 
 the ground and spread their mats around it, which 
 are made of the leaves of the Indian corn matted 
 together; then they cover it above with a kind of 
 roof made of bark, leaving a hole at the top for the 
 smoke to pass through ; they fix hooks in the pole on 
 which they hang their kettles; underneath they put 
 a large stone to guard themselves from the fire, and 
 around it they spread their mats and skins on which 
 they sleep. For beds, tables, and chairs they use 
 nothing else; the earth serves them for all these 
 purposes. They have several doors to their houses, 
 generally one on the north and one on the south side. 
 When it blows hard, they stop up one of them with 
 bark, and hang a mat or skin before the other. Some- 
 times they fasten their doors to guard themselves 
 against the sudden attacks of their enemies, and 
 they surround their houses with round or square 
 palisades, made of logs or planks, which they fasten 
 
 1 Campanius speaks far too lightly here of the complicated, arduous 
 methods of obtaining fire which prevail among savages, as if they in- 
 herited the possession and uses of fliut and steel. When and how bar- 
 barous nations learned to produce fire is a mystery. Their first knowl- 
 edge of fire and its effects and uses could of course be easily learned 
 from the volcano and the thunderbolt ; but how came they to know that 
 friction would generate a degree of heat such as would result in flame? 
 It could not have been by experiment; was it a discovery which came by 
 accident, or was it a consequence of observation, such as that of the fric- 
 tiou of one falling tree upon the trunk of another? The process is such 
 a difficult one in getting fire by friction, and its civilizing influences 
 are so extensive, that the question seems to be worth an archaeological 
 investigation. In the Osuge legend it is the Master of Life himself who 
 instructs the snail-man in the use of fire and the cooking of meat. The 
 Ojibways hold fire to bo a sacred mystery. The flint from which it is 
 struck is their emblem of purity, and the lighting of the peace-pipe is 
 one of the most sacerdotal acts. The sacrifice of fire is a sacrifice to fire 
 likewise, and the ancient and original worship of all the Iudiaus was 
 probably directed to the sun, the source of fire. The Indians had great 
 difficulty in getting fire before they learned the use of flint and steel. 
 Some tribes kept fires burning always, and had watchers to see that 
 they never went out. The methods of generating it by friction are vari- 
 ous. Gen. George Crook has described a fire-stick used by the Indians 
 of the Sierra Nevada and Cascade ranges. "The fire-stick," he says, 
 "consists of two pieces. Tho horizontal stick is generally from one foot 
 to a foot and a half long, a couple or three inches wide, and ab.ut one 
 inch thick, of some soft, dry wood, frequently the sap of the juniper. 
 The upright stick is usually some two feet long and from a quarter to half 
 an inch in diameter, with tho lower end round or elliptical, and of the 
 hardest material they can find. In the sage-bush country it is made of 
 'grease-wood.' When they make fire they lay the first piece in a hori- 
 zontal position with the flat side down, and place the round end of the 
 upright near the edge of tho other stick; then taking the upright be- 
 tween the hands they give it a swift rotary motion, and as constant use 
 wears a hole in the lower stick, they cut a nick in its outer edge down 
 to a level with the bottom of the hole. The motion of the upright works 
 the ignited powder out of this nick, and it is there caught and applied 
 to a piece of spunk or somo other highly combustible suustuuee, aud 
 from this tho fire is started," (Smithsonian Report, 1871.) 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 45 
 
 in the ground." The mode of fortifying an Indian 
 village was to dig a ditch around it, throwing up the 
 dirt on the inside. The trees of which the posts or 
 " puncheons" of the palisades were made were felled 
 by means of fire, the burnt parts hacked with hatchets 
 until the tree was cut through in proper lengths. The 
 logs were then planted upright in the embankment, 
 in one or several concentric rows, those of each row 
 bent towards the others till they intersected. Where 
 the palisades crossed, a gallery of timber was thrown 
 for the use of the defenders. These works were not 
 regular except in cases where the Indians were taught 
 by foreign soldiers, as the Hurons by the French, the 
 Iroquois by the Dutch, and the Susquehannocks by 
 the Swedes. The palisades were planted first in rude 
 post-holes, and the dirt from the ditch thrown up 
 around them. 1 The chief articles of furniture were 
 the kettle, the dishes of bark and cedar wood, the curi- 
 ous-woven baskets and the calabashes. In Campa- 
 nius' time the Indian manufacture of pottery had 
 almost ceased, European utensils serving their ends 
 so much better. Pastorius, speaking of the Indian 
 diet, said, "I have once seen four Indians eating to- 
 gether with great delight; their repast consisted of a 
 pompion (pumpkin) boiled in water, without any 
 meat or fat or any kind of seasoning ; their tables 
 and seats were the naked earth ; their spoons were 
 muscle-shells, out of which they dipped the warm 
 water ; and their plates were large leaves of trees 
 that stood near them." Yet the Indian commissariat 
 was not entirely bare. Besides their meats and fish, 
 fresh and dried, their melons and squashes, beans and 
 peas and berries, of which they dried many for winter 
 use, there were several roots and plants of which they 
 ate largely. In spring and summer many succulent 
 herbs served them for greens and salads ; they con- 
 sumed regularly the tuckahoe {Sclerotium giganteum), 
 the tauquauh of the Mohegans, the petuhgunnug of 
 the Delawares, called "Indian loaf" by the whites. 
 It is a curious root, fancied, by some to be a sort of 
 truffle, the shape of a flattened globe, and varying in 
 size from an acorn to the bigness of a man's head. 
 Kalm considers the tuckahoe to be identical with the 
 Arum Virginianum, the wake-robin. It was roasted 
 in the ashes, and the root of the Arum triphyllum, 
 the Indian turnip, prepared in the same way, was 
 deprived of its noxious qualities and pungent, bitter 
 taste, and yielded a wholesome farina. The Apios 
 luberosa [Glycine apios of Linnseus), the ground-nut 
 or wild bean, was also a regular article of diet, to- 
 gether with the arrow-head (Sagitlaria sagittafolia) 
 and the root of the golden-club [Orontium aquat- 
 icum). 
 
 In winter the huts of the Lenape were not very 
 comfortable, no matter how picturesque they might 
 be, but probably they afforded as nice lodgings as 
 those of the English gipsies. The interior of the 
 
 1 Parkn 
 chapter. 
 
 Introduction. An invaluable 
 
 cabin was stained and dingy with smoke that could 
 find no regular outlet, and it was so pungent and 
 acrid as to cause much inflammation of the eyes and 
 blindness in old age. The fleas and other vermin 
 were bad, and the children were noisy and unruly 
 beyond parallel, raising a pandemonium in each 
 lodge, which the shrill shrieking of the Hecate-like 
 squaws added to without controlling it. Parkman 
 draws a vivid picture of a lodge on a winter night, 
 lighted up by the uncertain flickers of resinous flame, 
 that sent fitful flashes through the dingy canopy of 
 smoke, a bronzed group encircling the fire, cooking, 
 eating, gambling, or amusing themselves with idle 
 chaff; grizzly old warriors, scarred with the marks of 
 repeated battles ; shriveled squaws, hideous with toil 
 and hardship endured for half a century; young war- 
 riors with a record to make, vain, boastful, obstrep- 
 erous; giddy girls, gay with paint, ochre, wampum, 
 and braid; "restless children, pell-mell with restless 
 dogs." What a long step from this scene to the quiet 
 decorum, the serene beauty, and the accumulation of 
 comforts and conveniences of the civilization which 
 has succeeded it ! 
 
 The tools of the Lenape were rude and poor, strictly 
 those of the stone age, for they had no knowledge of 
 any metal save a little copper for ornament, yet they 
 handled them with great skill and neatness. 
 
 " Tlley make their bows with the limb of a tree," 8ays Campauius, " of 
 about a man's length, and tiieir bow-strings out of the sinews of ani- 
 mals ; they make their arrows out of a reed a yard and a half long, and 
 at one end they fix in a piece of hard wood of about a quarter's length, 
 at the end of which they make a hole to fix in the head of the arrow, 
 which is made of black flint-stone, orof hard bone or horn, or the teeth 
 of large fishes or animals, which they fasten in with fish glue in such a 
 manner that the water cannot penetrate ; at the other end of the arrow 
 they put feathers. They can also tan and prepare the skins of ani- 
 mals, which they paint afterwards in their own way. They make much 
 use of painted feathers, with which they adorn their skins and bed- 
 covers, binding them with a kind of network, which is very handsome, 
 and fastens the feathers very well. With these they make light and 
 warm clothing and covering fur themselves; with the leaves of Indian 
 corn and reeds they make purses, mats and baskets, and everything 
 else that they want. . . . They make very handsome and strong mats 
 of fine roots, which they paint with all kinds of figures ; they hang their 
 walls with these mats, and make excellent bed-clothes out of them. 
 The women spin thread and yarn out of nettles, hemp, and some plants 
 unknown to us. Governor Printz had a complete set of clothes, with 
 coat breeches, and belt, made by these barbarians with their wampum, 
 which was curiously wrought with the figures of all kinds of animals. 
 . They make tobacco-pipes out of reeds about a man's length; the 
 bowl is made of horn, and to contain a great quantity of tobacco. They 
 generally present these pipes to their good friends when they come to 
 visit them at their houses and wish them to stay some time longer; 
 then the friends cannot go away without haviug first smoked out of 
 the pipe. They make them, otherwise, of red, yellow, and blue clay, or 
 which there is a great quantity iu the country; also of white, gray, 
 green, brown, black, and blue stones, which are so soft that they can 
 be cut with a knife. . . . Their boats are made of the bark of cedar and 
 birch trees, hound together and lashed very strongly. They carry them 
 along wherever they go, aud when they come to some creek that they 
 want, to get over they launch them and go whither they please. They 
 also used to make boats out of cedar trees, which they burnt inside and 
 scraped off the coals with sharp Btones, bones, or muscle shells." 
 
 Charles Thompson, in the fragmentary "Essay 
 upon Indian Affairs," 'found among his manuscripts, 
 speaks of the very unusually good opportunities 
 
46 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 afforded him in 1757 (while at Easton as commis- 
 sioner for Pennsylvania to negotiate a peace with 
 the Indians) to study their institutions, manners, and 
 customs. 
 
 By a concurrence of circumstances, he says, he 
 gained the confidence of the Indians, was admitted to 
 their councils, and "obliged to enter deep into their 
 politics and investigate their claims." 1 Of the In- 
 dians he says, after speaking of their diet, to which, 
 in addition to the articles of food already enumerated, 
 he contributes the very prolific and nutritious sweet 
 potato (which might be kept during winter in kilns 
 dug under the lodge fireplaces) : 
 
 "They were perfect strangers to the use of iron. The instruments 
 with which they dug up the ground were of wood, or a stone fastened 
 to a handle of wood. Their hatchets for cutting were of stone, sharp- 
 ened to an edge by rubbing and fastened to a wooden handle. Their 
 arrows were pointed with flint or bones. What clothing they wore was 
 of the skins of animals took in hunting, and their ornaments were prin- 
 cipally of feathers. They all paiutcd or daubed their face with red. 
 The men suffered only a tuft of hair to grow on the crown of their head; 
 the rest, whether on their head or faces, they prevented from growing 
 by constantly plucking it out by the roots, so that they always appeared 
 as if they were bald and beardless. 2 
 
 "Many were in the practice of marking their faces, arms, and breast 
 by pricking the skin with thorns and rubbing the parts with a fine pow- 
 der made of coal (charcoal), which, penetrating the punctures, left an 
 indelible stain or mark, which remained as long as they lived. The 
 punctures were made in figures according to their several fancies. The 
 only part of the body which they covered was from the waist half-way 
 dowu the thighs, and their feet they guarded with a kind of shoe made 
 of hides of buffaloes or deerskin, laced tight over the instep and up to 
 the ankles with thougs. It was and still continues to he a common 
 practice among the men to slit their ears, putting something into the 
 hole to prevent its closing, and then by hanging weights to the lower 
 part to stretch it out, so that it hangs dowu the cheek like a large ring- 
 They had no knowledge of the use of silver or gold, though some of 
 these metals were found among the Southern Indiana. Instead of 
 money they used a kind of beads made of conch-shell, manufactured 
 in a curious manner. These beads were made, some of the white, some 
 of the black or colored parts of the shell. They were formed into cyl- 
 inders about one-quarter of an inch long and a quarter of an inch in 
 diameter. They were round and highly polished and perforated length- 
 wise with a small hole, by which they strung them together and wove 
 them into belts, some of which, by a pruper arrangement of the beads 
 of different colors, were figured like carpeting with different figures, 
 according to the various uses for which they were designed. These were 
 made use of in their treaties aud intercourse with each other, and served 
 to assist their memory and preserve the remembrance of transactions. 
 When different tribes or nations made peace or alliance with each other 
 they exchanged belts of one sort; when they excited each other to war 
 they used another sort. Hence they were distinguished by the name of 
 peace belts or war belts. Every message sent from one tribe to another 
 was accompanied with a striug of these heads or a belt, and the string 
 or belt was smaller or greater according to the weight and importance 
 of the subject. These beads were their riches. They were worn as 
 bracelets on the arms aud like chains round the neck by way of orna- 
 ments." 3 
 
 1 He was in fact adopted by them. He took minutes of the conference 
 proceedings in short-hand, and these were so accurate- as to he preferred 
 by the commissioners to the official record, and so just to the Indians 
 as to win their profound gratitude. They adopted him into the Lenape 
 nation, and gave him the name of We<jh-wulaiv-wo-end> " the man who 
 tells the truth." 
 
 2 Naturally " impubes and imbcrbes" said Dr. Douglas ; but Froud de- 
 nied that this was the case with all the Pennsylvania Indians. The 
 habit of going naked and anointing their persons with unguents made 
 the resort tu depilatories very natural. 
 
 3 There is enough concurrent testimony to it to warrant the conclu- 
 sion that the original purpose of wampum was exclusively 
 
 The Indians were few in number, says Mr. Thomp- 
 son, as compared with the extent of territory. How 
 few has not been generally realized by writers on this 
 subject. Gordon, who is always moderate, thinks that 
 at the most populous period there must have been less 
 than forty-seven thousand Indians within the limits 
 of Pennsylvania. Yet there have been repeated esti- 
 mates of fifteen million Indians in the country at the 
 time of the arrival of the English, and we have seen 
 it confidently claimed that there could not have been 
 less than three thousand Indians — six hundred war- 
 riors — within the present limits of Philadelphia two 
 hundred and fifty years ago. The computation is 
 very extravagant, and there are means of showing it 
 to be so. The Virginia mode of calculating used to 
 be to allow one Indian for every square mile. This 
 would give three millions to the United States, forty- 
 six thousand to Pennsylvania, one hundred and thirty 
 to Philadelphia. But the estimate is too liberal. A 
 hunting tribe of Indians cannot subsist upon a square 
 mile of territory per capita. According to Lyell, the 
 geologist, " it has been computed that eight hundred 
 acres furnish only as much subsistence to a commu- 
 nity of hunters as half an acre under cultivation." 
 The United States, with five acres per capita under 
 
 It was a sort of memoria iechnica, like the knotted cords of the ancient 
 Peruvians, and doubtless, if the Indians had had intelligence enough to 
 word it out, a system of written language could have been constructed 
 of wampum bead figures as expressive as tbatof a signal code and more 
 serviceable than the Runic arrow-head writingof the Northmen. There 
 is a much greater chance for variety of expression in strings of beads of 
 two colors than there is in Prof. Morse's telegraphic alphabet of dots and 
 lines. Wampum was given not only as a present and a courteous reminder, 
 but as a threat and a warning. Thus, when at Lancaster in 1747 the chiefs 
 of the Five Nations forbade the Lenapes to sell anymore land, and or- 
 dered them to remove to the interior, they emphasized the command by 
 handing them a belt. If the belts presented before the uses of wam- 
 pum had degenerated and become comparatively meaningless could 
 have been closely and intelligently examined, it is likely that some sort 
 of language could have been made out of the varying forms of the beltB 
 and strings and the different arrangements of the beads. The use of 
 wampum for ornament was secondary to its use menioriter. As money 
 its use came about in this way : It was a memorandum of exchange, of 
 business transactions. Passyund,of the Munsis, agreed to let his daugh- 
 ter marry the son of Secanee, of the Unamis, and to give with her a 
 dowry of so many beaver-skins, in return for which Secauee's son was 
 to hunt bo many days for Tassyund. How bind the bargain and prove 
 it? By making a mutual note of it in the exchange of wampum. 
 That particular belt or string represented and vouched for that particu- 
 lar transaction. Menanee, on the Alleghany, agrees to sell to Tamanee, 
 on the Delaware, a dozen buffalo robes for forty fathoms of duffle, with 
 buttons, thread, and red cloth to ornairent. A belt is exchanged to 
 prove the transaction. But that cannot be completed till the goods aro 
 exchanged. The next step is easy: to put a certain fixed value on each 
 head, so that when Tamanee pays a belt to Menanee for his robes, Men- 
 anee can at once hand the belt over to the trader who has the goods aud 
 get from him the duffle and trimmings. Viewed in this light wampum 
 takes rank as an instrument of as various and important uses as any 
 ever employed by man. It is as if the rosary of the pious Catholic were 
 suddenly invested with the powers of a historical monument, a diplo- 
 matic memorandum and business " stub" book, a short-hand inscription 
 system, which is equally understood by tribes of every variety of lan- 
 guage and dialect, a currency of uniform value and universal circulation 
 in the exchange of a continent, a bank of deposit, a jewelry and per- 
 sonal ornament, nil in one. There is no parallel instance in all the 
 economic history of mankind of an article so utterly useless and value- 
 less in itself acquiring such a wide and multifarious range of derivative 
 uses and values. 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 47 
 
 cultivation, are only able to spare seven and one-half 
 per cent, of food products for export. Thus there are 
 four and six-tenths acres needed to keep each member 
 of this highly cultivated population. On the basis of 
 Ly ell's computation, therefore, each member of a pop- 
 ulation of hunters would require eleven and one-half 
 square miles to keep him. There is a scientific reason 
 for this enormous allowance, which Liebig explains 
 in his " Animal Chemistry." " A nation of hunters 
 on a limited space," he says, "is utterly incapable of 
 increasing its numbers beyond a certain point, which 
 is soon attained. The carbon necessary for respira- 
 tion must be obtained from the animals, of which only 
 a limited number can live on the space supposed. 
 These animals collect from plants the constituents of 
 their organs and their blood, and yield them in turn 
 to the savages who live by the chase alone. They 
 again receive this food, unaccompanied by those 
 compounds destitute of nitrogen which, during the 
 life of the animals, served to support the respiratory 
 process. In such men, confined to an animal diet, it 
 is the carbon of the flesh and of the blood which must 
 take the place of starch and sugar. But fifteen pounds 
 of flesh contain no more carbon than four pounds of 
 starch, and while the savage, with one animal and an 
 equal weight of starch, could maintain life and health 
 for a certain number of days, he would be compelled, 
 if confined to flesh, in order to procure the carbon 
 necessary for respiration during the same time, to 
 consume five such animals." Such Indian statistics 
 as we possess bear out these conclusions. The hunt- 
 ing range of the Iroquois Five Nations was never less 
 than sixty thousand square miles. They had corn and 
 other sources of carbonaceous food. They were pros- 
 perous, comparatively rich, and took tribute and sup- 
 plies from the tribes surrounding them. Yet, by care- 
 ful comparisons made in 1877 under the auspices of 
 the Bureau of Education, it is ascertained that they 
 never exceeded a population of twenty thousand 
 souls, — four thousand warriors, — three square miles 
 per capita. This is a guide to the number of the 
 tribes surrounding them. The Iroquois in 1665 had 
 two thousand three hundred and fifty warriors, — 
 eleven thousand seven hundred and fifty souls. The 
 Susquehannas, who put old men and boys in the field, 
 never had more than two thousand warriors, — eight 
 thousand souls. The Canada Hurons never exceeded 
 thirty thousand in all. The most populous branch of 
 the Algonkins, the Mohegans of New York and New 
 England, Parkman computes could not have had more 
 than eight thousand fighting men, — forty thousand in 
 all. The Lenapes of Pennsylvania and New Jersey 
 could scarcely have reached half so many. We do not 
 find any mention among them of populous towns like 
 those of the Pequods, the Wampanoags, the Iroquois, 
 the Hurons, the Powhatans. They had nothing but 
 small and obscure villages, and of these not many. 
 They had but six hundred fighting men from the 
 Delaware to the Ohio in 1759. Proud, who knew 
 
 much about them, is not able to enumerate many 
 bands. 1 
 
 Secretary Thompson remarks that it is difficult to 
 distinguish the Indians into distinct and different 
 nations : 
 
 " AlmoBt every luition being divided into tribes, and tbese tribes sub- 
 divided into families, who from relationship or friendship united to- 
 gether and formed towns or clans; tbese several tribes, families, and 
 towns have commonly each a particular name and chief, or head man, 
 receive messages, and hold conferences witli strangers and foreigners, 
 and hence they are frequently considered by strangers and foreigners 
 as distinct and separate nations. Notwithstanding this, it is found 
 upon closer examination and further inquiry that the nation is com- 
 posed of several of these tribes, united together under a kind of federal 
 government, with laws and customs by which they are ruled. Their 
 governments, it is true, are very lax, except as to peace and war, each 
 individual having in his own hand the power of revenging injuries, 
 and when murder is committed the next relation having power to take 
 revenge, by putting to death the murderer, unless he can convince the 
 chiefs and headmen that he had just cause, and by their means can 
 pacify the family by a present, and thereby put an end to the feud. The 
 matters which merely regard a town or family are settled by the chiefs 
 and head men of the town ; those which regard the tribe, by a meeting 
 of the chiefs from the several towns; and those that regard the nation, 
 such as the making war or concluding peace with the neighboring na- 
 tions, are determined on in a national council, composed of the chiefs 
 and head warriors from every tribe. Every tribe has a chief or head 
 man, and there isone who presides over the nation. In every town they 
 have a council house, where tho chief assembles the old men and ad 
 vises what is best. In every tribe there is a place, which is commonly 
 the town in which the chief resides, where the head men of the towns 
 meet to consult on the business that concerns them; and in every mat- 
 ter there is a grand council, or what they call a council-fire, where the 
 heads of tlto tribes and chief warriors convene to determine on peace 
 or war. In these several councils the greatest order and decorum is ob- 
 served. In a council of a town all the men of the town may attend, 
 the chief opens the business, aud either gives his opinion of what is best 
 or takes the advice of such of the old men as are heads of families, or 
 most remarkable for prudence and knowledge. None of the young men 
 are allowed or presume to speak, but the whole assembly at the end of 
 every sentence or speech, if they approve it, express their approbation 
 by a kind of hum or noise in unison with the speaker. The same order 
 is observed in the meetings or councils of the tribes and in the national 
 councils." 
 
 Gordon, in his "History of Pennsylvania," observes 
 of the language of the Lenape that it is said to be 
 "rich, sonorous, plastic, and comprehensive in the 
 highest degree," adding that a cultivated language 
 usually denotes great civilization. On the contrary, 
 a cultivated, elaborate language, abounding in regu- 
 lar forms and great numbers of distinctions, qualifi- 
 cations, conjugations, and declensions, is not a sign of 
 civilization, but the opposite, to a certain extent. 
 The Sanscrit is more perfect and comprehensive and 
 regular than the Greek, the Greek than the German, 
 the Latin than the French, the Anglo-Saxon (pace 
 Mr. Edward A. Freeman) than the English. The 
 Indian languages were comprehensive in the sense of 
 being complicated with many forms. They were not 
 plastic, however. That is the property of the lan- 
 guages of civilization, which are intended to be la- 
 bor-saving machines. They are plastic, oblique, 
 elliptic, direct, waste no muscular force on the regu- 
 
 1 He mentions the Assunpinks, Rancocas, Neshamineks, Shackamax- 
 ons, Mantua (at Gloucester, N. J.), the Tuteloes (who were remnants of 
 the Virginia NottuwayB), Minisiuks, Pomptons, Narritaconks, Capiti- 
 nasses, and Gacheos. 
 
43 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 larity of forms. The Algonkin tongue, like all the 
 Indian languages, belonged to what philologists re- 
 gard as one of the lowest orders of speech. It is of 
 the in corporative or polysynthetic type. In the words 
 of Prof. Whitney, "it tends to the excessive and ab- 
 normal agglomeration of distinct, significant elements 
 in its words, whereby, on the one hand, cumbrous 
 compounds are formed as the names of objects, 1 and 
 a character of tedious and time-wasting polysyllabism 
 is given to the language,— see, for example, the three 
 to ten syllabled numeral and pronominal words in our 
 Western Indian tongues, or the Mexican name for 
 'goat,' hioa-kwauh-tentsone, literally, 'head-tree (horn), 
 lip-hair (beard),' or 'the horned and bearded one,' — 
 and, on the other hand, and what is of more import- 
 ance, an unwieldy aggregation, verbal or quasi-verbal, 
 is substituted for the phrase or sentence, with its dis- 
 tinct and balanced members. . . . Not only do the 
 subjective and objective pronouns enter into the sub- 
 stance of the verb, but also a great variety of modi- 
 fiers of the verbal action, adverbs, in the form of 
 particles and fragments of words ; thus almost every- 
 thing which helps to make expression forms a part of 
 verbal conjugation, and the verbal paradigm becomes 
 wellnigh interminable. An extreme instance of ex- 
 cessive synthesis is afforded in the Cherokee word- 
 phrase, wi-ni-taw-ti-ge-gi-na-li-skaw-lung-ta-naw-nc-li- 
 ti-se-sti, 'they will by that time have nearly finished 
 granting [favors] from a distance to thee and me.' " 
 
 Such a language could never become the vehicle of 
 science or the agent of business. As Bancroft has 
 expressed it, the Indian's language was "held in 
 bonds by external nature." It could not and did not 
 rise above the narrow area of his imperfect experiences. 
 It was poor just where the Indian mind and morals 
 were impoverished. " It had no name for continence 
 or justice, for gratitude or holiness," and equally not 
 for covetousness. Loskiel has said that it required the 
 labor of years to make the Lenape intellect capable 
 of expressing abstract truth. Eliot could only trans- 
 late the gospels by resorting to a series of happy 
 analogies. The Indian tongue was materialistic, but, 
 because it proceeded from one obvious visible object 
 to another, it abounded in trope and metaphor, be- 
 came highly picturesque, and was furnished with rich 
 supplies from the most efficient armories of eloquence. 
 Plain dealing became "a straight and broad path;" 
 
 1 " They have but few radical words, but they compound their words 
 without end; by this their language becomes sufficiently copious, and 
 leaves room for a good deal of art to pleaes a delicate ear. Sometimes 
 one word among them includes au entire definition of a thing; for ex- 
 ample, they call wine oneharadesehoc}igstscragfterie,ns to say ' a liquor 
 made from the juice of the grape.' The words expressing things lately 
 come to their knowledge are all compounds ; they havo no labials in their 
 language, nor can they pronounce perfectly any word wherein there is 
 a labial, and when one endeavors to teach them to pronounce these 
 words, they tell one they think it ridiculous that they must shut their 
 lips to speak. Their language abounds in gutturals and strong aspira- 
 tions; these make it very sonorous and bold, and their speeches abound 
 Willi metaphors, after the manner of the Eastern nations." (Proud, 
 "History of Pennsylvania," ii. 300.) 
 
 if the word was peace, it was conveyed by the con- 
 crete idea of "burying the hatchet;" to conciliate was 
 to "polish the chain of friendship;" to be allies was 
 to "eat with one mouth ;" to condole with a person 
 was to "wipe the tears from his eye;" to repair an 
 injury was to "wipe the blood off the council-seat;" 
 when James Logan was ill and retired he was said to 
 be "hid in the bushes;" to be slow to resent injuries 
 was to "sit with the head between the legs." An 
 Indian cannot conceive of father in the abstract; he 
 must say " my father," or "your father." His pan- 
 theon was a procession of idealized images of single 
 objects, animate or inanimate; every tree, every ani- 
 mal, every stone had its particular " manitou," but 
 Gitche Manitou, the Father of Life, was only a faint 
 and colorless adumbration of the Great Spirit, if 
 indeed it existed at all previous to intercourse with 
 the whites. Eliot could not find an Indian word to 
 express the act of kneeling, he had to resort to para- 
 phrase to express the idea; in fact, words must all 
 the time be coined to embody the primal European 
 conceptions of faith, submission, reverence, religion, 
 goodness. Yet the Indian vocabulary is rich in words 
 which signify the dark and tumultuous passions, hate, 
 revenge, etc., and the acts that result. In the forms 
 of homicide the Indian language is as copious as an 
 old English indictment for murder, and there is no 
 lack of words to express what is bad, vicious, filthy, 
 obscene, and shameful. 
 
 The Indian's end in life was to act out the propen- 
 sities of his untamed nature. He had no word to 
 express continence, and chastity was but a half- formed 
 idea in his brain. He bought his wife, and purity of 
 blood was assured by the rule of descent on the female 
 side. Marriage was a physical convenience and a 
 transaction by purchase; religion was a dim perhaps, 
 with rites of sacrifice and worship left to the indi- 
 vidual will. But vengeance was a duty, and revenge 
 the strongest and most enduring passion of the In- 
 dian's soul. To gratify it time, distance, hardship, 
 danger, all went for nothing ; the stealthy blow, the 
 reeking scalp torn from the prostrate victim, the yell 
 of triumph when the deed was done — this was com- 
 pensation for all. Nor did death suffice ; the enemy, 
 public or private, must be tortured, and nothing but 
 his agony and his groans could satiate the wolfish 
 thirst of the savage for blood. His warfare was con- 
 ducted by stealth and strategy and surprise ; he imi- 
 tated the panther, not the lion, in his assaults, and he 
 lay by his victim and mangled him like the tiger. 
 Sometimes he ate his victim, if he was renowned, 
 that all of the valor and virtue of the slaiu might not 
 be lost, but some of it pass into the slayer's own 
 person. If conquered or wounded to death his stoi- 
 cism was indomitable; his enemy might see his back 
 in flight, but never behold him flinch under torture; 
 when his finger-nails were plucked out one by one, 
 and the raw skull from which his scalp was torn seared 
 with live coals, and red-hot gun-barrels thrust into 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 4!) 
 
 the abdominal cavity after he had been disemboweled, 
 he would still sing his death-song and gather breath 
 to hurl a last yell of defiance at his enemy as he ex- 
 pired. To attain this sort of endurance was the aim 
 of all the Indian culture ; it was part of his religion, 
 for a distinguished reception in the happy hunting- 
 grounds beyond the grave was the promised reward 
 of the resolute warrior and the successful hunter. 
 The Indian brave was by this system encouraged to 
 set his own personality above everything else. His 
 individuality was most conspicuous and pronounced. 
 He was haughty, proud, boastful, vain. He bragged 
 loudly of his own deeds. He painted and adorned 
 his person with the utmost pains and 
 in the most gaudy and glaring colors. 
 His body was tattooed ; his scalp-lock 
 was a study for his ideas in decorative 
 art; he daubed his face in white, red, 
 and green colors till he vied with Har- 
 lequin; and his robes, his leggins, his 
 moccasins were beaded and embroid- 
 ered in a thousand complicated patterns 
 and devices. 
 
 The squaw did this fancy work for her 
 lord and master, but she had no time to 
 do it for herself. The Indian woman's 
 life, as Parkman has said, had no bright 
 side. It was a youth of license, an age 
 of drudgery. There was not much 
 passion, but a great deal of dissolute- 
 ness. The Lenape women were no 
 more chaste than the men were con- 
 tinent. Amours in youth were no ban 
 to marriage afterwards. Child-bearing 
 was scarcely painful to the woman, and, 
 as she alone had charge of her offspring, 
 children were no burthen nor obstacle 
 to the man. Delicacy and modesty 
 could have no existence in the promis- 
 cuous lodge-life of these savage tribes, 
 ami the virtue which the male did not 
 protect was naturally no treasure to the 
 female. " Once a mother," says Park- 
 man, describing the Hurons, the woman 
 " from a wanton became a drudge. In 
 March and April she gathered the 
 year's supply of firewood. Then came 
 sowing, tilling, and harvesting, curing 
 fish, dressing skin, making cordage and clothing, pre- 
 paring food. On the march it was she who bore the bur- 
 den, for, in the words of Champlain, 'their women were 
 their mules.' The natural effect followed. In every 
 town were shriveled hags, hideous and despised, who in 
 vindictiveness, ferocity, and cruelty far exceeded the 
 men. To the men fell the task of building the houses 
 and making weapons, pipes, and canoes. For the rest, 
 their home-life was a life of leisure and amusement. 
 The summer and autumn were their seasons of serious 
 employment, — of war, hunting, fishing, and trade. . . . 
 7 
 
 These pursuits, with their hunting, in which they 
 were aided by a wolfish breed of dogs unable to bark, 
 consumed the autumn and early winter." With win- 
 ter the men were idle, the women more at leisure. 
 The festive season ensued, — gambling, smoking, danc- 
 ing, feasting to gluttony consumed the vacant hours. 
 The Indian was a desperate gambler. He staked his 
 all upon a throw; he stripped himself naked in mid- 
 winter to raise the means for another stake. It was a 
 common feature in the meagre comedy of this dull 
 existence for the young brave who had gone forth gay 
 and resplendent in all his bravery and trappings to 
 visit his kinsmen in the next village to return after a 
 
 day or two like a plucked crow, all his finery gone, 
 and no leggins nor moccasins even left to protect his 
 denuded limbs from frost and snow. 
 
 Indian feasts and dances had more or less of a mys- 
 tical and religious character, but the substantial part 
 of them, gluttony and wild license, were never neg- 
 lected. At the so-called religious feasts indeed glut- 
 tony was part of the ritual. Each was expected to 
 eat all before him, under penalty of vengeance by the 
 special manitou who was to be honored, and prizes 
 were offered to the victor who soonest devoured his 
 
50 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 portion. The dances were wild, furious, delirious, 
 and intoxicating. At religious dances men and some- 
 times women flung off all their clothing ; they shouted 
 wild songs, they gesticulated fiercely and contorted 
 themselves like dervishes till their glistening bodies 
 foamed with sweat. The war-dance and war-songs 
 were intended to supply the spark to the tinder of 
 enthusiasm and ferocity, and there was a terrible 
 vividness in the mimic pantomime of battle and mur- 
 der and sudden death, of the tomahawk thrown with 
 unerring aim, the knife driven hilt-deep in the vic- 
 tim's breast, the scalp waved aloft as if just wrested 
 from the head of the slain. The drum, the rattle, 
 and the Indian flute were heard at these dances, but 
 the song was the true accompaniment. It was the 
 chorus that directed the dance, and the dancers acted 
 its words while their motions followed its rhythm. 
 Some of these songs have the true lyric quality. They 
 burst from the monotony of the chant which is usual 
 to the Indian with a sort of inspiration that the 
 savage's excitable nature always responds to. 
 
 The dance was an important ingredient in the 
 scanty materia medica of the Indian conjurer and 
 medicine-man. He esteemed it above the squaw's 
 simple and the warrior's sweat-box or Russian bath. 
 That, indeed, was a good thing to cure rheumatism 
 and restore suppleness and elasticity to the Indian's 
 frame, and the squaw's roots and herbs were wonderful 
 coadjuvants when the savage lived so simple and active 
 a life in the open air; but the medicine-man could 
 not live by these. His profit lay in maintaining the 
 general opinion of the efficacy of his rattle and drum, 
 his pinches, howls, and dancing. Disease came, in 
 the Indian's creed, from the malevolence of spirits, 
 and, as the necromancer had power over these, he 
 must be able to expel disease likewise. The im- 
 agination is so powerful a factor, the mind has such 
 unlimited influence over the body in its morbid 
 states, that we are quite willing to believe the Indian 
 medicine-man, shallow charlatan though he was, a 
 far more successful doctor than he usually gets credit 
 for being. In fact, the sorcerers were too numerous 
 not to have been lucky sometimes. In the Indian 
 belief the whole material world swarmed with unseen 
 influences and powers that controlled human destinies 
 with good and evil spirits, with manitous and exist- 
 ences that from dawn till night and from night again 
 to dawn were working with dim indefinite agencies 
 but untiring restlessness to prevent the obvious prom- 
 ises of each person's path in life in some unguessable 
 way. Nature was full of sorceries, and each might be 
 a conspiracy of some sort against human life, health, 
 or happiness. Universal superstition made nameless 
 panics universal, and as only sorcerers could deal with 
 sorcery, each Indian community harbored a pack of 
 conjurers, diviners, medicine-men, who were by turns 
 the village magicians and the village doctors. They 
 were learned in the legends of the past, and they 
 pretended to the lore of the future in order to control 
 
 the faith of the present. Their arts were numerous, 
 but the tools of their trade were few and rude, and 
 they were too slavishly adherents of tradition ever to 
 deviate from the established tricks of that trade. In 
 the words of Parkman, " The sorcerer, by charms, 
 magic songs, magic feats, and the beating of his drum, 
 had power over the spirits and those occult influences 
 inherent in animals and inanimate things. He could 
 call to him the souls of his enemies. They appeared 
 before him in the shape of stones. He chopped and 
 bruised them with his hatchet; blood and flesh issued 
 forth ; and the intended victim, however distant, lan- 
 guished and died. Like the sorcerer of the Middle 
 Ages, he made images of those he wished to destroy, 
 and muttering incantations, punctured them with an 
 awl, whereupon the persons represented sickened 
 and pined away." 
 
 This poor conjurer was the only doctor the Indian 
 had. His magic was more to him than herbs and 
 surgery, and it was his code that if his magic, his 
 drum and rattle, his feasts, howls, and contortions 
 could only expel the demon, nature would expel the 
 disease and the patient was sure to recover. The Al- 
 gonquin conjurer was also a haruspex and diviner. He 
 watched the flight of birds, interpreted the running 
 of water and the flicker of flame. He locked himself 
 in a cabinet and communed with unseen spirits, for 
 all the world like the most modern and most shame- 
 less of our charlatans. He built a low conical lodge 
 of poles and hides, immured himself therein for 
 hours, beat his drum, sounded his rattle, sang his 
 songs, and at last emerged charged with the commu- 
 nications the spirits had vouchsafed to him after his 
 arduous and awe-inspiring wrestle with them. Still, 
 this conjurer was not the priest of even the Indian's 
 debased religion. Every man was priest in his own 
 right, made his own sacrifices, and propitiated the 
 powers to which he yielded deference as suited his 
 own pleasure. The Indian was too poor and too hun- 
 gry to make many and costly oblations. He sprinkled 
 a little tobacco upon the breeze ; he immolated a white 
 dog, or he burned a scrap of meat to Manitou ; but 
 when he made a genuine sacrificial feast he and his 
 guests were careful to consume the offering to the last 
 fragment in Manitou's name and behalf. The com- 
 pleteness of the gormandue was the compliment which 
 Manitou was thought to appreciate most, and thus 
 piety became its own reward. Feasts of this sort 
 would of course be followed by dreams in proportion 
 to the sumptuousness of the vicarious offering, and 
 these dreams the conjurer made his profit by inter- 
 preting. 
 
 If the Indian was not extravagant in his offerings to 
 Manitou, he was yet scrupulously and invariably po- 
 lite in all his dealings with him. He slew the bear 
 and the deer with a sententious courtesy, and was pro- 
 fuse in apologies and civilities to the spirit of every 
 victim of his skill in the chase, and even upon the 
 war-path. This was a sincere proceeding for one so 
 
THE INDIANS. 
 
 51 
 
 deeply imbued with the notion that the entire mate- 
 rial world was sentient and intelligent, and that every 
 object and being in nature had a share in ruling hu- 
 man destinies. All things had souls, and the souls of 
 all things could hear man's soul while incapable of 
 responding to it. They were not powerless because 
 dumb ; they were none the less to be propitiated 
 because their reconnoissance was inaudible. The uni- 
 verse quivered throughout with mystery, and the mys- 
 terious was synonymous, in the Indian's creed, with 
 the divine. Hence in every undertaking the Amer- 
 ican savage made a factitious offering of first fruits. 
 He even propitiated the fishing-nets he had just made 
 with his own hands, and secured a good haul by wed- 
 ding the nets to the virgins of his tribe. Each Indian 
 had besides his own particular manitou, and the man- 
 hood vigil of the young warrior before he went upon 
 his first hunt or his first war-path was a propitiatory 
 acknowledgment made to this spiritual inward guide, 
 friend, and monitor. The object that appeared to 
 him in his fasting dreams during this vigil became 
 his totem, his fetish, the " medicine" which he must 
 henceforth wear about his person. 
 
 Sooth to say, however, the Indian did not save all 
 his urbanity for the spirits and the manitou. The 
 elaborate courtesy which he bestowed upon the bear 
 he had just killed was >he distinguishing trait of all 
 his daily intercourse with his neighbor and his guest. 
 Politeness, deference, respect for the persons and feel- 
 ings of others constituted the social law of the Indian, 
 and stood him instead of municipal and police ordi- 
 nance. The consequence was that these wild and in- 
 tractable barbarians were able to live together har- 
 moniously even in large communities. Gregarious as 
 the buffalo, the Indian was, as Parkman has said, "in 
 certain external aspects, the most pliant and complais- 
 ant of mankind." He had on all occasions that docile 
 acquiescence in the whims and oddities of strangers 
 which is the quintessence of politeness. The Indian of 
 whom Franklin wrote illustrates this spirit cleverly. 
 The missionary had told him how Adam fell, to which 
 he listened with grave assent, telling, in his turn, the 
 Indian fable of the origin of maize and tobacco. The 
 missionary repudiated the story with contempt, where- 
 upon the Indian said, "My brother, it seems your 
 friends have not done you justice in your education. 
 They have not well instructed you in the rules of 
 common civility. You see that we, who understand 
 and practice those rules, believe all your stories. Why 
 do you refuse to believe ours?" An Indian who re- 
 sented being stared at and gaped at by the town mob 
 complained to his interpreter. " We have," said he, 
 " as much curiosity as your people, and when you come 
 into our towns we wish for opportunities of looking at 
 you ; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind 
 bashes where you are to pass, and never intrude our- 
 selves into your company." The Jesuit priests, when 
 lirM among the Indians in Canada, fancied they were 
 making converts at once of the entire population, but 
 
 afterwards found out that they had mistaken for con- 
 viction what was simple courtesy, unwillingness to 
 deny and contradict. Instinctive self-control helped 
 the Indian to maintain this courteous exterior upon 
 all occasions. The self-respect of the Indian, one of 
 his strongest qualities, made him considerate and re- 
 spectful to the feelings of others. His code of honor 
 was rigid to punctiliousness, and he exacted the same 
 deference to himself which he so willingly yielded 
 to others. He liked popularity, and made sacrifices 
 to secure it. He was hospitable to a fault, and really 
 charitable and generous to distress and suffering. 
 The village hags united to supply the fresh-wedded 
 bride's wood-pile; the whole people turned out to 
 rebuild a lodge if any one had lost his by flood or fire. 
 No man, no matter what his condition, could enter 
 the Indian's wigwam and seat himself but what food 
 would at once be placed before him, if food there was. 
 They were sociable, fond of visiting, and jocose in 
 their sociability. The story-teller always had a high 
 seat at their feasts. Said the Jesuit Father Brebeuf, 
 whom the Iroquois murdered with such atrocious 
 tortures, " They have a gentleness and an affability 
 as it were incredible in savages ; they are. not easily 
 offended; . . . they keep up their excellent kind re- 
 lations one with another by frequent interchange of 
 visits, by their mutual helpfulness to the sick and ail- 
 ing, and by their feasts and family alliances. They 
 are less in their own wigwams than in those of their 
 friends. If they have some tidbit or other at once 
 they make a feast of it for their friends, and never 
 think of eating it without company." 
 
 The political organization of each Indian nation, 
 so far as it has been observed, is identical in the es- 
 sential with that of every other Indian nation. The 
 race or nation was a confederacy of tribes of contigu- 
 ous territory and common descent; each tribe was 
 divided into clans, and each clan into families. The 
 nation was governed by chiefs, whose office was he- 
 reditary in the female line of descent; the power of 
 the chiefs was great, but it was through respect and 
 deference to their opinions rather than submission to 
 their authority, for their influence was almost entirely 
 advisory and persuasive. " There were two principal 
 chiefs, one for war and one for peace ; there were 
 chiefs assigned to special national functions ; there 
 were numerous other chiefs, equal in rank, but very 
 unequal in influence, since the measure of their influ- 
 ence depended on the measure of their personal abil- 
 ity ; each nation of the confederacy had a separate 
 organization, but at certain periods grand councils of 
 the united nations were held, at which were present 
 not chiefs only, but also a great concourse of the 
 people ; and at these and other councils the chiefs 
 and principal men voted on proposed measures by 
 means of small sticks or reeds, the opinion of the 
 majority ruling." 1 
 
 1 Parkman, " Jesuits in America.' 
 
52 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 The power of chiefs and councils, great in degree, 
 was limited in extent. There were few things for it 
 to he exercised upon in that savage state where indi- 
 viduals were so free. Now and then a witch or a 
 traitor or obnoxious person was ordered to he mur- 
 dered by the council in secret session. But there was 
 no property for the law-making proclivity to exercise 
 itself upon, and there could not be much stealing 
 without property. In fact, the Indians never robbed 
 or stole except away from home. Crimes against the 
 person were individual matters, and redressed by in- 
 dividual methods. This was even the case with mur- 
 der. If murderer and victim belonged to the same 
 clan, it was looked upon as a family quarrel, to be 
 settled by the immediate kin. As a rule, public 
 opinion compelled the acceptance of the atonement 
 in lieu of bloodshed. If the murderer and victim 
 were of different clans, the whole tribe went to work 
 to prevent a feud from arising and leading to more 
 bloodshed. Every effort was made to get the victim's 
 clan to accept the atonement offering. Thirty pres- 
 ents was the price of a man's life, forty for a woman. 
 If the victim belonged to a foreign tribe, the danger 
 of war led to council meetings, formal embassies, and 
 extensive making of actual and symbolical presents. 
 
 A strange race the Indians were, and their institu- 
 tions, now so rapidly disappearing, are worthy of close 
 and careful study. If this generation shall not profit 
 by the vestiges of Indian antiquities still remaining 
 to secure a knowledge of their institutions and the 
 languages of the people who observed them, nothing 
 will be left for the inquiring spirits of the next age. 
 No matter whether the race remains or not, the aborig- 
 inal American Indian, such as he appeared to Penn and 
 to Capt. Smith, to Campanius and De Laet and the 
 Jesuit Fathers, will no longer be found in this con- 
 tinent. It should he our pleasure, as it is our duty, 
 to try to restore the fading picture of Indian life in 
 the spirit of Philip Freneau's graceful poem on " The 
 Old Indian Burying-Ground :" 
 
 " The Indian, when from life released, 
 Again is seated with li is friends, 
 And shares again the joyous feast. 
 
 " His irnag'd birds, and painted bowl, 
 And ven'son for a journey dress'd, 
 Bespeak the nature of the soul, 
 Activity, that wants no rest. . . . 
 
 " By midnight moons, o'er moistening dews, 
 In vestments for the chase array'd, 
 The hunter still the deer pursues, 
 The hunter and the deer — a shade." 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 DISCOVERY AND OCCUPATION OF THE HUDSON AND 
 DELAWARE RIVERS BY THE DUTCH. 
 
 There is no ground for reasonable doubt that John 
 and Sebastian Cabot, natives of Venice, probably 
 sailors almost from birth, but doing business in Bris- 
 
 tol, England, at the time of their commission under 
 King Henry VII., were the first navigators, at least 
 of historic times, to discover the actual coast-line of 
 the North American continent, along which they 
 sailed from Newfoundland to the parallel of Gibraltar, 
 that is to say to about the latitude of Cape Hatteras. 
 John Cabot, the senior of these sailors and traders, 
 excited by the news of the great discovery made by 
 Christopher Columbus, and with the certainty thus 
 warranted of reaching land by sailing westward, ob- 
 tained a commission under the great seal of England 
 from King Henry VII., dated March 5, 1496, author- 
 izing the navigator and his three sons, or either of 
 them, their heirs or their deputies, to sail into the 
 Eastern, Western, or Northern seas, with a fleet of 
 five ships, at their own expense, in search of unknown 
 lands, islands, or provinces ; to plant the banner of 
 England on these when found, and possess and oc- 
 cupy them as vassals of the English crown. The pro- 
 vision that the explorers should voyage at their own 
 expense was characteristic of the thrifty monarch, 
 but the commission of a king at that day was the 
 only safeguard the navigator had to protect him from 
 suspicions of piracy, and the exclusive right of fre- 
 quenting and trading to the new countries when found 
 was a privilege for which nations were soon to con- 
 tend. Cabot, with his son Sebastian, came in sight 
 of the mainland, in the region of Labrador, on June 
 24, 1497, fourteen months before Columbus, on his 
 third voyage, had reached the continent, and two 
 years before Amerigo Vespucci sailed from the Cana- 
 ries. 1 It is not so certain that Verazzano, also an 
 Italian, discovered the bay of New York in a voyage 
 made by him in 1506 from the Carolinas northward, 
 under the commission of King Francis I. of France. 2 
 It is certain that the first practical discovery of the 
 Delaware Bay and River and of the New York Bay 
 and Hudson River was made in 1609, by Henry 
 Hudson, an English navigator in the service of the 
 Dutch East India Company, whose title to immor- 
 tality seems to be assured by the fact that one of the 
 largest bays and one of the noblest rivers in the world 
 
 1 Bancroft, vol. i. Hakluyt, Divers Voyages. Brodhead, Hist. New 
 York. The account of Cabot's voyage is given by Peter Martyr. 
 
 2 The account of Verazzano 's voyage is contained in a letter from the 
 navigator to King Francis, dated July S, 1524, describing what he saw 
 and did and the strauge people he encountered. This letter is given to 
 the world first by the historian Bamusio, a Venetian, who also, by in- 
 cluding this in his collection, made himself responsible for the voyages 
 of Cadamosto, the travels of Amerigo Vespucci, and of Marco Polo, all 
 of which first saw the world in this most interesting collection. The 
 three volumes of Ramusio also contain the apocryphal voyages of the 
 brothers Zeni beyond the north of Scotland in 1400, tbo works of the 
 credulous Oviedo, and the earliest histories of the conquests made by 
 Cortes and Pizarro. They are capital reading, but, as the accurate Hal- 
 hun observes, their subject matter " could as yet ouly be obtained orally 
 from Spanish and Portuguese sailors or ad venturers, and was such as their 
 falsehood and blundering would impart." Ramusio isalso convicted of 
 having garbled Marco Polo's narrative by interpolations of his unn 
 Judge Henry C. Murphy, of the Long Island Historical Society, a very 
 competent geographical critic, is disposed to believe that the en tire letter 
 of Verazzano to King Francis I. is spurious. 
 
SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 5:: 
 
 equally bear his name and are admitted to have been 
 discovered by him. The discovery of Delaware Bay 
 and River was made, according to the journal kept 
 by Robert Jewett (or Juet), the first officer of Hud- 
 son's ship, on Aug. 28, 1609 (new style), and on this 
 discovery the Dutch founded their claim to the 
 countries binding upon and adjacent to the North 
 (Hudson) and the South (Delaware) Rivers. 1 
 
 The accounts of Hudson's third voyage and his 
 discovery of the North and South Rivers are too ac- 
 curate, circumstantial, and satisfactory to allow of any 
 question in regard to them. Hudson's journal as well 
 as that of Robert Juet are preserved in Purchas' Pil- 
 
 1 "We know surprisingly little of Henry Hudson. Ho is said to have 
 been the personal friend of Capt. John Smith, the founder of Virginia, 
 and it is probable that lie was of the family of that Henry Hudson who, 
 in 1554, was one of the original incorporators of the English Muscovy 
 Company. This man's son, Christopher, supposed to have been the 
 father of the great navigator, was as early as 1560 and up to 1601 the 
 factor and agent on the spot of the London Company trading to Russia, 
 and it seems likely that the younger Hudson, from his familiarity with 
 Arctic navigation, and bis daring pertinacity in attempting to invade 
 the ice-bound northern wastes, may have served his apprenticeship as a 
 navigator in trading, on behalf the Muscovy Company, from Bristol to 
 Russia, as was then often 
 done through the North 
 Channel, and round the 
 Hebrides, Orkneys, Shet- 
 lands, and North Cape to 
 the White Sea and Arch- 
 angel. Atany rate when 
 Hudson makes his first 
 picturesque appearance 
 before us, in the summer 
 of 1607, in the Church 
 of St. Ethelburge, Bish- 
 opsgate Street, London, 
 where he and his crew 
 are present to partake of 
 the Holy Sacrament to- 
 gether, it is preparatory 
 to a voyage in the ser- 
 vice of the newly-or- 
 ganized "London Com- 
 sr a passage by the North 
 at that time a middle-aged 
 Hudson reached Spitsbergen, and there 
 repeated next year the attempt to reach 
 the Pole, and again be failed after having 
 reached Nova Zembla. The London Company now became disheart- 
 ened, and Hudson at once transferred his services to the Dutch, who 
 were then also eagerly seeking a northern route to Asia, and preparing 
 under the ardent urgings of Usselincx (of whom more will be said 
 presently) to establish a "West India Company. The Amsterdam direc- 
 tors of the Dutch East India Company put him in command of a yacht 
 or vlie-boat, the " Half-Moor/' (the "yagt * Halve-Maan' "), of forty 
 "lasts" or eighty tons burden, and bade him continue to search for a 
 route to the Eastern seas such as the Spaniards aud Portuguese could 
 not obstruct. It was on his third voyage when, beaten back by the ice 
 from the Greenland seas, he sailed as far south as the capes of the 
 Chesapeake, and discovered Delaware Bay and Hudson River. In hia 
 fourth voyage he returned again to the service of England, discovered 
 ami entered Hudson's Bay, wintered there, and in the spring, having 
 angered bis crew by harshness and by persisting in going westward, was 
 cast adrift by them in a small boat and left, with his eon, to perish in the 
 iceon the desolate border of the bay which bears his name. He was never 
 heard of afterward. For further particulars of this stern, bold, and in- 
 telligent navigator, who was a man full of spirit, energy, and well-defined 
 pnrpose.thfl reader may consult Purchas, Hakluyt, and the monographs 
 of lb, n. II. C. Murphy, Dr. Asher, Gen. John M. Read, Jr., and Rev. B.F. 
 do Costa. 
 
 HENRY HUDSON. 
 
 pany," in Jewett's own words, 
 Pole to Japan and China." Tin 
 man, experienced and trusted. 
 the ice forced him back. He 
 Asia by crossing directly 
 
 ' for to disc 
 
 grims, and Juet has given not only the courses and 
 distances sailed on the coast, but the various depths 
 of water obtained by soundings off the bars and with- 
 in the capes of the two bays. Juet's log-book of Aug. 
 28, 1609, has indeed been tested by actual soundings 
 and sailing distances, and is found to be so accurate 
 to this day that his route can be minutely followed. 
 The English early gave the name of Delaware Bay 
 and River to the South River of the Dutch, upon the 
 pretext that it was discovered by Lord de la Warr in 
 his voyage to Virginia in 1610. Mr. Brodhead and 
 other writers, however, have plainly shown that Lord 
 La Warr never saw Delaware Bay, and that the name 
 Cape La Warr was given to Gape May by the roister- 
 ing Capt. Samuel Argalls, of Lord Somers' squadron, 
 who, being separated from his commander in a fog off 
 the Bermudas, in that voyage the narration of which 
 is supposed to have given Shakspeare his theme for 
 the Tempestj was carried by a cyclone as far north as 
 Cape Cod, and descending the coast again to Virginia, 
 sighted the cape in question and gave his lordship's 
 name to it. 2 The above few sentences embody all 
 that is certainly known in regard to the discovery of 
 Delaware Bay and River. If we let loose the pen to 
 conjecture and to debatable views and statements, 
 there is ground for very wide discussion, for which, 
 however, there is no room in a volume like this. 3 
 
 2 See several notes in the text and appendices of Brodhead's History 
 of the State of New York, vol. i. 
 
 3 For instance, Van Materen, one of the early historians of the Nether- 
 lands, assumes that the detention of Hudson in England on his returu 
 from his third voyage was because the English wanted time to prepare 
 ships to lookup and take possession of the newly discovered rivers. But 
 Van Materen himself says at the same time of Hudson that, "as he was 
 about to sail with his ship and crew [from Dartmouth] to go and report the 
 results of his voyage, he was arrested in England and commanded not to 
 depart, hut that he muBt enter the service of bis country, which command 
 wa3also extended to the other English who were in the vessel." On 15th 
 December, 1644, the (Dutch) Chamber of Accounts of the West India 
 Company presented a "Report and Advice" to the effect that "New 
 Netherland, stretching from theSouth River,situated in thirty-eight and 
 a half degrees, to Cape Malabarre, in the latitude of forty-one and a half 
 degrees, was first visited by the inhabitants of this country in the year 
 1598, and especially by those of the Greenland Company, but without 
 making fixed habitations and only as a refuge in winter." Nearly all 
 the historians of New York accept this apocryphal statement, which Mr. 
 Brodhead guardedly says" needs confirmation." In fact, the picturesque 
 Indian legends so distinctly confided to Heckewelder prove that Hud- 
 son and his crew were the first white men ever remembered to have been 
 seen by the Indians on the IIudBon. But one apocryphal story easily 
 leads to another, and of this sort seems to be the tract entitled " Plan- 
 tagenet's Ji&z'cm," published in 1G48, claiming a great but impossible con- 
 cession of land to Sir Edmund Plowden (" Beauchamp Plantageiiet"),and 
 substantiating, in a suspiciously accurate way, the general pretensions 
 of the English to priority of discovery, and the particular pretensions of 
 Capt. Argall that, on his return voyage from Acadia, he had received the 
 submission of the Dutch Governor of New Amsterdam. Unfortunately, 
 however, for both these stories, each government had previously slated 
 the real grounds upon which it founded its claim to the territory between 
 thirty-eight and forty-one degrees north latitude. In April, 1632, Gov- 
 ernor Peter Minuet, retailed in disgrace from the New Netherlands, was 
 driven by a storm iuto Plymouth, England. He and his staff were de- 
 tained upon a charge of illegally trading with the Indians of Virginia. 
 A diplomatic correspondence immediately ensued between the two gov- 
 ernments, in which King Charles I. declined to release Minuet until he 
 had looked into the matter further, as he was " not quite sure what his 
 rights were." Then was the time, if ever, for the claim of 1598 to be put 
 
54 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Those who wish to pursue these subjects minutely 
 will find ample details in the historical collections of 
 Pennsylvania, New York, Delaware, New Jersey, and 
 Maryland. They will not, however, after all discover 
 much to disturb the general conclusion that the Dutch 
 claim to the New Netherlands rests upon discovery 
 and possession taken by Henry Hudson in 1609 ; the 
 English claim to general discovery by the Cabots in 
 1497-98. 
 
 The Dutch did not immediately profit to any great 
 extent by the magnificent discoveries made for them 
 and in their name by Henry Hudson. The report 
 upon the Hudson River must indeed have attracted 
 great attention when received at home, but the navi- 
 gator merely said of the Zuydt (South or Delaware) 
 River, 1 that he found the land to " trend away towards 
 the northwest, with a great bay and rivers, but the 
 bay was shoal," and dangerous by reason of sand- 
 bars. This sort of character would not tend to divert 
 navigators or sea traders in that direction. There 
 were as yet, for reasons which will presently appear, 
 no attempts at colonization either on the North or 
 the South River. But the Dutch, born traders, were 
 fully acquainted with the value of the fur trade 
 through their traffic with Russia, frequently sending 
 as many as sixty to eighty ships a year to Archangel, 
 the czar having made the fur trade practically free. 
 Hudson had revealed to these shrewd traders what 
 a wealth of cheap furs was to be obtained from the 
 Indians on the river bearing his name, and his old 
 vessel, the "Half-Moon," was no sooner released and 
 restored to her owners, in 1610, than she was sent 
 back to the North River with a trading cargo, and 
 returned with a profitable cargo of furs. In 1611, 
 Hendrick Christiaensen, of Cleves, near Niemguen, 
 Holland, West India trader, and Adrian Block, of 
 Amsterdam, chartered a ship, in company with the 
 Schipper Rysar, and made a successful voyage to the 
 Manhattans and the "great river of the mountains," 
 returning with furs, and bringing also two sons of 
 chiefs with them, whom they kindly christened " Val- 
 entine and Orson." These young savages, and the 
 cheap and abundant furs of their native land, at- 
 tracted public attention in Holland to the newly 
 discovered territories. A memorial on the subject 
 was presented to the Provincial States of Holland 
 
 forward on the one side, and those of Argall and Plowdeu and Lord de la 
 Warr on the other. But the Dutch simply rested on Hudson's discovery 
 in 1609, the return of some of their people in 1610, a specific trading 
 charter in 1614, and permanent occupancy by the Dutch West India 
 Company in 1623. The claims of King Charles, on the other hand, 
 though formulated by the skillful hand of Sir John Coke himself, rested 
 entirely upon the discovery of America by Cabot and the New England 
 and Virginia patents of King James I. 
 
 J Also variously called by the Indian names of Poutaxat, Makiri- 
 skitton, Makarish-Kiskeu, and Lenape Wibittuck, while Ileyliu, in his 
 Cosmography, bravely gives it the further name of Arasapha. When it 
 became better known, the Dutch sometimes called it the Nassau, Prince 
 Hendrick'B or Prince Charles' River; and the Swedes, New Swedeland 
 stream. The earliest settlers sometimes styled it New Port May and 
 Godyn's Bay. 
 
 and West Friesland by several merchants and in- 
 habitants of the United Provinces, and "it was judged 
 of sufficient consequence to be formally communicated 
 to the cities of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Hoorn, and 
 Enckhuysen." 2 In 1612, Christiaensen and Block, 
 with the encouragement and material aid of leading 
 and enterprising merchants, fitted out two vessels, 
 the " Fortune" and the " Tiger," and sailed again to 
 the Manhattans, to trade along the Hudson as before. 
 Other merchants joined in these profitable ventures, 
 and in 1613 the " Little Fox," under command of 
 John De Witt, and the " Nightingale," under Thys 
 Volkertsen, were sent out from Amsterdam, while 
 the owners of the ship " Fortune," of Hoorn, sent 
 out their vessel under charge of Capt. Cornells Jacob- 
 sen May, or Mey. Block's vessel, the " Tiger," was 
 burnt at Manhattan Island just as he was about to 
 return to Holland, but the undaunted mariner built 
 a hut on shore on Manhattan Island, and spent the 
 winter of 1613-14 in constructing a yacht of sixteen 
 tons, which he appropriately named the Onrust, or 
 "Restless." In the spring of 1614, when Block's 
 little yacht was ready for service, the companion 
 vessels of the previous year, as above enumerated, 
 were coming out for their second voyage. But they 
 came under new auspices, for the States General had 
 considered and acted upon the memorials and peti- 
 tions spoken of above, passing an ordinance 3 de- 
 claring that as it was "honorable, useful, and profit- 
 able" that the people of the Netherlands should be 
 encouraged to adventure themselves in discovering 
 unknown countries, and for the purpose of making 
 the inducement " free and common to every one of 
 the inhabitants," it was granted and conceded that 
 " whoever shall from' this time forward discover any 
 new passages, havens, lands, or places, shall have the 
 exclusive right of navigating to the same for four 
 voyages." Reports of discoveries were to be made 
 j to the States General within fourteen days after the 
 return of vessels to port, and where the discoveries 
 were simultaneously made by different parties, the 
 rights acquired under them were to be enjoyed in 
 common. 
 
 When the spring voyaging began, Christiaensen 
 pushed up the Hudson and erected a trading-post 
 and block-house on Castle Island, just below where 
 Albany now stands. Block, with the " Onrust," ex- 
 plored Long Island Sound, and many rivers and in- 
 lets to the eastward, naming Rhode (Roode) Island 
 and giving his own name to Block Island. Mey, on 
 the contrary, sailed immediately southward, charted 
 the coast from Sandy Hook to the Delaware, and en- 
 tering thatbay gave his surname, May, to the northern 
 cape, his Christian name, Cornells, to the southern 
 cape opposite, and to the southern cape facing the 
 ocean he gave the name of Hinlopen, the name of a 
 
 2 Brodbead, i. p. 46. 
 
 3 27th March, 1614. 
 
 N. Y. Hist. Coll., 2d s 
 
SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 55 
 
 town in Friesland. There is no evidence that May- 
 attempted to change the name of the Delaware Bay 
 and "River from that given it by the Dutch, the South 
 River, or that he landed at any point. 1 
 
 All the vessels of the trading squadron returned 
 early in the fall to Holland, except the "Onrust," 
 which remained at Manhattan under the command 
 of Cornelia Hendricksen. Block, who no more 
 visited our coasts, returned in his old companion's 
 ship, the "Fortune," Capt. Hendrick Christiaen- 
 sen, to Holland. There the navigators and their as- 
 sociated merchants and owners formed a company, 
 drew a chart and report of their several discoveries, 
 and proceeded to the Hague to claim a concession 
 under the ordinance of March 27, 1614. They spread 
 their "figurative map" upon the council table in the 
 presence of the twelve mighty lords of the States 
 General, presided over by John van Olden Barneveldt, 
 the "Advocate" of Holland, told their tale of adven- 
 ture, discovery, loss, and gain, and claimed the mon- 
 opoly which was theirs by right under the ordinance. 
 It was conceded at once, and a special charter to them 
 of exclusive privilege to trade for four voyages in the 
 region they had explored was drawn up and signed 
 in their presence. The penalty for infringing upon 
 this charter was a fine of fifty thousand Netherland 
 ducats for the benefit of the grantees. The territory 
 covered by the charter was all the land between New 
 France, as the French possessions in Canada were 
 called, and Virginia, and the grantees were given three 
 years in which to make the four voyages. This char- 
 ter, besides conferring a valuable franchise tempora- 
 rily upon the grantees, in effect asserted that the 
 Dutch territory of the New Netherlands embraced all 
 the territory and coast line of North America from 
 the fortieth to the forty-fifth parallel. Nor did any 
 of King James' charters negative this pretension, for 
 they expressly excepted any lands settled or occupied 
 by the subjects of any European sovereign or State. 
 
 While the new company were spreading their 
 " figurative map" before the Council at the Hague, 
 the little yacht " Onrust," on the other side of the 
 ocean, now under the command of the enterprising 
 Capt. Hendricksen, was making the first actual ex- 
 ploration of the Delaware Bay and River. Hendrick- 
 sen landed at several places, took soundings, drew 
 charts, and discovered the contour of the bay and the 
 
 1 Some romantic circumstances have gathered about the fact of the 
 Delaware Bay and River and the State of Delaware deriving their name 
 from Lord de la Warr. It has been said that he died off the capes of 
 Delaware on his home voyage, that he was poisoned, etc. The better- 
 received opinion, however, is that he was alive in 1618, and then died 
 either at bis seat in England or when about to re-embark for Virginia. 
 He was only Lord do la Warr by courtesy, being actually Sir Thomas 
 West, third son of Lord de la Warr. He married in Virginia, his wife 
 being adaughterof Sir Thomas Shirley, from whom the old Virginia es- 
 tate of that name derives its title. West Point, in New York, gets its 
 name from him. The family of the Sackville-Wests, owners of the 
 stately manor-house of Knolo, which in Queen Elizabeth's day belonged 
 to the Sackvilles, are the stock from whom sprung the present British 
 Minister at Washington, lion. Lionel Sackville-West. 
 
 capabilities of the river. While landing at Christi- 
 ana Creek a strange thing happened. Hendricksen's 
 party encountered a band of Minqua Indians and 
 redeemed from captivity three white men, who in the 
 spring of the year 1616 had left Fort Nassau, on 
 Castle Island, at the head of navigation on the North 
 River, and strayed into the wilderness and forest in 
 which the Mohawks and Lenni Lenape had their 
 wondrous hunting-grounds. These men had wan- 
 dered up the Mohawk Valley, crossed the dividing 
 ridge into the Delaware Valley, and then descended 
 that stream, thus being the first white men who ever 
 trod the soil of Pennsylvania. 2 On Aug. 19, 1616, 
 Hendricksen, having returned to Holland, laid his 
 claim for extensive trading privileges before the 
 States General, asserting that "he hath discovered 
 for his aforesaid masters and directors certain lands, 
 a bay, and three rivers, situate between thirty-eight 
 and forty degrees, and did there trade with the in- 
 habitants, said trade consisting of sables, furs, robes, 
 and other skins. He hath found the said country 
 full of trees, to wit : oak, hickory, and pines, which 
 trees were in some places covered with vines. He 
 hath seen in said country bucks and doe, turkeys and 
 partridges. He hath found the climate of said coun- 
 try very temperate, judging it to be as temperate as 
 this country (Holland)." Hendricksen's claim, how- 
 ever, was not granted, and in January, 1618, the 
 general ordinance granting exclusive trading privi- 
 leges expired by limitation. An entirely new policy 
 was in contemplation by the Netherlands govern- 
 ment." 3 
 
 This new policy looked to stepping at once from 
 simple trading in the New Netherlands to colonization 
 by means of a West Indies Company. Its develop- 
 ment and its fluctuations during many years, in 
 obedience to the ups and downs of political agitation 
 in the Netherlands, are described graphically in the 
 brilliant pages of Mrs. Martha J. Lamb's just pub- 
 lished History of New York, but at too great length 
 to be followed here. Holland, as Brodhead has de- 
 scribed it, was the greatest trading country at this 
 time. Amsterdam was the Venice of the North, and 
 the Dutch pushed their commerce into every zone. 
 But the Netherlander were more than this. They 
 were ardent and even fanatical politicians. They 
 
 2 Armor's Lives of the Governors of Pennsylvania, pages 17 and 20. 
 The fact of this meeting is not disputed. Most authorities say, however, 
 that the three men were not whites but Indians, employes of the trad- 
 ing-post on Castle Island. 
 
 3 Another historic duuht clouds this voyage of Hendricksen. It might 
 he supposed that this "third river" must be the Schuylkill, and that he 
 was thus the first white man to gaze upon the site of Philadelphia. But 
 a writer so accomplished as Dr. George Smith, historian of Delaware 
 County, says that it cannot be fairly inferred that the voyage of the 
 "Kestless" was extended so far inland even as the mouth of the Dela- 
 ware River, and that the original "Carte figurative" attached to the 
 memorial of his employers proves this. He suggests that if any new 
 and original information was contributed to the States General by Hen- 
 dricksen, it was derived not from hiB own exploration, but from the 
 statnneiits of the three rescued traders from Fort Nassau. 
 
5i; 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 had just conquered their freedom from the Spaniards, 
 whom they hated hitterly, and proclaimed the repub- 
 lic which had enabled them to maintain the bitter 
 struggle, and which consequently they devotedly 
 loved. Up to 1606 they had been completely united 
 both in foreign and domestic policy, and in that year 
 they had been about to found a West Indies Company, 
 not merely for trade, but to carry on the war with 
 Spain more actively and relentlessly. When Vir- 
 ginia was occupied by the London Company in 1608, 
 they had proposed to the British government to join 
 them iu a common foreign and trading policy, mean- 
 ing, of course, to war more energetically still upon 
 Spanish commerce. But the British coolly declined, 
 saying that they feared " that in case of joining, if it 
 be upon equal terms, the art and industry of their 
 people will wear out ours." This suggestion of over- 
 reaching was not forgotten by the Dutch. In 1620, 
 when Robinson, Brewster, and their large congrega- 
 tion of Puritans, exiles in Leyden and other parts of 
 the Netherlands for twelve years, had determined to 
 emigrate to America, and had been disappointed in 
 their negotiations with both the Virginia colony and the 
 Plymouth Company, they applied to the Netherlands 
 through the Amsterdam merchants for leave to settle 
 on the North River, Robinson offering to go and take 
 four hundred families with him, provided they were 
 assured of protection. " They desired to go to New 
 Netherlands," said Robinson, " to plant there the 
 true Christian and pure religion, to convert the sav- 
 ages of those countries to the true knowledge and 
 understanding of the Christian faith, and through 
 the grace of the Lord and to the glory of the Neth- 
 erlands government, to colonize and establish a new 
 empire there under the order and command" of the 
 Prince of Orange and the High Mighty Lords States 
 General. 1 The Amsterdam Company submitted the 
 proposition to the Hague with their approval, hav- 
 ing made at the same time " large offers" of free trans- 
 portation, stock, etc., to the Puritans. The Prince 
 of Orange, the stadtholder, referred the memorial 
 to the States General, and that body, after careful 
 deliberation, resolved peremptorily to reject the 
 offer of the Puritans. But for this action there might 
 have been no Plymouth Rock, and the whole course 
 of American history might have been changed. 
 
 The truce of the Netherlands with Spain, which 
 was negotiated in 1609, to last twelve years, was in 
 lieu of a permanent treaty of peace. Philip II. con- 
 sented to" the independence of the Netherlands, but 
 would not consent to give them free trade in the East 
 Indies. The Netherlands would not treat finally 
 without a recognition of their commercial freedom, 
 and so a truce was the compromise agreed upon. The 
 treaty was the work of Grotius and Barneveldt, sup- 
 ported by James I. of England and Henry IV. of 
 France. Its negotiation had the effect to destroy the 
 
 1 Brodhead, i. 124. 
 
 project for a West India Company, and on this and 
 other grounds was opposed bitterly by the " stal- 
 wart" party of the day in the Netherlands, headed by 
 William Usselincx, a merchant of Antwerp, who had 
 spent many years in Spain, the Azores, and other 
 Catholic countries, for which he seemed to have a 
 deep personal hatred, and by Plancius, Linschoten, 
 and other leading scholars and merchants, who com- 
 posed a distinctive "war party," and were eager to 
 resort to every means to injure and humble their 
 haughty and arrogant enemy. This party was 
 strengthened by the fierce temper of religious contro- 
 versy. The Calvinists and Puritans were in bitter 
 antagonism to the Arminians, who controlled the 
 State. It was an old controversy, old as the days of 
 Augustine and Pelagius, and it was fought over again 
 in Holland. Finally, in 1619, the Reformers carried 
 everything before them in the Synod of Dort, the 
 Arminians were put down, and Barneveldt, in his 
 seventy-second year, was beheaded as a traitor. 
 
 The charter of the Amsterdam merchants for trade 
 with the Netherlands had expired, the ordinance 
 under which the concessions were granted had also 
 ceased, Usselincx and his party and their policy were 
 triumphant, and there were many reasons why the 
 long-suspended project for a West India Company 
 should be carried through without further delay. 
 The Virginians began to look with concern at the 
 presence of the Dutch upon the Zuydt or South River, 
 and indeed had already sent one abortive expedition 
 against them. 
 
 The twelve-year truce with Spain expired in the 
 spring of 1621, and the United Provinces knew that 
 the old struggle must soon be renewed. The English 
 government was preparing to remonstrate more or 
 less vigorously against the expansion of the Nether- 
 lands colonies both on the South River and on the 
 New England side. The time was ripe for the con- 
 summation of the great scheme of Usselincx, which 
 indeed looked to a vast privateering war against 
 Spain, in connection with the permanent plantation 
 of the New Netherlands. On the 3d of June, 1621, 
 accordingly, the States General, under their great 
 seal, granted a formal patent incorporating the West 
 India Company for the encouragement of that for- 
 eign trade and navigation upon which it was assumed 
 the welfare and happiness of the United Provinces 
 mainly depended. This charter gave to the West 
 India Company for the period of twenty-four years 
 the exclusive monopoly of trade and navigation to 
 the coasts of Africa, between the Cape of Good Hope 
 and the Tropic of Cancer, and to the coasts of America 
 and the West Indies, between the Straits of Magellan 
 and Newfoundland. The company was invested with 
 enormous powers. In the language of Brodhead, it 
 might make in the name of the States General 
 "contracts and alliances with the princes and natives 
 of the countries comprehended within the limits of 
 its charter, build forts, appoint and discharge gov- 
 
SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 57 
 
 ernors, soldiers, and public officers, administer justice, 
 and promote trade. It was bound to advance the 
 peopling of these fruitful and unsettled parts, and do 
 all that the service of those countries and the profit 
 and increase of trade shall require." The States 
 General had a sort of general supervision, with the 
 privilege of confirming the appointment of superior 
 officers, but no other powers over it. The govern- 
 ment of the company was vested in five boards of 
 managers, — one at Amsterdam, managing four-ninths 
 of the whole ; one at Middleburg, in Zealand, man- 
 aging two-ninths ; one at Dordrecht, on the Maese, 
 managing one-ninth ; one in North Holland, one- 
 ninth; and one in Friesland and Groningen, one- 
 ninth. The general executive power for all purposes, 
 the power to declare war only being reserved for the 
 approval of the States, was confided to a board of 
 nineteen delegates, of whom eight were to come from 
 the Amsterdam chamber, and the rest from the other 
 chambers in proportion to their shares, except that 
 the States General had one delegate. The States 
 were pledged to defend the company against all 
 comers, to advance to it a million guilders in money, 
 and give it for its assistance sixteen ships of war of 
 three hundred tons each, and four yachts of eighty 
 tons, fully equipped. This fleet was to be main- 
 tained, manned, and supported by the company, 
 which besides was to provide an equal number of 
 vessels on its own part, the whole to be under the 
 command of an admiral selected by the States Gen- 
 eral. Any inhabitant of the Netherlands or of other 
 countries might become a stockholder during 1621, 
 but after that year the subscription books were to be 
 closed, and no new members admitted. Colonization 
 was one object of this great monopoly, but what its 
 chiefs looked to principally for profit was a vast 
 system of legalized piracy against the commerce of 
 Spain and Portugal in Africa and America. The 
 company was not finally organized under the charter 
 until June, 1623, when the subscription books were 
 closed. 
 
 In the interval between the lapse of the old United 
 Company and the completion of the charter of the 
 new monopoly, several ships were sent on trading 
 ventures of a more or less private character to the 
 North and South Rivers in the New Netherlands, 
 among them vessels which had visited those regions 
 before. King James I. having granted the charter 
 of the Plymouth Company, complaints began to be 
 heard about Dutch intrusions. Sir Samuel Argall, 
 who is represented in the spurious Plantageuet pam- 
 phlet as having forced a Dutch governor in Manhat- 
 tan to yield allegiance to the British king in 1613, is 
 found in 1621 as complaining, in a memorial signed 
 by him, Sir Ferdinando Georges, the Earl of Arun- 
 del, and Capt. John Mason, against the "Dutch in- 
 truders," who are represented as having oidy settled 
 on the Hudson in 1620. This was claimed by the 
 Plymouth Company as proof of the British king's 
 
 title to the whole country, jure primce occupationis. 
 This led to a protest, in December, 1621, by the Brit- 
 ish government, through Sir Dudley Carleton, ambas- 
 sador at the Hague. The States professed ignorance, 
 and promised to make inquiry, and with that answer, 
 after some fretfulness, the British minister was forced 
 to content himself. In fact, the States General, en- 
 grossed in preparations for the war with Spain, sim- 
 ply delayed matters until the West India Company 
 was organized, when all such questions were referred 
 to it for settlement. It thus became an issue between 
 British Plymouth Company and Dutch West India 
 Company, and the latter was the stronger of the two, 
 both in men and argument. 
 
 The ships of that company, even before the final 
 ratification of the amended charter, were trading in 
 all the Atlantic waters between Buzzard's Bay (within 
 twenty miles of Plymouth) and the Delaware River, 
 and a plan of colonization was already matured. A 
 number of Walloons (Belgian Protestants of supposed 
 Waelsche or Celtic origin), refugees in Holland from 
 Spanish persecution, had applied to the British min- 
 ister Carleton for leave to emigrate to Virginia. The 
 terms offered them do not seem to have been satisfac- 
 tory. The Holland Provincials heard of the negotia- 
 tions, and suggested to the Amsterdam chamber of 
 the West India Company that these would be good 
 immigrants with whom to begin the permanent set- 
 tlement of the New Netherlands. The suggestion 
 was seized upon, and provision made to carry the 
 Walloons over in the company's ship then about to 
 sail, the " New Netherlands," Capt. Cornells Jacob- 
 sen Mey, he who had first sailed into South River, 
 and who was going out now as first resident director 
 or governor of the colonies. Some thirty families, 
 chiefly Walloons, were accordingly taken on board, 
 and in the beginning of March, 1623, the "New Neth- 
 erlands" sailed from the Texel, Capt. Mey in com- 
 mand, the next highest officer being Adriaen Joris, of 
 Thienpoint. The course of the ship (and of nearly 
 all vessels making the American voyage at that day) 
 was southward from the British Channel to the Cana- 
 ries, thence across the Atlantic with the trade-winds 
 to Guiana and the Caribbees, then northwest between 
 the Bermudas and Bahamas until the coast of Virginia 
 came in sight. Mey's vessel reached the North River 
 safely and in time to drive off a French vessel which 
 sought to set up the arms of France on Manhattan 
 Island. The Frenchman was foiled in the same way 
 on the Zuydt River. Mey distributed his colonists as 
 far as he could. The greater part of the Walloons were 
 sent up to Albany, several families went to the Dutch 
 factory on the Connecticut ; four couples, who had 
 married during the voyage out, several sailors, and 
 some other men were sent to the South River, now 
 also called Prince Hendrick's River. Mey appears 
 either to have accompanied them here or visited 
 them soon after their arrival. He selected a site for 
 their settlement, planting the Walloons on Verhulsten 
 
58 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Island, near the present city of Trenton, N. J., and 
 hastened the construction of a log fort or stockade 
 for his sailors and soldiers at the mouth of the Tim- 
 mer Kill, on the New Jersey bank of the Delaware, 
 not far from where Gloucester now stands. This fort 
 was called "Nassau." Its exact site is not deter- 
 mined, nor can we decide the original Indian name 
 of the spot, having such a variety to choose from. 1 
 This South River colony was soon given up. The 
 men and women of the Walloons grew homesick and 
 returned to New York, certainly within a year or so, 
 the garrison also abandoning the fort to the Indians, 
 who occasionally lodged there during several years, 
 probably while waiting for trading vessels. Such a 
 vessel was sent round to the South River at least once 
 a year from Manhattan Island. Thus, it is supposed 
 in 1625, the first settlement on the Delaware came 
 to naught. 2 Fort Nassau, to conclude its history, 
 seems to have been alternately occupied and aban- 
 doned by the Dutch until 1650 or 1651, when it was 
 destroyed by the'Dutch themselves, as being too high 
 up the river and too much out of the way. The post 
 was then transferred to the new Fort Casimir. In 
 1633, De Vries found none but Indians there, but it 
 seems to have been restored some time during the 
 same year by Governor Van Twiller, who was ac- 
 cused of incurring extravagant expense in connec- 
 tion with its construction. Arent Corssen was then 
 commissary ; he had a clerk, and the governor or- 
 dered him to select the site for another structure of 
 the same sort on the river. In 1635 an English party 
 attempted but failed to capture this fort. They were 
 thought to be Lord Baltimore's people, but were more 
 likely New Englanders or Virginians. The Swedes 
 repeatedly denied that there was any fort of the 
 Dutch on the Delaware in 1638 ; but the Dutch ac- 
 counts of expenditure for the maintenance of Fort 
 Nassau charged against that year in the West India 
 Company's books disprove this. There was certainly 
 enough of a garrison in the fort to report at once and 
 protest against the Swedish settlement at Christiana 
 in April, 1638. In 1642 the garrison comprised twenty 
 men, and the fort was continually occupied from this 
 time forth until the Dutch destroyed it. 
 
 1 Hermaomessing, Tachaacho, Armewaniix, Arwames, Tekoke, Ar- 
 menvereus, etc. The year in which the fort was built is also disputed, 
 but the circumstances mentioned in the text make it probable that its 
 construction was undertaken very shortly after Capt. Mey's arrival out. 
 
 2 It is not possible to state satisfactorily in what year the settlement 
 was given up nor why. The deposition of Peter Lawrenson before Gov- 
 ernor Doogan, of New York, in March, 16S5, says that he came into this 
 colony in 1628, and in 1630 (actually 1631), by order of the West India 
 Company, he, with some others, was sent in a sloop to the Delaware, 
 where the company had a trading-house, with ten or twelve servants 
 belonging to it, which the deponent himself did see settled there. . . . 
 " And the deponent further saith that upon an island near the falls of 
 that river and near the west side thereof, the said company so?ne three or 
 /our years before had a tradi ng house, where there were three or fou r fami- 
 lies of Walloons. The place of their settlement he saw; and that they 
 had been seated there he was informed by some of tho 6aid Walloons 
 themselves when they were returned from thence." It is in this indefi- 
 nite way that the beginnings of all history are written. 
 
 In 1624, Peter Minuet (the name is also spelled 
 Minuit, Minnewit, or Minnewe) came out and suc- 
 ceeded Mey as director of the New Netherlands colo- 
 nies. He held this position until 1632, when he was 
 recalled, and Van Twiller became governor in his 
 stead. Minuet, as will be seen farther on, was a 
 sagacious and enterprising man, but he had to pur- 
 sue a conservative policy as director of the New 
 Netherlands, for the welfare of the colony was neg- 
 lected sadly by the West India Company. But few 
 immigrants and colonists came out, the garrisons were 
 not strengthened, nor was much effort made to ex- 
 tend either the boundaries or the trade of the colony. 
 Some negro slaves indeed were landed on Manhattan 
 Island at least as early as 1628, but their labor was 
 not esteemed. The chief business done was in trading 
 with the Indians for peltries and furs. In fact the 
 West India Company was so puffed up with the arro- 
 gance that proceeds from great successes and sudden 
 wealth, that the directors despised the small and plod- 
 ding colonial ways and the slow and meagre profits 
 derived from such sources. It had won brilliant vic- 
 tories at sea. It had taken in two years one hundred 
 and four Spanish prizes. It had paid dividends of 
 fifty per cent. It had captured the Panama plate 
 fleet. It frequently sent to sea single squadrons of 
 seventy armed vessels. It had captured Bahia in 
 1624, and Pernambuco in 1630, and it aspired to the 
 conquest of Brazil. These brilliant performances cast 
 the puny interests of the New Netherlands traders 
 into the shade, and the company did not care to he 
 bothered with the discharge of duties which were 
 nevertheless particularly assigned to it in the charter. 
 So obvious was this departure from the original pur- 
 poses of the company that so early even as 1624 we find 
 that William Usselincx, the founder of the company, 
 had abandoned it in disgust, and was seeking to per- 
 suade King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden to estab- 
 lish a Swedish West India Company, such as would 
 be operated more in accordance with his original 
 plan. 
 
 There were still some very shrewd heads among the 
 members of the Amsterdam chamber, men who while 
 quite willing to take all the gold and silver and pre- 
 cious stones they could get, yet were fully acquainted 
 with the more abiding virtues of land. Of these were 
 John De Laet, the historian, Killiaan Van Rensselaer, 
 the diamond-cutter, Michael Pauw, Peter Evertsen 
 Hulft, Jonas Witsen, Hendrick Hamel, Samuel Go- 
 dyn, and Samuel Blommaert, all rich, all well in- 
 formed, all interested in the support and develop- 
 ment of the colonies on the North and South Rivers, 
 especially if these could be effected in a way further 
 to enrich themselves. The secretary of Minuet and 
 the colony, Isaac De Rasieres, a keen observer and 
 skillful diplomatist, was devoted to the interests of Go- 
 dyn, Van Rensselaer, and Blommaert, and he proba- 
 bly kept them apprised of all that was going on in the 
 New Netherlands. While Minuet, with reduced 
 
SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 59 
 
 forces, was compelled through fear of Indians to con- 
 centrate his people at Manhattan, abandoning all ex- 
 posed places, the Amsterdam directors, after consulting 
 with De Rasieres, whom Minuet had sent home, pro- 
 cured a meeting of the Executive " College" of nine- 
 teen, and secured from it a Charter of Freedoms and 
 Exemptions, which the States General confirmed on 
 June 7, 1629. This was a complete feudal constitution, 
 adopted years before Lord Baltimore's charter. It 
 created a landed aristocracy, and handed the State 
 over pretty much to their control. The plan for the 
 colonization of the territory was its subdivision into 
 separate and independent settlements or estates, 
 each to be under the control of a patroon, or feudal 
 lord, who was to settle it at his own expense in ex- 
 change for many peculiar privileges. The charter 
 provided that any member of the West India Com- 
 pany (to none others were these privileges open) who 
 should within four years plant a colony of fifty 
 adults in any part of New Netherland (except the 
 island of Manhattan, which the company, having 
 bought it from the Indians, reserved to itself) should 
 be acknowledged as a " patroon" or feudal chief of 
 the territory he might thus colonize. The land se- 
 lected for each colony might extend sixteen miles in 
 length if confined to one side of a navigable river, or 
 eight miles on each side if both banks were occupied; 
 but they might run as far into the country as the sit- 
 uation of the occupiers should permit. More immi- 
 grants entitled the patroon to proportionately more 
 land. The colonists under the patroons were ex- 
 empted from all taxes for ten years ; they acquired 
 their estates in fee simple with power of disposing by 
 will ; they were magistrates within their own bounds, 
 and each patroon had the exclusive privilege of fish- 
 ing, fowling, and grinding corn within his own do- 
 main ; they could also trade anywhere along the 
 American coast, and to Holland by paying five per 
 cent, duty to the company at its reservation of Man- 
 hattan. The company reserved the fur trade to itself, 
 and none of the colonists were to engage in any man- 
 ufactures. 
 
 Before the details of the Charter of Exemptions and 
 Privileges were completed some of the Amsterdam 
 directors, probably upon the advice of De Rasieres, 
 united with one another, or, as we should now say in 
 newspaper parlance, formed a "pool" for an enormous 
 "land-grab." The first to act were Blommaert, De 
 Rasieres' friend, and Godyn. They sent two persons 
 in 1629 to the Zuydt River to examine and buy land, 
 and these agents purchased i'roin the Indians, on the 
 south side of Delaware Bay, a tract thirty-two miles 
 long and two miles deep from Cape Hinlopen to the 
 mouth of a river, the patent being registered and con- 
 firmed .June 1, 1630. Sebastian Jansen Krol, Van 
 Rensselaer's agent, bought from the Indians for him 
 on the west side of the Hudson, near Albany, a tract 
 sixteen miles front and extending back two days' 
 journey into the wilderness. This patroon made 
 
 other purchases a few days later, and became propri- 
 etor of nearly all of what are the present counties of 
 Albany and Rensselaer. Michael Pauw secured in 
 the same way the patroonship of Pavonia and Staten 
 Island, Paulus Hook and Jersey City. The land- 
 grabbers now began to quarrel among themselves, and 
 to avoid scandal and exposure Van Rensselaer di- 
 vided his tract into five shares, two of which he 
 retained with the title of patroon ; one fell to John 
 De Laet, one to Samuel Godyn, and one to Samuel 
 Blommaert. In the same way Godyn and Blommaert 
 shared with their partners the tract on South River. 
 
 In the mean time Godyn and Blommaert had to 
 improve their tract. Opportunely for them there 
 arrived at this time at Amsterdam, fresh from a three 
 years' cruise to the East Indies, one David Pietersen 
 de Vries, of Hoorn, a skipper who in 1624 had 
 attempted unsuccessfully to invade the West India 
 Company's monopoly. De Vries, a rough but kindly 
 man, keen, observant, and well versed in affairs as 
 well as seamanship, was well known to Godyn. As 
 soon as his arrival was known the latter approached 
 him and asked if he would like to go to New Nether- 
 land as commander and " under-patroon." But De 
 Vries would not go in any capacity except upon an 
 equality with the rest. He was accordingly taken 
 into the partnership with Godyn and Blommaert, 
 Van Rensselaer and De Laet, to whom were soon 
 added four other directors of the West India Com- 
 pany, Van Ceulen, Hamel, Van Haringhoeck, and 
 Van Sittorigh. 
 
 De Vries became a patroon Oct. 16, 1630, and at 
 once set to work to promote the designs of his asso- 
 ciates. The ship " Walvis," or "Whale," of eighteen 
 guns, and a yacht were immediately equipped. They 
 carried out emigrants, cattle, food, and whaling im- 
 plements, De Vries having heard that whales abounded 
 in the Bay of South River (Godyn's Bay, or Newport 
 May Bay, as it now also began to be called), and ex- 
 pecting to establish profitable fisheries there. The 
 expedition sailed from the Texel in December under 
 the command of Pieter Heyes, of Edam. De Vries 
 did not go out at this time, and the voyage was not 
 profitable. De Vries accuses Heyes of incapacity 
 and cowardice, saying he would not sail through the 
 West Indies in an eighteen-gun ship. Still, Heyes 
 did a large business for his employers. He reached 
 South River in the spring of 1631, and established 
 his colony on the Horekill, " a fine navigable stream, 
 filled with islands, abounding in good oysters," and 
 surrounded by fertile soil. The place was near the 
 present site of Lewes, Del. Here a palisaded brick 
 house was erected, and the colony of more than thirty 
 souls was called Swaannendael, the Valley of Swans. 
 The Dutch title was inscribed upon a pillar, on a 
 plate of tin, surmounted by the arms of Holland. 
 The fort, named " Oplandt," was given in the com- 
 mand of Gilliss Hossett, Van Rensselaer's agent in 
 buying lands around Albany. Heyes, after he had 
 
60 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 settled matters at Swaannendael, crossed to the Jer- 
 sey shore and bought from ten chiefs there, on behalf 
 of Godyn, Blommaert, and their associates, a tract of 
 land extending from Cape May twelve miles north- 
 ward along the bay and twelve miles inland. This 
 purchase was registered at Manhattan June 3, 1631. 
 The whale fishery having come to naught, in Sep- 
 tember Heyes sailed for home to report to his em- 
 ployers. 
 
 De Vries now determined to go out to the South 
 River himself, and preparations were made for him to 
 take charge of another ship and yacht. Just as he 
 was about to sail from the Texel, May 24, 1632, Gov- 
 ernor Minuet arrived from New Amsterdam with 
 intelligence of the massacre of the colony at Swaan- 
 nendael. This was cold news for De Vries and his- 
 associates. The patroon sailed, however, and after a 
 long and checkered voyage arrived off Swaaunendael 
 early in December. The site of the little settlement 
 told a fearful tale ; the house itself nearly ruined, 
 the stockade burnt, and the adjacent land strewed 
 with the skulls and bones of the colonists, the remains 
 of cattle, etc. The valley was silent and desolate. 
 De Vries returned 
 on board his yacht 
 and fired a gun to 
 attract attention of 
 the savages. After 
 some mutual mis- 
 trust, communica- 
 tion was opened 
 with them, and 
 De Vries was told 
 a cock-and-bull 
 story of a chief 
 having ignorantly 
 removed the coat 
 of arms from the 
 pillar and been murdered by the Indians for doing it, 
 whereupon his tribe, in revenge, massacred the colo- 
 nists. De Vries knew too much about the Dutch 
 cruelty and harshness to the Indians to believe any 
 such story. He had before him all the evidences of 
 the white man's cruelty and the. savage's wild revenge. 
 The fatal deed was irreparable, and De Vries, keep- 
 ing his own counsel, did what he could to restore con- 
 fidence and peace by making presents to the Indians 
 of" duffles, bullets, hatchets, and Nuremberg toys," so 
 as to get them to hunt beaver for him, instead of lying 
 in ambush to murder more colonists. The result was a 
 treaty of peace, the first ever made in Delaware waters. 
 On Jan. 1, 1633, the navigation being open, De 
 Vries proceeded up the bay and river in his yacht. 
 At Fort Nassau he heard of the murder of the crew 
 of an English sloop, and met some Indians wearing 
 the Englishmen's jackets. These Indians also made a 
 
 show of offering peace, but De Vries dealt with them 
 very cautiously, as they greatly outnumbered his men. 
 On January 10th, De Vries cast anchor at the bar 
 of Jacques Eylandt, precisely opposite the present 
 city of Philadelphia, somewhere over against Willow 
 Street, near the site of what is now known as Wind- 
 mill Island. 1 Thence he went down river again, an- 
 choring half a mile above Minquas Kill, on the look- 
 out for whales. He was finally twice frozen up, and 
 in some danger from Indians, numerous war parties 
 of whom he saw, there being some intestine feud 
 among the adjacent tribes. Released from the ice, 
 he reached Swaannendael on February 20th, and on 
 March 6th sailed for Virginia, returning to South 
 River only to break up the colony at Swaannendael 
 and go home. Once more the Delaware River and 
 Bay were abandoned to the Indians, and once more 
 the attempt at settlement by white men had failed. 
 There were no further efforts made to settle on South 
 River until the Swedes came in 1638, but, as has been 
 stated, there must have been a more or less intermit- 
 tent occupancy at Fort Nassau, and possibly there 
 may have been a permanent garrison from the begin- 
 ning of Van Twiller's director-generalship. 2 
 
 1 The bar of Jacques Eylandt embraces the spot where the city of 
 Camden is now built. 
 
 2 The 21st of June, 1634, is the alleged date of the probably spurious 
 Sir Edward Plowden or Ploydeu's charter for impossible territory some- 
 where between the Potomac and Newark Bay. 
 
 Rev. Edward D. Neill, president of Macalester College, Minn., who has 
 given considerable attention to Maryland history, though from a rather 
 sectarian staud-point, contributed two papers on Plowden to the fifth vol- 
 ume of the Petinsylvania Magazine, conducted by the Historical Society of 
 that State. He assumes Plowden's existence, and that he was the lineal 
 descendant uf Edmund Plowden, the commentator on English law, who 
 earned Coke's encomiums and who died in 15S4. Plowden, according to 
 Neill, did obtain a grant in 1G32, through King Charles I.'s request to 
 the viceroy of Ireland for a certain u Isle Plowden" and forty leagues of 
 the mainland, called " New Albion." The island lay between 39° and 
 40° latitude. Capt. Young, commissioned by the king in September, 
 1633, seut out an exploring expedition in 1634, which ascended the Del- 
 aware as far as the Falls. If this expedition ever sailed, it must have 
 been the one mentioned by De Vries as having been massacred by the 
 Indians. There is no proof that Plowden sent out this party or had aught 
 to do with it. Evelyn, who commanded it, was in the service of Clay- 
 borne's London partners. Plowden, says Mr. Neill, was living at his seat 
 at Wanstead in Hampshire in 1635, unhappy, beating his wife, quarrel- 
 ing with his neighbors, and changing his religion. His wife and his 
 clergyman's wife both had him arrested for assault and battery, and his 
 wife procured a divorce from him. In 1641, Evelyn wrote a pamphlet 
 descriptive of New Albion, dedicated to Plowden's wife. The next year 
 Plowden was on the Chesapeake. This was ten years after lie is said to 
 have procured this rich grant. No one can explain why he did not look 
 after such an estate sooner. Plowdeu lived most of his time in Virginia, 
 but was in Maryland on Delaware Bay, at New York, and in New Eng- 
 land. He was abroad just seven years, say his chroniclers, and then 
 went home to return no more to " New Albion." It is conjectured that 
 his seven years' residence was on account of being transported, and that 
 his New Albion claim was trumped up after the time of his sentence 
 was served out. Plowden is reputed to have died in 1665. Mr. Neill 
 further says that in 1635-40, Plowden was a prisoner in the Fleet Prison, 
 London, for refusing to pay his wife's alimony. Mr. Neill must see that 
 the dates of Plowden's adventures are as irreconcilable as his adven- 
 tures. 
 
SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 01 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 Fort Nassau, on the Delaware, whether occupied 
 permanently or not as a Dutch trading-post in 1633, 
 must have had runners near by to bring news from it 
 to Manhattan. John Romeyn Brodhead, the accurate 
 historian of New York State, thinks it was not garri- 
 soned then, nor in 1635, when the English party oc- 
 cupied it. This party of thirteen men, under George 
 Holmes, was sent, he says, from Virginia by Governor 
 Harvey, in consequence of the talk of the latter with 
 De Vries in 1632. Other writers have thought they 
 came from Maryland or Connecticut. They seized 
 the fort, but Hall, Holmes' servant, deserted and went 
 to Manhattan, carrying the news of the occupancy of 
 Fort Nassau by the English. An armed force was at 
 once sent in a sloop to dislodge them. Holmes and 
 his men were made prisoners and sent back to Vir- 
 ginia, just as another party was starting to reinforce 
 them. De Vries, on his return to Amsterdam from 
 the deserted post of Swaannendael, found the partners 
 quarreling among themselves and with the other direc- 
 tors. Not willing to mix in these disputes, he with- 
 drew from the patroon partnership, and after the death 
 of Godyn, in 1634, the West India Company settled 
 the disputes by buying Swaannendael from Godyn's 
 heirs and associates for fifteen thousand six hundred 
 guilders, thus becoming again the legal proprietary of 
 all the territory on both sides of the Delaware. A 
 deed, recorded at Manhattan in 1648 and attested by 
 Augustine Hermans, Govert Loockerman,and others, 
 is adduced to show that the land on the Schuylkill 
 called Armenobrius, where this year (1648) Hudde 
 had begun to build a fort called "Beversrede,'' was 
 acquired by purchase from sundry Indian chiefs, 
 by the company's agent on the South River, Arendt 
 Corssen, in 1633. Nor is this improbable. Of this 
 purchase Augustine Hermans was a witness, as he 
 was at this time clerk to Corssen. The Dutch not 
 only knew of the pretensions and promised coming 
 of the Swedes, but they knew also that Lord Balti- 
 more was about to sail from England, and that his 
 charter called for a frontier line touching the Dela- 
 ware westward of the mouth of the Schuylkill. They 
 would naturally seek to secure Indian titles in ad- 
 vance for every acre of territory likely to be brought 
 in dispute. 
 
 It is impossible to state the causes of the alienation 
 of William Usselincx from the Dutch West India 
 Company. He had labored strenuously for over 
 thirty years 1 to secure that company's charter, yet 
 
 1 His fust atb-mpts were niado in 1590. Usselincx probably left the 
 Dutcll Wist India Company because bo bail not money enough to se- 
 cure ;ui influential sharo in its stock by paying up his subscription. 
 He appears to have been a bankrupt about that time. In the charter 
 given to the Swedish Company lie was rocognizod as director, and bis 
 services In that capacity and as organizer and founder of the company 
 wore to bo compensated by a foe or royalty of one-tenth of ono per cent. 
 
 he deserted it less than a year after the company was 
 fully organized. He went to Stockholm, visited the 
 valiant king, Gustavus Adolphus, of Sweden, and 
 full, probably, of enthusiasm as well as special knowl- 
 edge of his subject, pleaded so eloquently the advan- 
 tages of colonization in general and the particular 
 beauties and attractions of the territory along the 
 South River which he proposed should be planted, 
 that on Dec. 21, 1624, the king granted him a com- 
 mission to form a Swedish West India Company 
 somewhat upon the plan of that of the Netherlands, 
 of which Usselincx was the founder and originator. 
 Usselincx's plan was one which would naturally 
 awaken the sympathy and excite the imagination 
 of an ambitious monarch. He proposed to organize 
 a trading company, to extend its operations into Asia, 
 Africa, America, and Terra Magellanica. This com- 
 pany would plant Christianity among the heathen, 
 extend his Majesty's dominions, enrich the treasury, 
 reduce the burden of domestic taxation, and put lu- 
 crative trade at the command of Sweden's hardy sea- 
 men and enterprising merchants. The prosecution 
 of the scheme would finally "tend greatly to the 
 honor of God, to man's eternal welfare, to his Majes- 
 ty's service, and the good of the kingdom." 
 
 The plans of Gustavus were both deep and patri- 
 otic. "The year 1624," says the historian Geijer, 
 "was one of the few years that the king was able 
 to devote to the internal development of the realm." 
 He looked at the subject of colonization in America, 
 says Rev. Dr. W. M. Reynolds in the introduction to 
 his translation of Acrelius, " with the eye of a states- 
 man who understood the wants not only of his own 
 country but of the world, and was able with pro- 
 phetic glance to penetrate into the distant ages of 
 the future." He proposed there to found a free state, 
 where the laborer should reap the fruit of his toil, 
 where the rights of couscience should be inviolate, 
 and which should be open to the whole Protestant 
 world then engaged in a struggle for existence with 
 all the papal powers of Europe. All should be se- 
 cure in their persons, their property, and their rights 
 of conscience. It should be an asylum for the perse- 
 cuted of all nations, a place of security for the honor 
 of the wives and daughters of those who were flying 
 from bloody battle-fields and from homes made deso- 
 late by the fire and sword of the persecutor. No 
 slaves should burden the soil ; " for," said Gustavus, 
 — and we realize the profound truth of his political 
 
 upon all the exports and imports of the company. Usselincx seems to 
 have been a sort of " projector" or " prospector," plauuing comprehen 
 eive commercial schemes which be bad not the capital nor the credit to 
 set afloat himself. He was a man, however, evidently of great experi- 
 ence, wide views, and the ability to express himself cogently and elo- 
 quently. He is supposed to bo the author of the greater part of the doc- 
 uments in the ArijowtUlai Gustm-iuna, printed under the auspices of the 
 Swedish government at Frankfort-on-the-Main in 1633, which did so 
 much to promote tho objects of the Swedish Company. He also wrote 
 many pamphlets and circulars addressed to the leading towns of Sweden, 
 tho Hauseatic cities, Franco, the States General, etc., "all of them," saye 
 Prof. C. T. Odhner, "abounding in clear thoughts and brilliant fancies. 11 
 
02 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 economy after an experience of two centuries, at the 
 end of which slavery expired amid the death-throes 
 of our civil war — " slaves cost a great deal, labor with 
 reluctance, and soon perish from hard usage. But 
 the Swedish nation is industrious and intelligent, 
 and hereby we shall gain more by a free people 
 with wives and children." 1 
 
 The plan and contract were translated into the 
 Swedish language by Schrader, the royal interpreter, 
 and published to the nation, with an address and sup- 
 ported by the king's recommendation. People of all 
 ranks were invited by royal edict to subscribe, and 
 Gustavus pledged the royal treasury for its support to 
 the amount of four hundred thousand dollars. The 
 edict was ratified in 1627 in a general meeting of the 
 States, and the people welcomed the new enterprise 
 with enthusiasm. It was proposed to execute the 
 plan at once, and every one subscribed from the 
 queen-mother and Prince Casimir down through all 
 ranks of nobility, clergy, military, burghers, and 
 peasantry. Ships and all necessaries are said to have 
 been provided and the work was ripe for execution, 
 when a revival of the Polish and German wars called 
 the king away to the field. Campanius and others 
 would have us believe that the fleet sailed and was 
 captured by the Spaniards. It is more likely, how- 
 ever, that the exigencies of war called for the post- 
 ponement of the comprehensive scheme. Gustavus 
 needed all his meagre resources to aid him in the 
 field. 
 
 In 1632 the brave king fell gloriously on the battle- 
 field of Lutzen, and his little daughter, Christina, 
 was bequeathed to the astute guardianship of Chan- 
 cellor Oxenstierna. One of the last acts of Gustavus 
 had been to urge his people not to forget nor neglect 
 the colonization scheme, and Oxenstierna took an 
 early opportunity to have the patent renewed, with 
 Usselincx still director, and to publish the merits of 
 the proposed new venture throughout Europe. In 
 the mean time, in part probably through the inter- 
 mediary of Usselincx, the services of Peter Minuet, 
 lately recalled from the director-generalship of New 
 Netherland, were secured to superintend and direct 
 the new plantation. The delays in preparation, how- 
 ever, prevented the expedition from sailing until late 
 in the year 1637. Minuet was a native of Wessel, in 
 Cleves, the nearest borderland of Holland on the side 
 of Germany. It is supposed that he left the city of 
 his forefathers when it fell into Spanish hands on 
 occasion of the Julich-Cleves war of succession. He 
 entered the service of the Dutch West India Com- 
 pany, and, as has been seen, became director or gov- 
 ernor over the colony of New Netherland, residing 
 at New Amsterdam from 1626 to. 1632, and proving 
 himself an efficient officer. The intrigues consequent 
 upon the quarrels of the patroons caused his dismissal 
 in 1632. In 1635, Axel Oxenstierna was on a visit to 
 
 1 Argouantica Gustavii 
 
 Holland to secure more support for Sweden in the 
 prosecution of the Thirty Years' war. He was at the 
 Hague and Amsterdam in May of that year, and in 
 the latter city met Samuel Blommaert, the Dutch 
 patroon, who, in conjunction with Godyn, had located 
 tracts of land at Cape May and from Cape Henlopen 
 up the Delaware Bay on the west side. Blommaert 
 was also a friend and patron of Usselincx. He im- 
 mediately opened a correspondence with the Swedish 
 Prime Minister on the subject of the Swedish West 
 India Company and the colonization of the South 
 River country. 2 Blommaert's first letters were di- 
 rected to the plan of an expedition to the coast of 
 Guinea or Brazil, a favorite idea of Usselincx's, who 
 wanted to spoil the Spaniards and Portuguese and 
 get gold. Oxenstierna's thoughts, however, had a 
 more pacific turn. In the spring of 1636 the chan- 
 cellor was visited in Wismar by his friend Peter 
 Spiring, a Dutchman, who had just come from look- 
 ing after the regulation of the Prussian excise system, 
 and was now on his way back to Holland. He had 
 been and was at that time more or less in Oxenstierna's 
 employment, and he was now commissioned to try to 
 raise money in Holland for Sweden, and also "to ob- 
 serve whether it might not be possible in this con- 
 junction to obtain some service in affairs of commerce 
 or manufacture." Spiring, on reaching Amsterdam, 
 had several conversations with Blommaert, and was 
 by him put in communication with Peter Minuet. 
 When Spiring returned to Sweden he brought with 
 him for Oxenstierna a memorial written by Minuet, 
 specifying the preparations requisite to planting a 
 Swedish colony (to be called Nova Suedia) in some 
 foreign part of the world. 
 
 The estimate called for a vessel of sixty to one hun- 
 dred laster (one hundred and twenty to two hundred 
 tons), a cargo of ten thousand or twelve thousand 
 gulden in goods, a company of twenty to twenty-five 
 men, provisions for a year, a dozen soldiers to serve as 
 a garrison for the post, and a small vessel to remain at 
 the settlement. At this time the idea in view was a 
 factory apparently on the Gold Coast. Spiring was sent 
 back to Holland in the fall of 1636 in the capacity of 
 Swedish resident and "counselor of the finances" 
 [finansrad) with a title of nobility thrown in, so that 
 he now signed himself Pieter Spieringk Silvercroen op 
 Norsholm. 3 When Spiring arrived in Holland in Oc- 
 
 2 The discovery of this correspondence, lately made hy Prof. Odhner, 
 in the Royal Archives of Sweden, has thrown an entirely new light 
 upon the history of the Swedish expeditions to the Delaware prior to that 
 of Printz, and enables us to correct the errors into which previous writers 
 have fallen from following too closely the accouuts of Campanius and 
 Acrelius. The latter is very accurate so far as his knowledge goes, hut 
 he did not search the records of Sweden as closely as he did thoso of the 
 Swedish Churches in America. Blommaert's letters to the Swedish chan- 
 cellor are written in Dutch. 
 
 a This was in Dutch; the Swedish was Sitferaon till Norsholm. All 
 these interesting details are from the translation of Prof. Odhner's paper, 
 "The Founding of New Sweden" (Kolouicn Nya Svrri/es GriiudlUggnino, 
 1037-1042. Op C. T. OnitNEB, Hist. Biblioteh. Sij/uljd I. ss. 107-235. Stock, 
 holm, 1S76), published iu vol. iii. of the Pennsylvania Magazine of History 
 and Bworaplty. 
 
SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 or, 
 
 tober he handed to Blommaert his appointment as 
 Swedish commissary at Amsterdam, with a salary of 
 one thousand riksdaler. There were immediate con- 
 sultations between Spiring, Blommaert, and Minuet; 
 the idea of a Guinea factory was abandoned, and prepa- 
 rations made, secretly and privately, so as not to alarm 
 the Dutch AVest India Company, for planting a colony 
 in North America on soil not occupied by either Dutch 
 or English. The cost of this expedition was estimated 
 at twenty-four thousand Dutch florins (worth about 
 forty cents) ; Minuet was to be commander, and Blom- 
 maert commissioner for it at Amsterdam. The money 
 was contributed, half by Minuet, Blommaert, and their 
 friends in Amsterdam, half subscribed in Sweden by 
 Spiring, the three Oxenstiernas, Clas Fleming, prac- 
 tical chief of the Swedish Admiralty and secretary 
 of the Swedish Company. 1 Minuet went to Sweden 
 in February, 1637, and began his preparations, Blom- 
 maert secured crews and cargo, and all were sent to 
 Gottenburg, the expedition intending to start in the 
 spring. Delay came from a prolonged illness of Minuet 
 and other causes. However, the passports for the ves- 
 sels were issued by the Swedish Admiralty on Aug. 9, 
 1637, when the two ships, the "Kalmar Nyckel" 
 and the " Gripen," left Stockholm. They did not, 
 however, sail from Gottenburg until late in the fall, 
 and then encountered such severe weather that they 
 were forced to put into the Dutch harbor of Medem- 
 blik in December to refit and take in provisions, 
 finally sailing for their destination just about the close 
 of the year. They sailed as the ships of the Swedish 
 West India Company, and as if dispatched to enjoy 
 the benefit of its privileges. 2 
 
 The charter of the Swedish West India Company 
 gave to the associated subscribers the exclusive right 
 for twelve years to trade beyond the Straits of Gibral- 
 tar southward in Africa, and in America and Austra- 
 lia, reaching the coast of America at the same latitude 
 as said straits, viz., 36°, also with all lands and islands 
 between Africa and America in the same latitude, the 
 vessels and goods of others than the same company 
 who infringe those rights to be confiscated. Accounts 
 
 1 Spiring gave four thousand five hundred florins, Axel and Gabriel 
 Gustafian Oxenstierna three thousand each, and the rest smaller sums. 
 
 - The passes granted were to Capt. Anders Nilsson Krober, of the 
 "Kalmar Nyckel" (in Dutch De Kalmers leutel), and " Vogel Grip" 
 (Dutch, be Fufjelynip), commanded by Lieut. Jacob Borben. The "Key 
 of Kalmar" (named after a city of Sweden, on the Baltic coast of Goth- 
 laud, off the island of Oland, and famous as being the place where the 
 union or Denmark, Sweden, and Norway was consummated in 1397, 
 under the imperious Queen Margaret of Denmark, called the "Semir- 
 amis of the North") was a regular man-of-war of quite good capacity. 
 The " Griffin" (or " Bird Griffin") was a sloop or yacht for shallow water. 
 'III.' coal of the expedition, through delays, ran up above thirty-six thou- 
 sand florins causing the Dutch subscribers to grumble. The only 
 person, so far as known, who camu to New Sweden on the "Gripen" 
 mi'] remained with tho colony was ein moruin odcr angolcr, "a Moor or 
 Angola man," a negro named Anthony, a bought slave (tho first on the 
 Delaware), who served Governor Printz at Tinnecum in 1G44 (" making 
 buy for tho cattle and accompanying the Governor in his pleasurc- 
 yucht"), and was still living in 1648. (Note of G. B. Keen in his transla- 
 tion of Odhner.) 
 
 were to be settled every year, and every person inter- 
 ested to the amount of one thousand thalers could be 
 present. Final settlements every six years, when the 
 company might be dissolved if its profit or influence 
 be not obvious. Directors or regents to be elected, one 
 for each one hundred thousand thalers of stock, these 
 directors to be all equal in authority, and to be paid 
 one thousand thalers each per annum. The company 
 was put under the royal protection, and given the 
 same extensive trade and foreign privileges as those 
 enumerated in connection with the Dutch Company, 
 but was forbidden aggressive acts against either sav- 
 age or civilized people. Its object was not war, but 
 peaceful trade and settlement. The founder and di- 
 rector of the company, William Usselincx, was to be 
 paid the tenth of one per cent, royalty on all the 
 traffic of the company in recognition of his services. 
 
 There is nothing satisfactory known concerning 
 Minuet's voyage across the Atlantic. Since Professor 
 Odhner wrote, however, a further search among the 
 Swedish archives has been made, and a contract 
 signed by Governor Printz has been discovered, in 
 which it is mentioned that Minuet bought land on 
 the Delaware from an Indian chief on March 29, 
 1638, so that he must have arrived inside the Capes 
 of the Delaware at least three or four days before 
 that date. This corroborates some of the inferences 
 of Odhner, and enables us to correct other less accu- 
 rate accounts of this expedition. For example, it 
 has generally been supposed that Minuet arrived 
 later than this date, from a letter written from 
 Jamestown, Va., May 8, 1638, by Jerome Hawley, 
 treasurer of the Virginia colony, to Secretary Winde- 
 banke, of the London Company. Hawley says, 
 " Since which time have arrived a Dutch ship, with 
 commission from the Queen of Sweden, and signed 
 by eight of the chief Lords of Sweden. . . . The 
 ship remained here about ten days, to refresh with 
 wood and water, during which time the master of 
 said ship made known that both himself and another 
 ship of his company were bound for Delaware Bay." 
 The vessel asked the privilege of laying in a cargo 
 of tobacco for Sweden free of duty, but this was re- 
 fused. Professor Odhner shows, however, that this 
 vessel could not have been the " Key of Kalmar," 
 with Minuet on board, but the yacht " Griffin," 
 which, after his arrival in the Delaware, the com- 
 mander sent to Jamestown with the idea of bartering 
 her cargo in Virginia. Minuet appears not to have 
 confided to the Holland directors his exact destina- 
 tion. Blommaert in his letters speaking continually 
 of the " voyagen till Florida." In the same way it is 
 suspected that Minuet concealed the Dutch protests 
 made after his arrival, and declared that he found 
 the country totally unoccupied by Christians after an 
 exploration some distance inland. It was necessary 
 to deceive Blommaert, for it was less than two years 
 since he and Godyn had sold this very country which 
 the Swedes were occupying back to the Dutch West 
 
64 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 India Company for a good round sum of money. 
 Minuet's vessels first sighted the coast at Cape Hen- 
 lopen, and from thence they steered into the Dela- 
 ware Bay, landing first at Mispillion, the landscape 
 of which so charmed them in its April bloom that 
 they called it " Paradise Point." They then passed 
 up the Delaware to Minquas Creek (the Christina, 
 or Christiana, as now called), and finally anchored 
 at " the Rocks," a natural landing-place at the foot 
 of what is now Sixth Street, Wilmington, Del. Here 
 the freight and passengers were landed, and Minuet 
 set all hands to work at once to erect shelter on 
 shore and build a fort. The latter was named Fort 
 Christina, after the queen of Sweden, daughter of 
 Gustavus, still in her minority, and the settlement, 
 the first permanent settlement on the Delaware, was 
 called Christinaham, or Christina Harbor. Minuet 
 called the colony New Sweden, and the river Elbe, but 
 the settlers called it Kristinas Kill, and the local name 
 is still Oristeen. The fort, of which a plan is extant, 
 
 PLAN Oi' THE TOWN AND FORT OF CHRISTINA, BESIEGED 
 
 BY THE DUTCH IN 1055. 
 
 [From Campanius' New Sweden.] 
 
 A, Fort Christina. B, Christina Creek. C, Town of Christina Hamn. 
 D, Tennekong Land. E, Fisli Kill. F, Slaiigenborg. G, Myggenborg. 
 II, Ruttnborg. I, Flingenhorg. K, Timber Island. L, Kitchen. 
 M, Position of the besiegers. N, Harbor. 0, Mine. P, Swamp. 
 
 drawn by the Swedish engineer Lindstrom in 1655, 
 was built close to the point of rocks, its southern 
 rampart bordering on the creek. Two log houses 
 were built inside the inclosure for the garrison and 
 settlers. A cove under the eastern wall of the fort 
 was called the basin, or harbor, and it afforded a safe 
 dock for such vessels as came there. The land for 
 the fort and Christinaham was bought from five near- 
 by Indian sachems, one of whom bore the name of 
 Mattahorn or Mattahoon, the price paid being a cop- 
 per kettle and some small articles. The sachem 
 whose name is given later said that they only bought 
 of him so much laud as lay "within six trees," the 
 
 trees being blazed as surveyor's marks, probably, and 
 promised to pay him half the tobacco grown upon it, 
 a promise never kept. A deed was drawn up in Low 
 Dutch, and signed by both parties. The Dutch his- 
 torians say that this deed was the only conveyance 
 under which the Swedes claimed the whole south 
 side of the Delaware Bay and River from Cape Hen- 
 lopen to Trenton (Sankitan), but the better opinion 
 is that this large territory was a later and independ- 
 ent purchase. 1 A part of this territory, including 
 Swaannendael, had belonged to the original territory 
 bought of the Indians by Godyn, Blommaert & Co., 
 and by them sold to the Dutch West India Company. 
 
 Minuet and his colonists at Minquas Creek were only 
 a few miles below Fort Nassau, and the Dutch were in- 
 stantly apprised of their arrival. William Kieft, the 
 successor of Van Twiller, and the new director- 
 general at Manhattan, had arrived out March 28th, 
 or near the same time as Minuet. Among his staff 
 were Andreas Hudde, first commissary, Jan Jansen 
 Van Ilpendam, and Peter Mey, all of whom became 
 conspicuous in the affairs of the Dutch and Swedes 
 on the Delaware. Ilpendam was made commissary 
 of Fort Nassau, now in a decayed state, in spite of 
 Van Twiller's expenditures for its restoration, and 
 Mey was his assistant. On April 28th Kieft wrote to 
 the directors of the company in Amsterdam that Mey 
 had reported Minuet's presence on the Delaware, and 
 that he sent Jan Jansen to him to protest against 
 anything being done by the intruders to the com- 
 pany's disadvantage. Minuet at first temporized, 
 and finally avowed his purpose to build a fort, saying 
 that his queen had as much right there as the com- 
 pany. Early in May Kieft sent a formal protest to 
 Minuet over his own signature as director-general of 
 New Netherland, notifying him of the fact (of which 
 none could be more entirely aware than the man 
 calling himself " commissioner in the service of her 
 royal majesty of Sweden") "that the whole South 
 River in New Netherland has been many years in 
 our possession, and has been secured by us with forts 
 above and below, and sealed with our blood." He 
 further informs Minuet that if he proceeded with the 
 building of forts, cultivating land, and trading in 
 furs and other things, to the prejudice and damage of 
 the company, he must be answerable for the conse- 
 quences to himself and his employers, as the Dutch 
 meant to defend their rights. 
 
 Those rights, as against the pretensions of Minuet 
 and the Swedes, were undoubted in every view of the 
 law and custom of new settlements. Minuet made 
 no reply to Kieft but continued to build his fort, and 
 by means of a shrewd liberality to the Indians in- 
 duced them to bring to him instead of to Fort Nassau 
 all the furs and peltries they were taking on the 
 
 1 Compare Brodhead, Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania, Vincent's 
 History of Delaware, Ferris' Original Settlements, etc., and Clay's 
 Annals of the Swedes. Brodhead is always full and accurate, hut he 
 never forgets that he is a New Yorker. 
 
SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWAKE. 
 
 65 
 
 Soutli River. Kieft in another dispatch dated July 
 31, 1038, reports that "Minuet has built a fort near 
 the Delaware, five miles below our fort, and draws 
 all the skins towards him by his liberal gifts ; he has 
 departed with the two vessels he had with him, leav- 
 ing twenty-four men in the fort provided with all 
 sorts of merchandise and provisions, and has put 
 down posts, on which are the letters C. R. S., 1 Chris- 
 tina Regina Suesciae. Jan Jansen has, according to 
 my orders, protested against this, in which he gave 
 an answer, a copy of which goes herewith. We 
 afterwards sent him a formal clause of protest, which 
 was read to him, but he did not feel inclined to an- 
 swer it, and his proceeding is a great disadvantage to 
 the company." Kieft's statement in regard to the 
 departure of Minuet at this time has been contra- 
 dicted by all the older writers on the subject, in- 
 cluding the usually very accurate Acrelius, who even 
 goes so far as to state that Minuet died and was 
 buried at Christina, after serving faithfully at his 
 post until 1641. Minuet's biographer, Kapp, does 
 not controvert this. It remained for Professor 
 Odhner to give the facts, confirming the statement 
 of Kieft, and explaining why we hear no more of 
 Minuet. Having made all the necessary arrange- 
 ments for the safety of his colony, provisioned the 
 fort and supplied it with articles for trading with the 
 Indians, Minuet prepared to return home. He left 
 the fort under the command of Lieut. Mans (Moens) 
 Kling, the only Swede expressly named as taking 
 part in the first expedition (though Acrelius men- 
 tions the Swedish priest, Reorus Torkillus, who, it is 
 likely, came with a later expedition), and Hendrick 
 Huygheu, who is said to have been Minuet's kins- 
 man, his cousin or brother-in-law. Kling had charge 
 of the military, and Huyghen of the civil government 
 of the post. Minuet appears to have sailed for home 
 in July, 1638, as Kieft's letter of the 28th of that month 
 speaks of him as having already departed. He sent 
 the yacht " Griffin" on in-advance to the West Indies 
 to barter the cargo brought out from Gottenburg, sail- 
 ing in the same direction himself with the " Key of 
 Kalmar." Blommaert condemns him for this in his 
 letter to the Swedish chancellor, as he might have 
 come home at once in his vessel, transferring the res- 
 idue of his cargo to the yacht. At the island of St. 
 Christopher he traded his goods for a cargo of to- 
 bacco. He was ready to sail for home when he and 
 his captain were invited aboard a Dutch ship in the 
 harbor called " Het vliegende hert" (the ' Flying 
 Deer"). While aboard this vessel a cyclone came up, 
 driving all the ships in the harbor out to sea. Many 
 were dismasted or otherwise injured by the hurricane. 
 The " Flying Deer" and Minuet were never heard of 
 again, and the vessel is supposed to have foundered. 
 The " Kalmar Nyckel" escaped the storm, returned 
 to |"'ii, and cruised around for some time in hopes to 
 
 > Christina, Quoon uf Sweden. 
 
 get news of Minuet. Failing in this she at last 
 sailed away and pursued her voyage to Sweden. In 
 the North Sea she encountered another storm in No- 
 vember, which drove her into a Dutch port to refit. 
 The " Griffin," after a cruise in the vicinity of Ha- 
 vana, returned to New Sweden, took on a cargo of 
 furs which had been gathered from the Indians for 
 her, and then departed for Sweden, arriving in Got- 
 tenburg at the close of May, 1639, having made the 
 voyage from Christina in five weeks. It is likely that 
 Kieft would have expelled the company left by 
 Minuet from the South River without ceremony and 
 at once had they not borne the commission of the 
 daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, the champion of 
 Protestantism in Europe. The Dutch West India 
 Company knew how distasteful it would be to the 
 whole Dutch people should they venture to embroil 
 themselves with a great, powerful, warlike nation, 
 with which they had made common cause in so many 
 stirring events. The evidence of this feeling was 
 manifest soon after the reception of Kieft's first dis- 
 patches in Holland. A Swedish vessel was seized at 
 Medemblik by order of the West India Company's 
 chamber at Eckhuysen, upon the charge of illegal 
 trading with America, but as soon as the Swedish 
 minister at the Hague made his protest the ship 
 was released and permitted to complete her voyage. 
 As to Kieft's willingness to act, he proved that shortly- 
 after, when he promptly expelled the English in- 
 truders from the Delaware, and by his energetic pro- 
 cedures at Cow Bay, L. I., against the Massachusetts 
 people. 
 
 The first year of the Cristinaham colony was prosper- 
 ous. They shipped thirty thousand skins to Sweden, 
 and injured the Dutch trade so much that the West 
 India Company adopted police regulations for the 
 navigation of South River, and talked of abandoning 
 the fur trade altogether. The next year, however, 
 the people of the colony were depressed by climatic dis- 
 eases, and Reorus Torkillus, the colony's first clergy- 
 man, had his hands full of work, as probably also had 
 Jan Petersen, of Alfendolft, barber and surgeon at 
 Fort Nassau.' 2 Torkillus had come over, in the 
 "Kalmar Nyckel," with Peter Hollandaer, who was 
 sent to act as Minuet's successor, in the second Swed- 
 ish expedition. This expedition Acrelius seems to 
 have known nothing about. We are again indebted 
 to the researches of Professor Odhner for the particu- 
 lars of this voyage. Minuet's loss was a severe blow, 
 and the Dutch partners seemed disposed to abandon 
 the enterprise, or anyhow throw the weight of it on 
 Sweden. They were in trouble also with the Dutch 
 West India directors, who repented their share in 
 promoting theSwedish plantation on the South River. 
 These desagrements finally led the Swedish govern- 
 ment to buy out the Holland partners, who were 
 
 2 In this yeiir there is unmistakable evidence of negro slavery among 
 the Dutch on South River, a convict from Manhattan being sentenced to 
 servo with the blacks on that river. 
 
66 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 found to be " a hindrance," and an appropriation for 
 that purpose was made on Feb. 20, 1641, the sum paid 
 in settlement of all claims being eighteen thousand 
 guilders. The new Swedish Company was given a 
 monopoly of the Baltic tobacco trade. In the mean 
 time, however, Clas Fleming, president of the Swed- 
 ish College of Commerce, and his secretary, Jan 
 Beyer, were resolved not to neglect New Sweden. A 
 Dutch captain, Cornells Van Vliet, was commissioned 
 to take out another party in the " Kalmar Nyckel," 
 and colonists were secured. Spiring and Blommaert 
 once more advanced money, the ship was sent from 
 Holland to Gottenburg in June, 1639, and a body of 
 emigrants, with cattle, farming tools, etc., put on 
 board. Lieut. Peter Hollandaer, a Dutchman, like 
 Minuet, was assigned to command in Fort Christina, 
 and the vessel sailed in early autumn. She leaked 
 badly, however, proved unmanageable, and put into 
 Medemblik, where Spiring removed Van Vliet from 
 command, substituting Pouwel Jansen. These delays 
 detained the expedition so long that it was not until 
 February 7th that the "Kalmar Nyckel" finally 
 sailed from the Texel. The date of his arrival was 
 April 17, 1640. Hollandaer was in command at Chris- 
 tina and many of his garrison were down with fever 
 before November, when the third expedition came 
 out. A letter of Governor Kieft's to the directors, 
 under date of May 1st, states they were resolved to 
 break up and come to Manhattan, but the day before 
 their intended departure a vessel arrived to succor 
 and strengthen them. 1 This and a subsequent letter 
 of Kieft's shows that relations of courtesy were main- 
 tained between the Dutch and Swedes, the former 
 probably hoping and expecting to absorb the latter's 
 settlement. The third expedition arrived in Novem- 
 ber, in the ship " Fredenburg," Capt. Powelson, sent 
 out from Holland under a Swedish commission of 
 " Octroi and Privilegium," and bringing emigrants, 
 cattle, etc., to " New Sweden." The charterers were 
 Gothart de Behden, De Horst, Fenland, and others, 
 and they had a grant from the Swedish Company in 
 return for these shipments. The grant was after- 
 wards transferred to Henry Hockhammer & Co., who 
 were to send out two or three vessels and found a new 
 colony in New Sweden. They were to take up land 
 on the north side of South Biver, at least four or five 
 German miles below Fort Christina, and bring it 
 in actual cultivation within ten years, aud the land 
 thus selected was to become allodial and hereditary 
 property to them and their heirs and descendants. 
 They were to prefer the Augsburg Confession of Faith 
 in religion, but might profess the " pretended reformed 
 religion," and the patroons of the colony were at all 
 times bound to support " as many ministers and 
 schoolmasters as the number of the inhabitants shall 
 seem to require," choosing by preference for these 
 
 1 Profoaaor Odhuer, however, denies that th( 
 diatresa aa ia allegod. 
 
 offices men willing and capable of converting the 
 savages. They were allowed to engage in every sort 
 of industry, trade, and commerce with friendly powers, 
 and were exempt from taxation for ten years. Jost 
 van Bogardt, who came over in the " Fredenburg," 
 appears to have been governor or executive of this 
 colony, which some writers think was established 
 on Elk Biver, in Maryland. This, however, is not 
 probable. The grant under which the Hockhammer 
 Company established their colony, and which bears 
 the same date as the commissions of Capt. Powelson, 
 expressly stipulated that they were to " limit their 
 possessions to four or five German miles from Fort 
 Christina." In the commission issued by the Swed- 
 ish government to Capt. Printz as Governor of New 
 Sweden, it is ordered that " those Hollanders who 
 have emigrated to New Sweden and settled there 
 under the protection of her Boyal Majesty and the 
 Swedish Crown, over whom Jost von dem Boyandh 2 
 has command, the Governor shall treat according to 
 the contents of the charter and privileges conferred by 
 her Royal Majesty, of the principles whereof the 
 Governor has been advised ; but in other respects he 
 shall show them all good will and kindness, yet so 
 that he shall hold them also to the same, that they 
 also upon their side comply with the requisitions of 
 their charter, which they have received. And, inas- 
 much as notice has already been given them that they have 
 settled too near to Fort Christina, and as houses are said 
 to be built at the distance of almost three miles from that 
 place, they should leave that place and betake them- 
 selves to a somewhat greater distance from that fort." 
 This entirely excludes the idea of a settlement on Elk 
 Biver, and encourages the supposition that the neigh- 
 borhood of the present city of New Castle, where 
 Stuyvesant afterwards established Fort Casimir, was 
 the place of this Dutch colony. It is certain that 
 New Amstel, as the town near this fort came to be 
 called, was the chief settlement of the Dutch on the 
 Delaware after the overthrow of the Swedish power, 
 and it seems natural that this circumstance should be 
 due to the Hockhammer plantation. It has been 
 conjectured that this Dutch settlement in New Swe- 
 den under the patronage of the Swedish West India 
 Company was undertaken on account of jealousies 
 and ill feeling in Holland towards the Dutch West 
 India Company, which was a very close monopoly. 
 The grant given by the Swedish Company to the 
 Hockhammer Company was much more liberal in its 
 terms than could have been obtained from the Dutch 
 West India Company. Bogardt was not only recog- 
 nized as the commandant and governor of the new 
 colony, but he also had a special commission from 
 the Swedish government to act as its " general agent" 
 on the Delaware Biver, and particularly to let no 
 opportunity escape him " of sending to Sweden all 
 
 2 Thia is the spelling of Acrelius. Dr. O'Callaghan, in his " History of 
 J of such' New Netherlands," i. 3(16-117, sajs that the proper spelling of thia man's 
 name ahould ho Joust de Bogaerl. 
 
SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 67 
 
 information which may he useful to her Majesty and 
 the Crown of Sweden." To encourage him in the 
 performance of these duties he was paid a salary of 
 five hundred ilorins per annum, with a promise of one 
 hundred florins additional annual pay in case he 
 should give sufficient proof of his attachment to the 
 new service, and his zeal to promote the welfare of 
 the Swedish crown. 
 
 In this same year, 1640, the English began to make 
 inroads upon the Delaware. They bought Indian 
 lands on both sides of the river and bay, and in 1641 
 commenced building trading-houses at Varkin's Kill, 
 near the present Salem, N. J., settling sixty persons 
 there from Connecticut, and the next year had the 
 audacity to plant themselves directly opposite Fort 
 Nassau. This was too much for the peppery Kieft, 
 and even for his less excitable Council. Jan Jansen 
 Ilpendam, commissary at Fort Nassau, was directed 
 to expel the intruders, which he did without any 
 ceremony, seizing their goods and burning their 
 trading-house. After this the Dutch fell upon the 
 Salem settlement also and broke that up. 
 
 Oxenstierna determined now to appoint a regular 
 governor for New Sweden, and accordingly, in Au- 
 gust, 1642, John Printz, a lieutenant-colonel of cav- 
 alry, was selected to fill that office. His commission 
 and instructions were carefully prepared, and armed 
 with these he arrived in the Delaware early in 1643. 
 Printz engaged to keep the new settlements safe from 
 foreign and domestic enemies, to preserve amity, good 
 neighborhood, and reciprocity with foreigners, with 
 his own people, and the savages, and "to render jus- 
 tice without distinction, so that there may be no in- 
 jury to any man." He engaged to promote industry 
 in every way ; and " as to himself, he will so conduct 
 in his government as to be willing and able faithfully 
 to answer for it before God, before us, and every brave 
 Swede, regulating himself by the instructions given 
 to him." These instructions bind him to take care 
 of the frontiers of the country (which are minutely 
 described) ; to maintain good relations with the Eng- 
 lish at Varkin's Kill, and respect their title, unless 
 they can be politely dispossessed without any disturb- 
 ance; to keep on good terms with the Dutch, unless 
 they show hostile intentions, but always to be on his 
 guard with them, in view of their claims to the terri- 
 tory occupied by the Swedes. He must deal with the 
 savages with humanity and mildness, bringing them 
 to believe that the Swedes have not come there to do 
 them injustice. He is to encourage agriculture and 
 the fur trade, establish manufactures, and utilize the 
 natural products of the country. Printz was ap- 
 pointed to serve three years under these instructions, 
 his salary being twelve hundred silver dollars a year. 
 He was given two ships, soldiers and officers to assist 
 him in executing his duties, and the people were 
 ordered t" obey and support him. 
 
 Printz's chaplain, Rev. John Campanius Holm, the 
 earliest chronicler of New Sweden, kept a journal of 
 
 the voyage out, which consumed one hundred and fifty 
 days, Fort Christina being reached on Feb. 5, 1643. 
 From this journal the "History of New Sweden" was 
 written afterwards by his grandson, Thomas Cam- 
 panius Holm. The new governor, in the midst of so 
 many rival claims and claimants, needed to exercise 
 at least all the circumspection enjoined upon him 
 by his instructions. He certainly showed energy, but 
 whether prudence or not is another matter. His first 
 step was to choose his official residence. This he 
 planted upon Tinnecum Island, nearly opposite Fort 
 Nassau, where he built Fort New Gottenburg, com- 
 manding the approaches to the Dutch fort, and be- 
 hind it erected a mansion for himself, called " Printz's 
 Hall," with orchards, pleasure-house, etc., " all very 
 handsome." We have spoken of the Dutch expelling 
 the English from Varkin's Kill. But Printz aided 
 them very materially in pulling their chestnuts out 
 of the fire, nor did he do it in the courteous " under- 
 hand" manner, while preserving the semblance of 
 friendship, which his instructions enjoined upon him. 
 Printz's ideas of tact and diplomacy resembled an 
 elephant dancing. He was a bluff, coarse soldier, 
 well described by the shrewd, observant, caustic Pie- 
 tersen De Vries as " Captain Printz, who weighed 
 four hundred pounds, and took three drinks at every 
 meal." To deal with the English, Printz crossed the 
 Delaware and planted a fort right alongside them on 
 the opposite bank of Salem Creek. This fort, called 
 " Elfsborg," " Elsingborg," or " Wootwessung," com- 
 manded the channel of the Delaware, and enabled 
 Printz to bring to all Dutch vessels or vessels of any 
 other nationality passing up or down the river. 
 
 This fort, which had a small garrison and mounted 
 several guns, made De Vries halt before it and give 
 an account of himself when, in 1643, he attempted to 
 pass up South River in his sloop. The sturdy navi- 
 gator, who had planted the first settlement on the Del- 
 aware, must have felt a grim sense of the change in 
 the times on being thus, as it were, barred from access 
 to his own ancient threshold. Meantime the New 
 Haven English sent down another expedition to the 
 Delaware under the same Lamberton whom the Dutch 
 had expelled from Varkin's Kill. His purpose was 
 probably to revive that settlement, as the lands there 
 had been bought from the Indians. While Lamber- 
 ton's sloop was in the river near the mouth of the 
 Schuylkill, Printz enticed him to Fort Gottenburg 
 with two of his sailors, and cast them into prison, 
 keeping them for three days, while he attempted to 
 suborn the inferiors to testify that Lamberton was in- 
 citing the Indians to rise against the Swedes. He re- 
 sorted to the same device with John Wootlen, Lamber- 
 ton's servant, making them all drunk and offering 
 them heavy bribes of land and money. 1 The Eng- 
 lishmen were firm, however, in their master's interest, 
 
 1 Tina is the substance of depositions nuido by these 1 
 turn to Now Haven. 
 
68 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 and could not be got to perjure themselves, though 
 Printz put them in irons with his own hands. Lain- 
 berton, however, was driven off, after paying a fine of 
 beaver-skins and being roundly sworn at by the burly 
 Swedish governor. 
 
 Printz, however, was in some respects a good admin- 
 istrator. He sustained his people in their determined 
 resistance to the immigration of convicts and malefac- 
 tors, who, when sent over by the home government, 
 were not suffered to land, but compelled to return in 
 the same ships that brought them. He built the first 
 water-mill on South River, at a place called Karakung, 
 otherwise Water-Mill Stream ( Amesland or Carkoen's 
 Hook), on what is now Cobb's Creek, near the bridge 
 on the Darby road at the old Blue Bell tavern. This 
 was put up instead of the old wind-mill, which, 
 Printz says, never would work and was "good for 
 nothing." This mill ground both meal and flour, and 
 found constant work. Printz had a military eye, and, 
 as soon as his forts gave him command of the Dela- 
 ware, he proceeded to close the Schuylkill entirely to 
 the Dutch by a fortification at the mouth of that river 
 (called Manay unk), one at Kingsessing, and another at 
 Passayunk, called " Korsholm." He also put a stock- 
 ade trading-house exactly alongside the Dutch fort of 
 Beversrede, within a biscuit-toss of it, and between it 
 and the water, so as to entirely destroy that fort's effi- 
 ciency. The Dutch confessed that these works cut 
 them off from the Minquas country and destroyed 
 the fur trade. The Swedes, on the other hand, in 
 1644 sent home two thousand one hundred and 
 twenty-seven packages of beaver and seventy thou- 
 sand four hundred and twenty-one pounds of tobacco. 
 
 The " insolence of office" was fully developed in 
 Printz. In 1645 the Dutch removed Jan Jansen Van 
 Ilpendam, commissary at Fort Nassau, appointing 
 Andreas Hudde in his place. Hudde was active and 
 energetic, and he and Printz were soon in contro- 
 versy, Hudde protesting against every act of the 
 Swedes adverse to Dutch interests, and Printz either 
 taking no notice of the protests or else responding 
 to them by still ruder and more hostile actions. He 
 ordered a Dutch trading-sloop away from the Schuyl- 
 kill on pain of confiscation, and when Hudde came 
 in person to protest, he was ordered off likewise. 
 Kieft peremptorily instructed Hudde in 1646 to ac- 
 quire some land from the Indians on the west shore, 
 four miles north of Fort Nassau (on the ground now 
 occupied by a part of Philadelphia). Hudde did as 
 bidden, and the purchase being made he planted the 
 company's arms on the premises. Printz at once 
 sent Commissary Huygens to throw down the Dutch 
 arms, whereupon Hudde arrested Huygens and put 
 him in the guard-house, sending word to Printz that 
 he must punish the commissary. Some correspond- 
 ence ensued, when Printz answered Hudde's final 
 protest and declaration of his company's rights by 
 tossing the paper to an attendant, and seizing a 
 musket as if to shoot the messenger, who, an honest 
 
 Dutch sergeant, totally oblivious of the immunities 
 of heralds, quickly made his escape. Printz now de- 
 cided on non-intercourse with the Dutch, closed the 
 Schuylkill to them entirely, sold the Indians arms 
 and ammunition, and persecuted or expelled every 
 Dutchman in New Sweden who would not take the 
 oath of allegiance to Queen Christina. He stopped 
 and searched Dutch vessels, and made Swedish ves- 
 sels go by Fort Nassau without showing their colors. 
 In the winter of 1647-48 he even invaded Hudde's 
 own private premises, and cut down his fruit- and 
 shade-trees. Two members of the High Council of 
 the New Netherlands came to the South River to 
 investigate these outrages and find out the status of 
 the Dutch and Swedish titles to the lands about the 
 mouth of the Schuylkill. When they came to Fort 
 Gottenburg, Printz's subordinates kept them waiting 
 outside for half an hour in the rain. They were 
 finally admitted, and delivered their protest. These 
 councilors authorized private persons among the 
 Dutch to make settlements on the Schuylkill. In 
 every case where the attempt was made to profit by 
 this license Printz or some of his officers descended 
 upon the settler and destroyed his property, besides 
 often expelling the person himself with blows. The 
 more Hudde protested the more violent Printz became. 
 In 1647 the Dutch Director-General Kieft was suc- 
 ceeded by Peter Stuyvesant, who began his adminis- 
 tration on Mav 27th. Printz found him a verv different 
 
 GOVERNOR PETEE STUYVESANT. 
 
 man from Kieft. When the two governors finally met 
 in 1651, the Dutch director-general, while quite as 
 soldierly, bluff, and irascible as Printz, showed him- 
 self to be head and shoulders above the latter in 
 
SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 69 
 
 diplomacy. During all these disputes and high- 
 handed dealings in the period of Printz's adminis- 
 tration, the Dutch had sedulously pursued the policy 
 of acquiring, by public and private purchase, Indian 
 titles to all the lands on both sides the Delaware from 
 Salem and Christinaham up. The Swedes had lat- 
 terly adopted the same policy, but with less success. 
 Stuyvesant came to the South River in person in 
 1651, "to preserve and protect the company's rights 
 and jurisdiction." He sent proofs to Printz of the 
 company's rights in the premises, and demanded in 
 return that the Swedish governor should produce 
 proof of what lands he had purchased and his 
 authority to hold them. Printz could merely define 
 the limits of his territory, and say that his papers 
 were on file in the chancellory of Sweden. Then 
 Stuyvesant is said to have detected Printz in an at- 
 tempt to secretly buy title from an Indian sachem 
 called Waspang Zewan, whereupon the Dutch gov- 
 ernor forthwith dealt with the Indians himself, and 
 was by them presented with a title to both sides of 
 the Delaware from Christiana Creek to Bombay 
 Hook, they at the same time denying that they had 
 ever sold any lands to the Swedes. Finally, Stuy- 
 vesant determined that he would build another fort, 
 Fort Nassau being too much out of the way, and in 
 spite of Printz's protests he built Fort Casimir on 
 the Delaware side of the river, about one Dutch mile 
 from Fort Christina and near the present city of 
 New Castle. Printz and Stuyvesant had several in- 
 terviews with each other, and the final result was 
 that " they mutually promised to cause no difficulties 
 or hostility to each other, but to keep neighborly 
 friendship and correspondence together, and act as 
 friends and allies." 
 
 It will be observed that all through these contro- 
 versies, while there were many high words and some 
 kicks and cuffs, the Dutch and Swedes never came 
 to actual hostilities, and always maintained a modus 
 vivendi with one another. This was not because they 
 hated each other less, but because they dreaded a 
 third rival more. Both Dutch and Swedes were ter- 
 ribly apprehensive of English designs upon the Del- 
 ware. As was laid down in the instructions to Gov- 
 ernor Risingh, who succeeded Printz in New Sweden, 
 speaking of the new Fort Casimir, if Risingh could 
 not induce the Dutch to abandon the post by argu- 
 ment and remonstrance and without resorting to hos- 
 tilities, " it is better that our subjects avoid resorting 
 to hostilities, confining themselves solely to protesta- 
 tions, and suffer the Dutch to occupy the said fortress, 
 than that it should fall into the hands of the English, 
 who are the most powerful and of course the most danger- 
 ous in that country." In the same way, after Stuyve- 
 sant had met the English at Hartford, Conn., treated 
 with them, and settled a mutual boundary line, so 
 that all was apparently peace and friendship between 
 the Dutch and the New Englanders, the New Haven 
 Company thought they would be permitted without 
 
 dispute to resume the occupancy of their purchased 
 Indian lands on the New Jersey side of the Delaware 
 Bay at Salem, whence they had been twice expelled. 
 Accordingly, Jasper Graine, William Tuthill, and 
 other inhabitants of New Haven and Sotocket, to the 
 number of about fifty, hired a vessel and sailed for that 
 destination. On the way they considerately put into 
 Manhattan to notify Stuyvesant of their errand, and 
 consult with him as to the best way of accomplishing 
 it. Stuyvesant took their commission away from 
 them, clapped the master of the vessel and four 
 others into prison, and refused to release them until 
 " they pledged themselves under their hands" not to 
 go to Delaware, informing them likewise that if any 
 of them should afterwards be found there he would 
 confiscate their goods and send them prisoners to 
 Holland. At the same time he wrote to the gover- 
 nor of New Haven that the Dutch rights on the Del- 
 aware were absolute, and that he meant to prevent 
 any English settlement there " with force of arms 
 and martial opposition, even unto bloodshed." The 
 Swedes were so much impressed with this firm attitude 
 and with their own unprotected condition (this was 
 probably during the interregnum between Printz's 
 departure and the arrival of Risingh, when Pappe- 
 goya, Printz's son-in-law, was acting governor, and 
 there was no news from the mother-country) that they 
 asked Stuyvesant to take them under his protection. 
 The director-general declined to do so without in- 
 struction from home, and the directors of the company 
 when he consulted them left the matter to his own 
 discretion, simply suggesting that while population 
 and settlement should be encouraged by all means as 
 the bulwark of the State, it would be advisable that 
 all settlers should yield allegiance to the parent 
 State, and be willing to obey its laws and statutes in 
 order to obtain protection. 
 
 Printz sailed for home in October, 1653, and Ri- 
 singh arrived out in May, 1654, their ships having 
 probably passed each other on the ocean. Risingh 
 was governor and commissary, and he was accom- 
 panied by John Amundsen Besk, a captain of the 
 navy, who seems to have been given command of the 
 military of New Sweden. The general management 
 of Swedish affairs on the Delaware had now passed to 
 the charge of the "General College of Commerce" of 
 Stockholm. Risingh (his Christian name was John 
 Claudii) had also Peter Lindstrom, a military engi- 
 neer, on his staff, with a clergyman, and they brought 
 out two or three hundred settlers. Risingh's instruc- 
 tions were all for peace, not war ; but even before he 
 arrived at Christiana, or Gottenburg, he struck a bold 
 stroke for war. The ship in which he sailed on its 
 way up the Delaware came in sight of Fort Casimir 
 on the 31st of May. Tienhoven and others in the 
 fort, being sent out to speak the stranger, reported 
 that the new Swedish governor was on board and 
 demanded the surrender of the fort as standing upon 
 Swedish territory. Gerrit Bikker, the commander, 
 
70 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 made no preparations for defense ; he could not un- 
 derstand nor believe the Swedish intention to be hos- 
 tile. Soon Capt. Swensko, of the ship, with twenty- 
 armed men, landed, advanced upon the fort, and while 
 
 FORT CASIMIR OR TRINITY FORT. 
 [From Campanius' " New Swedeu."] 
 
 the Dutch ran to meet them as friends, entered 
 through the open sally-port, and being in possession 
 demanded the fort's surrender at the point of the bayo- 
 net. Bikker and Tienhoven sent two commissioners 
 aboard the ship to demand an explanation, but 
 Amundsen fired two guns over the fort, and the 
 Swedish soldiers at once seized the Dutch, disarmed 
 and ejected them with the least possible ceremony. 
 The Swedes were thus for the moment, and in the 
 most surprising way, supreme on the South River. 
 
 Risingh named his new conquest Fort Trinity, be- 
 cause the capture was made on Trinity Sunday ; 
 strengthened the fort, and immediately called the 
 neighboring Indians together with a view to make 
 them his allies. The joint council was heldatTinne- 
 cum on June 17th, and Risingh offered many pres- 
 ents, distributed wine and spirits, and spread a great 
 feast of suppaun ; the old treaties were read, mutual 
 vows of friendship exchanged, and the Indians be- 
 came allies of the Swedes, whom they strongly coun- 
 seled to settle at once at Passayuuk. 
 
 The Dutch and Swedish population on the Dela- 
 ware at this time, according to a census taken by 
 Risingh, was three hundred and sixty-eight persons. 
 This is probably exclusive of many Swedes who had 
 gone into the interior and crossed the ridge towards 
 Maryland. But little agriculture was attended to 
 besides tobacco planting, and the chief industry was 
 the trade in peltries, which was very profitable. In 
 this trade the Indians had acquired as great skill as 
 in trapping the beaver and drying his pelt. The price 
 of a beaver-skin was two fathoms of "seawant," and 
 
 each fathom was taken to be three ells long. An ell 
 was measured (as the yard still is in country places) 
 from one corner of the mouth to the thumb of the 
 opposite arm extended. The Indians, tall and long- 
 limbed, always sent their longest-armed people to dis- 
 pose of beaver-skins, and the Dutch complained at 
 Fort Nassau that the savages outmeasured them con- 
 tinually. 
 
 It was not to be expected that a man of Stuy- 
 vesant's heady temperament would permit an outrage 
 such as the capture of Fort Casimir to go unrevenged, 
 even if the directors of the West India Company had 
 passed it by. But they were quite as eager as Stuy- 
 vesant himself for prompt and decisive action on the 
 Delaware. The time was auspicious for them. Axel 
 Oxenstierna, the great Swedish chancellor, was just 
 dead, Queen Christina had abdicated the throne in 
 favor of her cousin Charles Gustavus, and England and 
 Holland had just signed a treaty of peace. The direc- 
 tors insisted upon the Swedes being effectually pun- 
 ished, and ordered Stuyvesant not only to exert every 
 nerve to revenge the injury, not only to recover the fort 
 and restore affairs to their former situation, but to 
 drive the Swedes from every side of the river, and 
 allow no settlers except under the Dutch flag. He was 
 promised liberal aid from home, and was ordered to 
 press any vessel into his service that might be in the 
 New Netherlands. Stuyvesant meanwhile was not idle 
 on his own side. He had captured and made prize 
 of a Swedish vessel that came into the North River 
 almost as soon as he heard the news from Fort Casimir. 
 He received five armed vessels from Amsterdam. He 
 ordered a general fasting and prayer, and then hast- 
 ened to set his armaments in order. On the 12th of 
 September his forces were off the late Fort Casimir, 
 now Fort Trinity, — seven ships and six hundred men. 
 The fort was summoned to surrender. The garrison, 
 under Capt. Sven Schute, was small, not over thirty 
 or forty men, and their commander surrendered them 
 on honorable terms before a gun was fired. Stuyve- 
 sant marched at once to Fort Christina, where 
 Risingh was in command, and invested it on every 
 side. Risingh pretended great surprise, resorted to 
 every little diplomatic contrivance he could think of, 
 and then surrendered also, before the Dutch batteries 
 opened. In truth his fort was a weak and defenseless 
 one, and he had scarcely two rounds«of ammunition. 
 The Dutch went up the river to Tinnecum, where 
 they burnt Fort Gottenburg and wrung the necks of 
 Mrs. Pappagoya's ducks and turkeys. A great many 
 Swedes came in and took the oath of allegiance to 
 the Dutch. All such were suffered to remain undis- 
 turbed in their possessions. A few who refused to 
 take the oath were transported to Manhattan, while 
 others crossed into Maryland and permanently settled 
 in Cecil and Kent Counties, where their family names 
 are still preserved ; but the Dutch yoke undoubtedly 
 sat very lightly upon Swedish shoulders. 
 
 This was the end of Swedish rule on the Delaware. 
 
SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 
 
 71 
 
 Stuyvesant, obeying instructions from the West India 
 Company, made a formal tender of redelivery of Fort 
 Christina to Risingh, but that hero was in the sulks, 
 refused to receive it, and went home by way of New 
 Amsterdam, swearing at the Dutch " in frantic mood." 
 
 Then Stuyvesant appointed Capt. Derrick Schmidt 
 as commissary, who was quickly succeeded by John 
 Paul Jacquet, in the capacity of "Vice-Director of 
 the South River," with a Council consisting of An- 
 dreas Hudde, vice-director, Elmerhuysen Klein, and 
 two sergeants. Fort Christina became Altona, Fort 
 Casimir resumed its old name, and a settlement grew 
 up around it which was named New Amstel, the first 
 actual town upon the river. It must be confessed that 
 if tlie Swedes on the Delaware were not a happy 
 people it was their own fault. But they were happy. 
 < lome of a primitive race not yet spoiled by fashions, 
 luxury, and the vices of civilization, and preferring 
 agriculture and the simplest arts of husbandry to 
 trade, they found themselves in a new, beautiful, and 
 fertile region, with the mildest of climates and the 
 kindliest of soils. Government, the pressure of laws, 
 the weight of taxation they scarcely knew, and their 
 relations were always pleasant, friendly, and intimate 
 with those savage tribes the terror of whose neighbor- 
 hood drove the English into sudden atrocities and 
 
 barbarities. Very few Swedes ever lost a night's rest 
 because of the Indian's war-whoop. They were a 
 people of simple ways, industrious, loyal, steadfast. 
 In 1693 some of these Delaware Swedes wrote home 
 for ministers, books, and teachers. This letter says, 
 " As to what concerns our situation in this country, 
 we are for the most part husbandmen. We plow 
 and sow and till the ground ; and as to our meat and 
 drink, we live according to the old Swedish custom. 
 This country is very rich and fruitful, and here grow 
 all sorts of grain in great plenty, so that we are richly 
 supplied with meat and drink ; and we send out yearly 
 to our neighbors on this continent and the neighbor- 
 ing islands bread, grain, flour, and oil. We have 
 here also all sorts of beasts, fowls, and fishes. Our 
 wives and daughters employ themselves in spinning 
 wool and flax and many of them in weaving ; so that 
 we have great reason to thank the Almighty for his 
 manifold mercies and benefits. God grant that we 
 may also have good shepherds to feed us with his holy 
 word and sacraments. We live also in peace and 
 friendship with one another, and the Indians have not 
 molested us for many years. Further, since this 
 country has ceased to be under the government of 
 Sweden, we are bound to acknowledge and declare 
 for the sake of truth that we have been well and 
 kindly treated, as well by the Dutch as by his Ma- 
 jesty the King of England, our gracious sovereign; 
 on the other hand, we, the Swedes, have been and 
 still are true to him in words and in deeds. We have 
 always had over us good and gracious magistrates; 
 and we live with one another in peace and quiet- 
 ness." x 
 
 One of the missionaries sent over in response to the 
 touching demand of which the above quoted passage 
 is part, writing back to Sweden after his arrival, says 
 that his congregation are rich, adding, " The country 
 here is delightful, as it has always been described, 
 and overflows with every blessing, so that the people 
 live very well without being compelled to too much 
 or too severe labor. The taxes are very light; the 
 farmers, after their work is over, live as they do in 
 Sweden, but are clothed as well as the respectable 
 inhabitants of the towns. They have fresh meat and 
 fish in abundance, and want nothing of what other 
 countries produce; they have plenty of grain to make 
 bread, and plenty of drink. There are no poor in 
 this country, but they all provide for themselves, for 
 the land is rich and fruitful, and no man who will 
 labor can suffer want." All this reads like an idyl 
 of Jean Paul, or one of the naive, charming poems 
 of Bishop Tegner. It is a picture, some parts of 
 which have been delightfully reproduced by the poet 
 John G. Whittier in his " Pennsylvania Pilgrim." 
 
 1 Annals of the Swedes on the Delaware. By Kev. J. C. Clay, D.D. 
 
72 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 THE PLANTING OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 The Swedes have no further right to a distinc- 
 tive place in this work, except so far as individuals 
 of that nation took up land within the boundaries or 
 contributed to form the heterogeneous population of 
 Philadelphia ; nor is there need to say anything more 
 about the Dutch of New Netherland, beyond the few 
 meagre particulars in which their ordinances or regu- 
 lations are found to bear upon that part of the 
 country bordering on the Delaware River within the 
 limits of which Philadelphia is now seated. Shortly 
 after the surrender of Forts Casimir and Christina, a 
 Swedish ship, the " Mercury," arrived in the Dela- 
 ware with a large number of immigrants aboard. The 
 Dutch refused permission for this vessel to pass the 
 fort, but while the principals were conducting a long 
 diplomatic correspondence on the subject, John 
 Papegoya, Printz's son-in-law, with a party of In- 
 dians, boarded the vessel, piloted her up to Christina 
 and Tinnecum, and before Stuyvesant and his agents 
 had reached their final unalterable determination to 
 send all the immigrants incontinently back to Sweden, 
 they had got ashore, bag and baggage, and were ab- 
 sorbed in the rest of the population. This was the 
 last body of immigrants from Sweden to the Delaware. 
 It was a favorite project of the director-general of 
 New Netherland and his satellites, tried over and 
 over again, to compel the Swedes and Finns to con- 
 gregate together in one or two settlements or " reser- 
 vations," and the order went forth several times to 
 effect this, but it could not be enforced, nor, indeed, 
 was there any serious attempt made to enforce it. 
 A favorite place for this compulsory settlement with 
 the Dutch executive was the Indian seat of Passa- 
 yunk, and had the Swedes been congregated there 
 from all parts of the colony some distinctive impress 
 of their character would perhaps even to-day be de- 
 tected in that part of Philadelphia, just as the Mora- 
 vian traits are still discoverable in and around Beth- 
 lehem. The Swedes and Finns, however, preferred to 
 settle where they chose, and a good many of them, 
 fearing they would be excluded from this privilege 
 in the South River colony, crossed the border into 
 Maryland, where many traces of them are still to be 
 found in Cecil and Kent Counties. 
 
 This policy of the Dutch, however, and the nat- 
 ural aversion of races speaking different languages 
 to coalesce, did have the effect to separate the Dutch 
 and Swedes so far that while the former collected 
 about Fort Casimir, now called New Amstel, and 
 points lower down the river, the Swedes gravitated 
 towards points farther up the Delaware River than 
 their original settlement at Christiana. " Upland," 
 now Chester, became one of their favorite foci ; they 
 took land on the creek in the rear of Printz's domain 
 at Tinnecum ; they followed up Cobb's Creek beyond 
 
 the mill, and had farms on all the streams flowing 
 from the west into the Schuylkill ; they crossed that 
 river and, with their church at Wicaco, established 
 their domiciles in several parts of the peninsula em- 
 braced between the Schuylkill and the Delaware. 
 Thus it happened that nearly all the original settlers 
 upon the present site of Philadelphia, nearly all the 
 original lund-holders, — in distinction to land-owmere, 
 — were Swedes, and William Penn found this to be 
 still the case when he came to lay off his city. 
 
 It is now time to say something about these first 
 planters upon the ground which is now traversed by 
 so many long streets and bears the weight of so many 
 stately buildings. A great many Indian names have 
 been preserved in and around Philadelphia. The 
 form and spelling have changed or vary, but the orig- 
 inal sound is essentially preserved. In Roggeveen's 
 map of New Netherland, published in 1676, the site 
 of Penn's Philadelphia is named " Sauno," and this 
 is believed to have been an early Indian name for the 
 peninsula. All the other sites on the South River 
 part of this map bear Dutch or Swedish names. In 
 Lindstrom's map of " Nya Swerige," drawn 1654-55, 
 and republished to accompany Campanius' history, 
 1702, the Indian or Swedish names are the only 
 ones given. There is Stillen's land (the Stille prop- 
 erty), Tenna Kongz Kjlen (Tennakonk Creek), Fri- 
 men's Kjlen (or Darby Creek), Boke Kjlen (Bow 
 Creek), Apoquenenia, Ornebo Kjlen, Skiar elle linde 
 Kjlen (Schuylkill), Nitlaba Konck, Passajong (Pas- 
 sayunk), Wichqua Going (Wicaco), Chingihamong, 
 Fackenland, Asoepek, Alaskius Kjlen (or Frankford 
 Creek), Penichpaska Kjlen, Drake Kjlen, Poanqiis- 
 sing (Poquessing), etc. In Ferris' conjectural map 
 of early settlements we have Darby Creek, Tenac- 
 konk's Kil, Karakung Creek, Nittaba Kenck, Pas- 
 saiung, Wicaco, Sculkil, Coaquanock (which was the 
 Philadelphia laid out by Penn), Fackenland, Franck- 
 ford Creek, Penichpaska Kil, Poatquissing, Nesham- 
 iny, etc. The original name for nearly every one of 
 these is extant in the old deeds and records. The 
 Indian names for streams which are still partially or 
 wholly retained are Minquas Creek (Darby, Cobb's 
 Creek), Poquessin, Pennypack, Sissinokisink, Tacony, 
 Wingohocking, Cohocksink, Wissahiccon,Manayunk, 
 etc. Now the Swedes were the original settlers on 
 nearly all the lands between Bow Creek and Poques- 
 sing. 
 
 The first claim of purchase of Indian title to lands 
 within the fork of the Schuylkill and the Delaware 
 is that of the Dutch, who insist that Arendt Corssen 
 bought for them from the Indians the site of Fort 
 Beversrede in 1633. The deed for this land, however, 
 was not recorded until 1648. Between those dates, 
 under the guidance of Andreas Hudde, several Dutch- 
 men attempted to plant themselves on the east side 
 of the Schuylkill, but they were not allowed to do so 
 by the Swedes as long as Printz and Risingh were in 
 power. The Swedes claim to have bought all the 
 
THE PLANTING OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 73 
 
 hind on the west bank of the Dela- 
 ware, from Cape Henlopen to the 
 falls of the river at Trenton, in 1638. 
 This the Dutch and some of their 
 Indian allies denied, yet the pur- 
 chase was more than likely made as 
 stated. Prin tz said the deeds and 
 records were in the archives at 
 Stockholm, where, according to 
 Rudman, Israel Helm, an original 
 Swede settler, who came over with 
 Minuet or Hollandaer, and was 
 afterwards a leading man in the 
 country and a magistrate under the 
 Dutch rule, claims to have seen them 
 himself. The fact of the purchase 
 is also plainly set forth in the of- 
 ficial instructions and credentials of 
 Printz, given to him by the Swedish 
 West India Company, by Christina, 
 Oxenstierna, and nine other lead- 
 ing men of the nobility of the 
 kingdom. Peter Stuyvesant also 
 claimed an Indian title to the lands 
 east of the Schuylkill, by deed of 
 gift, after his quarrels with Gover- 
 nor Printz had ripened. 
 
 But the first patents to particu- 
 lar tracts of land within the metes 
 and bounds set forth were given to 
 Swedes, who also made the first ac- 
 tual settlements. There can be no 
 better evidence of this than the sim- 
 ple names of the persons whose 
 property was confiscated or who 
 were forced to renew their patents 
 in the days when Lovelace and 
 Andross confirmed the English do- 
 minion on the Delaware after the 
 conquest of New Netherland. A 
 few of these patents, purchases, and 
 settlements deserve to be referred 
 to in a particular manner. In 1645, 
 Andreas Hudde, the Dutch com- 
 missary on the Delaware, a careful 
 and conscientious observer, reports 
 plantations of the Swedes from 
 Christiana along the Delaware for 
 two Dutch miles up the river to a 
 point near to Tinnecum. Then 
 there is not a single plantation "till 
 you come to Schuylkill." This is 
 perfectly intelligible if we remem- 
 ber that the Swedes chose for their 
 plantations firm ground only, and 
 always near the water-front if pos-. 
 sible. The above would then read : 
 "The Swedish plantations extend 
 nine and a half English miles 
 10 
 
74 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 along the Delaware above Christiana ; then there is 
 an unoccupied tract of swamp for about ten miles, 
 until the Swedish plantations on the western and 
 eastern banks of the Schuylkill are reached." And 
 Hudde himself furnishes the proof of the existence 
 of such plantations in his account (1648) of the trans- 
 actions attending the raising of his house on the fort 
 grounds at Beversrede, at the same time that he shows 
 that up to that time the Dutch had not put up a 
 single building above the mouth of the Schuylkill. 
 Three years before that date the Swedes certainly had 
 built a water-mill on the Karakung, or Cobb's Creek, 
 and a fort or trading block-house on Province Island, 
 in the mouth of the Schuylkill, as well as another 
 apparently at Kingsessing. The alleged first pur- 
 chase of the Dutch east of the Schuylkill was made 
 from Indian sachems on the New Jersey side of the 
 Delaware. The second, by Hudde, in 1646, which 
 Printz resisted, was from an Indian living on the 
 spot; the third, also by Hudde, in 1648, was ratified 
 by Maarte Hoock and Wissementes, sachems of the 
 Passayunk Indians. In Hudde's own account of this 
 he says he called in the sachems, and they gave the 
 Swedes, " who lived there already," notice to leave 
 their settlements on the Schuylkill. In the contro- 
 versy, or rather squabble, which ensued, and which 
 Hudde seems to report with the utmost fidelity, the 
 sachems are represented as demanding by whose orders 
 the Swedes did erect buildings there; "if it was 
 not enough that they were already in possession of 
 Mateunakonk, the Schuylkill, Kingsessing, Kakauken, 
 Upland," etc. "They [the Swedes] arrived only lately 
 on the river, and had already taken so much land 
 from them, which they had actually settled, while they 
 [the Dutch], pointing to them, had never taken from 
 them any land, although they had dwelt here and con- 
 versed with them more than thirty years." This is 
 very strong affirmative evidence to the fact that up 
 to 1648 the Swedes had, and the Dutch had not, set- 
 tled on land east of the Schuylkill. In that year the 
 latter built Fort Beversrede, and the Swedes planted 
 a block-house directly in front of it, closing its gates. 
 Under the circumstances the Swedes would seem to 
 be justified in this action and in that of the previous 
 year, when they threw down Symon Root's house at 
 Wigquakoing (or Wicaco), or in 1648 prevented the 
 Dutch freemen from building at "Mast-makers' Cor- 
 ner," on the east side of the Schuylkill. 
 
 Campanius, the Swedish pastor, returned home in 
 May, 1648. At that time, he says, the Swedes had 
 settlements at Mecoponacka ("Upland," or "Ches- 
 ter"), at Passayunk, on the Schuylkill, where was a fort 
 named Korsholm, and a plantation given under Queen 
 Christina's own hand to Lieut. Sven Schute. 1 At 
 
 1 This conveyance, however, was not made until Aug. 20, 1053. The 
 tract was called " Mockorhultoykil," "as far as the river, with the small 
 iBland helonging thereto viz., the island of Karinge, and Kinsessing, 
 comprehending also Passuming" (Passayunk). This land, the title to 
 
 Kingsessing, reports Campanius, already dwell five 
 freemen, " who cultivate the ground and lived well." 
 This plantation was east of Cobb's Creek, near the 
 Swedes' mill. Techoherassi was Olof Stille's place, 
 on the Delaware near the mouth of Ridley's Creek, 
 and helow Tinnecum and Fort Gottenburg. Stille, 
 an original Swedish colonist, sold to the clergyman, 
 Laurentius Carolus, and then settled in Moyamensing, 
 where he took up swamp lands in 1678. In 1651 the 
 Dutch made repeated efforts to settle on the island of 
 Harommuny, or Aharommuny (which Dr. Smith, in his 
 History of Delaware County, places on the Delaware, 
 between Bow Creek and the Schuylkill), but were 
 driven off, and in 1669 this land was patented with 
 other tracts to Peter Cock, a prominent Swede under 
 the Dutch rule, magistrate, commissioner, collector 
 of customs, etc. On the same day in 1653 that Queen 
 Christiana gave the deed of Wicaco to Sven Shute, she 
 also gave to naval commander John Amundsen Besk 
 a deed for "a tract of land extending to Upland Kill." 
 In 1658 we find the Dutch Director Alrichs coveting 
 and very anxious to get control both of Cock's land 
 and Schute's also. In a letter to the Commissioner 
 of Amsterdam he speaks of " two parcels of the best 
 land on the river on the west bank, the first of which 
 is above Marietie's Hook, about two leagues along 
 the river and four leagues into the interior; the 
 second, on a guess, about three leagues along the 
 same, including Schuylkil, Passajonck, Quinsessingh, 
 right excellent land, the grants or deeds whereof, 
 signed in original by Queen Christina, I have seen." 
 He thinks this land could be bought cheaply. In 
 fact, these two tracts, if of the dimensions which 
 Alrichs accorded them, were larger than the whole of 
 Philadelphia County. Passayunk, as confiscated in 
 1667 by Governor Nicholls and given to the Ashmans, 
 Jacob, William, etc., was surveyed to contain one 
 thousand acres, and the quit-rent was fixed at ten 
 bushels of wheat every year. That was certainly 
 cheap enough. In 1664, Governor D'Hinoyossa re- 
 patented the Sven Schute tract to his heirs, Sven 
 Swensen, Sven Gondersen, Oele Swensen, and An- 
 dries Swensen, as eight hundred acres, beginning at 
 Moyamensing Kill and so stretching upwards. In 
 1676, Governor Andross patented to Jurian Hartsfelder 
 three hundred and fifty acres on Cohocksink's Creek 
 for three and a half bushels of wheat quit-rent. This 
 was sold ten years afterwards to Daniel Pegg, who 
 gave the name of Pegg's Creek or Run to the stream, 
 and this tract formed the Northern Liberties of Phila- 
 delphia. Some of it was marsh, and often flooded. 
 In 1675 the block-house at Wicaco, built in 1669 as a 
 defense against the Indians, was turned into a Swedish 
 Church, Gloria Dei, and Fabricius, the pastor, preached 
 his first sermon there on Trinity Sunday. 
 
 In 1677 the patents for land within the present 
 
 which was several times confirmed to the Swensons, Shute 'a heirs, in- 
 cluded Wicaco, and Penn,when he laid out his city in 1GS2, had to give 
 the SwensuiiB other lands in exchange for this valuable tract. 
 
74 
 
 along 
 
 an un< 
 
 until t 
 
 easteri 
 
 Hudde 
 
 of sucl 
 
 actions 
 
 grounc 
 
 that u 
 
 single 
 
 Three 
 
 built a 
 
 and a 
 
 in the 
 
 appare 
 
 chase ■ 
 
 from J 
 
 Del aw 
 
 Printz 
 
 spot; 
 
 by Ma 
 
 Passaj 
 
 he say 
 
 Swede 
 
 their : 
 
 versy, 
 
 Hudd 
 
 sachei 
 
 the S 
 
 not ei 
 
 Mater. 
 
 Uplar 
 
 on th 
 
 from t 
 
 [the I 
 
 them c 
 
 versec 
 
 very s 
 
 to 164 
 
 tied o 
 
 latter 
 
 a bloc 
 
 Unde 
 
 be ju: 
 
 year, 
 
 Wigq 
 
 Dutcl 
 
 ner," 
 
 Cai 
 
 May, 
 
 settle 
 
 ter"), 
 
 name 
 
 Chris 
 
 IThi 
 tract w 
 island 
 compri 
 
-/£3 
 
 Mm\ %ifftjt:€Hirfe Jgmniattg I%wr [i# Bgfcngtrf lte)iit ,Mut iijn^jpdm^ ^ 
 
 AOstTi-H. .,.!,.!.; .,r,V.„ /«-/, #„/,/,., A.-.J): ::(■■ „ 11.1, ,/, U. T.-lul.-JiUU, 
 
 7i«,A..-A/»n,/K.H r Jll a chi,OT #«*///./ l, .>,„„„,.,„, ,,|.. ii. (',,:!,,. 
 
 „„K,,u.-, ; rvi,,!.!,,;,.,.,, i-.„.i. r7w„„, -,';,„.„..„..■, r„.u. r\ n ; „-.i„,rii,:,.i,„ ,,,,„,„,„/ ,> sh,„.,u,,i, !■' t,..„ „'.i . 7,,,,/, >•■ i.,n,-i:,i>r.i,i. -u ...ri,ni.,&ii ■,„„■„/ i. .,,,-, u \ s \ ii. f, s i„.m. ... ,„-i i ,„,vi<..„i.. ;i™ i!viii,„i ;,.«>»,„ ///,., (: „.i.,,l,,.,it...m.,t<-ru, i .v., :-• " ":\. T ." ' n V, 
 
 ?"l5? W. MiU,,.„I.I.-li : (l.i ..rv„i,t,.„,l,;,ll I! I'].„si„„, l-„,., f»M„|.„0,, r.l.T -i; .. ..,,.. ..... ., . „, ,,| ., i ,„t, i; : ,.l.!,...h Ii,,.*,..« .S. F,,„.„ I I,!,,,.,, ».-.„.-,„. ,„.„„, .S,:„„„l,,,„ li,„L.. ,.,,.. ,..,',,l„, „....,. ,„l, Sf.„ .k,. >!., I T I - ... I. .... r ■ . I' I ; .t..,. .I- .;■!,,. ./,..,'.,.,..,'. \Y. Mdl,,,» ,„lil.-i.. 
 
 !- ZJE,. S , 3S1 „.; 5.J..,..,-JM.„„|l. S Ji.,,,,,1,,.,,,1, (, K ,, t „ [■:, I.,,,,,,, „,,..../,,./ ,,„/ - ||',f / , I „;.,,.' Kw . ,. „r /'..//.,.„/.. It.,,- :-l,„,l»- U, ,„n,..„, .„,. 1,1, ' ri^y,,!,:, ..Ii,-,. J'. , s l. ,.,,,,11, 1'. >,,, „..M«I i T, I, „ I., (,,,,„„ 1 li...,ll..,l..,.|. ., V. ,1,. ..... -1, I! I'. ,,. ..,,,,..,.1,.,..1,.,,,5I, / M. ■.•Iu ? .»j.{.yl i ....ll. »-•& 
 
 ,- ■■?.,„... a „A,r,„,J I? ..„,„.l,„„.s„.],., 13 .Wlu-u,,;,,,!,,,,..-,..;,.,,;, ,,/„,.,„,„„, I |. .s„|.|,„..,l,.„ I,,.,, I, 1.1 "SI,-, t,l.v ,»,/,.. '.'„, ., Hi In..,,* . U S,,,,,,,,^.™. IB. Ti-frok,.. Ii). T,.|.„,„l„m.l, S M -'» H;...l..,.u,i,. ll,,rl„n<n. 21. B.,„.,W„, k 22. ,11, ll„( L'.f .I.-..-,,!,., ()<>, 7,- ./„„./,•. /.'„,„' -' M.m.y.v n.l.l,,,. „, 
 
 langjniit .2.1. KaipiiluuuuH&ieiiE .s,],p„s 20 OUsquasoit. 27 J«o.,,i InAmjI fcfl 
 
THE PLANTING OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 75 
 
 limits of Philadelphia were very numerous, nearly 
 all to Swedes, and for settlement and cultivation : 
 Jan Schouten, 100 acres, west side of Schuylkill ; 
 Richard Duckett, east side, 100 acres ; John Mattson, 
 Swinton, and son Dalbro, 300 acres on west side of 
 Schuylkill, at place called Wiessakitkonk (Wissahic- 
 con) ; Thomas Jacobse, Neshaminies, next above, 
 300 acres ; Lacey Cock and James Sanderling, each 
 100 acres on Poequissing Creek ; Capt. Hans Moens, 
 on Penipake Creek, on side of the same, 300 acres; 
 Benjamin Goodsen, 100 acres, adjoining Duckett on 
 Schuylkill ; Ephraim Herman and Peter Rambo, 300 
 acres, between Pennepacker Creek and Poequessing 
 Creek, promising to seat the same. 1 The same year 
 Peter Rambo takes up 250 acres between Wicaco and 
 Hartfelder's land, but two years later is compelled to 
 surrender it to the Swensens, whose patent covers it. 
 This tract was Kuequenaku (Coaquanock), the centre 
 and navel of Penn's original Philadelphia; Lars Col- 
 man, Pell Laerson, and Peter Erickson also get 300 acres 
 near Falls of Schuylkill, and Israel Helm 200 acres 
 " up the river." In 1678 there are grants on Schuylkill 
 made, as follows : Peter Rambo and Pelle Rambo, 200 
 acres, east side ; Andreis Banksen, 200 acres ; John 
 and Andreis Wheeler, 300 acres ; Andreis Johnson, 
 200 acres ; Lasse Dalbo, 100 acres, east side ; Lasse 
 Andreis, Oele Stille, and John Mattsen, of Moya- 
 mensing, each take up 25 acres of marsh or meadow 
 between Hollandaer's and Rosamond's Kills, east side 
 of Schuylkill ; Peter Dalbo and Oele Swansen getting 
 like quantities in the same vicinity ; 200 acres are 
 granted to Thomas Nossicker, and 100 to William 
 Warner, who settled, it is said, on east side of Schuyl- 
 kill as early as 1658. There were grants also of 250 
 acres on Neshaminy Creek to Dirck Williams and 
 Edmund Draufton and son ; 300 acres at Sachamax- 
 ing from Lawrence Cock to Elizabeth Kinsey, and 
 Sir R. Carr shows a deed, dated 1673, for a church- 
 house and garden in Kingsessing. 2 
 
 Penn's original plans were for a city of 10,000 acres. 
 There are 82,600 acres in the county of Philadelphia. 
 In the list above given, defective as it is, and cutting 
 all grants down to their minimum, it is shown that 
 5400 acres of this land was patented and the most of 
 it occupied between 1640 and 1680. The greater part 
 of this rapid development, which began with grants 
 of league-wide tracts and ended with petitions for 
 twenty-five-acre lots of submerged marsh and swamp, 
 occurred after the Dutch power had ceased upon the 
 Delaware River. Security came in with English rule, 
 and it was fostered by capital and enterprise. 
 
 The circumstances which led to the overthrow of the 
 Dutch in the New Netherlands do not demand any 
 long recital. The facts are few, and there is no stir- 
 
 1 Tho accounts of Itieso iti-eda may bo found in various places in Haz- 
 ard's Annals, Smith's History of Delaware County, Ferris' "Early 
 ntfl,"etc. 
 
 ' The irregular spelling of names in the text is a reflection of the old 
 records, where every deed almost bIiowb variations. 
 
 ring episode in connection with them. No revolution 
 could have been more tame, no transfer of an empire 
 more apathetic. The Dutch had always had the sa- 
 gacity to know that the English were their worst 
 enemies in this continent. New Netherland lay like 
 a wedge between Virginia and New England, sepa- 
 rating and weakening those colonies, while at the 
 same time it kept both from access to the best soils, 
 the most desirable and salubrious climates, and the 
 boldest navigable waters in America. From the time 
 of Lord Baltimore's settlement on the Chesapeake 
 (1634), the pressure which the Dutch felt so much 
 upon their eastern frontier was repeated with an 
 added strain on the southern. Baltimore's charter 
 called for all the land north of the Potomac and 
 south of the fortieth parallel. This line would have 
 included the present site of Philadelphia, and Balti- 
 more was urgent in asserting his claim. He sent Col. 
 Nathaniel Utie to New Amstel (now New Castle) to 
 give notice of his rights and how he meant to enforce 
 them, and his ambassador went among the simple- 
 hearted, timid Dutch and Swedes like a hectoring 
 constable armed with a distraint warrant. Utie and 
 others assisted the Indians who were at war with 
 those tribes who were clients and allies of the Dutch, 
 and Fendall and Calvert repeatedly made it appear 
 that they meant to invade the South River colony 
 and overthrow the Dutch power, either by sailing in 
 at the mouth of the Delaware or by an invasion over- 
 land by way of Elk River. So great was the pressure 
 put upon them that the Dutch abandoned their set- 
 tlements about the Horekills and withdrew farther 
 up the bay. As a further precaution and to erect " a 
 wall between them and the English of Maryland," 
 the Dutch West India Company ceded to the city 
 of Amsterdam, to which it owed heavy debts, its 
 entire jurisdiction over the South River colony. 
 
 But the English to be dreaded did not live in the 
 colonies but at home. The Stuarts were in power 
 again, and so greedy were they and their followers, 
 after their long fast during the period of the Com- 
 monwealth and the Protectorate, that England, 
 though clean stripped, did not furnish spoils enough 
 to "go round." Charles II., moreover, had no liking 
 for the Dutch, and it had already become the policy 
 of Great Britain to obtain control of the North 
 American continent. On March 12, 1664 (O. S.), 
 the king granted to his brother James, Duke of York 
 and Albany (afterwards King James II.), a patent 
 for all the land embraced between the St. Croix 
 River on the north and the Delaware Bay on the 
 south. This covered all of New England, New York, 
 and New Jersey, but it did not include the west side 
 of the Delaware River and Bay, showing clearly that 
 the king respected his father's charter conveying 
 this territory to Calvert. All of the land granted by 
 this patent, from the St. Croix River to the Passaic, 
 had been previously conceded to the Plymouth or 
 North Virginia Company in 1589 by King James I. 
 
76 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 The duke, in July, sold or granted the territory be- 
 tween the Hudson and Delaware Rivers — the whole 
 of New Jersey, in fact — to Lord Berkeley and Sir 
 George Carteret. War between the English and 
 Dutch broke out two months after the Duke of York 
 received his patent, and the latter, who was lord high 
 admiral of the British navy, at once (May 25th, O.S.) 
 fitted out an expedition to capture the New Nether- 
 lands, — in other words, to take possession of the 
 country patented to him by his brother. The expe- 
 dition, consisting of four vessels, with one hundred 
 and twelve guns and three hundred soldiers, besides 
 the ships' crews, was under command of Col. Richard 
 Nichols, who was accompanied by Sir Robert Carr, 
 Kt., George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, com- 
 missioners to the several English colonies to hear 
 complaints, redress grievances, and settle the "peace 
 and security of the country." Their instructions 
 bound them first to reduce the Dutch colonies, as 
 the fountain of sedition and sanctuary of discontent 
 and mutiny, to " an entire obedience." The mas- 
 sacres of Amboyna were cited in proof that the 
 Dutch were not fit to be intrusted with great power, 
 and it was declared to be "high time to put them 
 without a capacity of doing the same mischief in 
 America, by reducing them to the same rule and 
 obedience with the English subjects there." Sub- 
 mission to English authority was all that was to be 
 required of them, and no man who submitted was to 
 be "disturbed or removed from what he possessed." 
 
 The Dutch, both at home and in New Netherland, 
 were acquainted with the expedition and its objects, 
 but took no real measures of defense. The first ves- 
 sel of the expedition arrived at the outer bay of New 
 Amsterdam August 25th, and a proclamation was at 
 once issued, offering protection to all who submitted. 
 Stuyvesant repaired the walls of his fort, but he could 
 not rally the people to reinforce the garrison. They 
 would not leave their villages and boueries, their wives 
 and children, upon any such venture. On the 30th, 
 Col. Nichols demanded the surrender of the fort and 
 island, replying to Stuyvesant's commissioners that 
 he was not there to argue questions of title, but to 
 obey orders, and the place must surrender to him 
 without debate, or he would find means to compel it 
 to do so. Stuyvesant was still disposed to argue, to 
 temporize, to fight if he could, but the frigate ran up 
 alongside the fort, broadside on, and demanded an 
 immediate surrender. The people assembled in town- 
 meeting and declared their helplessness, the dominies 
 and the old women laid siege to Stuyvesant, and on 
 the 9th of September, 1664, New Amsterdam surren- 
 dered, the Dutch marching out of their fort with all 
 their arms, drums beating, and colors flying. The 
 terms of the capitulation were very liberal, consider- 
 ing that no defense was possible. In fact, the English 
 did not want any war. They sought territory, and 
 they knew that that takes half its value from being 
 in a pacific state. 
 
 After arranging affairs at New Amsterdam, the 
 name of which was now changed to New York, Sir 
 Robert Carr, with two frigates and some soldiers, was 
 sent to the Delaware to receive the submission of the 
 Dutch there. They reached New Amstel on Septem- 
 ber 30th. The inhabitants at once yielded, but the 
 truculent D'Hinoyossa, with Alricks and Van Swer- 
 ingen, threw himself into the fort and declined to come 
 to terms. Carr landed some troops, made his frigates 
 pour two broadsides into the fortress, and then incon- 
 tinently took it by storm, the Dutch losing three men 
 killed and ten wounded, the English none. The re- 
 sult of D'Hinoyossa's foolhardiness was the sack of 
 the fort, the plunder of the town, the confiscation of 
 the governor's property, as well as that of several of 
 his supporters, and the selling of the Dutch soldiers 
 into Virginia as slaves. A good many negro slaves 
 also were confiscated and sold, a cargo of nearly three 
 hundred of these unhappy beings having just landed 
 at South Amboy and been run across the Delaware 
 with the idea of escaping the English in New York. 
 The name of New Amstel was changed to New Castle, 
 and D'Hinoyossa retired to Maryland, where he was 
 naturalized and lived for several years in Talbot 
 County, but finally finding he could not recover his 
 property, which had been taken by Carr and others, 
 he returned to Holland, entered the Dutch army, and 
 fought in the wars against Louis XIV. 
 
 In May, 1667, Nichols was superseded by Sir Fran- 
 cis Lovelace as governor of the Dutch settlements on 
 the North and South Rivers, and in July of that year 
 peace was made between the Dutch and English on 
 the basis of the uti possedetU. In August, 1669, some 
 disturbance arose on the Delaware in consequence of 
 the conduct of a Swede called "the long Finn," who 
 gave himself out as the son of General Count Konigs- 
 mark, made seditious speeches, and tried to incite some 
 sort of a rebellion. He is thought to have had the 
 countenance, if not the active support, of Printz's 
 daughter, Armgart Pappegoya. He was arrested, put 
 in irons, tried, convicted, and sentenced to be publicly 
 whipped, branded on the face and breast, and sent to 
 the Barbadoes to be sold, all of which was done as set 
 forth. 
 
 In 1673 war again broke out between the Dutch 
 and English in consequence of the malign influence 
 of Louis XIV. upon Charles II. The French king 
 invaded the Netherlands with two hundred thousand 
 men, and there was a series of desperate naval bat- 
 tles between the combined French and English fleets, 
 with one hundred and fifty ships, and the Dutch fleet 
 of seventy-five vessels, under De Ruyter and the 
 younger Tromp. The last of these battles, fought off 
 the Helder, resulted in the defeat of the allied squad- 
 rons, and the Prince of Orange at once dispatched sev- 
 eral vessels under Binekes and the gallant Evertsen to 
 recover possession of New Netherlands. The British 
 made but little resistance, while the Dutch welcomed 
 their old friends. Lovelace fled, and in a few days the 
 
aWiML 
 
 I 
 
 . . . ■ ; ■ ■ 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 77 
 
 Dutch had resumed control of all their old provinces 
 in North America. Capt. Anthony Colve was made 
 governor, but there were only a few administrative 
 changes, though a general confiscation act was passed 
 against the English. In 1674, February 10th (0. S.), 
 the treaty of Westminster was signed, and peace again 
 made between the Dutch and English, with a proviso 
 enforcing the restitution of all countries taken during 
 the late war. Under this treaty the English resumed 
 their conquests of 1664. The Duke of York's patents 
 were renewed, and the duke appointed Sir Edmund 
 Andross governor over the whole country from the 
 west side of the Connecticut River to the east side of 
 the Delaware. Andross arrived out November 10th, 
 and at once proceeded to restore the statu quo ante hel- 
 ium as far as he could. He was an astute, well-informed 
 man, of good habits, with the tact of a practiced 
 courtier, and many of the rare accomplishments of a 
 statesman. Under his administration and that of 
 his deputies on the Delaware, Capt. Cantwell, Capt. 
 Collier, and Christopher Billop, the settlements on 
 the South River prospered, and grew rapidly in pop- 
 ulation, resources, and in sympathy and fellow-feel- 
 ing with the other colonies. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 The excellent Friend, Samuel M. Janney, of Lou- 
 doun County, Va., in the preface to his " Life of Wil- 
 liam Penn," published in November, 1851, concludes 
 by saying, " While engaged in the preparation of this 
 volume, I have derived both instruction and enjoy- 
 ment from studying the character and writings of 
 Penn ; and when, in its progress, I came to the period 
 of his death, my mind was overspread with sadness, 
 as though I had lost a personal friend." Every in- 
 telligent and thoughtful person, we should think, must 
 rise from the attentive study of Penn's life and works 
 and the contemplation of his character with similar 
 feelings and reflections. The founder of Pennsylva- 
 nia and the man whose influence did so much to mould 
 the rough, uncouth Quakerism of George Fox into 
 comely shape, and give it some sort of standing in 
 and with the outside world by teaching it moderation 
 and decorum, has left such a large and indelible per- 
 sonal impress upon his work that we can understand 
 and fully appreciate that in no other way than by ex- 
 amining it in the light of his genius. Happily the 
 task is not difficult. William Penn was above all 
 things else a man, with like passions unto ourselves. 
 II'' was a great man in an age remarkable for men of 
 towering genius and conspicuous individuality; he 
 lived in strange times of turmoil, confusion, and un- 
 certainty, in which the current of events flowed along 
 witli a double stream, resembling that of the Missis- 
 
 sippi at St. Louis, upon the left bank a tawny, turbid 
 volume of corruption, riot, filth, debauchery, and 
 vacillating irresponsible tyranny such as was never 
 recorded in the chronicles of England before nor 
 since, and flowing side by side with it on the right a 
 deep, clear, yet mysterious blue tide of religious con- 
 templation and pietistic ecstasy and exercise, — anew- 
 born, non-militant Puritanism, which sought to found 
 a democratic church without head and without ritual, 
 such as the State could not control because unable to 
 reach it, and such as persecution would assail in vain 
 because encountering no resistance. Penn's relations 
 to these times and events and the men active in them 
 were numerous, far-reaching, various, and intricate, 
 but over and above these his character shines forth 
 almost invariably bright and pure, simple and serene. 
 He was in these things, but not of them, and whether 
 he was walking the lobby among the courtiers or in- 
 terceding for some victim of hardship or tyranny in 
 the king's closet at Whitehall, or locked up in New- 
 gate or the Tower, his thoughts rose above and reached 
 beyond his immediate surroundings, taking him to 
 his pretty and peaceful home in Hertfordshire or Sus- 
 sex, or to some " brave" and " improving" and " prec- 
 ious" meeting in company with Fox, Barclay, Keith, 
 Turner, and others, or leading him into deep and 
 fruitful meditations upon the " Divine Experiment," 
 as he was wont to call his American colonies, the 
 germs of which were already planted in his heart. 
 There were some exceptions to this lofty elevation of 
 life, thought, and purpose, but only so many as were 
 needed to prove that Penn was human, fallible, and 
 lived in an age steeped in corruption. 
 
 It will serve the objects of this history to pause here 
 to inquire how Penn came to be led to entertain seri- 
 ously the project of founding upon the banks of the 
 Delaware a self-governing commonwealth, the roots 
 of which should draw sap from the fundamental prin- 
 ciples of universal religion, while its branches should 
 be free as air to spread abroad wheresoever they listed. 
 The process was necessarily a gradual one, and the 
 influences which finally settled his determination were 
 numerous and diverse. 
 
 At once a scholar and a courtier, a man of the 
 world and a man of books, Penn was neither an as- 
 cetic nor a fanatic. The least bit of formalism 
 flavored his character, but it was altogether outward, 
 and he wore it easily as he wore his cloak. The 
 broad and deep channels through which his specula- 
 tion and thought made their way were much less 
 under the guidance of the severe and logical processes 
 which directed the minds of men like Fox and Bar- 
 clay, Baxter and Stillingfleet, than they were obe- 
 dient to the quick suggestions of his warm and fruc- 
 tifying imagination. He was an enthusiast, but his 
 enthusiasm was colored by his large, genial heart and 
 his benevolent disposition, as it was tempered and 
 modulated also by his native shrewdness, his reading, 
 and his carefully acquired knowledge of men, which 
 
Tfi 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 constant intercourse with the world had confirmed to 
 him. It seems probable that the stories of his father, 
 the admiral, about the conquest of Jamaica and of the 
 tropical splendors of that beautiful island first turned 
 the attention of Penn to our continent. He was twelve 
 or thirteen years old when he would have heard these 
 things, and while growing in beauty and manliness, he 
 was already seeing the visions and dreaming the 
 dreams which visit none but children of great imagi- 
 nation and extreme sensitiveness. When Penn went 
 to Oxford, at the age of sixteen, he seems to have 
 studied the English literature of the two preceding 
 generations more closely than his text-books. He 
 knew the Puritan idea as expounded by Vane and 
 Hollis, and the Utopian schemes for ideal common- 
 wealths as set forth by Sir Thomas More, Bacon, 
 Harington, and others. He felt then, with a sense of 
 personal injustice, the pressure of an established 
 hierarchy upon the individual, as illustrated in his 
 own expulsion from Christ Church College for non- 
 conformity, and it is certain that he studied theology, 
 theoretical and dogmatic, very assiduously while at 
 Saumur under the tutelage of that learned expounder 
 of Genevan doctrine, Moses Amyrault. 1 It was while 
 on the continent, contemporaneously with these stu- 
 dies, that Penn made the acquaintance of Algernon 
 Sidney, that honest old English republican, tired of 
 exile, yet unwilling to purchase a return home at the 
 cost of sacrificing his ideas, and eager to expound 
 those ideas to any English hearer who might chance 
 to come his way. 
 
 When Penn had lived a few years longer in courts 
 and among men he realized the fact that the Friends 
 could not escape persecution nor enjoy without taint 
 their peculiar religious seclusion, nor could his ideal 
 commonwealth be planted in such a society as that 
 of Europe. It must seek new and virgin soil, where 
 it could form its own manners and ripen its own code. 
 Then, in 1672, came home George Fox, fresh from his 
 journey through the wilderness and his visits to the 
 Quaker settlements in New Jersey and Maryland, in 
 which latter province the ancient meetings of Anne 
 
 1 Penn's curious acqnaiiitanrc with theology not only served him many 
 a good turn in the polemical controversies, iu which lie took a not too 
 pacific delight for a Quaker, hut it often aided him to turn the tables 
 upon his adversaries in business of a more practical character. Thus when 
 the early Quakers in Maryland were disturbed in their minds about the 
 question of oaths, which bad already prevented John Edmondston, of 
 Talbot County, from taking bis seat iu the Assembly, though often 
 elected, Penn wrote to them (Anno 1673) a letter of advice as to how to 
 deal with the officials of a Catholic colony. He referred them to Po- 
 lybius, Grotius, Bishop Gaudeus, etc. ; alluded to the fact that Christhad 
 forbidden " vain swearing," and added : " Thirdly. That it is not only 
 our flense: Polycarpus, Ponticus, Blandina, Basilid.es, primitive martyrs, 
 were of this mind, and Justin Martyr, Cyprian, Origen, Lactantius, 
 Clemens Alexaudriuus, Basilius, Magnus ChryBostom Theophylact ( 
 (Ecumenius, Chromatins, Euthymius (Fathers) so read the text, not to 
 mention any of the Protestant martyrs. Therefore should they be ten- 
 der." He thus in effectarrayod against the slaves of authority tlio whole 
 panel of patriotic writers whom the Catholic Church revere as only a 
 little below the apostles in inspiration, and it was this subtlety and 
 skillful adjustment of means to end iu argument which, more than any- 
 thing else, led to the epithet of " Jesuit" being attached to Penn. 
 
 Arundel and Talbot were already important gather- 
 ings of a happy people entirely free from persecutions. 
 We may imagine how eagerly and closely Penn read 
 Fox's journals and the letters of Edmondston, Wen- 
 lock Christison, and others about their settlements. 
 
 In 1675, when his disgust with European society 
 and his consciousness of the impossibility to effect 
 radical reform there had been confirmed and deep- 
 ened, Penn became permanently identified with 
 American colonial affairs, and was put in the best 
 possible position for acquiring a full and accurate 
 knowledge of the resources and possibilities of the 
 country between the Susquehanna and the Hudson. 
 This, which Mr. Janney calls " an instance in which 
 Divine Providence seemed to open for him a field of 
 labors to which he was eminently adapted," arose out 
 of the fact of his being chosen as arbitrator in the 
 disputes growing out of the partition of the West 
 Jersey lands. As has already been stated, on March 
 12, 1664, King Charles II. granted to his brother 
 James, Duke of York and Albany, a patent for all 
 the lands in New England from the St. Croix River 
 to the Delaware. This patent, meant to lead directly 
 up to the overthrow of the Dutch power in New 
 Netherland, was probably also intended no less as a 
 hostile demonstration against the New England Puri- 
 tan colonies, which both the brothers hated cordially, 
 and which latterly had grown so independent and 
 had so nearly established their own autonomy as to 
 provoke more than one charge that they sought 
 presently to abandon all allegiance due from them to 
 the mother-country. At any rate, the New England 
 colonies at once attempted to organize themselves 
 into a confederacy for purposes of mutual defense 
 against the Indians and Canadian French, as was 
 alleged, but for divers other and weighty reasons, as 
 many colonists did not hesitate to proclaim. 2 The 
 Duke of York secured New York, Pennsylvania, 
 and Delaware to himself as his own private posses- 
 sions. That part of New Netherland lying between 
 the Hudson and the Delaware Rivers was forth- 
 with (in 1664, before Nicolls sailed from Portsmouth 
 to take New York) conveyed by the duke, by deeds 
 of lease and release, to John Lord Berkeley and Sir 
 George Carteret. The latter being governor of the 
 Channel Islands at the time, the new colony was 
 called New Jersey, or rather Nova Coesarea, in the 
 original grant. In 1675, Lord Berkeley sold for one 
 thousand pounds his undivided half-share in New 
 Jersey to John Fenwick, in trust for Edward Billinge 
 and his assigns. Fenwick and Billinge were both 
 Quakers, and Billinge was bankrupt. Not long after 
 this conveyance Fenwick and Billinge fell out about 
 
 2 This was a revival of the old New England confederacy of 1643, of 
 lato crippled and made ineffective by inter-colonial disseusious. It 
 finally fell to pieces through the destruction of local self-government 
 and the substitution of royal governors in the New England colonies 
 between 1664 and 1684. Sco Richard Erothinghaiu's " Kise of the Re- 
 public," chap. ii. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 T!> 
 
 the property, and, after the custom of the Friends, 
 the dispute was submitted to arbitration. The dis- 
 putants fixed upon William Penn as arbitrator. 
 When he made his award, Fenwick was not satisfied 
 and refused to abide by Penn's decision, which, in- 
 deed, gave Fenwick only a tenth of Lord Berkeley's 
 share in the joint tenancy, reserving the remaining 
 nine-tenths to Billinge, but giving Fenwick a money 
 payment besides. Penn was offended at Fenwick's 
 recalcitrancy, and wrote him some sharp letters. 
 "Thy days spend on," he said, "and make the best 
 of what thou hast. Thy grandchildren may be in 
 the other world before the land thou hast allotted 
 will be employed." Penn stuck to his decision, and, 
 for that matter, Fenwick likewise maintained his 
 grievance. He sailed for the Delaware at the head 
 of a colony, landed at Salem, N. J., and commenced 
 a settlement. Here he carried matters with such a 
 high hand, patenting land, distributing office, etc., 
 that he made great trouble for himself and others 
 also. His authority was not recognized, and for sev- 
 eral years the name of Maj. John Fenwick fills a 
 large place in the court records of Upland and New 
 York, where he was frequently imprisoned and sued 
 for damages by many injured persons. 
 
 Billinge's business embarrassments increasing, he 
 made over his interest in the territory to his creditors, 
 appointing Penn, with Gawen Lawrie, of London, and 
 Nicholas Lucas, of Hertford, two of the creditors, as 
 trustees in the matter. The plan was not to sell, but 
 improve the property for the benefit of the creditors. 
 To this end a partition of the province was made, aline 
 being drawn through Little Egg Harborto a point near 
 where Port Jervis now is. The part of the province 
 on the right of this line, called East New Jersey, the 
 most settled portion of the territory, was assigned to 
 Carteret. That on the left, West New Jersey, was 
 deeded to Billinge's trustees. A form of government 
 was at once established for West Jersey, in which 
 Penn's hand is distinctly " seen. The basis was 
 liberty of person and conscience, " the power in the 
 people," local self-government, and amelioration of 
 the criminal code. The territory was next divided 
 into one hundred parts, ten being assigned to Fen- 
 wick and ninety to Billinge's trustees, and the land 
 was opened for sale and occupancy, being extensively 
 advertised, and particularly recommended to Friends. 
 In 1677 and 1678 five vessels sailed for West New 
 Jersey, with eight hundred emigrants, nearly all 
 Quakers. Two companies of these, one from York- 
 shire, the other from London, bought large tracts of 
 land, and sent out commissioners to quiet Indian 
 titles and lay off the properties. At Chygoes Island 
 they located a town, first called Beverly, then Bird- 
 lington, then Burlington.' There was a regular treaty 
 
 1 Tin- value of Indian lands at that time to tho savages may bo gath- 
 ered from Iho |>rico paid in 1677 for twonty miles square on the Dela- 
 ware between Timber ami Oldman's Creeks, to wit : 30 match-coats (made 
 of hairy wool with the rough side out), 20 guns, 30 kottlos, 1 great kettle, 
 
 with the Indians, and the Friends not only secured 
 peace for themselves, but paved the way for the 
 pacific relations so firmly sealed by Penn's subsequent 
 negotiations with the savages. The Burlington colony 
 prospered, and was reinforced by new colonists con- 
 tinually arriving in considerable numbers. In 1680, 
 Penn, as counsel for the trustees of West New Jersey, 
 succeeded, by means of a vigorous and able remon- 
 strance, in getting the Duke of York, then proprietary 
 of New York, to remove an onerous tax on imports 
 and exports imposed by the Governor of New York 
 and collected at the Horekill. The next year Penn 
 became part proprietor of East New Jersey, which 
 was sold under the will of Sir George Carteret, then 
 deceased, to pay his debts. A board of twenty-four 
 proprietaries was organized, Penn being one, and to 
 them the Duke of York made a fresh grant of East 
 New Jersey, dated March 14, 1682, Robert Barclay 
 becoming Governor, while Penn's friend Billinge was 
 made Governor of West New Jersey. Both these 
 governments were surrendered to the crown in Queen 
 Anne's reign, April 15, 1702. 
 
 While Penn was thus acquiring knowledge of and 
 strong property interests in America, two other cir- 
 cumstances occurred to intensify his impatience with 
 the state of affairs in England. One was the insen- 
 sate so-called "Popish plot" of Titus Oates, the other 
 the defeat of his friend, Algernon Sidney, for Parlia- 
 ment. From the date of these events Penn began to 
 look steadily westward, and prepared himself for his 
 "Holy" or "Divine Experiment." And now, before 
 detailing the history of this great experiment, and 
 describing one of its results in this fair city of which 
 
 30 pair of hose, 20 fathoms of duffels (Duffleld blanket cloth, of which 
 match-coats were made), 30 petticoats, 30 narrow hoes, 30 bars of lead, 
 15 small barrels of powder, 70 knives, 30 Indian axes, 70 combs, 60 pair 
 of tobacco tongs, 60 pair of scissors, 60 tinshaw looking-glasses, 120 
 awl-blades, 120 fish-hooks, 2 grasps of red paint, 120 needles, 60 tobacco- 
 boxes, 120 pipes, 200 bells, 100 jews-harps, and 6 anchors of rum." The 
 value of these articles probably did not exceed three hundred pounds 
 sterling. But, on the other hand, the Indian titles were really worth 
 nothing, except so far as they served as a security against Indian hos- 
 tility. It has been said that there is not an acre of land in the eastern 
 part of Pennsylvania the deeds of which cannot be traced up to an 
 Indian title, but that in effect would be no title at all. Mr. Lawrence 
 Lewis, in his learned and luminous ' Essay on Original Laud Titles in 
 Philadelphia," denies this absolutely, and says that it is " impossible to 
 trace with any accuracy" the titles to land in Philadelphia derived from 
 the Indians. Nor is it necessary to trace a title which is of no value. 
 The Indians could not sell land to iudividuais and give valid title forit 
 in any of the colonies ; they could sell, if they chose, but only to the 
 government. Upon this subject the lawyers are explicit. All good 
 titles in the thirteen original colonies are derived from land-grants, 
 made or accepted not by the Indians, but by the British crown. Thus 
 Chalmers (Political Annals, 677) says, "The law of nations sternly 
 disregarded the possession of the aborigines, because they bad not been 
 admitted into the society of nations." At the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence (see Dallas' Eeports, ii. 470) every acre of land in this country was 
 held, mediately or immediately, by grantB from the crown. All our 
 institutions (Wheaton, viii. 588) recognize the absolute title of the 
 crown, subject only to the Indian right of occupancy, and recognize 
 tho absolute titlo of the crown to extinguish that right. An Indian 
 conveyance alone could give no title to an individual. (The references 
 here given are quoted from the accurate Frothingham's " Rise of the 
 Republic") 
 
80 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 we write, it is proper to say a few words concerning 
 the life of the great founder. 
 
 William Penn was born in London, in St. Catha- 
 rine's Parish, hard by the Tower, Oct. 14, 1644. His 
 father was Vice-Admiral Sir William Penn, his 
 mother Margaret Jasper, daughter of a well-to-do 
 Rotterdam merchant. They were united Jan. 6, 1643, 
 when the elder Penn, though only twenty years old, 
 had already received his commission as post-captain 
 in the royal navy, and William was their first child. 
 Admiral Penn was a kind-hearted, genial, but shrewd 
 
 ARMS OF PENN. 
 
 and observant man of the world. He was a skillful 
 sailor and navigator, very brave and prompt, a man 
 of action, a man also who was determined to get on 
 in the world which he saw about him. He had set 
 his hopes on a fortune and the peerage. The fortune 
 he got; the peerage he would have secured but for 
 his son William's adhesion to the doctrine of the 
 Friends. At court he steered himself as adroitly as 
 he had steered his fleet amid the reefs and cays of 
 the Antilles on his way to Jamaica and Hispaniola. 
 He owed his early promotion and appointment to 
 Cromwell, but when he thought the times were ripe 
 he deliberately betrayed the Protector and offered 
 his fleet to Charles II. He was a great favorite with 
 Charles and the Duke of York, and the latter became 
 his son's chief protector for the father's sake. He 
 was impetuous, irascible, yet strongly attached to his 
 family and their interests as he interpreted them. It 
 is almost pathetic to notice the many efforts he made 
 to reclaim his son from what he regarded as his way- 
 ward departure from common sense in joining the 
 Society of Friends. He at first beat the boy and 
 turned him out-doors, then sent him abroad in the 
 best company, and with a pocket full of money, to 
 make the grand tour of Europe, and learn gayety and 
 frivolity enough to enable him to shine at court. 
 He dispatched him to become a member of the bril- 
 liant family of the Duke of Ormond, viceroy of Ire- 
 
 land. But the young man proved, as his father 
 thought, incorrigible, and he was again beaten, 
 kicked out of the house, and left to shift for himself. 
 Finally, when, broken in health and spirits, and dis- 
 appointed in his fondest anticipations, the admiral 
 found himself on his death-bed, he had learned to 
 admire his son's skill and quickness in polemical 
 fence, and the calm, unbending, uncomplaining for- 
 titude with which he bore persecution, insult, and 
 imprisonment. "Son William," he whispered, just 
 before he died, "if you and your friends keep to your 
 plain way of preaching and to your plain way of 
 living, you will make an end of the priests to the 
 end of the world." 
 
 Lady Penn seems to have been as quiet and domes- 
 tic as Sir William was gay and worldly. Pepys said, 
 twenty years after her marriage, that she had been 
 very handsome and " is now very discreet." It is not 
 improbable that John Jasper, the merchant of Rot- 
 terdam, may have been of Puritan stock or affinities; 
 it is nearly certain that from his mother Penn derived 
 the strength of his early religious impressions, his 
 tendency to sobriety of thought and conversation, and 
 his quiet but deep enthusiasm, just as he inherited 
 from his father the quick mother-wit, the shrewdness 
 in bargaining, and the political and courtier-like skill 
 in dealing with men of all ranks and judging all sorts 
 of characters which so often stood him in good stead 
 in the experiences of his checkered life. Those early 
 religious impressions, whatever their source, grew with 
 the boy's growth and strengthened with his strength. 
 While he was yet at Chigwell grammar school he had 
 visions of the "Inner Light," though he as yet had 
 never heard Fox's name mentioned. He was not a 
 puny child, though he must have been a studious one. 
 He delighted and excelled in field sports, boating, 
 running, hunting, and athletic exercises. He was 
 sent from the grammar school to Oxford, and entered 
 as a fellow-commoner in Christ Church College at the 
 early age of fifteen. The dean of Christ Church was 
 the famous polemical writer, Dr. John Owen; South 
 was orator of the university, Locke was a fellow of 
 Christ Church, and the profligate but witty Wilmot 
 was a fellow-commoner. Penn studied assiduously, 
 he joined the "serious set," he went to hear Thomas 
 Loe preach the new gospel of the Society of Friends, 
 he resented the discipline which the college attempted 
 to put upon him and his intimates in consequence, 
 and he was expelled the university for rejecting the 
 surplice and rioting in the quadrangle. His father 
 beat him, relented, and sent him to France, where he 
 came home with the manners and dress of a courtier, 
 but saturated with Genevan theology. Pepys says he 
 looked quite " modish," and Pepys was a judge of 
 dress. He had shown in Paris that he could use his 
 rapier gallantly, and his father took him to sea with 
 him, to prove to the court, when he returned as bearer 
 of dispatches, that he was capable of beginning the 
 career of office. The plague of London set him again 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 81 
 
 upon a train of serious thinking, and his father to 
 counteract this sent him to the Duke of Ormond, at 
 the same time giving him charge of his Irish estates. 
 Penn danced in Dublin and fought at Carrickfergus 
 equally well, and he even applied for a troop of horse. 
 He was a very handsome young fellow, and armor and 
 lace became him mightily, as his portrait of this date 
 shows. But at Cork he met Thomas Loe again, and 
 heard a sermon upon the text "There is a faith which 
 overcomes the world, and there is a faith which is 
 overcome by the world." Penn came out of this 
 meeting a confirmed Quaker. His father recalled 
 him, but could not break his convictions, and then 
 again he was driven from home, but his mother still 
 found means to supply his needs. He now joined the 
 Quakers regularly, and became the most prominent of 
 the followers of that singularly eccentric but singu- 
 larly gifted leader of men, George Fox. Penn's affec- 
 tion for Fox was deep and strong. He repeatedly got 
 " the man in the leather breeches" released from jail, 
 and he gave him a thousand acres of land out of the 
 first surveys made in Pennsylvania. Fox had great 
 influence over him, and it is likely that Penn recipro- 
 cally wrought upon Fox's character for his benefit. 
 
 We must not lightly regard the sacrifices of this 
 handsome young enthusiast. He was a favorite ; 
 he had the manners to push him at court ; he had 
 certain and powerful influences upon his side ; yet, 
 instead of taking the step that would make him Lord 
 Weymouth, he became a preacher for a despised sect, 
 universally treated as zealots or lunatics, whose stead- 
 fast disregard of a statute made them continually in- 
 mates of the loathsome gaols of England. Penn did 
 this for conscience' sake ; and he was neither a zealot 
 nor a lunatic, but an English gentleman, fond of dress, 
 comfort, ease, and something like luxury, an accom- 
 plished courtier, a thorough business man, and one 
 of the shrewdest students and judges of character. 
 Penn preached in public as Fox was doing, and so 
 well that he soon found Himself a prisoner in the 
 Tower of London, where, when brought up for trial, he 
 defended himself so ably as to prove that he could 
 have become a great lawyer had he so chosen. He 
 profited by his imprisonments to issue a series of 
 works, chiefly controversial, which revealed a writer 
 of great force and perspicuity and acuteness. He 
 could not perhaps cope with Baxter, but he vanquished 
 nearly every opponent who came against him. Penn 
 married in 1672, his wife being Gulielma Springett, 
 daughter of Sir William Springett, a lady of lovely 
 person and sweet temper. It was a love-match ; " re- 
 member," he says in his beautiful letter to wife and 
 children on his departure for America, "remember 
 thou wast the love of my youth and much the joy of 
 my life ; the most beloved, as well as the most worthy 
 of all my earthly comforts; and the reason of that 
 love was more thy inward than thy outward excel- 
 lences, which yet were many." But Penn did not 
 give many weeks to his honeymoon. He was soon 
 11 
 
 at his work again, wrestling for the truth, and, it must 
 be said, wrestling still more lustily, as one who wres- 
 tles for victory, with the oppressors of the faithful. 
 In this cause he went to court again, resumed his re- 
 lations with the Duke of York, and secured that 
 prince's influence in behalf of his persecuted sect. 
 This semi-alliance of Penn with the duke led up di- 
 rectly to the settlement of Pennsylvania. When, after 
 Penn's return from his first visit to America, he re- 
 sumed his place at court upon the accession of James 
 II., he became one of the most considerable men in 
 the kingdom. He had the monarch's private ear, and 
 his influence was all the time exerted on the side of 
 justice and humanity, while he expended the best 
 efforts of his natural courtier's tact and shrewd 
 mother-wit in the vain endeavor to save a predes- 
 tined despot and fanatic from the consequences of 
 his fatal errors and blind follies. 
 
 After James' abdication came persecution, debts, 
 semi-exile, affliction of every sort to the Quaker 
 courtier. His wife died, his son went to the bad, his 
 steward robbed and betrayed him, his province and 
 people were ungrateful, he was accused of treason, 
 hunted by the royal pursuivants, and reduced to pov- 
 erty. There came an Indian summer of prosperity 
 after this, when, acquitted of debt, and accusations 
 dismissed, married to another wife, and glad to see 
 how his work thrived, he returned to his province 
 and enjoyed a brief reign of luxurious indolence and 
 importance at his manor and mansion of Pennsbury. 
 Then his government was again threatened by the 
 royal power, and he reluctantly went back to Eng- 
 land, to find his affairs all disordered. " I never was 
 so low and so reduced," he writes to James Logan. 
 "O Pennsylvania," he says later on, in the bitterness 
 of his spirit, " what hast thou not cost me? Above 
 £30,000 more than I ever got by it, two hazardous 
 and most fatiguing voyages, my straits and slavery 
 here, and my son's soul almost!" He was forced 
 into prison for debt, and when finally released, re- 
 sumed his labors as a minister at the age of sixty-five. 
 Soon after this he was paralyzed, his vigorous intel- 
 lect dwindled away to second-childishness, but his 
 sweetness of temper and disposition were still retained 
 to the last, and in a way which evidently made a strong 
 impression on all who saw him. " No insanity, no 
 lunacy," says his old friend, Thomas Story, after a 
 visit to him, " at all appeared in his actions, and his 
 mind was in an innocent state, as appeared by his 
 loving deportment to all that came near him ; and 
 that he had still a good sense of truth is plain by 
 some very clear sentences he spoke in the life and 
 power of truth in an evening meeting we had to- 
 gether there, wherein we were greatly comforted, so 
 that I was ready to think this was a sort of seques- 
 tration of him from all the concerns of this life, 
 which so much oppressed him, not in judgment but 
 in mercy, that he might have rest and not be op- 
 pressed thereby to the end." That end was now not 
 
82 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 far off, and William Penn "forsook the decayed 
 tabernacle" of his body on the 30th day of the Fifth 
 Month (July, 1718, 0. S.), in the seventy-fourth year 
 of his age. The funeral took place August 5th, in 
 the buryiug-ground at Jordan's Quaker meeting- 
 house, in Buckinghamshire, where his first wife and 
 several of his family were already interred. His 
 
 WILLIAM PENN'S BURIAL-PLACE. 
 
 own Monthly Meeting at Beading has left the best 
 summary of his character in the touching little 
 memorial entitled "A Testimony concerning William 
 Penn," the last paragraph of which is as follows: 
 " In fine he was learned without vanity, apt without 
 forwardness, facetious in conversation, yet weighty 
 and serious ; of an extraordinary greatness of mind, 
 yet void of the strain of ambition ; as free from rigid 
 gravity as he was clear of unseemly levity ; a man, a 
 scholar, a friend ; a minister surpassing in specula- 
 tive endowments, whose memorial will be valued by 
 the wise and blessed with the just." "This," says 
 Bancroft, " is the praise of William Penn," that in 
 an age of debauchery and ennui, skepticism and 
 pessimism, when all around him, even the wisest, shook 
 their heads, " Penn did not despair of humanity, and, 
 though all history and experience denied the sov- 
 ereignty of the people, cared to cherish the noble 
 idea of man's capacity for self-government." 
 
 It certainly was a " noble idea" which lay at the 
 bottom of Penn's " divine experiment," and its his- 
 tory should be unfolded with scrupulous exactness as 
 well as with reverent hands. 
 
 We have seen how, after the Restoration, the atten- 
 tion of the court as well as the people of England was 
 directed in a much larger measure than formerly to 
 the American colonies. Many who^ were weary of 
 strife, discontented with the present aspect of affairs 
 or apprehensive of the future, sought relief and peace 
 in emigration. The hardships of the wilderness, the 
 
 perils of Indian warfare, the depressing diseases of a 
 new climate and unbroken soil were as nothing to 
 those in comparison with the blessings of political 
 and religious liberty secured by emigration. As far 
 as the court was concerned, Charles wanted provinces 
 to give away to his favorites, while his cabinets, both 
 under Clarendon, the Cabal, and Danby, had strong 
 political reasons for putting the colonies 
 more immediately under control of the 
 crown in order to check their manifest 
 yearning for self-government and com- 
 parative independence. Thus the repre- 
 sentatives of prerogative were compelled 
 likewise to give an enlarged attention to 
 colonial affairs. The Council for Foreign 
 Plantations was given new powers and 
 a greater and more exalted membership 
 in 1671, and in 1674 this separate commis- 
 sion was dissolved, and the conduct of 
 colonial affairs intrusted to a committee 
 of the Privy Council itself, which was 
 directed to sit once a week and report its 
 proceedings to the Council. This com- 
 mittee comprised some of the ablest of the 
 king's councilors, and among the mem- 
 bers were the Duke of York and the 
 Marquis of Halifax. William Penn's re- 
 lations with the duke gave him great fa- 
 cilities in dealing with this committee. 
 Admiral Penn at his death had left his son a prop- 
 erty of £1500 a year in English and Irish estates. 
 There was in addition a claim against King Charles' 
 government for money lent, which with interest 
 amounted to £15,000. The king had no money and 
 no credit. What he got from Louis XIV. through 
 the compliant Barillon hardly sufficed for his own 
 menus plaisirs. 1 Penn being now resolved to establish 
 a colony in America alongside his New Jersey planta- 
 tions, and to remove there himself with his family so 
 as to be at the head of a new Quaker community and 
 commonwealth, petitioned the king to grant him, in lieu 
 of the claim of £15,000, a tract of country in America 
 north of Maryland, with the Delaware on its east, its 
 western limits the same as those of Maryland, and 
 its northern as far as plantable country extended. Be- 
 fore the Privy Council Committee Penn explained 
 that he wanted five degrees of latitude measured from 
 Lord Baltimore's line, and that line, at his sugges- 
 tion, was drawn from the circumference of a circle, 
 the radius of which was twelve miles from New Cas- 
 tle as its centre. The petition of Penn's was received 
 June 14, 1680. The object sought by the petitioner, 
 it was stated, was not only to provide a peaceful 
 
 1 Not to be wondered at wheu we flud in Charles' book of secret ser- 
 vice money such entries as the following : " March 2Sth. Paid to Duchess 
 of Portsmouth [king's mistress] £13,341 10s. i%d. in various sums. 
 Juno Mill. Paid to Richard Yates, son of Francis Yates, who conducted 
 Prince Charles from tho field of Worcester to Whyte Ladies after the 
 battle, and suffered death for it under Cromwell, £1010s." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 83 
 
 home for the persecuted memhers of the Society of 
 Friends, but to afford an asylum for the good and 
 oppressed of every nation on the basis of a practical 
 application of the pure and peaceable principles of 
 Christianity. The petition encountered much and 
 various opposition. Sir John Werden, agent of the 
 Duke of York, opposed it because the territory sought 
 was an appendage to the government of New York, 
 and as such belonged to the duke. Mr. Burke, the 
 active and untiring agent of Lord Baltimore, opposed 
 it because the grant asked by Penu would infringe 
 upon the territory covered by Baltimore's charter. 
 At any rate, said Mr. Burke, in a letter to the Privy 
 Council Committee, if the grant be made to Penn, 
 let the deed expressly state lands to the north of 
 Susquehanna Fort, "which is the boundary of Mary- 
 land to the northward." There was also strong op- 
 position in the Privy Council to the idea of a man 
 such as Penn being permitted to establish plantations 
 after his own peculiar model. His theories of gov- 
 ernment were held to be Utopian and dangerous alike 
 to Church and State. He was looked upon as a Ke- 
 publican like Sidney. However, he had strong friends 
 in the Earl of Sunderland, Lord Hide, Chief Justice 
 North, and the Earl of Halifax. He had an inter- 
 view with the Duke of York, and contrived to win 
 him over to look upon his project with favor, and Sir 
 J. Werden wrote to the secretary, saying, " His royal 
 Highness commands me to let you know, in order 
 to your informing their lordships of it, that he is 
 very willing Mr. Penn's request may meet with suc- 
 cess." The attorney-general, Sir William Jones, 
 examined the petition in view of proposed bound- 
 aries, and reported that with some alterations it did 
 not appear to touch upon any territory of previous 
 grants, " except the imaginary lines of New England 
 patents, which are bounded westwardly by the main 
 ocean, should give them a real though impracticable 
 right to all those vast territories." The draught of the 
 patent, when finally it had reached that stage of de- 
 velopment, was submitted to the Lords of Trade to 
 see if English commercial interests were subserved, 
 and to the Bishop of London to look after the rights of 
 the church. The king signed the patent on March 
 4, 1681, and the venerable document may now be 
 seen by the curious, framed and hung up in the office 
 of the Secretary of State at Harrisburg. The name 
 to be given to the new territory was left blank for the 
 king to fill up, and Charles called it Pennsylvania. 
 Penn, who seems to ha've been needlessly squeamish 
 on the subject, wrote to his friends to say that the 
 name was in honor of his father, and that he wanted 
 tlie territory called New Wales, and offered the Under- 
 Secretary twenty guineas to change the name, " for I 
 Feared lest it should be looked on as a vanity in me." 
 However, he consoled himself with the reflection 
 that " it is a just and clear thing, and my God, that 
 has given it me through many difficulties, will, I be- 
 lieve, bless ami make it the seed of a nation. I 
 
 shall have a tender care to the government that it 
 be well laid at first." 
 
 The charter, which is given complete in Haz- 
 ard's Annals, consists of twenty-three articles, with 
 a preamble reciting the king's desire to extend his 
 dominions and trade, convert the savages, etc., and 
 his sense of obligation to Sir William Penn: 
 
 I. The griinrt comprises all that part of America, islands includod, 
 which is hounded on the east by the Delaware River from a point on a 
 circle twelve miles northward of New Castle town to the 43° north lat- 
 itude if the Delaware extends so far; if not, as far as it does extend, and 
 thence to the 43° by a meridian line. From this point westward five de- 
 grees of longitude on the 43° parallel ; the western boundary to the 40th 
 parallel, and thence by a straight lino to the place of beginning. 
 
 II. Grants Penn rights to and use of rivers, harbors, fisheries, etc. 
 
 III. Creates and constitutes him Lord Proprietary of the Province, 
 saving only his allegiance to the King, Penn to hold directly of the 
 kings of England, "as of our castle of Windsor in the county of Berks, 
 in free and and common socage, by fealty only, for all services, and not 
 in capite, or by Knight's service, yielding and paying therefore to us, 
 our heirs and successors, two beaver-skins, to be delivered at our castle 
 of Windsor on the 1st day of January every year," also one-fifth of 
 precious metals taken out. On these terms Pennsylvania was erected 
 into " a province and seigniory." 
 
 IV. Grants Penn and his successors, hie deputies and lieutenants 
 "free, full, and absolute power" to make laws fur raising money for the 
 public uses of the Province and for other public purposes at their discre- 
 tion, by and with the advice and consent of the people or their represen- 
 tatives in assembly. 
 
 V. Grants power to appoint officers, judges, magistrates, etc., to pardon 
 offenders, before judgment or after, except in cases of treason, and to 
 have charge of the entire establishment of justice, with the single pro- 
 viso that the laws adopted shall be consonant to reason and not contrary 
 nor repugnant to the laws and statutes of England, and that all persons 
 should have the right of appeal to the King. 
 
 TI. Prescribes that the laws of England are to be in force in the 
 Province until others have been substituted for them. 
 
 VII. Laws adopted for the government of the Province to be sent to 
 England for royal approval within five years after their adoption, under 
 penalty of becoming void.' 
 
 VIII. Licenses emigration to the new colony. 
 
 IX. Licenses trade between the colony and England, Bubject to the 
 restrictions of the Navigation Acts. 
 
 X. Grants permission to Penu to divide the colony into the various 
 minor political divisions, to constitute fairs, grant immunities and ex- 
 emptions, etc. 
 
 XI. Similar to IX., but applies to exports from colony. 
 
 XII. Grants leave to create seaports and harbors, etc., in aid of trade 
 and commerce, subject to English customs regulations'. 
 
 XIII. Penn and tho Province to have liberty to levy customs duties. 
 
 XIV. The Proprietary to have a resident agent in London, to answer 
 in case of charges, etc., and continued misfeasance to void tho charter 
 and restore the government of the Province to the King. 
 
 XV. Proprietary forbidden intercourse or correspondence with the 
 enemies of England. 
 
 XVI. Grants leave to Proprietary to pursue and make war on the 
 savages or robbers, pirates, etc., and to levy forces for that end, and to 
 kill and slay according to the laws of war. 
 
 XVII. Grants full power to Penu to sell or otherwise convey lands in 
 tho Province. 
 
 XVIII. Gives title to persons holding under Penn. 
 
 XIX. Penu may erect manors, and each manor to have privilege of 
 court-baron and frank-pledge, holders under manor-title to be protected 
 in their tenure. 
 
 XX. The King not to lay taxes in the Province "unless the same be 
 with the consent of the Proprietary, or chief Governor, or Assembly, or 
 by act of Parliament of England." 
 
 XXI. The charter to be valid in English courts against all assumptions 
 or presumptions of ministers or royal officers. 
 
 XXII. Bishop of London may send out clergymen if asked to do bo 
 by twenty inhabitants of the Province. 
 
 XXIII. In cases of doubt the charter iB to be interpreted and con- 
 strued liberally in Penn's favor, provided such construction do not inter 
 fere with or lessen the royal prerogative. 
 
84 
 
 HISTOKY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 On the 2d of April, after the signing of the charter, 
 King Charles made a public proclamation of the fact 
 of the patent, addressed chiefly to the inhabitants of 
 the territory, enjoining upon them to yield ready 
 obedience to Penn and his deputies and lieutenants. 
 At the same time Penn also addressed a letter to the 
 inhabitants of the province, declaring that he wished 
 them all happiness here and hereafter, that the Prov- 
 idence of God had cast them within his lot and care, 
 and, though it was a new business to him, he under- 
 stood his duty and meant to do it uprightly. He told 
 the people that they were not now at the mercy of a 
 Governor who came to make his fortune out of them, 
 but "you shall be governed by laws of your own 
 making, and live a free and, if you will, a sober and 
 industrious people. I shall not usurp the right of 
 any or oppress his person. God has furnished me 
 with a better resolution and has given me his grace 
 to keep it." He hoped to see them in a few months, 
 and any reasonable provision they wanted made for 
 their security and happiness would receive his appro- 
 bation. Until he came he hoped they would obey 
 and pay their customary dues to his deputy. 
 
 That deputy was Penn's cousin, William Markham, 
 a captain in the British army, who was on April 20, 
 1681, commissioned to go out to Pennsylvania, and 
 act in that capacity until Penn's arrival. He was 
 given power to call a Council of nine, of which he was 
 to be president; to secure a recognition of Penn's 
 authority on the part of the people ; to settle bounds 
 between Penn and his neighbors ; to survey, lay out, 
 rent, or lease lands according to instructions; to erect 
 courts, make sheriffs, justices of the peace, and other 
 inferior requisite officers, so as to keep the peace and 
 enforce the laws ; to suppress disturbance or riot by 
 the posse comitatus, and to make or ordain any ordi- 
 nances or do whatever he lawfully might for the peace 
 and security of the province. Markham was partic- 
 ularly instructed to settle, if he could, boundaries with 
 Lord Baltimore, and Penn gave him a letter to that 
 neighbor of his. The deputy soon after sailed foi 
 Pennsylvania, on what day is not definitely known, 
 but he was in New York on June 21st, when he ob- 
 tained from the Governor, Anthony Brockholls, a 
 proclamation enjoining upon the inhabitants of Penn- 
 sylvania that they should obey the king's charter and 
 yield a ready obedience to the new proprietary and 
 his deputy. When Markham arrived at Upland he 
 found Lord Baltimore there; the boundary question 
 at once came up, and was as quickly let drop when 
 Markham found that the lines could not be run ac- 
 cording to the two charters respectively without 
 giving to Baltimore some lands which Penn was re- 
 solved to keep as his own. 
 
 It is not supposed that Markham took out any em- 
 igrants with him. His business was to get possession 
 of the province as speedily as possible, so as to insure 
 the allegiance of the people, secure the revenue, and 
 prepare the way for Penn. It is probable, therefore, 
 
 that he sailed in the first ship offering for New York 
 or Boston, without waiting for company. Meanwhile, 
 even before Markham's departure, Penn began to 
 advertise his new province and popularize what in- 
 formation he had concerning it. This was the busi- 
 ness part of " the Divine Experiment," and Penn 
 was very competent to discharge it. He published a 
 pamphlet (through Benjamin Clark, bookseller, in 
 George Yard, Lombard Street) entitled " Some ac- 
 count of the Province of Pennsylvania in America, 
 lately granted under the Great Seal of England to 
 William Penn, etc. Together with privileges and 
 powers necessary to the well-governing thereof. 
 Made publick for the information of such as are 
 or may be disposed to transport themselves or ser- 
 vants into those parts." This prospectus shows the 
 extent of the knowledge Penn had already gleaned 
 concerning his province, and how closely he had 
 studied the methods by which he proposed to secure 
 its prompt and effective planting and settlement. It is 
 not necessary to incorporate the whole of such a pam- 
 phlet in this narrative, but some of its salient points 
 must be noted. It was written, we must remember, 
 in April, 1681, a month after the signing of the pat- 
 ent. Penn begins with an excursus upon the benefit 
 of plantations or colonies in general, " to obviate a 
 common objection." "Colonies," he says, "are the 
 seeds of nations, begun and nourished by the care of 
 wise and populous countries, as conceiving them best 
 for the increase of human stock and beneficial for com- 
 merce." Antiquity is then searched through for ex- 
 amples needless to repeat, but all brought in to prove 
 that colonies do not weaken or impoverish the mother- 
 country. Indeed, this part of his argument reads as if 
 it were Penn's brief while his petition was before the 
 Privy Council, and as if he drew it up in reply to ob- 
 jections there urged against conceding him the patent. 
 He shows how colonies and foreign plantations have 
 contributed to the benefit of England's commerce 
 and industry, and might be expected to continue to 
 do so. He denies that emigration has depopulated 
 the country, but says that the increase of luxury has 
 drawn an undue proportion of the rural communities 
 into cities and towns, and that the increased cost of 
 living thus brought about tends to prevent marriage 
 and so promotes the decay of population. For this 
 and the many attendant evils emigration, he sug- 
 gests, is the only effective remedy. He then proceeds 
 to speak of his province, the inducements it offers to 
 colonists, and the terms ou which he is prepared to 
 receive them. 
 
 "The place," hesays, "lies six hundred miles nearer 
 the sun than England," so far as difference of latitude 
 goes, adding, " I shall say little in its praise to excite 
 desires in any, whatever I could truly write as to the 
 soil, air. and water; this shall satisfy me, that by the 
 blessing of God and the honesty and industry of man 
 it may be a good and fruitful laud." He then enu- 
 merates the facilities for navigation by way of the 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 Delaware Bay and River, and by way of Chesapeake 
 Bay also; the variety and abundance of timber; the 
 quantity of game, wild fowl, and fish; the variety of 
 products and commodities, native or introduced, in- 
 cluding "silk, flax, hemp, wine, sider, wood, madder, 
 liquorish, tobacco, pot-ashes, and iron, . . . hides, tal- 
 low, pipe-staves, beef, pork, sheep, wool, corn or 
 wheat, barley, rye, and also furs, as your peltree, 
 mincks, racoons, martins, and such like store of furs 
 which is to be found among the Indians that are 
 profitable commodities in England." Next, after ex- 
 plaining the channels of trade, — country produce to 
 Virginia, tobacco to England, English commodities 
 to the colonies, — he gives assurance that under his 
 liberal charter, paying due allegiance to the mother- 
 country, the people will be able to enjoy the very 
 largest proportion of liberty and make their own laws 
 to suit themselves, and that he intends to prepare a 
 satisfactory constitution. 
 
 Penn states explicitly in this pamphlet the con- 
 ditions of immigration into his province. He looks 
 to see three sorts of people come, — those who will 
 buy, those who will rent, and servants. " To the first, 
 the shares I sell shall be certain as to number of acres; 
 that is to say, every one shall contain five thousand 
 acres, free from any incumbrance, the price a hundred 
 pounds, and for the quit-rent but one English shilling, 
 or the value of it, yearly, for a hundred acres; and 
 the said quit-rent not to begin to be paid till 1684. 
 To the second sort, that take up land upon rent, they 
 shall have liberty so to do, paying yearly one penny 
 per acre, not exceeding two hundred acres. To the 
 third sort, to wit, servants that are carried over, 1 fifty 
 acres shall be allowed to the master for every head, 
 and fifty acres to every servant when their time is 
 expired. And because some engage with me that may 
 not be disposed to go, it were very advisable for every 
 three adventurers to send over an overseer with their 
 servants, which would well pay the cost." 2 
 
 Penn next speaks of his plan for allotments or divi- 
 dends, but as his scheme was not then, as he confesses, 
 fully developed, and as he later furnished all the de- 
 tails of this scheme as he finally matured it, we will 
 pass that by for the present. It is enough to say that 
 the plan is very closely followed to-day in Eastern 
 Europe to promote the sale of government bonds. 
 
 1 Called " rodemptioners," becauso they sold their services for a term 
 of years to pay or redeem the money advanced to "carry them over." 
 
 2 On this basis, if we 6uppose the servant allotments to pay the samo 
 quit-rent as other tenants, Penn's colonists would be assessed about thus: 
 Munors.— 6000 acres @ f 100, int. 5 percent £6 
 
 50 servants to a manor, giving it 2500 acres more, 
 total quit-rent @ Is. per 100 A : 3 10 
 
 (Equal to 27$ pence per 100 A. per annum) £8 10s. 
 
 Tmanti.— 200 A. (5\ Id. per A 
 
 G A ., 25 tenants, 25 servants, 1250 A., 6250 A.@ lti. 26 
 
 Srrv<ints.— 75 Borvants @ 50 A., equal to 3750 A. @ Id 15 12J^ 
 
 Thus Ponn, in placing 17,500 acres, proposed to got £100 cash and 
 yearly rents amounting to £45 2s., or 6s. 2d. nearly per 100 acres, the 
 greater part of the bmden railing upon tho smaller tenants of course. 
 The purchaser ofoOOO acres had, moreover, a further advantage in sharing 
 in the allotments, or "dividends," as Penn calls them. 
 
 The persons, Penn says, that " Providence seems to 
 have most fitted for plantations" are " 1st, industri- 
 ous husbandmen and day laborers that are hardly 
 able (with extreme labor) to maintain their families 
 and portion their children; 2d, laborious handicrafts, 
 especially carpenters, masons, smiths, weavers, taylors, 
 tanners, shoemakers, shipwrights, etc., where they may 
 be spared or low in the world, and as they shall want 
 no encouragement, so their labor is worth more there 
 than here, and there provisions cheaper." 3d, Penn 
 invites ingenious spirits who are low in the world, 
 younger brothers with small inheritances and (often) 
 large families; "lastly," he says, "there are another 
 sort of persons, not only fit for but necessary in planta- 
 tions, and that is men of universal spirits, that have an 
 eye to the good of posterity, and that both understand 
 and delight to promote good discipline and just govern- 
 ment among a plain and well-intending people; such 
 persons may find room in colonies for their good coun- 
 sel and contrivance, who are shut out from being of 
 much use or service to great nations under settled 
 customs ; these men deserve much esteem and would 
 be hearken'd to." 
 
 Very considerately Penn next tells all he knows 
 about the cost and equipments for the journey and 
 subsistence during the first few months, " that such as 
 incline to go may not be to seek here, or brought un- 
 der any disappointments there." He mentions among 
 goods fit to take for use or for sale at a profit "all 
 sorts of apparel and utensils for husbandry and build- 
 ing and household stuff." People must not delude 
 themselves, he says, with the idea of instant profits. 
 They will have a winter to encounter before the sum- 
 mer comes, " and they must be willing to be two or 
 three years without some of the conveniences they 
 enjoy at home, and yet I must needs say that America 
 is another thing than it was at the first plantation of 
 Virginia and New England, for there is better accom- 
 modation and English provisions are to be had at 
 easier rates." The passage across the ocean will be 
 at the outside six pounds per head for masters and 
 mistresses, and five pounds for servants, children un- 
 der seven years old fifty shillings, "except they suck, 
 then nothing." Arriving out in September or Octo- 
 ber, "two men may clear as much ground by spring 
 (when they set the corn of that country) as will bring 
 in that time, twelve months, forty barrels, which makes 
 twenty-five quarters of corn. So that the first year they 
 must buy corn, which is usually very plentiful. They 
 must, so soon as they come, buy cows, more or less, as 
 they want or are able, which are to be had at easy 
 rates. For swine, they are plentiful and cheap, these 
 will quickly increase to a stock. So that after the 
 first year, what with the poorer sort sometimes labor- 
 ing to others, and the more able fishing, fowling, and 
 sometimes buying, they may do very well till their 
 own stocks are sufficient to supply them and their 
 families, which will quickly be, and to spare, if they 
 follow the English husbandry, as they do in New Eng- 
 
86 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 land and New York, and get winter fodder for their 
 stock." Finally, the candid Penn recommends that 
 none should make up their minds hastily, all get the 
 consent of their friends or relatives, and all pray God 
 for his blessing on their honest endeavors. 
 
 During all the rest of this year and of 1682 and up 
 to the moment of his embarkation for Europe, Wil- 
 liam Penn was most busily and absorbingly engaged 
 in the multifarious preparations for his new planta- 
 tions. He drew up a great variety of papers, conces- 
 sions, conditions, charters, statutes, constitutions, etc., 
 equal to the average work of half a dozen congres- 
 sional committees. As much of this matter is unique 
 and highly characteristic, we think it best to group it 
 all together in a separate chapter (next succeeding 
 this), so as to present as full and accurate a picture as 
 can be made of Penn as a law-giver and a statesman. 
 In addition to work of this sort, requiring concentrated 
 and abstracted thought and study, his correspond- 
 ence was of the most voluminous character, and he 
 was further most actively employed in disposing of 
 lands and superintending the sailing of ship-loads of 
 his colonists. The first of these papers on concessions 
 and conditions was prepared indeed on the eve of the 
 sailing of the first vessels containing his " adven- 
 turers." This was in July, aud the vessels arrived 
 out in October. Every paper he published called 
 forth numerous letters from his friends, who wanted 
 him to explain this or that obscure point to them, and 
 he always seems to have responded cheerfully to these 
 exhaustive taxes upon his time. His work seems to 
 have attracted great attention and commanded admi- 
 ration. James Claypoole writes (July 22d), " I have 
 begun my letter on too little a piece of paper to give 
 thee my judgment of Pennsylvania, but, in short, I, 
 and many others wiser than I am, do very much ap- 
 prove of it, and do judge William Penn as fit a man 
 as any one in Europe to plant a country." Penn had 
 also been busily negotiating with the Duke of York 
 for the lands now constituting the State of Delaware, 
 which were the duke's property, aud which Penn 
 wanted to possess in order to insure to his own prov- 
 ince the free navigation of the Delaware, and perhaps 
 also to keep this adjacent territory from falling into 
 the hands of his neighbor, Lord Baltimore, who 
 claimed it under his charter. But Sir John Werden, 
 the duke's agent, still held off and gave Penn much 
 trouble and uneasiness. The latter had received a 
 tempting offer from a company of Marylanders of 
 £6000 cash and two and a half per cent, royalty for the 
 monopoly of the Indian (fur) trade between the Dela- 
 ware and Susquehanna Rivers, but he refused it upon 
 noble grounds. The Lord had given him his prov- 
 ince, he said, over all and great opposition, and " I 
 would not abuse His love, nor act unworthy of His 
 providence, and so defile what came to me clean. No! 
 let the Lord guide me by His wisdom and preserve 
 me to honor His name and serve His truth and 
 people, that an example and standard may be set up to 
 
 the nations; there may be room there, though none here." 
 So also he refused to abate the quit-rents, even to his 
 most intimate friends, " intending," as Claypoole wrote, 
 " to do equal by all," but he did reduce them from a 
 penny to a half-penny in favor of servants settling on 
 their fifty-acre lots after having served their time. 
 Subsequently, as we shall see, Penn was less rigidly 
 moral in his land contracts. In lieu of the proposed 
 monopoly, Penn made very liberal concessions of land 
 and privileges to another company, "The Free Society 
 of Traders," whose plans he favored and whose con- 
 stitution and charter he helped to draw. This work 
 will be described farther on. 
 
 Notwithstanding all these and many other Heavy 
 and pressing engagements, Penn seems to have found 
 time to attend to his work as a preacher and a writer 
 of religious tracts and pamphlets. He went on a 
 mission tour into the West of England, he wrote on 
 "Spiritual Commission," he mediated between dis- 
 senting Friends, and healed a breach in his church ; 
 his benevolent endeavors were given to aid and en- 
 courage the Bristol Quakers, then severely persecuted, 
 and he barely escaped being sent to jail himself for 
 preaching in London at the Grace Church Street 
 meeting. 
 
 Penn had expected to go out to Pennsylvania him- 
 self late in the fall of 1681, but the pressure of all 
 these concerns and the rush of emigrants and colo- 
 nists delayed him. He found he would have settlers 
 from France, Holland, and Scotland, as well as from 
 England, and few besides servants would be ready to 
 go before the spring of 1682. " When they go, I go," 
 he wrote to his friend, James Harrison, " but my 
 going with servants will not settle a government, the 
 great end of my going." He also said in this letter 
 that in selling or renting land he cleared the king's 
 and the Indian title, the purchaser or lessee paid the 
 scrivener and surveyor. In October Penn sent out 
 three commissioners, William Crispin, John Bezar, 
 and Nathaniel Allen, to co-operate with Markham in 
 selecting a site for Penn's proposed great city, and to 
 lay it out. They also were given very full, careful, 
 and explicit instructions by Penn, particularly as to 
 dealing with the Indians, some Indian titles needing 
 to be extinguished by them. He wrote a letter to 
 the Indians themselves by these commissioners, which 
 shows he had studied the savage character very care- 
 fully. It touched the Indian's faith in the one uni- 
 versal Great Spirit, and finely appealed to his strong 
 innate sense of justice. He did not wish to enjoy the 
 great province his king had given him, he said, with- 
 out the Indians' consent. The red man had suffered 
 much injustice from his countrymen, but this was the 
 work of self-seekers ; " but I am not such a man, as is 
 well known in my own country , I have a great love 
 and regard for you, and I desire to win and gain your 
 love aud friendship by a kind, just, and peaceable 
 life, and the people I send are all of the same mind, 
 and shall in all things behave themselves accordingly, 
 
WILLIAM PENN AS A STATESMAN. 
 
 87 
 
 and if in anything any shall offend you or your peo- 
 ple, you shall have a full and speedy satisfaction for 
 the same by an equal number of just men on both 
 sides, that by no means you may have just occasion 
 of being offended against them." This was the in- 
 itiatory step in that " traditional policy" of Penn and 
 the Quakers towards the Indians which has been so 
 consistently maintained ever since, to the imperish- 
 able honor of that sect. 
 
 As the year 1682 entered we find Penn reported to 
 be " extraordinarily busy" about his province and its 
 affairs. He is selling or leasing a great deal of land, 
 and sending out many servants. A thousand persons 
 are going to emigrate along with him. He gets Clay- 
 poole to write to his correspondent in Bordeaux for 
 grape-vines, fifteen hundred or two thousand plants, 
 to carry out with him, desiring vines that bear the 
 best grapes, not the most. Claypoole has himself 
 bought five thousand acres, wants to go out and settle, 
 but doubts and fears. He don't feel sure about the 
 climate, the savages, the water, the vermin, reptiles, 
 etc. April 4th Penn finally ratified the charter of his 
 Free Company of Traders, and erected their land into 
 a manor. They had taken twenty thousand acres 
 in a single block. Their constitution was now at 
 once promulgated and subscriptions solicited. April 
 18th Penn sends out Capt. Thomas Holme, duly com- 
 missioned to act as surveyor-general of Pennsylvania, 
 with detailed instructions how to act. Holme sails 
 in the ship " Amity," along with Claypoole's son 
 John, April 23d. On May 5th Penn publishes his 
 " Frame of Government," following it with his precis 
 of new statutes for the Pennsylvania Assembly to act 
 upon. By June 1st Penn had made the extraordi- 
 nary sale of five hundred and sixty-five thousand five 
 hundred acres of land in the new province, in parcels 
 of from two hundred and fifty to twenty thousand 
 acres. Penn's mother died about this time, causing 
 him much affliction. The Free Traders' Society is 
 organized, Claypoole makes up his mind at last to 
 emigrate, the site for Philadelphia is determined, and 
 Markham buys up Indian titles and settlers' land upon 
 it, so as to have all clear for the coming great city. 
 August 31st the Duke of York gives Penn a protec- 
 tive deed for Pennsylvania, and on the 24th the Duke 
 finally concedes New Castle and Horekill (Delaware) 
 to him by deed of feoffment. This concludes the 
 major part of Penn's business in England, and he is 
 ready to sail Sept. 1, 1682, in the ship " Welcome," 
 three hundred tons, Capt. Kobert Greenway, master. 
 It is then that he writes the touching letter to his 
 wife and children, from which we have already quoted. 
 He embarked at Deal with a large company of 
 Quakers, and from the Downs sent a letter of "salu- 
 tation to all faithful friends in England." 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN AS A LAW-GIVER AND STATES- 
 MAN. 
 
 Here, while the "Welcome" is on the ocean strug- 
 gling with the waves, and her passengers are mostly 
 down with the smallpox, faithfully ministered to by 
 Penn and his friend Isaac Pearson, seems to be the 
 proper place to discuss the great founder's legislative 
 principles, measures, statutes, ordinances, and regu- 
 lations, with a view not only to illustrate the main 
 subject of these volumes, but also to ascertain Penn's 
 real merits as a statesman and a framer of laws. He 
 has been greatly and perhaps indiscriminately praised 
 for his performances in this sphere, but it is not over- 
 praise in view of the fact that what he did was rather 
 upon theory than after a full experience. Penn had 
 had no real legislative practice, and the knowledge 
 of law which he acquired during his brief and inter- 
 rupted studies at Lincoln's Inn could not have been 
 either thorough or extensive. He never was in Par- 
 liament ; his acquaintance with affairs both at West- 
 minster and Whitehall was chiefly through the lobby 
 and not in the halls. But he had read much, thought 
 deeply, and the candor and genuineness of purpose 
 which characterized him afforded him material as- 
 sistance in arriving promptly at just conclusions 
 from sound premises. He was rather practical than 
 logical in his mental processes, but his strong good 
 sense never deserted him, and this gives a directness, 
 a consistency, and an apparent simplicity to his sys- 
 tem which make it look even more admirable than it 
 actually is. It has been positively asserted and as 
 positively denied that he owed the best part of his 
 system to Algernon Sidney. It is known that he 
 often consulted Sidney and Sir William Petty, as 
 well as many other of his friends, and that he was 
 eager for advice from every quarter. Probably he 
 was counseled also by Halifax, Hyde, and Suther- 
 land from the abundance of their parliamentary and 
 cabinet political experiences. But the constitution, 
 laws, instructions, circulars, concessions, commissions, 
 letters, etc., which emanated from Penn during those 
 two most busy years all have the same general ear- 
 mark. They are William Penn's work, and William 
 Penn was a Quaker of an oppressed and persecuted 
 sect, at the same time that he was a courtier deeply 
 indebted to the bigoted Duke of York. If we do 
 not remember these things we will not be able to put 
 a fair and intelligible interpretation upon Penn's 
 legislative work. 
 
 But first let us, avoiding repetitions, present a con- 
 densed summary of what that work was. Abstracts 
 of the charter or patent for Pennsylvania and of 
 Penn's first prospectus of the province and the con- 
 ditions of emigration have already been given, and 
 we have seen how shrewdly Penn, as attorney for him- 
 self and his province, managed affairs before the com- 
 
HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 mittee of the Privy Council and with the Duke of 
 York and his agent in the matter of the Delaware 
 Hundreds. His clever handicraft has also been illus- 
 trated in the conduct of the complicated affairs of 
 Berkeley and Carteret, Billinge and Fenwick, and the 
 East and West New Jersey Plantations. The leading 
 documents relating to Pennsylvania, in which Penn's 
 hand directed matter and text, from the execution of 
 the patent down to the moment of the " Welcome's" 
 sailing, naturally group themselves into two classes: 
 first, practical executive work ; second, fundamental 
 law-making, with theoretical declarations of prin- 
 ciples and rules of interpretation. It is necessary, 
 therefore, to look at Penn in this place in the double 
 light of the business manager of a great incorpor- 
 ated speculation, the Holy or Divine Experiment, as 
 he himself called it, and as a speculative philosopher, 
 like Hobbes, Locke, or Bentham, seeking to evolve 
 constitutions out of the blended action of his own 
 consciousness, his reading, and his knowledge of men 
 and the world. 
 
 In the general conduct of his experiment, while 
 attributing everything to Providence, Penn did not 
 neglect worldly devices of a very shrewd sort. He 
 advertised his province with great pains, very exten- 
 sively and very attractively. By the time he was ready 
 to sail it had attracted a general and lively interest 
 throughout Europe, and especially among those per- 
 secuted sects among whom Penn's ministry had fallen 
 in the course of his visits to the Continent. The 
 Walloons, the Mennonites or Mennists, the Laba- 
 dists, the various Reformed German sects and heresies 
 from Protestantism and Romanism, watched the ex- 
 periment as closely as the Quakers did. Penn made 
 the terms on which settlers would be received very 
 plain, and he stated perspicuously in advance the 
 probable cost of living and the probable average of 
 hardships for which immigrants into the new province 
 must prepare themselves. This was not only charac- 
 teristically candid, it was eminently politic. It fore- 
 stalled disappointment, it prevented the access of un- 
 desirable adventurers, and it tended to increase the 
 number of substantial " bone and sinew" planters, 
 who might have recoiled before imaginary perils, but 
 who laughed at the little catalogue of petty incon- 
 veniences and hardships which he displayed before 
 them. In the regulations for colonists set forth in 
 his statement of " certain conditions or concessions 
 agreed upon by William Penn, proprietary and Gov- 
 ernor of Pennsylvania, and those who are the adven- 
 turers and purchasers in that province, the 11th of 
 July, 1681," the system of plantation is plainly de- 
 scribed. First, a large city is to be laid off on navi- 
 gable water, divided into lots, and purchasers of large 
 tracts of lands (five thousand acres) are to have one 
 of these city lots assigned them, the location deter- 
 mined by chance. It was Penn's original plan to 
 have his great city consist of ten thousand acres, di- 
 vided into one hundred lots of one hundred acres 
 
 each, one of these lots to be awarded (by lot) to each 
 purchaser of a tract of manorial proportions, who 
 was to build in the centre of his lot and surround his 
 house with gardens and orchards, " that it may be a 
 green country town," he said, " which will never be 
 burnt and always be wholesome." ' Of course no great 
 city could be built on any such plan, and Penn him- 
 self abandoned it or greatly modified it even before 
 he sailed, the commissioners and surveyor finding it 
 impossible to observe the conditions, especially when 
 vessels began to be numerous along the water-front 
 and business sprang up. This system of great farms, 
 with a central township divided into minor lots, 
 Penn proposed to extend all over the province. His 
 road system was excellent. Roads were to be built 
 not less than forty feet wide from city to city, on air- 
 lines as nearly as possible; all streets were to be laid 
 off at right angles, and of liberal width, and no build- 
 ings were to be allowed to encroach on these, nor was 
 any irregular building to be permitted. This rule of 
 symmetry, amounting to formality, could not be car- 
 ried out any more than the great city plan. It was 
 not Penn's notion probably, for he was not a pre- 
 cisian in anything, and it looks much more like a 
 contrivance borrowed by him for the nonce from Sir 
 William Petty, Sir Thomas Browne, or some other 
 hare-brain among his contemporaries. Penn's system 
 of quit-rents and of manors also, the foundations of a 
 great fortune, resembled closely that of Lord Balti- 
 more in Maryland. It is likely that Penn got the 
 idea where Baltimore derived his, from Ireland, that 
 form of irredeemable ground-rent being an old and 
 familiar Irish tenure. 2 The quit-rent system caused 
 almost immediate discontent in Pennsylvania, and 
 undoubtedly injured the proprietary's popularity and 
 interfered with his income. His large reservations of 
 choice lots in every section that was laid out contrib- 
 uted to this also. 
 
 Every person was to enjoy access to and use of 
 water-courses, mines, quarries, etc., and any one could 
 dig for metals anywhere, bound only to pay for dam- 
 ages done. Settlers were required to plant land sur- 
 veyed for them within three years. Goods for export 
 could only be bought or sold, in any case, in public 
 market, and fraud and deception were to be punished 
 by forfeiture of the goods. All trading with Indians 
 was to be done in open market, and fraud upon them 
 prevented by inspection of goods. Offenses against 
 Indians were to be punished just as those against the 
 whites, and disputes between the two races to be 
 settled by a mixed jury. Indians to have the same 
 privileges as the whites in improving their lands and 
 
 1 Instructions to commissioners for settling the colony, Oct. 10, 1681. 
 
 2 This lias been conclusively shown in Borne opinions (published in 
 the Maryland Koports) of thejudgcs of the Maryland Court of Appeals. 
 These opinions were given in interpretation of leases " for ninety-nine 
 years, renewable forever. 1 * It was decided that these leases were per- 
 petual, and their historical relation to the Irish leases was demonstrated 
 in order to establish the fact of their irredeemable character. 
 
WILLIAM PBNN AS A STATESMAN. 
 
 raising crops. Stock not marked within three months 
 alter coming into the possession of planters to be for- 
 feited to the Governor. In clearing land, one-fifth to 
 be left in wood, and oak and mulberry trees to be 
 preserved for ship-building. To prevent debtors from 
 furtively absconding, no one was to leave the province 
 until after three weeks' publication of the fact. 
 
 In his instructions to the commissioners for laying 
 out the province, Penn enlarges upon the plan for 
 the great town, which is to be located on his side the 
 Delaware, where "it is most navigable, high, dry, 
 and healthy ; that is, where most ships may best 
 ride, of deepest draught of water, if possible to load 
 or unload at the bank or key side, without boating 
 or lightering of it." Other things are to be postponed 
 until this site is chosen and laid out. If the place 
 selected has settlers on it, they are to be removed, 
 either by buying their lands or giving them other 
 tracts in exchange. 1 In dealing with Indians the 
 commissioners are bidden to be tender of offending 
 them, but to make sure, "by honest spies," that no 
 one is instructing them to stand off for higher prices. 
 Give them plenty of love, says Penn in effect, but 
 do not pay too much for their land, and do not let 
 them sell you what does not belong to them. " Be 
 grave; they love not to be smiled on." The com- 
 missioners are forbidden to sell any islands; they are 
 to lay off the streets in a rectangular way, to preserve 
 a broad water-front, to reserve a central lot of three 
 hundred acres for the Governor's house, and in other 
 matters to be guided \>y circumstances and their own 
 discretion. 2 
 
 The charter to the Pennsylvania Company, the Free 
 Society of Traders, bears date March 24, 1682. The 
 incorporators named in Penn's deed to them were 
 " Nicholas Moore, of London, medical doctor ; James 
 Claypoole, merchant; Philip Ford (Penn's unworthy 
 steward); William Sherloe, of London, merchant; 
 Edward Pierce, of London, leather-seller ; John Sym- 
 cock and Thomas Brassey, of Cheshire, yeoman ; 
 Thomas Baker, of London, wine-cooper; and Ed- 
 ward Brookes, of London, grocer." The deed recites 
 Penn's authority under his patent, mentions the con- 
 veyance to the company of twenty thousand acres, 
 erects this tract into the manor of Frank, "in free 
 and common soccage, by such rents, customs, and 
 services as to them and their successors shall seem 
 meet, so as to be consistent with said tenure," allows 
 them two justices' courts a year, privilege of court- 
 baron and court-leet and view of frank-pledge, with 
 
 1 Penn balances this direction very closeiy between thrift and con- 
 science. He says, " Herein [in buying or exchanging these lands] be as 
 sparing as ever you can, and urge the weak bottom of their grant, the Duke 
 of York never having hod a grant from the King, etc. Be impartially 
 just and courteous to all, that is pleating to the Lord and wise in itself." 
 Y.I Penn, like Svonson and the other Swedes, had bought his title, just 
 as they dtd, of the Indians and the Duke of York. 
 
 • This interesting paper was Bigned in London, Sept. 30, 1681, with 
 Richard Vickery, Charles Jones, Jr., Ralph Withers, Thomas Callow- 
 hill, and Philip Th. Lehnmann as witnesses. 
 12 
 
 all the authority requisite in the premises. The so- 
 ciety is authorized to appoint and remove its officers 
 and servants, is given privilege of free transportation 
 of its goods and products, and exempted from any but 
 necessary State and local taxes, while at the same 
 time it can levy all needful taxes for its own support 
 within its own limits. Its chief officers are commis- 
 sioned as magistrates and charged to keep the peace, 
 with jurisdiction in case of felony, riot, or disorder 
 of any kind. It is given three representatives in the 
 Provincial Council, title to three-fifths of the products 
 of all mines and minerals found, free privilege to fish 
 in all the waters of the province, and to establish 
 fairs, markets, etc., and the books of the society are 
 exempted from all inspection. The society imme- 
 diately prepared and published an address, with its 
 constitution and by-laws, in which a very extensive 
 field of operation is mapped out. The address, which 
 is ingenious, points to the fact that while it proposes 
 to employ the principle of association in order to 
 conduct a large business, it is no monopoly, but an 
 absolutely free society in a free country. " It is," 
 says this prospectus, " an enduring estate, and a last- 
 ing as well as certain credit ; a portion and inherit- 
 ance that is clear and growing, free from the mischief 
 of frauds and false securities, supported by the con- 
 current strength and care of a great and prudent 
 body, a kind of perpetual trustees, the friend of the 
 widow and orphan, for it takes no advantage of 
 minority or simplicity." 3 
 
 Penn's commission to Capt. Thomas Holme as 
 surveyor-general is dated April 18th. It contains 
 nothing salient beyond the ordinary terms of such 
 instruments. All this executive department work 
 recorded above shows Penn in the light of a skillful, 
 thrifty administrator, well instructed even in the 
 minutest details of his business, and always looking 
 out shrewdly for his own interests. On April 25th 
 he published his " frame of government," or, as 
 James Claypoole called it in one of his letters, "the 
 fundamentals for government," — in effect, the first 
 
 3 In this society votes were to be on basis of amount of stock held, 
 up to three votes, which was the limit. No one in England was allowed 
 more than one vote, and proxies could be voted. The officers were presi- 
 dent, deputy, treasurer, secretary, and twelve committee-men. Five, 
 with president or deputy, a quorum. Committee-men to have but one 
 vote each in meetings, with the casting vote to the president. Officers 
 to hold during seven years on good behavior ; general election and re- 
 opening of subscription books every seventh year; general statementat 
 the end of each business year. The officers to live on society's prop- 
 erty. All the society's servants were bound to Becrecy, and the books 
 were kept in society's house, under three locks, the keys in charge of 
 president, treasurer, and oldest committee-man, and not to be intrusted 
 to any person longer than to transcribe any part in daytime aud iu the 
 house, before seven persons appointed by committee. The society was 
 to send two hundred servants to Pennsylvania the first year, to build 
 two or more general factories in Pennsylvania, one on Chesapeake Bay, 
 one on Delaware or elsewhere; to aid Indians in building houses, etc., 
 and to hold negroes for fourteen years' service, when they were to go 
 free, "on giving to the society two-thirds of what they can produce on 
 land allotted to them by the society, with a stock and tools; if they agree 
 not to this, to be servants till they do." Theleadingobjectof thesociety 
 at the uulset seems to have been an extensive free trade with the Indians. 
 
90 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Constitution of Pennsylvania. Hepworth Dixon 
 claims that in the composition of this instrument 
 Penn received so much aid from Algernon Sidney 
 "that it is quite impossible to separate the exact 
 share of one legislator from that of the other." On 
 the contrary, others of Penu's biographers see nothing 
 in it but Penn's work under the inspiration of George 
 Fox's " inner light." A careful examination of the 
 document itself, however, and the preamble will, it 
 is believed, establish it as a genuine production of 
 the author of the " concessions and conditions of 
 settlement" and the "instructions to the commission- 
 ers," which have been analyzed above. It is the 
 work of William Penn, and reflects precisely some of 
 the brightest and some of the much less bright traits 
 of his genius and character. 
 
 The document is entitled " The frame of the gov- 
 ernment of the province of Pennsylvania, in America, 
 together with certain laws agreed upon in England 
 by the governor and divers freemen of the aforesaid 
 province, to be further explained and continued 
 there by the first provincial council that shall be 
 held, if they see meet." 
 
 The " preface" or preamble to this Constitution is 
 curious, for it is written as if Penn felt that the eyes 
 of the court were upon him. The first two para- 
 graphs form a simple excursus upon the doctrine of 
 the law and the transgressor as expounded in St. 
 Paul's Epistle to the Romans : " For we know that 
 the law is spiritual : but I am carnal, sold under sin," 
 etc. From this Penn derives, not very perspicu- 
 ously, however, " the divine right of government," 
 the object of government being twofold, to terrify 
 evil-doers and to cherish those that do well, "which 
 gives government a life beyond corruption [i.e., divine 
 right], and makes it as durable in the world as good 
 men shall be." Hence Penn thinks that govern- 
 ment seems like a part of religion itself, a thing 
 sacred in its institution and end. 1 " They weakly 
 
 1 Compare this with Peon's pamphlet of 1679, called " An AddresB to 
 all Protestants," where he says, "The fourth great ecclesiastical evil is 
 preferring human authority above reason and truth," and at the same 
 time abuses the accredited State administrators of religion as the greatest 
 obstacles to faith. " Is not prophecy, once the church's, now engrossed 
 by them and wholly in their hands? Who dare publicly preach or pray 
 that is not of their order? Have they not only the keys in keeping? 
 May anybody else pretend to the power of absolution or excommunica- 
 tion, mucli less to constitute ministers? Are not all church rites and 
 privileges in their hands? Do not they make it their proper inherit- 
 ance? Nay, so much larger is their empire than Csesar's that only they 
 begin with births and end with burials- men must pay them for coming 
 in and going out of the world. Thus their profits run from the womb 
 to the grave, and that which is the loss of others is their gain and part 
 oi their revenue. . . . The minister is chooser and taster and everything 
 for them (the people). . . . They seem to have delivered up their spirit- 
 ual selves, and made over the business of religion — the rights of their 
 souls — to their pastor, and that scarcely witli any limitation of truth, 
 too. And as if he were, or could be, their guarantee in the other world, 
 they become very unsolicitous of any further search here. So that if wo 
 would examine the respective parishes of Protestant as well as Papish 
 countries, we shall find it come to that sad pass that very few have any 
 other religion than the tradition of their priests. They have given up 
 their judgment to him, aud soem greatly at their ease that they have 
 
 err," continues Penn, in an admirable sentence, the 
 clearest possible anticipation of modern convictions 
 in regard to penatory institutions, " they weakly err 
 that think there is no other use of government than 
 correction, which is the coarsest part of it." He de- 
 clines saying much of " particular frames and modes," 
 for the reason that men are so hard to please. " It is 
 true they seem to agree in the end, to wit, happi- 
 ness, but iu the means they differ. . . . Men side 
 with their passions against their reason,. and their 
 sinister interests have so strong a bias upon their 
 minds that they lean to them against the good of the 
 things they know." 
 
 The form, he concludes, does not matter much after 
 all. " Any government is free to the people under it 
 (whatever be the frame) where the laws rule and the 
 people are a party to these laws." Good men are to be 
 preferred even above good laws, and that which makes 
 a good constitution must keep it, he says, to wit, men 
 of wisdom and virtue. The frame of laws now pub- 
 lished, Penn adds, has been carefully contrived "to 
 support power in reverence with the people, and to 
 secure the people from the abuse of power." This 
 is very nicely balanced, but it scarcely harmonizes 
 with the letter referred to previously which Penn sent 
 out to the people of his province by Markham, 
 promising them freedom to make their own laws and 
 govern themselves. 
 
 In the Constitution, which follows the preamble, 
 Penn begins by confirming to the freemen of the 
 province all the liberties, franchises, and properties 
 secured to them by the patent of King Charles II. 
 The government of the province is to consist of " the 
 Governor and freemen of the said province, in form 
 of a Provincial Council and General Assembly, by 
 whom all laws shall be made, officers chosen, and 
 public affairs transacted." The Council, of seventy- 
 two members, is to be elected at once, one-third of 
 the members to go out, and their successors elected 
 each year, aud after the first seven years those going 
 out each year shall not be returned within a year. 
 Two-thirds of the Council are required to constitute 
 a quorum, except in minor matters, when twenty- 
 four will suffice. The Governor is always to preside 
 over the sessions.of Council, and is to have three votes. 
 " The Governor and Provincial Council shall prepare 
 and propose to the General Assembly hereafter men- 
 tioned all bills which they shall at any time think fit 
 to be passed into laws within the said province, . . . 
 and on the ninth day from their so meeting, the said 
 General Assembly, after reading over the proposed 
 bills by the clerk of the Provincial Council, and the 
 occasion and motives for them being opened by the 
 Governor or his deputy, shall give their affirmative or 
 negative, which to them seemeth best; . . . and the 
 
 di-charged themselves of the trouble of ' working out their own salva- 
 tion, and proving all things, that they might hold fast that which is 
 good,' and in the room of that care bequeathed the charge of theBe 
 affairs to a standing pensioner for that purpoBo." 
 
WILLIAM PENN AS A STATESMAN. 
 
 91 
 
 laws so prepared and proposed as aforesaid that are 
 assented to by the General Assembly shall be enrolled 
 as laws of the province, with this style : ' By the 
 Governor, with the assent and approbation of the 
 freemen in the Provincial Council and General As- 
 sembly.' " Here is the fatal defect of Penn's Consti- 
 tution, a defect which robs it of even any pretence of 
 being republican or democratic in form or substance. 
 The Assembly, the popular body, the representatives 
 of the people, are restricted simply to a veto power. 
 They cannot originate bills ; they cannot even debate 
 them ; they are not allowed to think or act for them- 
 selves or those they represent, but have nothing to do 
 except vote " yes" or " no." To be sure, the Council 
 is an elective body too. But it is meant to consist of 
 the Governor's friends. It is the aristocratic body. 
 It does not come fresh from the people. The tenure 
 of its members is three years. Besides, for ordinary 
 business, twenty-four of the Council make a quorum, 
 of whom twelve, with the Governor's casting vote, 
 comprise a majority. The Governor has three votes ; 
 the Society of Free Traders has six votes ; if the 
 Governor have three or four friends in Council, with 
 the support of this society he can control all legisla- 
 tion. It seems incredible that William Penn should 
 have of his own free will permitted this blemish upon 
 his Constitution, which he claimed gave all the power 
 of government and law-making into the hands of the 
 people. 
 
 It is impossible for Penn to have acted ignorantly 
 or unadvisedly in this matter. He was born amid the 
 thunder of the great struggle, in the Very hour of the 
 triumph of the English Parliament over the executive 
 upon this very issue of the power of the Commons to 
 originate bills, a contest that had been going on for 
 three hundred years, and had been incessantly waged 
 since the beginning of the reign of King Edward III. 
 He could not help knowing that this question had 
 been fought out, or was still cause for battle between 
 Governor and Council and the popular Assembly in 
 every American colony. He was too familiar with 
 our colonial history to have forgotten the inaugura- 
 tion of the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1619, and 
 how, successively in each colony as it was formed, in 
 the language of Bancroft, " popular assemblies burst 
 everywhere into life with a consciousness of their im- 
 portance and an immediate capacity for efficient legis- 
 lation." ' Why was it, then, that Penn, who certainly 
 
 1 The Virginia Burgesses were first summoned July 30, 1619, twoeach 
 from three cities, three hundreds, three plantations, Argall's Gift, and 
 Kiecowtan. They met together with Governor and Council until 1680, 
 when, under Lord Colepepper's government, the two houses separated. 
 — (Beverly.) In Massachusetts, May 19, 1634, twenty-five delegates, 
 chosen by the freemen of the towns of their own motion, appeared and 
 claimed a sharo in making the laws. The claim was allowed and they 
 uecamo members of the General Court. In Connecticut the popular 
 body was first provided Tor Jan. 14, 16:19. In Maryland the first House 
 of Burgesses dates from February, 1G39, and they soon voided the au- 
 thority of the Governor and Council, under the charter, to originate 
 bills. In Rhode Island the power of popular assemblies dates from May, 
 1647. Iii North Carolina, in spite of Locke's aristocratic constitution, 
 
 desired popular freedom, and sought anything else 
 rather than the investment of arbitrary power in his 
 own office and that of the Governor's advisers, fol- 
 lowed in the footsteps of Lord Baltimore and John 
 Locke, and attempted to deprive his popular assem- 
 bly of every actual legislative function? We think 
 the reason is plain that it was only by promising to 
 construct his proprietary government after this model 
 he was able to secure his patent at all. His relations 
 with the Duke of York have been set forth. When, in 
 1675, the committee of the Privy Council was given 
 charge of colonial affairs, the Duke of Albemarle 
 (Monk) was chairman, but the Duke of York was the 
 most active and controlling spirit of the committee. 
 When Halifax opposed the attempt to subvert the 
 antonomy of the colonies, and bring them directly 
 under the sovereign power of the throne, he was dis- 
 missed from office, and the Privy Council voted that 
 Governors and Councils of colonies " should not be 
 obliged to call assemblies from the country to make 
 taxes and to regulate other important matters, but that 
 they should do what they should judge proper, render- 
 ing an account only to his Britannic majesty." This 
 action was not finally taken till 1684, but it represented 
 the well-matured views of the Duke of York, who had 
 long held that colonies did not need General Assem- 
 blies, and ought not to have them. Penn was fully 
 acquainted with these views and bowed in deference to 
 them. He stooped to conquer. He waived his prin- 
 ciples in order to secure his province, feeling that 
 good must come from that establishment in innumer- 
 able ways. 
 
 Aside from this fatal piece of subservience there is 
 much to praise in Penn's Constitution and something 
 to wonder at, as being so far in advance of his age. 
 The executive functions of Governor and Council are 
 carefully defined and limited. A wholesome and lib- 
 eral provision is made for education, public schools, 
 inventions, and useful scientific discoveries. 2 
 
 The Provincial Council, for the more prompt dis- 
 patch of business, was to be divided into four com- 
 mittees, — one to have charge of plantations, "to sit- 
 uate and settle cities, posts, and market-towns and 
 highways, and to have and decide all suits and con- 
 troversies relating to plantations," one to be a com- 
 mittee of justice and safety, one of trade and treasury, 
 and the fourth of manners, education, and arts, "that 
 
 this power has existed since 1667. Iu New Jersey the Assembly of rep- 
 resentatives, with law-making power, is as old as 166S. In South Caro- 
 lina the freemen took part in law-making, through their delegates, from 
 1674. In New Hampshire the law-making power resided iu the Assem- 
 bly from March 16, 16S0. 
 
 2 In the preamble Penn lays down a doctrine now universally recog- 
 nized, anil the general acceptance of which, it is believed, affords the 
 surest guarantee for the perpetuity of American institutions: that vir- 
 tue and wisdom, " because they descend not with worldly inheritances, 
 must be carefully propagated by a virtuous education of youth, for which 
 after-ages will owe more to the care and prudence of founders and the 
 successive magistracy than to their parents for their private patrimo- 
 uies." No great truth could be more fully and nobly expressed than 
 this. 
 
92 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 all wicked and scandalous living may be prevented, 
 and that youth may be successively trained up in vir- 
 tue and useful knowledge and arts." 
 
 The General Assembly was to be elected yearly, 
 not to exceed two hundred members, representing all 
 the freemen of the province. They were to meet in 
 the capital on " the 20th day of the second month," 
 and during eight days were expected to freely confer 
 with one another and the Council, and, if they chose, 
 to make suggestions to the Council committees about 
 the amendment or alteration of bills (all such as the 
 Council proposed to offer for adoption being pub- 
 lished three weeks beforehand), and on the ninth 
 day were to vote, " not less than two-thirds making a 
 quorum in the passing of laws and choice of such 
 officers as are by them to be chosen." The General 
 Assembly was to nominate a list of judges, treasurers, 
 sheriffs, justices, coroners, etc., two for each office, 
 from which list the Governor and Council were to 
 select the officers to serve. The body was to adjourn 
 upon being served with notice that the Governor and 
 Council had no further business to lay before them, 
 and to assemble again upon the summons of the Gov- 
 ernor and Council. Elections were to be by ballot, 
 and so were questions of impeachment in the Assem- 
 bly and judgment of criminals in the Council. In 
 case the proprietary be a minor, and no guardian has 
 been appointed in writing by his father, the Council 
 was to appoint a commission of three guardians to 
 act as Governor during such minority. No business 
 was to be done by the Governor, Council, or Assem- 
 bly on Sunday, except in cases of emergency. The 
 Constitution could not be altered without the consent 
 of the Governor and six-sevenths of the Council and 
 the General Assembly. (Such a rule, if enforced, 
 would have perpetuated any Constitution, however 
 bad.) Finally Penn solemnly declared "that neither 
 I, my heirs nor assigns, shall procure or do anything 
 or things whereby the liberties in this charter con- 
 tained and expressed shall be infringed or broken ; 
 and if anything be procured by any person or per- 
 sons contrary to these premises it shall be held of 
 no force or effect." 
 
 On May 15th Penn's code of laws, passed in Eng- 
 land, to be altered or amended in Pennsylvania, was 
 promulgated. It consists of forty statutes, the first 
 of which declares the charter or Constitution which 
 has just been analyzed to be " fundamental in the 
 government itself." The second establishes the qual- 
 ifications of a freeman (or voter or elector). These 
 include every purchaser of one hundred acres of land, 
 every tenant of one hundred acres, at a penny an acre 
 quit-rent, who has paid his own passage across the 
 ocean and cultivated ten acres of his holding, every 
 freeman who has taken up fifty acres and cul- 
 tivated twenty, "and every inhabitant, artificer, or 
 other resident in the said province that pays scot and 
 lot to the government." All these electors are also 
 eligible to election both to Council and Assembly. 
 
 Elections must be free and voluntary, and electors 
 who take bribes shall forfeit their votes, while those 
 offering bribes forfeit their election, the Council 
 and Assembly to be sole judges of the regularity of 
 the election of their members. 
 
 " No money or goods shall be raised upon or paid 
 by any of the people of this province, by way of pub- 
 lic tax, custom, or contribution, but by a law for that 
 purpose made." Those violating this statute are to 
 be treated as public enemies and betrayers of the 
 liberties of the province. 
 
 All courts shall be open, and justice shall neither 
 be sold, denied, or delayed. In all courts all persons 
 of all (religious) persuasions may freely appear in 
 their own way and according to their own manner, 
 pleading personally or by friend; complaint to be 
 exhibited fourteen days before trial, and summons 
 issued not less than ten days before trial, a copy of 
 complaint to be delivered to the party complained of 
 at his dwelling. No complaint to be received but 
 upon the oath or affirmation of complainant that he 
 believes in his conscience that his cause to be just. 
 Pleadings, processes, and records in court are required 
 to be brief, in English, and written plainly so as to 
 be understood by all. 
 
 All trials shall be by twelve men, peers, of good 
 character, and of the neighborhood. When the 
 penalty for the offense to be tried is death the sheriff 
 is to summon a grand inquest of twenty-four men, 
 twelve at least of whom shall pronounce the com- 
 plaint to be true, and then twelve men or peers are 
 to be further returned by the sheriff to try the issue 
 and have the final judgment. This trial jury shall 
 always be subject to reasonable challenge. 
 
 Fees are required to be moderate, their amounts set- 
 tled by the Legislature, and a table of them hung up 
 in every court-room. Any person convicted of charging 
 more than the lawful fee shall pay twofold, one-half to 
 go to the wronged party, while the offender shall be dis- 
 missed. All persons wrongfully imprisoned or prose- 
 cuted at law shall have double damages against the 
 informer or prosecutor. 
 
 All prisons, of which each county is to have one, 
 shall be work-houses for felons, vagrants, and loose 
 and idle persons. All persons shall be bailable by 
 sufficient security, save in capital offenses " where 
 the proof is evident or the presumption great." 
 Prisons are to be free as to fees, food, and lodging. 
 
 All lands and goods shall be liable to pay debts, 
 except where there is legal issue, and then all goods 
 and one-third of the land only. (This is meant in 
 case a man should die insolvent.) All wills in writing, 
 attested by two witnessess, shall be of the same force 
 as to lands or other conveyances, being legally 
 proved within forty days within or without the prov- 
 ince. 
 
 Seven years' quiet possession gives title, except in 
 cases of infants, lunatics, married women, or persons 
 beyond the seas. 
 
WILLIAM PENN AS A STATESMAN. 
 
 93 
 
 Bribery and extortion are to be severely punished, 
 but fines should be moderate and not exhaustive of 
 men's property. 1 
 
 Marriage (not forbidden by the degrees of consan- 
 guinity or affinity) shall be encouraged, but parents 
 or guardians must first be consulted, and publication 
 made before solemnization ; the ceremony to be by 
 taking one another as husband and wife in the 
 presence of witnesses, to be followed by a certificate 
 signed by parties and witnesses, and recorded in the 
 office of the county register. All deeds, charters, 
 grants, conveyances, long notes, bonds, etc., are re- 
 quired to be registered also in the county enrollment 
 office within two months after they are executed, 
 otherwise to be void. Similar deeds made out of the 
 province were allowed six months in which to be 
 registered before becoming invalid. 
 
 All defacers or corrupters of legal instruments or 
 registries shall make double satisfaction, half to the 
 party wronged, be dismissed from place, and disgraced 
 as false men. 
 
 A separate registry of births, marriages, deaths, 
 burials, wills, and letters of administration is required 
 to be kept. 
 
 All property of felons is liable for double satisfac- 
 tion, half to the party wronged; when there is no 
 land the satisfaction must be worked out in prison ; 
 while estates of capital offenders are escheated, one- 
 third to go to the next of kin of the sufferer and the 
 remainder to next of kin of criminal. 
 
 Witnesses must promise to speak the truth, the 
 whole truth, etc., and if convicted of willful falsehood 
 shall suffer the penalty which would have been inflicted 
 upon the person accused, shall make satisfaction to 
 the party wronged, and be publicly exposed as false 
 witnesses, never to be credited in any court or before 
 any magistrate in the province. 
 
 Public officers shall hold but one office at a time; 
 all children more than twelve years old shall be taught 
 some useful trade; servants shall not be kept longer 
 than their time, must be well treated if deserving, and 
 at the end of their term be " put in fitting equipage, 
 according to custom." 
 
 Scandal-mongers, back-biters, defamers, and spread- 
 ers of false news, whether against public or private 
 persons, are to be severely punished as enemies to 
 peace and concord. Factors and others guilty of 
 breach of trust must make satisfaction, and one-third 
 over, to their employers, and in case of the factor's 
 death the Council Committee of Trade is to see that 
 satisfaction is made out of his estates. 
 
 All public officers, legislators, etc., must be profes- 
 sors of faith in Jesus Christ, of good fame, sober and 
 honest convictions, and twenty-one years old. " All 
 persons living in this province who confess and ac- 
 knowledge the one Almighty and Eternal God to be 
 
 1 " Contonements, merchandise, and wainage," Bays tho text, — the 
 In ml by which a man keeps his hunso, his goods, and his means of trans- 
 
 the Creator, Upholder, and Ruler of the world, and 
 that hold themselves obliged in conscience to live 
 peaceably and justly in civil society, shall in noways 
 be molested or prejudiced'for their religious persua- 
 sion or practice in matters of faith and worship ; nor 
 shall they be compelled at any time to frequent or 
 maintain any religious worship, place, or ministry 
 whatever." The people are required to respect Sun- 
 day by abstaining from daily labor. All " offenses 
 against God," swearing, cursing, lying, profane talk- 
 ing, drunkenness, drinking of healths, obscenity, 
 whoredom and other uncleanness, treasons, mispris- 
 ions, murders, duels, felony, sedition, maimings, for- 
 cible entries and other violence, all prizes, stage- 
 plays, cards, dice, May-games, gamesters, masks, 
 revels, bull-baitings, cock-fightings, and the like, 
 "which excite the people to rudeness, cruelty, loose- 
 ness, and irreligiou, shall be respectively discouraged 
 and severely punished, according to the appointment 
 of the Governor and freemen in Council and General 
 Assembly." 
 
 All other matters not provided for in this code are 
 referred to " the order, prudence, and determination" 
 of the Governor and Legislature. 
 
 The most admirable parts of this code, putting it 
 far ahead of the contemjjorary jurisprudence of Eng- 
 land or any other civilized country at the time, 2 are 
 the regulations for liberty of worship and the admin- 
 istration of justice. Penn's code on this latter point 
 is more than a hundred years in advance of England. 
 In the matter of fees, charges, plain and simple forms, 
 processes, records, and pleadings, it still remains in 
 advance of court proceedings and regulations nearly 
 everywhere. The clauses about work-houses and 
 
 2 But we must except tin 1 Catholic colony in Maryland, founded by Sir 
 George Calvert, whose charter of 1632 and the act of toleration passed 
 by the Assembly of Maryland in 1649, under the inspiration of Sir 
 George's son, Cjecilius, must be placed alongside of Penn's work. Two 
 brighter lights in an age of darkness never shone. Calvert's charter was 
 written during the heat of the Thirty Tears' religious war, Penn's Con- 
 stitution at the moment when all Dissenters were persecuted in England 
 and when Louis XIV. was about to revoke the Edict of Nantes. The 
 Virginians were expelling the Quakers and other sectaries. In New 
 England the Puritan Sepiuatisls, themselves refugees for opinion's sake, 
 martyrs to the cause of religious freedom, were making laws which were 
 the embodiment of doubly distilled intolerance and persecution. Roger 
 Williams was banished in 1635, iu 1650 the Baptists were sent to the 
 whipping-post- in 1634 there was a law passed for the expulsion of Ana- 
 baptists, in 1647 for the exclusion of Jesuits, and if they returned they 
 
 were to be put to death. In 1656 it was deer 1 against "the cursed sect 
 
 of heretics lately risen up in the world, which are commonly called 
 Quakers," that captains of ships bringing them in were to be fined or im- 
 prisoned, Quaker hooks, or" writings containing their devilish opinions," 
 were not to be imported, Quakers themselves were to bo sent to the house 
 of correction, kept at work, made to remain silent, and severely whipped. 
 This was what the contemporaries of Calvert aud Penn did. We have 
 soen Penn's law of liberty of conscience. Calvert'B was equally liberal. 
 The charter of Calvert was not to be interpreted so as to work any dim- 
 inution of God's sacred Christian religion, open to all sects, Protestant 
 and Catholic, and the act of toleration and all preceding legislation, offi- 
 cial oaths, etc., breathed the same spirit of toleration and determination, 
 in the words of the oath of 1637, that none iu the colony, by himself or 
 other, directly or indirectly, will "trouble, molest, or discountenance 
 any person professing to believe in Jesus Christ for or on account of his 
 religion." 
 
94 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 about bailable offenses are also far in advance of even 
 the best modern jurisprudence, and the provisions for 
 a complete registration of births, etc., have yet to be 
 enforced in some of the States closely adjoining Penn- 
 sylvania, despite the fact that accurate registries of 
 this sort are essential preliminaries to any collection 
 of vital statistics. This systematic recording of all 
 transactions, public or domestic, has been character- 
 istic of the Society of Friends from its earliest begin- 
 nings, and their registry and minute-books are now 
 filled with historical materials of the most precious 
 sort. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY— PENN IN PHILADEL- 
 PHIA—HIS ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Penn was very well represented in the new prov- 
 ince and his interests intelligently cared for from the 
 time that Lieutenant-Governor Brockholls, of New 
 York, surrendered the colony until he himself arrived 
 and took formal possession. His cousin, Capt. Wil- 
 liam Markham, Deputy Governor, as has been seen, 
 arrived out in October, 1681, his commissioners, ap- 
 pointed for laying out the proposed great city, came 
 over towards the end of the year, and his surveyor- 
 general, Capt. Thomas Holme, reached Philadelphia 
 in the early summer of 1682. The commissioners, as 
 originally appointed Sept. 30, 1681, were William Cris- 
 pin, Nathaniel Allen, and John Bezar. They sailed 
 either in the ship " John and Sarah" or the " Bris- 
 tol Factor," taking the southern passage and stopping 
 at Barbadoes, where Crispin died. Crispin, the head 
 of the commission, was a man of mature years and 
 Penn's own kinsman, like Markham. It appears by 
 a letter from Penn to Markham, dated London, Oct. 
 18, 1681, that Penn intended Crispin to hold high 
 office in the new province. He says, "I have sent 
 my cosen, William Crispin, to be thy assistant, as by 
 Commission will appear. His Skill, experience, In- 
 dustry, and Integrity are well known to me, and par- 
 ticularly in Court keeping, &c, so yt is my will and 
 pleasure that he be as Chief Justice to Keep y e Seal, 
 y e Courts and Sessions, & he shall be accountable to 
 me for it. The profits redounding are to his proper 
 behoof. He will show thee my Instructions wch 
 guide you in all y c business, & y e cost is left to your 
 discretion ; y' is, to thee, thy two Assistants and y e 
 Councel." After telling Markham that if he prefers 
 the sea to the deputyship he will procure him the 
 profitable command of a passenger-ship to run between 
 England and Pennsylvania, he adds : " Pray be very 
 respectful to my Cosen Crispin. He is a man my 
 father had great confidence in and value for. Also 
 strive to give content to the Planters, and with meek- 
 ness and sweetness, mixed with authority, carry it so 
 as thou mayst honour me as well as thyselfe, and I do 
 
 hereby promess thee I will effectually answer it to 
 thee and thyn." In this letter, as Penn states, was 
 inclosed another, in the Norse language, addressed to 
 the Swedes of the new province by Liembergh, the 
 ambassador of Sweden in London. Markham is to 
 give this to the Swedish pastor and bid him read it to 
 his countrymen. 
 
 Crispin's place on the commission seems to have 
 been taken by William Heage, but there does not ap- 
 pear on the record any evidence of any great amount 
 of work done by them, though they probably afforded 
 assistance to both Markham and Holme in executing, 
 as well as they could, the instructions of Penn. Being 
 on the spot it was soon discovered that these instruc- 
 tions would require to be sensibly modified. For ex- 
 ample, in selecting the site for the city and locating 
 it in the fork of the Schuylkill and Delaware, which 
 was done early in the spring of 1682, 1 it was found 
 that scarcely more than an eighth of the acres called 
 for could be laid off. 
 
 Markham was in New York on June 21, 1681, where 
 he procured the proclamation already spoken of from 
 Governor Brockholls. The first record we have of his 
 appearance on the Delaware is the following " Obli- 
 gation of Councilmen:" "Whereas, wee whose hands 
 and Seals are hereunto Sett are Chosen by Wm. Mark- 
 ham (agent to Wm. Penn, Esq., Proprietor of y e 
 Province of Pennsylvania) to be of the Councill for 
 y e s a province, doe hereby bind ourselves by our hands 
 & Seals, that wee will neither act nor advise, nor Con- 
 sent unto anything that shall not be according to our 
 own Consciences the best for y e true and well Govern- 
 ment of the s d Province, and Likewise to Keep Secret 
 all y e votes and acts of us, The s d Councel], unless 
 Such as by the General Consent of us are to be pub- 
 lished. Dated at Vpland y e third day of August, 
 1681. 
 
 " Robert Wade, Morgan Drewet, W m . Woodmanse, 
 (W. W. The mark of) William Warner, Thomas 
 Ffairman, James Sandlenes, Will Clayton, Otto Er- 
 nest Koch, and y e mark (L) of Lacy (or Lasse) 
 Cock." Wade, Drewet, Woodmanson, Fairman, 
 Sandeland, Clayton, and the two Cocks were old 
 residents upon the Delaware; Fairman, Clayton, and 
 both the Cocks owning land within the present limits 
 of Philadelphia. Fairman appears to have had one 
 of the best or most convenient houses on the site of 
 the nascent city at and before the time of Penn's 
 arrival. There is on file a bill and receipt for £426 
 10s. M., which he rendered Penn for services in sur- 
 veying, doing errands, furnishing horses, hands, etc., 
 between 1681 and later years. He boarded and lodged 
 
 l Claypoole writes, in England, .Inly 24, 1682, " I have taken up reso- 
 lutions to go next spring with my whole family to Pennsylvania, so 
 have not sent my orders fur a lioilBe for planting, hut intend to do it 
 when I do come. / liave one hundred acres where ottr capitttl city is to be, 
 upon the river near Schuylkill and Peter Cock. There I intend to plant 
 and build my first house." This land of Petor Cock's appeal's to have 
 adjoined the Sweuson estate, and Penn gave him twice as many acres for 
 it on the west side of the Schuylkill. 
 
Faosimile.of 1lie Oath and signatures of the members of Deputy Governor Markhams Council-168J . 
 
 {■Jlqwti (fU W OJubfcrJiJbcurjvffLqu'Lt to 
 to Ot o"t Wit, Ir^wrbevLL fori/ $-' hrovi,ri>oo d o t, /wrz>Vy 
 
 jC\ /$ O Qy/j%A rJ ^ /D '/O CJ 
 
 (find OLiribUrw (/y our k an J Tfcjialt-J that ^u^c acuthcr 
 
 COOt Tloy OjOVpfc 7L0T f^^f&Tzi f LLTbto 0,711/ £ 111710 hrLOut 
 
 not fc CLCiorfonq to our o?vrbl ' mfcLtntt^ the, 
 
 'JLtqs Jy rvprvbior o 
 
 T u / hrovhri'oo o o 6 /lor&D'i/ 
 
 0/od 
 
 fjtft lor u tnu) anJn/dl V o~ 
 & DO G\ P.f 2l> C 
 
 dUcririco and cliforui&fa jrC** ^ftor&t aJhif'wiu 
 
 ^rcv-inco an. 
 4nd cccis otnf 
 
 cJv dt 
 
 ike, 
 
 /i&]Aik<*H%k t 
 
 'etstwv 
 
FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 
 
 95 
 
 Markham, Haige, and Holme and family at different 
 times, and gave up his house to Penn the winter after 
 the Governor's arrival. It appears also by this bill 
 that Markham, aided by Fairman, made the survey 
 of the river-front which determined the site of Phila- 
 delphia. They were seven weeks " taking the courses 
 and soundings of the Delaware," and Fairman's 
 charge for his services was £10. For "taking the 
 courses of the Schuylkill, etc., for sounding and 
 placing Philadelphia on Delaware River, etc.," his 
 charge was £6.' 
 
 In September Upland Court appears to have been 
 reorganized under Markham's instructions and jury 
 trials instituted. The justices present at the meet- 
 ing of this newly organized court were William 
 Clayton, William Warner, Robert Wade, William 
 Byles, Otto Ernest Cock, Robert Lucas, Lasse 
 Cock, Swen Swenson, and Andreas Bankson, five 
 of them being members of Markham's Council. 
 The clerk of the court was Thomas Revell, and the 
 sheriff's name was John Test. The first jury drawn 
 in this court — the first drawn in Pennsylvania — was 
 in a case of assault and battery (Peter Earicksen vs. 
 Harman Johnson and wife), and their names were 
 Morgan Drewet, William Woodmanson, William 
 Hewes, James Browne, Henry Reynolds, Robert 
 Schooley, Richard Pittman, Lasse Dalboe, John 
 Akraman, Peter Rambo, Jr., Henry Hastings, and 
 William Oxley; two more of the Deputy Governor's 
 Council being on this jury. At the next meeting of 
 Upland Court, in November, Markham was present, 
 and he attended all the subsequent sessions up to the 
 time of Penn's arrival. 
 
 A petition to Markham, dated from " Pesienk 
 (Passyunk), in Pennsylvania, 8th October, 1681," 
 would tend to show that the Indians of that day 
 could not see the merits of " Local Option." It is 
 signed by Nanne Seka, Keka Kappan, Jong Goras, 
 and Espon Ape, and shows that " Whereas, the sell- 
 
 1 Robert Wade was the first Quaker in Upland ; he came over with 
 Fenwick in 1675. His house, called "Essex House," was a Quaker 
 stopping-place; William Edmundston preached there in 1675, and this 
 was the first house at which Penn lodged on landing in 1682. Rande- 
 land was a Scotchman, came with Governor Carr, and settled in Upland 
 in 1669. He married a daughter of Joran Kyn, the Swede who founded 
 Upland, and the Yuates family are among his descendants. Thomas 
 Fairman, the survoyor (he appears to have been officially so in 1696), 
 was a forehanded Quaker, who came in probably from New Jersey in 
 1679. He married Elizabeth Kinsey, daughter and heir of John Kinsey, 
 of Herefordshire, England, and by her got three hundred acres of 
 ground, with house and outbuildings, at Shackamaxon. This land she 
 had bought from Lasse Cock, Nov. 12, 1678. It was his share of a 
 "town" of eighteen hundred acres only a short time previously laid off 
 at that point. Fairman's house was the Quaker meeting-house and 
 Penn's residence. Lasse Cock's building it may have been the cause 
 of tho Indians frequenting the spot. Fairman took up two hundred 
 and sixty acres on March 12, 167'.), at Bonsalcm, Neshaminy Creek, and 
 Juno 8, 1680, he got a grant for two hundred acres more. John Kinsey, 
 Elizabeth Fairman's father, was one of tho commissioners Bent over in 
 1677 by the Quaker Company of Yorkshire to settle Indian claims iu 
 West Jorsey. They camo in the ship " Kent," and bought all the land on 
 
 11 .mi side of the Delaware from Oldman's Creek to Assanpink Creek. 
 
 This purchase was the beginning of Burliugton. 
 
 ing of strong liquors [to Indians] was prohibited in 
 Pennsylvania, and not at New Castle ; we find it a 
 greater ill-convenience than before, our Indians go- 
 ing down to New Castle, and there buying rum and 
 making them more debauched than before (in 
 spite of the prohibition). Therefore we, whose 
 names are hereunder written, do desire that the 
 prohibition may be taken off, and rum and strong 
 liquors may be sold (in the foresaid province) as 
 formerly, until it is prohibited in New Castle, and in 
 that government of Delaware." This petition ap- 
 pears to have been renewed after Penn's arrival, for 
 we find in the minutes of the Provincial Council, un- 
 der date of 10th of Third month (May 20, 1683), that 
 "The Gov'r [Penn] Informs the Councill that he 
 had Called the Indians together, and proposed to 
 Let them have rum if they would be contented to be 
 punished as y e English were ; which they agreed to, 
 provided that y° Law of not Selling them Rum be 
 abolished." The law was in fact declared to be a 
 dead letter, but in 1684 Penn besought the Council to 
 legislate anew on the subject so at least as to arrest 
 indiscriminate sales of spirits to the savages. This 
 subject of selling rum to the Indians is continually 
 coming up in the Colonial Records. 
 
 On the 15th of July, 1682, as one result of his 
 careful surveys of the Delaware, Deputy Governor 
 Markham bought of certain Indian sachems, or 
 " sachamakers" (named Idquahou, Icanottowe, Idquo- 
 quequon, Sahoppe, for himself and Ockmickon, Mer- 
 kehowan, Oreckton, for Nannacassey, Shaurwaughton, 
 Swanpisse, Nahoosey, Tomackhickon, Weskekitt, and 
 Towharis), on Penn's account, a large tract of coun- 
 try on the Delaware above Philadelphia, including 
 the major part of what is now Bucks County (a 
 name given by Penn himself in recollection of his 
 long family connection with Buckinghamshire in 
 England), and including also the site of the manors 
 of Pennsbury and Highlands. It seems likely Penn 
 himself knew something about the qualities of this 
 tract, and had directed Markham's attention to it as 
 well as to Burlington Island. The Quakers of the 
 West New Jersey settlement were well acquainted 
 with it, George Fox had ridden through it in 1672 
 on his way to Maryland, and the preliminary paths 
 of the high-road from New York to the Delaware 
 passed through it, crossing the Delaware either at 
 Bristol or at Trenton. Pennsbury was beautifully 
 located in the bend of the river at the falls, where 
 the Delaware makes an elbow at right angles. This 
 whole tract now bpught by Markham — the consider- 
 ation to the Indians being the usual assortment of 
 match-coats, blankets, arms, trinkets, wampum, rum, 
 and in this case with a little money added — had al- 
 ready a history of its own. The Walloon families 
 sent by the Dutch to the South River are supposed 
 to have dwelt during their brief stay in that section 
 on Verhulsten Island, just below the falls. Hudde, 
 the Dutch commissary on the Delaware, erected the 
 
96 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 West India Company's coat of arms on the tract in 
 1646, and both Campanius and Adrian Van der Donck, 
 in their books about the South River country, have 
 spoken of this section. 1 
 
 In 1654, Lindstrom, the Swedish engineer, who came 
 over with Risingh, mapped this part of the Delaware 
 and adjacent lands, beginning at the falls, which he 
 designated as La Cataract d'AsinpinJc. Welcome Creek, 
 on which Penn built his manor-house, was called by 
 Lindstrom La Riviere de Sipaessingz-Kjil, and Bur- 
 lington Island, opposite Bristol, is styled Mechansio. 
 Peter Alrichs, who held many offices under both 
 Dutch and English on the Delaware from his arrival 
 at Henlopen in 1659 until the accession of Penn, had 
 titles to Burlington Island and part of the mainland 
 near Bristol under grants from the West India Com- 
 pany and from Governor Nichols in 1667. In 1682 
 he sold to Samuel Borden, and in 1688 to Samuel Car- 
 penter. Alrichs' Island was occupied in 1679 by a 
 Dutchman named Barentz. In 1675, Governor Andros 
 bought of four Indian chiefs, — Mamarckickam, An- 
 rickton, Sackoquewano, and Nanneckos, — some of the 
 same party apparently who sold to Markham, a tract 
 on the river from the present Bristol to Taylorsville, 
 embracing fine lands in three townships, and includ- 
 ing what was afterwards Penn's Manor. This purchase 
 was made for the Duke of York, but Mr. Davis, the 
 historian of Bucks County, thinks the purchase was 
 never consummated, or at least the land never occu- 
 pied. The Swedes petitioned Andros in November, 
 1677, for leave "to settle together in a town on the 
 west side of the river near the falls," in this same 
 tract.* It seems quite probable, in view of all the 
 circumstances, that there is foundation for the legend 
 that the commissioners, with Markham and Holme, 
 had looked curiously at Pennsbury, with a view to 
 locating the great city there. The difficulty with 
 regard to Upland was that so many Swedish titles 
 would have to be extinguished, and, besides, the 
 division line between Maryland and Pennsylvania 
 
 1 Davis' History of Bucks County, Pa., p. 21, et seq. 
 
 2 The names of these petitioners were Lawrence (or Lasse, Lacy ) Cock, 
 Israel Helm, Moens Cock, Andreas Bcucksou, Ephraim Herman, Caspar 
 Herman, Swen Loon , John Dalho, Jasper Fisk, Hans Moonson, Frederick 
 Roomy, Erick Muelk, Gunner Rambo, Thomas Harwood, Eric Cock, 
 Peter Jockum, Peter Cock, Jr., Jan Stille, Jonas Nielson, Oele Swenson, 
 James Sanderling, Matthias Matthias, J. Devos, and William Oriam. 
 Ephraim and Caspar Herman were both sons of Augustiu Herman, a 
 Bohemian adventurer of great accomplishmen ts, a soldier, scholar, sur- 
 veyor, sailor, and diplomatist, who, after serving in Stuyvesant's Council 
 in New Amsterdam, and conducting an embassy from him to Lord Bal- 
 timore, incurred the haughty director's displeasure and was cast into 
 prison. He escaped, went into Maryland, surveyed and made a map of 
 the Chesapeake Bay and the province, and was paid with the gift of a 
 territory in Kent and Cecil Counties, which he called Bohemia Manor. 
 It was intersected by a river of the Bame name. A part of this tract 
 was sold by Herman to a congregation of Lahadists, who settled upon it. 
 Ephraim Herman, who was born iu 1G54, lived chiefly among the Swedes 
 in Now Amsteland Upland. Ho was clerk of the court here in 167G. 
 In 1G79 ho married Elizabeth von Rodenburg, a daughter of tho Gov- 
 ernor of Curacoa, and took her to Uplands, whore he shortly afterwards 
 dosorted her to join the Labadists. He returned to her, however, after 
 a while, and was in Upland on tho day of Penn's arrival. 
 
 was still unsettled. Pennsbury was rejected after 
 survey, probably because the depth of water was 
 insufficient. At Coquannock, on the contrary, every 
 condition required by Penn was fulfilled, except that 
 the neck of the peninsula first occupied was too nar- 
 row to permit a town site of ten thousand acres to be 
 laid out upon it, and the original city, as mapped 
 by Thomas Holme, only contained between twelve 
 hundred and thirteen hundred acres. 
 
 When the site was determined, Holme and his as- 
 sistants went to work with the greatest industry to 
 lay the ground off into lots, as well as to survey the 
 farm and manor tracts which had already been sold. 
 There was need to do this promptly, for now a stream 
 of immigration began to pour in upon the city and 
 the adjacent towns and plantations. It started before 
 Penn had sailed from Deal, and it continued through 
 the year, twenty-three ships, one every sixteen days, 
 having arrived in the Delaware in 16S2. Over one 
 thousand immigrants came over that year, and Penn 
 wrote to Lord North, in September, 1683, that "since 
 last summer we have had about sixty sail of great and 
 small shipping, which is a good beginning." At the 
 end of this same year he said, in a letter to the Mar- 
 quis of Halifax, " I must, without vanity, say that I 
 have led the greatest colony into America that ever 
 any man did upon private credit, and the most pros- 
 perous beginnings that ever were in it are to be found 
 among us." 3 
 
 All these new settlers wanted their lands laid off, 
 so that they might begin to build upon them; many 
 were living in tents, or in caves cut in the high banks 
 of the Delaware and the Schuylkill. Holme and the 
 commissioners accordingly laid off the town and be- 
 gan to apportion the lots with as much dispatch as 
 possible. One of the earliest surveys on record is as 
 follows : " No. 142, David Hammon ; return for a lot. 
 Warrant, 1681, 5 th mo. 5 th . I have caused to be sur- 
 veyed and set out unto David Hamon, in right of 
 Amos Nythols, purchaser of 250 acres, his City Lot, 
 between the 5 th and 6 th sts. from Delaware, and on 
 the south side of the lot called as yet Pool street [after- 
 wards Walnut Street], in the city of Philadelphia, 
 containing in length 220 foot, bounded on the west 
 with Robert Hart's lot, on the east with John Kirk's 
 lot, on the north with y° said Pool Street, and on the 
 south with vacant lots; and containing a breadth of 
 50 foot, and was surveyed on the 6 th instant, and 
 accordingly entered and recorded in my office and 
 hereby returned into the Governor's Secretary's office, 
 Philadelphia, this 10 th of y" 5 th month, 1682. 
 
 "Thomas Holme, Surveyor- General." 
 
 This is proof that the city was named, surveyed, 
 
 platted, and lots had begun to be occupied by settlers 
 
 iu July, 1682. Exactly how, or when, or why Penn 
 
 named the city Philadelphia does not now seem easy 
 
 3 Watson's Annals, i. IS 
 a to dates, has brought i 
 
 Cauipiui 
 both Hi. 
 
 , however, who is rather careless 
 ermaus and Welsh nearly a year 
 
The following list of first purchasers of lots, as laid down in Holme's "Portraiture 
 of the City of Philadelphia/' was found among the manuscript papers of William 
 Rawle, Esq. It is said that it was taken from a copy of an abstract made by 
 John Hughes from the Proprietaries' books. The purchasers of 1000 acres and 
 upwards are placed in the Front and High Street. 
 
 William Penn, Ju'., 
 W», Lowther, 
 Lawrence Growden, 
 Philip Ford, 
 The Society, 
 Nidi. Moore, Press* 11 ., 
 Juhn March, 
 James Harrison, 
 Thomas Farmborrow, 
 James Boydeu, | 
 N. N., I 
 
 Francis Burrough, 1 
 Hubert Knight, j 
 John Reynolds, 
 Nathan Bromly, 
 Enoch Flower, 
 Jn a . Moore, "1 
 
 llninpf, South, 
 Thomas Baker, }■ 
 Suhrian Cole, | 
 
 Sam 1 . Johnson, J 
 James Claypoole, 
 Alex a . Parker, "i 
 N. N., 
 
 Robert Greenway, ) 
 Sam 1 . Carpenter, 
 Christ 1 ". Taylor, 
 William Shardlow, 
 John Love, ~| 
 
 Nathi, Allen, > 
 
 Edw<i. Jiffreson, ) 
 John Sweetapple, [ 
 Tlio". Bond, | 
 
 Richard Currset, [■ 
 Robert Taylor, 
 Fra 3 . Rowland, j 
 Tho 3 . Herrot, 
 Chi". Pnhrin, ) 
 
 Thomas Bowrne, - 
 John "Willard, j 
 Edwd. Blardman, i 
 Rich*. Webb, ! 
 
 John Boy, 
 Dan'. Smith, , J 
 Letitia Penn, 
 W»>, Bowman, 
 Griffith Jones, 
 The. Callowhill, 
 
 W"». Stanley, 
 Joseph Fisher, 
 Roht. Turner. 
 Thomas Holme, 
 Clement Millward ) 
 
 Richard Davis, 
 Abniham Park, 
 W«\ Smith, 
 John Blachlin, 
 Allen Foster, 
 W"». Wade, 
 Benj. Chambers, 
 Shod 1 . Fox, 
 Francis Burrougb, 
 George Palmer, 
 John Barber, 
 John Sharpless, 
 Henry Maddock, 
 Tho". Rowland, } 
 Jolm Borer, 
 Richard Crosby, 
 Josiah Ellis, 
 Tho». Woobrick, | 
 John Alsop, 
 John Day, 
 Francis Plumstead ) 
 
 N. N., 
 N. N., 
 
 Tho". Bond, 
 John Swcetaple, 
 Tho". Rowland, 
 John Love, . 
 
 Margt. Martendall . 
 Janiee Claypoole, 
 
 I 4 
 
 No. 
 John Barber, 
 W». WHde, 
 Thomas Browne, 
 Griffith Jou.es, 
 John Day, 
 Francis Plumstcd, V&0 7 
 Abraham Pask, j 
 .Fames Harrison, 51 8 
 Josiah Ellis, | 
 
 8am 1 . Jobson, 
 Sam 1 . Lawsou, [■ 52 00 
 
 Jolm Moon, 
 John Sharpless, J 
 Christopher Taylor, 53 10 
 George Palmer, 54 11 
 Clement Millward, 55 12 
 8am 1 . Carpenter, 5(1 1:1 
 Tho". Harreot, 57 14 
 
 Nath'. Allen, | 
 
 Bob'. Taylor, i „ -U 
 
 Tho». Woobrick, f' J ' ' 
 Alex'. Parker, ) 
 John Simcock, 59 10 
 
 'John Boxer, 
 John Rcynuolds, 
 Dan 1 . Smith, 
 Francis Burrough J 
 Richard Da ■ 
 Enoch Flower, "I 
 Nath. Bloomley, -62 19 
 James Bowden, j 
 Muses Charas, 
 W™. Bowman, 
 Rob'. Tinner, 
 The". Holme, 
 Joseph Fisher, 
 W». Stanley,, 
 Ww. Sharlon, 
 Tho 3 . Franburou 
 Edw*. Blardman 
 4'. Webb, 
 
 |.li0 17 
 
 61 IS 
 
 04 21 
 
 Edv. 
 
 .liilr 
 
 S-71 2S 
 
 Henrv Maddock, J 
 Rob'. Knight, I . 
 
 Tho». Rowland, ) 
 John Boy. \ 
 
 Humphrey South, | 
 John Blaeklen, }' 
 Richard Crosby, I 
 Tho". Barber, I 
 
 W». Crispin, 
 Tho». Callowhill, 
 Richard Corset, "1 
 John Alsop, ! . 
 
 Sahran Cole, f 
 
 Cha". Pickring, J 
 John Willard, 
 W». Smith, 
 Rob'. Greenway, 
 W"». Taylor, 
 Tho". Brassley, 
 Tho". Harley, 
 Rich<l. Thomas, 
 Benj. Furley, 
 John Simcock, 
 
 177 34 
 
 78 35 
 
 79 3(i 
 So .'17 
 
 si ;;s 
 
 82 39 
 
 43 
 
 The High-Street Lots 
 begin at N 44 & so pro- 
 ceed on both sides High 
 Street upwards to the 
 Centre Square. 
 
 , Here follow the Lots 
 of the Purchasers under 
 1000 acres & placed in the 
 back streets of the Front 
 of Delaware A begins with 
 the N 5 at the South Side 
 and so proceed No as in 
 the Draught. 
 
 Tho". Powell, 5 
 
 George Simcock, 
 
 Barth". Coppock, 7 
 
 W». Yard, S 
 
 44 1 
 
 John Parsons, 
 John Goodson, 
 John Moore, 
 And'. Griscom, 
 John Frisk, 
 Isaac Martin, 
 W». Carter, 
 John Suuthworth, 
 Rich 1 . Ingles, 
 
 Richard Noble, 
 
 N.N., 
 
 W»>. Gibson, 
 Rob'. Lodge, 
 John Banu-at, 
 James Park, 
 Leonard Fell, 
 
 John Harding, 
 John Hinsman, 
 Israel Hobbs, 
 Edw 1 . Larnway, 
 W">. Wiggau, 
 Richd. Worral, 
 
 John Songhurst, 
 John Barries, 
 Sarah Fuller, 
 Tho". Vernon, 
 Rundal Vernon ( 
 Rob'. Vernon, 
 Tho«. Mindshall, 
 W». Moore. 
 John Striugfellow, 
 Tho". Scott, 
 Henry Waddy 
 Thomas Virge, 
 William Buswel! 
 Jane Batchlo, 
 Tho". Callowhill 
 Tho". Pagel, 
 John Dixon, 
 Tho". Paschall 
 
 Priscitla Sheppard, 
 Walter Marten, 
 Sarah Hei-sent, 
 Eliz. Simmons, 
 W">. Lane, 
 
 Israel Bri 
 
 Edw fl . Erbury, 
 Roger Drew, 
 John Rennet, ' 
 Mary Woodworl 
 John Russol, 
 Tho". 'Berry, 
 George Ranilel, 
 Tho". Harris, 
 Wis. Harmer, 
 
 Dayid Brint, 
 Sarah Wooln 
 John Tibby, 
 Cha". Lee, 
 
 Tho". Cross, 
 
 Arch Mitchell, 
 John Clark, 
 Israel Self, 
 Edw 1 . Luff, 
 John Brothers, 
 Edw-a, Beezer, 
 Anth Elton, 
 John Gibson, 
 Dan 1 , Smith, 
 Edw 1 . Brown, 
 John Fish, 
 Rob'. Holgate, 
 John Pusey, 
 Caleb Pusey, 
 Sam 1 . Noyes, 
 Tho". Sugar, 
 W». Withers, 
 John Collect, 
 Humphrey Mm' 
 Eliz. Shorter, 
 
 Joseph Knight, \ 
 
 121 
 
 John Guest, j 
 
 Rob'. Key, 
 
 122* 
 
 Will Isaac, 
 
 123 
 
 Edw d . Jefferies, 
 
 124 
 
 Ann Brawley, 
 
 125 
 
 Rob'. Summer, 
 
 126 
 
 Tho". Gensh, 
 
 127 
 
 W«. Gloves, 
 
 128 
 
 W m . Bayley, 
 
 129 
 
 James Hyll, 
 
 130 
 
 Tho". Hatt, 
 
 131 
 
 W m . Hitchcock, 
 
 132 
 
 W». Bryant, 
 
 133 
 
 Rob'. Downton, 
 
 134 
 
 John Buckley, 
 
 135 
 
 W». Ashby, 
 
 ,13G 
 
 EdvA Simkius, 
 
 137 
 
 Henry Backston, 
 
 138 
 
 Edw' 1 . Crew, 
 
 139 
 
 John Martin, 
 
 140 
 
 Henry Geery, 
 
 141 
 
 John Geery, 
 
 142 
 
 Rob'. Jones, 
 
 143 
 
 John Kirton, 
 
 141 
 
 Tho". Saunders, 
 
 14. 
 
 Army Child, 
 
 14li 
 
 Rich°\ Wooler, 
 
 147 
 
 Gilbert Mace, 
 
 14S 
 
 Tho". Jones, 
 
 14'l 
 
 Tho". Levezly, 
 
 150 
 
 John Astiu, ■ 
 
 151 
 
 Robert Hoskius, 
 
 152 
 
 W»>. Tanuer, 
 
 
 Dan 1 . Jones, 
 
 154 
 
 Jos. Tanner, 
 
 155 
 
 Richard Townsend, 
 
 156 
 
 Jos. Buckley, 
 
 157 
 
 Sam 1 . Miles, 
 
 15S 
 
 Dan 1 . Quane, 
 
 159 
 
 David Kinsey, 
 
 160 
 
 I'Ak'K Blake, 
 
 161 
 
 David Jones, 
 
 162 
 
 Henry Slighton, 
 
 163 
 
 Tho". Jones, 
 
 164 
 
 John Hicks, 
 
 165 
 
 
 166 
 
 Tho!. Barbury, 
 
 167 
 
 John Glenn, 
 
 168 
 
 Amns Nicholas, 
 
 169 
 
 Rich d . Jordon, 
 
 170 
 
 Sam 1 . Bannet, 
 
 171 
 
 Tho". Cobb, 
 
 172 
 
 John Barber, 
 
 173 
 
 John Betyr, 
 
 174 
 
 George Andrews, 
 
 175 
 
 Rub'. Stephens, 
 
 176 
 
 W m . Beezer, 
 
 177 
 
 Tho". Hayward, 
 
 178 
 
 Oliver Cope, 
 
 179 
 
 John Bunnel, 
 
 ISO 
 
 Gilbert Mace, 
 
 181 
 
 John Neild, 
 
 182 
 
 NatU. Park, 
 
 183 
 
 Barth". Coppock, 
 
 184 
 
 ¥". Neak, 
 
 185 
 
 Joseph Miller, 
 
 186 
 
 Edw 1 . Bayler, 
 
 187 
 
 Peter Lienster, 
 
 188 
 
 Heury Henning, 
 
 189 
 
 John Evans, 
 
 190 
 
 Randel Malin, 
 
 191 
 
 Allen Robinet, 
 
 192 
 
 Hitherto the Lc 
 
 ts of 
 
 Delaware Front t 
 
 ) the 
 
 Centre of the City. 
 
 
 Herefolloweth the Lut* 
 of Skuylkill Front to the 
 Center of the City the 
 Purchasers from 1000 
 acres and upwards are 
 placed in the Front and 
 High Streets, and begins 
 on Skuylkill Front at the 
 South end with N 1, and 
 so proceeds with the Front 
 to the northward to N 
 4;;. 
 
 W» Penn, Ju'., 1 
 
 W»». Lowther, 2 
 
 Lawrence Growden, 3 
 
The following list of first purchasers of lots, as laid down in Holme's " Portraiture 
 of the City of Philadelphia," was found among the manuscript papers of William 
 Eawle, Esq. It is said that it was taken from a copy of an abstract made by 
 John Hughes from the Proprietaries' books. The purchasers of 1000 acres and 
 upwards are placed in the Front and High Street. 
 
 William Penn, Ju'., 
 W ln . Lowther, 
 Lawrence Growilen 
 Philip Ford, 
 
 Francis llurrough, | 
 Holier! Knight, J 
 John Reynolds* 
 Nullum BromlJi 
 
 25 
 
 Griffith Jones, 
 John Day, 
 Francis I'luiust. .1, 
 Abraham Pask, 
 James Harrison 
 Jnsiiih Ellis, 
 Sum 1 . Jl.llSnll, 
 
 Sam 1 . Lawson, 
 .loll II Moon, 
 
 John Sharpies*, 
 
 49 6 Richard Noble, 
 
 John Hickock, 
 
 61 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 lid 
 
 N.N 
 
 
 
 
 W">. 
 
 Gibson, 
 
 
 
 Hob 
 
 lodge, 
 
 or, 53 
 
 1U 
 
 .b.bi 
 
 IJ;uu.-at, 
 
 Enoch Flower, Clement Ttlillvva 
 ,ln». Moore, 1 Sam', ('iii'liont.-r 
 n|,i. South, I Tho*. Haircut, 
 
 Lei 
 
 nl l'VII, 
 
 '• 
 
 .lohii 
 
 s Claypoole, 
 Alex". Parker, 
 N. N., 
 
 Hubert Greeuway, 
 Sam 1 . Carpenter, 
 . Taylor, 
 
 Willi, 
 John 
 
 Sbardl" 
 
 Love, I 
 
 Allen, 1- 
 
 Jiflresdn, 1 
 
 lolni Sweetaftpie, 
 I'h.i'. Bond, 
 
 Richard Chipset' 
 
 Robert Taylor, 
 Fill*. Rowland, 
 Hio". Horrot, 
 
 'In-. Pnlirin, 
 
 » 
 
 John Willard, 
 Edw". Blardmr 
 Rich". Wohb, 
 John Boy, 
 Dan'. Smith, 
 I ,t-t it in Penn, 
 W'ii. Bowman, 
 Griffith Jones, 
 Tho". Callowhill, 
 
 W™. Stanley, 
 Joseph Fisher, 
 Hob'. Turner. 
 Thomas Holme, 
 
 Clen t Millwiii-il I 
 
 Richard Davis, / 
 Abraham Park, I 
 W'". Smith, l 
 
 John lllaclilin, I 
 Allen Foster, I 
 
 Nathl. Allen, 
 Rob'. Taylor, 
 The. Woobricli 
 Alex'. Parker, 
 John Silucuok, 
 John Bezer, 
 John Reynuolils, 
 Dan'. Smith, 
 Frauds Bull nii|-'h 
 Richard Davis, 
 Munch Flower, 
 Math. Blooinley, 
 James Bowden, 
 Moses fjharas, 
 W ffi . Bowman, 
 Hob', Turner, 
 Tho'. Hoi ion, 
 Joseph Fisher, 
 \V»i. Slanlev. 
 W". Sharlon, 
 Tho". Fraiiboroug 
 Edw". Blaliliiiaii, 
 Rich". Wobbl 
 
 ; 58 i:, 
 I 
 
 ; ii" it 
 61 Hi 
 
 ;..,, 
 
 03 20 
 
 04 21 
 lis H 
 [HI SI 
 
 MT 24 
 
 03 25 
 811 26 
 
 i, 7D a 
 
 John Harding, 
 John Hiiisiiiun, 
 Israel Hobbs, 
 Filw'. Larnway, 
 W m . Wiggan, 
 Ri.-h". Worral, 
 
 John Songhuiat, 
 John Barnes, 
 Sarah Fuller, 
 Tho". Vernon, 
 Hnndal Vernon! 
 Rob'. Vernon, 
 Tho". Mindshull, 
 
 Joseph Knight, 
 John Guest, 
 
 20 Hob'. Key, 
 
 27 Will Isaac, 
 
 28 Edwd. Jefferies, 
 
 29 Ann Brawley, 
 
 30 Rob'. Summer, 
 
 31 Tho». Gensh, 
 
 32 W">. Gloves. 
 
 33 W". Bayloy, 
 
 34 Jnmes Hvll, 
 38 Tho>. Halt, 
 
 3d W». Hitchcock. 
 
 37 W». Bryant, 
 
 38 Rob', Downtnn, 
 89 John Buckley, 
 ■in W-. Ashby, 
 
 41 Edwi. Sipikins, 
 
 42 Henry Backslon, 
 
 43 Edw". Crew, 
 14 John Martin, 
 45 Henry Geery, 
 Hi John Geery, 
 
 17 Rob'. Joues, 
 
 18 John Kirton, 
 -l!l Thin. Saunders, 
 r.n Army Child, 
 
 51 Rich". Wooler, 
 
 .".2 Gilbert Mace, 
 
 53 Tho". Jones, 
 
 54 Tho*. Levezly, 
 60 John Astin, 
 
 Robert llosliius, 
 
 129 
 
 13(1 
 131 
 
 ;VJ 
 
 Eilw". JilTr 
 
 Henry Mudilock, I 
 
 Hob', Knight, I 
 
 Tho", Rowland, I 
 
 John Bov. I 
 
 H 1 1 1 1 1 1 . 1 1 . .- v South, | 
 
 John Blacklen, j- 
 
 Richard Crosby, I 
 
 Tho". Barber, I 
 
 John 
 Suhra 
 
 I 7 
 
 Francis Burr.. ugh, 
 George Palmer, 
 John Barber, 
 John Sharpies*, | 
 Henry Maddock, 
 Tho". Rowland, I 
 John Borer, I 
 
 Richanl Crosby, 
 Josiuh Ellis, I 
 
 Tho". Woobri.k, 
 John Alsop, j 
 John Day, I 
 
 Francis I'limistciol I 
 
 W». Crlanjh, 43 
 
 The High-Street hots 
 begin at N 44 .y BO pro.- 
 Cecil i. ii bulb sides High 
 
 Street upwards to ilie 
 Centre Square. 
 
 N. N., It 1 
 
 Tho". Rowland, 
 John Love, 
 Marg'. Martemli 
 
 Piukrlfig, 
 
 John Willard, 
 W>". Smith, 
 Rnb'.Grecnwny, 
 W». Taylor, 
 
 T - I'ciissley, 
 
 Tho". llarlev, 
 Rich". Thomas, 
 Benj, Furlov, 
 
 John simcock, 
 
 W». Moi 
 John Striugfellow, 
 Tho". Scott, 
 Henry Waddy, 
 Thomas Virge, 
 William Boswell, 
 Jane Batchlo, 
 Tho". Callowhill. 
 Tho'. Pugel, 
 John Dixon, 
 Tim', Paschal!, 
 
 Priscilla Sheppard, 
 Walter Marten, 
 Sarah Hersent, 
 KHz. Simmons, 
 W'". Lane, 
 Israel Breiict, 
 Edw' 1 . Erbury, 
 Roger Dn 
 
 W". Is- 
 Dan'. Joues, 
 Jos. Tanner, 
 Hichard Townseuil, 
 Jos. Buckley, 
 Sam'. Miles, 
 Dan'. Quane, 
 I'aviil Kinsey, 
 Edw". Blako, 
 David Jones, 
 lleury Slight.. n, 
 Tho J . Jones, 
 John Hicks, 
 
 74 
 
 104 
 105 
 160 
 
 Here follow tho Lots 
 of the Purchasers uinlci 
 10011 acres & placed in the 
 back streets of the Front 
 of DclavMtre& begins with 
 the N oat the South Side 
 and so proceed N° ns in 
 the Draught. 
 
 Tho>. Powell, 
 
 George simcock. 6 
 
 Barth . Coppock, 7 
 
 \V«|. Yard, 8 
 
 John Parsons, 
 John Goodaou, 
 John Moore, 
 And'. Grlscom 
 John Frisk, 
 
 WX 6a, 
 Tho* Rouse, 
 38 Nehemiah Mitchel, 
 
 David Brint, 
 Sarah W ntti 
 
 .i.iini Tihby, 
 Cha". Lee, 
 
 78 
 
 W». East, 
 Tho , Crosi 
 
 Arch Mitchell, 
 John I'hil. 
 Israel Self, 
 Edw". Luff, 
 John Brothcis, 
 Edw" Beczer, 
 Anth Elton, 
 John Gibson, 
 Dan'. Smith, 
 Edw". Brown, 
 John Fish. 
 Rot.'. Ilolgatc. 
 , I. .I.n 1'iw-y, 
 Caleb Puscv, 
 
 Sam'. Noyos, 
 The. Sugar, 
 W». Withers, 
 
 John Collect. 
 Iliimplirev Mm 
 KHz. Shorter, 
 
 Tho'. Barburv, 
 
 John Glonn. 168 
 
 Amos Nicholas, 109 
 
 Rich-'. Jordon, 17" 
 
 Sam'. Bannet, 171 
 
 11) Tho". Cobb, 172 
 
 SO John Barber, 173 
 
 81 John Batyr, 174 
 
 82 George Andrews, 175 
 S3 Hob'. Stephens, 176 
 si M». BeHer, 177 
 85 Th..', Havwanl, 178 
 so Uliver Cope, 17'J 
 
 87 John Bunnel, 180 
 
 88 Gilbert Mace, 181 
 
 89 John Nelld. 182 
 It" Niith'. Park, 183 
 
 91 Barth». Coppock, 184 
 
 92 W». Neak, 185 
 
 93 Joseph Miller, 180 
 "4 Edw". Bayler, 187 
 
 95 Peter Lieneter, 188 
 
 96 Henry Henning, 189 
 
 97 John Evans, 19" 
 
 98 Randel Malin, 191 
 
 99 Allen Roliinet, 192 
 
 "1 Hitherto the Lots of 
 
 "2 Delaware Front to the 
 103 Centre of the City. 
 
 OUth cml with N 1, and 
 o proceeds with the Front 
 . the northward to N 
 
 . Penn, Ju'., 
 
 . Lowther, 
 rrence Growdeu, 
 
 
 Philip Ford, 
 The Society, 
 Nicli. Moore, Presi 
 John Maiidi, 
 Tho*. Rudyard, 
 Andrew Sowle, 
 Herbert S|u ing.-t, 
 George White, 
 Henry Child, 
 Cha". Batlihurst, 
 W. Kent, 
 John Tovey, 
 W».. Phillips, 
 Rol.'. Dimsdal, 
 W». Bay Ion, 
 James Willis, 
 Philip Lehnman, 
 Mich. Wain. 
 Cha". Marshall. 
 George Green, 
 W™. Jenkins, 
 John Bevan, 
 Edw". Pritchard, 
 W"i. Pardon. 
 W m . Powell, 
 Cha". Loyd, 
 John Hurst, 
 Joshua Hastings, 
 Edw". Petrin, 
 Tho. Minchin, 
 John up John, 
 IV- Smith, 
 Rich 1 '. Collins. 
 Rich". Snead, 
 Dugel Camel, 
 W"i. Russell, 
 John Cole, 
 Rich". Guntoii, 
 
 Balzeh Foster, 
 
 John Marsh, 
 
 James Hunt, 
 John Blunston, 
 Ilenrv Bayley, 
 Jobn'Wiliiauis A 
 Edw". Penington, 
 Mary Penington, 
 Fra. Rogers, 
 Sam'. Clariilge, 
 James Craven, 
 Rich". Pearce, 
 Tho". Phillips, 
 Sam'. Taveuer, 
 Tho. Peurer, 
 Solomon Richards] 1 
 Arthur Perryn, 
 John Knapper, 
 John Dennison. 
 Benj. East, 
 John West, 
 Vac, 
 
 Francis Finies, 
 Tho". Roberts, 
 Rob'. Toomer, 
 John Gee, 
 Jacob & Joseph Fuller, 
 George Shore, 
 Edw". Slew-hard, 
 Johu Thomas, 
 Hugh Lamb, 
 Sarah Fuller, 
 Sam'. Allen, 
 Edw". Benuet, 
 W'». Lloyd, 
 Ricli". Thatcher, 
 John Mayson, 
 Tho". Elwood, 
 John King, 
 Henry Pawling, 
 George Pownal, 
 Rich". Baker, 
 John Clowes, 
 John Brock, 
 James Dilworth, 
 Edw". West, 
 H. Killinghock, 
 Rich". Victris, 
 Cha". Harford, 
 Wm. Brown, 
 W». Beaks, 
 Cha". Jones, 
 Tho", Crosdale, 
 Walter King, 
 John Jones, 
 
 L 
 
 Francis Smith, 42 
 
 Rich". Penn, Sam.] 
 Rolls, Isaac Gel- | 
 Hers, John Mason, j- 43 
 W». Markham, j 
 Edw". Warner, J 
 
 The High Street Lots 
 begins at 44, and so pro- 
 ceeds on both sides of 
 that Street to the Centre 
 Square. 
 
 44 1 
 
 Benj". East, 
 John West, 
 Will. Phillips, 
 Will Smith, 
 Tho*. Minehin, 
 John Bevan, 
 Sam 1 . Allen, 
 John Thomas. 
 Andrew Sowle, 
 James Uillwort 
 John Jones, 
 John King, 
 John Mason, 
 Sam'. Claridge, 
 John Gee, 
 Jacob & Jos. Fuller / 
 Wi». Markham, 
 John Plunston, 1 
 George Wood, 1- 
 Edw". Richard, J 
 John Brock, I 
 
 Rob'. Turner, | 
 
 John Ambry, ' 
 
 Nich. Wain, 
 HeiiryKilliuglieckJ 
 Sami. Rolls, 
 Solomon Richard, 1 
 Arthur Perriu, | 
 John Napper, J 
 
 John Dennison, I 
 John, Edw"., «'•„ 
 A Mary Penington 
 Rich". Penn, 
 Sam 1 . Fox, 
 John Cole, 
 Will Russell, 
 Henry Bayley, 
 Lewis David, 
 Josh. Hastings, 
 Philip Lehliiaan, 
 John Mason, 
 Tho". Elwood, 
 James Wallis, 
 Bszeloon Foster, 
 Cha". Marshall, 
 W". Lloyd, 
 
 50 14 
 57 15 
 
 Cha*. Jones, 
 Henrv Child, 
 Geo. Green, 
 Cha". Lloyd, 
 Edw". Studbard, 
 Geo. Shore, 
 Rich". Victris, 
 Sam 1 . Baker, 
 John Hart, 
 James Hunt, 
 Rich". Collins, 
 John Rowland,* 
 
 Rob'. Dimsdal, 
 
 \V». Bro 
 Francis Smith, 
 John Marsh, 
 Cha". Harford, 
 John Clowes, 
 Edw". West, 
 Edm". Bennet, 
 Will Kent, 
 Edw". Betrice, 
 Cha*. Bethwist, 
 W». Powell, 
 
 04 22 
 
 05 23 
 
 06 24 
 
 John Nort, 
 
 
 John Sunners, 
 
 Rich". Hunns, 
 
 
 Jos. Richards, 
 
 Henry Pawlin, 
 
 74 32 
 
 John Bristow, 
 
 John Shin's, 
 
 
 Peter Young, 
 
 Tho". Thetchor, 
 
 
 Geo. Powel, 
 
 Hugh I.amh, 
 
 75 33 
 
 John Sansom, 
 
 Geo, White, j 
 
 John Pallows, 
 
 Isnac Collins, 
 
 76 34 
 
 Chris'. Turford, 
 
 W m . Bevan, 
 
 77 35 
 
 James Hill, 
 
 Tho". Rudyard, 
 Tho". Roberts, 
 
 78 36 
 
 W-. Salway, 
 
 Francis nurford, 
 
 Rich". Barker, 
 
 
 John Wain, 
 
 Will.. Jenkins, 
 
 79 37 
 
 Will Cacil, 
 
 Rich''. Clinton, 
 
 John S[iencer, 
 
 Edw". Murlendale, 
 
 
 Arthur Bewse, 
 
 Waltci King. 
 
 
 Tho". Bayley, 
 
 Dugall Camel, 
 
 
 Joel Johnson, 
 
 Allen Foster, 
 
 80 38 
 
 Rich". Mills, 
 
 Fiancis Finches, 
 
 
 Tho*. PlenBe. 
 
 Eilm". Warner, 
 
 
 Francis Harrison, 
 
 s Craven, 
 
 
 John Worrel, 
 
 Rich". Pierce, 
 
 
 Tho". Cam, 
 Josepli Jones, 
 Rob'. Wordel, 
 
 Sam. Tuverner, 
 
 
 Til..'. I'ieice, 
 
 
 Rich". Hinder, 
 
 Rich". Snead, 
 
 S2-4" 
 
 Henry Wright, 
 
 Frauds Rogers, 
 
 83 41 
 
 Henry Lrtetilield, 
 
 Geo. Rogers, 
 
 Francis Jobsou, 
 
 
 84 42 
 
 Rob*. Evan, 
 
 
 85 43 
 
 John Millingtoii, 
 Mary Southwolth 
 Milieu Marks, 
 
 Here follows the Pu 
 
 Joshua Holland, 
 
 chasers of Front of 
 
 Sknyl- 
 
 John Elson, 
 
 kill and begins 
 
 t the 
 
 
 Southern Side wit 
 
 i N 1, 
 
 Tho". I.onghorn, 
 John Fummer, 
 
 and so proceeds by 
 
 N«.as 
 
 in tlie Draught. 
 
 
 Joseph Petter, 
 
 Sluireth Walth, 
 John Nixon, 
 John Bliuul, 
 
 H y Green, 
 
 Mollis Leliiiliolme, 
 John Beven, 
 John Clare, 
 W>». Morilinit. 
 John Buyer, 
 
 Alex 8 -. Bearslev, 
 Tho'. Sininions, 
 Tho'. Cowhllrn, 
 Tho". Dell, 
 Rich. Few, 
 John Swift, 
 W m . Lawrence, 
 Henry Coin, 
 Allen Oliff, 
 Vac, 
 
 John Harper, 
 Rob'. Adams, 
 John Huges, 
 Sarah Cores, 
 Rich". Noble, 
 John Longworth, 
 James Clayton, 
 Henry Lewis, 
 Lewis David, 
 W». Howell, 
 John Burgo, 
 Reese Radra, 
 Will Chardley, 
 Will Bostwik, 
 Jos. Hall, 
 James Lancaster, 
 Tho*. Briggs, 
 
 Peter Wo 
 
 . Buckley, 
 Cuthbert Hvhurst, 
 Jolin Burcluil, 
 Tho'. Moiris, 
 Daniel Medlecot, 
 John Jones, 
 Roger Buck, 
 Rich". Hunt, 
 Rob'. Sumlyhmds, 
 Geo. Keith, 
 John Snashold, 
 Wm. Bingley, 
 Tho". Parsons, 
 Peter Delbo, 
 W". East, 
 W». Clark, 
 Geo. Stroud, 
 
 David Hammond, 
 Tho". Worth, 
 Edw". Carter, 
 
 Math. Grauge, 
 Jane Lownes, 
 Ralph Kinsey, 
 Philip Alford, 
 Ralph Ward, 
 Sam 1 . Atheson, 
 Edw". Walter, 
 Tho". Powel, 
 Jos. Powel, 
 Shardrach Walley, 
 Edw'.Carthlidge, 
 John Brown, 
 James Ducks, 
 John Pierce, 
 
 Johu Stevens, 
 Eliz. Lovel, 
 John Oldam, 
 
 Billmet Longstafl, 
 Rich". Pearce, 
 Henry Parker, 
 Dennis Linsey, 
 Philip Cordrey, 
 John Skein, 
 
 William Thratth, 136 
 
 John Sbarborrow, 137 
 
 Randel Croston, 138 
 
 Edw". Edwards, 139 
 
 Rob'. Frame, 140 
 
 Philip Runnedge, 141 
 
 Henry Burnnrd, 142 
 
 Tho". Wolf, 143 
 
 Richard Richardson, 144 
 
 Rich''. Amour, 145 
 
 Johu Edge, 147 
 
 Mark Reynton, 148 
 
 Tho". Lawson, 149 
 
Philip Ford, 
 
 The Society, 
 
 Nich. Moure, Presd'., 
 
 John Marsh, 
 
 Tho». Rudyard, 1 
 
 Andrew Sowle, J 
 
 Herbert Si 
 
 George Wl._._, 
 
 Henry Child, t 
 
 Cha". Bathhurst, T 
 
 W». Kent, I 
 
 John Tovey, [ 
 
 W">. Phillips, J 
 
 Rob'. Dimsdal, 
 
 W». Baylon, 
 
 James Willis, 1 
 Philip Lehuman, > 
 Nich. Wain, j 
 
 Cha". Marshall. 
 George Green, "I 
 W». Jenkins, V 
 
 John Iievan, j 
 
 Edw d . Pritchard, I 
 \Vn>. Pardon. > 
 
 W™. Powell, ) 
 
 Cha". Loyd, 
 John Hurst, ^ 
 
 Joshua Hastings, 1 
 Ed\v d . Petrin, 
 Tho. Minchin, 
 John ap Johi 
 W». Smith, 
 Rich*. Collins. ) 
 Rich d . Snead, I 
 
 Dugel Camel, l 
 
 Wm. Russell, 
 John Cole, ] 
 
 Rich d . GuntoD, 1 
 Balzeloou Foster, | 
 John Marsh, \- 
 
 Rich*. Hans, I 
 
 James Hunt, I 
 
 John Blunston, j 
 Henry Bayley, J 
 John Williams & 
 Edw d . Penington, 
 Mary Penington, 
 ~ .. Rog 
 
 Francis Smith, 42 
 
 Rich''. Penn, Sam. 1 
 Rolls, Isaac Gel- | 
 liers, John Mason, \ 43 
 W». MarUhnm, | 
 Edw d . Warner, J 
 
 The High Street Lots 
 begins at 44, and so pro- 
 ceeds on both sides of 
 that Street to the Centre 
 Square. 
 
 Bcnj a . East, 1 
 
 John West, 1 
 
 Will. Phillips, | ■ 
 
 Will Smith, j 
 
 Tho«. Minchin, i 
 
 John Bevau, }'. 
 
 Sam'. Allen, J 
 John Thomas. 
 
 Andrew Sowle, 1 
 
 Sam'. Claridge, 26 
 
 James Craven] 1 
 Richa. Pearce, 
 Tho". Phillips, \ 27 
 
 Sam 1 . Tavener, 
 Tho. Penrer, J 
 
 Solomon Richards, ) 
 Arthur Perryn, | 
 John Kuapper, \- 28 
 John Dennison, 1 
 Benj. East, I 
 
 John West, 29 
 
 Vac, 3(1 
 
 Francis Finies, 1 
 Tho 9 . Roberts, I 3 | 
 Rob*. Toomer, 
 John Gee, J 
 
 Jacob & Joseph Fuller, 32 
 George Shore, 33 
 
 Ed\\"f Slewbard, 34 
 
 Johu Thomas, 35 
 
 Hugh Lamb, ~) 
 
 Sarah Fuller, > 36 
 
 Sami. AlleD, J 
 
 Edw d . Bennet, 
 W». Lloyd, I 
 
 Rich d . Thetcher, | 
 John Mayson, J 
 Tho 9 . Elwood, 
 Johu King, 
 Henry Pawling, f 
 George Pownal, I 
 Rich d . Baker, j 
 
 John Clowes, 1 
 
 John Brock, 
 James Dilworth, \ 
 Edw d . West, 1 
 
 H. Killinghock, J 
 Rich'i. Victris, 1 
 Cha". Harford, 
 W r ° l . Brown, I 
 
 W». Beaks, J 
 
 Cha". Jones, ] 
 
 Tho". Crosdale, 
 Walter King, | 
 
 John Jones, J 
 
 37 
 
 < Dilhvorth, 
 
 US 6 
 
 John Jones, 
 
 John King, 
 
 John Mason, I 
 
 Sam'. Claridge, 49 7 
 
 John Gee, U n s 
 
 Jacob &Jos.Fullerj 
 
 W. Markham, 51 9 
 
 Johu Plunston, ") 
 
 George Wood, V52 1U 
 
 Edw d . Richard, J 
 
 John Brock, | 
 
 Rob>. Turner, 
 
 John Ambry, ■ }-53 11 
 
 Nich. Wain, 
 
 HenryKillingbeck J 
 
 Sam'. Rolls, 54 12 
 
 Solomon Richard, 1 
 Arthur Perrin, L 513 
 
 John Napper, | 
 
 John Dennison, I 
 John, Edw d „ W».,l - 6U 
 & Mary Penington J 
 Rich d . Penn, 57 15 
 
 Sam'. Fox, ] 
 
 John Cole, l*fiifi 
 
 Will Russell, 
 Henry Bayley, 
 Lewis David, 
 
 • Josh. Hastings, ^-59 17 
 Philip Lehnmau, 
 John Mason, 1 
 
 Tho". Elwood, 'j. col8 
 
 James Wallis, ( 
 Bazeloon Foster, j 
 Cha". Marshall, 61 19 
 W». Lloyd, 1 
 
 Tho". Crosdall, L 62 20 
 Geo. Pownell, I 
 
 W". Becks, ) 
 
 Cha". Jones, "i 
 
 Henrv Child, )■ 
 
 Geo. Green, ) 
 
 Cha". Lloyd, 64 22 
 
 Edw d . Studbard, 65 23 
 Geo. Shore, 66 24 
 
 Rich d . Victris, 1 
 Sam'. Baker, ! 6725 
 
 John Hart, [ 
 
 James Hunt, J 
 
 Rich d . Collins, "1 
 John Rowland,* l 6826 
 
 Rob 1 . Dimsdal, 
 John ap John, ) 
 
 John Nort, 
 Rich d . Hauns, 
 Henrv Pawlin, 
 John Shiris, 
 Tho". Thetcher, 
 Hugh Lamb, 
 Geo. White, 
 Isaac Gellins, 
 W m . Bevan, 
 , Tho". Rudyard, 
 Tho". Roberts, 
 Rich d . Barker, 
 Will. Jenkins, 
 Rich d . Gunton, 
 Edw d . Marlendale. 
 Walter King, 
 Dugall Camel, 
 Allen Foster, 
 Francis Finjcnes, 
 Edm d . Warner, 
 James Craven, 
 Rich''. Pierce, 
 Tho". Phillips, 
 Sam. Taverner, 
 Tho". Pierce, 
 Rich d . Snead, 
 Francis Rogers, 
 Geo. Rogers, 
 
 39 
 
 40 
 
 41 
 
 Francis Smith, 71 29 
 
 John Marsh, ] 
 
 Cha". Harford, 
 John Clowes, j-72 30 
 
 Edw'i. west, 
 Edm d . Bennet, J 
 Will Kent, 1 
 
 Edw'l. Betrice, 1 73 3 j 
 
 76 34 
 
 77 35 
 I 78 36 
 
 S2 40 
 !- S3 41 
 
 Here follows the Pur- 
 chasers of Front of Skuyl- 
 kill and begins at the 
 Southern Side with N 1, 
 aud so proceeds by N°" .as 
 in the Draught. 
 
 Shareth Walth, 1 
 
 John Nixon, 2 
 
 John Bland, 3. 
 
 Henry Green, 4 
 
 Morris Lehnholme, 
 
 John Beven, 
 
 John Clare, 
 
 W. Morduut, 
 
 John Boyer, 
 
 John Price, 
 
 Alex". Beareley, 
 
 Tho". Simmons, 
 
 Tho". Cowburn, 
 
 Tho". Dell, 
 
 Rich. Few, 
 
 John Swift, 
 
 \V». Lawrence, 
 
 Henry Coin, 
 
 Allen Oliff, 
 
 Vac, 
 
 John Harper, 
 
 Rob 1 . Adams, 
 
 John Huges, 
 
 Sarah Cores, 
 
 Rich 4 . Noble, 
 
 John Longworth, 
 
 James Clayton, 
 
 Henry Lewis, 
 
 Lewis David, 
 
 W». Howell, 
 
 John Burgo, 
 
 Reese Radra, 
 
 Will Chardley, 
 
 Will Bostwik, 
 
 Jos. Hall, 
 
 James Lancaster, 
 
 Tho". Briggs, 
 
 Peter Worral, 
 
 Sam 1 . Bucklev, 
 
 Cuthbert Hyhurst, 
 
 John Burcbal, 
 
 Tho». Morris, 
 
 Daniel Medlecot, 
 
 John Junes, 
 
 Roger Buck, 
 
 Rich''. Hunt, 
 
 Rob'. Sandylands, 
 
 Geo. Keith, 
 
 John Snashold, 
 
 W«>. Bingley, 
 
 Tho". Parsons, 
 
 Peter Delbo, 
 
 W». East, 
 
 W". Clark, 
 
 Geo. Stroud, 
 
 John Sunners, 
 
 Jos. Richards, 
 
 John Bristow, 
 
 Peter Young, 
 
 Geo. Powel, 
 
 John Sansom, 
 
 John Pallows, 
 
 Chris'. Turford, 
 
 James Hill, 
 
 W». Salway, 
 
 Francis Hurford, 
 
 John Wain, 
 
 Will Cacil, 
 
 John Spencer, 
 Arthur Bewse, 
 Tho". Bayley, 
 Joel Johnson, 
 Rich''. Mills, 
 Tho". Please, 
 Francis Harrison, 
 John Worrel, 
 Tho". Cam, 
 Joseph Jones, 
 Rob'. Wordel, 
 Rich d . Pinder, 
 Henry Wright, 
 Henry Letetiiield, 
 Francis Jobson, 
 Rob'. Evan, 
 John Millington, 
 Mary Southworth, 
 Millen Marks, 
 Joshua Holland, 
 John Elsou, 
 
 Tho". Longhorn, 
 John Fummer, 
 Joseph Petter, 
 David Hammond, 
 Tho». Worth, 
 Edw d . Carter, 
 
 6 Rob'. Hart, 
 
 101 
 102 
 103 
 
 Math. Grange, 
 
 Jane Lownes, > 
 
 Ralph Kinsey, 105 
 
 Philip Alford, 106 
 
 Ralph Ward, 107 
 
 Sam'. Atheson, 108 
 
 Edw d . Walter, 109 
 
 Tho". Powel, 110 
 
 Jos. Powel, 111 
 Shardrach Walley, 112 
 Edw d .Carthlidge, 113 
 
 John Brown, 114 
 
 James Ducks, 115 
 John Pierce, 
 
 John Stevens 
 Eliz. Lovel, 
 John Oldam, 
 
 117 
 118 
 119 
 
 127 
 
 128 
 Billmet Longstaff, 129 
 RichA Pearce, 130 
 
 Henry Parker, 131 
 
 Dennis Linsey, 132 
 
 Philip Cordrey, 133 
 
 John Skein, 134 
 
 135 
 William Thratth, 136 
 Johu Sbarborrow, 137 
 Randel Croston, 138 
 
 Edw d . Edwards, 139 
 
 Rob'. Frame, 140 
 
 Philip Runnedge, 141 
 Henry Burnard, 142 
 
 Tho". Wolf, 143 
 
 Richard Richardson, 144 
 Rich d . Amour, 145 
 
 Johu Edge, 147 
 
 Mark Reynton, 148 
 
 Tho". Lawson, 149 
 
POUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 
 
 97 
 
 to ascertain. Of course he selected the name him- 
 self; and, as we know from one of his letters, did so 
 hefore the site was chosen, and he had in full view 
 its meaning of hrotherly love. Doubtless, likewise, 
 Tenii had in view that one of the "seven churches 
 of Asia" to which the angel in Revelation was com- 
 manded to write. 1 
 
 On the 19th of September, 1682, Holme and the 
 commissioners had a drawing of lots in Philadelphia 
 in compliance with the instructions given by the Pro- 
 prietary Governor. The lots drawn were on Second, 
 Broad, and Fourth Streets, but as these drawings were 
 never ratified, and as a great many radical changes 
 were made in Penn's land distribution system after 
 he came into the province, it is needless to dwell 
 more at length upon the subject in this place. 2 
 
 Penn's ship, the "Welcome," sailed from "the 
 Downs" (the roadstead off Deal and Ramsgate, where 
 the Goodwin Sands furnish a natural breakwater) on 
 or about Sept. 1, 1682. Claypoole writes on Sep- 
 tember 3d that "we hope the 'Welcome,' with Wil- 
 liam Penn, is gotten clear." The ship made a toler- 
 ably brisk voyage, reaching the capes of the Delaware 
 on October 24th, and New Castle on the 27th, being 
 thus fifty-three days from shore to shore. The voy- 
 age, however, was a sad one, almost to the point of dis- 
 aster. The smallpox had been taken aboard at Deal, 
 and so severe were its ravages that of the one hundred 
 passengers the ship carried thirty, or nearly one-third, 
 died during the passage. The terrible nature of this 
 pestilence may be gathered from one striking fact, 
 and that is this : antiquarians, searching for the 
 names of these first adventurers who came over with 
 
 1 Rev., chap. i. 2; iii. 7-11. There were two Philadelphias before 
 Penn's city, — one, this city referred to, in Asia Minor, now called Ala- 
 Shehr (" the exalted city"), which still has a considerable population, 
 maintains a Greek Church archbishopric, and has numerous remains of 
 antiquity, including five Christian Churches; and the Philadelphia in 
 Syria, anciently called "Rabbak," and now "Amman" or "Ammon," 
 site of the Ammonites. It lies on an affluent of the Jordan, fifty-five 
 miles from Jerusalem, in the pashalik of Damascus Ala-Shehr is a 
 sacred city even among the Turks, who carry their dead long distances 
 in order to bury them there. 
 
 But there may have been another reason for Penn's giving the name 
 of Philadelphia to his new city. Jane Leadley was the founder of a 
 religious Beet in England during the seventeenth century which was 
 very near in its observances to those of the Quakers. It was said to have 
 originated from tho society founded by Madame Bourignon. Jane Lead- 
 ley's society made many proselytes in England and on the Continent of 
 Europe, in Holland, Belgium, and Germany. Its members were closely 
 allied to the QnakerB and the Mennonista, the Quakers sometime* 
 preaching to the Leadleyites and vice versa. Both Fox and Penn were 
 acquainted with Jane, who called her sect the "Philadelphiau Society." 
 Her secretary, Heinrich Johann Deichmann, was a German, and the 
 friend and correspondent of John Kelpius, the "Hermit of the Wissa- 
 blckon." The Continental agentof the Philadelphoi was Hermann von 
 Saltzungen, and there was little to distinguish the amici of tho Phila- 
 delphia from the disciples of Schwenkfeld, Menno, and Labadie; all 
 claimed a common descent from Jacob Boebme, Johann Amd, Johann 
 Tauler, and Thomas a Kempis. 
 
 2 Much confusion is found in the names and dates and order of trans- 
 actions at thiB period in respect to land apportionment. Records appear 
 to have been revised without any account kept of tho changes, and con- 
 sequently authorities differ materially concerning what was done. Seo 
 Lewis' Land Titles, M-l 74, and John Blair LowiB.Dnke of York's Laws. 
 
 13 
 
 Penn, — a list of names more worthy to be put on 
 record than the rolls of Battell Abbey, which pre- 
 serves the names of the subjugators of England, who 
 came over with William the Conqueror, — have been 
 able to find the most of them attached as witnesses or 
 otherwise to the wills of the well-to-do burghers and 
 sturdy yeomen who embarked with Penn on the 
 "Welcome" and died during the voyage. During 
 this period of trial and affliction, when the natural 
 instincts of man are turned to terror and selfish se- 
 clusion, Penn showed himself at his best. His whole 
 time and that of his friends was given to the sup- 
 port of the sick, the consolation of the dying,, the 
 burial of the dead. Richard Townshend, a fellow- 
 passenger, said, " His good conversation was very 
 advantageous to all the company. His singular care 
 was manifested in contributing to the necessities of 
 many who were sick with the smallpox. . . . We had 
 many good meetings on board." In these pious ser- 
 vices Penn had the cordial help of Isaac Pearson, 
 to whom, in return, he gratefully gave the privilege 
 of rebaptizing the town on the Delaware at which 
 some of the survivors landed, and thus the significant 
 and appropriate name of Upland, applied by the 
 Swedes to their second colony, was lost in the eupho- 
 nious but meaningless and inappropriate cognomen 
 of Chester. 
 
 The record of Penn's arrival at New Castle is as fol- 
 lows: "October 28. On the 27th day of October, ar- 
 rived before the town of New Castle, in Delaware, 
 from England, William Penn, Esq., proprietary of 
 Pennsylvania, who produced two certain deeds of 
 feoffment from the illustrious prince, James, Duke of 
 York, Albany, etc., for this town of New Castle, and 
 twelve miles about it, and also for the two lower 
 counties, the Whorekill's and St. Jones's, which said 
 deeds bear date the 24th August, 1682; and pursuant 
 to the true intent, purpose, and meaning of his royal 
 highness in the same deeds, he the said William 
 Penn received possession of the town of New Castle, 
 the 28th of October, 1682." s This delivery was made, 
 as the records show, by John Moll, Esq., and Ephraim 
 Herman, gentlemen, attorneys, constituted by his 
 royal highness, of the town of Delaware, otherwise 
 called New Castle; the witnesses to the formal cere- 
 mony, in which the key of the fort was delivered to 
 Penn by one of the commissioners, "in order that 
 he might lock upon himself alone the door," and 
 which was accompanied with presents of "turf and 
 twig, and water and soyle of the river Delaware," 
 were Thomas Holme, William Markham, Arnoldus 
 de la Grange, George Forman, James Graham, Sam- 
 uel Land, Richard Tugels, Joseph Curies, and John 
 Smith. Penn at once commissioned magistrates for 
 the newly-annexed counties, and made Markham his 
 attorney to receive possession of the lower counties 
 from Moll and Herman. He also summoned a court 
 
 3 Hazard's Annals. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 to meet at New Castle on November 2d. On that 
 day Penn was present with the justices, and Mark- 
 ham, Holme, Haige, Symcock, and Brassey, of the 
 Provincial Council. The lower counties gave in 
 their allegiance to Markham for Penn on November 
 7th. In the interval between his arrival and the 
 meeting of court, October 29th, Penn went to Upland 
 to" pay a short visit. It was between November 2d and 
 the 8th that Penn arrived in Philadelphia. The 
 record of the Society of Friends says, " At a Monthly 
 Meeting the 8th, 9th month, 1682 : At this time Gov- 
 ernor William Penn and a multitude of Friends ar- 
 rived here and erected a city called Philadelphia, about 
 half a mile from Shackamaxon, where meetings, etc., 
 were established, etc. Thomas Fairman, at the request 
 of the Governor, removed himself and family to Ta- 
 cony, where there was also a meeting appointed to be 
 kept, and the ancient meeting of Shackamaxon re- 
 moved to Philadelphia, from which, also, other meet- 
 ings were appointed in the Province of Pennsylvania." 
 It is evident from this that Penn immediately upon 
 landing took possession of Fairman's house in Ken- 
 sington and occupied it, as Fairman's accounts, 
 spoken of above, show, through the winter. No house 
 had been completed for him in Philadelphia, and the 
 mansion-house at Pennsbury, if it had commenced 
 building, which is at least very doubtful, was not yet 
 in such a forward state as to be fit for occupancy. 
 
 Traditions, upon which imaginative writers have 
 been eager to expatiate, speak of Penn coming to his 
 new city from Upland or New Castle in a handsome 
 barge, and describe how and where he landed. But 
 we need not place as great confidence in tradition as 
 John F. Watson seems to have done. This inde- 
 fatigable antiquarian and most graphic and agreeable 
 writer, — the very Boswell of old Philadelphia, its men 
 and manners, — after tossing aside bundle after bundle 
 and chest after chest full of precious early documents, 
 the materia prima of history, with the characteristic 
 comment that " they furnish but little in my way," 
 rubs his hands with exquisite complacency and listens 
 with the most perfect faith to the rambling and con- 
 fused recitals of old men and old women, the older 
 the better, to whom dates are as dreams of the night, 
 and who make up in detail and obstinacy what they 
 lack in precision and authenticity. There is every 
 reason for believing that Penn went from New Castle 
 to Philadelphia aboard the ship with the rest of the 
 passengers, and that he landed with them somewhere 
 between Wicaco and Shackamaxon, probably at Dock 
 Creek, Blue Anchor Tavern landing, on the site of 
 the city which had been laid off under his instructions. 
 Penn was at that time thirty-eight years old, still 
 young, graceful, athletic, enthusiastic, still fond of 
 boating and riding. Tradition even says (though we 
 must be permitted to doubt this, in view of his concep- 
 tion of the gravity of the Indian character, as laid 
 down in his instructions to Crispin and his fellow- 
 Commissioners, and in his later letter to the Company 
 
 of Free Traders) that he competed with and eclipsed 
 the young Indian braves in their jumping matches. 
 Butat least he bore no resemblance to the Penn painted 
 by old Mr. Benjamin West in his wretched misrepre- 
 sentation upon the so-called Shackamaxon treaty. 
 Even the sedate Mr. Janney cannot help entering a 
 protest against West's having depicted Penn as "a cor- 
 pulent old man." He says nothing about the plain 
 broadbrim hat and the snuff-colored, shad-bellied 
 coat in which West has clothed Penn, both of them 
 sixty years out of the way. West painted Penn's 
 figure from his recollection of the figures and dress of 
 the elders he used to see when a lad in the meeting- 
 house at Springfield, just as, according to his pupil 
 Dunlap's " History of the Arts of Design," he painted 
 the hands in every portrait he made from his own or 
 those of one of his students. Mr. J. F. Fisher, in his 
 discourse before the Pennsylvania Historical Society 
 on " the private life and domestic habits of William 
 Penn," says that West has misconceived Penn's dress 
 as unpardonably as he has his age and figure. "The 
 true costume of the figure," he remarks, " would have 
 been that in vogue towards the end of the reign of 
 Charles II. This (as nearly as I can ascertain) was 
 a collarless coat, perfectly straight in front, with many 
 buttons, showing no waist nor cut into skirts, having 
 only a short, buttoned slit behind, the sleeves hardly 
 descending below the elbow, and having large cuffs, 
 showing the full shirt sleeves. The vest was as long 
 as the coat, and, except as to the sleeves, made ap- 
 parently in the same way. The breeches were very 
 full, open at the sides, and tied with strings." Mr. 
 Fisher is uncertain about the hat, but we know from 
 Penn's account-books that he was nice and particular 
 in regard both to his hats and wigs, and that he paid 
 quite a price for a pair of leather spatterdashes to use 
 when riding on horseback. He also had a gig, a state 
 coach and four, and a barge, manned by a coxswain 
 and six oarsmen, and carrying sail besides. No such 
 person seems to have any place in honest old West's 
 preposterous picture. 
 
 The antiquarians and chroniclers of Philadelphia 
 have sought, with indefatigable zeal, the names of 
 the persons who embarked with Penn in the " Wel- 
 come" to aid him in promoting his " Holy Experi- 
 ment," and they have pursued the work so success- 
 fully that it is not believed that more than four or five 
 of the one hundred who sailed in that ship have been 
 overlooked. Apparently most of them were people 
 of standing and some estate, the servants seeming to 
 have been sent over in other vessels for the most part. 
 Judging from the account of stores of one of these 
 emigration larders, as given by Dixon, they were well 
 equipped for even a longer voyage. 1 The list of pas- 
 
 1 Dixon says, quoting from Thomas Story's MS. papers, "It is not to 
 }>o supposed that the traveling Friends denied themselves the little con- 
 solations of the larder by the wayside. In a list of creature comforts 
 put on hoard a vessel leaving the Dolaware for Loudon, on behalf a 
 Quaker proachor, are enumerated 32 fowls, 7 turkeys, 11 ducks, 2 
 
FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 
 
 99 
 
 sengers, derived chiefly from Mr. Edward Armstrong's 
 address before the Pennsylvania Historical Society 
 at Chester in 1851 (his authorities being there given 
 in full), begins with 
 
 John Barber nud Elizabeth, his wife. He was a "first purchaser," 
 and mado his will on board the "Welcome." 
 
 William Bradford, first printer of Philadelphia mid earliest govern- 
 ment printer of Now York. 1 
 
 hams, u barrel of China oranges, a large keg of sweetmeats, ditto of rum, 
 a pot of tamarinds, a box of spices, ditto of dried herbs, 18 cocoa-nuts, 
 ft box of eggs, six balls of chocolate, six dried codfish and five shaddocks, 
 six bottles of citron water, four bottles of Madeira, five dozen of ale, one 
 large keg of wine, and nine pintB of brandy. There was also more solid 
 fond in the shape of flour, sheep, and hogs." In ono of the first cases 
 tried by Ponn and his Council at Philadelphia, that of Bundry passengers 
 against James Kilner, master of the ship " Levee," of Liverpool, it was 
 shown that the passengers had bo much beer on board that the Bailors 
 drank it surreptitiously by the gallon during the voyage. 
 
 1 "Wo have examined with care the evidence both for and against the 
 assumption that Bradford came over in the ship with Penn, and our 
 judgment is that it is by no means proven, but, on the contrary, that the 
 preponderance is against the assumption, The evidence is conflicting. 
 Mr. John William Wallace, of Philadelphia, in his able address before 
 the New York Historical Society on the occasion of the celebration of the 
 two hundredth birthday of Bradford (of whom be is a descendant), has 
 summed up both sides of the case: (1) Bradford, in his American Al- 
 manac for 1739, stated he was born May 20, 1663 ; (2) that Watson, Dixon, 
 Armstrong, and all tradition concur in believing that Bradford came over 
 in the "Welcome" with Penn; (3) Bradford's obituary, New York Ga- 
 zette, May 25, 1752, says, "He came to America seventy years ago" 
 (which would be 1682), " and landed at a place where now stands Phila- 
 delphia, before that city was laid out or a single house built there"; (4) 
 " But, stronger than all, his name is given among the names of persons 
 belonging either to Philadelphia or the adjoining lower counties under 
 the date of the ' 12* of y° 7* mo., 1683' (minutes of Provincial Council, 
 i. 27)." " My supposition is," says Mr. Wallace, "that Bradford came, 
 took a survey of the country, returned to England, got married, and 
 came finally in 1685, with his press." 
 
 Here we have one piece of documentary evidence, the rest is hearsay, 
 tradition. Per contra : (1) Bradford's tombstone in Trinity churchyard, 
 New York, says he was born in 1660 ; if he was born in 1663, his wife, 
 who died in 1731, aged sixty-eight, would have been a year older than 
 he, and be only nineteen when Penn brought him over to make him 
 printer for the province; (2) The minutes of Council, quoted above, sim- 
 ply show that the 12th of October, 1683, almost a year after Penn landed, 
 a certain William Bradford owed the province for "28 lbs porke." This 
 is uot evidence that tho said Bradford came over with Penn, or that he 
 was Bradford tho printer. Forty ships had come over in that interval of 
 n year, — why not some one of the name of Bradford in ono of them ? 
 (3) We do know that William Bradford the printerdid come over in 1685, 
 mat he brought books for sale as well as printing materials, and that he 
 came armed with a fetter of introduction from George Fox. This letter we 
 think affords indubitable evidence that Bradford did not come on with 
 Penn, and had never been in the colony before. It is dated " London, 
 6th month, 1685," and is addressed to leading members of the Society of 
 Friends in Rhode Island, West and East New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and 
 Maryland. Fox says, " This is to let you know that a sober young man, 
 whose name is William Bradford, comes to Pennsylvania to set up the 
 trade of printing Friends' books. And let Friends know of it in Vir- 
 ginia, Carolina, Long Island, and Friends in Plymouth Patent and Bos- 
 ton. And what books you want he may supply you with ; or Answers 
 ngainst Apostates or wicked Professors Books. Ho may furnish you with 
 our Answers; for be intends to keep up a correspondence with Friends 
 that are Stationers or Printers here in England. . . And bo you may do 
 well to encourage him. Ho is a civil young man and convinced oi truth. 
 He was apprentice with our friend, Andrew Sowle ; since married his 
 daughter," otc. Now, does any one suppose that a man who had 
 come out with Penn and stayed at least a 3 ear in the province would 
 have needed to bo introduced in this way, and had all these particulars 
 told about him by Fox three years later? It is contrary to reason. (4) 
 Bradford was a man of extraordinary enterprise and activity. He knew 
 how to advertise himself by novel undertakings. Hiscnorgy was so great 
 that ho could not keep Still. He came over in 1685, reaching Philadel- 
 phia not sooner than October. In January, 1686 (9th of 11th mo., 1685), 
 
 William Buckman and Mary, his wife, with Sarah and Mary, their 
 children, of Billinghurst, Sussex. 
 
 John Carvkr and Mary, his wife, of Hertfordshire, a first purchaser. 
 
 Benjamin 'Chambers, of Rochester, Kent. Afterwards sheriff (in 
 1683) and otherwise prominent in public affairs. 
 
 Thomas Ciikoasdale (Croasdale) and Agnes, his wife, with six chil- 
 dren, of Yorkshire. 
 
 Ellen Cowoill and family. 
 
 John Fisher, Margaret, his wife, and son John. 
 
 Thomas Fitzwalter and sons, Thomas and George, of Ham worth, 
 Middlesex, (lie lost his wife, Mary, and Josiah and Mary, his children, 
 on the voyage.) Member of Assembly from Bucks in 1683, active citi- 
 zen, and eminent Friend. 
 
 Thomas Gillett. 
 
 Robert Greenaway, master of the "Welcome." 
 
 Cuthbert Hayhurst, his wife and family, of Easington, Bolland, 
 Yorkshire ; a first purchaser. 
 
 Thomas Heriott, of Hurst-Pier-Point, Sussex. First purchaser. 
 
 John Hey. 
 
 Richard Ingelo. Clerk to Provincial Council in 1685. 
 
 Isaac Ingram, of Gatton, Surrey. 
 
 Giles Knight, Mary, his wife, and sou JoBeph, of Gloucestershire. 
 
 William Lusiiington. 
 
 Hannah Mogdridge. - 
 
 Joshua Morris. 
 
 David Ogden, "Probably from London." 
 
 Evan Oliver, with Jean, his wife, and children,— David, Elizabeth, 
 John, Hannah, Mary, Evan, and Seaborn, of Radnor, Wales. (Tho last, 
 a daughter, born at sea, within sight of the Delaware Capes, Oct. 24, 
 1682.) 
 
 Pearson, emigrant from Chester, Penn's friend, who renamed 
 
 Upland after his native place. His first name probably Robert. 
 
 John Rowland and Priscilla, his wife, of Billinghurst, Sussex. First 
 purchaser. 
 
 Thomas Rowland, Billinghurst, Sussex. First purchaser, 
 
 John Songhurst, of Chillington, Sussex. First purchaser. (Some 
 say from Conyhurst, or Hitchingfield, Sussex.) Devoted to Penn. 
 Member of first and subsequent Assemblies. A writer and preacher 
 of distinction among the Friends. 
 
 John Stackhouse and Margery, his wife, of Yorkshire. 
 
 George Thompson. 
 
 Richard Townshend, wife Anna, son James (born on *' Welcome" in 
 Delaware River), of London. First purchaser. A leading Friend and 
 eminent minister. Miller at Upland and on Schuylkill. 
 
 William Wade, of Hankton parish, Sussex. 
 
 Thomas Walmksly, Elizabeth, his wife, and six children, of York- 
 shire. 
 
 Nicholas Waln, of Yorkshire. First purchaser. Member from Bucks 
 of first Assembly. Prominent in early history of province. 
 
 Joseph Woodroofe. 
 
 Thomas Wrightswokth and wife, of Yorkshire. 
 
 Thomas Wynne, chirurgeon, of Caerwys, Flintshire, North Wales. 
 Speaker of first two Assemblies. Magistrate for Sussex County. "A 
 person of note and character." (Chestnut Street, in Philadelphia, was 
 originally named after him.) 
 
 Dennis Rochford and Mary, his wife, John Heriott's daughter. From 
 Ernstorfey, Wexford, Ireland. Al6o their two daughters, who died at 
 sea. Rochford was member of Assembly in 1683. 
 
 John Dutton and wife. 
 
 Philip Theodore Lehnman (afterwards Lehman), Penu's private 
 secretary. 
 
 Bartholomew Green. 
 
 was already hauled up before Council for an offense. As the record 
 says, "The Secretary [Markham] Reporting to y° Council that in y° 
 Chronologic of y° almanack sett forth by Sam'll At kins of Philadelphia & 
 Printed by Wni. Bradford, of y« same place, there was these words (' the 
 beginning of Governm't here by ye Lord Penn. 7 ) the Councill Sent for 
 Sam'll Atkins and ordered him to blott out y° words ' Lord Penn'; & 
 likewise for Win. Bradford, y« Printer, and gave him Charge not to print 
 anything but what shall have Lycence from y« Council." Does anyone 
 suppose that an active person of this stamp, who could get on tan almanac 
 within two months after landing, would have remained utterly without 
 record for a year in 1682-83? (5) Bradford did not know Penn, or ho 
 never would have thought of styling him Lord Penn. On this evidence 
 we submit the case. 
 
100 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Nathaniel Harrison. 
 
 Thomas Jones. 
 
 Jeane Matthews. 
 
 William Smith. 
 
 Hannah Townshend, daughter of Richard. 
 
 Dr. George Smith, in the "History of Delaware 
 County," specifies the following as having probably 
 come about the time of William Penn, some before 
 and others immediately afterwards, and before the 
 end of 1682 : 
 
 Richard Barnard, of Sheffield, settled in Middletown. 
 John Beales, or Bales, who married Mary, daughter of William Clay- 
 ton, Sr., in 1GS2. 
 
 John Blunston, of Derbyshire, his wife Sarah, and two children. A 
 preacher of the Society, member of Assembly and of Council, and 
 Speaker of the former body. 
 Michael Blunston, Little Hallam, Derbyshire. 
 
 Thomas Brassey (or Bracy), of Wilaston, Cheshire. Representative 
 of the Society of Free Traders, member of first Assembly. • 
 
 Samuel Bradshaw, of Oxton, Nottinghamshire. 
 
 Edward Carter, of Brampton, Oxfordshire, .member of the first Eng- 
 lish jury impanneled at Chester. 
 Robert Carter, son of the foregoing. 
 John Churchman, of Waldron, Essex. 
 
 William Cobb, who gave his name to Cobb's Creek. He took the old 
 Swede's mill on the Karakung. 
 
 Thomas Cobukn, his wife Elizabeth, and their suns William and 
 Joseph, from Cashel, Ireland. 
 Richard Crosby, of London. 
 
 Elizabeth Fearne, widow, with son Joshua and daughters Elizabeth, 
 Sarah, and Rebecca, of Derbyshire. 
 Richard Few, of Levington, Wiltshire. 
 
 Henry Gibbons, with wife Helen and family, of Parvidge, Derby- 
 shire. 
 
 John Goodson, chirurgeon, of Society of Free Traders. Came in the 
 ship " John and Sarah'' or " Bristol Factor." 
 John Hastings and Elizabeth, his wife. 
 
 Joshua Hastings and Elizabeth, his wife. He was on the first grand 
 jury. 
 Thomas Hood, of Breason, Derbyshire. 
 
 Valentine Hollingswokth, of Cheshire. Ancestor of the Hollings- 
 worth family of Philadelphia (and Maryland). 
 
 William Howell and Margaret, his wife, of Castlebight, Pembroke- 
 shire, Wales. 
 
 Elizabeth Humphrey, with son Benjamin, and daughters Anne and 
 Gobitha, of Llanegrin, Merioneth, Wales. 
 Daniel Humphrey, of same place as foregoing. 
 
 David James, his wife Margaret and daughter Mary, of Llangeley 
 and Glascum, Radnorshire Wales. 
 James Kenerley, of Cheshire. 
 
 Henry Lewis, Mb wife Margaret and their family, of Narbetb, Pem- 
 brokeshire. 
 
 Mordecai Maddock, of Loem Hall, Cheshire. 
 Thomas MiNSHALLand wife Margaret, of Stoke, Cheshire. 
 Thomas Powell, of Rudheith, Cheshire. 
 Caleb Pusey and wife Ami, and daughter Ann. 
 Samuel Sellers, of Belper, Derbyshire. 
 
 John Sharpless, Jane his wife, and children, — Phebe, John, Thomas, 
 James, Caleb, Jane, and Joseph, of Huddeston, Cheshire. 
 
 John Simcock, of Society of Free Traders, from Ridley, Cheshire. A 
 leading man in the province. 
 John Simcock, Jr., son of the foregoing. Jacob Simcock, ditto. 
 Christopher Taylor, of Skipton, Yorkshire. 
 Peter Taylor and William Taylor, of Suttin, Cheshire. 
 Thomas Usher. 
 
 Thomas Vernon, of Stouthorne, Cheshire. 
 Rouert Vernon, of Stoaks, Cheshire. 
 Randall Veenon, of Sandy way , Cheshire. 
 Ralph Withers, of Bishop's Canning, Wiltshire. 
 George Wood, his wife Hannah, his son George, and other children, 
 of Bonsall, Derbyshire. 
 Richard Worrell (or Worrall), of Oaro, Berkshire. 
 John Worrell, probably brother of foregoing. 
 Thomas Worth, of Oxtuu, Nottinghamshire 
 
 The passengers by the " John and Sarah" and 
 " Bristol Factor," so far as known, include William 
 Crispin, who died on the way out, John Bezar and 
 family, William Haige and family, Nathaniel Allen 
 and family, John Otter, Edmund Lovett, Joseph 
 Kirkbridge, and Gabriel Thomas. 
 
 W. W. H. Davis, whose interesting history of Bucks 
 County was published in 1876, says that one-half of 
 the "Welcome's" passengers who arrived with Penn 
 settled in that county. He names the Rowlands, 
 Fitzwalter, Buckmans, Hayhurst, Ingelo, Walmsly, 
 Walne, Wrigglesworth (Wrightsworth?), Croasdale, 
 and Kirkbridge. He also says there was a John 
 Gilbert among the " Welcome" passengers. Of 
 the immigrants who arrived in 1682, but did not 
 come over with Penn, Mr. Davis presents quite a 
 list: Richard Amor, of Buckelbury, Berkshire; 
 Henry Paxson, of Bycot House, Slow parish, Ox- 
 fordshire. (He embarked with his family, hut lost his 
 wife, son, and brother at sea.) Luke Brinsley, of 
 Leek, Staffordshire, stone-mason and servant of Penn ; 
 John Clows, Jr., his brother Joseph, sister Sarah, 
 and servant Henry Lengart ; (there was another 
 Clows contemporary with these, who had three chil- 
 dren, Margery, Rebecca, and William, and three 
 servants, Joseph Cherley, Daniel Hough, and 
 John Richardson). There was also John Brock 
 (or Brockman), of Stockport, Cheshire, with his ser- 
 vants ; he had two grants of land, one of one thou- 
 sand acres ; William Venables, of Chathill, Staf- 
 fordshire, with Elizabeth, his wife, and two children, 
 Joyce and Francis; George Pownall, with Eleanor, 
 his wife, five children (and three servants, John 
 Breasley, Robert Saylor, and Martha Wor- 
 ral), of Laycock, Cheshire ; William Yardley, 
 with Jane, his wife, of Bausclough, Staffordshire, 
 with children, Enoch, Thomas-, and William, and 
 servant, Andrew Heath. 1 
 
 In his speech to the magistrates in his first court 
 at Upland, November 2d, Penn, after giving them 
 full assurances and explanations in regard to his in- 
 tended course, recommended them to take inspection, 
 view, and look over their town plots, to see what 
 vacant room may be found therein for the accommo- 
 dating and seating of newcomers, traders, and handi- 
 craftsmen therein. The proprietary was evidently 
 
 1 Yardley was horn in 1632, and had been a minister among the Friends 
 for twenty-five years. He was a member of the first Assembly, and 
 Isaac Pemberton was his nephew. This Pemberton, conspicuous in the 
 affairs of the provinco, was the son-in-law of James Harrison, Penn's 
 friend and correspondent and afterwards his steward at Pennsbnry. 
 After Penn sailed for Pennsylvania, in 1082, Harrison and Pemberton, 
 with their families, servants, and others, embarked on the ship "Sub- 
 mission" to join Yardley, part <>f whose land purchases (at the Falls of 
 the Delaware, where hehad already begun to build a house) having been 
 on account of Harrison and Isaac andPhinoas Pemberton. The captain 
 of the " Submission," instead of keeping his contract, lauded the party 
 at the mouth of the Patuxen t River, Maryland. Their goods were landed 
 on the other side of the bay, at Chop lank meeting-house, and it was not 
 until May, 1G83, that they, their families, and luggage finally reached 
 their destination. — (Of. Davis, Hist. Bucks County, and Hazard, Annuls, 
 p. 600.) 
 
FOUNDINQ THE GREAT CITY. 
 
 101 
 
 afraid of being crowded at Philadelphia, where as yet 
 but very little building bad been done. Granting that 
 half the thousand persons who came over with Penn 
 or before or after him in 1682 were able to find some 
 sort of lodgings, either on the spot or at the various 
 settlements and houses along the Delaware from the 
 Horekillsto the Falls, and on the east side of the Dela- 
 ware again from the Falls to New Salem, there would 
 still remain five hundred houseless people on the site 
 of the new city or about to arrive there in the next 
 two mouths. It was the second week in November 
 when the " Welcome's" passengers landed, and the 
 winds must have already become bleak and cutting, 
 with now and then a film of ice or a flurry of i -now, 
 to prevent them from forgetting that winter was about 
 to come. The " first purchasers" and others who came 
 over at this time were nearly all Quakers, well-to-do 
 people at home, who had sold their property in Eng- 
 land and sought refuge in America to escape the 
 prosecutions that had been visited upon them so often 
 and so severely. They had servants, and were well 
 supplied with clothing and provisions. Some of them 
 were delicately nurtured women and children, unused 
 to hardships of any kind. To such persons there 
 would have been nothing romantic and nothing in- 
 viting in the prospect of a winter camp-meeting on 
 the banks of the Delaware. The woods and swamps 
 were so deep and thick between the two rivers that a 
 span of hoppled horses lost there were not recovered 
 for several months. There were no roads, scarcely 
 any paths, and the low houses of the Swedes and the 
 lodges of the Indians were few and far apart. But 
 the Quakers were a patient, long-suffering people, and 
 the lofty woods of Coaquanock afforded at least a far 
 better lodging-place than the loathsome jails of Eng- 
 land, in which so many of them had languished. 
 The air was pure, the water was clear and good, and 
 the hearts of the adventurers beat high with hope. 
 Their arms were strong, and they had good teachers 
 in the Swedes, and the wood was plenty, both for fuel 
 and other purposes, and every one had his axe and 
 his spade. Some dug holes and caves in the dry banks 
 of the two rivers, propped the superincumbent earth 
 up with timbers, and, hanging their pots and kettles 
 on improvised stakes and hooks at the entrance, 
 speedily had warm and comparatively comfortable 
 lodgings in the style of what hunters used to call 
 " half-faced camps." ' 
 
 1 The " caves," of which so mucli has been said in connection with the 
 early history of Philadelphia, were not all made by the passengers who 
 came over at the same time as Penn. The Indians dug some, the Swedes 
 may have dug others. Dr. Mease, in his " Picture of Philadelphia" 
 (1811), conjectures that the name " Schuylkill" (" hidden river") came 
 from the circumstance that a good many Maryland settlers used to lurk 
 on its hanks, concealing themselves from tho Dutch and probably the 
 Indians. This is fanciful and far-fetched ; the Indian names were sig- 
 Ulficant, but the Dutch seldom were. Acrclius, in a note upon the In- 
 dian word Wicaco, or Wicacoa, dorives it from Wielding, dwelling, and 
 t'/n'io, fir-tree. Ho adds that "Upon the shore by Wicaco was a place 
 which was formerly called PuUalamUi, or ' Robbers' Hole.' The reasou 
 of that was that swine Indians, who had engaged in robbery, had dug a 
 
 Others rolled together forty or fifty logs, notched 
 them at each end, and, aided by their neighbors, 
 could in a day or two erect " log cabins," and these, 
 roofed over with poles, upon which a thatch of bark 
 from dead and fallen trees was laid, and the inter- 
 stices between the logs " chinked" with stones, mud, 
 and clay, made residences which, in some sections of 
 the country, are still thought to be good enough' for 
 anybody. Others made more primitive huts still of 
 stakes, bark, and brushwood, such as the savages 
 sometimes toss together for their summer lodgings. 
 The settlers had blankets and warm clothes in abund- 
 ance, and we may suppose that the furs which the 
 Indians brought in were in ready demand. With all 
 these rude resources, we may safely believe that the 
 early adventurers on the Delaware got through their 
 first winter without much suffering or many deaths, 
 except among the old people, with whom there seems 
 to have been a considerable mortality. At any rate, 
 no such cry of distress went up from Penn's first set- 
 tlement as was heard from Plymouth and Jamestown 
 after their first wiuters. If there were deaths, there 
 were births also, and in one of the caves on the Dela- 
 ware, long afterwards known as the " Pennypot," was 
 born John Key, the first child of English parents who 
 saw light within the precincts of Philadelphia. Penn 
 signalized the event by presenting the child with a 
 lot of ground in the city, and John Key survived to 
 be eighty-five years old, bearing the cognomen of 
 " first-born" as long as he lived. 
 
 Penn was not idle while his people were getting 
 ready for the winter. He sent off two messengers to 
 Lord Baltimore to ask to know when he could re- 
 ceive him ; he appointed sheriffs for the three coun- 
 ties into which he had laid off his new province, — 
 Chester, Philadelphia, and Buckingham, — and for the 
 three annexed counties of Delaware (or New Castle), 
 Jones, and New Deal, or Horekill ; and then he took 
 horse and rode to New York to see the Governor 
 there, and look into the affairs of his friend the Duke 
 of York's province. When he returned he went to 
 Chester, and there issued writs to all the sheriffs to 
 summon the freeholders to meet on November 20th, 
 to elect representatives to serve as their deputies in the 
 Provincial Council and delegates in General Assem- 
 bly, which were to meet on December 4th, at Up- 
 land. Chester County chose three councilors and nine 
 assemblymen. Nicholas More was president of the 
 
 cave in a hill by the river and there concealed themselves. When other 
 Indians went along there upon the strand to fish or hunt, these robbers 
 attacked, seized, and murdered them. The Indians around there missed 
 their people from time to time, and did not know what had become of 
 them. Finally they discovered the robbers' nest. The entrance was 
 well fortified, so they dug a hole through the roof on the hill and smoked 
 them. Those who were besieged resolved to die in their stronghold; 
 but, although they could not save themselves, they would not give up 
 their booty toothers; they broke up their Seawaid or Wampum by pound- 
 ing it between stones, which was heard by those outside." This is proof 
 that there wero caves in the bank before the whites came, and the above 
 is probably an Indian legend to explain their existence. 
 
102 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Assembly, which met as summoned. The first day was 
 devoted to organization and the selection of commit- 
 tees ; on the second day the credentials of members 
 and contested election cases were disposed of, and the 
 house proceeded to adopt a series of rules and regula- 
 tions for its government. These have no special in- 
 terest, except that they show the lower house had set 
 out to become a deliberative body, and was prepared 
 to originate bills as well as vote upon them. The 
 three lower counties sent in a petition for annexation 
 and union, and the Swedes another, asking that they 
 might be made as free as the other members of the 
 province, and have their lands entailed upon them 
 and their heirs forever. The same day a bill for an- 
 nexation and naturalization came down from the 
 Governor and was passed, and on the next day the 
 Legislature passed Penn's " Great Law," so called, 
 and adjourned or was prorogued by the Governor for 
 twenty-one days. It never met again. 
 
 MEETING-PLACE OF THE FIRST ASSEMBLY AT UPLAND 
 
 The act of union and naturalization, after reciting 
 Penn's different titles to Pennsylvania and the three 
 lower counties or Delaware Hundreds, and the rea- 
 sons there were in favor of a closer union and one 
 government for the whole, enacts that the counties 
 mentioned " are hereby annexed to the province of 
 Pennsylvania, as of the proper territory thereof, and 
 the people therein shall be governed by the same 
 laws and enjoy the same privileges in all respects as 
 the inhabitants of Pennsylvania do or shall enjoy." 
 To further the purpose of this act of union it is also 
 enacted that "all persons who are strangers and for- 
 eigners that do now inhabit this province and coun- 
 ties aforesaid," and who promise allegiance to the 
 king of England, and obedience to the proprietary 
 and his government, " shall be held and reputed 
 freemen of the province and counties aforesaid, in 
 as ample and full manner as any person residing 
 
 therein ;" other foreigners in the future, upon making 
 application and paying twenty shillings sterling, to 
 be naturalized in like manner. This act, says Penn 
 in a letter written shortly afterwards, " much pleased 
 the people. . . . The Swedes, for themselves, deputed 
 Lacy Cock to acquaint him that they would love, 
 serve, and obey him with all they had, declaring it 
 was the best day they ever saw." An " act of settle- 
 ment" appears to have been passed at the same time, 
 in which, owing to " the fewness of the people," the 
 number of representatives was reduced to three in 
 the Council and nine in the Assembly from each 
 county, the meetings of the Legislature to be annu- 
 ally only, unless an emergency should occur in the 
 opinion of Governor and Council. 
 
 Penn's "Great Law," passed as above recited, con- 
 tains sixty-nine sections. 1 It represents the final shape 
 in which the proprietary's " frame of government" 
 and code of " laws agreed upon in England" con- 
 jointly were laid before the Legislature. 
 The variations from the original forms 
 were numerous, some of them important. 
 The language of the revised code is much 
 improved over the first forms, both in dig- 
 nity and sustained force. The preamble 
 and first section are always quoted with 
 admiration, and they should have their 
 place here : 
 
 "THE GREAT LAW; OB, the body OF Laws OF THE 
 Pbovince of Pennsylvania and tebbitobies THERE- 
 unto belonging, passed at an assembly at chesteb, 
 alias Upland, the 7th day of the 10th month, De- 
 
 CEMBEB, 1682. 
 
 *' Whereas, the glory of Almighty God and the good 
 of mankind ia the reason and end of government, and 
 therefore government, in itself, is a venerable ordinance 
 of God ; and forasmuch as it is principally desired and 
 intended by the proprietary and Governor, and the free- 
 men of the Province of Pennsylvania, and territories 
 thereunto belonging, to make and establish such laws 
 as shall best preserve true Christian and civil liberty, 
 in opposition to all unchristian, licentious, and unjust 
 practices, whereby God may have his due, Caasnr his 
 due, and the people their duo from tyranny and oppres- 
 sion of the one side and insolency and licentiousness of the other, so 
 that the best and firmest foundation may be laid for the present and 
 future happiness of both the governor and people of this province and 
 territories aforesaid, and their posterity. Be it there/ore enacted by Wil- 
 liam Penu, proprietary and governor, by and with the advice and con- 
 sent of the deputies of the freemen of this province and counties afore- 
 said in assembly met, and by the authority of the same, that these fol- 
 lowing chapters and paragraphs shall be the laws of Pennsylvania and 
 the territories thereof: 
 
 "I. Almighty God being only Lord of conscience, father of lights and 
 spirits, and the author as well as object of all divine knowledge, faith, 
 and worship, who only can enlighten the mind and persuade and con- 
 
 1 There is a discrepancy here which it is difficult to make clear. The 
 text follows Hazard; but Mr. Linn, in his work giving the " Duke of 
 York's laws," shows that the " Great Law 1 ' as adopted contained only 
 Bi'xty-one sections, and Mr. Hazard's classification is pronounced to be 
 " evidently erroneous." In fact it is said in Council Proceedings of 
 1G89 that a serious lack of agreement was discovered between the Coun- 
 cil copy of laws and the enrolled parchment copies in tho hands of the 
 Master of the Rolls. Mr. Linn also clailnB that Mr. Hazard is in error in 
 regard to the date of the passage of the " Act of Settlement," which 
 was adopted not in 1082, but March 10, 1683. 
 
FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 
 
 103 
 
 vincotho understanding of people in due revereuue to liia sovereignty 
 over the souls of mankind; it is enacted by the authority aforesaid that 
 no person now or at any time hereafter living in thisprovince,whoBhall 
 confess and acknowledge one Almighty God to be the creator, up- 
 holder, and rulerof the world, and that profcsseth him or herself obliged 
 in conscience to live peaceably and justly under the civil government, 
 shall in anywise be molested or prejudiced for his or her conscientious 
 porsuasiou or practice, nor shall he or sho at any time he compelled to 
 frequent or maintain any religious worship, place, or ministry what- 
 ever contrary to his or her mind, but shall freely and fully enjoy his or 
 her Christian liberty in that respect without any interruption or re- 
 flection; and if any person shall abuse or deride any other for his or 
 her different persuasion and practice in matter of religion such shall 
 bo looked upon as a disturber of the peace, and be punished accord- 
 ingly. But to the end that looseness, ir religion, and atheism may not 
 creep in under pretense of conscience in this province, be it further 
 enacted by the authority aforesaid, that according to the good example 
 of the primitive Christians, and for the ease of the creation every first 
 day of the week, called tho Lord's Day, people shall abstain from their 
 common toil and labor that, whether masters, parents, children, orser 
 vants, they may the better dispose themselves to read the scriptures 
 of truth at home, or to frequent such meetings of religious worship 
 abroad as may best suit their respective persuasions." l 
 
 The second article of the code requires that all 
 officers and persons " coinmissionated" and in the 
 service of the Commonwealth, and members and dep- 
 uties in Assembly, and " all that have the right to elect 
 such deputies shall be such as profess and declare they 
 believe in Jesus Christ to be the Son of God and 
 Saviour of the world," etc. This was not perhaps 
 
 1 To these primitive Quakers, as to the Puritans likewise, Almighty 
 God seems to have been constantly a visible, audible presence, in whose 
 awful court everything, even the ordinary business of every-day life, 
 was transacted. This is strikingly manifest in the two paragraphs just 
 quoted. They show, moreover, the strong influence of his peculiar doc- 
 trines upon Penn's mind in framing this Constitution and laws. Gov- 
 ernment was a divine ordinance, and the suppressed minor premise that 
 kings were entitled to administer government by divine right, and that 
 Penn's tenure under King Charles imparted some of that supernal 
 authority to himself, at once disposes of the notion that Penn had any 
 just conception of a republican, much less a democratic form of govern- 
 ment. He did not seek, did not desire the outward semblances of power 
 for himself or his successors, but his notion of government was strictly 
 paternal, aud that the people needed to be fenced in against themselves 
 and their own misguided passions quite as much as against external 
 tyranny and oppression. Tliis spirit seems to pervade the entire instru- 
 ment, and effectively disposes of the notion, so fondly nursed by Hep- 
 worth Dixon, that Penn's constitutional views were "inspired" by Al- 
 gernon Sidney. Dixon would have gone much nearer the truth if he 
 had sought their germs in the moral and political system of the atheist 
 philosopher, Thomas Hohhes, who had great influence in Penn's day. 
 Many uf the expressions in Penn's Constitutions curiously resemble the 
 cast of thought in Hobbes' "Leviathan" and his earlier treatises, De 
 Cive and De Corpore Politico. Compare, for example, Penn's preamble 
 with the following from tho treatise- De Give: "Societates autem civiles 
 non sunt meri congressus, sod fu'dera, quibus faciendis fides et pacta 
 neces-wia sunt. . . . AJia res est appetere, alia esse capacem. Appetuut 
 enim illi qui tamen conditiones juquas, sine quibus societas esse non 
 potest, accipure per superbiam non dignantur." Hobbes held that the 
 state of man in natural liberty is a state of war, a war of every man 
 against every man, wherein the notions of right and wrong, justice and 
 injustice, have no place. " For," he says, " if we could suppose a great 
 multitude of men to consent in the observation of justice and other 
 laws of nature without a common power to keep them all in awe, we 
 might as well suppose all mankind to do the same, and then there 
 neither would be nor need to bo any civil government or commonwealth 
 at all, because there would be peace without subjection." (Leviathan, 
 c. 17.) This is Penn's government, "an ordinance of God, . . whereby 
 the people may have their duo . . . from insolency and licentiousness." 
 The difference is th.it Hobbes finds the need fur strong government in 
 the laws of nature, Penn in the fact of man's weakness and Almighty 
 God's supervision of human affairs. 
 
 illiberal for Penn's day, but under it not only atheists 
 and infidels but Arians and Socinians were denied 
 the right of suffrage. Swearing u by the name of God 
 or Christ or Jesus" was punishable, upon legal con- 
 viction, by a fine of five shillings, or five days' hard 
 labor in the House of Correction on bread and water 
 diet. Every other sort of swearing was punishable 
 also with fine or imprisonment, and blasphemy and 
 cursing incurred similar penalties. Obscene words 
 one shilling fine or two hours in the stocks. 
 
 Murder was made punishable with death and con- 
 fiscation of property, to be divided between the suf- 
 ferer's and the criminal's next of kin. The punish- 
 ment for manslaughter was to be graduated according 
 to the nature of the offense. For adultery the penalty 
 was public whipping and a year's imprisonment at 
 hard labor ; second offense was imprisonment for life, 
 an action for divorce also lying at the option of the 
 aggrieved husband or wife; incest, forfeiture of half 
 one's estate and a year's imprisonment; second 
 offense, the life term ; sodomy, whipping, forfeiture 
 of one-third of estate, and six months in prison ; life 
 term for second offense; rape, forfeiture of one-third 
 to injured party or next friend, whipping, year's im- 
 prisonment, and life term for second offense; forni- 
 cation, three months' labor in House of Correction, 
 and, if parties are single, to marry one another after 
 serving their term ; if the man be married he forfeits 
 one-third his estate in addition to lying in prison; 
 polygamy, hard labor for life in House of Correction. 
 
 XIV. Drunkennes! 
 
 ays in work-house < 
 
 on legal conviction, fine of five shillings, or fi 
 bread and water; second and each subseque 
 
 cted further, by the authority 
 :ess of drinking at their houses 
 ■ith the drunkard." Drinking 
 subject to fine of five shillings. 
 3 a fine of five pounds. Arson 
 
 offense, double penalty. "And be it em 
 aforesaid, that they who do suffer such ex 
 shall be liable to the same punishment ' 
 healths, as conducive to hard drinking, ii 
 The penalty for selling rum to Indians 
 is punished with amercement of double the values destroyed, corporal 
 punishment at discretion of the bench, and a year's imprisonment. 
 House-breaking and larceny demand fourfold satisfaction and three 
 months in work-house; if offender be not able to make restitution, then 
 seven years' imprisonment. All thieves required to make fourfold satis- 
 faction ; forcible entry to be treated as a breach of the peace, and 
 satisfaction to he made for it. Rioting is an offense which can be com- 
 mitted by three persons, and is punished according to common law and 
 the bench's discretion. Violence to parents, by imprisonment in work- 
 house at parent's pleasure; to magistrates, fine at discretion of court 
 and a month in work -house; assaults by servants on masters, penalty 
 at discretion of the court, so also with assault and battery. 
 
 XXVII. Challenges to duels and acceptance of challenge deiruind a 
 penalty of five pounds fine and three months in work-house. Rude and 
 riotous sports, " prizes, stage-plays, masks, revels, bull-baits, cock-fight- 
 ing, with such like," are treated as breaches of tho peace ; penalty, leu 
 days in work-house, or fine of twenty shillings. Gambling, etc., fine of 
 five shillings, or five days in work -house. Spoken or written sedition 
 incurred a fine of not less than twenty shillings; slighting language 
 of or towards tho magistracy, penalty not less than twenty shillings, 
 five or ten days in the work house. 
 
 XXXII. Slanderers, scandal-mongers, and spreaders of false news are 
 to be treated as peace-breakers; persons clamorous, scolding, or railing 
 with their tongue, when convicted "on full proof," are to go to the 
 House of Correction for three days. 
 
 XXXIV. The statute for tho encouragement of marriage is as it was 
 quoted above in tho laws adopted in England, "but" (xxxv,)"no person, 
 be it either widower or widow, shall contract marriage, much less marry, 
 under one year after tho decease of his wife or her husband." 
 
 XXXVI. " If any person shall fall into decay and poverty, and be un- 
 
104 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 iiii.ii 
 
 able to maintain themselves and child 
 who shall die and leave poor orphans, 
 tice of the peace of the said county, th 
 plaint to be true, Bhall make provision 
 shall see convenient till the next county 
 
 th their honest endeavor, or 
 complaint to the next jus- 
 said justice finding; the corn- 
 far them in such way as they 
 rt, and then care shall be 
 
 taken for their comfortable subsistence. 1 ' 
 
 XXXVII., etc. "To prevent exaction in public-houses," strong beer 
 and ale of barley-malt Bhall be sold for not above two pennies per Win- 
 chester quart; molasses beer one penny; a bushel must contain eight 
 gallons, Winchester measure, all weights to be avoirdupois of sixteen 
 ounces to the pound; all ordinaries must be licensed by the Governor, 
 and, to insure reasonable accommodation, travelers must not be charged 
 more than sixpence per head for each meal, including meats and .small- 
 beer; footmen to pay not over two pence per night for beds, horsemen 
 nothing, but the charge for a horse's hay to be sixpence per night. 
 
 XL. "The days of the week and the months of the year shall be called 
 as in Scripture, and not by heathen names (its are vulgarly used), as the 
 first,.second, and third days of the week, and first, second, and third 
 monthB of theyear, etc., beginning with the day called Sunday, and the 
 month called March." 
 
 Sections XLI. to LXIX. and the end of this code are substantially re- 
 peated from the code of laws adopted in England, which have already 
 been analyzed on a preceding page. They relate to the administration 
 of justice, the courts, testamentary law, registration, and the purity of 
 elections. Only a few additions and changes have been made, and these 
 simply for the sake of more perspicuity and clearer interpretation. 
 
 gave him; Penn holding firm upon his purchase, the 
 king's letter, and the phrase in the Calvert charter 
 confining its operations to lands hitherto unoccupied, 
 a position in which Penn and the Virginian Clai- 
 borne took common ground. The issue of fact as to 
 whether the Delaware Hundreds were settled or un- 
 settled in 1634 could not be determined then and 
 there, even if the contending parties should agree to 
 rest their case upon that point, as neither would do. 
 The proprietaries finally parted, agreeing to meet 
 again in March, and each went home to write out his 
 own views and his own account of the interview to 
 the Lords of the Committee of Plantations. On his 
 way to Chester Penn stopped to visit the flourishing 
 settlement of Friends in Anne Arundel and Talbot 
 Counties, Maryland, reaching his destination on the 
 29th. 
 
 ■ We are at a loss when we attempt to assign a par- 
 ticular date to Penn's treaty with the Indians under 
 the great elm-tree at Shackamaxon, if such a treaty 
 
 PENN'S TREATY TREE AND HARBOR OF PHILADELPHIA IN 1«I0, FROM KENSINGTON. 
 [From W Birch's Views. 1 
 
 After the meeting of the Assembly, Penn set out 
 on December 11th to go to visit Lord Baltimore, with 
 whom he had an appointment for the 19th. The 
 meeting took place at West River, where Penn was 
 courteously and hospitably entertained. Nothing was 
 accomplished, however, in the way of settling the 
 boundary dispute, beyond a general discussion of the 
 subject. Baltimore contended for what his charter 
 
 was ever made. Those who are most familiar with 
 the subject, and have most laboriously studied it in all 
 its bearings, are convinced that the council must have 
 taken place before the meeting of the Legislature at 
 Upland, December 4th. This seems to have been 
 assumed because no such interview could have oc- 
 curred after that date in 1682 ; every day of Penn's 
 time can be shown to have been otherwise occupied. 
 
POUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 
 
 105 
 
 There is nothing on the record to show that there 
 was such a meeting or such a treaty. Penn, always 
 frank and rather exultant in the recital of his affairs, 
 jmblic and private, seems to have kept an absolute 
 silence in regard to this treaty, both in his corre- 
 spondence with the Lords of the Committee of Plan- 
 tations and in his letters to his friends at home. In 
 one of the latter, written on December 29th, the day of 
 his return to Upland from Maryland, he says, " I bless 
 the Lord I am very well, and much satisfied with my 
 place and portion, yet busy enough, having much to 
 do to please all and yet to have an eye to those that are 
 not here to please themselves. I have been at New 
 York, Long Island, East Jersey, and Maryland, in 
 which I have had good and eminent service for the 
 Lord. I am now casting the country into townships 
 for large lots of land. I have had an Assembly, in 
 which many good laws were passed. We could not 
 stay safely till the spring for a government. I have 
 annexed the territories lately obtained to the province 
 and passed a general naturalization for strangers, 
 which hath much pleased the people. As to outward 
 things, we are satisfied ; the land good, the air clear 
 and sweet, the springs plentiful, and provision good 
 and easy to come at; an innumerable quantity of 
 wild fowl and fish ; in fine, here is what an Abraham, 
 Isaac, and Jacob would be well contented with, and 
 service enough for God, for the fields here are white, 
 for harvest. Oh, how sweet is the quiet of these parts, 
 freed from the anxious and troublesome solicitations, 
 hurries, and perplexities of woful Europe." A full 
 chronicle of his deeds, yet not a syllable about the 
 Shackamaxon treaty, esteemed generally to be the 
 greatest of all his achievements. 
 
 We must not, however, do injustice to the universal 
 tradition on the subject of this supposititious treaty, 
 fortified as it is by everything except that document- 
 ary evidence, the singular absence of a line of which 
 casts suspicion on the whole affair. This defect is in- 
 curable, of course, unless it can be shown how it oc- 
 curred, or, per contra, how the traditions arose which 
 unite in pointing to the fact of such a treaty and de- 
 scribing how and where it was negotiated. A brief 
 inquiry into this difficult subject will not be inappro- 
 priate in this place, and we may begin it by stating 
 the arguments in favor of the supposed negotiations. 
 
 First. It is quite reasonable to suppose that Penn 
 would have desired such a treaty and that the Indians 
 would be willing to negotiate one with him. They 
 expected many good things of the Friends, and were 
 taught to look for the arrival of Penn, their leader 
 and chief, with the lively anticipation of benefits. As 
 early as 1677, in negotiations in West New Jersey 
 between the Indians and Quakers (according to a 
 pamphlet of Thomas Budd's, written nine or ten 
 years later), the latter had endeavored to prevent 
 l he sale of liquors to the Indians, who seemed to 
 recognize the humanity of the intention. Budd de- 
 scribes a chief as saying, "Now there is come to live 
 14 
 
 a people among us who have eyes ; they see it [rum] 
 to be for our hurt, they are willing to deny themselves 
 the profit of it for our good. These people have eyes ; 
 we are glad such a people are come among us ; we 
 must put it down by mutual consent, the cask must 
 be sealed up, it must be made fast, it must not leak 
 by day or by night, in light or in the dark, and we 
 give you these four belts of wampum, which we 
 would have you lay up safe and keep by you, to be 
 witnesses of this agreement; and we would have you 
 tell your children that these four belts of wampum 
 are given you to be witnesses, betwixt us and you, of 
 this agreement." These Indians had already heard 
 of Penn and his character and influence; they would 
 naturally have news of his arrival and come to see 
 him at Shackamaxon and Pennsbury. As soon as 
 Penn secured possession of his province he began 
 writing letters and sending messages to the Indians, 
 while his deputy, Markham, conducted successfully a 
 series of land treaties with them. His letter of in- 
 structions to the commissioners to lay out Philadel- 
 phia bids them " Be tender of offending the Indians, 
 ... to soften them to me and the people; let them 
 know you are come to sit down lovingly beside them. 
 Let my letter and conditions with my purchasers 
 about just dealing with them, be read in their tongue, 
 that they may see we have their good in our eye, equal 
 with our own interest, and after reading my letter and 
 the said conditions, then present their kings with what 
 I send them, and make a friendship and league with them, 
 according to these conditions, which carefully observe, 
 and get them to comply with. . . . From time to 
 time, in my name, and for my use, buy land of them, 
 where any justly pretend," etc. The 11th, 12th, 13th, 
 14th, and 15th articles of the " conditions and conces- 
 sions" are here referred to, in which trading with 
 Indians except in market is forbidden, goods sold to 
 " the poor natives" are ordered to be tested, offenses 
 against them punished just as offenses against whites, 
 differences to be settled by mixed juries, and the In- 
 dians given liberty, the same as the planters, to im- 
 prove their grounds, etc. In September, 1681, we 
 find George Fox sending around a circular letter 
 "to all planters," especially in West Jersey, direct- 
 ing them to pay attention to the spiritual welfare of 
 the Indians. In Penn's letter to the Indians, sent 
 them through the hands of his commissioners, he ex- 
 pounds to them his principles of universal justice 
 and of the common brotherhood of mankind, adding 
 that " I have sent my commissioners to treat with you 
 about land and a firm league of peace," and that " I 
 shall shortly come to you myself, at what time we 
 may more largely and freely confer and discourse of 
 these matters." Penn sent by Holme, his surveyor- 
 general, another letter of the same tenor to the In- 
 dians, which Holme indorsed as having been read to 
 them by an interpreter the sixth month (August), 
 1682. The place of the reading is not mentioned, 
 but Holme was at that time living with Fairman in 
 
106 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 his house at Shackamaxon, where also the Quaker 
 meetings were held. 
 
 Second. In 1835 the Historical Society of Penn- 
 sylvania appointed a committee, consisting of Peter 
 S. Duponceau, Joshua F. Fisher, and Roberts Vaux, 
 to report upon a communication of John F. Watson 
 in reference to " the Indian treaty for the lands now 
 the site of Philadelphia and the adjacent country." 
 Mr. Vaux having died before the work was finished, 
 Messrs. Duponceau and Fisher made an exhaustive re- 
 port on the subject, considering all the questions con- 
 nected with the treaty or supposed treaty at Shacka- 
 maxon. Their conclusion was that while no treaty was 
 ever negotiated at Shackamaxon for the purchase of 
 lands, with which were joined stipulations for peace 
 and amity and a league of friendship (since if such a 
 treaty had been made it would necessarily have been 
 recorded), yet there was a solemn council held there 
 for the purpose of sealing friendship between the 
 Indians and the proprietary. They found their 
 opinion upon certain expressions in speeches of 
 
 ■treaty ground 
 
 I <*$ *f 
 ■jwiluampennI- 
 
 ■'",..: ian nation \_ 
 
 (EH FAITH 
 
 MONUMENT ERECTED TO MARK THE SITE 
 OF THE TREATY TREE. 
 
 Lieutenant-Governor Keith to the Susquehanna In- 
 dians in 1717 and 1722, and by Lieutenant-Governor 
 Gordon in 1728-29. They are firm in their belief 
 that such a treaty or conference did take place, prob- 
 ably in November, 1682, at Shackamaxon, under 
 the great elm-tree which was blown down in 1810. 
 " The treaty was probably made," according to the 
 committee, " with the Lenni Lenape or Delaware 
 tribes and some of the Susquehanna Indians; that 
 it was ' a treaty of amity and friendship,' aud per- 
 haps confirmatory of one made previously by Mark- 
 ham [or the commissioners and Holme]. In the con- 
 cluding language of the report, therefore, 'we hope 
 that the memory of the Great Treaty, and of our 
 illustrious founder, will remain engraved on the 
 memory of our children and children's children to 
 the end of time.' " ' 
 
 1 Hazard, Annate, i. 635. 
 
 Third. Tradition has found the place of the treaty, 
 named those present, tells us that Penn came there 
 in a barge, and wore a blue sash. A belt of wampum 
 has come from the Penn family, which, it is claimed, 
 was presented to the proprietary on that occasion. 
 The great Tamanend or Tamany was chief spokes- 
 man on this day, and his dress and the emblems worn 
 by him of kingly power are accurately described; in 
 short, the whole scene has been set with a view to 
 bring out the illusion effectively. 
 
 On the other hand, those who do not believe that 
 any such treaty was ever negotiated reply : 
 
 -First. That the treaty referred to by Keith and 
 Gordon was not one made by Penn with the Lenni 
 Lenapes in 1682, but one which he negotiated in 
 April, 1701, on occasion of his second visit, with 
 the representatives of several tribes, including the 
 Susquehannocks, alias Minquas or Conestogas, the 
 Shawanese, the Onondagoes, etc., which treaty is duly 
 recorded in the Colonial Records. The fact that the 
 Indians possessed a parchment copy of the treaty, 
 which they produced in their council with Keith in 
 1722, is evidence of this, there being no attempt to 
 prove a written treaty in 1682. At any rate, the actual 
 treaty of 1701 fits all the circumstances of the case, 
 and all the allusions of the Indians and the Governors, 
 far better than the assumed treaty of 1682. 
 
 Second. It is easy for tradition to have confused the 
 two occasions, and even to have set the familiar scene 
 at a very early day. In his letter of Aug. 16, 1683, 
 to the Society of Free Traders, Penn, writing from 
 Philadelphia about the Indians, whose habits and 
 language he had been studying closely in the course 
 of a tour among them, describes very minutely the 
 conduct of an Indian council, for he says, " I have 
 had occasion to be in council with them upon treaties 
 for land and to adjust the terms of trade." Then he 
 gives a picture of the ordering of an Indian council, 
 which might very well be taken for the original of the 
 traditional accounts of the treaty under the Shacka- 
 maxon elm. "Every king," he says, "hath his coun- 
 cil, and that consists of all the old and wise men of 
 his nation, which perhaps is two hundred people. 
 Nothing of moment is undertaken, be it war, peace, 
 selling of land, or traffic, without advising with them, 
 and, which is more, with the young men too. . . . 
 Their order is thus: The king sits in the middle of 
 a half-moon, and has his council, the old and wise, on 
 each hand. Behind them, or at a little distance, sit 
 the younger fry in the same figure." This is the 
 Shackamaxon scene exactly. One almost sees West's 
 picture, or Watson's descriptions, gleaned from the 
 recollections of the oldest inhabitants. But Penn 
 goes on, and from depicting the general scene comes 
 to delineate what was apparently an actual incident 
 in his recollection. "Having consulted and resolved 
 their business, the king ordered one of them to speuk 
 to me. . . . He took me by the hand and told me he 
 was ordered by his king to speak to me, aud that now 
 
FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 
 
 107 
 
 it was not he but the king who spoke. . . . He first 
 prayed me to excuse them that they had not complied with 
 me the last time. He feared there might be some fault 
 in the interpreter, being neither Indian nor English. 
 Resides, it was the Indian custom to deliberate and 
 take up much time in council before they resolved, 
 and that if the young people and owners of the land 
 had been as ready as he, / had not met with so much 
 delay." Now this exactly meets the case of Penn's 
 undoubted and recorded treaties with the Indians for 
 land in the spring and summer of 1683. In his letter 
 about the Maryland boundary to the Lords of the Com- 
 mittee on Plantations Penn writes: "In the month 
 called May, Lord Baltimore sent three gentlemen to 
 let me know he would meet me at the head of the 
 Bay of Chesapeake ; / was then in treaty with the kings 
 of the nations for land, but three days after we met ten 
 miles from New Castle, which is thirty from the Bay." 
 This was in May or June 23d, and 14th of July fol- 
 lowing the treaties were negotiated with the Kings 
 Tamanend and Metamequam. Here are the land 
 treaties, the kings and their council, the non-compli- 
 ance the first time, the delay, all the circumstances. 
 " When the purchase was agreed on," adds Penn (when 
 the actual business of the conference was discharged, 
 in other words), "great promises passed between us of 
 kindness and good neighborhood and that the English 
 and Indians must live in love as long as the sun gave 
 light." Then another Indian spoke, charging the 
 natives to love the Christians and so on, "at every 
 sentence of which they shouted and said amen in 
 their way." Finally, Penn says in this letter, written 
 only a month after the transaction, "We have agreed 
 that in all differences between us six of a side shall 
 end the matter. Do not abuse them, but let them 
 have justice and you win them." In these sentences 
 we have all the data of the supposititious treaty of 
 Shackamaxon, — a written bargain for land, sealed and 
 paid for, and an unwritten treaty of friendship on the 
 basis of justice and equity. If Penn could describe 
 this event so vividly would he not have dwelt still 
 more upon an earlier and more formal treaty of alli- 
 ance, made when he had not been in the province a 
 month, and when the Indians and everything else 
 were such novelties to him ? 
 
 Third. This described treaty covers all that Penn 
 told the historian Oldmixon, to wit, that he "stayed 
 in Pennsylvania two years, and having made a league 
 of amity with nineteen Indian nations, established good 
 laws," etc., he returned to England. Now it happens 
 that there are exactly nineteen " sachamakers" who 
 sign the various land deeds given by the Indians to 
 Markham in 1682 and to Penn in 1683, to wit: July 
 15, 1682, Kowyockhickon, Attoireham ; Aug. 1, 1682, 
 Nnmne Soham , June 24, 1683, Tammanen ; same date, 
 Essepenaike, Swanpees, Okettarickon, Wessapoat, Keke- 
 lappnn ; same date, Metamequan ; June 25th, Winge- 
 bone; July 14th, Seeane and Icquoquehan; same date, 
 Nencshickan, Ma/ebore, Neshanovke, and Osereneon; 
 
 October 10th, Kekerappan ; October 18th, Machaloha. 
 And these are ail the Indian deeds on record between 
 the date of Markham's arrival and Penn's return to 
 England. 
 
 Is it then necessary to despoil tradition entirely? 
 We do not think so. We are loath to give up the 
 great elm at Shackamaxon, with Tamanend and his 
 council squatted in a double semicircle beneath its 
 wide, bare branches (though there must have been a 
 good deal of frost in the ground so late in November), 
 and Penn with his blue sash, Markham with his scar- 
 let coat, and Lasse Cock, the interpreter, in leather 
 breeches and fur coat, speaking an indescribable mix- 
 ture of Swedish, Dutch, English, and Indian. We 
 will have to give up the barge, we suppose, for, if 
 such a conference ever occurred, it must have been 
 while Penn was occupying Fairman's house on the 
 spot at Shackamaxon. But there is no inherent im- 
 probability in the idea of such a conference. The 
 Indians would be as eager to see Penn, of whom they 
 had heard so much, as he would be curious to meet 
 them. Suppose that, while the " Welcome" was still 
 at New Castle or Upland, or after she had gone up 
 the river and anchored off the mouth of Dock Creek, 
 hard by the house, then just built, which soon came 
 to be known as the Blue Anchor tavern, Penn's 
 counselors had suggested to him, or he to them, that 
 it would be a politic thing to call the Indians to- 
 gether in council, so that he might ratify to them in 
 person the lavish promises made in his name and on 
 his behalf by his agents. The Indians would be 
 notified, a day set, runners sent out, and when the 
 time came there would be no difficulty in securing a 
 very respectable collection of sachems and braves of 
 the contiguous bands. Old Tammany might have 
 been present himself if the weather was good, and 
 if the " Welcome" had not yet gone down the river, 
 and Penn still occupied his cabin, the ship's jolly- 
 boat might very well have served him for barge in 
 which to make a stately entry upon the scene. Then 
 upon his arrival, after the peace pipe had been 
 smoked, there might have ensued such a succession 
 of speech-making and such another love- feast as Penn 
 describes as having taken place after the signing of 
 the laud treaties in 1683, and upon newcomers like 
 the passengers of the " Welcome," ignorant equally 
 of the language, the circumstances, and the surround- 
 ings, what they then and there witnessed might have 
 made an indelible impression as the first great treaty 
 with the Indians. At the same time Penn, used to 
 state business, and knowing nothing had been accom- 
 plished, may not have charged his memory particu- 
 larly with the occurrence. The presence and acts of 
 Penn and the just dealings of his followers made a 
 strong and lasting impression upon the Indians, not 
 only of Eastern Pennsylvania, but of the whole State 
 and of New York also. They gave him a name of 
 their own, "Onas" (signifying quill, or "pen"), and 
 this patronymic was extended to all his successors 
 
108 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 in the executive of Pennsylvania down to quite a 
 late period. His familiar name among the Delavvares 
 was " Miquon," and for his sake, while the savages 
 in every section east of the Mississippi and north of 
 the Tennessee, smarting under a thousand wrongs, 
 were waging undying war against every other person 
 of English descent, the peaceful garb of members of 
 the Society of Friends continued to be a passport 
 and a palladium. Penn's traditional policy is still 
 kept up with proud consistency by the Quakers, and 
 there is not a tribe, nor the vestige of a band of sav- 
 ages, within all the broad extent of the United States 
 but has experienced some material benefit from this 
 amiable determination of the quiet sect to right, 
 wherever they can, the injuries inflicted by the white 
 man upon the original owners of the soil.' 
 
 The year 1683 was a very busy one for William 
 Penn. A great number of colonists arrived, building 
 was very actively going on, the division of land among 
 purchasers was a source of much care and perplexity, 
 the lines and bounds and streets of the new city re- 
 quired to be readjusted, the Council and Assembly had 
 to be newly elected and organized, with much impor- 
 tant legislative business before them, and there were 
 besides the boundary question and interviews with 
 Lord Baltimore, Indian land treaties with their te- 
 dious preliminary councils and pow-wows, and in 
 addition to all this an extensive and exacting corre- 
 spondence. Penn, however, was equal to it all, and 
 maintained his health, spirits, and energy remarkably 
 well. He even found time to make an extensive tour 
 through his territories, visited the Indian tribes in 
 friendship with them, curiously studied their manners 
 and customs, and even picked up a smattering of their 
 tongue. Penn was more and more pleased with his 
 province the more he saw of it, and was elated with 
 the great work he had set in motion, even while he 
 could not conceal from himself that his new province 
 was going to prove difficult for him to govern, and 
 that his liberal expenditures in behalf of its settle- 
 ment would eventually plunge him deep in pecuniary 
 embarrassments. 
 
 The Governor's first care, after appointing sheriffs 
 for the several counties and ordering them to issue 
 writs for a new election of members of the Provincial 
 Council and General Assembly, was to replat the city 
 and rename the streets, which had been provisionally 
 named by the commissioners and Holme. In a spirit 
 of avoidance of "man-worship," Penn designated the 
 streets between and parallel to the Delaware and the 
 Schuylkill by numbers; the intersecting streets con- 
 necting the two rivers he named after the different 
 varieties of trees and fruits indigenous to the soil. 
 There were a few exceptions to this rule, concessions 
 to some local peculiarity of the street itself, as, for 
 example, Market, Front, Water, High, Broad, Dock 
 Streets, etc. But the main body of streets bore names 
 from First to Twentieth, and from Walnut, Chestnut, 
 Sassafras, Pine, Spruce, and Cedar to Mulberry, Vine, 
 
 Buttonwood, Poplar, and Cherry Streets. This was a 
 neat way of escaping the embarrassing business of doing 
 highway honors to human dignitaries, but it deprives 
 Philadelphia streets of that historical flavor which 
 hangs about the names of thoroughfares in other large 
 cities. As Philadelphia, as originally laid out, con- 
 tained only about twelve hundred acres, it was found 
 impossible to accommodate the " first purchasers" of 
 large tracts of land with the city lots promised them 
 in the prospectus inviting colonists. To remedy this 
 a portion of territory outside the original survey was 
 laid off and annexed under the name of "the Liber- 
 ties," and in these the apportioned lots still undrawn 
 were located. These apportionments, as finally ar- 
 ranged by Penn, gave to each purchaser of land about 
 two per cent, of his purchase in town lots. If he took 
 one thousand acres he received twenty acres of lots 
 and nine hundred and eighty acres of farm land. 
 But if the lots were in the Liberties east of the Schuyl- 
 kill there was a reduction of twenty per cent, in the 
 size of the lots in consequence of their much greater 
 value. While arranging this difficult business as re- 
 spected Philadelphia, Penn also prepared for the 
 distribution of rural population through the counties 
 which he had opened, and particularly Chester and 
 Buckingham (or Bucks as it soon began to be called), 
 by laying out townships there, and "squares" around 
 which the farmsteads were grouped and in which 
 each landholder had his lot, just as was the case 
 in Philadelphia County, and its township, Philadel- 
 phia City. This system is illustrated very graphically 
 on Holme's " map of the improved part of Pennsyl- 
 vania." 
 
 Penn had begun to build, likewise, on his own ac- 
 count. The construction of the mansion-house at 
 Pennsbury is said, rather vaguely, however, to have 
 been commenced by Markham previous to the pro- 
 prietary's arrival in the province, and it was now 
 pushed vigorously, though Penn does not appear to 
 have occupied the house permanently until his second 
 visit. He also built a house in Philadelphia for his 
 own use. This structure, called the Letitia house, 
 and assumed to have been the first brick house erected 
 in the city, is commonly said to have been put up for 
 Penn's daughter, whose name it bears. If Letitia 
 Penn ever owned the house, she does not seem to 
 have occupied it. Penn lived there when it was 
 first built, and when he returned to England it be- 
 came the official residence of Markham. The 
 Pennsbury mansion, so situated as to give the Lord 
 Proprietary convenient access both to his own capi- 
 tal and to Burlington, the chief town in the West 
 Jersey plantation, was quite an elaborate building, 
 costing, with expenditures upon the grounds and 
 out-buildings, from five thousand to seven thousand 
 pounds. It was placed on a gentle eminence fifteen 
 feet above high water and one hundred and fifty feet 
 from the river, with a winding creek or cove flowing 
 around one side of it to the rear. Not a vestige of the 
 
FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 
 
 109 
 
 house or plantation now remains, except some gnarled 
 trunks of old cherry-trees, supposed to have been 
 planted by the founder. This mansion-house was, 
 however, not completed until some years after Penn's 
 return to England. The supervision of its construc- 
 
 THB LETITIA HOUSE. 
 
 tion was given to James Harrison, and Penn's letters 
 to him on the subject are numerous and interesting. 
 The proprietary in the first few months of his visit 
 seems to have had no other thought than that of a 
 permanent residence in the province, surrounded by 
 his family, and in the midst of sylvan solitude and 
 rural comforts. He had not then learned that new 
 colonies may be harassing and intractable, and that 
 the European with large home interests who goes to 
 dwell in the wilderness cannot escape illustrating the 
 proverb, " Out of sight out of mind." " I am much 
 satisfied with my plan and portion," he wrote to one 
 friend from Chester; to Lord Colepepper, just come 
 out as Governor and proprietor of Virginia, he wrote, 
 5th February, 1683 : " I am mightily taken with this 
 part of the world ; here is a great deal of nature, which 
 is to be preferred to base art, and methinks that sim- 
 plicity, with enough, is gold to lacker, compared with 
 European cunning. I like it so well that a plentiful 
 estate and a great acquaintance on the other side have 
 no charms to remove ; my family being once fixed 
 with me, and if no other thing occur, I am likely to 
 be an adopted American. Our province thrives with 
 people; our next increase will be the fruit of their 
 labor. Time, the maturer of things below, will give 
 the best account of this country." 
 
 The new sheriffs summoned the freemen electors, 
 and a new election was held under the Constitution 
 and laws for members of the Council and Provincial 
 Assembly. The. " act of settlement," or frame of gov- 
 ernment provisionally adopted by the first Legisla- 
 ture in its brief session at Upland, or Chester, had ar- 
 ranged for the election of a Council of twelve persons 
 
 from each county, and a General Assembly to consist 
 of not more than two hundred freemen. The people 
 of the counties, however, thought that this would be 
 too heavy a drain upon a scattered and as yet scanty 
 population, especially at times when labor seemed to 
 be of more value than law-making, and accordingly 
 they simply went outside the charter and elected 
 twelve members from each county, three of whom 
 were designated to serve in the Provincial Council, 
 the rest to act as members of the General Assembly. 
 The Legislature met for the first time 
 in Philadelphia, the Council and Gov- 
 ernor coming together on the 10th of 
 March, 1683, the General Assembly two 
 days later. The members of the Council 
 were 
 
 William Markham, Thomas Holme, Lasse Cock, Chris- 
 topher Taylor, James Harrison, William Biles, John 
 Simcock, William Clayton, Ralph Withers, William 
 Haige, John Moll, Edmund Cantwell, Francis Whit- 
 well, John Richardson, John Hilliard. William Clark, 
 Edward Southern, and John Roads. The members of 
 the Assembly were: Philadelphia County. — John Soug- 
 burst, John Hart, Walter King, Andros Bengstson, 
 John Moon, Griffith Jones, William Warner, Swan 
 Swanson (Sven Svenson, one of the Sven Sever or sons 
 of Sven Shute), and Thomas Wynne (Speaker). Bucks. 
 —William Yardley, Samuel Darke, Robert Lucas, Nich- 
 olas Wain, John Wood, John Clowes, Thomas Fitzwalter, Robert Hall, 
 James Boyden. Chester. — John Hoskins, Robert Wade, George Wood, 
 John Bhmston, Dennis Rochford, Thomas Bracy, John Bezar, John 
 Harding, Joseph Phipps. New Castle.— John Cann, John Darby, Valen- 
 tine Hollingsworth, Gasparus Herman, John Dehraef, James Williams, 
 William Guest, Peter Alrichs, Henrick Williams. Kent. — John Biggs, 
 Simon Irons, Thomas Haasold, John Curtis, Robert Bedwell, William 
 Wiutlsmore, John Brinkloe, Daniel Brown, Benoni Bishop. Sussex. — 
 Luke Watson, Alexander Draper, William Fletcher, Henry Bowman, 
 Alexander Moleston, John Hill, Robert Bracey, John Kipshaven, Cor- 
 nelius Verhoof. 
 
 Biographies of these pioneers in law-making as 
 well as plantation may be found in the works of 
 Thompson Westcott (particularly his exhaustive 
 "History of Philadelphia"), in the work of Proud, 
 and in the nice and critical investigations now being 
 pursued in the Historical Magazine of the Pennsyl- 
 vania Historical Society. Markham, Holme, Simcock 
 are already known to the reader. The latter was the 
 founder of Ridley, in Chester County. James Harri- 
 son was Penn's friend, agent, and property commis- 
 sioner. William Biles came from Dorchester, in Dor- 
 setshire, arriving in the Delaware June 12, 1679, with 
 wife, seven children, and two servants, having a grant 
 from Andross of three hundred and nine acres on the 
 west bank of the river below Trenton Falls. He was 
 a man of talent and influence and a leader. Governor 
 Evans sued him for slander, for saying, " He is but a 
 boy ; he is not fit to be our Governor; we'll kick him 
 out, we'll kick him out." Whitwell was an early set- 
 tler on the Lower Delaware. Thomas Wynne, first 
 Speaker of the first Assembly, was a Welsh Quaker 
 preacher, one of the Welsh colony afterwards at 
 Merion. He was an ancestor of John Dickinson. 
 John Songhurst came over with Penn. William 
 
110 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Yardley, of Bucks, came over in September, 1682; 
 a yeoman of Sussex, the founder of Yardley ville, and 
 connected with the Harrisons and Pembertons. He 
 had been twenty-five years a preacher when he im- 
 migrated. Haige was a London merchant. Lasse 
 (Lorenz, Laurence, Larrson, or Laers) Cock, or Kock, 
 was the son of Peter Larrson Kock, who came over in 
 1641, servant to the Swedish West India Company. 
 Lasse, his son, was Penn's interpreter and Markham's 
 right-hand man. He and his family were original 
 members of the old Swedes' Church atWicaco. An- 
 dros (Andreas) Binkson (Bengtsson, now Bankson 
 and Benson) was one of the old Swedes. Peter Al- 
 richs was son of the Dutch director on South River, 
 owner of Alrichs' or Burlington Island. Gasparus 
 Herman, son or grandson of Augustine Herman, of 
 Bohemia Manor. Thomas Fitzwalter came over with 
 Penn, and was prominent in many public affairs. 
 Bluntston was an immigrant of 1682, from Little 
 Hallam, Derbyshire, having a certificate from the 
 Quaker Meeting-house there. He was a member of 
 the Society of Free Traders, and a man of consequence. 
 John Bezar, or Bezear, of Bishops Canning, in Wilt- 
 shire, was one of Penn's land commissioners. His 
 business in England was that of maltster, and he was a 
 regular preacher of the Quakers ; had been imprisoned 
 and put in the stocks for attempting to preach in the 
 " steeple-house" at Marlborough. He settled at Mar- 
 cus Hook. Thomas Bracey was also one of the So- 
 ciety of Free Traders and an active Friend. Robert 
 Wade came over with John Fenwick. He was a resi- 
 dent of Upland as early as 1675. He owned Essex 
 House, at Upland, built by Armgardt Pappegoya, 
 which is supposed to have been the first Quaker 
 meeting-house in Pennsylvania. He also was an 
 active Quaker. Christopher Taylor was the best 
 scholar among the Quaker immigrants, native of 
 Skipton, Yorkshire, convert of George Fox, eminent 
 preacher, often incarcerated, once for two years; 
 taught classical schools on both sides the Atlantic, 
 held important public offices, was well acquainted 
 with Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and published a Com- 
 pendium Trium Linguarum of those languages. Wil- 
 liam Clayton came out in 1678, bought Hans Oelsson's 
 share of Marcus Hook ; an active Quaker, and had a 
 large part in public affairs. John Clows came over 
 in 1682, previous to Penn, and John Richardson ap- 
 pears to have been his servant. 1 
 
 At the first meeting of the Council in Philadelphia, 
 March 10, 1683, Penn took the chair and sixteen of 
 the eighteen councilors were present. The sheriffs 
 of the different counties (John Tost, for Philadel- 
 phia) were called in and made their returns respect- 
 ing the election. The rules were of the simplest: the 
 Governor ordered those speaking to do so standing, 
 one at a time, and facing the chair, and the members 
 
 1 Hia diary contains notes of many i 
 province. 
 
 : events in the history of the 
 
 agreed upon a viva voce vote in all except personal 
 matters. When these arose the vote was to be by 
 ballot. The question of the power of electors to 
 change the number of representatives without modi- 
 fying the charter at once arose, when Penn answered 
 that they might " amend, alter, or add for the Pub- 
 lick good, and that he was ready to settle such 
 Foundations as might be for their happiness and 
 the good of their Posterities, according to y e powers 
 vested in him." Then the Assembly chose a Speaker, 
 and there was an adjournment of Council till the 12th. 
 On the session of Council of that day nothing seems 
 to have been done beyond compelling Dr. Nicholas 
 More, president of the Society of Free Traders, to 
 appear and apologize for having abused Governor, 
 Council, and General Assembly " in company in a 
 publick house, ... as that they have this day broken 
 the charter, and therefore all that you do will come 
 to nothing & that hundreds in England will curse 
 you for what you have done & their children after 
 them, and that you may hereafter be impeacht for 
 Treason for what you do." Dr. More's apologies 
 were ample, as became such a determined conserva- 
 tive. The next day's session was occupied with im- 
 provement of the rules and suggestions as to amend- 
 ing the charter. It was obvious that the freemen of 
 the province were determined this should be done, 
 in spite of Dr. More's suggestions about impeach- 
 ment. On the 15th, John Richardson was fined for 
 being "disordered in Drink," and reproved. The 
 question of giving Governor and Council authority 
 to prepare all bills was finally settled affirmatively, 
 but apparently only after considerable debate. On 
 the 16th, Dr. More, of the Society of Free Traders, 
 wrote to ask such an interpretation of the law against 
 fornication as applicable to servants as would be 
 "more consistent w th the Mr. & Mrs. Interest." This 
 was the first utterance of a corporation in Pennsyl- 
 vania, and it was not on the side of humanity or 
 morality, but of the " master and mistress interest," — 
 the society did not care how severely servants were 
 punished for their vices, so that the punishment was 
 not such as to deprive the corporation of their ser- 
 vices. 
 
 Among the earliest bills prepared for submitting 
 to the General Assembly were the following : A bill 
 for planting flax and hemp, for building a twenty-four 
 by sixteen feet House of Correction in each county, 
 to hinder the selling of servants into other provinces 
 and to prevent runaways, a bill about passes, about 
 burning woods and marshes, to have cattle marked 
 and erect bounds, about fencing, showing that ser- 
 vants and stock gave the settlers more concern than 
 anything else. The country was so large and free 
 that it was difficult to retain people in any sort of 
 bondage, and, where nineteen-twentieths of the land 
 was uninclosed and free to all sorts of stock, it was 
 necessary to fence in improved and cultivated tracts 
 to save the crops from destruction. These bills and 
 
FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 
 
 Ill 
 
 other matters were given in charge of the various 
 committees into which the Council now began to di- 
 vide itself. On the 19th the Speaker and a commit- 
 tee of the Assembly reported the bill of settlement 
 (charter or Constitution) with " divers amendments," 
 
 and cattle-brands. Also bills requiring hogs to be 
 ringed, coroners to be appointed in each county, 
 regulating wages of servants without indenture, bail- 
 bonds, and summoning grand juries. There was offered 
 likewise a law of weights, and a bill fixing the punish- 
 
 
 .'^^C^^, 
 
 
 FAC-SIMILE OF WILLIAM PENN'S AUTOGRAPH AND SEAL AND THE AUTOGRAPHS OF ATTESTING WITNESSES 
 TO THE CHARTER OF 1683. 
 
 which were yielded to by the Governor and Council, 
 and other amendments suggested. The Duke of 
 York's laws and the fees charged in New York and 
 " Delaware" were also considered in this connection ; 
 finally, on the 20th, there was a conference between 
 the Governor and the two houses, " and then the 
 question being asked by the Gov r whether they would 
 have the old charter or 
 a new one, they unani- 
 mously desired there 
 might be a new one, 
 with the amendm" putt 
 into a Law, w h is past." 
 Other bills introduced 
 at this time looked 
 to regulating county 
 courts,protestedbillsof 
 exchange, possessions, 
 "sailor's wracks," acts 
 of oblivion, "Scoulds," 
 seizure of goods, limits of courts in criminal cases, 
 marriage by magistrates, executors and administra- 
 tors, limiting the credit public-houses may give to 
 twenty shillings, protecting landmarks, ear-marks, 
 
 SEAL Of PHILADELPHIA IN 1683. 
 
 ment for manslaughter, and it was ordered that the 
 seal of Philadelphia County be the anchor, of Bucks 
 a tree and vine, of Chester a plow, of New Castle a 
 castle, of Kent three ears of Indian corn, and of Sus- 
 sex a sheaf of wheat. The pay of Councilors was 
 fixed at three shillings, and Assemblymen two shil- 
 lings sixpence per diem, the expenses of government 
 to be met by a land-tax. On April 2, 1683, "the 
 Great Charter of this province was this night read, 
 signed, sealed and delivered by y e Gov r to y" inhab- 
 itants, and received by y e hands of James Harrison 
 and y e Speaker, who were ordered to return y e old one 
 w th ye near ty thanks of y° whole house, which accord- 
 ingly they did." Then on the 3d, after passing some 
 minor laws, the chief of which was to prohibit the 
 importation of felons, the Assembly adjourned " till 
 such time as the Governor and Provincial Council 
 shall have occasion for them." 
 
 The new charter, Constitution, bill of settlement, 
 or frame of government was modeled upon the plan 
 originally proposed by Penn. It retained in the 
 hands of Governor and Council the authority to 
 originate bills, but in other respects it deviated ma- 
 terially from the conditions of the old charter. The 
 
112 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Council was to consist of three, and the General As- 
 sembly of six members from each county. The mem- 
 bers of Council served one, two, and three years 
 respectively. A provision was introduced looking to 
 increase of representation in proportion to the growth 
 of population. The. whole legislative body was to 
 be called the General Assembly, and all bills becom- 
 ing acts were to be called acts of such Assembly, and 
 the lower house was not to adjourn until it had acted 
 upon the business before it. It was, moreover, dis- 
 tinctly implied in the language of the charter that 
 some of the rights and prerogatives enjoyed by Penn 
 under it were to cease with his life ; they were con- 
 cessions to his character and his labors for the prov- 
 ince, and not a final surrender of freemen's rights. 
 In return Penn confirmed all in all their liberties, and 
 pledged himself to insure to all the inhabitants of the 
 province the quiet possession and peaceable enjoy- 
 ment of their lands and estates. 
 
 The Governor and Council were in what may be 
 called continuous session, since the charter required 
 that the Governor or his deputy shall always preside 
 in the Provincial Council, " and that he shall at no 
 time therein perform any act of State whatsoever 
 that shall or may relate unto the justice, trade, treas- 
 ury, or safety of the province and territories aforesaid 
 but by and with the advice and consent of the Pro- 
 vincial Council thereof." The Assembly, however, 
 did not meet again until October 24th, when, after a 
 two days' session, devoted to business legislation and 
 providing that country produce could be taken in lieu 
 of currency, it adjourned. The business before the 
 Council during 1683 was mainly of a routine char- 
 acter. The people and officials were too busily occu- 
 pied in outdoor work — building, planting, surveying, 
 laying off manors and townships and treating with 
 Indians — to have time to spare for records and debates. 
 Nicholas More, of the Society of Free Traders, was 
 made president of Council. The great number of 
 ships coming and going, with their gangs of sailors, 
 caused a good deal of rioting and disorder in the 
 public-houses that had sprung up at several points on 
 the water-front of the young city ; complaints were 
 frequent, and the Governor and Council were much 
 put to it for means to arrest such demoralizing pro- 
 ceedings. Constables were appointed, hours set for 
 early closing, and finally the Governor had to issue his 
 proclamation against the offending taverns and ordi- 
 naries. Servants also gave trouble in various ways, 
 so that finally masters were authorized to flog them 
 for slight offenses, and in case they ran away five days 
 were ordered to be added to their term of service for 
 every day's absence without leave. Some of the 
 sailors in port also combined with other ill-conditioned 
 persons to coin counterfeit money and put it in circu- 
 lation. Small change was so scarce and so much 
 sought after that these scamps were shortly enabled 
 to dispose of a large quantity of their spurious coin 
 before being apprehended. This coin was rather de- 
 
 based than counterfeit. E. Felton testified that he 
 received of the chief offender "24 lbs. of Bar'd Silver 
 to Quine for him;" this was "alloyed" as heavily as 
 it would bear with copper and " quined" into " Spanish 
 bitts and Boston money" (Massachusetts "pine-tree 
 shillings," first coined in 1652, and the old Spanish 
 piaster or "levy," eleven-penny bit, the coin which 
 is the basis of the " piece-of-eight" or dollar, and 
 which perhaps has had a wider circulation than any 
 other coin ever known). These spurious coins, which 
 the counterfeiters stoutly maintained were as good as 
 the Spanish debased coin then in circulation, were 
 passed upon some leading business men. Griffith 
 Jones took eight pounds in the new "bits," and sev- 
 eral other persons were victimized, so that Penn had 
 to issue another proclamation. The parties were tried 
 before a jury and convicted. Penn sentenced the 
 ringleader to redeem all his false money, pay a fine of 
 £40, and give security for good conduct. Another 
 was fined £10, and a third, who turned State's evi- 
 dence, got off with an hour in the stocks. There was 
 also a trial of two poor wretches, both Swedes, for 
 witchcraft. The jury, however, rendered a verdict of 
 guilty of the "common fame of witches, but not 
 guilty as indicted;" the women's husbands went se- 
 curity for them, and we hear no more of witchcraft in 
 Philadelphia, nor do the names of Margaret Mattson 
 and Gethro Hendrickson appear again in the police 
 annals. While on this subject we might as well refer 
 to a singular record in the Council minutes for May 
 13, 1684, as illustrative of the character and methods 
 of Penn, and what he meant by creating the office of 
 peacemaker or arbitrator, who might stand between 
 the people and the courts and save them the expenses 
 and heart-burnings of litigation. " Andrew Johnson, 
 PL, Hance (Hans) Peterson, Deft. There being a 
 Difference depending between them, the Gov r & Coun- 
 cill advised them to shake hands, and to forgive One 
 another; and Ordered that they should Enter in 
 bonds for fifty pounds apiece for their good abear- 
 ance ; w ch accordingly they did. It was also Ordered 
 that the Records of Court concerning that Business should 
 be burnt." This simple, naked record of how the dif- 
 ferences between Jan Jansen and Hans Petersen were 
 settled is one of the most impressive examples of 
 practical ethics applied to jurisprudence that was ever 
 known. 
 
 The founders of Philadelphia would not let the 
 first year of its existence slip away before they had 
 made some provision for education, in accordance 
 with the terms of the charter and the spirit and desire 
 of the people. Accordingly we read that at a meeting 
 of the Council held in Philadelphia y e 26 th of 10 th 
 month, — the day after Christmas, — 1683, " the Gov r 
 and Prov'll Couucill having taken into their Serious 
 Consideration the great Necessity there is of a School 
 Master for y c Instruction & Sober Education of Youth 
 in the towne of Philadelphia, Sent for Enock flower, 
 an Inhabitant of said Toune, who for twenty Year 
 
RAPID GROWTH OP THE CITY. 
 
 113 
 
 past hath been exercised in that care and Imploy™' 
 in England, to whom having Communicated their 
 Minds, he Embraced it upon these following Termes: 
 to Learn to read English 4s by the Quarter, to Learn 
 to read and write 6s by y" Quarter, to learn to read, 
 Write and Cast ace" 8s by y e Quarter ; for Boarding 
 a Sehollar, that is to say, dyet, Washing, Lodging & 
 Scooling, Tenn pounds for one whole year." This 
 was not a high scale of charges, but it is to be hoped 
 that the spelling of the above record was not copied 
 from Enock Flower's own prospectus. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 RAPID GROWTH OF THE PROVINCE AND CITY — 
 "ASYLUM FOR THE OPPRESSED OF ALL NA- 
 TIONS"— MOVEMENTS OF WILLIAM PENN, 1684- 
 1699. 
 
 When Isaac Norris the second, then Speaker of 
 the Pennsylvania Assembly, sent an order to Eng- 
 land, in 1751, for a bell for the State- House of Penn- 
 sylvania, he directed the following words to be in- 
 scribed around it, "well shaped, in large letters": 
 " By order of the Assembly of the Province of Penn- 
 sylvania, for the State House in the City of Phila- 
 delphia, 1752," and underneath: "Proclaim Liberty 
 throughout the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof." 
 (Levit. xxv. 10.) This was that old "Independence 
 Bell," which, recast to remedy a flaw, did proclaim 
 liberty throughout the land in announcing, on July 
 4, 1776, that the Declaration of Independence was 
 signed. Mr. Norris was not prophesying, however, 
 when he ordered the inscription and text. He was 
 simply announcing what he and his fellow-citizens 
 understood to be Penn's policy and that of his suc- 
 cessors in the government of the province from the 
 hour of its foundation, — entire freedom of conscience 
 and liberty of worship to all (Christian) sects, and an 
 asylum for the oppressed of all nations. The general 
 knowledge throughout Europe that Penn had adopted 
 such a policy as the groundwork of his Constitution, 
 and the general confidence that he had both the abil- 
 ity and the will to maintain it in his province, was one 
 chief cause of the rapid influx of persons and families 
 of all nationalities to the shores of the Delaware. They 
 came for ease from many cares, for relief from great 
 and petty tyrannies ; they came to settle and make 
 themselves homes, rather than to trade and get money. 
 Thus the province had from the first a heterogeneous 
 population, and was saved from falling into the 
 grooves of a dead and dull uniformity such as would 
 have been its fate if it had been settled exclusively 
 by English Quakers. Upon an indisputably strong 
 and established warp of simple and ingenuous Swedish 
 peasants and farmers, who constituted the body of 
 tin- original settlers, and who have left a decided and 
 durable impress upon the character of the people of 
 16 
 
 Eastern Pennsylvania and Delaware, was woven a 
 parti-colored woof of many nationalities, sects, opin- 
 ions, and habits, toned down, yet not reduced to abso- 
 lute sameness, by the predominant drab of the English 
 Society of Friends. Welsh, Irish, Scotch-Irish, Ger- 
 mans, Switzers, French, Dutch and Belgians, Quakers, 
 Pietists, Mennonites, Tunkers, Presbyterians, Hugue- 
 nots, Calvinists, and Moravians or Herrnhutters, as 
 well as Englishmen of the Established Church, were 
 all to be found among the permanent settlers of the 
 province prior to or just after the end of the seven- 
 teenth century, and though it took these races and 
 faiths full fifty years to coalesce, and though in some 
 parts of Pennsylvania society still lies, as it were, in 
 distinct strata, there can be no doubt that the prov- 
 ince owed much of its immediate prosperity and its 
 energetic early growth to the variety of the people of 
 different habits and opinions who composed its first 
 settlers. Among the earliest political measures taken 
 by Penn, the first law in fact of his first Legislature 
 at Upland, was one establishing a general plan of 
 naturalization for all "foreigners," among whom he 
 curiously classed the Swedes and Dutch, who were on 
 the spot so long before him. 
 
 This act was understood and appreciated in con- 
 nection with the ordinance establishing freedom of 
 conscience. As early as Sept. 10, 1683, we find Penn 
 naturalizing eight persons of French names, — Capt. 
 Gabriel Rappe, Mr. Andrew Learrin, Andrew Inbert, 
 Peter Meinardeau Uslee, Lees Cosard, Nich. Ribou- 
 leau, Jacob Raquier, and Louis Boumat, — who were 
 either Walloons or French Huguenots. But the pro- 
 prietary had opened the way for a still larger immi- 
 gration, taking advantage of the disturbed condition 
 of Europe and the horrible persecutions to which 
 " reformers" in every sect, Catholic and Protestant, 
 were then subjected. Louis XIV. was even then 
 preparing for the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 
 which was consummated two years later (1685), cost- 
 ing his kingdom half a million of its most peaceable, 
 industrious, and skillful inhabitants. The Catholics 
 and Protestants equally persecuted the non-resisting 
 sects of the Anabaptists, and in England and Wales 
 the Quakers knew no rest from the pursuit of the 
 sheriff and the constable. But while the English 
 and Welsh Quakers had to dread the costs of the 
 praemunire, and were fined, whipped, cropped, 
 branded, and imprisoned for the crime of worship- 
 ing God in their own way, the still more innocent 
 sects of the Continent, the descendants of the Wal- 
 denses, the pacific Quietists of Switzerland, Holland, 
 and the German Episcopal sees, who had seceded 
 from the ranks and protested against the terrible 
 madness of the Anabaptists of Munster, were dealt 
 with in a much more summary fashion. They were 
 hung, they were broken on the wheel, they were dis- 
 emboweled, they were burnt at the stake, men, 
 women, and children, with their tongues riveted to 
 their jaws to prevent them from testifying aloud in 
 
114 
 
 HISTOKY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 the crisis and agony of their martyrdom. The great 
 book of the Mennonites after the Bible, their "golden 
 legend," gives the names of the persons and reports 
 minutely the. deaths of over a thousand of these in- 
 nocent sufferers for opinion's sake, these victims of 
 man's inhumanity to man. 1 
 
 Penn and his co-religionists knew of these distresses 
 of the defenseless brethren, both by hearsay and ex- 
 perience. The Quakers had made some converts in 
 Holland and the Palatinate, and they maintained a 
 correspondence with many of the fugitive and hidden 
 congregations of Tunkers and Mennonites in those 
 sections. In 1677, after Penn had secured an interest 
 in the Jersey plantations, and when he was probably 
 already looking to the colonization of Pennsylvania, 
 he crossed the Channel, in company with George Fox, 
 Robert Barclay, George Keith, and others, to Brill, in 
 Holland, and made an extensive proselyting tour in 
 Holland and Germany. There were Quaker congre- 
 gations in Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Leyden, and else- 
 where; their preachers were protected by the reigning 
 prince of the Palatine Electorate, and at Kreisheim 
 (Cresheim), near AVorms, a good many Mennonites 
 had become Quakers. The "new brood of fanatical 
 spirits," as they were called, were hunted and per- 
 secuted as much as those less recent in their origin. 
 Indeed, there was but little difference between the 
 Quakers and the Tunkers and the disciples of Simon 
 Menno, so that Barclay said that he was compelled to 
 regard Fox "as the unconscious exponent of the doc- 
 trine, practice, and disciplineoftheancientandstricter 
 party of the Dutch Mennonites." The two sects agreed 
 respecting all the salient traits of Christian life and 
 duty. " Both laid the greatest stress on inward piety 
 and a godly, humble life, considered all strife and 
 warfare as unchristian, scrupulously abstained from 
 
 1 " Der Blutige Schan-platz oder Martyrer Spiegel" ("The Bloody Spec- 
 tacle, or Martyrs' Mirror"), an immense folio of fifteen hundred pages, 
 in which tint sufferings of the Mennonites and Tunkers are chronicled, is 
 one of the scarcest and greatest books ever printed in this country. It 
 was originally published in Europe in Dutch, passing through many 
 editions, each larger than the preceding one, from the earliest, Het offer 
 des Beei-eu, in 1562, lo the handsome folios oT 1685, with over one hun- 
 dred copperplates by Jan Luyken. In 1745, when the French and 
 Indian war troubles began to agitate the people of Pennsylvania, the 
 elders among the Tunker and Mennonite Beets feared lest their young 
 folks should be led astray. To fortify them in their principles as "the 
 defenseless people," it was resolved to have a German translation made 
 and printed of the Martyr's Minor. The work was intrusted to the 
 celibate community of Tunker mystics, who had their monastery at 
 Ephrata, in Lancaster County, under the management of their founder 
 and Vorsteher, Conrad Beissel, or Yaler Friedsam, as he was called in his 
 retreat. The translation was made, and the work supervised by the ac- 
 complished Peter Mii Her, the prior of the convent and its leading spirit. 
 The paper was made at Rittenhouse's mill, and the book was printed on 
 a hand-press belonging to the convent, where also the binding was done. 
 The work required the labor of fifteen brothers for three years, and it is 
 by long odds tho most remarkable book among early American publica- 
 tions. At the time of the battle of Germintowu, cartridge-paper having 
 given out, two wagon-loads of the unbound sheets of the Martyrs' Mirror 
 were seized and made into cartridges for the use of Washington's army. 
 — Cf article by S. W. Pennypacker in Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. v. No. 
 3,276; "Pennsylvania Dutch and other Essays," Philadelphia, 1872; 
 Rupp's "Christiau Denominations," etc. 
 
 making oath, declared against a paid ministry, exer- 
 cised through their meetings a strict discipline over 
 their members, favored silent prayer, were opposed to 
 infant baptism, and looked upon the established 
 churches as unhallowed vessels of the divine wrath." 2 
 It was to these people that Penn and his fellow- 
 apostles directed their mission. They had found some 
 sort of toleration at places in the Netherlands, where 
 they were treated much more liberally than in Switzer- 
 land and Germany. True, there were severe laws 
 against them on the statute books, but these were not 
 rigidly enforced, and though the mob pelted and abused 
 them sometimes, it was done rather in sport than anger, 
 and perhaps because the Quakers brought it on them- 
 selves, for in spite of their non-resistance they had a 
 pertinacious fashion of going into "steeple-houses" 
 
 2 See article on Penn's Travels, by Prof. Seidensticker, in Pen)isylvania 
 Magazine, vol. ii. No. 3. The Mennonites bear the same relation to the 
 wild John of Leyden and the Anabaptists of Munster, his followers, 
 that the disciples of George Fox hear to the English Puritans. But 
 while the mild asceticism of the Quakers led them to formalism and a 
 quiet sort of practical self-denial and economy, the tendencies of the 
 German sectaries, under the influence of a deeper sensibility, took the 
 direction of mysticism. The testimony of the "inner spirit" bore a 
 different fruit according to the race in whose bosom it shone. Fox was 
 the natural predecessor of the shrewd and worldly wise " plain'' farmer 
 and merchant who built up Philadelphia; but the followers of Menno, 
 the believers in the inspiration of Tauler, drifted in an equally natural 
 way to the communities of the Tunkers and the monasteries of Beissel 
 and others. The difference is still strongly marked, as any one may see 
 who compares the proceedings of a Tunker, Mennonite, or Amish con- 
 gregation in Pennsylvania or Ohio with the conduct of a Quaker meet- 
 ing in Philadelphia. The Mennonites claim, through their own histo- 
 rians, to be lineally and theologically descended from the Waldenses; 
 their enemies have reproached them with being an outgrowth of the 
 Anabaptists of Munster, who carried Luther's doctrines to the extreme 
 of excess and tried to promulgate them with fire and sword, outrage and 
 debauchery. Doubtless both sides are true ; the Mennonites are in some 
 measure descended from the Waldenses through the Walloons ; tbey are 
 also in a great measure an offshoot from the Anabaptists. The radical 
 difference between them was iu their understanding of what is meant 
 by "Christ's kingdom on earth," and how to bring it about. The fol- 
 lowers of John of Leyden, Thomas Munzer, Bernhard Rothman, and 
 Jean Matthys preached the sword and torch doctrine to the down-troddeu 
 peasantry of Europe, whose sufferings made them only too willing to 
 listen and believe. On the other hand, Menno Simon preached nothing 
 but prayer, humility, and non-resistance. John of Leyden was torn to 
 pieces with red-hot pincers, his bones set aloft in an iron cage, and his 
 sect died with him; but the Mennonites, next to the Jews, are the most 
 widely distributed religious denomination. Menno Simon, founder of 
 this sect, was a native of Witmarsum,iu Friesland, born in 1492, educated 
 for tho priesthood, and iu 1536 abandoned the Catholic Church and began 
 to preach to a congregation of his own, calling themselves tho Doopsge- 
 zinde, or Rebaptizers. He taught the inefficacy of infant baptism or 
 any other baptism without repentance, contended for the complete sev- 
 erance of Church and State, and absolute religious liberty. His follow- 
 ers were enjoined not to take the sword and not to resist; they swore not 
 at all ; practiced feet-washing and love-feasts; assumed plain dress and 
 simple manners; and punished derelict brethren by putting them under 
 the ban of avoidance and no n -intercourse. No one could deny the purity 
 of their lives, their thrift, frugality, and homely virtues. It is strange 
 that so harmless a people should have been so bitterly persecuted; 
 Menno Simon was hunted like a wild beast. One of their historians 
 Bays of the Beet that "As tho true pilgrims upon earth, going from place 
 to place in the hopo to find quiet and rest, appear the Meunonites." 
 Within the last ten years we have witnessed the migration of many con- 
 gregations of these people all the way from the banks of tho Volga to 
 Kansas and Minnesota rather than violate their tenet against bearing 
 arms. — Cf. papers iu the Pennsylvania Magazine by Dr. Do Hoop Scheffer, 
 of the College at Amsterdam, Prof. Oswald Seidensticker, Mr. S. W. 
 Pennypacker, etc. 
 
RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 
 
 115 
 
 with their hats on anil " testifying" where they had no 
 business to open their lips. Still the separatists did 
 not have an easy time of it, and they looked towards 
 America long before Penn came here. The Labadists 
 under Sluyter and Denkers came to Maryland and 
 founded a community on the Bohemia Manor about 
 1680. A colony of twenty-five Mennonites had still 
 earlier (in 1(362) settled at Horekills, on the lower 
 Delaware, under the leadership of Pieter Cornells 
 Plockhoy, of Zierik Zee, but they were plundered and 
 driven out two years later by Sir Robert Carr, who took 
 all their property, "even to anaile." 1 These Mennon- 
 ites and other separatist sects were therefore as well 
 acquainted with the promises held out by America as 
 Penn could be. There were, moreover, other affinities 
 and attractions which brought the German and Dutch 
 Reformers into close connection with the Quakers. 
 They were not only both of them in the ranks of a 
 revolt against theology and orthodoxy and scholasti- 
 cism, but they had also a common meeting-ground 
 in the concordance of their faith in the supernat- 
 ural and their doctrine of the inner life. The first 
 Quakers had learned from Jacob Bohme and Tauler 
 a great deal of what they preached to English plow- 
 boys and tradesmen, while the Philadelphia associa- 
 tions of Pordage and Jane Leadley found accept- 
 ance with the German mystics. German Quakers, 
 indeed, defended themselves in the courts upon the 
 ground that they discovered in the sermons of Fox 
 and the apologies of Barclay the very doctrines 
 they had been taught to reverence in the writings 
 of Johann Tauler and Thomas a Kempis. The 
 Quakers found much to admire and to imitate in 
 the teachings of the Pietist Jacob Spener, of Jean de 
 Labadie, and the learned Anna Maria Schurman. 
 Indeed, part of Penn's mission in Germany was to 
 see Elizabeth, granddaughter of King James I. of 
 England, who was then Abbess of Herford, in West- 
 phalia, a convert of Spener's, and the protector of 
 him, Schurman, and the Labadists. She had corre- 
 sponded with Penn and Fox, and they were eager to 
 obtain her protection for the Quakers, and to convert 
 her to their faith. 
 
 Fox and his associates held a great meeting of 
 Dutch Quakers in Amsterdam, and then Penn went 
 forward to visit his Stuart princess in her abbey of 
 Herwerden. She was a singular character, daughter 
 of Frederick V., Palatine of the Rhine, who is known 
 in Bohemian annals as the "Winter King," because 
 alter reigning a part of the year as elected king of Bo- 
 hemia, he was defeated in the battle of Prague, and lost 
 not only his new kingdom, but his ancient principal- 
 ity and castle of Heidelberg. Elizabeth had a serious, 
 not to say masculine turn of mind. She took to 
 mathematics, and established a correspondence with 
 Descartes, the philosopher. She was offered the hand 
 
 1 Pennypacke 
 iT. No. 1. 
 
 S.-ltl.iiimit of Ger 
 
 e, vol. 
 
 of the king of Poland if she would become a Cath- 
 olic, but spurned the offer, and finally, while misfor- 
 tune darkened around her house and family, she gave 
 herself up to pious contemplation in Herwerden. 
 Penn and his sermons made a powerful impression on 
 the princess, but she still did not join his society. 
 He and Barclay then went on to Frankfort, where 
 they were well received by various sectaries. Their 
 teachings and plans must have strongly prepossessed 
 the leading men in these societies, for in the very 
 year in which Penn sailed for his new province a 
 German company, known as the Frankfort Company, 
 and from which Frankford township takes its name, 
 was formed. Of the eight original stockholders of 
 this company in 1682 nearly all were mystics or 
 Mennonites, or Quaker converts made by Penn during 
 his visit in 1677. Jacob Van de Walle was the gen- 
 tleman at whose house Penn met the Pietist Johanna 
 Eleonora von Merlau, his first convert, both of them 
 being attendants of Spener's collegia pietatis ; Dr. 
 J. J. Schiitz, another stockholder, was also one of the 
 Pietists, and a friend of Fraulein von Merlau ; J. W. 
 Weberfeldt was a disciple of Bohme; Dr. Von Maes- 
 ticht was Penn's Duisburg friend ; Dr. Von Wylich, 
 one of Spener's college, and the two members from 
 Lubeck seem to have been Quakers. 2 Pastorius, a 
 member of the reorganized Frankfort Company in 
 1686, says in his autographic memoir (which is still 
 in manuscript), "Upon my return to Frankfort in 
 1682 I was glad to enjoy the company of my former 
 acquaintances and Christian friends, assembled to- 
 gether in a house called the Saalhof, . . . who some- 
 times made mention of William Penn, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and showed me letters from Benjamin Furly, 
 also a printed relation concerning said province; 
 finally, the whole secret could not be withholden from 
 me that they had purchased twenty-five thousand 
 acres of land in this remote part of the world. Some 
 of them entirely resolved to transport themselves, 
 families and all. This begat such a desire in my soul 
 to continue in their society, and with them to lead a 
 quiet, godly, and honest life in a howling wilderness, 
 that by several letters I requested of my father his 
 consent," etc. We have gone into these particulars 
 with something like detail because justice to the 
 memory of William Penn requires it to be shown con- 
 clusively that he himself gave the first impulse to the 
 large and important immigration into Pennsylvania 
 from Germany. Pastorius founded the first settle- 
 ment at Germantown, and Pastorius would not have 
 turned his eyes towards America but for Penn's pow- 
 erful influence upon his converts and sympathizers 
 in Germany. From this source has Pennsylvania 
 derived many of her best citizens, not simply that 
 honest rural population who build big barns, fatten 
 large pigs, and sell incomparable butter, while eating 
 four meals a day with great regularity, but the men 
 
 - Seidensticker, Penn's Travels, Peuna. Magazine, voL ii. No. 3. 
 
116 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA.. 
 
 of force and intelligence likewise, the people who 
 rule the State by the combined weight of intellect 
 and integrity of purpose. Pastorius was one of the 
 best scholars of his day ; Rittenhuysen built the first 
 paper-mill in the colonies, and his son was one of the 
 greatest astronomers who ever lived; Saur's Bible 
 was printed in German thirty-nine years before any 
 English edition of the sacred volume had been issued 
 on this continent, and of the merits of the great 
 "Martyrs' Mirror" of Ephrata we have already 
 spoken. The Speaker of the first House of Repre- 
 sentatives under the Federal Constitution (Frederick 
 A. Muhlenberg) was of German descent, and so have 
 been seven of the Governors of Pennsylvania. Indeed, 
 there are few Pennsylvanians whose families have lived 
 in the State for three generations who cannot trace 
 back some of their ancestors to immigrants from the 
 borders of the Rhine. William Penn brought these 
 settlers here almost as directly as he brought over his 
 own English Quakers. 
 
 The first impulse to the wave of German immigra- 
 tion was received at Crefeld, a town on the Rhine, 
 close to the Netherland country. Crefeld had an 
 humble population of weavers and craftsmen, among 
 them Quakers and Mennonites who had endured 
 many persecutions. Penn visited and comforted these 
 lowly people in 1677 during his visit to Germany, and 
 they never forgot his ministrations. When the news 
 of his scheme for settling the newly acquired prov- 
 ince reached them, they at once prepared to send 
 some of their number to recruit his forces. On March 
 10, 1682, * Penn conveyed to Jacob Telner and Jan 
 Streypers, merchants, the first of Crefeld, the second 
 of a near-by village, and to Dirck Sipman, also of 
 Crefeld, deeds for five thousand acres of land to each, 
 to be laid out in Pennsylvania. They were thus in 
 the class of " first purchasers," entitled to city lots, 
 which indeed they received. Telner knew what he 
 was buying, because he had already been in America. 
 In November, 16S2, Pastorius heard of the Frank- 
 fort Company; he took an active part in its concerns, 
 went to London as its agent, and there, in May and 
 June, 1683, bought a tract of fifteen thousand acres 
 for it, afterwards increasing the quantity of land to 
 twenty-five thousand acres. The eight original pur- 
 chasers were Van de Walle, Dr. J. J. Schiitz, J. W. 
 Ueberfeldt, Daniel Bahagel, Caspar Merian, George 
 Strauss, Abraham Hosevoet, and Jan Laurens, the 
 latter an intimate friend of Telner's. When the com- 
 pany was reorganized in November, 1686, the stock- 
 holders were Pastorius, Johanna von Merlau, now the 
 wife of Dr. J. W. Peterson, Dr. Garhard von Maest- 
 richt, Dr. Thomas von Wylich, Johannes Lebrun, 
 Balthasar Jawert, and Dr. Johannes Kemler, nearly 
 all of them Pietists and followers of Spener. Pas- 
 torius was the only one of these members who came 
 
 1 The date has been challenged, but Mr. Pennypackor, in his paper 01 
 the settlement of Germantown, Penna. Mag., vol. iv. No. 1, furnishei 
 conclusive evidence to establish it. 
 
 to America ; nor, indeed, does the Frankfort Com- 
 pany seem to have contributed any of the first immi- 
 grants to Pennsylvania from Germany. Pastorius, 
 however, went out before the Crefeld colony, on their 
 behalf, in part, as much as for the Frankfort Com- 
 pany, and he is entitled to the credit of being the 
 founder of Germantown, or, as he preferred to call it, 
 Germanopolis. 
 
 This remarkable man, Francis Daniel Pastorius, 
 was born in Somerhausen, Germany, Sept. 26, 1651, 
 and died Sept. 27, 1719. He came of a good family, 
 of official standing, and he himself was well educated 
 at the University of Strasburg, the high school of 
 Basle, and the law-school of Jena. He was well ac- 
 quainted with the classical languages, and such mod- 
 ern tongues as French, Dutch, English, and Italian. 
 He began the practice of law in Frankfort, then trav- 
 eled for two years in Holland, England, France, 
 Switzerland, and his own country, returning to 
 Frankfort just in time to hear of Penn's new-born 
 province, and put himself at the head of the German 
 movement towards it. He sailed from London for 
 Pennsylvania on June 10, 1683, and reached Phila- 
 delphia August 20th. In 1688 he married, becoming 
 the father of two sons. His learning, social position, 
 and administrative ability easily made him conspicu- 
 ous in Germantown. He wrote much, and had much 
 to do in promoting the cause of education, being him- 
 self a school-teacher as well as poet, historian, and 
 humorist. 
 
 On June 11, 16S3, Penn sold one thousand acres of 
 land each to Govert Remke, Lenart Arets, and Jacob 
 Isaacs van Bebber, a baker, all of Crefeld. These 
 joined forces with Telner, Streypers, and Sipman, 
 and arranged to settle a colony in Pennsylvania, the 
 condition of their purchase from Penn being, indeed, 
 that they should settle a certain number of families 
 on their land within a specified time. A colony of 
 thirteen families, thirty-three persons in all, was got 
 together, including Van Bebber, Streypers, Arets, three 
 Op den Graafs, with Thomas Kunders, Reynier Tyson, 
 Jan Seimans, Jan Lensen, Peter Keurlis, Johannes 
 Bleikers, Jan Lucken, and Abraham Tunes, nearly 
 all connected with one another or with the pur- 
 chasers of the tract. They went to Rotterdam, and 
 after some delays sailed from London in the ship 
 " Concord" on July 24, 1683, in company with Penn's 
 friend, James Claypoole, his family, and the settlers 
 he was taking out. The greater part of the pur- 
 chasers as well as of the settlers were Mennonites, 
 "religious good people," as Richard Townshend, the 
 Quaker preacher, who came over in the " Welcome," 
 denominates them. Several of them were weavers 
 by trade. 
 
 The pioneers had a pleasant voyage. "The bless- 
 ing of the Lord did attend us," says Claypoole; and 
 Johannes Bleikers had one more in his family when 
 they reached Philadelphia on October 6th than there 
 were when the ship sailed. October 12th Pastorius 
 
RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 
 
 117 
 
 secured a wan-ant for six thousand acres of land, of 
 which five thousand three hundred and twenty acres 
 were laid off by Thomas Fairman into fourteen lots. 
 These lots were drawn for by the adventurers on 
 October 25th, the scene of the division being the 
 cave occupied by Pastorius. The settlers were rein- 
 forced by Jurian Hartsfelder, who had been sheriff 
 under Andross and received from him a patent for 
 land. They at once began to dig cellars and erect 
 their huts for the winter, naturally having to endure 
 many hardships and privations. In the words of 
 Pastorius, "it could not be described, nor would it 
 be believed by coming generations in what want and 
 need and with what Christian contentment and per- 
 sistent industry this German township started." Some 
 other immigrants arrived, including Telner, who re- 
 mained on the spot for thirteen years, the central 
 figure of the emigration. He was a merchant in 
 extensive business in Amsterdam, and his widespread 
 mercantile connections gave him great facilities in 
 promoting the work of colonization. Mennonite as 
 he was, we find him going on a proselyting tour in 
 New England with a Quaker preacher. His chief 
 estate in Pennsylvania was on the Skippack, and 
 was long called " Telner's township." Peter Schu- 
 macher, of Kriesheim, founder of a leading family, 
 came over and settled in Germantown in 1685; the 
 Kassels in 16SG, in which year also a Quaker meeting- 
 house was built, used both by the Friends and the 
 Mennonites. Pastorius had before this constructed a 
 house for himself on the city lot drawn by him, but 
 he could not afford anything but oiled paper for his 
 windows, and over his door he placed the inscription : 
 " Parva domus, arnica bonis, procul este profani," — the 
 reading of which tickled Penn's sense of humor. 
 Streypers seems to have boasted of the fact that he 
 had two pair of leather breeches, two leather doub- 
 lets, stockings, and a new hat. In 1684, Cornelis 
 Bom, one of Telner's first party, kept a notion-shop, 
 and increased his gains by peddling among the In- 
 dians. He paid neither rent, taxes, nor excise, and 
 owned a negro whom he had bought. His pigs and 
 poultry multiplied rapidly; he owned horse and cow, 
 and reported himself and wife to be "in good spirits." 
 Bom's daughter married Anthony Morris, and from 
 her are descended the distinguished Pennsylvania 
 family bearing that name. William Rittinghuysen, 
 who came over in 1687, was a Mennonite preacher, 
 Imt his family had long followed paper-making, and 
 in 1690 William erected oh the Wissahickon that 
 paper-mill which supplied paper to William Brad- 
 ford, the earliest printer in the Middle Colonies. 
 
 I )irck Keyser came over and settled in Germantawn 
 in Hiss, a descendant of that Leonard Keyser, said to 
 be one of the Waldenses, who was burned to death 
 as a Mennonite at Scharding in 1527. In 1688 also 
 we find Pastorius, the Op den Graaffs (now Upde- 
 grafi's), and Gcrhardt Hendricks sending to the 
 Friends' meeting-house the first public protest e"°r 
 
 made on this continent against the holding of slaves, 
 or, as they uncompromisingly styled it, " the traftick 
 of men's body." They compare negro slavery to 
 slavery under Turkish pirates, and cannot see that 
 one is better than the other. " There is a saying that 
 we shall doe to all men licke as we will be done our- 
 selves ; making no difference of what generation, 
 descent, or Colour they are. And those who steal or 
 robb men, and those who buy or purchase them, are 
 they not all alicke? Here is liberty of Conscience, wch Ci 
 is right and reasonable ; here ought to be likewise liberty of 
 y" body, except of evil doers, wch ch is another case. . . . 
 In Europe there are many oppressed for Conscience 
 sake ; and here there are those oppressed w° h are of a 
 black Colour." This memorial is said to be in the 
 handwriting of Pastorius. At the date when it was 
 written New England was doing a handsome business 
 in the Guinea trade, the slave depots being located 
 chiefly at Newport, where the gangs and " coffles" 
 for the Southern market were made up, and Dr. 
 Samuel Hopkins, the earliest New Englander to pro- 
 test formally and earnestly against this " traffick of 
 men's body," was not born until thirty-nine years 
 later. All honor therefore to these honest first set- 
 tlers of Germantown, who asked categorically " Have 
 these negers not as much right to fight for their free- 
 dom as you have to keep them slaves?" and asked 
 further to be informed what right Christians have to 
 maintain slavery, " to the end we shall be satisfied in 
 this point, and satisfie likewise our good friends and 
 acquaintances in our natif country, to whom it is a 
 terrour or fairfull thing that men should be handeld 
 so in Pensilvania." The Quakers were embarrassed 
 by the memorial and its blunt style of interrogatory. 
 It was submitted to the Monthly Meeting at Dublin 
 township, "inspected," and found so "weighty" that 
 it was passed on to the Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting, 
 which " recommended" it to the Yearly Meeting at 
 Burlington, which adjudged it "not to be so proper 
 for this meeting to give a Positive Judgment in the 
 case, It having so General a Relation to many other 
 Parts, and, therefore, at present they forbore it." So 
 the matter slept. 
 
 The German town grew, sent out offshoots, had its 
 representatives in the Assembly, — Pastorius and Abra- 
 ham Opden Graeff, — was incorporated as a borough in 
 1691, with Pastorius for bailiff, Telner and others bur- 
 gesses, etc., and had power to hold a court and mar- 
 ket, lay fines, and enact ordinances. The people were 
 called together once a year and had the laws read to 
 them, but the little town had great trouble in find- 
 ing officers willing to serve. As Loher said, " they 
 would do nothing but work and pray, and their mild 
 conscience made them opposed to the swearing of 
 oaths and courts, and would not suffer them to use 
 harsh weapons against thieves and trespassers." 
 Work, however, they would, and did with great in- 
 dustry and great success. Their fine linen was highly 
 esteemed, and so many of them were spinners and 
 
118 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 weavers that Pastorius, in devising a town seal, se- 
 lected a trefoil of clover, one leaf bearing a vine, one a 
 stalk of flax, the third a weaver's spool, with the 
 motto, " Vvnwm, Linum, et Textrinum." Was ever a 
 happier community known in the world's history? 
 Names of new settlers are noticeable every year, — 
 Jan Jansen, next printer after Bradford, whose im- 
 print is now worth its weight in gold, Kuster, Put- 
 ter, De la Plaine, Pettinger, etc. In 1694 there came 
 to Germantown an old man and his wife. He was 
 blind and poor, and his name was Cornells Plockhoy, 
 the founder and last survivor of the Mennonite colony 
 broken up thirty years before at the Horekills by Sir 
 Robert Carr. The good people of Germantown took 
 pity on him. They gave him a few rods of ground 
 for habitation and garden, built him a house, planted 
 a tree before it, and collected a free-will offering for 
 the support of the aged wanderers, who had found a 
 home at last. What a sweet peace seems to pervade 
 these simple annals of the earliest German settle- 
 ments in Pennsylvania. No wonder the pastoral pipe 
 of John G. Whittier gave forth music of its own 
 accord in the presence of such a natural idyl. Alas, 
 however, for the little span of time during which 
 such dreams retain their brightness. In 1701, before 
 even the school-house took its place in the quiet com- 
 munity, Germantown was building a prison, and re- 
 pairing the stocks with a new and stronger frame- 
 work. 
 
 The Welsh, some of whom came over in the class 
 of first purchasers, began before Penn's return to 
 England to come more collectively, and to establish 
 separate plantations of their own. They landed 
 chiefly at Chester in the beginning, and established 
 themselves at Merion and Radnor and Haverford. 
 Their names still abound, not only in the sections 
 west of Schuylkill but also in many parts of Phila- 
 delphia and Bucks Counties. John ap Bevan, a pil- 
 lar of Haverford Meeting in 1683, Davies, David, 
 Edwards, Ellis (also a settler in Haverford in 1683), 
 Evan, Evans, Harry, Hayes, Hent, Howell (of Cas- 
 tlebigt, Pembrokeshire, came over in 1682), Hugh, 
 Humphrey, all early settlers at Radnor, Haverford, 
 or Merion. So with the Jameses, Jarmaus, Mere- 
 diths, Jenkinses, Lewises, Lloyds (of whom Thomas, 
 the first comer, was Penn's Deputy Governor, keeper 
 of the seals, and chief justice), Miles, Morgan, Morris, 
 Powell, Price, Pugh, Rutherick, Rees, Richard, Shar- 
 pus, etc. The Welsh were among the earliest pur- 
 chasers of large tracts of land from Penn, and they 
 have given permanent names to many localities. They 
 settled all the high ground between Darby Creek 
 and the Schuylkill, and their natural clannishness 
 made them desire to seat themselves close to one an- 
 other. This was the origin of the " barony" called 
 the " Welsh tract," containing forty thousand acres, 
 surveyed by Holme, under instructions from Penn 
 dated at Pennsbury, 13th of March, 1684. Not far 
 behind the Welsh came the Scotch-Irish, whose chief 
 
 immigration, however, does not fall within the period 
 now being described. 
 
 Penn, as has been seen, was transacting business at 
 Pennsbury in March, 1684. He had been long parted 
 from his family, and his affairs in England were not 
 in a good condition. He had done much for his prov- 
 ince and its chief city on the spot — the site along the 
 Delaware which was barely inhabited in 1682 — now 
 contained three hundred houses, and the province had 
 a population of seven thousand. He now thought it 
 good for him to return for a season to England, espe- 
 cially as there was the place in which he might more 
 safely hope to effect a settlement of the vexatious 
 boundary disputes with Lord Baltimore, whose agents 
 had invaded the lower counties, built a fort within 
 five miles of New Castle, and were collecting taxes 
 and rents and dispossessing tenants in that section. 
 Calvert himself had gone to England in March, and 
 Penn wrote to the Duke of York that he meant to fol- 
 low him as fast as he could. Accordingly he prepared 
 to leave the province, reorganizing the church disci- 
 pline of his co-religionaries, and looking after the 
 fiscal system of his civil government in a practical 
 and able way. To the Friends in the province he 
 said, in a circular letter addressed to them, that God 
 had a work for them to do, and he wished them to be 
 faithful to the measure of grace received. " Have a 
 care of cumber," he entreated them, " and the love 
 and care of the world. It is the temptation that lieth 
 nearest to those who are redeemed from looseness, or 
 not addicted to it." He wanted them to be watchful 
 over themselves, helpful to one another, circumspect 
 and zealous. The eye of the Lord was upon them, 
 the eye of the world also, to see " how we live, how we 
 rule, and how we obey ; and joy would it be to some 
 to see us halt, hear evil tidings of our proceedings, as 
 it would be a heavy and an unspeakable grief to 
 those that wish well to our Zion." The Lord had 
 brought them there, he said, had tried them with 
 liberty and with power ; precious opportunities were 
 in their hands, and they should not lose these through 
 perversity, but sanctify God in their heart, so that no 
 enchantment might prevail against Jacob nor divina- 
 tion against Israel ; "but your tents shall be goodly 
 and your dwellings glorious, which is the daily hum- 
 ble supplication of my soul to God and your God, and 
 to my Father and your Father, who are, with unfeigned 
 love in that lasting relation, your tender, faithful 
 friend and brother." 
 
 The ketch " Endeavor," just arrived from England 
 with letters and dispatches, was got ready to carry 
 the Governor back again. He commissioned the 
 Provincial Council to act in his stead while he was 
 away, intrusting the great seal to Thomas Lloyd, the 
 president. Nicholas More, William Welch, Wil- 
 liam Wood, Robert Turner, and John Eckly were 
 made provincial judges for two years; Markham was 
 secretary of Council, and James Harrison was stew- 
 ard of the house and manor of Pennsbury. He em- 
 
RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 
 
 119 
 
 barked at and sailed from Philadelphia Aug. 12, 
 1GS4, sending from on board the vessel ere she 
 sailed a final letter of parting to Lloyd, Claypoole, 
 Simcock, Christopher Taylor, and James Harri- 
 son, in which he expresses the deepest affection 
 for those faithful friends, and sends them his prayers 
 and blessings. They had many responsibilities 
 upon their shoulders, and he hoped they would 
 do their duty. The letter concluded with a fer- 
 vent prayer for Philadelphia, " the virgin settle- 
 ment of the province, named before thou wert born." 
 Penn arrived in England on the 3d of October, and 
 did not again see his virgin city and his beloved 
 province until 1699. The causes that detained him, 
 the cares that consumed him during that long divorce, 
 have been elsewhere detailed. 
 
 Penn had given a great deal of attention and time 
 to the proper and symmetrical division of his terri- 
 tories. His sense of the value of real estate was 
 strong, and his grasp of property was firm, as the 
 great number of manors and lots reserved for himself 
 and family proves. The manor of Springettsbury, in 
 Philadelphia County, lay northwestward of what is 
 now called the Ridge road, and contained originally 
 eighteen hundred and thirty acres. It was clipped 
 and cut down by grants and sales, however, until, in 
 the final partition of Penn's estates in 1787, only one- 
 tenth part of the original tract remained. Nicholas 
 More, president of the Society of Free Traders, and 
 one of Penn's judges, was the first purchaser who 
 had a manor granted to him. This was a tract of 
 9815 acres on a branch of the Poquessing Creek, 
 granted in November, 1682. It was called the manor 
 and township of Moreland, and lay partly in Bucks 
 County. Mountjoy, another manor, was laid out in 
 16S3 for Penn's daughter Letitia. It contained 7800 
 acres, and extended from the Welsh tract to the 
 Schuylkill. It was afterwards included in Upper 
 Merion township. Opposite Mountjoy, on the east 
 side of the Schuylkill, was the manor of Williamstadt, 
 granted to William Penn,, Jr., who sold it, during his 
 brief and debauched sojourn in the province, to Isaac 
 Norris. It became the township of Norri ton. Spring- 
 field Manor, laid out for Gulielma Maria Penn, was 
 northeast of Gerrnantown ; Gilbert's Manor, one of 
 Penn's reservations, was on east side of Schuylkill, 
 over against the present town of Phcenixville ; above 
 Mountjoy was William Lowther's manor of Billion, 
 while Penn had, besides, Highlands and Pennsbury 
 Manors, in Bucks, and Rockland Manor, in New 
 Castle County, between Naaman's and Brandywine 
 Creeks. 1 
 
 The township of Byberry was in the northeast of 
 Philadelphia County, bounded by Poquessing Creek. 
 This was settled by the Wal tons before Penn came over, 
 some of the " Welcome's" passengers locating in it like- 
 wise. West and northwest of Byberry was Moreland; 
 
 1 Weateott'a History of Philadelphia, chap, xivii. 
 
 below it, fronting on the Delaware and cut in two by 
 Pennepack Creek, >was Dublin township, the lands in 
 which were taken up by Fairman, Waddy, Lehman 
 (Penn's private secretary), and in general by a body 
 of English Quakers, who also occupied Oxford town- 
 ship, just below it on the Delaware. The Northern Lib- 
 erties lay between Springettsbury Manor and Harts- 
 felder's tract, north of the Cohoquinoque, and included 
 Shackamaxon, extending clear across the peninsula 
 from Schuylkill to Delaware. Bristol township ad- 
 joined Bucks County, having Tacony Creek on theeast 
 and Gerrnantown south and west of it. The lands in 
 this township were taken up by such men as Samuel 
 Carpenter, Richard Townshend, William Frampton, 
 John Ashman, Thomas Rutter, John Day, John Song- 
 hurst, Samuel Benezet, Griffith Jones, etc. The West- 
 ern Liberties, afterwards part of Blockley township, 
 lay south of Merion, extending from Schuylkill to 
 the county line. Kingsessing was a township lying in 
 the parallelogram formed by Bow Creek, Karakung 
 Creek, the Delaware, and Schuylkill. West of Ger- 
 rnantown, east of Schuylkill, was Roxborough town- 
 ship, settled by Claypoole, Turner, Lane, etc. Some 
 of the intervening tracts lying in and between these 
 manors and townships were taken up by Capt. Mark- 
 ham, Jasper Farmer, Philip Ford, Benjamin Cham- 
 bers, Jacob Pelles, Samuel Buckley, Sir Matthias 
 Vincent, Adrian Vrouzen, Benjamin Furlong, etc. 
 
 Purchasers of river-front lots had the idea that 
 they would acquire with them riparian rights, or else 
 that Penn meant to reserve all the river-front and the 
 levee between Front Street and the Delaware for the 
 common use of the inhabitants of the city. Penn, 
 however, had simply reserved them for himself, and, 
 as the city began to grow up, he leased these lots, for 
 wharf and warehouse purposes, at very good figures. 
 Samuel Carpenter paid twenty shillings rent for two 
 hundred and fifty feet on the river, a quay to be 
 built there, and the lease not to fall in until the ex- 
 piration of fifty-one years, the tenant to pave a thirty- 
 foot roadway for all passengers, keep the wharf and 
 bank in repair, and build two stairways from the top 
 of the bank to the river's brink. Robert Turner got 
 a similar patent for a wharf between High and Mul- 
 berry Streets, while the Free Society of Traders 
 secured the river front south of Dock Creek. Many 
 more bank and wharf grants were made, some of 
 them leading to a great deal of complaint, fault-find- 
 ing, petitioning, and litigation. 
 
 Philip Ford, in May, 1682, made up for Holme's use 
 a list of first purchasers and the acres they had taken, 
 the total sales amounting to 565,500 acres. This list 
 Holme was to use in apportioning the city lots, a task 
 of no little difficulty. Holme, however, numbered 
 the lots ou his plat and divided them among the 
 purchasers, the choice of localities being bestowed in 
 proportion to the size of tracts bought. The pur- 
 chasers of 1000 acres or more were given lots on 
 Front and High Streets. Of these there were 81 
 
120 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 lots apportioned, some of them, however, to five, six, 
 seven, and eight parties, who had " pooled" their 
 purses so as to get a body of land of 1000 acres and 
 the advantage in choice of town lots. The Delaware 
 back lots, numbering 193, were apportioned to pur- 
 chasers of less than 1000 acres ; the front lots on 
 Schuylkill, which were apportioned in the same way, 
 numbered 84, and the back lots 150. 1 
 
 The proceedings of Council and Assembly between 
 1684 and 1699, while they might fill several pages in 
 a volume of annals, may be summed up in a few 
 paragraphs in a history such as this. The transac- 
 tions were, as a rule, not very important, and the 
 major part of the record, outside of the regular 
 routine of appointments, etc., is taken up with the 
 quarrels of public officers among themselves and the 
 complaints of the people-against Peiin and the gov- 
 ernment generally. A French ship with irregular 
 papers was seized, condemned, and sold by order of 
 Council under the English navigation laws. There 
 must have been a great many vessels on the coast and 
 in the bays at this time which could not give a good 
 account of themselves, and complaints of piracy are 
 loud and frequent, the colonial governments being 
 sometimes accused of undue leniency in their deal- 
 ings with the freebooters. Governor Fletcher, of New 
 York, who was also Governor of Pennsylvania during 
 the suspension of Penn's authority in May, 1693, was 
 on friendly terms with Kidd and others, and Nichols, 
 one of his Council, was commonly charged with being 
 agent of the sea-rovers. Governor Markham's alleged 
 son-in-law, James Brown, was denied his seat in the 
 Assembly, and put in prison for sailing in a pirate's 
 vessel. The people of Lewes openly dealt with Kidd, 
 exchanging their provisions for his fine goods. Teach, 
 called Blackbeard, was often about the Delaware, and 
 it was charged that he and the Governor of North 
 Carolina and other officials of that State were alto- 
 gether too intimate. 
 
 The Council provided in 1685 for a ferry-boat, large 
 enough for horses and cattle, across the Schuylkill at 
 High Street, proof enough of the town's rapid growth. 
 Another evidence is to be found in the provisions for 
 a night-watch, and in a letter from Penn, written in 
 July, 1685, showing that he was very observant of 
 affairs in the city he had founded, and was well in- 
 formed of matters there. He had heard much com- 
 plaint, he said, about the number of drinking-houses 
 and of loose conduct in the " caves." He required 
 that ordinaries should be reduced in numbers without 
 respect of persons and no matter what objections 
 
 1 We give on the fac-simile of "Holme's Portraiture of the City of 
 Philadelphia" a complete list of the lots and the names and original 
 residences of the purchasers to whom they were apportioned. Such 
 lists are full of material fur the antiquarian and the genealogist. The 
 nucertaiutics and contradictory opinions and views in regard to the limo 
 and manner of these apportionments are fully and ably discussed by 
 Mr. Lawrence Lewis in his "Original Laud Titles in Philadelphia." 
 Some of the obscurities of the matter, however, seem to defy research and 
 baffle conjecture. 
 
 arose, and that only respectable landlords, and such 
 as are most tender of God's glory and the reputation 
 of the province, should be allowed to continue in 
 business. As for the caves, they should be purged. 
 They were his property ; he had let persons occupy 
 them for limited times (three years) while building, 
 that they might not be houseless, but their time was 
 up, they should be cleared, and the caves held for the 
 use of other deserving persons immigrating under 
 similar circumstances. " Whatever ye do," adds 
 Penn, " let vertue be cherisht." The tavern-keepers 
 were summoned before the Council and compelled to 
 give security to keep good order. There were seven 
 of these at this time, one of whom was ordered to 
 "seek some other way for a livelihood." The cave- 
 dwellers also received notice to get themselves house- 
 room and vacate these cheap premises. These caves 
 are matters of curious interest to the antiquarian. It 
 is not unlikely, as has been shown on a previous page, 
 that some of these excavations, if not the most of 
 them, had been made by Indians for their winter- 
 quarters. The falling in of any part of a river-bank, 
 in consequence of freshets or changes in the current 
 of the stream, would expose the extensive burrowings 
 of muskrats and other animals, and suggest their en- 
 largement to the savages for their own use. For de- 
 fense or concealment in case of raids by hostile tribes 
 nothing more serviceable could be devised. The 
 Swedes dwelt in such caves in some instances at least, 
 and in 1682 probably one-third the new settlers on 
 the site of Philadelphia wintered in them, of course 
 enlarging them and making them more comfortable. 
 In 1685 these caves seem to have become low resorts, 
 taverns, and the like. One of them at least was 
 occupied by Joseph Knight, the publican whom the 
 Council had refused to allow to continue his traffic. 
 The grand jury presented him and the whole cave 
 system, and the excavations were gradually filled up 
 by throwing down upon them the superincumbent 
 bank. 
 
 Penn's noticeable tact and skill as a peace-maker 
 and composer of personal difficulties were sadly 
 missed after his departure for England. The As- 
 sembly and Council got into a serious squabble in 
 consequence of a difference about the prerogatives 
 and dignity of the two bodies. Chief Justice Nich- 
 olas More, though an able and probably upright 
 man, was dictatorial and arbitrary as well as quarrel- 
 some. He was not a Quaker, but he used very plain 
 language sometimes, and was free-spoken. Him the 
 Assembly formally impeached before Council on June 
 15, 1685, upon the ground of various malpractices 
 and misdemeanors, chiefly technical, or growing out 
 of his blunt manners. More was himself a member 
 of the Assembly from Philadelphia City and County. 2 
 and that body invited him by vote to retire from the 
 
 2 The delegation consisted of Nicholas More, Joseph Growden, Bar- 
 aby Wilcox, Lawrence Cock, Gunner Itambo, and Thomas Paschall. 
 
RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 
 
 121 
 
 show that he anticipated and thought about every- 
 thing. His supervision was needed, for Council, As- 
 sembly, and Governor seem to have been equally in- 
 competent to do anything besides quarrel and disagree 
 in regard to privilege. In fact, underneath these 
 trivial bickerings a great struggle was going on be- 
 tween the representatives of the freemen of the prov- 
 ince and the sponsors for Penn's personal interests and 
 his proprietary prerogative. This contest lasted long, 
 and Penn's friends in the end, without serving his po- 
 litical interests materially, contrived to deal his per- 
 sonal interests a cruel blow, by exciting the people of 
 the province to hostile feelings against him, and pro- 
 voking them to withhold rents and purchases, and re- 
 duce his income in every possible way. Penn himself 
 wrote to Lloyd, in 1686, that the ill fame the province 
 had gained on account of its bickerings had lost it 
 fifteen thousand immigrants, who would have gone 
 
 sessions while his case was under consideration. His 
 court clerk, Patrick Robinson, was ordered to fetch 
 the records ot the court and refused, so the sheriff 
 took him in charge. More was also sent for to come 
 to the Assembly, but he replied that the House had 
 voted him out and it would have to vote him in again. 
 lie was forthwith expelled, and Clerk Robinson de- 
 clared a public enemy of the province and the privi- 
 leges of the General Assembly. He was finally com- 
 pelled to go to the bar of the House, where he de- 
 clared that there were no records of the court save 
 such as he kept in Latin abbreviations, a short-hand 
 of his own, which no one but himself, not even an 
 " angel from heaven," could read. Further pressed, 
 he threw himself full length on the floor, and be- 
 came utterly obstreperous and unmanageable, where- 
 upon it was resolved to ask the Provincial Council 
 to make him ineligible to hold office thereafter. This 
 sort of thing was hardly decorous in any 
 sort of legislature, and must have been 
 particularly offensive in view of the fact 
 that the Assembly held its sessions in the 
 " Bank" meeting-house. A Quaker meet- 
 ing-house is ever the abode of silence, 
 only broken by inspiration, and such 
 scenes as these with Robinson must have 
 been very offensive to the strict Friends. 
 But the Council was slow to follow the 
 lead of the House. More was twice sum- 
 moned to appear before the Council, but 
 would not, and was suspended from his 
 judicial functions until he made answer to 
 the articles of impeachment. Robinson's 
 language was declared to be indecent and 
 unallowable, but the Council declined to 
 remove him from office until convicted 
 of what was alleged against him. This 
 was proper enough, but did not suit the 
 Assembly, which appointed a committee 
 to wait on Council and prosecute the impeachment. I thither had its affairs appeared more settled, but as it 
 
 THE HANK Jl EKTI Mi-I l( U'SE. 
 
 These gentlemen, Abraham Man and John Blunston, 
 demanded to know if the Council had not forgotten 
 themselves in not bringing Judge More to trial, 
 whereupon the Council suggested that the committee 
 had forgotten themselves in coming before it without 
 a petition, and they were dismissed after a sharp rep- 
 rimand. Penn was much vexed at these petty brawls. 
 " For the love of God, me, and the poor country," he 
 wrote to Lloyd, " be not so governmentish, so noisy and 
 open in your dissatisfaction." 
 
 Penn at this time, besides his grave concerns at 
 court, was busy looking after the home interests of 
 hi- province on one side and its external interests on 
 the other, now shipping wine, beer, seeds, and trees 
 to Pennsylvania, anon publishing in London accounts 
 and descriptions of the province and excerpts of letters 
 received from its happy settlers. The proprietary was 
 never fatigued even by the most minute details in any 
 matter in which he desired to succeed, and his letters 
 10 
 
 was they went to North Carolina instead. 
 
 In 1687, James Claypoole became a member of 
 Council for Philadelphia County, and its representa- 
 tives in Assembly were Humphrey Murray, William 
 Salway, John Bevan, Lacy Cock, Francis Daniel 
 Pastorius, and Joseph Paul ; John Eckley, Thomas 
 Ellis, John Goodson, William Southerby, Barnabas 
 Wilcox, Joshua Cart, and John Shelten receiving com- 
 missions as justices of the peace. The growth of the 
 city is illustrated by the greater pains taken to buoy 
 out the harbor and ship-channel and by the increased 
 desire of the public to have improved roads. The road 
 from Moyamensing to Philadelphia had already been 
 complained of; now, in Council, a cart-road was or- 
 dered to be laid out between Philadelphia and Ply- 
 mouth township, and the Radnor people wanted the 
 fences from their township to the Schuylkill to be re- 
 moved where they obstructed the road commonly used. 
 A board of road-viewers was appointed at once to lay 
 
122 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 out public roads from the Ferry to Radnor, and 
 another to Darby township. The Assembly, which 
 met in May, also passed a resolution to the effect that 
 " the President and Council be requested to take care 
 that necessary public roads be everywhere set forth 
 and duly maintained, but more especially in the 
 county of Philadelphia, that travelling for man and 
 beast be made easie, safe, and certain." Already 
 Penu had found it necessary to protect, by the ap- 
 pointment of a woodsman, the woodland and timber 
 on his reservations from the wholesale depredations 
 of timber-getters and squatters, and he now instructed 
 Markham to have the offenders prosecuted, in order 
 to prevent the town from being surrounded with 
 thickets of brush and undergrowth that would afford 
 
 GEEAT SEAL OF THE PROVINCE OF PENNSYLVANIA IN 1712, OBVERSE AND REVERSE. 
 [Reduced one-half.] 
 
 a harbor to vermin and tramps. The first regular jail 
 seems to have been built this year, though, in 1683, 
 William Clayton had constructed a " cage" for offen- 
 ders. Lacy Cock built a log jail on Second Street, 
 near Market. After it was built, however, it did not 
 suit, and a house belonging to the recalcitrant clerk, 
 Patrick Robinson, was rented instead. The new 
 prison was built in the middle of Market Street, near 
 Second. In 1702 this and the yard attached to it were 
 presented by the grand jury as nuisances. This part 
 of the wide area of Market Street was a grassy com- 
 mon, used by the town butcher for pasturing his sheep 
 before they were slaughtered. Their carcasses, after 
 the animals were slaughtered, were displayed for sale 
 in the same place on a movable stall. 
 
 In February. 1687, Penn took the executive power 
 away from the Council and intrusted it to a commis- 
 sion of five persons, — Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas More, 
 James Claypoole, Robert Turner, and John Eckly, 
 any three to have power to act. He sent over many in- 
 structions to this board, among others to compel the 
 Council to their charter attendance or dissolve them 
 without further ado and choose others, " for I will no 
 more endure their most slothful and dishonorable at- 
 tendance." The commissioners were enjoined to keep 
 up the dignity of their station, in Council and out, and 
 not to permit any disorders either in Councilor Assem- 
 bly, and not to allow any parleys or conferences be- 
 
 tween the two Houses, but curiously inspect the pro- 
 ceedings of both. They were further in Penn's name 
 to disavow all laws passed since his absence, and to call 
 a new Assembly to repass, modify, and alter the laws. 
 When this commission was received, in February, ] 688, 
 both More and Claypoole were dead. Their places 
 were supplied by Arthur Cook and John Simcock, 
 and the new elections ordered gave Samuel Richard- 
 son the appointment of member of Council for three 
 years, while Thomas Hooten, Thomas Fitzwalter, Lasse 
 Cock, James Fox, Griffith Owen, and William South- 
 ersby were chosen members of Assembly. The contests 
 for privilege between Council and Assembly were at 
 once renewed ; the Assembly swore its members to di- 
 vulge no proceedings, and practically made its sessions 
 secret ; the Council asserted 
 its ancient prerogatives; iu 
 short, the quarrel was inter- 
 minableexceptby what would 
 be practically revolution, for 
 on one side was a written char- 
 ter and a system of iron-bound 
 laws, on the other the popu- 
 lar determination, growing 
 stronger every day, to secure 
 for the freemen of the prov- 
 ince and their representatives 
 a larger share in the major 
 concerns of government and 
 legislation. The commission, 
 in fact, would not work upon 
 trial, and before the year was out Penn sent over a 
 Governor for the province, an old officer under the 
 Commonwealth and Cromwell, and son-in-law of that 
 Gen.- Lambert who at one time was Monk's rival, — by 
 name John Blackwell. 
 
 Governor Blackwell had a troublesome career in 
 office. For a peaceable, non-resistant people, the 
 Pennsylvania settlers had as many domestic difficul- 
 ties on their hands as ever any happy family had. 
 As soon as Blackwell was inducted he was brought in 
 collision with Thomas Lloyd, who would not give up 
 the great seal of the province, and declined to affix it 
 to any commissions or documents of which he did not 
 approve. As the misunderstanding grew deeper, the 
 old issue of prerogative came up again, and it was 
 declared that Blackwell was not Governor, for the 
 reason that, under the charter, Penn could not create 
 a Governor, but only appoint a Deputy Governor. An 
 effort was made to expel from the Council a mem- 
 ber who had insisted upon this view of the case; it 
 failed, the Governor dissolved the Council, and at the 
 next session the people re-elected John Richardson, 
 the offending member, whom, however, Blackwell re- 
 fused to permit to take his seat. From this the 
 quarrel went on until we find Lloyd and Blackwell 
 removing and reappointing officers, and the public 
 officers declining to submit their records to the Coun- 
 cil and the courts. Lloyd was elected member of 
 
RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 
 
 123 
 
 Council from Bucks County, and Blackwell refused 
 to let him take his seat, which brought on a violent 
 controversy. The general discussion of privilege and 
 prerogative in connection with these differences led 
 Bradford, the printer, to print for general use an edi- 
 tion of the " Form of Government and the Great 
 Law," so that everybody might see for himself the 
 right and the wrong of the matters in dispute. The 
 expense of the publication, it is said, was borne by 
 Joseph Growdon, a member of Council. It was con- 
 sidered a dangerous and incendiary act, and Bradford 
 was summoned before the Council and closely interro- 
 gated, but he would not admit that he had printed 
 the document, though he was the only person in the 
 province who could have done it. There was a 
 Council quarrel over this thing too, some men quoting 
 Penn as favoring publicity for the acts of Assembly, 
 another proclaiming his dread of the press, because the 
 charter, in fact, made him a sort of independent prince. 
 The result was the Council broke up in confusion, and 
 for some time could not get a quorum together. The 
 Assembly, meeting May 10th, was suddenly adjourned 
 for the same reason, the popular party having dis- 
 covered that by a negative, non-resistance policy of 
 this sort the Governor's plans and purposes were par- 
 alyzed. There were no meetings of either Council or 
 Assembly from the latter part of May till the last of 
 August. Then Blackwell sprung upon the Council a 
 great rumor of terrible things in store for the prov- 
 ince: the Indians and Papists had leagued together; 
 the Northern Indians were coming down the Susque- 
 hanna, and the lower counties were already muster- 
 ing to resist the invasion of an army of nine thousand 
 men on their way from Maryland to destroy Phila- 
 delphia. Blackwell wanted instant authority to levy 
 a force for defense, but the Quakers took things 
 rather more quietly. They did not want an army, and 
 they did not believe the rumors. Clark said if any 
 such scheme of invasion had ever been entertained it 
 was now dead. Peter Alrichs said there was nothing 
 to be scared about. John Simcock did not see " but 
 what we are as safe, keeping peaceable, as those who 
 have made all this strife." Griffith Jones said there 
 was no cause of danger if they kept quiet. In fact, 
 the Council not only objected to a levy, but they 
 laughed at Blaekwell's apprehensions. Markham 
 said that all such talk had no effect but to scare the 
 women and children. The Governor found he could 
 do nothing, and adjourned the Council. 
 
 Next came news that James II. was dethroned and 
 William of Orange king of England. The Council 
 was called together, and the honest Quakers, not feel- 
 ing sure which king they were under, determined 
 neither to celebrate nor wear mourning, but to wait 
 events, the Council amusing themselves in the mean 
 time by keeping up their old feuds. Shrewsbury's letter 
 announcing the new king's intention to make imme- 
 diate war on the French king was laid before Council 
 Oct. 1, 16S9, and was accompanied with the usual warn- 
 
 ing about defensive measures and the need for com- 
 mercial vessels to sail in company and under the pro- 
 tection of convoys. William and Mary were at once 
 formally proclaimed in the province, and a fresh dis- 
 cussion arose in regard to the proper defensive meas- 
 ures and the necessity for an armed militia. The 
 Quakers were utterly opposed to any sort of military 
 preparations. If they armed themselves, it was urged, 
 the Indians would at once rise. "As we are," said 
 sensible Simcock, " we are in no danger but from 
 bears and wolves. We are well and in peace and 
 quiet. Let us keep ourselves so. I know naught but 
 a peaceable spirit and that will do well." Griffith 
 Jones, moreover, showed how much the thing would 
 cost and how it would. increase taxation. Finally, 
 after long discussions, the Quakers withdrew from 
 active opposition, and the preparations for defense 
 were left to the discretion of the Governor. William 
 Penn himself was now in deep difficulties and partly 
 a fugitive in hiding. He was afraid to act openly any 
 longer as the Governor of the province. Accordingly 
 he made another change, and when Governor Black- 
 well called the Council together on Jan. 1, 1690, it 
 was to inform them that he had been relieved of his 
 office. He seemed glad to be free. " 'Tis a good day," 
 he said ; " I have given and doe unfeignedly give God 
 thanks for it (w ch are not only words), for, to say no 
 worse, I was very unequally yoked." Penn, in re- 
 lieving Blackwell, sent his commission to the Coun- 
 cil, authorizing them to select three persons from 
 whom he would choose a Governor; until his choice 
 was made the one having the highest number of votes 
 was to act, for which end another commission was 
 sent over, signed and sealed in blank. In sending 
 his instructions to the Council along with these com- 
 missions, Penn wrote : " Whatever you do, I desire, 
 beseech, and charge you all to avoyd ffactions and 
 parties, Whisperings and reportings, and all animosi- 
 ties, that, putting your Common Shoulder to y° Pub- 
 lick Work, you may have the Reward of Good Men 
 and Patriots, and so I bid you heartily ffarewell." 
 
 No better work was done at this period than the 
 establishment of the first public school in Pennsyl- 
 vania and Philadelphia, founded in 1689 under Penn's 
 directions to Thomas Lloyd. This grammar school 
 was put in charge of George Keith, a well-known 
 Quaker preacher of Scotch descent, who had accom- 
 panied Penn and Fox to Germany in 1677, and was 
 later to cause a great religious controversy in the 
 province by becoming the leader of a society of 
 Friends who dissented from some of the tenets and 
 practices of the Orthodox. His assistant was Benja- 
 min Makin, who became principal when Keith aban- 
 doned pedagogy for polemics. Keith's salary was 
 £50 per annum, with dwelling-house and school- 
 house provided, and the profits of the school besides 
 for one year. If he thought fit to stay longer and 
 teach the children of the poor without charge, his 
 salary was to be doubled for two years. The school was 
 
124 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 afterwards chartered by enterprising citizens such as 
 Samuel Carpenter, Anthony Morris, Edward Shippen, 
 James Fox, David Lloyd, William Southby, and John 
 Jones, and adopted a characteristic seal, with an open 
 book containing the Greek motto " 4>(Ae re aXkrilovf and 
 the inscription, "Good Instruction is better than 
 Riches." The building stood on Fourth Street, below 
 Chestnut, and this old Philadelphia High School had 
 a high reputation for a great many years, numbering 
 among its teachers, besides Keith and Makin, such 
 men as D. J. Dove, Robert Proud, the historian, Wil- 
 liam Wanney, Jeremiah Todd, and Charles Thomp- 
 son, the secretary of the Continental Congress. 
 
 The Council, acting upon Penn's instructions and 
 commission, on Jan. 2, 1690, elected Thomas Lloyd 
 president and de facto Deputy Governor. Lloyd was 
 also chosen justice of the peace for Philadelphia, 
 along with John Eckly, Robert Turner, William Sal- 
 way, Barnaby Wilcox, Francis Rawle, John Holme, 
 and Lasse Cock. The Provincial Councilors elected 
 for Philadelphia, May 31st, were Griffith Owen and 
 Thomas Duckett, for the remaining term of John 
 Eckly ; Assemblymen, William Salway, Humphrey 
 Murray, Thomas Fitzwalter, Charles Pickering, Paul 
 Sanders, and Abraham Op de Graaff. The old French 
 war, accompanied as it was with many atrocities by 
 Indians near the border, gave the Philadelphians 
 great concern about this time, but the Friends still 
 continued to maintain their pacific and non-resisting 
 attitude. In internal administration they were not 
 so successful. To personal feuds were now added 
 local jealousies. The lower Delaware counties were 
 envious of the growth of Philadelphia, Bucks, and 
 Chester. The traditions and manners of the different 
 sections had little similarity. Finally the bad feeling 
 grew so strong as to lead to secession. The Delaware 
 counties (or " territories," as they were called) held a 
 separate Council, elected their own judges, and finally 
 compelled Penn, in 1691, much against his will, to 
 divide the government, which he did by continuing 
 Lloyd as Deputy Governor of the province, and ap- 
 pointing Markham Deputy Governor of the terri- 
 tories. George Keith also had at this time begun to 
 agitate in behalf of his schism. He was a man of 
 learning, but fierce, contentious, turbulent, and vin- 
 dictive. A good preacher, his language was rude, 
 coarse, and malignant, and he had every trait of the 
 agitator in his character. Keith was an extremist. 
 He held that Quakers could not consistently or law- 
 fully take any part in the administration of civil gov- 
 ernment, therefore, in other words, that a Quaker 
 community was impossible, and that Penn's "holy 
 experiment" would not be conducted without depart- 
 ing from Penn's religious faith, and that it was con- 
 trary to Quaker principles to be concerned in the 
 apprehension of criminals. He took advantage of a 
 hue and cry raised for the capture of a certain Bab- 
 bitt and his associates, who had stolen a boat and 
 gone down the river upon a plundering and piratical 
 
 expedition, to lecture the magistracy severely for their 
 reprehensible and un-Fricndlike conduct. Keith set 
 up a separate meeting in Philadelphia, whereupon he 
 was dismissed by his society and finally presented by 
 the grand jury, together with Thomas Budd, for de- 
 famation and trying to blacken the character of Sam- 
 uel Jennings, a provincial judge. They were tried, 
 convicted, and fined £5 each. Keith went to England, 
 joined the Established Church, was ordained minister 
 by the Bishop of London, and presently returned to 
 Philadelphia a full-fledged Episcopalian divine, in 
 surplice and cassock. His simple-minded followers 
 could not recognize him in such a disguise, and the 
 community ceased to be disturbed on his account. 
 Finding his influence gone, he went to England 
 again and secured a church living in Surrey, from 
 which he wrote with much bitterness against the so- 
 ciety to which he had formerly belonged. Keith's 
 apostasy had the effect to drive a better man than he 
 was out of the province. William Bradford had been 
 arraigned before the Council for printing one of 
 Keith's virulent tracts, and was treated with so much 
 severity that he left Philadelphia and set up his forms 
 and presses in New York. 
 
 The French and Indian hostilities on the frontier, 
 the apathy and non-resistance of the Quakers, and the 
 ambiguous position of Penn, lurking in concealment 
 with an indictment hanging over his head, were made 
 the pretexts for taking the government of Penn's 
 province away from him. His intimate relations with 
 the dethroned king, and the fact that his province, as 
 well as the Delaware Hundreds, had been James' 
 private property, and were still governed to some 
 extent by " the Duke of York's laws," probably had 
 much to do with prompting this extreme measure. 
 Governor Benjamin Fletcher, of New York, was made 
 "Captain-General" of Pennsylvania on Oct. 24, 1692, 
 by royal patent. He came to Philadelphia April 26, 
 1693, had his letters patent read in the market-place, 
 and offered the test oaths to the members of the Coun- 
 cil. Thomas Lloyd refused to take them, but Mark- 
 ham, Andrew Robeson, William Turner, William 
 Salway, and Lasse Cock all subscribed. Fletcher 
 made Markham his Lieutenant-Governor, to preside 
 over Council in the captain-general's absence in New 
 York. He reunited the Delaware Hundreds to the 
 province, but did not succeed in harmonizing affairs 
 in his new government. The Council and he fell out 
 about the election of representatives to the Assembly. 
 When the Legislature met, Fletcher demanded men 
 and money to aid New York in carrying on the war 
 with the French and Indians. The Assembly refused 
 to comply unless the vote of supplies was preceded 
 by a redress of grievances. Fletcher tried to reason 
 with them. " I would have you consider," he said 
 in his speech to the Assembly, " the walls about 
 your gardens and orchards, your doors and locks 
 of your houses, mastiff dogs, and such other things as 
 you make use of to defend your goods and property 
 
RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 
 
 125 
 
 against, thieves and robbers, are the same eourses 
 that their majesties take for their forts, garrisons, and 
 soldiers, ete., to secure their kingdom and provinces, 
 and you as well as the rest of their subjects." But 
 the Quakers were not to be convinced by any such 
 arguments. Fletcher had reduced the number of As- 
 semblymen, and when the Legislature met on May 
 16th, Philadelphia was represented by four persons, — ■ 
 Samuel Carpenter, Samuel Richardson, John White, 
 and James Fox. The first thing before the General 
 Assembly was a proposition to raise money by taxa- 
 tion, — the first tax levied in Pennsylvania, — and an 
 act was passed levying a penny a pound on property 
 for the support of government. The sum thus raised 
 amounted to seven hundred and sixty pounds sixteen 
 shillings, of wdiich Philadelphia contributed three 
 hundred and fourteen pounds eleven shillings, or forty- 
 one per cent, of the whole. Thus far Fletcher suc- 
 ceeded, only to fail, however, when he attempted to 
 secure the passage of a law providing for organizing 
 the militia. The Assembly did pass an act providing 
 for the education of children, and also one for the es- 
 tablishment of a post-office. A good deal of practical 
 local legislation was done also, probably under Mark- 
 ham's influence, for he was an active, energetic man, 
 and knew the town, the people, and their wants better 
 than any other person could do. Among these acts 
 was one for a gutter for Chestnut Street ; several acts 
 in regard to the Schuylkill ferry, where one man had 
 attempted to set up a monopoly ; and one for the es- 
 tablishment and conduct of the market, which was 
 now removed from Delaware Front Street, corner of 
 High, to Second Street where it crosses High. A 
 place was to be staked out, bell-house erected, etc. 
 There were to be two markets a week, on Wednesdays 
 and Saturdays ; all sorts of provisions brought to 
 Philadelphia for sale — " flesh, fish, tame foull, butter, 
 eggs, cheese, herbs, fruitts, and roots, etc." — -were to be 
 sold in this market-place, under penalty of forfeiture 
 if offered elsewhere. The market was to open at the 
 sound of the bell, which, was to be rung in summer 
 between six and seven o'clock A.M., in winter between 
 eight o'clock and nine ; sales made before hours (except 
 to Governor and Lieutenant-Governor) to be forfeited. 
 All were forbidden to buy or price these provisions on 
 their way to market, and hucksters could not buy until 
 the market had been open two hours. The clerk of 
 the market received half of all forfeitures, together 
 with sixpence per head on all slaughtered cattle, two 
 pence for each sheep, calf, and lamb, three pence for 
 each pig, but no charge made on what the country 
 people bring to market ready killed. He was also to 
 be paid a penny each for "sealing" weights and 
 measures. 
 
 In the winter of 1693, Penn was acquitted by the 
 king of all charges against him and restored to favor, 
 his government being confirmed to him anew by let- 
 ters patent granted in August, 1694. Penn would 
 probably have returned to his province immediately 
 
 after his exoneration, but his wife was ill, and died 
 in February, 1694. This great affliction and the dis- 
 ordered state of his finances detained him in England 
 several years longer. After his government was re- 
 stored to him, his old friend and deputy, Thomas 
 Lloyd, having died, Penn once more appointed his 
 cousin, William Markham, to be Deputy Governor, 
 with John Goodson and Samuel Carpenter for assist- 
 ants. These commissions reached Markham on March 
 25, 1695. 
 
 In the mean time Governor Fletcher, with his dep- 
 uty (this same Markham), had been encountering the 
 old difficulties with Council and Assembly during 
 1694-95. The dread of French and Indians still 
 prevailed, but it was not sufficient to induce the 
 Quakers of the province to favor a military regime. 
 Indeed, Tammany and his bands of Delawares had 
 given the best proof of their pacific intentions by 
 coming into Philadelphia and entreating the Gov- 
 ernor and Council to interfere to prevent the Five 
 Nations from forcing them into the fight with the 
 French and Hurons. They did not want to have 
 anything to do with the war, but to live, as they had 
 i been living, in concord and quiet with their neigh- 
 bors the Friends. There is no evidence that the 
 league of amity, implied or written, had ever been 
 seriously broken. The Indians would sometimes be 
 drunk and disorderly, and sometimes would steal a 
 pig or a calf, but that was all. As Tammany said 
 in this conference with Fletcher and Markham, "We 
 and the Christians of this river have always had a free 
 roadway to one another, and though sometimes a tree 
 has fallen across the road, yet we have still removed 
 it again and kept the path clear, and we design to 
 continue the old friendship that has been between 
 us and you." Fletcher promised to protect the Del- 
 awares from the Senecas and Onondagas, and told 
 them it was to their interest to remain quiet and at 
 peace. When the Legislature met (May 22, 1694), 
 Fletcher, who had just returned from Albany, tried 
 his best to get a vote of men and money, or either, 
 for defensive purposes. He even suggested that they 
 could quiet their scruples by raising money simply to 
 feed the hungry and clothe the naked, but this round- 
 about way did not commend itself to Quaker sim- 
 plicity and straightforwardness. A tax of a penny 
 per pound was laid to compensate Thomas Lloyd 
 and William Markham for their past services, the 
 surplus to constitute a fund to be disbursed by Gov- 
 ernor and Council, but an account of the way it 
 went was to be submitted to the next General As- 
 sembly. Further than this the Assembly would not 
 go. Fletcher wanted the money to be presented to the 
 king, to be appropriated as he chose for the aid of 
 New York and the defense of Albany. He objected 
 likewise to the Assembly naming tax-collectors in 
 the act, but the Assembly asserted its undoubted 
 right to control the disposition of money raised by 
 taxation, and thereupon the Governor dissolved it. 
 
126 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 In June, 1695, after Marklnnn was well settled in 
 his place as Penn's Deputy Governor, there were again 
 wild rumors of French designs upon the colonies and 
 of squadrons already at sea to assail them, and this 
 was so far credited that a watch and lookout station was 
 maintained for several months at Cape Henlopen. 
 In the latter part of this same month Markham in- 
 formed the Council that Governor Fletcher had made a 
 requisition upon him for ninety-one men and officers, or 
 the funds for maintaining that number for the defense 
 of New York. This matter was pressed by Fletcher, 
 but the Council decided that it was too weighty a 
 business to be transacted without consulting the Gen- 
 eral Assembly, which would not meet before the second 
 week of September. Markham suggested an earlier 
 day for meeting, but the Council thought the secur- 
 ing of the crops a more important business than any 
 proposition that the ex-captain-general had to lay 
 before them. When the Assembly did meet in Sep- 
 tember, it at once revealed the cause of the continual 
 discontents which had vexed the province, and gave 
 Deputy Governor Markham the opportunity to prove 
 that he was an honest man. It voted a tax of a 
 penny per pound and six shillings per capita (from 
 which probably £1500 would have been realized), 
 proposing out of the receipts from the levy to pay 
 Markham £300, contribute £250 towards the main- 
 tenance of government, and assign the surplusage 
 to the payment of debts of the government. But the 
 members accompanied this bill with another, a new 
 act of settlement, in which the Assembly secured to 
 itself the privileges which they had sought to obtain 
 from Penn in vain. It was, as has justly been re- 
 marked, 1 a species of " log-rolling." It had long been 
 practiced with success by Parliament upon the impe- 
 cunious monarchs of England, and in these modern 
 times has been reduced to a science by nearly all legis- 
 lative bodies. Markham, however, refused the bait. 
 He declined to give his assent to both bills ; the Assem- 
 bly refused to divorce them, and the Deputy Governor, 
 in imitation of Fletcher's summary method, at once 
 dissolved them in the very teeth of the charter he was 
 refusing to supersede. Had they not been dissolved 
 it is possible the General Assembly might have acted 
 upon a petition in Markham's hands, which set forth 
 some of the chief grievances of the citizens of Phila- 
 delphia in that day. They entreated that the persons 
 put in office should be men " of good repute and 
 Christian conversation, without respect to any pro- 
 fession or persuasion in religion;" that officers' fees 
 be made public, and put up in every office for general 
 inspection ; " that theyr is now many ordinaries and 
 tipling houses in this town of Philidelfia Kept by 
 several as are not well qualified for such undertak- 
 ings, tending to debauchery and corrupting of youth." 
 Wherefore it is begged that none but sober, honest, 
 conscientious persons be allowed to keep such houses; 
 
 1 Weatcott'a History of Philadelphia, chapter xl. 
 
 that all the laws of the province be diligently enforced 
 as the charter meant them to be; that someplace, 
 as stocks, or cage, be provided for the incarceration of 
 " drunkards or other violators of the good laws of Eng- 
 land and this province," when taken up by the watch 
 or constables, so as to escape the need of sending them 
 to prison for such misdemeanors, thus adding to the 
 public expenses ; " also that sum cours may bee 
 taken that these Indians may bee brought to more 
 sobriety, and not to go reeling and bauling on the 
 streets, especially by night, to the disturbance of the 
 peace of this town ;" that the town crier be required to 
 publish sales by auction of every sort of produce to 
 the extent of each street, so as every inhabitant may 
 have the benefit of such sales or the knowledge that 
 they are to come off; " and also that theyr may bee 
 a check put to hors raceing, which begets swearing, 
 blaspheming God's holy name, drawing youth to 
 vanaty, makeing such noises and public hooting and 
 uncivil riding on the streets ; also that dancing, fid- 
 ling, gameing, and what else may tend to debauch 
 the inhabitanc and to blemish Christianity and dis- 
 honour the holy name of God, may be curbed and 
 restrained, both at fairs and all other times." This 
 memorial was signed by many leading citizens, such 
 as Edward Shippen, Robert Ewre (Eyre), Howell 
 Griffith, Humphrey Murray, Casper Hoodt, William 
 Carter, Isaac Norris, Thomas Ffitzwalter, Evan Grif- 
 fith, Joseph White, Thomas Wharton, James Fox, etc. 
 After Markham's first failure to walk in Fletcher's 
 footsteps, he appears to have dispensed with both 
 Council and Assembly for an entire year, governing 
 the province as suited himself, with the aid of some 
 few letters from Penn, made more infrequent by the 
 war with France. On the 25th of September, 1696, 
 however, he summoned a new Council, Philadelphia 
 being represented in it by Edward Shippen, Anthony 
 Morris, David Lloyd, and Patrick Robinson, the latter 
 being secretary. The home government, through a 
 letter from Queen Mary (the king being on the conti- 
 nent), it appeared, complained of the province for 
 violating the laws regulating trade and plantations 
 (probably in dealing with the West Indies). The 
 Council advised the Governor to send out writs of 
 election and convene a new Assembly on the 26th 
 of October. He complied, and Philadelphia elected 
 Samuel Carpenter, Samuel Richardson, James Fox, 
 and Nicholas Wain to be her representatives. As soon 
 as the Assembly met a contest began with the Governor. 
 Markham urged that the queen's letter should be at- 
 tended to, asking for supplies for defense, and also called 
 their attention to William Penn's pledge that, when 
 he regained his government, the interests of England 
 should not be neglected. The Assembly replied with 
 a remonstrance against the Governor's speech, and a 
 petition for the restoration of the provincial charter 
 as it was before the government was committed to 
 Governor Fletcher's trust. That Governor was still 
 asking for money and relief, and Markham entreated 
 
RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 
 
 127 
 
 that a tax might be levied, and, if consciences needed 
 to be quieted in the matter, the money could be ap- 
 propriated for the purchase of food and raiment for 
 those nations of Indians that had lately suffered so 
 much by the French. This proposition became the 
 basis of a compromise, the Assembly agreeing to vote 
 a tax of one penny per pound, provided the Governor 
 convened a new Assembly, with a full number of 
 representatives according to the old charter, to meet 
 March 10, 1697, to serve in Provincial Council and 
 Assembly, according to charter, until the lord pro- 
 prietary's pleasure could be known about the matter; 
 if he disapproved, the act was to be void. Markham 
 yielded, his Council drew up the supply bill and a 
 new charter or frame of government, and both bills 
 became laws. 
 
 Markham's new Constitution, adopted Nov. 7, 1696, 
 was couched upon the proposition that " the former 
 frame of government, modeled by act of settlement 
 and charter of liberties, is not deemed in all respects 
 suitably accommodated to our present circumstances." 
 The Council was to consist of two representatives from 
 each county, the Assembly of four; elections to take 
 place on the 10th of March each year, and the Gen- 
 eral Assembly to meet on the 10th of May each year. 
 The Markham charter goes into details in regard to 
 the oaths or affirmations of officials of all classes, 
 jurors, witnesses, etc. ; it sets the pay of Councilmen 
 and members of Assembly, and is on the whole a 
 clearer and more satisfactory frame of government 
 than the one which it superseded, while not varying 
 in many substantive features from that instrument. 
 The Assembly secured at least one-half what the 
 framers of the province had so long been fighting for, 
 to wit: "That the representatives of the freemen, 
 when met in Assembly, shall have power to prepare and 
 propose to the Governor and Council all such bills as they 
 or the major part of them shall at any time see needful to 
 be passed into law within the said province and territo- 
 ries." This was a great victory for the popular cause. 
 Another equally important point gained was a clause 
 declaring the General Assembly indissoluble for the 
 time for which its members were elected, and giving 
 it power to sit upon its own adjournments and com- 
 mittees, and to continue its sessions in order to pro- 
 pose and prepare bills, redress grievances, and impeach 
 criminals. 
 
 The imperial business on which Markham had 
 called the Council together in 1696 was charges made 
 to the Lords of Trade that the Philadelphians had 
 not only harbored Avery, the pirate, but had syste- 
 matically encouraged the extensive smuggling opera- 
 tions conducted by the Scotch and the Dutch. After 
 waiting in vain to hear from Markham, the Lords 
 sum moned Penn and laid the charges before him. 
 The proprietary immediately (Sept. 5, 1697) wrote a 
 sharp letter to Markham and the Council in regard to 
 these charges, and also in regard to an anonymous 
 letter he had received from Philadelphia, in which 
 
 that town is set forth as a modern Sodom, " overrun 
 with wickedness;" "sins so very scandalous, openly 
 committed in defiance of law and virtue, facts so foul 
 that I am forbid by common modesty to relate them." 
 A committee of Council was appointed to investigate 
 the charges, by whom the piracy matter was explained, 
 the contraband trade denied, and as for looseness and 
 vice, they were admitted to have increased with the 
 city's growth, but the magistracy ought not to be im- 
 peached for that, since they did their duty. However, 
 it was admitted that public-houses were too numerous, 
 and that vicious habits were increased on that account. 
 A proclamation was issued covering the substance of 
 the report and enjoining greater diligence upon mag- 
 istrates in the suppression of vice. The lookout at 
 Cape Henlopen was again stationed, and Markham, 
 hearing of a French privateer on the coast, equipped 
 and sent an armed vessel to take her. The British 
 government took an effectual way to prevent the 
 Philadelphians from renewing their connection with 
 either pirates or smugglers by establishing an Ad- 
 miralty Court on the spot. The judge of this court, 
 Quarry, with Attorney-General Randolph, and an 
 informer named Snead, gave Markham and his gov- 
 ernment no end of trouble and annoyance. Quarry 
 and Bandolph were particularly hostile to the Society 
 of Friends, and wished to induce the English govern- 
 ment to take Penn's charter away from him. They 
 believed, or affected to do so, that Markham was ac- 
 tually in league with the pirates. Their accusations 
 were the more serious from the fact that Capt. Kidd's 
 crew had just been disbanded in New York and many 
 of them had come to the Delaware. The judges of 
 the Provincial Court came in collision with Quarry 
 and were forced to resign. Randolph aggravated 
 Markham to such a degree that finally the Deputy 
 Governor seized the crown's attorney, sent him to 
 prison and had him locked up. 
 
 We reproduce on the following page, from John Blair 
 Linn's learned and satisfactory treatise on "The Duke 
 of York's Laws," fac-similes of the autographs of Gov- 
 ernors, Deputy Governors, presidents of Council, as- 
 sistants in the government, and Speakers of Assembly 
 from 1682 to the time of Penn's return and resumption 
 of authority in his province. These signatures have a 
 force and character of their own such as would seem 
 to become the autographs of leading men. They in- 
 clude William Penn, proprietary and Governor, 1681- 
 93, 1695-1718. William Markham, Deputy Governor 
 of the province, 1681-82, 1695-99 ; of lower counties, 
 1691-93 ; Lieutenant-Governor of province, 1693-95. 
 Thomas Lloyd, president of Council, 1684-88, 1690- 
 91 ; president of governmental commission, 1688 (Feb- 
 ruary to December) ; Deputy Governor of province, 
 1691-93. John Blackwell, Deputy Governor, 1688- 
 90. John Goodson, Samuel Carpenter, assistants in 
 government, 1695-96. Speakers of Assembly : Thomas 
 Wynne, 1683 ; Nicholas More, 1684 (it is not certain 
 that More was Speaker of the first Assembly of 1682) , 
 
128 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Arthur Cooke, 1689; Joseph Growdon, 1690-93 ; Wil- 1697, 1699, 1700; Phinehas Pemberton, 1698. All 
 liam Clarke, 1692 ; David Lloyd, 1694 ; Edward Ship- these are reproduced from authentic documents in the 
 pen, 1695; John Simcocke, 1696; John Blunston, | archives of the State. 
 
 l«S^V 
 
 T^cJUi 
 
 a^ 
 
 
 <9n^ 
 
 
 There is not much more to say about the history 
 of this period. The Colonial Records furnish a 
 barren tale of new roads petitioned for and laid out; 
 fires, and precautions taken against them and prep- 
 arations to meet them; tax-bills, etc. William Penn 
 sailed from Cowes on Sept. 9, 1699, for his province. 
 He had arranged his English affairs ; he brought his 
 second wife and his daughter and infants with him ; 
 probably he expected this time at least to remain in 
 
 the province for good and all. He reached Phila- 
 delphia December 1st, and took lodgings with Robert 
 Wade. The city of his love was quiet, sad, gloomy. 
 It was just beginning to react after having been 
 frightfully ravaged by an epidemic of yellow fever, 
 attended with great mortality, and the people who 
 survived were sober and quiet enough to suit the 
 tastes of the most exacting Quaker. 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 129 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE PRIMITIVE 
 SETTLERS. 
 
 " So twice five miles of fertile ground 
 With walls and towers were girdled round; 
 And here were gardens bright with sinuous rills, 
 Whoro blossom'd many an incense-bearing tree ; 
 And here were forests, ancient as the hills, 
 Enfolding sunny spots of greenery." 
 
 Coleridge. 
 
 It was the boast of the Emperor Augustus, in re- 
 gard to Rome, that " Marmoream se relinquere, quam 
 lateritiam accepisset." When Penn came to Philadel- 
 phia with his colony of first purchasers he found a 
 forest, with thickets and swamps, lying between two 
 rivers, the sole population some scanty bands of sav- 
 ages, with here and there a hut or cabin, with a few 
 acres about it of cleared land, marking the habitation 
 nt' smne pioneer of the white race. When the Lord 
 Proprietary returned to Philadelphia on his second 
 visit, in 1699, he found a province of ten thousand 
 people and a city of seven hundred houses, 1 well 
 laid off with streets, squares, wharves, market, 
 churches, prison, etc., well governed, having an es- 
 tablished foreign and domestic trade, and some sub- 
 stantial foundations laid for manufactures. No won- 
 der Penn looked at his work with hearty enjoyment, 
 as he wrote, in one of his last letters to the colony, 
 " It was no small satisfaction to me that I have not 
 been disappointed in seeing them prosper and grow- 
 ing up to a flourishing country, blessed with liberty, 
 ease, and plenty, beyond what many of themselves 
 could expect, and wanting nothing to make them- 
 selves happy but what, with a right temper of mind 
 and prudent conduct, they might give themselves." 2 
 
 The political history of this country, prospering 
 and growing up in a flourishing way, blessed with 
 liberty, ease, and plenty, would not be complete if 
 we did not pause here, at the beginning of a new 
 century, and when the banks of the Delaware had 
 been more or less occupied by Europeans for nearly 
 two generations, to give something like a picture of 
 the social and domestic life of the early settlers, the 
 pioneers among those hardy pale-faces before whose 
 advance the natives of the soil melted away and dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 Gabriel Thomas, " A Historical Description of Pennsylvania," etc., 
 1697-08, says "two thousand houBes, all inhabited," an obvious ex- 
 aggeration. There were less than three thousand houses in 1749. The 
 authority fur tlio number of houses is Dr. James Mease's " Picture of 
 Philadelphia," 1811. He gives the returns as follows : 1083, houses, 80; 
 1700, houses, 700; 1749, houses, 2070; 1700, houses, 4474, etc. The esti- 
 mates "f 1700 ami 1749, however, were simply fur Philadelphia proper, 
 it we suppose that Thomas estimated, :is later calculators did, so as to 
 Include Northern Liberties, Wicaco (SouthwarkJ, Passayunk, and Bioy- 
 amonsing, the seven hundred would (on tho basis of later proportions) 
 
 1 illy thirly-uino per .cut. .if tlio whole, anil adding Kensington 
 
 (Shacknmaxon) we should easily have fmm eighteen hundred to two 
 li nd houses. 
 
 Penn'a oxpostulatory lettor in ffidward Shippon and "Old Friends," 
 WUi Juno, 1710. 
 17 
 
 There is no distinct, positive evidence of permanent 
 Indian villages anywhere upon the ground within the 
 present limits of Philadelphia since the firstwhite man 
 explored the Delaware. The presence of the com- 
 monly found Indian relics at several places, as, for 
 instance, at or near the mouth of the Pennepacka 
 Creek, would indicate that villages had stood there 
 at some period or other, but perhaps not within the 
 time since white settlers began to come thither. The 
 Minquas and the Delaware Indians, hunters and fish- 
 ers, had still their permanent homes, with corn-fields 
 and patches for beans, squashes, and melons. Their 
 stockades were always hard by more or less of cleared 
 land, as was the case with the Nanticoke villages in 
 the Delaware peninsula, the Susquehannas at the 
 mouth of Octorara Creek, and the Senecas and 
 associated tribes dwelling between the Mohawk and 
 the Allegheny Rivers. But the Delawares who occu- 
 pied the site of Philadelphia, and the other tribes who 
 visited them there must have been, from the necessity 
 of the case, forest Indians, fishers, hunters, and trap- 
 pers of the beaver, the otter, and the muskrat. No 
 fact is better established than that the ground on 
 which Philadelphia now stands was closely occupied 
 when the white men first saw it, and until Penn's 
 colonists came in, with a continuous growth of the 
 primeval forests, except where swamp and marsh and 
 the daily flow of the tide prevented the trees from 
 growing. Capt. CornelisHendrickson, ofMunniekhuy- 
 sen, in his report of August, 1616, to the States Gen- 
 eral of Holland, says of the country explored by him 
 along the Delaware, " He hath found the said coun- 
 try full of trees, to wit, oak, hickories, and pines, 
 which trees were in some places covered with vines. 
 He hath seen in said country bucks and does, turkeys 
 and partridges," inhabitants of the great woods. The 
 Swedes and the Dutch both of them found it easier 
 work to plant on the sandy plains and clear up the 
 scrub pine thickets of the lower Delaware counties, 
 or to dyke and reclaim the rich alluvial flats (valleys 
 they called them) on the Brandy wine and other kin- 
 dred streams, than to attempt to cut down the enor- 
 mous forest-trees that towered above the firm lands of 
 Coaquannock. Capt. Markham, when he first reached 
 Pennsylvania and the site of Philadelphia, reported 
 back to his employer that " it is a very fine country, 
 if it were not so overgrown with woods." But these 
 woods had one advantage which the settlers ought to 
 have appreciated. As is the case with the forest parts 
 of Kentucky to-day, the deep, rich soil encouraged 
 such an enormous girth and altitude of trees that 
 there was little or no undergrowth, except where the 
 swamps prevailed or the beavers had constructed their 
 dams and felled a part of the trees. Hence the woods 
 afforded the best sort of pasturage of good, sweet herb- 
 age, on which all sorts of stock throve wonderfully. 
 Traveling was not difficult in this sort of forest, and 
 Capt. Markham notes that " We have very good 
 horses and the men ride madly on them. They think 
 
130 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 nothing of riding eighty miles a day, and when they 
 get to their journey's end, turn their horses into the 
 field. They never shoe them." Penn, also, in a let- 
 ter already quoted from, speaks with alarm of the 
 indiscriminate destruction of the forests around Phila- 
 delphia as tending to choke the country with under- 
 growth and thickets, destroy pasturage, and encourage 
 all sorts of vermin to multiply. And Acrelius 1 says 
 that " when the Christians first came to the country 
 the grass was up to the flanks of animals, and was 
 good for pasture and hay-making ; but as soon as the 
 country had been settled the grass has died out from 
 the roots, so that scarcely anything but black earth is 
 left in the forests. Back in the country, where the 
 people have not yet settled, the same grass is found, 
 and is called wild-rye." 
 
 In these deep but not impenetrable forests, these 
 broad park-like expanses, with their profound shade 
 from lofty trees and clambering vines, a few, but not 
 many, Indians had their lodges or huts. The hunting 
 and fishing were good ; the deer came to the borders of 
 all the small streams, and the surface of the waters 
 was populous with dense flocks of wild-fowl, while 
 their depths teemed with fishes of every size, from the 
 sturgeon to the smallest pan-fish. The great oak- 
 groves were favorite resorts of the wild pigeons, and 
 there seems to have been a regular "pigeon-roost," or 
 breeding-place for the gregarious bird (if we may 
 accept the ordinary interpretation of such Indian 
 names) at Moyamensing. 2 In the spring and early 
 summer months, just after the Indians of the interior 
 had planted their corn and beans, the Delaware and 
 Schuylkill were filled with incalculably large shoals of 
 the migratory fish, pressing towards fresh water in order 
 to deposit their spawn, and pursued by schools of the 
 predatory sea-fish. At these seasons the shores o f the 
 rivers were thronged with Indians and their lodges, 
 while their canoes darted gayly over the surface, men, 
 women, and children spearing or netting fish, and 
 cleaning and drying them. The sturgeon, the por- 
 poise, now and then the salmon, were all caught, 
 with innumerable shad, herring, alewives and bream, 
 pike and perch. In the autumn again the Indians 
 were drawn to the river-shore by the attractions of 
 the oyster bars and banks. This was in the inter- 
 val after the corn harvesting and the beginning of 
 the winter hunting. Besides this, the site of Phila- 
 delphia seems to have grown to be a familiar spot for 
 councils and general conferences of the tribes. The 
 Delawares, whether Heckewelder and the earlier stu- 
 dents of Indian customs and traditions be right or 
 not in conceiving this tribe to have been conquered 
 and made " women" of by the fierce Iroquois, were 
 on friendly terms with nearly all the other tribes. 
 
 1 History of New Sweden, chap, viii. 
 
 2 " Moyamensing signifies an unclean placo, a dung-heap. At one 
 time great flocks of pigeons hail their roust in the forest and made the 
 place unclean for the Indians, from whom it received its name." — 
 Acreliu*. 
 
 They, and perhaps the land which it was conceded 
 they owned, were in some sort of fashion under a 
 "taboo." Probably the fact of their controlling the 
 fish and oyster grounds of the Hudson and the Dela- 
 ware, and the Susquehanna also in part, had a good 
 deal to do with this. At any rate, at the time the 
 whites came to the Delaware, and for many years 
 afterwards, Shackamaxon, Wicaco, and other places 
 within the area of the present city of Philadelphia 
 were " neutral ground," where representatives of all 
 the tribes on fresh water and east of the Alleghanies, 
 between the Potomac, the Hudson, and the lakes, — the 
 Iroquois, the Nanticokes, the Susquehannocks, and the 
 Shawanees, — were accustomed to kindle their council 
 fires, smoke the pipe of deliberation, exchange the 
 wampum belts of explanation and treaty, and drive 
 hard bargains with one another for peltries, provisions, 
 and supplies of various kinds. The trails made by 
 the savages in going to and from this point of union 
 were deep and. broad at the time of William Penn's 
 arrival, and they have generally been followed in 
 laying out the early roads. The Germantown road 
 lies along the course of one of these paths, the Darby 
 road follows another, a third is identical with the 
 Bristol turnpike, the Oxford road has superseded a 
 fourth. The Senecas and Oneida Indians used the 
 waterways, descending the Susquehanna and Dela- 
 ware in their light birches, and then, excepting a few 
 portages, traversing the whole distance from their 
 castles to Shackamaxon along the network of streams 
 which make their way down from the great water- 
 shed of Western New York. 
 
 The first white settlers upon the site of Philadel- 
 phia, as has already been shown in the preceding 
 chapters, and the only white settlers previous to the 
 coming of Penn who made any distinct and durable 
 impress upon the country, were the Swedes. Their 
 first, second, and third colonies, which arrived out iu 
 1638 and 1640, and the fifth colony also, which came 
 between those of Printz and Eisingh, contained a 
 good many Dutch, and were indeed partly recruited 
 and fitted out in the Netherlands, with Dutch capital 
 and under Dutch management. The first expedition 
 was commanded by Minuet, a Dutchman, and Sparl- 
 ing and Blommaert, the leading spirits in its manage- 
 ment, were Dutchmen. So with the expedition of 
 Hollandaer. 3 
 
 It is also the fact that the Dutch sent parties fre- 
 quently to the Zuydt River to settle and plant, as well 
 as to trade with the Indians, and that Stuy vesaut, after 
 the recapture of Fort Casimir, the overthrow of Ri- 
 singh's government and the subjugation of New 
 Sweden, sent many of his people to the south side 
 of Delaware to settle the country. For all that the 
 Swedes were the first permanent colonists. The 
 
 3 See Prof. Odhner's Founding of New Sweden, Pennsi/lvani>i M'i<ja~int. 
 'ol. ii., where much new light is thrown on the obscure annals of these 
 larly settlements. 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 131 
 
 Dutch were adventurers, fond of trading and naviga- 
 tion. As a rule they did not bring their families to 
 the Delaware with them, and they could easily reach 
 their own countrymen in New York after English 
 rule had been established by Lovelace, and the trade 
 in furs and peltries was no longer profitable so low 
 down on the Delaware. The Swedes and Finns, on 
 the other hand, had no such migratory propensity. 
 They were like trees, and grew in the soil to which 
 they had been transplanted, as if they had never 
 known any other. As a rule they had not emigrated 
 from their native country from choice, but were 
 transplanted by force. One reason, indeed, why the 
 Dutch partners had been invited to co-operate with 
 the Swedish West India Company was that emigrants 
 and volunteers to the new county were so hard to pro- 
 cure. When the project of the Swedish colony was 
 first thrown out by Usselincx, and adroitly fostered by 
 his able and ingenious pen in the various contribu- 
 tions to the Argonautica Gustaviana, the leading 
 people in Scandinavia were full of the scheme and 
 subscribed eagerly. The colony was to be a refuge 
 for liberty and Protestantism ; no slavery, no tyranny 
 were to be tolerated there, and the widows and or- 
 phans made desolate by the Thirty Years' war were 
 to find there new homes and cheap and certain means 
 of livelihood. But this fever died out long before 
 1637. 
 
 The Swedish and Finnish peasants had very strong 
 local attachments. They did not wish to abandon 
 their native soil, in spite of the scanty livelihood 
 it insured them. The "Kalmar Nyckel" and the 
 " Gripen" were delayed a long time in getting their 
 passengers for the first voyage under Minuet. It is 
 not certainly known that of this party with Minuet, 
 more than one person — Lieut. Moens Kling — was a 
 Swede. Anders Svensson Bonde, Peter Gunnarsson 
 Rambo, Per Andersson, Anders Larsson Daalbo, Sven 
 Larsson, Sven Gunnarsson, his son, Sven Svenson, 
 Lars Svensson Kackin, Moens Andersson, Iven Thors- 
 son, and Marten Gottersson were all of them certainly 
 in New Sweden in 1640, 1 but it cannot be shown 
 whether they came over with Minuet or with his 
 successor, Hollandaer. As Prof. Odhner shows by the 
 record, " the people entertained a repugnance to the 
 long sea-voyage to the remote and heathen land. It 
 is affirmed in the letters of the administration to the 
 Governors of the provinces of Elfsborg and Varm- 
 land, that no one spontaneously offered to accompany 
 Capt. Van Vliet (who was originally appointed to 
 command the ship that bore Hollandaer's party, but 
 was superseded before sailing by Capt. Powel Janseu). 
 The government ordered these officers, therefore, to 
 lay hands on such married soldiers as had either 
 evaded service or committed some other offense, and 
 l r:m-]>orL them, with their wives and children, to 
 
 1 Built der Voleier,in Royal Archives of Sweden, quoted by translator 
 of Prof. Odltnor'a article in Pmna. Magarine. 
 
 New Sweden, with the promise to bring them home 
 again within two years, — to do this, however, 'justly 
 and discreetly,' that no riot might ensue.'' In 1640 
 again the Governor of the province of Orebro was 
 ordered to prevail upon the unsettled Finns to betake 
 themselves, with their wives and children, to New 
 Sweden. Lieut. Moens Kling, who was now back in 
 Sweden, was sent to recruit for emigrants in the 
 mining regions of Westmanland and Dalarne. He 
 was also particularly instructed to enlist the " roam- 
 ing Finns," who were tramps, or squatters living" rent 
 free in the forests. Next year, when Printz had re- 
 ceived his commission, he was sent to hunt up the 
 same class of persons, the Governors of Dal and 
 Varmland receiving orders to capture and imprison, 
 provided they could not give security or would not 
 go to America, the " forest-destroying Finns," who, 
 as described in a royal mandate, " against our edict 
 and proclamation, destroy the forests by setting tracts 
 of wood on fire, in order to sow in the ashes, and who 
 maliciously fell trees." A trooper in the Province of 
 Skaraborg, who had broken into the cloister garden 
 of the royal monastery at Varnhem, in Westergoth- 
 land, and committed the heinous crime of cutting 
 down six apple-trees and two cherry-trees, was given 
 the option of emigrating or being hung. The "Char- 
 itas," which sailed in 1641 for New Sweden, had four 
 criminals in a total of thirty-two passengers, the 
 greater number of the remainder being indentured 
 servants or " redemptioners." In fact, Lieut.-Col. 
 Printz was himself a disgraced man, having been 
 court-martialed and dismissed from the army for the 
 dishonorable and cowardly capitulation of Chemnitz, 
 of which he was commandant, so that his appoint- 
 ment to the colony of New Sweden was in some sort 
 a punishment and a banishment. 
 
 But this very reluctance of the Swedes to emigrate 
 made them the best of immigrants. They stayed in 
 the place to which they had been removed, and be- 
 came permanent fixtures in the new soil just as they 
 had wished to be left in the old. They were quiet, 
 orderly, decent, with no injurious vices, and in that 
 kindly soil and climate the natural fruitfulness of 
 their families was greatly increased. Acrelius, no- 
 ticing this prolificness, says quaintly, " Joseph Cob- 
 son, in Chester, twenty years ago, had the bless- 
 ing to have his wife have twins, his cow two calves, 
 and his ewe two lambs, all on one night in the month 
 of March All continued to live." And he gives 
 several other instances of the sort. Be this as it may, 
 the Swedes remained on the spot through all the 
 changes of administration as if adscripf.i glebce., and 
 they multiplied so rapidly that when Carl Christo- 
 pherson Springer wrote his letter (already quoted 
 from) to Postmaster Thelin at Stockholm, in 1693, 
 only forty-five years after the first immigration, he 
 was able to furnish " a roll of all the (Swedish) men, 
 women and children which are found and still live in 
 New Sweden, now called Pennsylvania, on the Dela- 
 
132 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 ware River," to the number of one hundred and 
 eighty-eight families, nine hundred and forty-two 
 persons. This does not include the Swedes on the 
 other side of the Delaware, many families residing 
 on the east bank being included in the list of " Tyd- 
 able" (taxable) persons returned to the Duke of 
 York's Court at Upland, in November, 1677. 1 
 
 1 It is perhaps expedient to give 
 forwarded by Springer to Thelin. 
 this list are such as likewise occur 
 Navies. Number in family. 
 
 Hindrick Anderson 5 
 
 Johan Anderssen 9 
 
 Julian Andersson 7 
 
 Joran Andersen 5 
 
 John Arian 6 
 
 Joran Bagman 3 
 
 A itders Bengston 9 
 
 Bengt Bengston 2 
 
 Anders Bonds 11 
 
 Johan Bonde 1 
 
 Sven Bonde 5 
 
 Lars Bure S 
 
 William Cobb 6 
 
 Christian Classen 7 
 
 Jacob Classon G 
 
 Jacob Clemson 1 
 
 Eric Cock 9 
 
 Gabriel Cock 7 
 
 Johan Cock 7 
 
 Cap f. Lasse. Cock 11 
 
 Moens Cock 8 
 
 Otto Ernst Cock 5 
 
 Hindrick Cullman 1 
 
 Conrad Constantine 6 
 
 Johan von Culen 5 
 
 OttoDahlbo 7 
 
 Peter Dahlbo 9 
 
 Hindrick Danielsson ... 5 
 
 Thomas Dennis 6 
 
 Audens Diedricksson 1 
 
 Olle Diedricksson 7 
 
 Stephan Ekhorn 5 
 
 Erie Ericsson 1 
 
 Goran Ericsson 1 
 
 Matte Ericsson 3 
 
 Hindrick Faske 5 
 
 Casper Flsk 10 
 
 ■Matthias dcFoff. 6 
 
 Anders Frende 4: 
 
 Nils Frendes (widow) 7 
 
 Olle Franssnn 7 
 
 Eric Gastenbcrg 7 
 
 Nils Gastenbcrg 3 
 
 Eric Gbransson 2 
 
 Brita Gbstafsson 6 
 
 Gbstaf Giistafsson 8 
 
 Hans Gbstafsson 7 
 
 Jons Gostafsson 3 
 
 Mans (Moons) Gostafsson 2 
 
 Johan Grantrum 3 
 
 Lars Hailing 1 
 
 Moens Ilallton 9 
 
 Israel Helm 5 
 
 Johan Ilindcrsson, Jr 3 
 
 Anders Hindricksson 4 
 
 David Hindricsson 7 
 
 Jacob Hindrickson 5 
 
 Johan Hindricksson 6 
 
 Johan Hindricsson 5 
 
 Matts Hollstcn 7 
 
 Anders Homman 9 
 
 Anders Iloppmann 7 
 
 Frederick Iloppmann 7 
 
 Johan Iloppmann 7 
 
 Nicolas Hoppniami 5 
 
 Hindriclc Iwarsson 9 
 
 Hindrick Jacob 1 
 
 Matts Jacob 1 
 
 Hindrick Jacobson 4 
 
 Peter Joccom 9 
 
 Died rick Johansson 5 
 
 Lais Johansson 6 
 
 Simon Johansson 10 
 
 Anders Jonson 4 
 
 Jon Jonson 2 
 
 Moens Jonson 3 
 
 Nils Jonson 6 
 
 Thomas Jonson 1 
 
 Christiern JUransson 1 
 
 Ram JUransson 11 
 
 Joran JUransson 1 
 
 .Stephen JUransson 5 
 
 Lasse Kempe 6 
 
 Frederick Konig , , 6 
 
 these lists, commencing with the one 
 The names which are italicized in 
 
 in the Upland list: 
 Names. Number in family. 
 
 3Iiirten Knnfsson 6 
 
 Olle Kuckow 6 
 
 Ham Kyn's (widow) 5 
 
 Jonas Kyn 8 
 
 Matts Kyn 3 
 
 i Lan 
 
 And. Perssou Longaker 7 
 
 Hindrick Larsson 6 
 
 Lars Larsson 7 
 
 Lars Larsson 1 
 
 Anders Lock 1 
 
 Moens Lock 1 
 
 Anton ij Long 3 
 
 Robert Longhorn 4 
 
 Hans Lucasson 1 
 
 Lucas Lucasson 1 
 
 Joke 
 
 ,Sr.. 
 
 Julian Matron 11 
 
 Nils Matison 3 
 
 Christopher Meyer 7 
 
 Paul Mink 5 
 
 Eric Molica 8 
 
 Anders Nilsson 3 
 
 Jonas NUsson 4 
 
 Michael Xilsson 11 
 
 Ha, is Olsson 5 
 
 Johan Ommersson 5 
 
 LorentzOstersson 2 
 
 Hindrick Parchen 4 
 
 Bengst Paulsson 5 
 
 Giistaf Panlsson 6 
 
 Olle Paulsson 9 
 
 Peter Piilson 5 
 
 Lars Pehrsson 1 
 
 Olle Pehrsson 6 
 
 Brita Petersson S 
 
 Carl Petersson 5 
 
 Hans Petersson 7 
 
 Lars Petersson 1 
 
 Paul Petersson 3 
 
 Peter Petersson 3 
 
 Peter Stake (alias Petersson).... 3 
 
 lieinicr Peterson 2 
 
 Anders Bambo. 9 
 
 Gunnar Bambo 6 
 
 Julian Kambo 6 
 
 Peter Bambo, Sr 2 
 
 Peter Rambo, Jr 6 
 
 Mats Repott 3 
 
 Nils Repott 3 
 
 Olle Besse 5 
 
 Anders Robertson 3 
 
 Paul Sahlunge 3 
 
 rsaac Savoy 7 
 
 Johan Scbrage 6 
 
 Johan Scute 4 
 
 Anders Seneca 5 
 
 Broor Seneca 7 
 
 Jonas Scale's (widow) 6 
 
 Johan Skrika 1 
 
 Matts Skrika 3 
 
 II i n> 1 nek Slobey 2 
 
 Carl Springer 5 
 
 M>»:>i$ Staake 1 
 
 Christian Stalcop 3 
 
 Johan Stalcop G 
 
 Peter Stalcop 6 
 
 Israel Stark 6 
 
 Matts Stark 1 
 
 Adam Stedham 3 
 
 Asninnd Stedham 8 
 
 .-.Hi : 
 
 The Swedes on the Delaware have sometimes been 
 reproached as a lazy people because they did not clear 
 the forests at a rapid rate, nor build themselves fine 
 houses. But this is not the character which Penn 
 gives them, nor that to which their performances en- 
 title them. Penn says, "They are a plain, strong, 
 industrious people, yet have made no great progress 
 
 Names. Number in family. 
 
 Gunnar Svenson 5 
 
 Johan Svenson 9 
 
 William Talley 7 
 
 EliasTay 4 
 
 Christieni Thumnx (tridovi) 6 
 
 Olle Thomasson 9 
 
 Olle Thoreson 4 
 
 Hindrick Tossa 5 
 
 Johan Tussa 4 
 
 Lars Tussa 1 
 
 Matts Tossa 1 
 
 Cornelius Van der Weer 7 
 
 Jacob V;ui der Weer 7 
 
 Jacob Van der Weer 3 
 
 William Van der Weer 1 
 
 Jesper Wallraven 7 
 
 Jonas Wallraven 1 
 
 Anders Weinom 4 
 
 Anders Wihler 4 
 
 II. 
 
 Listof those still living who were 
 born in Sweden : 
 
 Pet')- Jftunbo, | Fifty-four years in 
 
 Anders Bonde,) New Sweden, 
 
 Anders Bengtsson. 
 
 Sven Svenson. 
 
 Michael Nihson. 
 
 M'tens Staake. 
 
 Martin Martensson, Sr. 
 
 Carl Xtopher Springer. 
 Hindrick Jacobson. 
 Jacob Clemsson. 
 Olof Rosse. 
 Hindrick Andersson. 
 Hindrick Iwarsson. 
 Simon Johanssen. 
 Paul Mink. 
 Olof Paulsson. 
 Olof Petersson. 
 Marten Martenson, Jr. 
 Erie Mullica. 
 
 Israel Helm. 
 Anders Homan. 
 Olle Dedricksson. 
 Hans Petersson. 
 Hindrick Collman. 
 Jims Giistafsson. 
 Moens Hallton. 
 Hans Olofsson. 
 Anders Seneca. 
 Br. -or Seneca. 
 Eskil Anderson. 
 Matts de Voss. 
 Johan Hindricksson. 
 Anders Weinom. 
 Stephan JUransson. 
 Olof Kinkovo. 
 Anders Didricksson. 
 Anders Mink. 
 
 Names of Taxables not included in above. List. 
 
 Oelo Neelson i 
 Hans Moens... 
 Eric Ponton. 
 Hans Jur 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 ill Fredericks 1 
 
 Justa Daniels and serv' 2 
 
 Heiidnck Jacobs {upon y° 
 
 Island) 1 
 
 Andreas Swen and father 2 
 
 Oele Swansea and sert. 2 
 
 Swen Lorn 1 
 
 OeleStille 1 
 
 Dunck Williams 1 
 
 Tho. Jacobs 1 
 
 Matthias Claasen 1 
 
 Jan Claasen and 2 sons 3 
 
 Frank WalcUer I 
 
 Peter Matson 1 
 
 Jan Boelson 1 
 
 Jan Schoeten 1 
 
 Jan Justa and 2 sons 3 
 
 Peter Andreas and son 2 
 
 Lace Dalbo 1 
 
 Rich* Duckett 1 
 
 Mr. Jones y° hatter 1 
 
 Harmeu Ennis 
 
 Pelle Ericssen 
 
 Benck Saling 
 
 Andries Saling 
 
 Harmen Janseu 
 
 Hendrick Holman.... 
 
 Bertell Laerscn 
 
 Hendrick Tade 
 
 Andries Bertelsou 
 
 Jan Bertelsen.. 
 
 Jau Cornelissen and e 
 
 Lace Mortens 
 
 Antony Matson 
 
 Cla 
 
 i Schi 
 
 Robert Waedc 
 
 Neele Laei'sen and sons 
 
 Will Oriau 
 
 Knoet Mortensen 
 
 Oele Coeckoe 
 
 Carell Jansen 
 
 Rich. Fredericx 
 
 Jurian Hertsveder 
 
 Juns Justiisso 
 
 Hans Hotmail and 2 sons 3 
 
 Ponll Corvorn 1 
 
 " Hereditary surnames," says Mr. Edward Armstrong (quoting M. A. 
 Lower, on English Surnames), " are said to have been unknown in Sweden 
 before the fourteenth century. A much later date must be assigned 
 as the period when they became permanont, for surnames were not in 
 every case established among the Swedes in Pennsylvania until some 
 time after the arrival of Penn, when intermarriage, and the more rigid 
 usage of tho English, compelled them to adhere to tho last combination ; 
 as for example with respect to the name of Olla Paid-son, the 'sou' be- 
 came permanently affixed to the name, and ceased to distinguish the de- 
 gree of relationship." This, however, is not singular with the Scandi- 
 navian people, Mr. Armstrong should have observed. It has prevailed iu 
 all countries down to a late period, and especially among the English 
 races, where the corruption of surnames is still going on. No bad spell- 
 ing can do more harm than bad pronouncing, nor is it worse to turn 
 Loreoz, Laers, Larse into Lasse (just as common people nowadays pro- 
 nounce arsenal as if it were spelt assenal) than to corrupt Esterling into 
 Stradliug, Majoribanks into Marcbbanks, Pierce into Purse, Taliaferro 
 into Toliver, En rough ty into Doughty, etc. The Swedish system, how- 
 ever, is a little complicated, and made much more so by the loose spell- 
 ing of contemporary chroniclers and clerks. Some instances of the trans- 
 mutations of mimes niuy help the reader to enlighten himself about theBo 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 133 
 
 in the culture or propagation of fruit-trees, as if they 
 desired to have enough, not a superfluity." He speaks 
 also of their respect to authority, adding, "As they 
 are a people proper and strong of body, so they have 
 fine children, and almost every house full ; rare to find 
 one of them without three or four boys and as many 
 girls; some six, seven, and eight sons. And I must 
 do them that right, I see few men more sober and in- 
 dustrious." In speaking of their lack of diversified 
 husbandry, Penn forgot that their leading crop was 
 tobacco, which, being without slaves almost entirely, 
 they had to cultivate with their own hands. Their 
 intelligence must have been at least equal to their 
 loyalty, for they were more than fully represented, on 
 the basis of comparative population, in all the early 
 assemblies, councils, and magistrates' courts, under 
 Lovelace and Penn, and they were the only interpre- 
 ters Peun could get in his intercourse with the In- 
 dians. They were not devoid, moreover, of what 
 would nowadays be esteemed remarkable industrial 
 enterprise. There can be no doubt that the Swedes 
 — probably those "wandering Finns" from the Swe- 
 dish iron ore regions — discovered and worked the ore 
 banks of Cecil and Harford Counties, Md., long before 
 George Talbot's manor of Susquehanna was patented 
 or Principio Furnace thought of. The mill afterwards 
 used by Talbot and to which all his tenants were com- 
 pelled to bring their corn to be ground was originally 
 started by the Swedes to drive a rude bellows blast 
 of their own. 
 The Swedes, as emigrants from an exceedingly well 
 
 lists. Eric Goranson is Eric, sou of Goran (Jbran), and Goran (Jbran) 
 Ericsson is Goran, eon of Eric, a grandson of Goran. Peter Petersen is 
 Peter, son of Peter; Swensen was originally Swen. Nilson, or Neelson, 
 may l»e found transposed to Jones, as in the case of the son of Jonas Nil- 
 son, styled Mouns (Moens, Minis), Andrew, and Neils Jones. Sometimes 
 the puzzle is made worse by an alias, — e.g., Jans Jnstasse (alias Iilack), 
 and Pelle Laerson (alias Put Pelle). Changes iu orthography have 
 helped materially to confound names. Bengstseu becomes Baukson and 
 Benson; Boen, Bonde, becomes Bond and Boon; Swensen becomes 
 Swnuson and Swaun ; Cock becomes Cook and Cox ; Juccimi, or Jookum, 
 becomes Yocnm; Kyn, or Kieu,, becomes Keen ; Mortonse, Martens. 
 Tho descendants of Lasse Cock, son of Oele Cock, may be called either 
 Allison or Willson. Many older Scandinavian names have been still 
 more violently changed in their orthography in the course of the tritu- 
 ration of centuries, or in their passage to another language more or less 
 affiliated. Thus it is bard to detect, reading as we run, that Dlfstein is 
 tomi'h tho Danish form of the Norwegian Vulfstan ; that in English, 
 Haralldhinn Harfagra is Harold Fairfax; Eollo, Rolf, and Ralph are 
 the Kime. In the lists given above, Huling, or Hulling, becomes Full- 
 ing; Giistafsson becomes Justis, Justice, or Justison; Kyn, Kean; Coin, 
 Colen ; Van Colen, Collins ; Hasselius, Issilis ; Coleberg, Colesbury ; Deid- 
 rickson, Derrickson ; Cock, Kock, etc. ; Hendrickson, Henderson; Mar- 
 ten, Morton; Iwarson, Iverson and Ivison; Jonasson, Jones; Hopp- 
 man, Huffman; Wihler. Wheeler; Nilson, or Neelson, Neilson, or 
 Nelson ; Fisk is sometimes Fish; Bure, Buron or Burns; Collman, 
 Coleman; Broor, Brewer : Anders, Andrews; Matt, Matthews; Do Voss, 
 Voee; Marte, Martin ; Staake, Stark and Stack ; Rosse, Rosser; Vander 
 Wiii, Y.indiver; Pehrsson, Piersou and Pearson; Paulsson, Poulson; 
 Paul, Powell; Olio, Will, William; Sahlung, Saling; Basse, Raese, 
 Bautin; llrita, Bridget; Gostaf, Gustavus; Knute, Knott; Lucasson, 
 Lucas; [ncoren,Inkhorn ; Ommerson, Emerson jGrautruni, Grantham; 
 Clausen, Clawsun ; Cabb, Cubb ; Oelssen, Wilson, etc. Lars and Laers 
 become Lear; Laerson, Lawsoli; Goron, Joran, Jurieu, and Julian; 
 Bengst is Benedict, or Benjamin, or Bennett; Hailing is Howling; 
 Sciiccka is Sinuickson ; Voorhees, Forris. 
 
 watered country, cut up in every direction by bays, 
 sounds, rivers, lakes, and fiords, naturally followed 
 the water-courses in the new country. They found a 
 homelike something in the network of streams back 
 of Tinnecum Island and thence to the Schuylkill, and 
 in the rivers and meadows about Christiana Creek 
 and the Brandywine. They clung to these localities 
 tenaciously, and the only thing in Penn's government 
 which roused their resentment and threatened to 
 shake their loyalty was the attempted interference 
 with their titles to these lands and the actual reduc- 
 tion of their holdings by the proprietary and his 
 agents. It is a fact that some of their tenures were 
 very uncertain and precarious in the eyes of plain 
 and definite English law, and probably the Quakers 
 took advantage of this to acquire escheat titles to 
 many very desirable pieces of land which the Swedes 
 fancied to be indisputably their own. The purchasers 
 of New Sweden from the Indians had vested the title 
 to the entire tract bought in the Swedish crown, and 
 this right of property was recognized and exercised 
 by the crown. Two land grants from Queen Christina 
 are on record in Upland Court, one to Lieut. Swen 
 Schute, and Printz several times solicited a grant to 
 himself, which finally he obtained, giving the prop- 
 erty to his daughter Armgart, Pappagoya's wife. 
 The other land-holders secured their tracts in accord- 
 ance with the fifth article of the queen's instructions 
 to "the noble and well-born John Printz." In this 
 article, after describing the bounds of the territory of 
 New Sweden, and the terms of the contract under 
 which it was acquired from " the wild inhabitants of 
 the country, its rightful lords," it is laid down that 
 this tract or district of country extends in length 
 about thirty German miles, but in breadth and into 
 the interior it is, in and by the contract, conditioned 
 that "her Royal Majesty's subjects and the participants 
 in this Company of navigators may hereafter occupy 
 as much land as they may desire." The land thus 
 bought in a single block and attached to the crown 
 was originally managed by the Swedish West India 
 Company. The revenue and public expenses were 
 paid out of an excise on tobacco, and it was the in- 
 terest of the company to have tobacco planted largely. 
 In part this was accomplished by servants indentured 
 to the company, who were sent over and paid regular 
 wages by the month. 1 
 
 1 Mans Kling, lieutenant and surveyor, received forty riksdaler per 
 month ; he commanded on the Schuylkill. Sundry adventurers, seeking 
 experience, received free passage out and maintenance, but no pay. 
 Olof Persson Stille, millwright, -received at start fifty daler, and to be 
 paid for whatever work lie did for the company. _ Matts Hansson, gun- 
 ner at the fort and tobacco-grower, on wages; Anders Hansson, ser- 
 vant of the company, to cultivate tobacco, received twenty riksdaler per 
 year and a coat ; be served four years. Carl Jansson, book-keeper, sent 
 with the expedition "for punishment," was afterwards favored by 
 Printz, who gave him charge of the store-house at Tinnecum, paid him 
 ten riksdaler a month wages, and recommended the home govern- 
 ment to pardon him. Peter Larsson Cock, father of Lasse Cock, came 
 out originally for punishment (ein gefangener Imeclit, a bond servant), re- 
 ceiving his food and clothing and two dollars at the start. He was free 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 In part the land was regularly conveyed to settlers 
 who sought to better their fortunes; finally, criminals 
 and malefactors were sent out to some extent at first 
 to labor in chain-gangs upon the roads and public 
 works. The land secured by settlers and servants 
 who had worked out their term of years w,as granted 
 in fee under grants which came directly or indirectly 
 from the crown. The difficulties about title which 
 vexed the Swedes grew out of the changes in the 
 tenure under the Swedish, Dutch, English, and later 
 under Penn's grants, all of them having peculiar fea- 
 tures of their own. It is important to understand 
 these differences, which have not been clearly ex- 
 plained by writers on the subject, some of whom 
 have hastily concluded that the land tenure system in 
 Pennsylvania originated with Penn's laws. So far as 
 land is concerned, Penn's "great law" and the subse- 
 quent enactments were all founded upon the "Duke 
 of York's laws," the titles under which Penn was 
 particular to quiet and secure. 1 
 
 in four years, and became afterwards a judge of Upland Court. These 
 indentured servants were not badly treated either by the Swedes or the 
 Friends. Their usual term of service was four years, and they received 
 agrantof land, generally fifty acres, at the expiration of the term. The 
 6ystem was originally contrived in Maryland in order to increase the 
 labor of the province, and many of the " redemptioners" were persons 
 of good character but without means, who sold their services for four or 
 five years in order to secure a passage across the ocean to the new land 
 of promise. A great many redemptioners went to Pennsylvania during 
 Penn's regime and afterwards, both from Great Britain and the conti- 
 nent of Europe. The terms upon which they were hired to the differ- 
 ent colonies were nearly the same in every case. The following is about 
 the form commonly used. It may he found in John Gilmary Shea's in- 
 troduction to Gowan's reprint of Alsop's " Character of the Province of 
 Maryland," London, 1066 : " The Forme of Binding ct Serranl. ' This in- 
 denture, made the day of , in the yeare of our Soveraigue 
 
 Lord King Charles &c betweene of the one party and of 
 
 the other party, Wituesseth that the said doth hereby covenant, 
 
 promise and grant to and with the said his Executors and As- 
 signs, to serve him from the day of the date hereof, vntill his first and 
 
 next arrivall in and after for and during the tearme of yeares, 
 
 in such service and employment as the said or his assignes shall 
 
 there employ him, according to the custome of the counlrey in the 
 
 like kind. In consideration whereof, the said doth promise and 
 
 grant, to and with the said to pay for his passage and to find him 
 
 with Meat, Drinke, Apparell and Lodging, with other necessaries during 
 the said terme ; and at the end of the said terme, to give him one whole 
 yeares provision of Come and fifty acres of Land, according to the order 
 
 of the countrey. In witnesse whereof, the said hath hereunto put 
 
 his hand and seale the day and yeere above written. 
 " Sealed and delivered ) A 
 
 in the presence of i C ~f 
 
 -< SEAL. > 
 
 1 Penn, iu fact, borrowed many other things from the duke's laws, 
 particularly the much admired provision for " peacemakers," or arbitra- 
 tors, to prevent litigation, which provision, by the way, became a dead 
 letter within ten years after its enactment, anil was dropped iu Lieuten- 
 ant-Governor Markham'6 Act of Settlement in 1096. This was much 
 more actively enforced in the duke's laws, which provide that "all 
 actions of Debt or Trespasse under the value of five pounds between 
 Neighbours shall be put to Arbitration of two indifferent persons of the 
 Neighbourhood, to bo nominated by the Constable of the place; And if 
 either or both parties shall refuse(upon any pretence) their Arbitration, 
 Then the next Justice of the peace, upon notice thereof by the Con- 
 stable, shall choose three other indifferent persons, who are to meet at 
 the Dissenter's charge from the first Arbitration, and both Plaintiff and 
 Defendant are to he concluded by the award of the persons so chosen 
 by the justice." 
 
 The Swedes, both under Minuet's and later instruc- 
 tions, were allowed to take up as much land as they 
 could cultivate, avoiding land already improved and 
 that reserved for the purposes of the Swedish West 
 India Company. This land, so taken up, was to re- 
 main to the possessors and their descendants "as 
 allodial and hereditary property," including all ap- 
 purtenances and privileges, as "fruit of the surface, 
 minerals, springs, rivers, woods, forests, fish, chase, 
 even of birds, the establishments upon water, wind- 
 mills, and every advantage which they shall find es- 
 tablished or may establish." The only conditions 
 were allegiance to the Swedish crown and a payment 
 of three florins per annum per family} This form of 
 quit-rent per family gave something of a communal 
 aspect to the Swedish tenures, and it was probably 
 the case that but few tracts were definitely bounded 
 and surveyed in the earlier days of the settlement. 
 Governor Printz received no special instructions in 
 regard to land grants' further than to encourage agri- 
 culture and to use his discretion in all matters, 
 guided by the laws, customs, and usages of Sweden. 
 We may suppose he followed the colonial system 
 which was already in operation. Governor Risingh's 
 instructions from the Swedish General College of 
 Commerce required him to give the same title and 
 possession to those who purchased land from the 
 savages as to those who bought from the company, 
 with all allodial privileges and franchises, " but no 
 one to enter into possession but by consent of the 
 government, so that no one be deprived improperly 
 of what he already possesses." The Swedish tenure, 
 therefore, was by grant from the crown, through the 
 Governor, the quit-rent being commuted into a capi- 
 tation tax, payable annually by heads of families, the 
 only limits to tracts granted being that they do not 
 trespass on other holdings and are cultivated. After 
 the conquest of New Sweden by the Dutch the 
 Swedes were ordered to come in, take the oath of al- 
 legiance, and have their land titles renewed. The 
 Dutch were very liberal in their grants, especially 
 under D'Hinoyossa, but the tenure of lands was en- 
 tirely changed, and a quit-rent was now required to 
 be paid of 12 stivers per morgen, equal to 3.6 cents 
 per acre. 3 This was a high rent, in comparison with 
 that which the Swedes had been paying, and with the 
 rents charged by the English. Besides, the land had 
 to be surveyed, and the cost of survey, record, and 
 deeds for a tract of 200 or 300 acres was 500 or 600 
 pounds of tobacco. Many Swedes were unwilling, 
 some perhaps unable, to pay these fees and rents; 
 some abandoned their lands entirely, some sold, and 
 
 2 See grant to Henry Hockhamnier, etc., Hazard's Annals, i. 53. 
 
 3 Writers have caused confusion in this matter by computing the 
 stiver at 2 cents, and the guilder at 40 cents. The actual value of the 
 stiver, as settled by the Upland court at this time, was j 3 ths of a penny, 
 the guilder thus being worth 6 pence. In sterling values, therefore, tho 
 rent of an acre would have been 3.6 cents. In Pennsylvania currency, 
 which perhaps was tho standard used in the Upland calculations, the 
 rent would be 2.21 cents per acre. 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 135 
 
 many paid no heed to the mandate, thus in fact con- 
 verting themselves into squatters. 
 
 After the English took possession new oaths of 
 allegiance and new confirmations of title were re- 
 quired. Andross and Lovelace made patents very 
 freely, doing all they could to promote and extend 
 the settlements, but the Duke of York's laws exacted 
 a quit-rent of one bushel of wheat per one hundred 
 acres. Wheat, as we find by the Upland record, was 
 taken for taxes (and of course for rent likewise) at 
 the rate of "five guilders per scipple," — five guilders 
 per seheepel or bushel, thirty pence sterling, or sixty 
 cents, or thirty pence Pennsylvania currency, equal 
 to forty-four and one-fifth cents, — a rent, therefore, of 
 three-fifths or two-fifths of a cent per acre. Under 
 Penn the regular quit-rents were a penny per acre, 
 the conveyancing costing fourteen to eighteen shillings 
 per plat, and the surveying and registering as much 
 more, say thirty shillings, or seven dollars and fifty 
 cents, initial payment, and two dollars annual pay- 
 ment per one hundred acres. This was in addi- 
 tion to the local tax for county and court expenses, 
 amounting to thirty-five or forty guilders per tyd- 
 able, — four dollars and fifty cents per family or 
 per freeman, — and an occasional " war tax" of a 
 penny in the pound on a valuation which, in 1694, 
 reached £182,000 currency. There is no wonder that 
 the Swedes, who had under their own rules paid only 
 a nominal rent, should have shrunk in fright at these 
 heavy charges, and either gave up their land or 
 neglected to take out deeds for it, and thus lost pos- 
 session of it entirely under Penn's severe law of 1707. 
 As Acrelius says, in his general statement of these 
 changes of tenure, "Under the Swedish government 
 no deeds were given for the land ; at least there are 
 no signs of any, excepting those which were given as 
 briefs by Queen Christina. 1 The Hollanders, indeed, 
 made out quite a mass of deeds in 1656, but most of 
 them were upon building lots at Sandhook. Mean- 
 while, no rents were imposed. The land was un- 
 cleared, the inhabitants .lazy, so that the income was 
 scarcely more than was necessary for their sustenance. 
 But when the English administration came, all were 
 summoned to take out new deeds for their land in 
 New York. ... A part took the deeds ; but others 
 did not trouble themselves about them, but only 
 agreed with the Indians for a piece of land for which 
 they gave a gun, a kettle, a fur coat, or the like, and 
 they sold them again to others for the same, for the 
 land was superabundant, the inhabitants few, and 
 the government not strict. . . . Many who took deeds 
 upon large tracts of land were in great distress about 
 their rents, which, however, were very light if peo- 
 ple cultivated the lands, but heavy enough when 
 they made no use of them ; and they therefore trans- 
 
 1 No tleotla aro found because the Butch destroyed the Swedish local 
 r<-< i.mIh, and they and the English required all deeds in the hands of 
 Swedes to In- aurrendered in exchange for new deeds under the new 
 government's seal. 
 
 ferred the greater part of them to others, which their 
 descendants now lament." 2 
 
 Acrelius is not just to his fellow-countrymen in 
 calling them idle. They were timid, and they lacked 
 enterprise to enable them to grapple with the possi- 
 bilities of the situation. They were simple peasants 
 of a primitive race and a secluded country, thrown in 
 among people of the two most energetic commercial 
 and mercantile nations the world has ever seen. They 
 were among strangers, who spoke strange tongues 
 and had ways such as the Swedes could not under- 
 stand. It is no wonder that they should have shrunk 
 back, bewildered, and contented themselves with 
 small farms in retired neighborhoods. But these 
 small farms, after the Swedes settled down upon 
 them, were well and laboriously tilled, and, small 
 though they were, we have the acknowledgment of 
 the Swedes themselves that they yielded a comfort- 
 able support, with a goodly surplus each year besides 
 to those large and rapidly increasing families which 
 attracted William Penn's attention and commanded 
 his admiration. 
 
 The husbandry of the Swedes was homely, but it 
 was thorough. The soil which they chiefly tilled 
 was light and kindly. In the bottoms, swamps, and 
 marshes along the streams, which the Swedes knew 
 quite as well as the Dutch how to dyke and convert 
 into meadows, — the Brandywine meadows are to this 
 day famous as examples of reclaimed lands, — the soil 
 was deep, rich, and very productive. The earlier 
 Swedes did not sow the cultivated grasses on these 
 meadows, they simply dyked them and mowed the 
 natural grass, planting corn and tobacco, and sowing 
 wheat wherever it was dry enough. Acrelius speaks 
 of the high price which these lands brought in his 
 time — "six hundred dollars copper coin [sixty dol- 
 lars] per acre" — when thoroughly ditched and re- 
 claimed, though constantly liable to inundations from 
 the tunneling of the muskrat and the crayfish. The 
 Upland soils were excellently adapted to corn, wheat, 
 and tobacco when they had been cleared. The forest 
 growth on these soils comprised the several varieties 
 of American oak familiar in the Middle States, the 
 black-walnut, chestnut, hickory, poplar (tulip-tree), 
 sassafras, cedar, maple, the gums, locust, dogwood, 
 wild cherry, persimmon, button-wood, spice-wood, 
 pine, alder, hazel, etc. The forests gave the Swedes 
 much trouble, and undoubtedly had an influence 
 upon the modes of cultivation employed. The cost 
 of labor made it difficult to clear the thick woods. 3 
 
 2 Acrelius, Iliwt. New Sweden, pp. 10(5-7. Peuna. Hist. Society's edition, 
 1874. 
 
 3 Wages are always interesting to study, for their averages are evi- 
 dences which cannot be contradicted of the condition of a people. The 
 earlier servants in the employment of the Swedish company received, as 
 a rule, twenty copper dollars (two dollars of our money) for outfit and 
 twenty riksdaler wages per annum (equal to twelve dollars). The wages 
 of freemen, however, were more than double this, and these wages more- 
 over included hoard and lodgings. With wheat, at an average, fifty cents 
 per bushel, a freeman's wages were equal to about sixty dollars a year at 
 
136 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Hence the common expedient was resorted to of 
 removing bushes and undergrowth only and girdling 
 the larger trees, which were left to stand leafless and 
 dead till they rotted and fell, when the logs were after 
 a time "niggered up," or cut into lengths, rolled into 
 piles, and burnt. It was difficult to plow between 
 and among so many trunks and stumps, and this led 
 the Swedes, in order further to economize labor, to 
 resort to a system of husbandry which still, in a great 
 measure, regulates the pitching and rotation of crops 
 in the Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia peninsula. 
 The ground was cleared in the winter, and then, un- 
 less tobacco was grown, the " new ground," as it 
 was called, was planted in corn in the spring. The 
 process, which is known as " listing," was to throw 
 two furrows or four furrows together, by plowing 
 up and down the field instead of around it, leaving 
 a series of ridges with an unplowed space between. 
 The soil of the ridges was pulverized with the harrow 
 and then stepped off into hills about four feet apart, 
 the corn-planter dropping his five grains in each hill, 
 scooping the hill out, dropping and covering with a 
 heavy hoe, — a simple operation which experts dis- 
 patched with two motions of the implement. At the 
 last working of the corn, when it had grown stout 
 and waist or breast high, the "middle" of the lists 
 were plowed out and the fresh earth thrown about 
 the roots of the vigorous plant. This " listing" pro- 
 cess was found excellently well suited to the low, flat 
 lands of the peninsula, as, besides saving labor, it 
 afforded a sort of easy drainage, the bottom of every 
 furrow being a small ditch, and this enabled the 
 
 present values, besides beep. The Upland records show that just prior 
 to Penn's occupancy wages had sensibly bettered. In March, 1780, 
 Thomas Kerby and Bohberd Drawton, servants, sued Gilbert Wheeler 
 for wages. Kerby wanted pay for Beventy days, between October 7th 
 and January 7th, "so much as is usuall to be given p r day, w ch is fower 
 (4) guilders p' diem w* costs." The court allowed Kerby and Drawton 
 each fifty stivers (two and a half guilders) per day, the latter to be paid 
 "in Corne or other good pay in y» Biver." The four guilder was probably 
 the " usuall 1 ' rate of summer wages, the award of the court represented 
 fall and winter wages. " Corne in y° river"— that is. delivered where it 
 could be shipped— was valued at three guilders per scipple (or bushel). 
 The winter wages therefore were equivalent to thirty cents a day in mod- 
 ern money, but in purchasing power rating corn at the average present 
 price of fifty cents per bushel, amounted to forty-one and sixty-six hun- 
 dredths cents per day, summer rates being actual foi ty-eight cents, with 
 a purchasing power of sixty-two cents. March 12, 1678, Israel Helm 
 bough' of Bohberd Hutchinson, attorney for Ealph Hutchinson, "assignee 
 of Daniel Juniper, of Accomac," " a Certayne man Servant named Wil- 
 liam Bromfield, for y° terme & space of four Jears [years] servitude now 
 next Ensuing. . . . The above named Servant, William Bromfield, being 
 in Co", did promisse to serve the s<i m' Israel helm faithfully & truly the 
 ahoves 3 terme of four Jears. The worpp" Co« (upon ye Bequest of both 
 partees concerned) Did order that w ch is abovesaid to bee so recorded." 
 The price paid by Helm was "twelve hundered Guilders." This was 
 equal to three hundred guilders per annum, and it shows how valuable 
 labor was and how prosperous agriculture must have been at that day 
 on the Delaware. Helm paid (and other court entries show he simply 
 paid the average price for such labor) one hundred and forty-four dollars 
 in money (the present exchangeable value of which in corn is one hun- 
 dred and ninety-two dollars) for four years' services of a man whom he 
 had to board, lodge, clothe, care for when sick, and provide with an out- 
 fit when free. At twenty years' purchase this would be nearly one 
 thousand dollars for a servant for life. Farmiug must have been very 
 profitable to enable such prices to be paid. 
 
 farmers to plant their corn much earlier than they 
 otherwise could have done. When the corn had gone 
 through the " tasseling" and " silking" processes and 
 the ear was fully developed, the " blades" were pulled 
 and the "tops" cut for fodder. In September the 
 ground was lightly plowed with small shovel-plows 
 (as yet the "cultivator" was not) and sowed in wheat, 
 the stalks being broken down after frost with the hoe 
 or by running rollers over them. Wheat thus sowed 
 on ridges was so well protected by the drainage from 
 frost and " winter-killing" that many farmers in the 
 peninsula still throw their wheat-ground into corn- 
 rows even where they use drills to sow it. Where 
 wheat was not sowed on the corn-ground, and oats was 
 not sowed in the spring, the stalk-field was summer- 
 fallowed, being plowed in May, July, and again 
 before seeding. The wheat was cut with sickles, 
 bound in sheaves, and thrown into " dozens," each 
 shock being expected to yield a bushel. Rye, wheat, 
 and oats were thrashed with flails, and the former, 
 sowed in November, was a favorite crop with the 
 Swedes, the straw being sometimes shipped to Europe. 
 Buckwheat was often sowed on the rye, wheat, or oats 
 stubble, the grain being used to feed stock. Flax aud 
 oats were sowed in the spring, either on the corn- 
 ground or stubble-fields. Potatoes were planted on 
 the bare ground and covered with the listing-plow. 
 Sweet potatoes, however, were planted in hills after 
 the ground had been deeply furrowed. Turnips were 
 not much sown, except on new ground, and tobacco, 
 in Acrelius' time, was only planted on such tracts or 
 in the gardens. 
 
 The implements were few and rude, as were also 
 the apparatus of the farm animals. The plows often 
 had wooden mould-boards, and were not capable of 
 working deeply ; the harrows were of the primitive 
 triangular shape, and the oxen or horses working them 
 were attached by means of double links to the apex 
 of the V. The ox-yokes had bows made of bent 
 hickory-wood, the horses' traces were of twisted deer- 
 hide, and the collars of plaited corn-husks. The rest 
 of the harness was home-made, of the same serviceable 
 deer-skins, and the farmers and their lads, all fond of 
 riding on horseback, were content with a bear- or a 
 deer-skin girt about the horse, with a rawhide sur- 
 cingle in lieu of a saddle, imitating the Indians in 
 dispensing with stirrups. Beans, pumpkins, squashes, 
 and melons were commonly planted in the hills with 
 the corn. Much cabbage was produced, but the 
 variety of other vegetables was limited to onions, 
 peas, beets, parsnips, turnips, radishes, peppers, let- 
 tuce, pepper-grass and scurvy-grass, with a few herbs, 
 such as chamomile, sage, thyme, rue, sweet marjoram, 
 lavender, savory, etc., to supply the domestic phar- 
 macy, or afford seasoning for the sausages, liver-pud- 
 dings, head-cheese, etc., which were made at " hog- 
 killing." 
 
 Penn, in his letter to the Free Society of Traders, 
 speaks rather disparagingly of the orchards of the 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 137 
 
 Swedes, as if they declined to profit by the peculiar 
 adaptedness of their soils to fruit culture. Yet they 
 must have been the first to naturalize the apple, 
 the cherry, and the peach on the Delaware, and 
 we must give them the credit of having anticipated 
 the cherry and apple orchards of Eastern Pennsyl- 
 vania and Cumberland Valley, and the grand peach- 
 tree rows for which the streets of Germantown be- 
 came famous. It was a Dutchman, settled among 
 the earlier Swedes, 1 who produced the best cooking 
 apple, and one of the best sort for eating — the Van- 
 devere — that is grown in the Middle States, and it 
 was a family of Delaware Swedes 2 who earliest culti- 
 vated the peach by wholesale, and made it an article 
 of commerce. The peach-tree probably came to 
 Delaware from Maryland, having traveled along the 
 coast from the early Spanish settlements in Florida, 
 but it has nowhere become so completely naturalized, 
 so healthy, so productive of large, succulent, delicious 
 fruit as in the country which the Swedes first re- 
 claimed from the wilderness. In the time of Acre- 
 lius the peach was supposed to be indigenous, and 
 was cultivated so extensively as to be relied upon as 
 a standard food for swine. 
 
 Domestic animals increased very rapidly among 
 the Swedes. They imported their own milch kine 
 and oxen in the first instance, but they found borses 
 and swine running at large and wild, many having 
 escaped into the "backwoods" from the Maryland 
 planters. 3 These horses had a good touch of the true 
 Barb blood in them, as descendants of Virginia thor- 
 oughbred sires, and they were probably crossed with 
 pony stock from Sweden. It seems likely that it is to 
 this cross and the wild, half-starved existence they 
 have led for two hundred years, living on salt grass 
 and asparagus and fish, bedding in the sand and de- 
 fying storm and mosquitoes, that we owe the incom- 
 parable breed of " beach" or Chingoteague ponies, fast, 
 wiry, true as steel, untiring, sound, with hoofs as hard 
 as iron and spirits that never flag. Acrelius noticed 
 them acutely. He would not have been a parson if 
 he had not had a keen eye for a horse. He says, 
 " The horses are real ponies, and are seldom found 
 over sixteen hands high. He who has a good riding 
 horse never employs him for draught, which is also 
 the less necessary, as journeys are for the most part 
 made on horseback. It must be the result of this, 
 more than of any particular breed in the horse, that 
 the country excels in fast horses, so that horse-races are 
 often made for very high stakes. A good horse will go 
 more than a Swedish mile (six and three-quarter Eng- 
 lish miles) in an hour, and is not to be bought for less 
 than six hundred dollars copper coinage" (sixty dol- 
 
 1 Philip Van tier Weer's brick house at Traders' Hook, on tho Brandy- 
 wine, was built before 1665. 
 
 -"I'liu Keybolds. 
 
 ' Bacon's Lawn <.r Maryland (1G35-1751 ) are full of statutes relating 
 t.> wild horses and their depredatione, and to ear-marks and incisures 
 for all kimls of stock. 
 18 
 
 lars). The cattle, says Acrelius, are middling, yield- 
 ing, when fresh and when on good pasture, a gallon 
 of milk a day. The upland meadows abounded 
 in red and white clover, says this close observer, but 
 only the first Swedish settlers had stabling for their 
 stocks, except in cases of exceptionally good hus- 
 bandry. Horses, cattle, sheep, and hogs ran out all 
 the time, being inclosed at night, and sometimes 
 sheltered in severe weather. They were, however, 
 fed with grain, such as oats, corn, and buckwheat, in 
 addition to fodder, in winter, the food of milch cows 
 being bran or other ground mill-stuff. Acrelius says, 
 in his dry, humorous way, "the man-servant takes 
 care of the foddering of the cattle, whilst the house- 
 wife and women-folks roast themselves by the kitchen 
 fire, doubting whether any one can do that better than 
 themselves." 
 
 The excellent Swedish pastor was a connoisseur in 
 drinks as well as horse-flesh, and he has catalogued 
 the beverages used by the Swedes with the accuracy 
 and minuteness of detail of a manager of a rustic fair. 
 After enumerating the imported wines, of which Ma- 
 deira was the favorite of course, he describes, like an 
 expert, the composition of sangaree, mulled wine, 
 cherry and currant wine, and how cider, cider royal, 
 cider-wine, and mulled cider are prepared. Our rev- 
 erend observer makes the following commentary upon 
 the text of rum : " This is made at the sugar-planta- 
 tions in the West India Islands. It is in quality like 
 French brandy, but has no unpleasant odor. It makes 
 up a large part of the English and French commerce 
 with the West India Islands. The strongest comes 
 from Jamaica, is called Jamaica spirits, and is the 
 favorite article for punch. Next in quality to this 
 is the rum from Barbadoes, then that from Anti- 
 guas, Montserrat, Nevis, St. Christopher's, etc. The 
 heaviest consumption is in harvest-time, when the 
 laborers most frequently take a sup, and then imme- 
 diately a drink of water, from which the body per- 
 forms its work more easily and perspires better than 
 when rye whiskey or malt liquors are used." Rum, 
 he tells us, was drunk raw, or as egg-nog ("egg-dram"), 
 or in the form of cherry bounce or billberry bounce; 
 " punch," our learned author says, "is made of fresh 
 spring-water, sugar, lemon-juice, and Jamaica spirits. 
 Instead of lemons, a West India fruit called limes, or 
 its juice, which is imported in flasks, is used. Punch 
 is always drunk cold ; but sometimes a slice of bread 
 is toasted and placed in it warm to moderate the cold 
 in winter-time, or it is heated with a red-hot iron. 
 Punch is mostly used just before dinner, and is called 
 'a meridian.' " * The other preparations in which rum 
 was an ingredient included Mamrn (mum), made of 
 water, sugar, and rum (" is the most common drink 
 in the interior of the country, and has set up many a 
 tavern-keeper") ; " Manatham," small beer, rum, and 
 
 * Not because it aided " navigation," but because our Swedes dined at 
 twelve o'clock. 
 
138 
 
 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 sugar; "tiff" or " flipp," same as foregoing, with the 
 addition of a slice of toasted and buttered bread ; hot 
 rum punch, rum and water warmed up, with sugar 
 and allspice, — " customary at funerals ;" mulled rum, 
 hot, with eggs and allspice ; Hatt-Pat, warmed beer 
 with rum added; "Sampson," warmed cider with 
 rum added ; grog ; " sling" or " long sup," half-and- 
 half sweetened rum and water ; milk punch ; mint- 
 water ; egg-punch, etc. "Sillibub" is made like the 
 Swedish " Oelost," of milk-warm milk, wine, and 
 water, — a cooling beverage in summer-time ; " still- 
 liquor" was the country name for peach or apple 
 brandy ; whiskey, our author says, " is used far up in 
 the interior of the country, where rum is very dear on 
 account of the transportation." The people in the 
 town drink beer and small beer ; in the country, 
 spruce, persimmon-beer, and mead. Besides this 
 there are numerous liquors. Tea was commonly used, 
 but often brandy was put in it; coffee was coming 
 into use as a breakfast beverage, the berries imported 
 from Martinique, San Domingo, and Surinam, and 
 chocolate also was not neglected. 
 
 In spite of all these liquids the early Swedes did 
 not neglect solids. Their meals were four a day, — ■ 
 breakfast, dinner, " four o'clock piece," and supper, 
 the latter sometimes dispensed with. There was no 
 great variety of dishes, but such as were served were 
 substantial; ham, beef tongue, roast beef, fowls, "with 
 cabbage set round about," was one bill of fare; roast 
 mutton or veal, with potatoes or turnips, another ; a 
 third might be a pasty of deer, turkey, chickens, part- 
 ridges, or lamb ; a fourth, beef-steak, veal cutlets, 
 mutton-chops, or turkey, goose or fowls, with pota- 
 toes set around, "stewed green peas, Turkish beans, 
 or some other beans ;" apple, peach, cherry, or cran- 
 berry pie " form another course. When cheese and 
 butter are added, one has an ordinary meal." For 
 breakfast, tea or coffee, with chipped beef in summer, 
 milk-toast and buckwheat-cakes in winter, the "four 
 o'clock piece" being like the breakfast. Chocolate 
 was commonly taken with supper. The Swedes used 
 very little soup and very little fish, either fresh or 
 cured. " The arrangement of meals among country 
 people is usually this: for breakfast, in summer, cold 
 milk and bread, rice, milk-pudding, cheese, butter, 
 and cold meat. In winter, mush and milk, milk- 
 porridge, hominy, and milk ; supper the same. For 
 noon, in summer, ' siippa' (the French bouillon, meat- 
 broth, with bread-crumbs added, either drunk or 
 eaten with spoons out of common tin cups), fresh 
 meat, dried beef, and bacon, with cabbage, apples, 
 potatoes, Turkish beans, large beans, all kinds of 
 roots, mashed turnips, pumpkins, cashaws, and 
 squashes. One or more of these are distributed 
 around the dish ; also boiled or baked pudding, 
 dumplings, bacon and eggs, pies of apples, cherries, 
 peaches, etc." 1 
 
 1 Tlio pudding, Bays Acrelius in a note, was boiled in a bag; it was 
 called a fine pudding when fruit was added; baked pudding was the 
 
 The land was so settled in the time of Acrelius 
 that each had his separate ground, and mostly fenced 
 in. "So far as possible the people took up their 
 abodes on navigable streams, so that the farms 
 stretched from the water in small strips up into the 
 land." The Swedes used boats a great deal. They 
 always went to church in boats if the ice permitted, 
 and they had a great quarrel with Franklin, to whom 
 Penn had given the monopoly of the Schuylkill Ferry, 
 because he would not let their boats cross without 
 paying toll. The houses were solid; in Acrelius' 
 time mostly built of brick or stone, but earlier of logs, 
 often squared oak logs, not often more than a story 
 and a half high. The roofs were covered with oak 
 or cedar shingles; the walls plastered and white- 
 washed once a year. The windows were large, often 
 with hinged frames, but very small panes of glass 
 when any at all was used, and all the chimneys 
 smoked. In some houses straw carpets were to be 
 found, but the furniture, was always simple and 
 primitive, made of country woods, with now and 
 then a mahogany piece. The clothing was plain, 
 domestic linen being worn in summer, and domestic 
 woolens, kerseys, and linseys in winter, with some 
 calicoes and cottons of imported stocks. The domes- 
 tic cloth was good in quality, but badly dyed. For 
 finer occasions plush and satin were sometimes worn. 
 Our good parson, by whose observations we have 
 been profiting, notes the progress luxury had been 
 making among the Swedes. He says, " The times 
 within fifty years are as changed as night is from 
 day. . . . Formerly the church people could come 
 some Swedish miles on foot to church ; now the 
 young, as well as the old, must be upon horseback. 
 Then many a good and honest man rode upon apiece 
 of bear-skin ; now scarcely any saddle is valued unless 
 it has a saddle-cloth with galloon and fringe. Then 
 servants and girls were seen in church barefooted; 
 now young people will be like persons of quality in 
 their dress; servants are seen with perruques da crams 
 and the like, girls with hooped skirts, fine stuff-shoes, 
 and other finery. Then respectable families lived in 
 low log houses, where the chimney was made of sticks 
 covered with clay ; now they erect painted houses of 
 stone and brick in the country. Then they used ale 
 and brandy, now wine and punch. Then they lived 
 upon grits and mush, now upon tea, coffee, and choc- 
 olate." 
 
 Stray hints of the simple manners of these prim- 
 itive times, and of the honesty, ingenuousness, and 
 quaint religious faith of the people crop out now and 
 then in the accounts which Acrelius gives of the 
 churches and his predecessors in their pulpits. When 
 the " upper settlers" and "lower settlers" quarreled 
 
 young peoplo's pancako; dumplings and puddings were called " Quakers' 
 food." Apple-pie was usod all the year,— "the evening meal of children. 
 House-pie, in country places, is made of apples neither peeled nor freed 
 from their cores, and Us crust is not broken if a wuijon-wheel goes over 
 ill" 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 139 
 
 about the place for their new church, and Wicaco 
 carried the day, the lower settlers were placated with 
 a flat-boat, maintained at the expense of the con- 
 gregation, to ferry them over the Schuylkill. The 
 church wardens kept the keys of the boat. This was 
 the beginning of the church "Gloria Dei," so ven- 
 erable in the eyes of Philadelphians. The pastor's 
 pay was sixty pounds, the' sexton's eight pounds. 
 If a man came drunk to church he was fined forty 
 shillings and made to do public penance. The pen- 
 alty for " making sport of God's word or sacraments" 
 was five pounds fine, and penance. For "untimely 
 singing," five shillings fine. If one refused to sub- 
 mit to this sort of discipline he was excluded from 
 the society and his body could not be buried in the 
 churchyard. The pastor and wardens looked care- 
 fully after betrothals and marriages. The whole 
 congregation were catechized and also examined 
 upon the contents of the sermon. There were also 
 "spiritual examinations" made once a year in fami- 
 lies. Each church had its glebe, the income from 
 which was the pastor's, who also received a consider- 
 able sum from funerals, marriages, etc. The church 
 bell was swung in a tree. Among the fixtures of the 
 parsonage was a negro woman belonging to the con- 
 gregation and included in the inventory of glebe 
 property. When she grew old, " contrary," and " use- 
 less," she was sold for seven shillings. When the 
 Christina Church was restored there was a great feast 
 and a general revival of interest in the ancient 
 Swedish ways. Matins were held at Christmas, 
 Easter, and Pentecost; garlanded lights and side 
 lights of pine wood for Christmas service, and bridal 
 pairs came to the services in the church with crowns 
 and garlands, their hair dressed after the old-time 
 Swedish custom. Among the new regulations of 
 Pastor Hesselius was one to prevent people from 
 driving across the churchyard, another forbidding 
 them to sing as if they were calling their cows. 
 People with harsh voices were ordered to stand mute 
 or " sing softly." The Christina Church owned town- 
 lots in Wilmington, and used to hire out its "pall- 
 cloth" for five shillings each funeral. The charge 
 for burying a grown person was twelve shillings, 
 children half-price. 
 
 The Swedish pastors were generally learned and 
 accomplished men, who exerted themselves success- 
 fully in directing the minds of their congregations to 
 the necessity of education. The original settlers were 
 ignorant people, few of whom could write their names. 
 Even Lasse Cock, agent for Penn and Markham for 
 twenty years, could not at first do better than sign his 
 " mark" to writings. The pastors, however, always 
 made a brave stand for education, and were the means 
 of preventing the Swedish tongue in America from 
 sinking into oblivion. They also maintained as many 
 of the old observances and religious ceremonies as 
 possible, such as baptism soon after birth, an actual 
 instead of formal sponsorship on the part of the god- 
 
 parents, the old service of the churching of women, 
 a general attendance upon the service and sacrament 
 of the altar, and a return to the ancient forms of be- 
 trothal and marriage. " The old speak of the joy," 
 says Acrelius, " with which their bridal parties for- 
 merly came to church and sat during the whole ser- 
 vice before the altar." Burials were solemn occasions, 
 but had their feasts as well. The corpse was borne 
 to the grave on a bier, the pall-bearers, chosen from 
 those of the same sex and age of the deceased, walk- 
 ing close alongside and holding up the corners of the 
 pall. 
 
 A few of the log cabins occupied by the primitive 
 Swedes are said to be still standing. Watson, in his 
 Annals, describes one of the better class in Swanson's 
 house, near Wicaco John Hill Martin, in his His- 
 tory of Chester, recalls two or three of these ancient 
 houses. They were very rude affairs, with seldom 
 more than a living-room with a loft over it, doors so 
 low that one had to enter stooping, windows small 
 square holes cut in the logs, protected by isinglass or 
 oiled paper, or thin stretched bladders, often with 
 nothing but a sliding board shutter. The chimney 
 was in the corner, of sticks and clay, or sandstone 
 blocks, generally built outside the house. The first 
 Swede settlers imitated the Indians by dressing in 
 skins and wearing moccasins. The women's jackets 
 and petticoats and the bedclothes were of the same 
 materials. The furs were by and by superseded by 
 leather breeches and jerkins, while the women spun, 
 wove, or knit their own woolen wear, as well as the 
 linen forsummer. The women, old and married, wore 
 hoods in winter, linen caps in summer, but the un- 
 married girls went uncovered except in the hot sun, 
 dressing their abundant yellow hair in long, broad 
 plaits. 
 
 The proof of the industry of the early Swedes is to 
 be sought in their works. They were a scattered, 
 ignorant race, with no capital, few tools, and no occu- 
 pations but those of husbandry and hunting. They 
 were only a thousand strong when Penn came over, 
 yet they had extended their settlements over a tract 
 nearly two hundred miles long and seven or eight 
 miles deep, building three churches and five or six 
 block-houses and forts, clearingup forests and draining 
 swamps to convert them into meadow land. They 
 had discovered and worked the iron deposits of Mary- 
 land in two or three places. They had built about a 
 hundred houses, fenced in much of their land, and 
 made all their own clothes, importing nothing but the 
 merest trifles, besides arms and ammunition, hymn- 
 books, and catechisms. They had built grist-mills 
 and saw-mills, having at least four of the latter in 
 operation before Penn's arrival. 1 According to Ferris, 
 however, the frame of the house in which Governor 
 Lovelace entertained George Fox in 1672 was made 
 entirely of hewn timbers, none of the stuff being 
 
 1 Bishop, History of Manufactures, i. 110. 
 
140 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 sawed, the mortar and cement being made of oyster- 
 shell lime; the house itself was built of brick. Gov- 
 ernor Printz found a wind-mill at Christiana in 1643, 
 but he says it never would work. On the other side 
 of the river there were horse-mills. One at South 
 Amboy in 1685, it was estimated, would clear the 
 owner £100 a year, the toll for grinding a "Scotch 
 bell" (six bushels) of Indian corn being two shillings 
 sterling, equal to one bushel in every four and a half. 
 But probably more than half the early settlers had to 
 do as a primitive denizen in Burlington reports him- 
 self as doing, pounding Indian corn one day for the 
 next. In 1680, two years before Penn, Thomas Olive 
 had finished his water-mill at Rancocas Creek, and 
 Robert Stacey his at Trenton. Printz's mill on Cobb's 
 Creek was built in 1643, and Campanius reports it as 
 doing admirable work. Joost Andriansen & Co. built 
 a grist-mill at New Castle in 1662. In 1671 there was 
 a proposition made by New Castle to erect a distillery 
 for grain, but the court negatived it, except the grain 
 be "unfit to grind and boult," because the process of 
 distilling consumed such "an immense amount of 
 grain." 
 
 Hallam is right in saying that "No chapter in the 
 history of national manners would illustrate so well, 
 if duly executed, the progress of social life as that 
 dedicated to domestic architecture." After the saw- 
 mill the brick-kiln follows naturally and rapidly. 
 Hazard produces a petition to New Amstel court, in 
 1656, from Jacobus Crabbe, referring to a plantation 
 " near the corner where bricks and stones are made 
 and baked." The Dutch introduced brick-making on 
 the Delaware, the Swedes being used to wooden houses 
 in their own country. The court-house at Upland, 
 in which Penn's first Assembly was held, was of 
 brick. 
 
 The Swedes not only made tea of the sassafras, but 
 they made both beer and brandy from the persimmon, 
 and small beer from Indian corn. Kalm says that the 
 brewing and distilling were conducted by the women. 
 The Dutch had several breweries in the settlement 
 about 1662. Coffee was too high to be much used in 
 the seventeenth century. Penn's books show that it 
 cost eighteen shillings and sixpence per pound in New 
 York, and that would buy nearly a barrel of rum. 
 Tea fetched from twenty-two to fifty shillings, cur- 
 rency, a pound. 
 
 Governor Printz was expressly instructed to encour- 
 age all sorts of domestic manufactures and the propa- 
 gation of sheep. There were eighty of these animals 
 in New Sweden in 1663, and the people made enough 
 woolen and linen cloth to supplement their furs and 
 give them bed and table linen. They also tanned 
 their own leather, and made their own boots and 
 shoes, when they wore any. Hemp was as much 
 spun and wove almost as flax. The Swedes who had 
 the land owned large herds of cattle, forty and sixty 
 head in a herd. The Dutch commissaries enjoined to 
 search closely for all sorts of mineral wealth on the 
 
 South River, and those who discovered valuable metal 
 of any kind were allowed the sole use of it for ten 
 years. The Dutch discovered and worked iron in the 
 Kittatinny Mountains, and, as has already been shown, 
 the Swedes opened iron ore pits in Cecil County, Md. 
 Charles Pickering found the copper with which he 
 debased the Spanish reals and the Massachusetts pine- 
 tree shillings on land of his own in Chester County. 
 When William Penn arrived in the Delaware in 
 1682, on October 27th, there were probably 3500 white 
 people in the province and territories and on the east- 
 ern bank of the Delaware from Trenton to Salem. A 
 few wigwams and not over twenty houses were to be 
 found within the entire limits of what is now Phila- 
 delphia County. There were small towns at Hore- 
 kills, New Castle, Christiana, Upland, Burlington, and 
 Trenton, and a Swedish hamlet or two at Tinicum 
 and near Wicaco. Before the end of his first year in 
 the province eighty houses had been built in the new 
 city of Philadelphia, various industrial pursuits had 
 been inaugurated, and a fair and paying trade was 
 opened with the Indians. When Penn left the prov- 
 ince in 1684 his government was fully established, 
 his chief town laid out, his province divided into 
 six counties and twenty-two townships. He had 
 sold 600,000 acres of land for £20,000 cash and 
 annual quit-rents of £500. The population exceeded 
 7000 souls, of whom 2500 resided in Philadelphia, 
 which had already 300 houses built, and had estab- 
 lished a considerable trade with the West Indies, 
 South America, England, and the Mediterranean. 
 When Penn returned again in 1699, the population 
 of the province exceeded 20,000, and Philadelphia 
 and its liberties had nigh 5000 people. It was a very 
 strange population moreover. Not gathered together 
 by the force of material and temporary inducements, 
 not drawn on by community of interests nor the de- 
 sire of betterments instinctive in the human heart, 
 with no homogenousness of race, religion, custom, 
 and habit, one common principle attracted them to 
 the spot, and that was the desire of religious liberty, 
 the intense longing to escape from under the baneful, 
 withering shadow of politico-religious persecution to 
 which the chief tenet of their faith, non-resistance 
 and submission to the civil authority, prevented them 
 from offering any opposition. They desired to flee 
 because their religious opinions bound them not to 
 fight. They were not of the church militant, like the 
 Puritans and Huguenots and Anabaptists, and so it 
 became them to join the church migratory and seek 
 in uninhabited wilds the freedom of conscience de- 
 nied them among the communities of men. They 
 were radicals and revolutionists in the highest degree, 
 for they upheld, and died on the scaffold and at the 
 stake sooner than cease to maintain, the right of the 
 people to think for themselves, and think their own 
 thoughts instead of what their self-constituted rulers 
 and teachers commanded them to think. But they did 
 not resist authority : when the statute and their con- 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OP THE SETTLERS. 
 
 141 
 
 sciences were at variance they calmly obeyed the lat- 
 ter and took the consequences. They knew them- 
 selves to be abused and shamefully misused, but they 
 believed in the final supremacy of moral and intel- 
 lectual forces over despotic forces. They believed 
 with Wiclif that " Dominion belongs to grace," and 
 they waited hopefully for the coming of the period of 
 intellectual freedom which should justify their action 
 before men and prove the correctness of their faith in 
 human progress. But all this trust in themselves and 
 the future did not contribute materially to lighten the 
 burden of persecution in the present, and they sought 
 with anxiety for a place which would give them rest 
 from the weariness of man's injustice. They became 
 pilgrims, and gathered their little congregation to- 
 gether wherever a faint lifting in the black cloud of 
 persecution could be discerned. Thus it was that 
 they drifted into Holland and the lower Rhine prov- 
 inces of Germany, and became wanderers everywhere, 
 seeking an asylum for conscience' sake, — a lodge in 
 some wilderness, where " rumor of oppression and 
 deceit might never reach," and where they might 
 await in comparative peace the better time that was 
 coming. The great King Gustavus Adolphus perhaps 
 meant to offer them such an asylum in America, but 
 his message was sent in the hurry of war and it was 
 not audible in the din of battles. When, however, 
 this offer was renewed and repeated in the plain lan- 
 guage of the Quakers by William Penn, it was both 
 heard and understood, and the persecuted peoples 
 made haste to accept the generous asylum and avail 
 themselves of the liberal offer. They did so in a 
 spirit of perfect faith that is creditable both to their 
 own ingenuousness and to the character which Penn 
 had established among his contemporaries for upright- 
 ness and fair and square dealing. It is pathetic to 
 read, in the records of the Swiss Mennonites, how, 
 after they had decided to emigrate, " they returned to 
 the Palatinate to seek their wives and children, who 
 are scattered everywhere in Switzerland, in Alsace, 
 and in the Palatinate, and they know not where they 
 are to be found." 
 
 Thus the movement into Pennsylvania began, a 
 strange gathering of a strange people, much suffer- 
 ing, capable of much enduring. Of the Germans 
 themselves one of their own preachers 1 wrote : "They 
 were naturally very rugged people, who could endure 
 much hardships ; they wore long and unshaven 
 beards, disordered clothing, great shoes, which were 
 heavily hammered with iron and large nails ; they 
 had lived in the mountains of Switzerland, far from 
 cities and towns, with little intercourse with other 
 men ; their speech is rude and uncouth, and they 
 have difficulty in understanding any one who does 
 not speak just their way ; they are very zealous to 
 serve I rod with prayer and reading and in other ways, 
 and very innocent in all their doings as lambs and 
 
 1 Laurens Hondricks, of Nimeguen. 
 
 doves." The Quakers, too, bore proof in their looks 
 of the double annealing of fanaticism and persecu- 
 tion. They wore strange garbs, had unworldly man- 
 ners and customs, and many of them had cropped 
 ears and slit noses, and were gaunt and hollow-eyed 
 from long confinement in jails and prison-houses. 
 The influence of George Fox's suit of leather clothes 
 was still felt among them. They were chiefly of the 
 plebeian classes, the true English democracy, yeo- 
 men, tinkers, tradesmen, mechanics, retail shopmen 
 of the cities and towns; scarcely one of the gentry 
 and very few of the university people and educated 
 classes. From Wales, however, the Thomases, Rees, 
 and Griffiths came, with red, freckled faces, shaggy 
 beards, and pedigrees dating back to Adam. Persecu- 
 tion had destroyed their hitherto unconquerable devo- 
 tion to their own mountains, but they took their pedi- 
 grees with them in emigrating, and settling on a tract 
 of hills and quaking mosses, where the soil recom- 
 mended itself much less to them than the face of the 
 country, they sought to feel at home by giving to the 
 new localities names which recalled the places from 
 which they had banished themselves. 
 
 Such were the emigrants who sailed — mostly from 
 London and Bristol— to help build up Penn's asylum 
 in the wilderness. The voyage was tedious, and could 
 seldom be made in less than two months. The ves- 
 sels in which they sailed were ill appointed and 
 crowded. Yet at least fifteen thousand persons, men, 
 women, and children, took this voyage between 1681 
 and 1700. The average passage-money was, allowing 
 for children, about seventy shillings per head, so the 
 emigrants expended £50,000 in this one way. Their 
 purchases of land cost them £25,000 more ; the aver- 
 age purchases were about £6 for each head of family ; 
 quit-rents one shilling sixpence. The general cost 
 of emigration is set forth in a pamphlet of 1682, re- 
 published by the Pennsylvania Historical Society, 
 and attributed to Penn, and he must have directed 
 the publication, though it is anonymous. In this 
 pamphlet it is suggested that a man with £100 in 
 pieces-of-eight may pay his own way and his family's 
 by judicious speculation. The " advance in money" — 
 i.e., the difference between specie value in London and 
 on the Delaware — is thirty per cent., on goods the 
 advance is fifty per cent., and this pamphlet supposes 
 that these advances will pay the cost of emigration. 
 The figures are too liberal ; however, they give us 
 an idea of what the expenses were which a family 
 had to incur. They are as follows : 
 
 For five personB' — man ami wife, two servants, and a child of 
 
 ten — passage-money 22 10 
 
 For a ton of goods — freight (each taking out a chest without 
 
 charge for freight) 2 
 
 Ship's surgeon, 2s. b'd. per head 12 6 
 
 Four gallons of biandy, 24 lbs. sugar 10 
 
 Clothes for servants (6 shirts. 2 waistcoats, a summer and win- 
 ter suit, hat, 2 pair shoes, underclothing, etc.) 12 
 
 Cost of building a house... 15 
 
 Stock for farm 24 10 
 
 Year's provisions for family 16 17 6 
 
 Total £96 00 00 
 
142 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 This, it will be observed, on a favorable, one-sided 
 showing, is £20 per capita for man, woman, child, and 
 servant, outside of the cost of land. If we allow £10 
 additional for cost of land, transportation, and other 
 extras, leaving out clothes for the family, we shall 
 have £30 a head as the cost of immigration and one 
 year's keep until the land begins to produce crops. 
 It thus appears that the early immigrants into Penn- 
 sylvania must have expended at least £450,000 in 
 getting there in the cheapest way. The actual cost 
 was probably more than double that amount. In a 
 letter written by Edward Jones, "Chirurgeon," from 
 " Skoolkill River," Aug. 26, 1682, to John ap Thomas, 
 founder of the first Welsh settlement, we have some 
 particulars of a voyage across the ocean at that time. 
 Thomas and sixteen others had bought a five-thousand- 
 acre tract of Penn. The rest sailed from Liverpool, 
 but Thomas was ill, and not able to come. Hence 
 the letter, which is published in a memoir of " John 
 ap Thomas and his friends," in the Pennsylvania 
 Magazine, vol. iv. The voyage took eleven weeks. 
 " And in all this time we wanted neither meat, drink, 
 or water, though several hogsheads of water ran out. 
 Our ordinary allowance of beer was three pints a day 
 for each whole head and a quart of water, 3 biskedd 
 (biscuits) a day & sometimes more. We laid in about 
 half hundred of biskedd, one barrell of beere, one 
 hogshed of water, the quantity for each whole head, 
 & 3 barrells of beefe for the whole number — 40 — and 
 we had one to come ashore. A great many could eat 
 little or no beefe, though it was good. Butter and 
 cheese eats well upon ye sea. Y e remainder of our 
 cheese & butter is little or no worster ; butter & cheese 
 is at 6d. per pound here, if not more. We have oat- 
 meale to spare, but it is well y' we have it, for here is 
 little or no corn till they begin to sow their corn, they 
 have plenty of it. . . . Y e name of town lots is called 
 now Wicoco ; here is a Crowd of people striving for 
 y e Country land, for y e town lot is not divided, & there- 
 fore we are forced to take up y e Country lots. We had 
 much adoe to get a grant of it, but it Cost us 4 or 5 
 days attendance, besides some score of miles we trav- 
 elled before we brought it to pass. I hope it will 
 please thee and the rest y' are concerned, for it hath 
 most rare timber. I have not seen the like in all 
 these parts." Mr. Jones also states that the rate for 
 surveying one hundred acres was twenty shillings — 
 half as much as the price of the land. At this rate, 
 Jones, Thomas and company had to pay £50 for sur- 
 veying their tract of five thousand acres. 
 
 It will be noticed that the face of the country 
 pleased Dr. Jones, and he is satisfied with the land 
 selected by him. All the early immigrants and col- 
 onists were pleased with the new land, and enthusi- 
 astic in regard to its beauty and its promise of pro- 
 ductiveness. Penn is not more so than the least 
 prosperous of his followers. Indeed it is a lovely 
 country to-day, and in its wild, virgin beauty must 
 have had a rare charm aud attraction for the ocean- 
 
 weary first settlers. They all write about it in the 
 same warm strain. Thus, for instance, let us quote 
 from the letter written in 1680 to his brother by 
 Mahlon Stacey, who built the first mill on the site 
 of the city of Trenton. Stacey was a man of good 
 education and family. He had traveled much in 
 Pennsylvania and New Jersey, where he made a 
 great fortune and became a leading citizen, his chil- 
 dren intermarrying with the best people in the two 
 colonies. The letter, which we quote from Gen. 
 Davis' " History of Bucks County," says that " it is a 
 country that produces all things for the sustenance 
 of man in a plentiful manner. ... I have traveled 
 through most of the settled places, and some that are 
 not, and find the country very apt to answer the ex- 
 pectations of the diligent. I have seen orchards 
 laden with fruit to admiration, planted by the Swedes, 
 their very limbs torn to pieces with the weight, and 
 most delicious to the taste and lovely to behold. I 
 have seen an apple-tree from a pippin kernel yield a 
 barrel of curious cider, and peaches in such plenty 
 that some people took their carts a peach gathering. 
 I could not but smile at the sight of it. They are a 
 very delicate fruit, and hang almost like our onions 
 that are tied on ropes. I have seen and known this 
 summer forty bushels of bolted wheat harvested from 
 one sown. We have from the time called May to 
 Michaelmas great stores of very good wild fruits, as 
 strawberries, cranberries, and huckleberries, which 
 are much like bilberries in England, but far sweeter; 
 the cranberries much like cherries for color and big- 
 ness, which may be kept till fruit comes in again. 
 An excellent sauce is made of them for venison, tur- 
 key, and great fowl ; they are better to make tarts 
 than either cherries or gooseberries; the Indians 
 bring them to our houses in great plenty. My brother 
 Robert had as many cherries this year as would have 
 loaded several carts. From what I have observed it 
 is my judgment that fruit-trees in this country destroy 
 themselves by the very weight of their fruit. As for 
 venison and fowls, we have great plenty; we have 
 brought home to our houses by the Indians seven or 
 eight fat bucks of a day, and sometimes put by as 
 many, having no occasion for them. My cousin 
 Revels and I, with some of my men, went last Third 
 month into the river to catch herrings, for at that 
 time they came in great shoals into the shallows. 
 We had no net, but, after the Indian fashion, made a 
 round pinfold about two yards over and a foot high, 
 but left a gap for the fish to go in at, and made a 
 bush to lay in the gap to keep the fish in. When 
 that was done we took two long birches and tied their 
 tops together, and went about a stone's cast above 
 our said pinfold ; then hauling these birch boughs 
 down the stream, we drove thousands before us, and 
 as many got into our trap as it would hold. Then 
 we began to throw them on shore as fast as three or 
 four of us could bag two or three at a time. After 
 this manner in half an hour we could have filled a 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 143 
 
 three-bushel sack with as fine herring as ever I saw. 
 ... As to beef and pork, there is a great plenty of 
 it and cheap ; also good sheep. The common grass 
 of the country feeds beef very fat. . . . We have 
 great plenty of most sorts of fishes that ever I saw in 
 England, besides several sorts that are not known 
 there, as rock, catfish, shad, sheepshead, and stur- 
 geon ; and fowls are as plenty — ducks, geese, turkeys, 
 pheasants, partridges, and many other sorts. Indeed 
 the country, take it as a wilderness, is a brave coun- 
 try, though no place will please all. There is some 
 barren land, and more wood than some would have 
 upon their land ; neither will the country produce 
 corn without labor, nor is cattle got without some- 
 thing to buy them, nor bread with idleness, else it 
 would be a brave country indeed. I question not but 
 all would then give it a good word. For my part I 
 like it so well I never had the least thought of re- 
 turning to England except on account of trade." 
 " I wonder at our Yorkshire people," says Stacey, in 
 another letter of the same date, " that they had rather 
 live in servitude, work hard all the year, and not be 
 threepence better at the year's end, than to stir out 
 of the chimney-corner and transport themselves to a 
 place where, with the like pains, in two or three 
 years they might know better things. I live as well 
 to my content and in as great plenty as ever I did, 
 and in a far more likely way to get an estate." 
 
 Judge John Holme, in his so-called poem on " the 
 flourishing State of Pennsylvania," written in 1696, 
 seems to have tried to set the views of Stacey to 
 music. True there is not much tune nor rhythm in 
 the verse, but the Pennsylvania writer of Georgics has 
 a shrewd eye for a catalogue, and he would have 
 shone as an auctioneer. He sings the goodness of 
 the soil, the cheapness of the land, the trees so 
 abundant in variety that scarcely any man can name 
 them all, the fruits and nuts, mulberries, hazelnuts, 
 strawberries, and " plumbs," " which pleaseth those 
 well who to eat them comes," the orchards, cherries 
 so plentiful that the planters bring them to town in 
 boats (these are the Swedes, of course), peaches so 
 plenty the people cannot eat half of them, apples, 
 pears, and quinces, 
 
 "And fruit-trees do grow bo fast in tbia ground 
 That wo begin with cidor to abound." 
 
 The fields and gardens rejoice in the variety as well 
 as the abundance of their products; in the woods are 
 found " wax-berries, elkermis, turmerick, and sarsi- 
 frax ;" the maple trunks trickle with sugar, and our 
 author tells how to boil it; he gives the names of 
 fish, flesh, and fowls, including whales and sturgeons, 
 and describes the industries of Philadelphia, of which 
 he says, " Strangers do wonder, and some say, — 
 
 " What mean theso Quakors thus to raise 
 Theso stately rubrics to their praise? 
 Since we well know and understand 
 Whon they wore in their native land 
 They were in prison trodden down, 
 And can they uow build such a town?" 
 
 The royalists of that day, however, saw the growth 
 of the new city and province with quite another eye, 
 and they were filled with foreboding as they saw, in 
 the language of one of their rhymesters, — 
 
 "How Pennsylvania's air agrees with Quakers, 
 And Carolina's with ABSociators, 
 Both e'en too good for madmen and for traitors. 
 Truth is, the land with 6aints is so run o'er. 
 And every age produces such a store, 
 That now there's need of two New Englands more." 
 
 Richard Frame was author of another poem on 
 Pennsylvania, "printed and sold by William Brad- 
 ford, 1692." It is like that of Holme's, mainly de- 
 scriptive, and prophetic likewise of the coming wealth 
 and greatness of the province. "No doubt," he says, — 
 
 " No doubt but you will like this country well. 
 We that did leave our country thought it Btrange 
 That ever we should make so good a change." 
 
 This poem was written and printed only seven or 
 eight years after the settlement of Germantown, yet 
 Frame says, — 
 
 " The German Town of which I spoke before, 
 Winch is at least in leaiith one Mile and More, 
 Where lives High German People and Low Dutch, 
 Whose trade in ireaviii'j Linneir ilath is much, 
 There grows the Flax, as also you may know, 
 That from the same they do divide the Tow," etc. 
 
 Traders, he says, are brotherly ; one brings in em- 
 ployment for another, and the linen rags of Ger- 
 mantown have led naturally to the paper-mill near 
 the Wissahickon. Of the Welsh he makes a passing 
 reference, as well as of the many townships laid out 
 and the " multitudes of new plantations." 
 
 The Englishman of that day was still untamed. 
 He had a passion, inherited from his Anglo-Saxon 
 forbears, for the woods and streams, for outdoor life 
 and the adventures which attend it. He had not 
 forgotten that he was only a generation or two 
 younger than Robin Hood and Will Scarlet, and he 
 could not be persuaded that the poacher was a crimi- 
 nal. All the emigration advertisements, circulars, and 
 prospectuses sought to profit by this passion in pre- 
 senting the natural charms of America in the most 
 seductive style. While the Spanish enlisting officers 
 worked by the spell of the magic word " gold!" and 
 the canny Amsterdam merchants talked " beaver" 
 and " barter" and " cent, per cent.," the English so- 
 licitors for colonists and laborers never ceased to dwell 
 upon the normal attractions of the bright new land, 
 the adventures it offered, and the easy freedom to be 
 enjoyed there. Thus in advocating his West Jersey 
 settlements John Fenwick wrote in this way : " If 
 there be any terrestrial happiness to be had by any 
 People, especially of any inferior rank, it must cer- 
 tainly be here. Here any one may furnish himself 
 with Land, and live Rent free, yea, with such a quan- 
 tity of Land, that he may weary himself with walk- 
 ing over his Fields of Corn, and all sorts of Grain, 
 and let his Stock amount to some hundreds ; he needs 
 not fear their want of Pasture in the Summer or 
 
144 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Fodder in the Winter, the Woods affording sufficient 
 supply, where you have Grass as high as a Man's 
 Knees, nay, as his Waste, interlaced with Pea-Vines 
 and other Weeds that Cattell much delight -in, as 
 much as a Man can pass through ; and these Woods 
 also every Mile and half mile are furnished with 
 fresh Ponds, Brooks, or Rivers, where all sorts of cat- 
 tell, during the heat of the Day, do quench their thirst 
 and Cool themselves. These Brooks and Rivers being 
 invironed of each side with several sorts of Trees and 
 Grape-Vines, Arbor-like interchanging places, and 
 crossing these Rivers, do shade and shelter them from 
 the scorching beams of the Sun. Such as by their 
 utmost labors can scarcely get a Living may here 
 procure Inheritance of Lands and Possessions, stock 
 themselves with all sorts of Cattle, enjoy the benefit 
 of them while they live and leave them to their Chil- 
 dren when they die. Here you need not trouble the 
 Shambles for Meat, nor Bakers and Brewers for Beer 
 and Bread, nor run to a Linen-Draper for a supply, 
 every one making their own Linen and a great part 
 of their Woollen Cloth for their ordinary wearing. 
 And how prodigal (if I may say) hath Nature been to 
 furnish this Country with all sorts of Wild Beast and 
 Fowl, which every one hath an interest in and may 
 Hunt at his pleasure, where, besides the pleasure in 
 Hunting, he may furnish his House with excellent fat 
 Venison, Turkies, Geese, Heath-hens, Cranes, Swans, 
 Ducks, Pigeons, and the like; and, wearied with that, 
 he may go a Fishing, where the Rivers are so fur- 
 nished that he may supply himself with Fish before 
 he can leave off the Recreation. Here one may Travel 
 by Land upon the same Continent hundreds of Miles, 
 and pass through Towns and Villages, and never hear 
 the least complaint for want nor hear any ask him 
 for a farthing. Here one may lodge in the Fields 
 and Woods, travel from one end of the Country to 
 another, with as much security as if he were lock'd 
 within his own Chamber ; and if one chance to meet 
 with an Indian Town, they shall give him the best 
 Entertainment they have, and upon his desire, direct 
 him on his Way. But that which adds happiness to 
 all the rest is the healthfulness of the Place, where 
 many People in twenty years' time never know what 
 Sickness is ; where they look upon it as a great Mor- 
 tality if two or three die out of a Town in a year's 
 time. Besides the sweetness of the Air, the Country 
 itself sends forth such a fragrant smell that it may be 
 perceived at Sea before they can make the Land; No 
 evil Fog or Vapor doth any sooner appear but a 
 North-West or Westerly Wind immediately dissolves 
 it and drives it away. Moreover, you shall scarce see 
 a House but the South side is begirt with Hives of 
 Bees, which increase after an incredible manner; so 
 that if there be any terrestrial Canaan, 'tis surely here, 
 where the land floweth with Milk and Honey." 
 
 This is the tenor of all the Maryland invitations to 
 immigration likewise, and Penn follows the model 
 closely. His letter to the Society of Free Traders 
 
 in 1683 has already been mentioned, and also his 
 proposals for colonists. In December, 1685, he" issued 
 a " Further Account of Pennsylvania," a supplement 
 to the letter of 1683. He says that ninety vessels had 
 sailed with passengers, not one of them meeting with 
 any miscarriage. They had taken out seven thousand 
 two hundred persons. He describes the growth of 
 the city, the laying out of townships, etc. There are 
 at least fifty of these, and he had visited many, find- 
 ing improvements much advanced. " Houses over 
 their heads and Garden-plots, coverts for their cattle, 
 an increase of stock, and several inclosures in Corn, 
 especially the first comers, and I may say of some 
 poor men was the beginning of an Estate, the differ- 
 ence of laboring for themselves and for others, of an 
 Inheritance and a Rack Lease being never better un- 
 derstood." The soil had produced beyond expecta- 
 tion, yielding corn from thirty to sixty fold; three 
 pecks of wheat sowed an acre; all English root crops 
 thrive; low lands were excellent for rope, hemp, and 
 flax ; cattle find abundant food in the woods ; Eng- 
 lish grass seed takes well and yields fatting hay; all 
 sorts of English fruits have taken "mighty well;" 
 good wine may be made from native grapes ; the 
 coast and bay abound in whales, the rivers in deli- 
 cate fish ; and provisions were abundant and cheap, 
 in proof of which he gives a price current. Penn 
 concludes by quoting an encouraging letter he had 
 received from Robert Turner. 
 
 In 1687, Penn published another pamphlet, con- 
 taining a letter from Dr. More, " with passages out 
 of several letters from Persons of Good Credit, re- 
 lating to the State and Improvement of the Province 
 of Pennsylvania." In 1691 again he printed a third 
 pamphlet, containing "Some Letters and an Abstract 
 of Letters from Pennsylvania." Dr. More takes 
 pains to show the plenty and prosperity which sur- 
 round the people of the province. " Our lands have 
 been grateful to us," he says, " and have begun to 
 reward our Labors by abounding Crops of Corn." 
 There was plenty of good fresh pork in market at 
 two and a half pence per pound, currency ; beef, 
 the same; butter, sixpence; wheat, three shillings 
 per bushel; rye at eight groats; corn, two shillings 
 in country money, and some for export. Dr. More 
 had got a fine crop of wheat on his corn ground by 
 simply harrowing it in ; his hop garden was very 
 promising. Arnoldus de la Grange had raised one 
 thousand bushels of English grain this year, and 
 Dr. More says, "Every one here is now persuaded 
 of the fertility of the ground and goodness of 
 climate, here being nothing wanting, with industry, 
 that grows in England, and many delicious things not 
 attainable there ; and we have this common advan- 
 tage above England, that all things grow better and 
 with less labour." Penn's steward and gardener are 
 represented as writing to him that the peach-trees are 
 broken down with fruit ; all the plants sent out from 
 England are growing ; barn, porch, and shed full of 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF TUB SETTLERS. 
 
 145 
 
 com ; seeds sprout in half the time they require in 
 England; bulbs and flowers grow apace. David 
 Lloyd writes that " Wheat (as good, I think, as any 
 in England) is sold at three shillings and sixpence 
 per Bushel, Country money, and for three shillings 
 ready money (which makes two shillings five pence 
 English sterling), and if God continues his bless- 
 ing to us, this province will certainly be the gran- 
 ary of America." 1 James Claypoole writes that 
 he has never seen brighter and better corn than in 
 these parts. The whale fishery was considerable ; one 
 company would take several hundred barrels of oil, 
 useful, with tobacco, skins, and furs, for commerce 
 and to bring in small money (of which there is a 
 scarcity) for exchange. John Goodson writes to Penn 
 of the country that " it is in a prosperous condition 
 beyond what many of our Friends can imagine ;" if 
 Penn and his family were there " surely your Hearts 
 would be greatly comforted to behold this Wilderness 
 Land how it is becoming a fruitful Field and pleasant 
 Garden." Robert James writes to Nathaniel Wilmer : 
 " God prospers his People and their honest Endeavors 
 in the Wilderness, and many have cause to Bless and 
 Praise his holy Arm, who in his Love hath spread a 
 Table large unto us, even beyond the expectation or 
 belief of many, yea, to the admiration of our Neigh- 
 boring Colonies. . . . God is amongst his People and 
 the wilderness is his, and he waters and refreshes it 
 with his moistening Dew, whereby the Barren are be- 
 come pleasant Fields and Gardens of his delight; 
 blessed be his Name, saith my Soul, and Peace and 
 Happiness to all God's People everywhere." 
 
 In 1685 a pamphlet called "Good Order Estab- 
 lished," and giving an account of Pennsylvania, was 
 published by Thomas Budd, a Quaker, who had held 
 office in West Jersey. Budd was a visionary, mixed up 
 with Keith's heresy, and wanted to get a bank estab- 
 lished in Philadelphia. He built largely in that city, 
 and was a close observer. t He pays particular atten- 
 tion to the natural advantages of the country in its 
 soil, climate, products, and geographical relations. 
 The days in winter are two hours longer, and in sum- 
 mer two hours shorter than in England, he says, and 
 hence grain and fruits mature more swiftly. He enu- 
 merates the wild fowl and fish, the fruits and garden 
 stuff', and thinks that the Delaware marshes, once 
 drained, would be equal to the meadows of the Thames 
 for wheat, peas, barley, hemp, flax, rape, and hops. 
 The French settlers were already growing grapes for 
 wine, and Budd thought that attempts should be made 
 to produce rice, anise seed, licorice, madder, and 
 woad. He has much to say about the development of 
 
 1 "Country money' 1 was produce in barter, such us furs, tobacco, 
 grain, stuck, etc., at rates established by tlio courts in collecting fees, 
 etc ; " ready money 1 ' wua Spanish or New England coin, which was at 
 
 26 porcent. die i in Old England. See Sumner," History of Amor- 
 
 lean Currency." The differences arc wot out in "Madame Knights 
 
 J I " Ait Milling to i la- above the discount on country money was 
 
 :il per cent, and on ready money '20 per ccut. 
 l'.l 
 
 manufactures, and he proposes to have a granary 
 built on the Delaware in a fashion which is a curious 
 anticipation of the modern elevator, and he projects a 
 very sensible scheme for co operative farm-work, on 
 the community plan, the land to be eventually divided 
 after it has been fully cleared and improved, and the 
 families of the commune have grown up. 
 
 In 1698 was published Gabriel Thomas' " Histori- 
 cal and Geographical Account of the Province and 
 Country of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey, in 
 America." This well-known brochure descants in 
 florid and loose terms upon "The richness of the Soil, 
 the sweetness of the Situation, the Wholesomeness 
 of the Air, the Navigable Rivers and others, the pro- 
 digious increase of Corn, the flourishing condition of 
 the City of Philadelphia, etc. The strange creatures, 
 as Birds, Beasts, Fishes, and Fowls, with the Several 
 Sorts of Minerals, Purging Waters, and Stones lately 
 discovered. The Natives, Aborigines, and their Lan- 
 guage, Religion, Laws, and Customs. The first Plan- 
 ters, Dutch, Swedes, and English, with the number of 
 its Inhabitants ; as also a Touch upon George Keith's 
 New Religion, in his second change since he left the 
 Quakers ; with a Map of both Counties." The title- 
 page leaves the book but little to say. Gabriel is en- 
 thusiastic about pretty much everything. He makes 
 some shrewd remarks, however, as when he says that 
 he has reason to believe Pennsylvania contains coal, 
 " fori have observed the runs of water have the same 
 color as that which proceeds from the coal mines in 
 Wales." He shows the abundance of game by tell- 
 ing how he had bought of the Indians a whole buck 
 (both skin and carcass) for two gills of gunpowder. 
 Land had advanced in twelve years from fifteen or 
 eighteen shillings to eighty pounds per one hundred 
 acres, over a thousand per cent, (in the city), and was 
 fetching round prices in the adjacent country. 
 
 Thomas represents Philadelphia as containing two 
 thousand houses in 1697. Mr. Westcott declares this 
 to be a great exaggeration. " In 1700 there were only 
 seven hundred houses, and in 1749 but two thousand 
 and seventy-six." 2 Mr. Westcott's figures are, of 
 course, the right ones, yet it must be observed that 
 Richard Norris, a sea captain, just come from Phila- 
 delphia, writing to Penn under date of Dec. 12, 1690, 
 a 'letter which Penn himself published in pamphlet 
 form in London, 3 states that " The Bank and River- 
 Street is so filled with Houses that it makes an in- 
 closed Street with the Front in many places, which 
 before lay open to the River Delaware. There is 
 within the bounds of the City at least fourteen Hundred 
 Houses, a considerable part of which are very large 
 and fair buildings of Brick ; we have likewise wharf's 
 Built out into the River, that a Ship of a Hundred 
 Tun may lay her side to." All the writers quoted 
 above have much to say of the rapid growth and de- 
 
 2 History of Philadelphia, chapter xlii. 
 a Sec Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. iv. p. 200; 
 Bubjoct at tho foot of a preceding page. 
 
 i also a note on this 
 
146 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA.. 
 
 velopment of Philadelphia, which seems to strike 
 every one as if it were a sort of miracle. Mr. Thomas, 
 in the letter just mentioned, says that they have a 
 plentiful market two days in the week, with all man- 
 ner of provisions and fruit in great plenty. "Many 
 Houses were Built the last Summer, and I heard 
 many more are agreed for to be built." The city had 
 a good trade with the West Indies in biscuit, flour, 
 beef, and pork. Capt. Morris said he noticed the 
 city's rapid growth each time he returned to it. His 
 cargo to England consisted of " Skins, Beavers, Otters, 
 Minks, Dear, Bear, Fox, and Cats, with other sorts, 
 with Oyle and Whalebone." A great flock of sheep 
 was kept in the town liberties, and a woolen-factory 
 at work, employing several carders and spinners,. and 
 turning out " very good Stuff and Serges." " Phila- 
 delphia is mightily improved," writes William Rod- 
 ney the same year, " (for its famous Buildings, Stone, 
 Brick and Timber Houses of very great Value, and 
 good Wharfs for our Shipping) the most of any new 
 settlement in the World for its time." R. Hill (same 
 year) writes to Penn of the pleasure he has received 
 in beholding the improvements in "that Famous 
 City (in our parts) and situation of Philadelphia, from 
 which we in Maryland have lately received great 
 benefit and supply for our Fleet, by being furnished 
 with Bread, Beer, Flower, and other provisions, to 
 great quantities at reasonable Rates and short warn- 
 ing." C. Pickering writes : " Philadelphia will flour- 
 ish ; here are more good Houses Built this Summer 
 (1690) than ever was in one Year yet; things, that is 
 Provision and Corn, are very plentiful ; ... an oil- 
 mill is erecting to make Coal (colza) and Rape-seed 
 oyle," etc. William Bradford tells the Governor that 
 Samuel Carpenter and he are building a paper-mill 
 about a mile from Penn's mills at Schuylkill, and hope 
 to have paper within four months ; " the Woollen Man- 
 ufactories have made a beginning here, and we have 
 got a Publick Flock of Sheep in this Town, and a 
 Sheepheard or two to attend them." Alexander 
 Beardsley writes that the city has received an access 
 of population from New York, among them Jacob 
 Telner (the original patentee of Germantown) : 
 
 " Mine friends and others are already come, so that if we do not pre- 
 vent it ourselves by misliving, this is likely to be a good place. Mr- 
 thinks it seems to mo as if the Lord had a blessing in store for this place ; 
 here is a good goverumen t, and the magistrates are careful to keep good 
 order, to suppress Vice and encourage Virtuous Living; and a watch is 
 kept every Night by the Housekeepers, to see that no Looseness nor 
 Drunkenness take place. The People go on with Building very much , 
 since thou went from here many good Houses are Built on the Front 
 at the least twenty this Year; the Bank (by the River) is taken up, all 
 from the Bluo Anchor beyond the penny Pot-House. . . . People seem 
 eager in Building, and House Rent towards the River is high." "Phil- 
 adelphia thrives to admiration," says another writer quoted in this ab- 
 stract of letters, "both in way of Trade and also in Building, and is 
 much altered since thou wert hero." Iu John Goodson'B letter we are 
 told that " We now begin to have a Trade abroad as well as at borne ; 
 here be several merchants that Transport several Ship-loads of Bread, 
 Flower, Beef and Pork to Barhadoes and Jamaica; a fine Trade here 
 in the Town, consisting of many Trades-Men, which are eight Mer- 
 chants, Responsible Men, House-Keepers, twenty-nine Shop-Keepors, 
 great and small, three Brewers that send off many a Ton of good Malt- 
 
 Beer, three Maltsters in this Town also, besides many that are in the 
 Country, seven Master Bakers, some of them hake and send away many 
 Thousand Bushels in a Year or Bread and Flour, this is Truth; four 
 Master Butchers, nine Master Carpenters, seven Master Bricklayers, four 
 Brick-Makers with Brick-Kills, nine Master Shoemakers, nine Master 
 Taylors, two Pewterers, one Brasier, one Saddler, one Clock and Watch- 
 Maker, one Potter, three Tallow-Chandlers, two Sope-Makers, three 
 Woolen- Weavers that are entering upon the Woolen .Manufactory in 
 the Town, besides several in the country ; and five miles off is a Town 
 of Dutch and German People that have set up the Lin nen Manufactory, 
 which weave and make many Hundred Yardsof pure fine LinnenCloath 
 in a Year, that iu a short time I doubt not but the country will live 
 happily ; five Smiths, one Comb-Maker, one Tobacco-Pipe Maker, three 
 Dyers, one Joyner, one Cabinet-Maker, one Rope-Maker that makes 
 Ropes for Shipping, three Master Ship-Carpenters, three Barbers, two 
 Chirurgeons, three Plasterers, several Victualing Houses or Ordinaries. 
 All the fore-mentioned Trades are sufficient House-Keepers, and live 
 gallantly ; four Master Coopers that rpake abundance of cask forthesea, 
 besides many families of labouring People and Sawyers that live happily, 
 six Carters that have Teams daily employed to carry and fetch Timber 
 and Bricks, Stones and Lime for Building, which goeth on to Admira- 
 tion. They Build all with Brick and Stone now, except the very 
 meanest sort of people, which Build framed Houses with Timber and 
 Fetheredg-Boards without side, and lath'd and plastcr'd within, two 
 stories high, very pretty houses; they are like the Buildings at the 
 Park in Southwark. We have Rocks of Lime-Stones, where many 
 Hundreds, yea Thousands of Bushels of Lime is made in a year for this 
 Town." "My Friends," concludes this pious John Goodson, "have all 
 about twenty-one Meeting-Places established in Pennsylvania, and 
 six meetings fixed around the city, all within six miles." 
 
 These contemporary letters seem to disarm the 
 published accounts of Philadelphia's progress of any 
 suspicion of exaggeration. They make it plain that 
 the city was growing very rapidly under the stimu- 
 lus of an accelerated immigration and a commerce 
 and internal trade which was very profitable and in- 
 creased every day. The shipping was comparatively 
 large, and the frequent arrivals and departures gave 
 the place a busy, bustling aspect, which even ex- 
 tended itself to Chester, New Castle, Christina, Hore- 
 kills, Salem, Burlington, and other parts on the river. 
 The number of sailors of every nationality, of for- 
 eign merchants and traders come to buy and sell, had 
 already led to the introduction of no little of the 
 sorts of vice and debauchery which naturally attach 
 to active seaport towns, greatly scandalizing the 
 quiet Quakers. The letters of Penn and the orders 
 and remonstrances and explanations of Council on 
 this subject bear ample testimony to this debauch- 
 ery. 1 
 
 It was not difficult for merchants who were largely 
 engaged in trade with the New England colonies, the 
 West Indies, and with Europe, and making a profit 
 of nigh upon one hundred per cent, on each venture 
 and its return (English goods, that is to say, ex- 
 changed either directly for furs, etc., or indirectly for 
 Pennsylvania flour and bread sent to the West Indies 
 and there bartered for tropical products for the English 
 market) to rebuild their original frame cabins with 
 
 1 See Council proceedings and Penn correspondence, 1689-99. It 
 may be said here, to avoid the necessity of a reference for each sentence 
 of this chapter, that every fact stated iu it rests upon contemporary 
 authority, such as those just named and the body of original letters 
 which have been already quoted in connection with this subject. The 
 Pennsylvania Historical Society has done a great work in republishing 
 these originals. 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 147 
 
 stately piles of brick. Fortunes were swiftly made, 
 and, invested in improvements in and around the city, 
 went a gteat way. Labor was comparatively high, 
 but materials were cheap. Budd estimates that the 
 
 alleys and lanes, several fine squares and courts within 
 this magnificent city. As for the particular names of 
 the several streets contained therein, the principal 
 are as follows, viz. : Walnut Street, Vine Street, 
 
 THE OLD SLATE-ROOF HOUSE. 
 
 six hundred thousand bricks for his proposed granary 
 could be bought for eight shillings per thousand. 
 " Madam Farmer," who was the first person to burn 
 stone lime in Philadelphia (Budd, in 1685, says no 
 stone lime had then been discovered) offered, in 1686- 
 87, to sell ten thousand bushels of Schuylkill lime at 
 sixpence per bushel at the kiln. The frames of 
 houses, all of hewn timber, cost little beyond the 
 charges for hewing and handling, and sawed lumber 
 was cheap and plentiful. Hence there must have been 
 as much building going on as was required by the 
 increase of population, in addition to the new and 
 larger structures which took the place of more primi- 
 tive ones as wealth increased. Penn, in his " Fur- 
 ther Account of Pennsylvania" (1685), mentions nine 
 streets running from river to river and twenty-one 
 streets crossing them at right angles. Of these he 
 names sixteen streets, "the names," he says, " being 
 mostly taken from the things that grew spontaneously 
 in the county." ' Gabriel Thomas, describing the city 
 as he saw it in 1697, says, " There are many lanes and 
 alleys, as, first, Hutton's Lane, Morris Lane, Jones' 
 Lane, wherein are very good buildings; Shuter's 
 Alley, Yower's Lane, Walter's Alley, Turner's Lane, 
 Sikes' Alley, and Flowers' Alley. All these alleys 
 and lanes extend from the Front Street to the Second 
 Street. There is another alley in the Second Street 
 called Carter's Alley. There are also, besides these 
 
 ' Of tho atreets named, "the situation of Cranberry, Plumb; Hickory, 
 Oak, Beech, Ash, and Poplar Streets is not now to ue ascertained."— 
 it . ../. ..//, chap, xxxi. 
 
 Chestnut Street, Sassafras Street, taking their names 
 from the abundance of those trees that formerly grew 
 there ; 2 High Street, Broad Street, Delaware Street, 
 Front Street, with several of less note, too tedious to 
 insert here." 3 
 
 2 Rather named to accommodate Penn's whim. " Chestnut Street waB 
 at first called Wynne, after Dr. Thomas Wynne, of Wales, who came here 
 in the good ship ' Welcome' with William Penn. The founder had de- 
 sired his province to be called Sylvunia, but, yielding obedience to his 
 monarch's pleasure, be submitted to its being called Pennsylvania. It 
 was indeed a sylvan scene, — earth never saw a fairer, — and so, as a matter 
 of course, the streets of the city, that be doubted not was to be one of 
 the mighty ones of the world, were to be named after the trees of the 
 beautiful forest that then covered almost all of the land." — Townsend 
 Ward in Penna. May., vol. iv. p. 409: "Second Street and lite Second 
 Street Road and Uicir Associations." 
 
 3 In a note to the forty -second chapter of his" History of Philadelphia" 
 Mr. Thompson Westcott says that none of these names of lanes and alleys, 
 except Carter's Alley, is now borne by streets or alleys. " Jones' Lane 
 was the first above High Street, running from Front to Second, adjoin- 
 ing a lot of Griffith Jones. It was afterwards called Jones' Alley, then 
 Pewter Platter Alley, from the sign of a tavern once in it, then Jones' 
 Alley again, and now Church Alley. Carter's Lane, now called Carter's 
 Street, is the first below Chestnut Street. ... It was named from Wil- 
 liam Carter, owner of an adjoining lot on Second Street." . . . Hutton's 
 Lane w:is afterwards Gray's Alley, Second aoovo Walnut Street, now 
 called Gatzmer Street. Thomas Ilooton owned an adjoining lot. Tur- 
 ner's Lane, from Robert Turner, the first above Mulberry Street. Tow- 
 er's (Ewer's) Lane, above Chestnut Street, now Coombs' Alley. Morris' 
 Alley is supposed to be what is now called Gothic Streot. Sikes' Lane 
 is now Ingles' Street, and Shelter's, Flower's, and Waller's Alleys can- 
 not be assigned definite positions. According to Townsend Ward, Col. 
 Clement Biddle lived corner of Gray's Alley and Front Street; on the 
 southeast corner of Second Street and Morris Alley, where the building 
 of the Chamber of Commerce now is, Samuel Carpenter built, in 1687, 
 the slate-roof house, which stood till 1867. It was much the finest 
 houseiu the city. William Penn lived therein 1699, James Logan enter- 
 tained Lord Corubury there iu 1702, and Governor James Hamilton, Mrs, 
 
148 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 There were three fairs a year and two markets every 
 week in Philadelphia in Thomas' time. "They kill 
 above twenty fat bullocks every week in the hottest 
 time of summer, besides many sheep, calves, and hogs. 
 . . . Here is lately built a noble town-house, or guild- 
 hall, also a handsome market-house and a convenient 
 prison." 1 The large and commodious wharves are 
 also mentioned, and timber-yards, and Robert Tur- 
 ner's ship-yard. The stairs to the water's edge at 
 Carpenter's and Tressa's wharves, Carpenter's derrick, 
 granaries, and store-houses, Wilcox's rope-walk, and 
 the large breweries and bake-houses are all spoken of; 
 also the schools, the cook-shops, the paper-mill, the 
 wool-weavers, and the prosperous tradesmen. To cap 
 the climax, Thomas declares that men in Philadelphia 
 are not jealous and old maids do not exist, "for all do 
 commonly marry before they are twenty years of age." 
 Some mansions and warehouses of that day must have 
 been really handsome buildings, judging from the 
 attention they attracted. Of such were the seats of 
 Joseph Growden, in the suburbs, who had a thousand 
 
 Howell, and Mrs. Graydon were successively its occupants, the ladies 
 using it for a boarding-house. Mr. "Ward adds that " From the frequent 
 changes in the names of streets in Philadelphia one might suppose we 
 here were afflicted with a perpetual French Revolution, the main features 
 of which, since the disuse of the guillotine, being an entire change hi 
 the names of streets. But if it be not owing to French influeiicc.it may 
 be that the movement in favor of women's rights has disturbed us, since, 
 for all the world, our streets are like aparcel of school-girls, who so fre- 
 quently and so entirely change their names that their own mothers no 
 longer know them. Gothic Street was first Norris' Lane, then Norris 1 
 Alley. Gatzmer Street was Hulton's Lane, then Gray's Alley. Inglis 
 Street was Syke's Lane, then Abraham Taylor's Alley. Gold Street 
 was first New Bank Alley, then Bank Alley. Lodge Alley is lost, 
 or it is now considered a continuation of and is called Gothic Street. 
 Carter, as a name, is preserved, notwithstanding a desperate attempt to 
 change it. The alley part is lost, but the fact that Carter had made a 
 bequest to the poor of the city saved the name." 
 
 l "At the time when Gabriel Thomas wrote, in 1697, there was no 
 town-house, or guild-hall, in Philadelphia, and no market-house, and 
 the prison was a rented house. These buildings were erected in later 
 years." — Westcott, chap. xlii. There was, however, a market-place as 
 early as 1683, where butchers, etc., erected movable stalls ; these may 
 have become fixtures in the time of Thomas. In 1693 there was a bell 
 for market, which argues a belfry, and the clerk was an important officer, 
 being wood-corder as well as examiner of weights and measures. (Col- 
 onial Records, vols. i. and ii.) As to prisons, the Council proceedings 
 contain the following: 
 
 (1 ) 16th of 1 1 th Month , 1683, " Ordered, That Wm. Clay ton build a Cage, 
 againBt the next Council day, 7 foot high, 7 foot long & 5 foot broad." 
 
 (2) July 26, 1701. " Willm. Clayton, of Chichester, producing an acct. 
 of Eleven pounds eleven Shills. due to his ffather, Wm. CI., deceased, 
 for building a Cage for Malefactors in the Town of Philadelphia, at the 
 first settling of this Province, Ord'., that the Prov 1 . Treasurer discharge 
 the Said acct," 
 
 (3) 31st of March, 1684. "The Petition of Samll Hersent was read, 
 Concerning y° finishing of y° Prison. He is referred to y 8 Justices of y° 
 County Court." 
 
 (4) In 1694 the county jail was a hired building and the rent was over- 
 due. (Council proceedings, June 4, 1694.) 
 
 (5) In July, 1700, Penn in the chair, the subject of ouforcing the law 
 about work-houBes and prisons was considered in Council. A lot had 
 been already bought on Third Street, and a committee (Edw. Shippen 
 and William Clark) was appointed to "go to y° inhabitants adjacent to 
 y« prison, & to see what they & others will advance beforehand (to bo 
 deducted outt of the next County tax to be laid for building a Court 
 house) towards removing y° s J gaol & Brick wall." 
 
 (6) In 1708 it was matter of complaiut that the courts of Philadelphia 
 had to sit in "an ale-house." 
 
 apple-trees about his place, and Edward Shippen, on 
 Second Street, with its handsome grounds, gardens, 
 and orchards. 
 
 The streets have been spoken of already. They 
 were not paved until quite a late period. In 1700, 
 August 15th, during Penn's second visit, it was or- 
 dered in Council "y' the King's Highway or publiek 
 Road & the bridges y rin from y" town of Philadel- 
 phia to the falls of Delaware y' now are, be w' all 
 expedion sufficientlie cut & cleared from all timber, 
 trees & stumps of trees, Loggs, & from all other nu- 
 sances whatsoever y' Ly cross y" s d way, & y' y e same, 
 with all passages in & outt of all creeks & Branches, 
 may be made passable, Comodious, safe, and easie for 
 man, horse, cart, waggon, or team, be y e rescive (re- 
 spective) overseers of the highways and Bridges wt hm 
 the rescive precincts, townships, and Counties of 
 Philadelphia & Bucks, according to Law. And y* 
 y e respective Courts of Justice & Justices of y e peace 
 in y e s d Counties, Cause y e same be dulie p f °™ cd , & the 
 Laws in those Cases made & provided to be strictlie 
 put in execu'"', und r y e rexive penalties y rin contained, 
 & y* y e Sec rie take care to send a Copie of this ord r to 
 y e Counties of Philadelphia & Bucks respectivelie." 
 This means that the streets were all roads, and poor 
 ones at that. It took Isaac Norris' team all day to 
 carry a load from Fair Hill to Philadelphia and back, 
 yet the Germantown road was one of the earliest laid 
 out. The Swedes had no roads. They followed 
 bridle-paths on foot or on horseback, and carried 
 their freight by water. It was in 1686 that the 
 people of Philadelphia began to move for better high- 
 ways. The Schuylkill ferry monopoly was then excit- 
 ing public attention, and the Council took the whole 
 matter of thoroughfares into consideration. There 
 was a petition calling attention to the badness of the 
 way from Moyamensing to Philadelphia. It was re- 
 ferred to " y° County Court, who it's presumed has 
 power to appoynt Roads to Landing Places, to Court 
 and to Markett." In 1686, 19th of Ninth month, the 
 Council appointed R. Turner, J. Barnes, A. Cook, and 
 T. Janney, with the Surveyors of Bucks and Philadel- 
 phia Counties, to meet and lay out a more commo- 
 dious road from Broad Street to the falls of Delaware. 
 This was the Bristol road. The Germantown road 
 was at first an Indian trail to the Swedes' ford on the 
 Schuylkill and to the Susquehanna River at Octorara. 
 On 5th of Second month, 1687, the inhabitants of 
 Plymouth township petitioned for a cart-road to their 
 town. The road from Radnor to the ferry of Schuyl- 
 kill was adjusted by Council in 1687 ; a part of it had 
 been closed by fences, showing that it was not pre- 
 viously a public highway. The same had been the 
 case with the road to Bristol, the farmers fencing 
 across it and changing the bed, so that complaint 
 was made to Council that the people in Bucks County 
 were taking their grain to sell or be ground to Bur- 
 lington instead of Philadelphia. In 1689 we find 
 Robert Turner, Benjamin Chambers, and other peti- 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 149 
 
 tioners for a road from Philadelphia to Bucks County. 
 This was the beginning of the Oxford or Middle road. 
 The York road, from Cheltenham to Philadelphia, 
 was ordered in August, 1693. 1 
 
 The Old York road and the County-line road, 
 running to Moreland, were laid out in 1697, from 
 surveys made by Nicholas Skull, Susquehanna Street 
 being laid out at the same time. The Germans at 
 Germantown might be trusted to have good roads 
 and proper fences. The supervision of these seems 
 to have been the chief business of the courts there 
 from the day of its organization in 1691. 2 
 
 Besides the main road to Philadelphia the colonists 
 at Germantown built for themselves a church road, a 
 school-house road, a lime-kiln road, a paper-mill 
 road, and several smaller lanes connecting with places 
 in the. vicinity. Richard Townshend, one of the "Wel- 
 come's" passengers, built a grist-mill on the church 
 road as early as 1683. This supplied Germantown 
 and a large circle of farmers. It is still standing. 
 In 1700 Germantown had a mile of main street, lined 
 on each side with peach-trees in full bearing, and 
 each house had a fine garden. Towns such as this 
 are what have contributed so much to earn for Phila- 
 
 1 Ttie first coutrol of roads was by the courts, which appointed over- 
 seers and fence-viewers, the grand jury laying out the roads; in 1692 
 the coutrol of roads was given to the townships, and this lasted until 
 the adoption of a general road law. 
 
 2 The apportionment of lots in Geruiautowu was made in the cave of 
 Pastorius, October, 1673. Pastorius then built himself a small cabin in 
 Philadelphia, thirty by fifteen feet. ThiB was the house that had the 
 oiled-paper windows, and the Latin motto that made Penn laugh. In 
 lGS. r j Germantown was finally laid off, the settlement then comprising 
 twelve families, forty -one persons in all. Then the Germantown was be- 
 gun with a main street sixty feet wide. This street was marked along the 
 Indian trail spoken of, and it must have run through very thick woods, 
 for It is recorded that as late as 1717 a bear climbed over the fence into 
 James Logan's garden at Stenton, between Philadelphia and German- 
 town. In 1691, when the Germantown Germans were naturalized, there 
 were sixty-four males and heads of families in the town. Theirdesceud- 
 ants are many of them still in the neighborhood, but the names have 
 changed materially in spelling: Op de Graefif is Updegraff; Conderts, 
 Conrad ; Schumacher, Shoemaker; Kittinghuyseii, Uittenhouso;Strepers, 
 Streeper; Souplie, Supplee; Scherker, Terkes; Tissen, Tyson ; Lucken, 
 Lukens; Klever, Cleaver; Kurlis, Collies; Cassels, Castle; Kestner, 
 Castner; Backer, Baker, etc. In the same way the names of the origi- 
 nal Welsh settlers at Merion and elsewhere have broken down and 
 become modern English surnames. "Ap"for son of has either disap- 
 peared or been blended with the succeeding word, so that Ap Humphrey 
 becomes Pumphrey ; Ap Howell, Powell ; Ap Bees, Price, and Ap Hugh, 
 Pugh Ap John is converted into John's, Johns, or Jones ; Ap Edward, 
 Edwards; Ap William, Williams ; Ap Robert, Roberts. Ap Owen be- 
 comes Bowen, and ApEvan,Bevan. The words designating a man by 
 his physical peculiarities, however, have not much changed, — Wynn, 
 Winn, Gwynn still means fair, and is still in use; so also are Lloyd, 
 brown, or gray, Gougb (goch), red, and Vaughan (vychan),the younger, 
 or little one. The Pennsylvania Railroad Company has carefully pre- 
 served the old Welsh names in some of its stations, as Wynnewood, 
 Bryn Mawr, etc., but the owners of those original names have suffered 
 them to be corrupted. Thus Civm has turned into Combe, Ghjnde is 
 Lind.and Gro"-oryn sinks into Coburn. But More (great), Gregg (hoarse), 
 Balloch (speckle-face), Doe (black), Grimm (strong) remain unchanged. 
 Cradnck is an ancient corruption of Caradoc, Chowne is from Chun, 
 Mryrick and Merrick from Mairric, the source also of Meredith. 
 Madoc is turned into Maddox. Pocock and Bocock are from the Welsh 
 Bochoij (puffy-cheeked); Davy, Daffy, Dawes, Dawkina, Taffy, Davison, 
 are all Welsh forms of David, or Davids (Ap David). The name Pye is 
 a corruption of Ap Hugh. 
 
 delphia the reputation of having more beautiful sub- 
 urbs than any other large city in America. 
 
 Precisely what sort of houses were built by the first 
 settlers in Philadelphia may be known with satisfac- 
 tory exactness from the contemporary records. In 
 Penn's tract of " Information and Direction to such 
 Persons as are inclined to America" we have a de- 
 scription of such houses, and we may assume that the 
 " Welcome's" passengers erected exactly such struc- 
 tures during their probationary period of cave life or 
 hut life in the wilderness. The dimensions given are 
 almost those of the house of Pastorius: "To build 
 them an House of thirty foot long and eighteen foot 
 broad with a partition near the middle, and another 
 to divide one end of the House into two small Rooms, 
 there must be eight Trees of about sixteen inches 
 square, and cut off to Posts of about fifteen foot long, 
 which the House must stand upon, and four pieces, 
 two of thirty foot long and two of eighteen foot long, 
 for Plates, which must lie upon the top of these Posts, 
 the whole length and breadth of the House, for the 
 Gists (joists) to rest upon. There must be ten Gists 
 of twenty foot long to bear the Loft, and two false 
 Plates of thirty foot long to lie upon the ends of the 
 Gists for the Rafters to be fixed upon, twelve pare of 
 Rafters of about twenty foot to bear the Roof of the 
 House, with several other small pieces, as Wind- 
 beams, Braces, Studs, &c, which are made out of the 
 Waste Timber. For covering the House, Ends and 
 Sides, and for the Loft we use Clabboard, which is 
 Rived feather-edged, of five foot and a half long, 3 
 that, well Drawn, lyes close and smooth : The Lodg- 
 ing Room may be lined with the same, and filled up 
 between, which is very Warm. These houses usually 
 endure ten years without repair." The cost of such 
 a house is given as follows: Carpenter's work (the 
 owner and his servants assisting), £7 ; a barn of the 
 same dimensions, £5; nails and other things to finish 
 both, £3 10s. ; total for house and barn, £15 10s. These 
 houses had dirt floors, clapboard floors for garret. 
 Oldmixon copies these directions verbatim in his 
 description of the houses of the first settlers. The 
 directions, however, are very incomplete ; no provis- 
 ions are made for doors, windows, or chimneys. Of 
 the latter these houses had but one, built outside the 
 gable of the sitting-room, sometimes of stone, some- 
 times of clay and sticks, sometimes of wood only. 
 The doors could be made of riven stuff, of course, 
 with deer-skin hinges and wooden latch and bar, and 
 the windows could be closed with clapboard shutters. 
 A large fireplace was needed, with a stone hearth ; 
 the table could be made of hewn stuff, resting on 
 puncheons driven into the ground, and blocks, stools, 
 and benches would answer for seats. Rude wooden 
 bedsteads or berths could be contrived along the walls, 
 and a few bear-skins, with the bedclothes brought over 
 
 3 " Feather-edged," with 
 are made. 
 
 r than the other, as shinglei 
 
150 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 by every emigrant, would make them warm. The 
 other furniture would comprise chiefly kitchen uten- 
 sils; pork fat, whale or sturgeon oil, and pine knots 
 or " light wood" would give all the artificial light 
 needed. 
 
 Iron articles were most costly and hardest to get. 
 Edward Jones, at Merion, writes in August, 1682, for 
 nails, sixpennies and eightpennies ; for mill-iron, an 
 iron kettle for his wife, and shoes, all of which he 
 says are dear ; " iron is about two and thirty or forty 
 shillings a hundred; steel about Is. 5d. per pound." 
 Iu Penn's "Directions" he recommends colonists to 
 bring out with them, in the way of utensils and goods, 
 " English Woollen and German Linen, or ordinary 
 Broad-Clothes, Kereseys, Searges, Norwich-Stuffs, 
 some Duffels, Cottons and Stroud-waters for the Na- 
 tives, and White and Blew Ozenburgs [Osnaburgs] , 
 Shoes and Stockings, Buttons, Silk, Thread, Iron 
 Ware, especially Felling Axes, Hows, Indian Hows, 
 Saws, Frows [frowers, for splitting shingles], Drawing 
 Knives, Nails, but of 6d. and Sd. a treble quantity, 
 because they use them in shingling or covering of 
 Houses." For the first year's stock for a farm he 
 advises " three milch cows, with young calves by 
 their sides, £10 ; yoke of oxen, £8 ; Brood mare, £5 ; 
 two young Sows and a Boar, £1 10s., — in all £24." 
 For first year's provisions : Eight bushels of Indian 
 corn per capita, and five bushels of English wheat, for 
 five persons, £8 7s. dd. ; two barrels of molasses (for 
 beer), £3 ; beef and pork, 120 pounds per head, at 2d. 
 per pound, £5 ; five gallons spirits at 2s. per gallon, 
 10s. Three hands, with a little help from the woman 
 and boy, can plant and tend 20,000 hills of corn 
 (planted four feet each way, there are 2717 hills to an 
 acre, or seven and one-third acres to the whole num- 
 ber of hills), and they may sow eight acres of spring 
 wheat and oats, besides raising peas, potatoes, and 
 garden stuff. The expected yield will be 400 bushels 
 of corn, 120 bushels of oats and wheat, etc. These 
 calculations were moderate for a virgin soil, free from 
 vermin. Dr. More, in his letter to Penn in Septem- 
 ber, 1686, says, "I have had seventy ears of Rye 
 upon one single root, proceeding from one single corn ; 
 forty-five of Wheat ; eighty of Oats; ten, twelve, and 
 fourteen of Barley out of one Corn. I took the curi- 
 osity to tell one of the twelve Ears from one Grain, 
 and there was in it forty-five grains on that ear ; above 
 three thousand of oats from one single corn, and 
 some I had that had much more, but it would seem 
 a Romance rather than a Truth if I should speak 
 what I have seen in these things." 
 
 A better class of houses than these clapboard ones 
 with dirt floors were soon built. Indeed, the old log 
 houses of the Swedes were more comfortable, espec- 
 ially when built like that of Sven Seners' at Coa- 
 quannoc, with a first story of stone and the super- 
 structure of logs. A well-built log house, on a stone 
 foundation, well filled in with bricks or stone and 
 mortar, and ceiled inside with planking like a ship, 
 
 makes the dryest, warmest, and most durable country- 
 house that can be built. But in Philadelphia the set- 
 tlers immediately began to burn bricks, and construct 
 houses of them, often with a timber framework, in 
 the old Tudor cottage style. This sort of building 
 went on rapidly as soon as limestone began to be 
 quarried and burnt. In Penn's " Farther Account," 
 etc. (1685), he mentions the fact that he had built his 
 brick house (probably the one in Letitia Court) in a 
 good style and fashion " to incourage others, and that 
 from building with wood," and he adds that "many 
 have Brick Houses are now going up, with good cel- 
 lars." He enumerates houses built by Arthur Cook, 
 William Frampton, John Wheeler, the two brick- 
 makers, Samuel Carpenter, John Test, N. Allen, and 
 John Day, on Front Street chiefly. All these houses 
 have balconies, he says. Pastorius is burning bricks 
 at Germantown ; Carpenter has a kiln for shell-lime 
 on his wharf; a large plain brick house, in the cen- 
 tre, 60 feet by 40, is erecting for a meeting-house ; 
 another of the same dimensions on the river front or 
 bank is also building for an evening meeting. 
 
 This better class of houses was of course, more 
 elaborately furnished. It may be noticed that in 
 John Goodson's directory cabinet-makers and other 
 workmen in furniture and interior movables are men- 
 tioned, but all the first settlers must have brought or 
 imported their furniture from Europe. It was stiff 
 and heavy, scarcely anticipating that slim and spind- 
 ling style which came in with the next English sov- 
 ereign, and has recently been revived with an ex- 
 travagance of pursuit seldom exhibited except in 
 bric-a-brac hunters and opera-bouffe artistes. As yet 
 not much mahogany and rosewood were used by the 
 Northern nations (except the Dutch), but good solid 
 oak, well-carved, and walnut were the favorite woods. 
 There were great chests of drawers, massive buffets, 
 solid tables, with flaps and wings, straight-back oak 
 chairs, well-carved, leathern-seated chairs, studded 
 with brass nails, and tall Dutch clocks. Much of the 
 table furniture was pewter or common delf ware ; 
 brass and copper served in the kitchen, where now 
 tin is used. Wood was the only fuel, and the fire- 
 places, enormously capacious, had great iron dogs in 
 them, to which, in winter-time, the back-log was often 
 dragged by a yoke of oxen with the log-chain. Cranes 
 and hooks, suspended in these fireplaces, held pots 
 for the boiling, and the roasting was done on spits or 
 upon "jacks," which dogs had to turn. The bread 
 was baked in a brick oven usually outside the house, 
 and the minor baking in " Dutch ovens," set upon 
 and covered over with beds of red-hot coals. In the 
 family part of the house the brass andirons and tongs 
 and fender made the fire-glow upon the deep hearth 
 look doubly cheerful. The Quakers did not use 
 stoves until Benjamin Franklin inveigled them into 
 it with that simulacrum of an open fireplace called 
 the Franklin stove. The Swedes scarcely had chim- 
 neys, much less stoves, but the Germans early im- 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 151 
 
 ported the great porcelain stoves, which they were 
 familiar with at home, and which they used until 
 Christopher Saur, the Germantown printer, invented 
 the ten-plate stove, for which lovers of the beautiful 
 will scarcely know how to forgive him. All well-to- 
 do families had good store of linen for bed clothes, 
 blankets, etc.; the washing was not done often, and 
 the chests of drawers were filled with homespun. 
 Especially was this the case among the German set- 
 tlers, who scarcely washed up the soiled house and 
 person wear more than once in a quarter. It was the 
 pride and test of a good housewife to have more linen 
 made up than she knew what to do with, and this 
 continues to be the case even to-day in Berks, York, 
 and Lancaster Counties. 1 It is noteworthy that the 
 Germans built their houses with one chimney, in the 
 centre of the building, the English with a chimney 
 at each end, and this distinction was so commonly 
 marked as to attract the attention of travelers. 2 In 
 their bedroom furniture the Germans substituted the 
 " feather deck" for the blanket, — more majorum, — and 
 this uncomfortable covering is still retained. 
 
 In the houses the floors down-stairs were sanded. 
 There were no carpets as yet, not even home-made ones, 
 and the Germans have not been using these for a 
 hundred years. William Penn had no carpets in his 
 Pennsbury Manor house. The large, heavy tables in 
 the dining and living rooms of the early homes 
 groaned with plenty, and the great pewter dishes 
 were piled high. The people worked hard, and they 
 did not stint themselves. The Swedes, Germans, and 
 Quakers were all of them hearty feeders, and they 
 liked gross food. No dread of dyspepsia limited their 
 dishes; they had abundance and enjoyed it. Only 
 a few men of English habits and fond of port, brandy, 
 and madeira, like Capt. Markham, ever had the gout. 3 
 The rivers teemed with fish, and the Quakers early 
 learned the virtues and delicious flavor of the shad, 
 broiled on a plank at one side the fireplace, while a 
 johnny-cake browned on another plank at the other 
 side of the fire. Penn grew so fond of these that in 
 1686 he wrote to Harrison to send him some " smoakt 
 haunches of venison and pork. Gett them of the 
 Sweeds. Some smoakt shadd and beef. The oldpriest 
 at Philadelphia (Fabricius) had rare shadd. Also 
 some peas and beans of that country." Richard 
 Townshend, in 1682, says that the first year colonists 
 almost lived on fish, of which great quantities were 
 
 1 In a clever little volume, published in 1873, called " Pennsylvania 
 Dutch and other Essays," we read of one extremely provideut and fore- 
 handed damsel, who had a bureau full of linen shirts and other clothes 
 ready made up for her future husband, whom she was yet to meet, and 
 whose measure she could, of course, only guess at, by assuming that the 
 right man, when he did come, would be of the size and figure she had 
 in her mind's eye in cutting out the garments. 
 
 - Schoepf*e " Keise Durch Ponusylvanien,"1783, quoted by I. D. Hupp, 
 notes to Dr. Rush's pamphlet on "Manners of the Germans in Pennsyl- 
 
 3 In Governor Fletch 
 Markham's house beca' 
 Klf tcher wanted a full attetnla 
 
 time the Council adjourned to meet again in 
 the gout prevented him from going out, and 
 
 caught, the winter being an open one, and venison, — 
 " We could buy a deer for about two shillings, and a 
 large turkey for about one shilling, and Indian corn 
 for about two shillings and sixpence per bushel." 
 Six rockfish or six shad could be bought for a shilling ; 
 oysters two shillings a bushel, herrings one shilling 
 and sixpence per hundred. Sturgeon were caught 
 for food, and also for the oil they supplied. The 
 Delaware and the Schuylkill and adjacent pools and 
 marshes were the resort of myriads of wild-fowl, 
 from swan and geese down to rail and reed birds. 
 As soon as the settlers became established, the flesh ' 
 of all domesticated animals was cheap in the mar- 
 kets. Every family kept its own cows, made its own 
 butter and cheese, salted, cured, and smoked its own 
 bacon, beef, herring, shad, venison, and mutton. 
 The smoke-house, dairy, and poultry-house were ap- 
 pendages to all town houses, and most of them had 
 their own vegetable gardens likewise. It was the 
 custom then, and remained so until long after the be- 
 ginning of the present century, for every house to be 
 provisioned as if to stand a siege. The cellars had 
 great bins for potatoes and other roots and apples ; 
 there were tiers of barrels of fresh cider and casks 
 for vinegar to ripen in, and in a locked recess were 
 usually some casks of madeira, sherry, port, rum, 
 brandy, gin, etc., for the master and his guests, with 
 marsala and malaga for the women and children. 
 There was an astonishing amount of drinking going 
 on all the time; all drank something, if it was only 
 ale or small beer. The pantry and store-house of 
 the mistress was for use, not ornament. Her barrels 
 of saur-kraut were in the cellar, her firkins of apple- 
 butter occupied the ample garret, along with strings 
 of onions, hampers of dried peaches and apples, and 
 great bundles of dried herbs; but in the store-room 
 the deep-bottomed shelf was ranged around with gray 
 stone jars of large capacity, filled with pickles, the 
 shelf above it marshaled a battalion of glass jars of 
 preserves of every sort, and the upper shelves bent under 
 the weight of bottles filled with sauces andsrubs, and 
 " bounce" and ketchups, and soys, cordials, lavender, 
 aromatic vinegars, and a hundred deft contrivances 
 to tickle the palate, and deprave all stomachs but 
 such as those of these hardy toilers in the open air. 
 
 The gardens yielded all the common vegetables, 
 and people who ate so largely of salted meats and fish 
 required much vegetable food and many sweets and 
 acids to protect them from scorbutic affections. 
 Onions, turnips, cabbage, potatoes were supplemented 
 with the more delicate vegetables known in Germany, 
 The Indians supplied the colonists with their first 
 peas, beans, and squashes, taught them how to boil 
 mush, to pound hominy, to roast the tender ears of 
 corn, and prepare the delightful succotash. Much 
 pastry was used, many sweetmeats and pickles, but 
 not very high seasoning. At table, until tea and 
 coffee became regular articles of diet with all classes, 
 cider and the small beers of domestic brewing were 
 
152 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 served without stint at every meal. In winter the 
 heers were sweetened, spiced, warmed, and drunk for 
 possets. Wines did not appear except upon the tables 
 of the well-to-do, but rum and spirits were in every 
 house, and all took their morning and noon drams in 
 some shape or other. The effects of alcohol were 
 neutralized by the active outdoor life all led, and by 
 the quantities of coarse food taken at every meal. 
 In the journal of William Black, who was in Phila- 
 delphia in 1744, 1 it is made to appear among the 
 duties of hospitality to be treating to something or 
 other every hour in the "day. This young fellow 
 either had a very strong head, or alcohol did not 
 make the same impression upon the strong, healthy 
 frame of the youth of that day which it does upon 
 modern effeminate men. There was bread, cider, 
 and punch for lunch, rum and brandy before dinner, 
 punch, madeira, port, and sherry at dinner, bounce 
 and liqueurs with the ladies, and wine and spirits ad 
 libitum till bedtime. The party are welcomed too 
 with a bowl of fine lemon punch big enough to have 
 "swimm'd half a dozen young geese." After five or 
 six glasses of this " poured down our throats," they 
 rode to the Governor's house, were introduced and 
 taken into another room, " where we was presented 
 with a glass of wine," and it was punch, spirits, or 
 "a few glasses of wine" wherever they went during 
 their stay, his friends being, as he says, as liberal with 
 their good wine " as an apple-tree of its fruit on a 
 windy day in the month of July." 
 
 The dress of the people of Philadelphia in the early 
 days of which we write was simple, plain, but not 
 formal as that of the Quakers subsequently became. 
 The country people, for their ordinary wear, made 
 much use of serviceable leather doublets and breeches, 
 woolen waistcoats, felt hats, heavy shoes with leather 
 leggings, or else boots. They wore stout flannel next 
 to the skin in winter, rough coats, and many woolen 
 wraps about the throat ; in summer, coarse Osnaburgs 
 and home-made linens. All wore wigs, and the dress 
 suits of cloth or camlet were brave with buttons, 
 braid, and buckles, silk stockings and embroidered 
 waistcoats, gold-laced hats and fine lace ruffles and 
 cravats. .Gentlemen wore their small swords; work- 
 men and laborers either dressed in leather, druggets, 
 serge, fustian, or lockram, or else in Osnaburgs. 
 Common women and servants wore linen and do- 
 mestics, linseys and calicoes ; on their heads a hood 
 or quilted bonnet, heavy shoes, home-knit stockings 
 of thread or yarn, petticoats and short gowns, with a 
 handkerchief pinned about the shoulders. The ladies 
 had of course more brilliant and varied wardrobes; 
 the hat was high-crowned, the hair much dressed ; 
 stomachers and corsage long and stiff; much cambric 
 about the neck and bosom, much gimp, ribbon, and 
 
 1 Black was a young Virginian, secretary of the 
 pointed l>y Governor Gooch, of Virginia, to unite with those of Penn- 
 sylvania and Maryland to treat with the Six Nations in 1744. His diary 
 has been published in the Pernio. Hayuzine, vol. i. 
 
 galloon; silk or satin petticoats, and dainty shoes 
 and stockings. A friend in 1697 sent Phineas Pem- 
 berton's wife "an alamode hood," and the ladies 
 would contrive always to have something " a la 
 mode." In the inventory of Christopher Taylor's 
 estate are enumerated " a baratine body, stomacher, 
 and petticoat, cambric kerchiefs, and forehead cloths." 
 In that of John Moon were a "fine Brussels camlet 
 petticoat, a yellow silk mantle, silk band and sash, 
 silk and satin caps, hoods, lute-strings, white silk 
 hoods." William Stanley's store had for sale " frieze, 
 serge, broadcloth, Holland linen, yellow, green, and 
 black calicoes, satins, lute-strings, tabby, silk plush, 
 ribbon, striped petticoats, phillimot, ferret, flowered 
 silks, thread laces, gimps, whalebones, galloons." Le- 
 titia Penn did not disdain to buy finery in Philadel- 
 phia, — caps, buckles, a watch, and other goldsmith's 
 articles. There was not a great amount of luxury, 
 however, nor much plate nor display of fine articles. 
 The people's habits were simple. They were all in- 
 dustrious, ploddingly so, and the laws and sentiment 
 and temper of the influential classes frowned equally 
 upon display and extravagance. The wild youth, the 
 sailors and laborers sometimes broke bounds, but the 
 curb was in their mouths and they were soon reined 
 up. 
 
 The population seemed to realize that they had 
 their fortunes to make, and that good pay and great 
 industrial opportunities made idleness and loose, ex- 
 travagant living inexcusable. Wages were compar- 
 atively high, labor was respectable and respected, 
 and no community has ever exceeded, in rapidity 
 and symmetry of industrial development, the prog- 
 ress made by Philadelphia and its environs during 
 the first twenty years of the town's existence. In 
 1689 there were ten vessels sent to the West Indies 
 freighted with produce of the province, and the same 
 year fourteen cargoes of tobacco were exported. In 
 1698 the river-front abounded with the conveniences 
 and facilities requisite for an extensive commerce, 
 and for building and repairing vessels, as well as 
 loading and unloading them. Ship carpenters earned 
 five and six shillings a day in wages, and on that pay 
 would soon save money. The trade to the West Indies 
 and Brazil consisted of horses and other live-stock, 
 provisions, staves, etc. The vessels themselves were 
 sold with their cargoes, and every one might have 
 his little venture in a traffic which paid double 
 the investment on each risk. Thus the ship carpen- 
 ter, who laid by one day's wages a week, could, in a 
 month or two, be trading to the Indies so as to give 
 him £50 or £60 clear money at the end of a year, 
 and that would buy him a farm, build him a house, 
 or give him a share in some vessel on the stocks. In 
 ten years he could become a capitalist, as many of 
 his trade did so become. The timber of the Susque- 
 hanna and Delaware was sometimes sent across the 
 ocean in hugeraftships, rigged with sails and manned 
 by regular crews. We read of one of these, the 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 153 
 
 "Baron Renfrew," measuring five thousand tons, 
 which arrived safely in the Downs. 
 
 Mills were established rapidly under the proprie- 
 tary government. Perm had two on the Schuylkill. 
 Richard Townshend had one at Chester, and one on 
 Church Creek in 1683. The Society of Free Traders 
 had a saw-mill and a glass-house in Philadelphia the 
 same year. The saw-mills still could not meet the 
 demand for lumber, and in 1698 hand-sawyers were 
 paid six and seven shillings per hundred for sawing 
 pine boards ; in 1705, ten shillings. Shingles in 1698 
 sold for ten shillings per thousand; hemlock "cul- 
 lings," ten shillings per hundred ; timber, six shil- 
 lings per ton. Printz's grist-mill- on the Karakung 
 was soon duplicated after the proprietary government 
 took possession. Pastorius says the colony had mills 
 enough ; the Frankford Company had established 
 several as early as 1686. In 1698, Thomas Parsons 
 had a mill at Frankford, and Richard 
 Dungworth one in Oxford township. In 
 that same year the Darby Creek was 
 lined with corn- and fulling-mills, doing 
 superior work. 1 Garrett Rittenhouse had 
 a grist-mill on Cresheim Creek in 1697, 
 and the Robesons at the same time had 
 one at Roxborough, on the Wissahickon. 
 There were mills on the Pennypack be- 
 fore this, and some of these large mills 
 added to their profits by having bakeries 
 connected, where ship-bread was baked in 
 quantities for sea-going vessels. 
 
 We have already spoken of the early 
 manufacture of bricks. The Swedes' 
 Church at Wicaco, still standing, was 
 built of brick in 1700. The first Proprie- 
 tary Assembly at Upland was held in a 
 brick house, but these bricks were prob- 
 ably imported. The first Quaker meet- 
 ing-house in Philadelphia was of brick, 
 built in 1684. Robert Turner's brick house, Front 
 and Arch Streets, was built in 1685, and Daniel 
 Pegg's, Front and Green, the same year. Penn tried 
 to get this house for an executive mansion. An- 
 thony Morris had a large brew-house at Dock Creek 
 in 1697. Penn's brew-house atPennsbury, still stand- 
 ing, was built before his mansion. Penn, Dr. More, 
 and several others of the first settlers made strong 
 efforts to improve native grapes, introduce the exotic 
 grape and manufacture wine. They had wine made 
 of fox-grape juice, and fancied it was as good as claret. 
 Penn set out a vineyard at Springettsbury, and had a 
 French vigneron to tend it. The experiment failed) 
 however, and was abandoned before Penn's second 
 visit. Pastorius was deceived also, and wrote to Ger- 
 many for a supply of wine-barrels, which, however, he 
 never filled, unless with cider or peach-brandy. No 
 wonder Penn wanted to make wine at home, — his 
 
 province imported four hundred thousand gallons of 
 rum and sixty thousand gallons of wine a year, 
 costing over fifty thousand pounds annually. 
 
 Penn's leading object in establishing fairs in Phil- 
 adelphia and the province was to promote industrial 
 enterprises. At the first fair in 1686 only ten dollars 
 worth of goods was sold. There was no money in 
 Philadelphia, and exchanges could not be made. 
 The fairs were held twice a year, three days each in 
 May and November. These gatherings became very 
 popular, and led to license and riot, races, gambling, 
 and drunkenness, such as made the strict Quakers 
 groan. Numerous complaints were recorded against 
 them in the courts and proceedings of Council and 
 Assembly, and they were finally suppressed, as sup- 
 porters of vice and immorality, in 1783. Another 
 plan of Penn's was to offer prizes for superior work 
 in manufactures. In 1686, Abraham Op den Graaffe, 
 
 PENN'S OLD BREW-HOUSE, NEAR BRISTOL, BUCKS COUNTY. 
 
 of Germantown, petitioned Council to grant him the 
 Governor's premium for " the first and finest piece 
 of linen cloth." About the same time Wigart Lev- 
 ering, one of the Germantown colonists, began weav- 
 ing in Roxborough. Matthew Houlgate, in 1698, 
 bought property in the same township, and began 
 a fulling-mill on the Wissahickon. The price in 
 1688 for spinning worsted and linen was two shil- 
 lings per pound ; knitting heavy yarn stockings, half 
 a crown per pair. Wool-combers received twelve 
 pence per pound ; linen-weavers twelve pence per 
 yard of stuff half a yard wide; journeyman tailors 
 were paid twelve shillings a week and "their diet." 
 There were several tailors early set up in Philadel- 
 phia, one of whom, Charles Blackman, did work for 
 Governor Penn. The domestic manufactures of the 
 day in linen and woolen wear supplied a large part 
 of family wants. Fabrics were coarse but serviceable ; 
 and the women of the household, after the men had 
 broke and hackled the flax and sheared the sheep, 
 
154 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 did all the subsequent work of carding, spinning, 
 weaving, bleaching, and dyeing. While wages were 
 good, the clothes of apprentices and laborers were not 
 expensive. Leather shoes with brass buckles and 
 wooden heels lasted as long almost as leather breeches 
 and aprons. Hemp and flax Osnaburgs, dyed blue, 
 cost only a shilling or one and sixpence per yard, 
 and a felt or wool hat and two or three pairs of 
 coarse yarn stockings were good for two seasons. 
 Wealthy people, who wore imported velvets, satins, 
 silks, and nankeens, however, had to pay extrava- 
 gant prices for them, and the cost of a fashionable 
 outfit often exceeded the money value of an eligible 
 farm. The rapid increase of their " bestial" not only 
 gave the Pennsylvania planters a valuable line of 
 exports, but also early encouraged the manufacture 
 of leather. Penn and the Society of Free Traders 
 established a tannery in Philadelphia in 1783, and 
 it was well supplied both with bark and hides. 
 Leather was in general use for articles of clothing, 
 such as are now made of other goods. Penn him- 
 self wore leather stockings, for which he paid twenty- 
 two shillings a pair. In 1695 the exportation of 
 dressed and undressed deer-skins was prohibited, in 
 order to promote their utilization at home. Paw 
 hides cost one and a half pennies per pound, while 
 leather sold for twelve pence. A fat cow went to the 
 butcher for three pounds, while beef sold for from 
 three to four and a half pence per pound, a profit of 
 over one hundred per cent, to butcher and tanner. 
 But land was cheap, the Barbadoes market was 
 always ready to pay well for cattle on the hoof, and 
 these things secured good wages for labor in the 
 mechanic arts. Curriers, who paid twenty pence a 
 gallon for their oil, received three shillings and four 
 pence a hide for dressing leather. Journeymen 
 shoemakers were paid two shillings a pair for men's 
 and women's shoes, and last-makers got ten shillings 
 a dozen for lasts ; heel-makers two shillings a dozen 
 for wooden heels. Men's shoes sold for six shillings 
 sixpence, and women's for five shillings per pair. 
 In 1699 there were two tanneries, Hudson's and 
 Lambert's, in Philadelphia, in "the swamp," on 
 Dock Creek. Great skill and taste were displayed 
 in the various makes of "white leather," soft leather, 
 and buckskin for domestic wear, a branch of manu- 
 factures taken up by the Swedes in imitation of the 
 Indians. 
 
 The mineral wealth of Pennsylvania, suspected by 
 the Swedes, began to be revealed very early to the 
 primitive settlers under the proprietary government. 
 A Dutch colony is claimed to have worked iron in 
 the Minnesink long before Penn came over, but there 
 is nothing but tradition in regard to these pioneers. 
 Penn wrote to Lord Keeper North, in 1683, that 
 copper and iron had been found in divers places in 
 the province. Gabriel Thomas speaks of the exist- 
 ence of iron-stone richer and less drossy than that of 
 England ; the copper, he says, " far exceeding ours, 
 
 being richer, finer, and of a more glorious color." 
 These "finds" were in Chester County, the seat of 
 the earliest iron-works in the province. Thomas also 
 mentions limestone, lodestone, isinglass, asbestos, and 
 amianthus. Blacksmiths earned high wages ; one is 
 mentioned who, with his negroes, by working up old 
 iron at sixpence per pound, earned fifty shillings a 
 day. All the contemporary writers speak of the 
 heavy charges for smith-work, though there was no 
 horseshoeing to be done. Silversmiths got half a 
 crown or three shillings per ounce for working up 
 silver, "and for gold, equivalent." There was a fur- 
 nace and forges at Durham, in Bucks, before the 
 eighteenth century set in. 
 
 Where there was so much hand-work done, and so 
 many things to be accomplished by mere manual 
 labor, there was naturally not much call nor room 
 for brain-work. The habits of the Swedes, the system 
 and culture of the Society of Friends were not par- 
 ticularly favorable to intellectual growth nor to edu- 
 cation. Many more scholars, wits, and learned men 
 came to Pennsylvania in the first two generations 
 than went out of it. The learned Swedish pastors 
 were exotics, and their successors, from Campanius 
 to Collins, had to be imported from the mother- 
 country. They did not grow up in the Delaware 
 country. Nor did Penn's "wooden country" (as 
 Samuel Keimer, Franklin's odd companion at the 
 case, calls it) produce any parallels or equals to the 
 university scholars who, like Penn, the Lloyds, Logan, 
 Growden, Shippen, Nicholas and John More, Pas- 
 torius, Wynne, White, Guest, Mompesson, and others, 
 devoted their talents and learning to the service of 
 the infant commonwealth. There is some truth in 
 the satire of Eufus Choate when he toasted Pennsyl- 
 vania's two greatest men, " One born in New Eng- 
 land, and the other in Old England." Penn himself, 
 it was alleged in Council, on the trial of Bradford for 
 the unlicensed printing of the charter and laws (a 
 work which he was instigated to by Judge Growden), 
 had taken the Virginia Governor Berkeley's rule for 
 his pattern, and wished to discourage publications of 
 all sorts. The learned and elegant professions indeed 
 were not well nurtured in Pennsylvania's early days. 
 In Goodson's inventory of occupations the "chirur- 
 gion" was put down between the barbers and the 
 staymakers. Gabriel Thomas shows that the pro- 
 fessions were contemned. " Of Lawyers and Phy- 
 sicians," he observes, "I shall say nothing, because 
 this Country is very Peaceable and Healthy ; long 
 may it so continue and never have occasion for the 
 Tongue of the one or the Pen of the other, both 
 equally destructive to men's Estates and Lives." 
 Where the sole source of Divinity was "the Inner 
 Light," cultivated persons were not to be looked for 
 in the ministry ; education was rather esteemed a 
 hindrance than a help to the free and perfect ex- 
 pression of inspiration. It was a '"snare" and a 
 "device," like the steeple on the church's tower, the 
 
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 155 
 
 stained glass in its windows, like .the organ in the 
 choir, and the gowns and also the salaries and bene- 
 fices of the clergymen. 
 
 Bradford was driven out of Philadelphia more by 
 the indifference of its people to the sort of work he 
 chose to make his living by than on account of pros- 
 ecution and intolerance. He did not care how active 
 hostilities were against him, being a belligerent him- 
 self, but apathy was something which baffled him. 
 He printed all that offered; he made work for him- 
 self, yet could not get enough to do to support him. 
 The little printing he did outside of official matters, 
 forms, briefs, and almanacs, was chiefly polemical, 
 acrid as the exudations of the toad, and dry enough 
 to reduce a proof-reader's brains to pumice-stone. No 
 man of Bradford's energetic and volatile tempera- 
 ment could oscillate between John Burnyeat's " Epis- 
 tles" and George Keith's "Serious Appeal" and 
 live. Bradford stood it for eight years and then fled. 
 He did some good work while in the province. His 
 Kalendarium Pennsilvaniense shows that a man's in- 
 dividuality may impress itself even upon an almanac. 
 This, the earliest book printed in the province, came 
 out late in 1685 as the calendar of the coming year. 
 It has all the features of such works, with a touch of 
 Bradford throughout. His chronology begins with 
 the Noachian deluge, " 3979 years before the almanac," 
 and the building of London, " 2793 years before the 
 almanac," and concludes with " the beginning of 
 government here by the Lord Penn five years before 
 the almanac." And Council forced him to blot over 
 his " Lord" Penn with a full-inked " three M quad." 
 Bradford published the poem of Richard Frame, 
 which has been quoted from on a preceding page. 
 He published one Burlington and two Philadelphia 
 almanacs, a good many broadsides and tracts, "The 
 Temple of Wisdom for the Little World," which con- 
 tains (a proof of the printer's taste) Bacon's Essays 
 and Thomas Quarles' Emblems, proposals for print- 
 ing the Bible, large copy, by subscription, a number 
 of Keith's offensive diatribes, several papers by Gers- 
 hom Bulkeley on the Connecticut Charter, several 
 tracts in answer to Keith, and an anti-slavery poem 
 attacking Samuel Jennings. Bradford went to New 
 York in 1693, to be succeeded after some years by 
 Reynier Jansen, who is thought to have been the 
 first printer's apprentice. 
 
 There is really as little to say about the doctors and 
 lawyers of the province as Thomas allows. The 
 Dutch Annals mention a surgeon of the name of Jan 
 Oosting, another, William Van Rasenberg, who was 
 called indifferently barber and surgeon, and Everts 
 and Arent Pietersen. These three in three years 
 received government pay to the amount of two thou- 
 sand seven hundred and eighty-eight florins as phy- 
 sicians and "comforters of the sick." 1 In the our- 
 nal of Sluyter and Dankers, Otto Ernest Cock is 
 
 1 Wentcott's History of Philadelphia, chuji. lii. 
 
 called a physician, or rather " a late medicus." In 
 addition to Drs. Thomas Wynne, Griffith Owen, 
 and Nicholas More, John Goodson was also a phy- 
 sician under Penn's government, and so was Edward 
 Jones, founder of Merion, and son-in-law of Dr. 
 Wynne. Dr. John Le Pierre, who was reputed to be 
 an alchemist, came over about the same time as Penn. 
 Dr. More did not practice his profession in the col- 
 ony, but Griffith Owen was a regular physician from 
 the date of his arrival. There were several other 
 " chirurgions" among the " first purchasers," but it 
 is not ascertained that any of them immigrated to the 
 province. Doctors could not be well dispensed with, 
 since, in addition to colds, consumptions, and constant 
 malarial disorders, the province was visited by three 
 or four severe epidemics, including a fatal influenza 
 which attacked all the settlements and colonies on the 
 Atlantic, an outbreak of pleurisy which was notice- 
 ably destructive at Upland and New Castle, and a 
 plague of yellow fever in Philadelphia in 1699. The 
 smallpox likewise was a regular and terrible visitor 
 of the coast, though its most fearful ravages were 
 among the Indians. 
 
 In addition to the leading lawyers already named, 
 Charles Pickering appears to have been a member of 
 the bar, as well as a planter on a large scale, a miner, 
 and copper- and iron-worker, a manufacturer of adul- 
 terated coins, and a sort of warden of the territory in 
 dispute between Penn and Lord Baltimore. Patrick 
 Robinson, the recalcitrant clerk of Judge More's 
 court, was an attorney, and Samuel Hersent was 
 prosecuting attorney for the province in 1685, after- 
 wards securing his election to the sheriffalty of Phila- 
 delphia. David Lloyd succeeded him as attorney- 
 general, and distinguished himself in the controversies 
 with Admiralty Judge Quarry. John Moore was the 
 royal attorney in Quarry's court. John White and 
 William Assheton were also lawyers in Philadelphia 
 before the end of the sixteenth century. 
 
 These gentlemen of the bar found plenty of work 
 to do. There were many disputed titles of land, there 
 was a great deal of collecting to do in the triangular 
 trade between the province, the West Indies, and the 
 mother-country, and there were numbers of personal 
 issues and suits for assaults, libels, etc. Besides, 
 while Penn himself did all he could to prevent litiga- 
 tions, the character of his laws necessarily called for 
 the constant interference of the courts in affairs not 
 properly their concern. There were many sumptuary 
 laws, many restrictive ones, and the whole system was 
 unpleasantly inquisitive and meddlesome. It kept up 
 the same sort of obnoxious interference with private 
 business and personal habits which made the Puritan 
 system so intolerable, but its penalties had none of 
 the Puritan's atrocious severity and bloodthirst. It 
 must be confessed that the unorthodox person of gay 
 temperament who sought to amuse himself in primi- 
 tive Philadelphia was likely to have a hard time of it. 
 The sailor who landed there on liberty after a tedious 
 
156 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 three months' cruise soon found that he was not at 
 Wapping. The Quakers had learned to despise riot 
 and debauchery, less perhaps because it was vicious 
 and demoralizing than for the reason that it was offen- 
 sive to their ingrained love of quiet and order and to 
 their passion for thrift and economy. Wildness, sport, 
 all the livelier amusements were abhorrent to them 
 because they signified extravagance and waste. The 
 skirts of their Christian charity, admirable, thoughtful, 
 and deep as that was, seemed never broad enough to 
 embrace or condone prodigality. When the prodigal 
 son came home to them the fatted calf was not killed, 
 but the question was wonderingly and seriously asked 
 (saving the oath), " Mais, que diable allait-il /aire dans 
 cette galeref" That was the way precisely in which 
 they treated William Penn, Jr., when he was arrested 
 for rioting and beating the watch in a tavern. Instead 
 of excusing him for his youth and for his worthy 
 father's sake, they accused him on that account, and 
 the father's great character actually became a part of 
 the body of the indictment against the profligate son. 
 No wonder that the father should have cried in the 
 bitterness of his heart, "See how much more easily 
 the bad Friends' treatment of him stumbled him from 
 the blessed truths than those he acknowledged to be 
 good ones could prevail to keep him in possession of 
 it." 
 
 In fact, all that was not exactly according to 
 Quaker ways was narrowly looked upon as vice and 
 to be suppressed. Christmas mumming was accused 
 as flagrant licentiousness. Horse-racing was pre- 
 vented by the grand jury. It offended the sobriety 
 of the community for ships to fire salutes on arriving 
 and departing. The laws against the small vices were 
 so promiscuous and indiscriminate and the penalties 
 so ill balanced that when the Pennsylvania code was 
 finally presented to Queen Anne for approval, her 
 ministers drew their pens through half the list of mis- 
 demeanors and penalties, for the reason that they "re- 
 strain her Majesty's subjects from innocent sports and 
 diversions. However, if the Assembly of Pennsyl- 
 vania shall pass an act for preventing of riotous 
 sports, and for restraining such as are contrary to 
 the laws of this kingdom, there will be no objection 
 thereto, so it contains nothing else." ' The character 
 of these unnatural restraints is fully illustrated in 
 certain " extracts from the records of Germantown 
 Court" (1691 to 1707) and "presentments, petitions, 
 etc., between 1702 and 1774." 2 For example, Peter 
 Keurlis, charged with not coming when the justices 
 sent for him, with refusing to lodge travelers, with 
 selling barley-malt at four pence per quart, and with 
 violating Germantown law by selling more than a gill 
 of rum and a quart of beer every half-day to each 
 individual. Peter's answers cover the whole case of 
 
 1 Privy Council to Governor on repealing certain laws, Pennsylvania 
 Archives, 17(10, vol. i. p. 155, First Series. 
 
 - Published in Volume First of Collections of the Pennsylvania His- 
 torical Society, pp. 243-58 el seg. 
 
 the absurdity of such apron-string government. He 
 did not come because he had much work to do ; he 
 did not entertain travelers, because he only sold 
 drink and did not keep an ordinary ; he knew noth- 
 ing about the four pence a quart law of the province, 
 and as for the Germantown statute, the people he sold 
 to being able to bear more, he could not or would not 
 obey the law. The court, however, took his license 
 away from him and forbade him to sell any drink, 
 under penalty of £5. Oaths and charges of lying, 
 when brought to the court's notice, if the offender ac- 
 knowledged his fault and begged pardon, were "for- 
 given and laid by," the law making them finable 
 offenses. Keinert Peters fined twenty shillings for 
 calling the sheriff a liar and a rascal in open street. 
 A case of Smith vs. Falkner was continued because 
 the day when it was called "was the day wherein 
 Herod slew the Innocents." George Muller, for his 
 drunkenness, was condemned to five days' imprison- 
 ment; " item, to pay the Constable two shillings for 
 serving the warrant in the ease of his laying a wager to 
 smoke above one hundred pipes in one day." Herman 
 Dors, being drunk, called Trinke op den Graeif a 
 naughty name, accused Peters of being too kind to 
 Trinke, called his own sister a witch and another vile 
 name, and said his children were thieves ; brought 
 before the court, " and there did particularly clear all 
 and every one of the said injured persons, who, upon 
 his acknowledgments of the wrongs done them by 
 him, freely forgave him ;" the court fined him five 
 shillings. Peter Shoemaker, Jr., accuses the horses of 
 John van der Willderness of being "unlawful," be- 
 cause they "go over the fence where it had its full 
 height." The jury, however, found Shoemaker's 
 fences to be "unlawful." The court orders that 
 " none who hath no lot nor land in this corporation 
 shall tye his horse or mare or any other cattle upon 
 the fences or lands thereof, either by day or night, 
 under the penalty of five shillings." Abraham op 
 den Graeff is before court for slandering David 
 Sherker, saying no honest man would be in his com- 
 pany. Verdict for defendant. "Nov. 28th, 1704, 
 Daniel Falkner, coming into this Court, behaved him- 
 self very ill, like one that was last night drunk, and not 
 yet having recovered his witts." Falkner seemed so 
 aggressive that the sheriff and constable were ordered 
 to " bring him out," which was done, he crying, " You 
 are all fools!" which indeed was not the remark of a 
 drunken but a sober man. No court could continue 
 to waste time in preposterous trivial proceedings of 
 such sort without exhausting the patience of a com- 
 munity and making it impossible for people to avoid 
 such outbursts as those of Falkner. 
 
 Among the Philadelphia grand jury presentments, 
 etc., quoted in these papers, we find one against George 
 Robinson, butcher, " for being a person of evell fame 
 as a common swearer and a common drinker, and 
 particularly upon the 23d day of this inst., for swear- 
 ing three oaths in the market-place, and also for utter- 
 
PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 
 
 157 
 
 ing two very bad curses the 26th day of this inst." 
 Philip Gilbeek utters three curses also ; presented 
 and fined for terrifying " the Queen's liege people." 
 John Smith, living in Strawberry Alley, presented 
 "for being maskt or disguised in womens' aparell; 
 walking openly through the streets of this citty from 
 house to house on or about the 26th of the 10th month 
 [day after Christmas], it being against the Law of God, 
 the Lata of this province and the Law of nature, to the 
 staining of hohj profession and Lncoridging of wicked- 
 ness in this place." All this against an innocent 
 Christmas masquerade ! Children and servants rob- 
 bing orchards is presented as a "great abuse" and 
 "liciencious liberty," a "common nuisance" and 
 " agreeviance." Such ridiculous exaggeration de- 
 stroys the respect for law which alone secures obe- 
 dience to it. John Joyce, Jr., is presented " for 
 having to wifes at once, which is boath against y e Law 
 of God and Man." Dorothy, wife of Richard Cant- 
 erill, presented for masking in men's clothes the day 
 after Christmas, "walking and dancing in the house 
 of John Simes at 9 or 10 o'clock at night," — not even 
 charged with being in the street I Sarah Stiner, same 
 offense, but on the streets, " dressed in man's Cloathes, 
 contrary to y e nature of her sects . . . to y e grate Dis- 
 turbance of well minded persons, and incorridging of 
 vice in this place." John Simes, who gave the mas- 
 querade party, is presented for keeping a disorderly 
 house, " a nursery to Debotch y e inhabitants and 
 youth of this city ... to y e Greef of and disturbance 
 of peaceable minds and propigating ye Throne of wick- 
 edness amongst us." Peter Evans, gentleman, pre- 
 sented for sending a challenge to Francis Phillips to 
 fight with swords. 1 The grand jury report that their 
 predecessors having frequently before presented the 
 necessity of a ducking-stool and house of correction 
 "for the just punishment of scolding, Drunken Wo- 
 men, as well as Divers other profligate and Unruly 
 persons in this place, who are become a Publick 
 Nuisance and disturbance to this Town in Generall, 
 Therefore we, the Present Grand Jury, do Earnestly 
 again present the same to this Court of Quarter Ses- 
 sions for the City, desiring their immediate Care, That 
 those public Conveniences may not be any longer De- 
 lay'd." Certainly it is a novel idea to class ducking- 
 stools and houses of correction among " public con- 
 
 l Evans' challenge was as follows: "Sir: You liave basely slandered a 
 Gentlewoman that I have a profound respect for, And for my part shall 
 givo you a fair opportunity to defend yourself to-morrow morning, on 
 tlio west side of Jos. Carpenter's Garden, betwixt seven and 8, where I 
 shall expect to meet you, Gladio cinetiu, iu failure whereof depend upon 
 the usage you deserve from yr, etc. 
 
 " Peter Evans. 
 
 " I ftin at y 8 Pewter Platter." 
 
 Phillips appears to have been arrested, for tho grand jury present 
 him for contriving to " deprive, annihilate, and contemn" the authority 
 of mayor and recorder by sayiug, " Tell the mayor, Robert Hill, and the 
 recorder, Robert Asslieton, that I say they are no hotter than Rogues, 
 Villains, and ScoUndrellB, for they have not done mo justice, and might 
 as well have sent a man to pick my pockett or rob my house as to have 
 taken away my Bervant,'' etc. 
 
 veniences." There are three successive presentments 
 to this effect. 2 The grand-jury also present negroes 
 for noisy assemblages in the streets on Sunday, and 
 think that they ought to be forbidden to walk the 
 streets in company after dark without their masters' 
 leave. Mary, wife of John Austin, the cordwainer, is 
 presented because she was and yet is a common scold> 
 "a Comon and public disturber, And Strife and De- 
 bate amongst her Neighbours, a Comon Sower and 
 Mover, To the great Disturbance of the Liege Sub- 
 jects," etc. In spite of all these presentments and 
 indictments, however, and especially those against 
 drunkenness and tippling-houses, we find in a pre- 
 sentment drawn by Benjamin Franklin in 1744 that 
 these houses, the " Nurseries of Vice and Debauch- 
 ery," are on the increase. The bill says there were 
 upwards of one hundred licensed retail liquor-houses 
 in the city, which, with the small groceries, "make 
 by our computation near a tenth part of the city, a 
 Proportion that appears to us much too great." One 
 place, where these houses are thickest, has " obtained 
 among the common People the shocking name of 
 Hell-town." 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701 — PENNSBURY 
 MANOR— THE PROPRIETARY RETURNS TO ENG- 
 LAND. 
 
 The ship — the "Canterbury," Capt. Fryers — in 
 which William Penn crossed the ocean to his prov- 
 ince in 1699, came up to Chester on December 1st. 
 The next day, on landing, the Governor's arrival was 
 heralded with a military salute, in the course of 
 which a young man had his arm blown off by the 
 premature discharge of the cannon. On Sunday, 
 December 3d, Penn reached Philadelphia, and made 
 a formal call upon his deputy, Governor Markham, 
 the other dignitaries of the town and province, in- 
 cluding Judge Quarry, of the Admiralty Court, and 
 John Moore, crown prosecutor, having met and re- 
 ceived him at the water's edge. From Markham's 
 house Penn proceeded to the Friends' meeting-house 
 " in the Centre," and took part in the afternoon meet- 
 ing, offering a prayer, and delivering one of those 
 short, incisive addresses in which he was so happy. 
 Penn was very well received by all classes in the 
 community, says James Logan, who had come out 
 with the Governor, and was in constant attendance 
 upon him. It was rumored by the quidnuncs of the 
 day, and the party hostile to Penn's administration 
 and to the proprietary government, that there would 
 be some difficulty in regard to Penn's resumption of 
 his active functions as Governor, on account of his 
 
 2 It would be curious to inquire how the great moral idea of tin 
 ducking-stool, as a public convenience and a cure for Bcolding i 
 originated. 
 
158 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 inability to take the oaths prescribed by Parliament. 
 Judge Quarry, who had been in bitter controversy 
 with Markham, Attorney-General Lloyd, and the 
 Council for some time, 
 had, as it was known, de- 
 nounced the testimony 
 on affirmation in the 
 piracy cases as being 
 unworthy of credit, and, 
 in fact, not testimony at 
 all. It was, perhaps, 
 hoped and believed by 
 the faction which sought 
 to upset Penn's govern- 
 ment and convert his 
 province into a fief of 
 the crown that Judge 
 Quarry would apply his 
 rule to the case of the 
 Governor's return to of- 
 fice, and thus provoke 
 an open issue forth- 
 with. Quarry and Moore, 
 however, did nothing of 
 the kind, but, by being 
 present to receive Penn, 
 practically admitted that 
 his authority was unim- 
 peachable. On the other 
 hand, Penn's supporters, 
 the Quakers and Ger- 
 mans, and all who were 
 really anxious for a 
 stable government and y 
 
 the settlement of feuds and disorders, welcomed the 
 proprietary's arrival as an auspicious event and the 
 harbinger of peace. In Logan's words, they " con- 
 cluded that, after all their suffering;!, this province 
 now scarcely wanted anything to render it com- 
 pletely happy." Penn, indeed, soon had a long in- 
 terview with Judge Quarry, in which there was an 
 abundance of courtesy on both sides, and by mutual 
 consent it was agreed that a little concession on the 
 
 
 
 ' ■■■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ;-;.- 
 
 * - j-«F 
 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 fill IS 
 
 "•'■% >;;;; 
 
 ?$} 
 
 ■*S5J 
 
 w *4k 
 
 
 ly B 
 
 
 
 fill 
 
 Bfe 
 
 IM 
 
 
 WUL 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ f 
 
 ->~ 
 
 l^illlllll 
 
 ™ 
 
 
 
 
 jj 
 
 
 HI 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^& 
 
 
 fe =si 
 
 
 
 
 s^^^^^^j 
 
 
 
 ilBl 
 
 EDWARD SHIPPEN", FIRST 
 [Drawn from original paintii 
 
 1 West side of Second Street, north of Spruce Street, called the " Great 
 House," and also the " Governor's House." It was inclosed on two sides 
 by a garden, extending to Laurel or Levant Street; in this garden stood 
 two tall pine-trees of the primeval fore6t, a well-known landmark, visi- 
 ble for a great distance in every direction. The house was built in 1693 ; 
 Shippen had only occupied it from 1695 to 1696. After Penn left the 
 house, Lord Cornbury lodged and dined there when he came over to pro- 
 claim Queen Anne's accession. Lords were not frequent visitors at that 
 day in any of the colonies, except Virginia, and Cornbury's presence 
 made a great to do. Jiimes Logan wrote to Penn of how he hastily got 
 up a Bplendid din ner for him at the slate-roof house, followed by another at 
 the Shippen house, with covers for thirty persons, and supplemented by 
 an entertainment at Pennsbury, which place his lordship found much to 
 admire in. An old lady's disappointment is chronicled who, hearing 
 that " my lord" was passing by, ran out in great haste to have a look at 
 the well-born man of titles, and found him not different from other 
 people, except that ho wore "leather stockings." Shippen and his family 
 resided in the house after Penn left it, and bis son was here arrested for 
 assault and battery on Thomas Clark, Esq. Governor Sir William Keith 
 
 part of the high contending parties would not be 
 difficult when both confessed they had made mis- 
 takes, and that nothing else was needed to estab- 
 lish a modus vivendi be- 
 tween the representa- 
 tives of the imperial and 
 the proprietary govern- 
 ments. No such com- 
 plete understanding was 
 indeed arrived at until 
 after Penn's diplomacy 
 had secured the removal 
 of Judge Quarry and the 
 appointment of Judge 
 Mompesson in his stead. 
 Penn and Quarry came 
 to quarrel with each 
 other more violently, 
 and with more bitter 
 language than had been 
 used between Mark- 
 ham and the Admiralty 
 Court, but meantime it 
 was important to have 
 the community know 
 tli at they were at least 
 temporarily on good 
 terms, and that Penn 
 did not feel himself 
 obliged to take up Mark- 
 ham's controversies, or 
 follow precisely in his 
 footsteps. The propri- 
 etary's position would 
 be greatly strengthened if people should look up to 
 him as the Governor of the whole province, the friend 
 of all parties, the arbiter in all difficulties and mis- 
 understandings, and one who was so far above factions 
 as to be out of reach of improper influences and preju- 
 dices. 
 
 After the meeting was over at the meeting-house in 
 the Centre, Penn and his suite went to the house of 
 Edward Shippen, 1 residing there for a month, when 
 
 lived here while in the executive chair of the province, 1717 to 1726, aud 
 William Denny also, Deputy Governor from 1756 to 1759. Ellis Lewis 
 made it his residence, aud it was in his widow's possession during the 
 British occupation of Philadelphia, Maj. Baurmeister, a Hessian officer, 
 being quartered on her. Cornwallis is likewise thought to have lived 
 here for a time. The house was built by Edward Shippen, born in Eng- 
 land in 1639, son of a Yorkshire geutlelnau named William Shippen. 
 The family was one of consequence, Edward's nephew, Rev. Dr. Robert 
 Shippen, being principal of Brazen Nose College and vice-chancellor of 
 Oxford University, and another nephew, William, was the " downright 
 Shippen" of Pope's verses, leader of the Jacobites, whom Walpole con- 
 fessed to be proof against corruption, aud whose courage aud integrity in 
 Parliament procured him a commitment to the Tower in 1717. Edward 
 Shippen came to America in 1668, settled in Boston, and got rich as a 
 merchant. He was a member of the Established Church, and belonged 
 to the artillery company, but in 1671 be married Elizabeth Lybrand, a 
 Quakeress, and joined the Society of Friends. He became at once a mark 
 lor New England intolerance and fanaticism, anil was forced to lake his 
 share of the "jailmeuts" aud ecourgiugs which were visited upon his 
 
 MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, 
 igin possession of Edw. Shippen, 
 
PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1*699-1701. 
 
 159 
 
 he took up his residence in the "Slate-Roof House/' 
 his city home during the remainder of his sojourn in 
 the province. 1 
 
 ■ect. In 1693 a meteor appeared in the Massachusetts atmosphere and 
 was made the signal fur a fresh persecution of Quakers and Baptists, in 
 which Shippen was banished, lie probably knew Ponn and was invited 
 to Philadelphia. At any rate lie went there, bought his lot, built his 
 house, and by the end of 1694 had closed up his business and removed 
 his family to the new city, having first erected a memorial "ou a green" 
 near a "pair of -gallows, where soveral of our friends had suffered death 
 for the truth and were thrown into a hole." Shippen was a man of 
 wealth, handsome- face and figure, talonts and high character, and his 
 i was a "princely place." He soon stepped to the front in the 
 , and Penu lavished honors and positions on him. He 
 was Speaker of the Assembly in 1G95, first mayor of Philadelphia (1701), 
 and in 1702-4 president of Council, after Andrew Hamilton's death, and 
 ex-ojUcio Deputy Governor of the province until Penn sent over William 
 Ponn, Jr., and John Evans to supersede him. In 1704, Shippen married 
 his third wife, Elizabeth James, a:id, as she was not a Quaker, he him- 
 self withdrew from the society , but continued on good terms with them 
 and prominent in public affairs until his death in 1712. 
 
 1 This old mansion, when first built the largest bouse in Philadelphia, 
 better known even than the " Letitia House," or any other of the his- 
 toric places connected with Penu and the city he founded (except the 
 Shacknmaxon treaty elm), was only recently removed (in lSG7),to make 
 way for the imposing structure erected by the Chamber of Commerce. 
 It was a quaint-looking house, with a Bort of individuality of its own 
 that quite became it, and in its original state, with ex tensive gardens sin- 
 rouudingit, inclosed within a high wall, must have had a commanding 
 aspect. Graydon, who lived there (his mother, the 'Dcsdy" or Desde- 
 mona of the pert British ulhcers of the day, kept the place as a boarding- 
 house just before the revolution), describes the old house:— It stood on the 
 corner of Second Street and Norris Alley, afterwards Gothic Street, — as 
 a " singular, old-fashioned structure, laid out in the style of a fortifica- 
 tion, with abundance of angles, both salient and re-entering. Its two 
 wings projected to the street in the manner of bastions, to which the 
 main building, retreating from sixteen to eighteen feet, served for a 
 curtain. Within it was cut up into a number of apartments, and on that 
 account was exceedingly well adapted to the purpose of a lodging-house, 
 to which use it had long been appropriated." The yard or garden was 
 graced with a row of venerable pine-trees, and thu association of the 
 place gave it a substantial historic interest. It bore much less the look 
 of a fortress than Graydou's military eye conceived. The back building 
 was as peaceful-looking as* the culinary offices should be, and the neat 
 little chambers in the so-called bastions were cosy nooks, with chimney - 
 places in the corners. The kitchen had a giant pile of chimney, with 
 a great fireplace, and the garrets were high and roomy. The house was 
 roofed with slate said to have been brought from England, but plenty 
 of the material was to be had near Philadelphia, and Pennsbury was 
 roofed with this, according to Gabriel Thomas. This house was built for 
 Samuel Carpenter by James Porteus. It was erected about 1698, and Penn 
 was probably its earliest occupant. Carpenter had built in 1684-85 a 
 house on Fruut Street, near his wharf and warehouses, and it is likely 
 he lived there after tho Blatc-roof house was completed. Carpenter was 
 a man of great ability and enterprise, accumulating wealth rapidly and 
 doing much to build up the city of his adoption. He married Hannah 
 Hardiman.a Welsh Quakeress and preacher, in 1G84, and held many im- 
 portant positions, — member of the Assembly, treasurer of the province, 
 etc. lie bought large tracts of laud, owned numerous vessels, mines, 
 quarries, and mill-seats, so much property in fact that it impoverished 
 him and threw him into serious pecuniary embarrassment, though he 
 was ranked as the richest man in the province. He died in his house 
 in King Street (now Water Street), between Chestnut and Walnut 
 Streets, April 10, 1714, and the Friends' Meeting, after his death, Baid of 
 him that " he was a pattern of humility, patience, and self-denial ; a 
 man feai ing God and hating covetousness, much given to hospitality and 
 good works. He was a loving, affectionate husband, tender father, and 
 a faithful friend and brother.' 1 Carpenter's brother Joshua, a brewer 
 was nominated for alderman of Philadelphia in Penn's charter for the 
 city, 1701, but declined tho place, having made a " vow or oath" never 
 to servo under the proprietary. (Penu and Logan Correspondence.) Tho 
 Carpenters were English, arriving out soon after Pcnn's first visit. Sam- 
 ni-l himself was opposed to lVnn's conduct of affairs in the province, 
 and nigned a memorial and protest to Queen Anne in 17U9. Carpenter's 
 bouse, which was lot to' Ponn furnished, was occupied during Bonn's 
 
 Penn and his family moved into the slate-roof 
 house in January, 1700, and there, on the 29th of 
 that month, was born John Penn, called " the Ameri- 
 can," the proprietary's only child not of English 
 birth, son of William Penn by his second wife, Han- 
 nah Callowhill. 
 
 This confinement of Mrs. Penn, the need to look 
 about him and ascertain the real condition of public 
 affairs, so greatly entangled, and the sickness and de- 
 pression prevailing in Philadelphia, prevented Penn 
 from dispatching much business until some time 
 after his arrival. He was in Philadelphia three 
 weeks before calling a meeting of the Council. The 
 sickness in the city must have been distressing, 
 though it could not have been a return of the yellow 
 fever, since it occurred long after the season of frost. 
 In the Logan papers a letter from Isaac Norris to his 
 English correspondent in 1699 speaks of illness and 
 daily deaths for quite a number of weeks, and he 
 gives the names of many prominent Friends who had 
 succumbed or were supposed to be dying. In an- 
 other of these letters, written in March, 1701, the 
 same writer speaks of the infant John Penn in this 
 fashion: "Their little son is a comely, lovely babe, 
 and has much of his father's grace and air, and hope 
 he will not want a good portion of his mother's sweet- 
 ness, who is a woman extremely well beloved here, 
 exemplary in her station and of an excellent spirit, 
 which adds lustre to her character, and has a great 
 place in the hearts of good people." When spring 
 opened Penn and his family removed to the manor 
 house at Pennsbury, and probably resided there all 
 summer as well as during the spring and summer of 
 
 unexpired term and afterwards by James Logan ; when Governor Evans, 
 William Penn, Jr., and Judge Mompesson came over in 1704, the four kept 
 bachelor's hall at the Clark mansion (later Peiuberton's), southwest 
 corner of Third and Chestnut Streets. The slate-roof house had been 
 sold in the latter part of 1703 to William Trent, the Inverness miller, 
 who founded and gave his name to Trenton, N. J. Trent paid £850 for 
 it. In 1709 he sold it for £900 Pennsylvania currency to Isaac Norris, 
 who occupied it until his removal to Fairlull in 1717. The Norris fam- 
 ily owned the house until 1867, when it was bought by the Chamber of 
 Commerce and torn down. From 1717 onwards it appears to have been 
 used as a boarding and lodging-house, being in several hands besidea 
 those of Mrs. Graydon. Gen. Forbes, Braddock's successor, died there 
 in 1759, at which time the house was kept by Mrs. Howell. Baron de 
 Kalh lodged there in 17G8-G9, when he was the secret agent of France. 
 Sir William Draper, the target of Junius' sarcasm, lodged there with 
 Mrs. Graydon during his visit to the colonies. James Kivington, the 
 Tory printer and publisher, ate and slept there, and the houso is re- 
 ported also to have lodged John Hancock and George Washington dur- 
 ing the first sessions of the Continental Congress. Baron Steuben, 
 Peter S. Duponceau, and others lodged here for a while after the British 
 evacuated Philadelphia. Later it was the seat of a boarding school, 
 kept by Madame Berdeau, reputed to be the widow of Dr. Johnson's Dr. 
 Dodd, hung in London for forgery in 1777; then it became a workshop, 
 a place of business, and a tenement-house, with shops on the ground 
 floor, which were occupied by tailors, engravers, watch-makers, silver- 
 smiths, etc. Under one of the "bastions" a notable oyster cellar was 
 opened, the resort of the merchants and bankers doing business in that 
 vicinity. Logan was very desirous that Penn should buy the house when 
 Trent offered it for sale, and said that i t was hard that the Governor did 
 not have the money to spare. " I would give twenty to thirty pounds 
 out of my own pocket that it were thine, nobody's but thine," said honest 
 James. 
 
160 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 1701, until they returned to England. Mrs. Deborah 
 Logan has preserved a pretty tradition of the mother 
 and child, told her in youth by an aged woman of 
 Bucks Count)', who remembered that when she was a 
 girl she went to the manor house at Pennsbury with 
 a basket containing some rustic tribute or other, and 
 saw the proprietary's wife, " a delicate and pretty 
 woman, sitting beside the cradle of her infant." A 
 vivid photograph this of the life at Pennsbury, of 
 that domestic serenity and quiet which Penn yearned 
 for, and yet from which his wife and daughter Letitia 
 were incessantly eager to hurry him away. They 
 were weary of the solitude of Pennsbury, broken 
 only by the soft tread of the Indian, or by the petty 
 squabbles and small concerns of the Philadelphia 
 politicians. They were used to country life, but it 
 was the country life of old England, with mansions 
 that looked out on smooth green lawns inclosed with 
 hedges of privet and hawthorn, not a life in the 
 frayed selvage of the measureless backwoods, with a 
 deep river in front, and behind nothing but insolent 
 bears and wolves and painted savages with scalps 
 hanging at their belts ! 
 
 In the slate-roof house and at Pennsbury the pro- 
 prietary maintained a good deal of state. He enter- 
 tained much and liberally, and had a large retinue of 
 attaches and servants. When he went from his manor 
 to his capital city, to attend the meetings of Council 
 or look after other business, he proceeded in his eight- 
 oared barge, and must have looked well passing cere- 
 moniously along the river-front to the landing-place. 
 There may have been something of policy in this 
 stately parade and in the insignia of office with which 
 Penn chose to surround himself as the lord para- 
 mount of a great and prosperous territory, rapidly 
 growing in population and consequence. But Penn 
 was rather fond of display for its own sake. He 
 cherished power, both because it gave him influence 
 for good and because he liked to know that he had 
 influence. In the same way he enjoyed the sense of 
 his proprietorship of such a great domain, the work 
 of his own hand, and he liked to show himself as the 
 " monarch of all he surveyed." This was so openly 
 and ingenuously done that it provoked comment and 
 satire. The people, who thought that a Governor 
 who kept such state and entertained so liberally 
 must be very rich, complained that he should be de- 
 manding subsidies and extorting quit-rents from 
 them. The English party, headed by Judge Quarry 
 and others, who wanted the crown to take possession 
 of the government, looked upon this lofty post of the 
 Governor's as the assumption of too independent an 
 attitude towards the mother-country. The vulgar 
 and envious were disposed to carp and sneer at a dig- 
 nity which they proclaimed to be altogether unsuited 
 to the humility and plainness of one holding the self- 
 subduing faith of the Society of Friends. In 1703 
 one Francis Bugg, an apostate Quaker, who had 
 bloomed into a full-grown churchman, published a 
 
 tract in London called "News from Pennsylvania," 
 in which ample expression is given to this mean 
 spirit of detraction. " Our present Governor, Wil- 
 liam Penn," writes Bugg, "wants the sacred unction, 
 tho' he seems not to want majesty, for the grandeur 
 and magnificence of his mien (tho' his clothes be 
 sordid in respect to his mind, being not arrayed in 
 royal robes) is equivalent to that of the Great Mogul, 
 and his word in many cases as absolute and binding. 
 The gate of his house (or palace) is always guarded 
 with a janissary armed with a varnished club of nearly 
 ten foot long, crowned with a large silver head, em- 
 bossed and chased as an hieroglyphic of its master's 
 pride. There are certain days in the week appointed 
 for audience, and as for the rest you must keep your 
 distance. His corps du gard generally consists of 
 seven or eight of his chief magistrates, both ecclesi- 
 astical and civil, which always attend him, and some- 
 times there are more. When he perambulates the 
 city, one, bareheaded, with a long white wand on his 
 shoulder, in imitation of the Lord Marshal of Eng- 
 land, marches grandly before him and his train, and 
 sometimes proclamation is made to clear the way. At 
 their meeting-houses," continues Bugg, whose pen is 
 rather more clever than truthful or generous, "first 
 William leads the van like a mighty champion of war, 
 rattling as fast as the wheels of his leathern conven- 
 iency. 1 After him follow the mighty Dons according 
 to their several movings, and then for the chorus the 
 Feminine Prophets tune their Quail pipes for the 
 space of three or four hours, and having ended as 
 they began with bowlings and yawlings, hems and 
 haws, gripings and graspings, they spend the re- 
 mainder of the day in feasting each other, and to- 
 morrow they go into the country, and so on from 
 meeting-house to meeting-house, till, like the Eastern 
 armies in former times, they have devoured all the 
 provisions both for men and beasts about the country, 
 and then the spirit ceasing they return to their own 
 outward homes." 
 
 While Penn sojourned at Pennsbury, James Logan 
 remained at the slate-roof house, with patient fidelity 
 and comprehensive grasp of mind seeking to acquaint 
 himself with all the details of the proprietary's com- 
 plicated business and all the multiplied affairs of the 
 province and city. Never was man or State better 
 served than Penn and Pennsylvania by James Logan 
 a character so admirable that one comes to have an 
 affectionate regard for him as for all who merit the 
 epitaph : " Well done, good and faithful servant." 
 Self-poised, sedate, retiring, and even reserved, a 
 scholar with some of the tendencies of the recluse, 
 he seemed to know nothing but his loyalty and duty 
 to the friend who trusted him and to the community 
 whose most intimate interests were in his keeping. 
 He was everything to Penn and Penn's family from 
 
 » Penn did have a state coach for four horses, and it must havo rattled 
 a good deal in traversing the stumpy, root-roughened road from Penns- 
 bury to Philadelphia. 
 
PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 
 
 161 
 
 the day when he entered the proprietary's service, 
 and his zeal and industry were made doubly effective 
 by tact, shrewdness, diplomatic skill, and a composed 
 intelligence always steadily concentrated upon the 
 one object of his life. Penn was not always fortunate 
 in his judgment of ■ character and in selecting his 
 agents, but he was not deceived in the implicit faith 
 
 JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 with which Logan inspired him. " I have left thee," 
 wrote Penn, after going on shipboard to return to 
 England in 1701, "in an uncommon trust, with a 
 singular dependence on thy justice and care, which I 
 expect thou will faithfully employ in advancing my 
 honest interests." Nobly did Logan discharge that 
 trust, and nobly did this virtuous and accomplished 
 gentleman bear himself in every relation of life. He 
 was not largely recompensed, for Penn allowed him 
 no more than £100 a year, and Hannah Penn, for the 
 heirs, only deeded to him a part of the Springettsbury 
 Manor. He became rich, but it was by his own in- 
 telligent operations in the Indian trade and in real 
 estate. Of course his position gave him many oppor- 
 tunities to pursue these adventures with success, but 
 he was never a mercenary nor a grasping man, and 
 when he was able to retire from the public service 
 without injury to it, he did not any longer seek to 
 make money but gave himself up with ardor to his 
 favorite pursuits of literature. William Black's diary 
 describes him as he was in the period of his retire- 
 ment and ill health, — a recluse almost, with an austere 
 and melancholy face, monosyllabic at table, but rous- 
 ing up and becoming animated and cheerful in the 
 act of showing to his visitors the library and literary 
 treasures he had gathered around him in the classic 
 retreat of Stenton. Most fittingly he made the gift 
 of that library to the city of his adoption and love, 
 21 
 
 the crowning act of a long life of benevolence and 
 exalted public spirit. 1 
 
 ■ The lives of men like James Logan ennoble the pages of history and 
 make its study an elevating pursuit and a reinforcement to the resources 
 of public morality. This man was worthy the compliment which the 
 steadfast Shawanee warrior paid him when he put aside his own name 
 and took that of Logan simply; worthy to have been the trusted friend 
 of William Penu, and to have had Benjamin Franklin for his printer. 
 How many men has the world produced who, after forty years spent in 
 the whirl and muddy currents of active business and intense political 
 strife, can, with clean hands and unsullied reputation, calmly step aside 
 out of the turmoil and retire to the company of books and authors, to en- 
 dow a library, and make a translation of Cicero's " De Senectule," print- 
 ing it, as the writer himself pleasantly says, "in a large and fair char- 
 acter," so that old men may not be vexed by their defective eyesight in 
 reading what was so appropriate to theiryears? When John Davis, the 
 English traveler in America, visited the Loganian Library, in 1798, he 
 wrote: " I contemplated with reverence the portrait of James Logan, 
 which graces the room, magnum el vmerabile iwmen. I could not repress 
 my exclamations. As I am only a stranger, said I, in this country, I 
 affect no enthusiasm on beholding the statues of her generals and states- 
 men,— I have left a church filled with them on the shore of Albion that 
 have a prior claim to such feeling. But I here behold the portrait of a 
 man whom I consider so great a benefactor to literature, that he is 
 scarcely less illustrious than its munificent patrons of Italy ; his soul has 
 certainly been admitted to the company of the congenial spirits of a 
 Cosmo and Lorenzo of Medici. The Greek and Roman authors, forgot- 
 ten on their native banks of Ilyssus and Tiber, delight, by the kindness 
 of a Logan, the votaries of learning on those of the Delaware." James 
 Logan, a man of old and reputable family and himself aristocratic in all 
 his tendencies, was born in Lurgan, Ireland, 28th October, 1674. His 
 father, Patrick Logan, grandson of Sir Robert Logan, of Kestairig, 
 Scotland, sprang from that stock of proud Scottish lairds, distinguished 
 for long pedigrees and barren acres, whose children have lent their 
 genius to the service of the world. The Logans went on crusades with 
 the Douglases ; they fought the Euglish on sea and on land ; they lost 
 their estates by forfeitures in consequence of the Gowrie conspiracy. 
 Patrick Logan was an alumnus of Edinburgh University, educated for 
 the church, but early connecting himself with the followers of George 
 Fox. His wife was Isabel Hume, of the family of Dundas and Panmure. 
 James was a lad of precocious mind,— at sixteen he knew Latin, Greek, 
 and Hebrew, and had made rapid progress in mathematics. He after- 
 wards mastered French, Italian, and Spanish, and probably Dutch and 
 German, spoke Latin with ease and grace, and was familiar with several 
 Indian dialects. Ho went into trade ; linen-draper's apprentice in Dub- 
 lin, then in the Bristol trade for himself. At Bristol he met Penn, and 
 became his private secretary aud devoted follower ever after. This was 
 in 1698. From the time of Penu'B return to England 111 1701 to Logan's 
 death, in 1751, he was always the power behind the proprietary throne, 
 wieldiug what was sometimes almost absolute authority with singular 
 propriety and judgment. He was secretary of the province, commis- 
 sioner of property and of Indian affairs, member and president of Coun- 
 cil, acting Governor and chief justice. His love of books was constant 
 and sincere, and after a broken thigh compelled him to live retired at 
 Stenton the pursuit of literature became his passion. But even in seclu- 
 sion and invalidism he never neglected his public duties for his private 
 tastes, nor lapsed into indifference on account of personal infirmities. 
 Many important affairs of state were trausacted at Stenton, which was 
 nearly always surrounded by deputations of Indians, who camped about 
 the house to seek advice and favors from their honored friend "hidin 
 the bushes." Logan's literary and scientific pursuits and associations 
 were very respectable, and he was widely known among his contempo- 
 raries. His own Latin tracts on botany, electricity, navigation, aud 
 optics had a place in leading scientific journals. Thomas Godfrey's im- 
 provements in the quadrant were made at Stenton under Logan's eye, 
 and Franklin and ho worked together with a thorough appreciatiou of 
 each other's good qualities. Logan was an unsuccessful suitor for the 
 hand of Ann, daughter of Edward Shippen, who married Thomas Story. 
 His wife was Sarah Read , daughter of a wealthy merchant of Philadel- 
 phia, to whom he was wedded eight years after his ill-success with Miss 
 Shippen. His children were not literary in their tastes, and it was on 
 this account that he left his library to Philadelphia, endowing it, for its 
 perpetual maintenance, with the Springettsbury Manor property which 
 he had received from Penn's estate. Logan was a personable man, tall, 
 well proportioned, with graceful hut grave demeanor. His complexion 
 
162 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 At Pennsbury the proprietary led very much the 
 life of a lord of the manor. No picture of the an- 
 cient place is extant, but our regret at the neglect of 
 contemporary chroniclers is mitigated by the skill, 
 industry, and intelligent research with which the late 
 J. Francis Fisher has reconstructed the history of 
 Penn's private and domestic life during his residence 
 at this pleasant seat. Penn had the true-born Eng- 
 lishman's genuine fondness for country life. He was 
 as much a rural squire as a courtier, and he resembled 
 Sir Robert Walpole at once in his ambition, his pliant 
 facility and easy humor in dealing with men, and in 
 that pleasant satisfaction which he derived, "procul 
 negotiis," in driving his cattle afield across the mellow 
 mould of his own broad acres, — 
 
 " Quia non nialarum, quas amor curas habet, 
 Hfec inter obliviscitur?" 
 
 It was the dream of Penn's life to settle permanently 
 upon this manor and become himself the patriarch of 
 his extensive plantations. Before he reached the prov- 
 ince this estate had been selected provisionally for him 
 by Markham in pursuance of his orders, and he had 
 had building commenced there in the hope to occupy 
 it forthwith after his arrival. There is no evidence, 
 however, that Penn spent any time at Pennsbury 
 during his first visit, and if he did bring over mate- 
 rials for erecting a house there it is probable that 
 these were rather employed in constructing the Letitia 
 house in the city, as his more immediate needs sug- 
 gested. No vestige of the old plantation now remains, 
 except some decayed cherry-trees, which tradition 
 points to as having been planted by Penn's own hand. 
 The old brew-house stood until 1864, when it was 
 pulled down, — a substantial building, twenty by 
 thirty-five feet, with solid brick chimney and founda- 
 
 had the warm and florid tone of health even when he was far advanced 
 in years ; his eyes never failed him, nor did his brown hair turn gray, 
 though he wore a powdered wig on all state occasions. His manner was 
 dignified yet courteous, and his conversation quiet and reserved. He 
 was a diligent correspondent with learned persons all over Europe and 
 Americii, numbering among those to whom ho wrote regularly Cadwal- 
 lader Colden, Governor Burnett, Franklin, Col. Hunter, Collinson,Fother- 
 gill, Mead, Flamsteed, the father of Sir William Jones, Sir Hans Sloane, 
 Fabricius, Gronovius, and Linnseus. The latter gave Logan's name to 
 one of his classes in botany. But the real labors and the great glory of 
 Logan are to be sought in his services to the Penn family and to the 
 commonwealth founded by Penn. He shaped and controlled the devel- 
 opment of the province with an intelligent purpose and an untiring 
 resolution no less remarkable because his tastes drew him all the other 
 way and his work was most disagreeable to him. "These duties," he 
 wrote, " make my life so uncomfortable that it is not worth the living." 
 "I know not," he repeated, " what any of the comforts of life are." He 
 withstood the popular party and faced impeachment, imprisonment, and 
 persecution witli unblenching resolution, triumphing over his adver- 
 saries with the same calm composure with which ho had encountered 
 their fierce opposition and bitter reproaches. Ho was always a daunt- 
 less mau, because one who was just and feared not. The Indians revered 
 him as a saint while they loved him like a brother, and when he died 
 they pitifully besoughttho provincial government to send them another 
 righteous man like Logan. No Becond Logan was to be found, however. 
 As Gordon, in his " History of Pennsylvania," says, " Never was power 
 and trust more safely bestowed for the donor. The secretary faithfully 
 devoted bis time and his thoughts to promoto the interests of his master, 
 and bore with firmness, if not with cheerfulness, the odium which his 
 unlimited devotion drew upon himself." 
 
 tions, ten-inch sills and posts, and weather-boarded 
 with dressed cedar. The mansion at Pennsbury stood 
 on a gentle eminence facing the Delaware, Welcome 
 Creek winding two-thirds of the way around it. The 
 main structure was two stories high, with lofty gar- 
 ret, built of brick, and stately in appearance; it was 
 sixty feet long by thirty feet deep ; the bricks were 
 probably burnt on the premises, Penn having sent 
 over workmen for that purpose in 1685. There was a 
 high porch front and rear, with steps, rails, and ban- 
 isters. On the first floor a wide hall traversed the 
 building, used for receptions and public occasions, 
 and on this floor were parlor, dining-room, smaller 
 hall, and closets. Above were four apartments on the 
 second floor, with offices, etc. The building was roofed 
 with tile or slate of native production, and there was 
 a reservoir on the roof which had a lining of lead. 
 The outbuildings comprised, as ordered by Penn in a 
 letter to James Harrison, August, 1684, "a kitchen, 
 two larders, a wash-house, a room to iron in, a brew- 
 house, a Milan-oven for baking in, and stabling for 
 twelve horses." These buildings were to be a story 
 and a half high, and to be arranged in straight lines, 
 " not asm." The proprietary had a horror of any di- 
 vergence from right lines and angles in town construc- 
 tion and in landscape architecture. Dean Prideaux 
 accused him of laying off Philadelphia according to 
 the Scriptural descriptions of Babylon. He was 
 probably simply obeying his own instinctive taste 
 for right lines and rectangular forms. He did not 
 despise ornament, but, on the contrary, delighted in 
 decoration, and was particular in enjoining Harrison 
 not to let the front of the Pennsbury house be 
 "common," but he did not think departures from 
 straight lines to be ornamental. He carefully super- 
 vised the construction of the building even while the 
 broad ocean rolled between him and his steward, 
 Harrison ; selected the hands and discharged them if 
 they did not please him. 1 Penn spent over £5000 on 
 Pennsbury. The grounds were elaborately and hand- 
 somely laid off, with lawns, vistas, and park-like 
 appointments. There was a broad pebble walk, on 
 each side of it a row of tall poplars. Bridges were 
 thrown over Welcome Creek, and steps led down to 
 the landing and the boat-house sheltering Penn's 
 barge, which he thought much of, quarreling with 
 Harrison because he permitted it to be used for trans- 
 porting lime. The gardens and shrubberies were 
 cared for at great expense, gardeners being sent from 
 England for that purpose, as well as all sorts of rare 
 seeds and plants. Trees were transplanted from Mary- 
 land, and many wild-flowers from the forest were do- 
 mesticated in the gardens. The lawn was seeded with 
 English grasses, and a good deal of the land around 
 
 1 James was to finish the work hiB men began; J. Redman furnished 
 the bricks, John Parsons the plank. James was discharged by Logan 
 because the Governor thought him " too much of a gentleman," wanting 
 two servants to do the work proper for his own hands. The Governor's 
 carpenter was named Henry Gibbs. 
 
PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 
 
 163 
 
 it brought under cultivation. Penn was proud of his 
 stock, importing some fine horses from England, among 
 others " Tamerlane," a thoroughbred stallion, by the 
 Godolphin Arabian, that famous barb, who, with the 
 Darley horse, established the stock of English race- 
 horses. 
 
 The manor house at Penusbury was well furnished. 
 Iu the best bedroom was a state bedstead of great 
 proportions, a silk quilt, satin curtains and cushions, 
 mirrors, etc. The table appurtenances were in good 
 taste, damask cloths and napkins, Tunbridge ware, 
 white and blue china, with two or three services of 
 silver. The furniture down-stairs was of solid oak; 
 there was a tall clock, which may be seen to-day in 
 the Philadelphia Library. The cellar and larder were 
 well supplied, and the retinue 
 of domestics was large. There 
 was cheer at the manor house 
 for all, and it never lacked 
 visitors. Generally there were 
 some Indian wigwams pitched 
 about among the trees in the 
 lawn and forest, and a de- 
 putation of savages almost 
 every morning waited in the 
 hall, seated upon the floor on 
 their haunches, with their 
 knees drawn up under their 
 chins, observant but silent. 
 Penn was a very liberal man 
 in his expenditures. He let 
 his friends and relatives dip 
 into his purse at all times. 
 William Penn, Jr., could al- 
 ways depend upon him to pay his debts, and his son- 
 in-law Aubrey actually compelled him, with ineffable 
 meanness, to pay him exorbitant interest on some de- 
 layed payments upon Letitia's property, given to her 
 by Penn and sold by her for what it would fetch. The 
 proprietary's charities were no small tax upon his 
 stinted resources. He gave to all who asked or all who 
 seemed needy. And this was the way he kept house 
 at Pennsbury, entertaining the leading people of the 
 province, distinguished visitors from abroad, his own 
 guests and a horde of dependants and Indians. He 
 received the Governors of Maryland and Virginia with 
 great state and profuse hospitality when they came to 
 visit him. His steward bought a ton of flour at the 
 time, molasses by the hogshead, cranberries by the 
 bushel, barrels of cider, and dozens of cases of select 
 wines. There was a barrel of olives in the pantry for 
 the dinner and lunch table; butter was fetched from 
 Rhode Island, and for candles the steward sent to 
 Boston. The wine, — madeira, sherry, port, claret, — 
 the brandy and gin, and strong beer and ale were 
 shipped from London ; the rum came from Jamaica, 
 and, though this was meant chiefly for the Indians, 
 Penn ordered the best in sealed bottles, so as to be 
 sure it was not watered or otherwise tampered with. 
 
 PENN'S CLOCK. 
 
 Occasional runnels of ale were procured in Philadel- 
 phia, and the small beer was brewed at home. The 
 Swedes furnished fresh fish at the manor house ; the 
 bacon, flour, meal, chocolate, coffee, sugar, etc., came 
 from Philadelphia. 
 
 After James Harrison's death, in 1687, John Satcher 
 became steward at Pennsbury ; Mary Lofty was house- 
 keeper. There.. were several gardeners at different 
 times; one of them, for three years' service, receiving 
 his passage-money, thirty pounds in cash, and sixty 
 acres of land to settle on. This gardener was re- 
 quired to train two subordinates under him. Another 
 gardener was Hugh Sharp, whose pay was thirty 
 shillings a week, who was to have three men under 
 him. Five gardeners at one time was rather extrava- 
 gant. There was besides a vigneron and his attend- 
 ants at the grapery on Vineyard Hill, afterwards the 
 seat of Robert Morris, and when the grapes turned 
 out good for nothing Penn must still have the French- 
 man in charge provided for and given some kind of 
 work. There were three or four carpenters at Penns- 
 bury always at work. The coachman was a negro, 
 named John, one of Penn's slaves, and there were 
 some ten or twelve servants besides about the house. 1 
 Penn traveled in state when he went abroad with 
 his family, either in his barge, his coach, or his calash. 
 In August, 1700, he wrote to Logan that if the justices 
 did not make the Pennepacka and Poquessing bridges 
 passable he could not come to town. For his own 
 traveling he preferred the barge or his horse. He 
 was probably a bold rider, and one time, at Penns- 
 bury, was laid up with a crippled leg, having hurt it 
 riding (and healed it with an oil made in Philadel- 
 phia by Ann Parsons). We read of his picking up 
 barefoot girls by the roadside and taking them to ride 
 behind him. His wife and daughter had their side- 
 saddles, and may have ridden with him sometimes. 
 His long excursions to view his territories and visit 
 the Indians in their villages were necessarily made 
 on horseback. He certainly took his family with him 
 to fairs and to the Indian "canticoes." When he 
 returned to England a part at least of his equipment 
 for the voyage was his " hair-trunk, leather stockings, 
 and twelve bottles of Madeira wine." Conceive the 
 founder of Pennsylvania crossing the ocean with a 
 hair-trunk to contain his luggage and his stout calves 
 
 1 " Among other employes of the manor house were Ann Nichols, the 
 cook; Robert Bceknian, mau-servant; Dorothy Mullers, maid; Dorcas, 
 negress ; Howman, a ranger (who, in 16S8, was complained of ' for kill- 
 ing y° said Luke W'atson's hogg') ; James Reed, servant ; Ellis Jones and 
 his wife Jane, with children, — Barbara, Dorothy, Mary, and Jane, — who 
 came from Wales iu 16S2; Jack, a negro, probably cook, whose wife, 
 Parthena, was sold to Barbadoes because Hannah Penn doubted her 
 honesty. Thcro was, besides, a Capt. Hans, with whom Penn had a 
 difficulty, which, however, was 'adjusted,' 60 that the captain stayed." 
 . . . Penn employed one new hand iu 1701, of whom he wrote to Logan 
 that he could neither plow nor mow, but could swear. Peter, assist- 
 an t gardener, received thirty pounds per annum. There were also Borne 
 bought uegroes, " Old Sam," his wife Sue, James, Chevalier, etc. There 
 were four indentured servants and Stephen Gould, Penn's clerk. See 
 Gen. Davis' "History of Bucks County," pp. 181-83, from which some 
 of those particulars aro derived. 
 
164 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 encased in a pair of leather galligaskins, for which 
 he had paid one pound two shillings ! 
 
 Mr. Janney, in his "Life of Penn," is greatly dis- 
 tressed that the proprietary should have heen a slave- 
 holder. In his eagerness to palliate the facts he is in 
 danger of doing Penn a gross injustice. He forgets 
 that slave-holding was not forbidden by the Quaker 
 discipline until many years after Penn's death. Penn 
 directed his slaves to be free at his death, but the will 
 was never executed, nor were its provisions respected. 
 His daughter took one of the slaves, the woman 
 "Sue." His executors sold three to pay his debts. 
 It is shown in the preceding note that Parthena was 
 sold by Penn to Barbadoes, thus separating her from 
 her husband, because she was thought dishonest. In 
 writing about his gardener and the assistants whom 
 he was to train, Penn says, " It were better they were 
 blacks, for then a man has them while he lives." In 
 fact, nobody at that time had any idea of the heinous- 
 ness, immorality, or crime of slaver} 7 , unless perhaps 
 the little German colony, who had Pastorius for their 
 leader. Fox was "exercised" about the slaves, but 
 it was not the fact of their being in bondage, but the 
 way in which they were treated which troubled him. 
 Penn was " exercised" on the same subject, and he 
 went so far as to persuade the Council and try to per- 
 suade the Assembly to pass a law regulating the mar- 
 riages of negroes. But it would be unjust to Penn to 
 require him to become an abolitionist a hundred years 
 before there were any such. Slavery was not thought 
 a crime in his times, nor was the slave considered un- 
 fortunate, unless he happened to have a severe master. 
 The slave trade with Africa was indeed repudiated, but 
 rather from its impolicy than its immorality. Some 
 sort of servitude was almost universal, and one- 
 half the early settlers in Pennsylvania, in 1682-83, 
 were servants bought and sold by the Quakers for a 
 term of years. Even Indian slaves were often to be 
 met in Philadelphia, in spite of Penn's affection for 
 that race, and his own Deputy Governor, William 
 Markham, owned one, Ectus Frankson, born in 1700, 
 who by his will was to be free at the age of twenty- 
 four, all his other slaves and servants being devised 
 to his wife. 
 
 In the course of his residence at Pennsbury the 
 Governor paid a visit to New York, and also one to 
 Maryland. He was accompanied (says John Rich- 
 ardson's journal) to the Quaker meeting at Tred- 
 haven Creek (now Easton, Talbot Co.) by Lord Bal- 
 timore and his wife with a numerous retinue. They 
 did not get to the meeting until late, and, in fact, says 
 Richardson, "the strength and glory of the heavenly 
 power of the Lord was going off from the meeting. 
 So the lady was much disappointed, as I understand 
 by William Penn, for she told him ' she did not want 
 to hear him and such as he, for he was a scholar and 
 a wise man, and she did not question but he could 
 preach; but she wanted to hear some of our mechanics 
 preach, as husbandmen, shoemakers, and such like 
 
 rustics, for she thought they could not preach to any 
 purpose.' William Penn told her ' some of these 
 were rather the best preachers we had among us,' or 
 near these words." 
 
 But we have only been describing the proprietary's 
 periods of refreshment and recreation. He had 
 plenty of hard work and many disagreeable tasks in 
 the time between these intervals of rest and ease. 
 His situation was peculiar. There were two parties 
 in the province, one of which sought to subvert his 
 proprietorship absolutely, the other to modify and 
 curtail his authority by procuring a new charter or 
 radical amendments to the existing one. Col. Quarry 
 and John Moore, the British admiralty judge and 
 crown attorney, were in the lead of one party, David 
 Lloyd, attorney-general of the province and the pop- 
 ular leader in the Assembly, directed the movements 
 of the other party. Penn had the sympathies of 
 neither, for while his support of Markham in the 
 controversy with Quarry had procured him the en- 
 mity of the latter, he had since his arrival in the 
 province aroused the personal animosity of Lloyd, a 
 brilliant and versatile but vindictive man, by re- 
 buking his intemperate attitude towards Quarry, 
 which could not he maintained, he said, without 
 doing hurt to the interests of the province. Lloyd 
 resented this, and he was further incensed at Penn's 
 relations with Quarry, which seemed to assume that 
 Markham and Lloyd had not been altogether right 
 in their dispute with the crown officers. Logan de- 
 scribes this quarrel in a letter to William Penn, Jr., 
 in which he characterizes the attorney-general as "a 
 man very stiff in all his undertakings, of a sound 
 judgment and a good lawyer, hut extremely perti- 
 nacious and somewhat revengeful." The question 
 of the seizure of the goods at New Castle and the 
 contempt of the king's authority coming up in Coun- 
 cil, " David resolutely defended all that had been 
 done, and too highly opposed the Governor's resolu- 
 tion of composing all by mildness and moderation, 
 and reconciling all animosities by his own interven- 
 tion, which he thought the only advisable expedient 
 to put an end to those differences that had cost him 
 so much trouble. This soon created some small mis- 
 understanding ; several of the most noted Friends 
 were involved more or less iu David's business, and, 
 though troubled at his stiffness, yet wished him in 
 the right, because the most active enemy and assidu- 
 ous counselor against the other party, who on all 
 occasions would be glad, they thought, of their utter 
 ruin." Penn would not tolerate David Lloyd's ob- 
 stinacy. Lloyd "knew not what it was to bend," and 
 so Penn made a life-long enemy of the most daring 
 and implacable, and in some respects the ablest man 
 in the province. David Lloyd's character and his 
 audacity are illustrated by Quarry's charge against 
 him that at a county court, when the marshal of the 
 Admiralty Court produced his commission under the 
 broad seal, with "his most sacred majesty's effigy" 
 
PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 
 
 165 
 
 stamped on it, Lloyd took the seal, held it up before 
 the people, and exclaimed, "What is this? Do you 
 think to scare us with a great box (meaning the seal 
 in a tin box) and a little baby? (the effigy.) 'Tis 
 true fine pictures please children, but we are not to 
 be frightened at such a rate." 
 
 The substantial charge against Lloyd, that he had 
 advised the magistrates to take goods by force out of 
 the king's warehouse at New Castle in contempt of 
 the Admiralty Court, was a serious business for Penn. 
 The Privy Council had received repeated charges 
 against Penn's government as having made light of 
 the royal authority, winked at piracy and smuggling, 
 and set the navigation laws at naught, and the Ad- 
 miralty Court had been established at Philadelphia 
 expressly to put a stop to such things. Penn, more- 
 over, in securing the restoration of the province to 
 his control, had given express pledges to see that the 
 irregularities complained of were rectified, and, 
 moreover, to secure from the province the subsidy 
 for the support of operations against the Indians, 
 which the Assembly had hitherto refused to vote. If 
 Lloyd should be permitted to have his own way 
 Penn could not hope to redeem either of these pledges, 
 and so was sure to find himself again embroiled with 
 the king and his cabinet. 
 
 The situation was further complicated by the fact 
 that Lloyd was the leader of the popular party, in- 
 cluding all the younger and more ardent Quakers, and 
 these, a vast majority in the Assembly, were seriously 
 bent upon securing from Penn a more liberal Consti- 
 tution and especially the concession to the Assembly 
 of the right to originate supply bills. Under such 
 circumstances there is no cause for wonder that Penn 
 should have delayed meeting his Council for some 
 time, while he was studying the situation and con- 
 sulting his friends. 
 
 The first Council attended by Penn met on Dec. 
 21, 1699, and the issue between the Admiralty Court 
 and the provincial government was given immediate 
 prominence. Col. Quarry was invited to attend 
 the next day's Council meeting, and it was resolved 
 that a proclamation should be forthwith published 
 discouraging piracy and illegal trade. Quarry's 
 charge against Penn's government was that the jus- 
 tices of Philadelphia Court had issued a writ of re- 
 plevin, and sent the sheriff (Claypoole) to seize goods 
 which were in the custody of the marshal of the Ad- 
 miralty Court, having been legally seized in the name 
 of the crown ; that the justices had been offensive and 
 insolent to Judge Quarry, challenging his commission 
 and claiming that their jurisdiction was coextensive 
 with his and their authority to unloose fully as great 
 as his to bind ; that the sheriff made a pretence of 
 keeping certain pirates in custody, while in fact they 
 were at large every day. Per contra, Markham, after 
 showing that he repudiated the act and the conduct 
 of the justices and had reproved the sheriff, claimed 
 that Judge Quarry was in contempt of the provincial 
 
 government for having arrested certain alleged pirates 
 within its jurisdiction and sent them to Barbadoes 
 for trial, and for having pretended that the provincial 
 officers, because qualified on affirmation and not on 
 oath, were not duly qualified according to the statute. 
 At the next day's Council, December 22d, Anthony 
 Morris, the chief of the offending justices, and Judge 
 Quarry were both present. Morris surrendered his 
 commission as justice, and further said, after plead- 
 ing his sacrifices in the public service, that he had 
 issued the writ of replevin in the case complained of 
 in good faith, " in pursuance (as hee thought) of his 
 duty, believing hee was in the right & yt hee was in- 
 duced yrto by advice of those that hee thought were well 
 skilled in ye Law, who told him yt was the priviledge of 
 the subject; and further said yt hee had no interest in 
 the owner nor goods, nor no self nor sinister in so 
 doing." The Governor said " That his signing ye sd 
 replevin was a verie indeliberate, rash, & (in his opin- 
 ion) unwarrantable act," which neither the justice 
 could nor the Governor would justify. Morris evi- 
 dently wanted to make it plain that he had acted 
 upon David Lloyd's advice, and Penn to make it 
 equally plain that he condemned and repudiated all 
 such counsel. As Lloyd was present, he could not 
 fail to feel a strong resentment at the course matters 
 had taken. To Judge Quarry the Governor said that 
 it was the most sincere intention of his government, 
 by all lawful means, to discourage, discountenance, 
 and severely punish piracy and illegal trade, in which 
 he desired the advice, assistance, and co-operation 
 of the judge and all the other king's officers. At 
 the next Council meeting Penn spoke of the neces- 
 sity of calling a General Assembly to take further 
 measures for the suppression of piracy and illicit 
 trade. A day or two later Robert Turner, Griffith 
 Jones, Francis Rawle, and Joseph Wilcox appeared 
 as petitioning the Governor on the subject of a re- 
 vision of the charter and asked a hearing. This led to 
 a long conference, and it had the result that the Assem- 
 bly to be called would come prepared to agitate the 
 question of constitutional amendment, as well as that 
 of piracy and illicit trade. It was decided to call the 
 old Assembly to meet on January 25th, a new elec- 
 tion being ordered in New Castle County, which had 
 neglected to choose representatives for the last Assem- 
 bly. On January 24th the Council again met, and 
 Judge Quarry and Justice Morris were confronted. 
 Quarry, after stating his case, said that "this his ac- 
 tion was no less than to Question whether his ma' 10 
 or y e s a Anthonie has most power." The act of Par- 
 liament governed both courts, and the justice could 
 not pretend ignorance when he had been so long on 
 the bench. He therefore wished Penn and Council 
 to have Morris prosecuted for violence and compelled 
 to make good to the king the appraised value of the 
 goods replevined. Morris, in reply, urged that he 
 signed the writ of replevin through ignorance and 
 not from malice against the king or his officers, "y* 
 
166 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 he was persuaded to do it by advice of y m y' knew y" 
 Laws," and therefore he hoped he would be excused ; 
 it would be very hard if any justice should be made 
 to suffer for an error in j udgment. The security given 
 by the petitioner who had taken out the writ was, he 
 believed, ample to cover the value of the goods. 
 Penn said he would see that the appraised value of 
 the things taken was made good to the marshal, and 
 told Quarry further that " if he was not satisfied w' 
 Anthony Morris' being outt of Commission of the 
 peace & w* his p se °' submission, hee might propose in 
 writing what other satisfaction he expected, and it 
 should be considered of. To w oh call. Quarry made 
 an sr , y* hee had no p !01lal animositie ag* M r . Morris 
 and y* for his p' he was well satisfied with y e Pro r & 
 Gov" 8 promise, & M r . Morris' submission." This dis- 
 agreeable business was thus for the time being ad- 
 justed, but only for the time being. 
 
 The next day after this meeting of the Council the 
 Assembly came together ; the records, now kept by 
 James Logan, assuming at once and henceforth a 
 more satisfactory and intelligent shape for those con- 
 sulting them, e.g., "Province or Pennsylvania 
 and Terkitomes, ss. — Minutes of Council in the As- 
 sembly, Anno Ri. Rs. Guliemi terty Anglice, etc., decimo, 
 25th January, 1699-70. Att a Council held at Phila- 
 delphia die Juris, 25th January, 1699-70." 
 
 Thesheriffof New Castle County returned, in answer 
 to the Governor's writ, that Richard Halliwell and 
 Robert French were elected members of Council, and 
 John Healy, Adam Peterson, William Guest, and 
 William Houston members of Assembly. The writ 
 for this election is interesting from its unusual form: 
 " To R. Halliwell, J n . Donaldson, and Rob' French, 
 of Newcastle : Inclosed I send you a writ for y e County 
 of Newcastle, to return their Representative for a 
 Council and Assembly, that I am forced to call with 
 all possible speed. Piracies and Illegal trade have 
 made such a noise in Eng la , and y'jealousies of their 
 being so much encouraged in these Am"" parts, such 
 an Impression on the minds of sev" great ones, that I 
 think myself obliged to give them earlier Demonstra- 
 tions of our Zeal ag 5 ' all such Practices than an ex- 
 pectation of y e next Assembly (w ch comes not on till 
 the Spring), or a full consideration of the Constitu- 
 tion and present frame of Governm' will admit of. 
 The business of this I now call will be very short, and 
 soon over, & y e new Assembly meets soon after, in 
 which I hope to take such effectual measures for the 
 future & better settlem' of this Governm' as will give 
 full satisfaction to all. P r . Dyer. 
 
 " Phila da , 12 m°, 1699-1700." 
 
 Some of the New Castle people complained that 
 they did not have any sufficient notice of this election. 
 Penn said the sheriff should be punished for his ne- 
 glect, but in the mean time there would be no business 
 before the present session except what was named in 
 the writ, in which he hoped all would concur, with- 
 out making the New Castle case a precedent for the 
 
 future. Committees of Council and Assembly were 
 appointed to consider the subject of the two proposed 
 bills, which, after several conferences and some de- 
 bate, were passed. The Assembly did not like the 
 clause forbidding trade with Madagascar and Natal ; 
 these places, it was explained, had become retreats 
 and retiring places of the pirates, and trade with them 
 was accordingly forbidden for three years. Penn 
 then dissolved the Assembly, after informing them 
 that he intended to call the next General Assembly 
 according to charter at the usual annual session. Penn 
 had not signified to the Assembly whether or not he 
 approved of the charter granted by Markham in 1704. 
 Nor did he ever formally approve it, for the charter 
 finally granted by Penn in 1701 appeared as if it were 
 an amendment to or substitute for the charter of 
 1683. Penn apparently was not on very good terms 
 with Markham at this time, or else the latter's ill 
 health (he died in 1704 after a long illness) no longer 
 suffered him to take an active part in government 
 affairs. 1 
 
 Penn showed himself determined at this time to 
 
 1 W'atson, in his "Annals of Philadelphia," says that Markham was 
 but twenty-one years of age when he came out to Pennsylvania, but thiB 
 must be a mistake, as it would make him only forty-five when he died. 
 At that time he was spoken of as the "old gentleman," and be had two 
 grandchildren. Besides, he diedof retrocedentgout, seldom fatal at such 
 an early age. His knowledge of affairs and the confidential positions 
 given him would imply a much older man. He left a widow, a daughter, 
 a son-in-law, two grandchildren, and a "daughter-in-law" at his death. It 
 is probable that M.irkham's retirement was on account of suspicious cir- 
 cumstances connecting him with the pirates, who, since the French Ad- 
 miral Poiutis had driven them away from the Caribbean Sea, were become 
 active in Northern waters. Kidd harbored about New York, Avery and 
 Blackbeard about the Delaware; some of Avery's men were in prison 
 in Philadelphia, and Col. Quarry complained more than once that their 
 confinement was a farce, as they could go when and where they chose. 
 It is certain that Markham suffered some of these men (who had their 
 pocketsfull of gold) to be treated" very leniently. One of Avery's men, 
 Birmingham by name, had intrusted his money to Markham's keeping, 
 and he was allowed by Sheriff Claypoole to walk the streets in summer 
 in custody of a deputy, and in winter to have his own fire. Another per- 
 son suspected of connection with Avery was James Brown, member of 
 the Assembly from Kent in 1698, and then expelled on account of his 
 relations to the pirates. Penn had him arrested in 1699 for having come 
 over with Avery. He was sent to Boston to be tried by the Earl of Bella- 
 mont, Governor of New York. This man is usually suspected of having 
 been Markham's son-in-law, the husband of his daughter, " Mrs. Ann 
 Brown." Penu's letter to Markham, dated 27th January, 1699-1700, is 
 generally supposed to refer to him. It is as follows "Cosin Markham, 
 — When I was with thee to-day thou offered to be bound for thy son-in- 
 law should he bring theeinto trouble, it is all the Portion I believe he 
 has with thy daughter. What thou hast I may venture to say thou hast 
 gott by this Govern 1 " 1 . I think it strange y r fore thou shouldst make a 
 Difficulty in binding thy Execut iT ° with thyself for his appearance. 
 Should another he bound, no man will take thy Bond for thy own Life, 
 only for a counter security. Thou knowest it is Contrary to the form of 
 all Obligations, & I cannot but take it hard thou should be unwilling to 
 venture so much for thy own Credit as well as that of the Governm 1 and 
 for the Husband of thy only Child from those I am not concerned with. 
 I expect a more express answer than thou hast yet given and remain thy 
 affecti»a>» Kinsman,— W. P."— (Peim. Arc/lives, i. 126.) 
 
 Gordon says the pirates were largely reinforced after the peace of Rys- 
 wyk, and they made harbor on the Delaware, because they could easily 
 impose on the unarmed, pacific Quakers. They sacked the town of 
 Lewes,and captured many vessels oft" the Delaware capes. There is noth- 
 ing improbable in the supposition that Markham was retired on account 
 of the ineffective means employed by him for the suppression of these 
 public plunderers. 
 
PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1690-1701. 
 
 167 
 
 break up the piracy in the Delaware. He even went 
 a little into the detective and private inquiry busi- 
 ness himself. He wrote to Luke Watson: "Thy 
 Son's Wife has made Affidavit to-day before me of 
 what she saw & knows of Geo. Thomson having East 
 India goods by him about y" time Kidd's Ship came 
 to yo r Capes : Thy Son doubtless knows much more 
 of the business ; I desire therefore thee would cause 
 him to make affidavit before thee of what he knows 
 either of Georges Goods or any of y e rest." To the 
 magistrates at New Castle he wrote that he had in- 
 formation that Pirates or persons suspected of piracy 
 had " lately landed below, on this and t'other side 
 the River, & that some hover about New Castle, full 
 of Gold. These are to desire you to use your utmost 
 Endeavor and Diligence in discovering and app'hend- 
 ing all such p'sons as you may know or hear of that 
 may be so suspected, according to my Proclamation." 
 A similar letter was sent to Nehemiah Ffield and 
 Jonathan Bailey. 
 
 William Penn's capacity to rule men has never been 
 doubted, but we think it is revealed with unexpected 
 force in his administration of 1699-1701. We have 
 outlined the difficulties that were in his way, — stumb- 
 ling blocks so many and so serious that he himself 
 said in his striking letter to Lawton, " What I have 
 mett with here is without Example, and what a Dia- 
 dem would not tempt to undergoe seven years, — faction in 
 Govern', and almost indissolvible knots in Property." 
 Let us see now how he did meet these difficulties. 
 It required a firm hand, and a firm hand he put to it. 
 The very existence of his government depended upon 
 his setting himself right with the crown in the matter 
 of piracy and illicit trade, to prevent the Lords of Trade 
 from proceeding against his charter with a writ of 
 quo warranto, which he knew to be the object that Col. 
 Quarry and Attorney-General Edmund Randolph had 
 in view. Accordingly, he resorted to severe measures 
 against all who were in any way suspected in connec- 
 tion with these matters, going further than Judge 
 Quarry went, and seeming to be guided and coun- 
 seled by that intemperate official in a way which 
 at once flattered and deceived him. All the time, 
 however, he was quite aware of Quarry's hostility to 
 him, and was preparing a sure trap for his feet. When 
 Penn was satisfied that he had done all that the Lords 
 of Trade and commissioners of custom would demand 
 or expect of him, he turned next to the Assembly 
 and the Council. The proceedings of the Legisla- 
 ture in regard to the revision of the charter extended 
 over a period of eighteen months, and will be pres- 
 ently exhibited, as they can be most lucidly, as a 
 consecutive whole. Suffice now to say that with con- 
 summate adroitness he first purged his Council of the 
 disorganizing elements in it by reversing the proceed- 
 ings of 1690 which had resulted in the disqualification 
 of Robert Turner and some more of Penn's most de- 
 voted friends, — proceedings instigated by David Lloyd, 
 — and then procuring the disqualification of Lloyd 
 
 himself as member of Council by instigating Judge 
 Quarry to prefer in writing such charges against him 
 of contempt to the crown and its officers as compelled 
 Penn to suspend him. Lloyd wanted to be tried at 
 once, but Penn said, " Oh, no," that this was merely 
 an investigation, not an indictment, and the time for 
 trial had not come yet. Thus Lloyd was put out of 
 the way, and incapacitated from doing injury to 
 Penn's more immediate projects. Next the Assembly 
 having failed to agree upon the amendments to the 
 charter, Penn required them categorically to decide 
 whether they would be governed by that instrument 
 any longer or no. They voted no, and surrendered 
 the charter to him, whereupon he put it coolly in his 
 pocket, dissolved and sent them home, quietly in- 
 forming him that he would for the time being at 
 least govern them himself under his patent from 
 Charles II., and the acts of settlement and union. 
 " Friends," said Penn, " since you were dissatisfied 
 w' y e charter you had, and y' you could not agree 
 among yorselves about a new one, I shall be easie in 
 ruling you by the king's Letters patent and act of 
 Union, and shall in the ruling of you Consider my 
 grant from the king and you that I am to rule, and 
 shall from time to time endeavor to give you satisfac- 
 tion. I advise you to be not easily displeased one 
 with another, be slow to anger and swift to charity, 
 so I wish you all well to your homes." This was 
 short and to the point. It was a perfectly safe pro- 
 ceeding, for the Assembly had already passed all the 
 laws demanded by the proprietary, including the tax- 
 bill of a penny a pound and six shillings per head, 
 and the custom bill levying a duty on imported 
 liquors and other goods, and had also confirmed and 
 continued until after the next Legislature should 
 meet all the necessary laws then in existence and un- 
 repealed. 
 
 The next thing to do was to deal with Quarry and 
 his satellites, and it must be confessed that Penn 
 temporized with this obstacle, while preparing the 
 way for its removal, in a fashion that entitled him to 
 the epithet of "Jesuit;" at any rate there is no ex- 
 cess of the straightforward Quaker "yea and nay" in 
 Penn's part of the business. 1 Birch, collector of cus- 
 toms at New Castle, wrote to Penn under date of May 
 28, 1700, complaining of vessels having gone down 
 from and come up to Philadelphia without, reporting 
 to him. Penn answered he was sorry that masters 
 were so lacking in respect. There was a bill now 
 before the Assembly to make the offense penal. But 
 he thinks a customs collector ought to have a boat, 
 if he wanted to secure the enforcement of the laws, 
 which were all on his side. "Thou canst not expect 
 that any at Philadelphia, 40 miles distant from you, 
 can putt Laws in execution at N. Castle, without any 
 care or vigilance of officers there, if so there needed 
 
 l The letters on this subject are to be found in volume first of the 
 Pennsylvania Archives, p. 131 et seq. 
 
168 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 none in the place, especially since no place in the 
 River or Bay yields y e prospect y' is at New Castle of 
 seeing 20 miles one way and a dozen the other, any 
 vessel coming either up or down." Penn confesses he 
 thinks the particular care he had taken of the inter- 
 ests of the king and his immediate officers deserved 
 a better return " than such testy expressions as thou 
 flings out in thy Letters both to myself and of one to 
 y e members of Council." Birch is reminded that he 
 has forgotten the. respect due to the proprietary's sta- 
 tion and conduct, and that he should not make Penn 
 a sufferer on account of his pique against the col- 
 lector at Philadelphia, a matter with which he neither 
 had nor wanted anything to do. "Let your Masters at 
 home decide it ; what comes fairly before me I shall ac- 
 quitt myself of, with Hon r & Justice to y" best of my 
 understanding w"'out regard to fear or favour, for those 
 sordid passions shall never move if Proprief & Gov r of 
 Pensilvania." But Penn was not done with Mr. 
 Birch yet. In a postscript he says he hears that the 
 collector talks of writing home, and making he knows 
 not what complaints. " I hope thou wilt be cautious in 
 that point lest I should write too, lohich, when I doe, may 
 prove loud enough to make thee sensible of it at a dis- 
 tance. If thou understands not this, it shall be explained 
 to thee at our next meeting, when I am more at Leisure." 
 This letter, full of conscious power, was palpably 
 meant for Quarry quite as much as Birch. Penn sent 
 the whole correspondence to the Lords of Trade, and 
 when Birch died shortly afterwards, Penn himself 
 appointed his successor pro tern., in order, as he said, 
 to protect his Majesty's interests, — in other words, 
 implying that those interests were not served by 
 either Birch or Quarry. He had already awakened a 
 fear in the minds of the Lords of Trade that Quarry 
 was overdoing his part in the business. The Episco- 
 palians had now built Christ Church in Philadelphia, 
 and the Bishop of London, Penn's adversary of old, 
 sent over Rev. Mr. Evans as incumbent. Penn pro- 
 ceeded at once to conciliate and disarm this new ally 
 of Quarry's party. " He appears a man sober & of 
 a mild Disposition," writes the proprietary to Robert 
 Assheton (his kinsman) ; " I must therefore desire 
 thee to use all early methods by thyself and such 
 others of yo r Church as are for Peace and a ffriendly 
 understanding, to make impressions on his mind for 
 the best, and by all seasonable means endeavor to 
 dispose him to an easiness of mind and good inclina- 
 tions to the Publick, and the People in general he is 
 now to live amongst, assuring him that while he be- 
 haves himself witli Candour and Ingenuity, he shall 
 want no Goodwill from me, nor kindness that I can 
 shew him, and that he may expect as much favour in 
 all reasonable things as he could from any Governor 
 of his own way." 
 
 Quarry and his officers had seized and condemned 
 a ship called the " Providence," Capt. Lumby, upon 
 a technicality, there being some defect in the regis- 
 try. The law allowed Penn one-third of the prize- 
 
 money, the other two-thirds going to the crown. 
 Penn at once sent his third to the owners, telling them 
 he could not think of such a thing as profiting by an 
 accidental oversight on their part, and advising them 
 to compromise for the other two-thirds on the best 
 terms they could get, he having prevailed on Quarry 
 to accept two hundred pounds in Pennsylvania money 
 (one hundred and thirty pounds sterling) in lieu of 
 the libel. This letter also Penn took care should be 
 shown before the Lords of Trade. A few days latei 
 the Governor wrote a letter to Quarry, in reply to one 
 received from the judge. The latter had been com- 
 plaining of reports circulating among the Quakers 
 that he had been ordered home, and all the proceed- 
 ings of the Admiralty Court were to be quashed and 
 made void. If Quarry would give the names of those 
 who spread such reports, Penn promised to have them 
 proceeded against with the utmost vigor as defamers 
 and spreaders of false news and lies. He regretted to 
 see that the judge let such things disturb him so much. 
 There were very injurious reports out against him 
 too, but he thought it his duty to " make allowance 
 for ye giddy and weak side of mankind." Then he 
 dismisses the matter as if not worthy to be further 
 discussed, and proceeds to explain to the judge some 
 action of the Philadelphia courts. At the very time 
 that Penn was writing this to Quarry he had not only 
 determined on his removal, but had fixed upon a man 
 to succeed him. This is evident from his letter to 
 Squire Lawton of about the same date. Lawton was 
 one of Penn's confidential agents in London, and to 
 him he discloses the game he had been playing since 
 his return to the province. After mentioning the 
 fact that he had not only fully advised the Commis- 
 sioners of Trade and Plantations of all his proceed- 
 ings, sending them copies of the entire correspondence 
 with Quarry and his officers, etc., but had also written 
 personal letters to Chief Justice Holt, Lords Somers, 
 Romney, and the lords of the admiralty, he promises 
 Lawton that his agency shall be worth more to him 
 than house rent, without giving him much trouble. 
 He rebukes Lawton for his impatience, one moment 
 kind, the next stormy, — " but I know thee so well and 
 in the main reasonable in thy Resentm" that I will 
 say no more of it, only," — that his correspondent 
 seems to forget he has his difficulties and worries too. 
 Lawton is instructed to confer with " the Quaker's 
 lawyer" in Doctor's Commons, John Edge, and see 
 that the case of the " Providence" is properly pre- 
 sented. Then Penn opens his batteries on Quarry; 
 the admiralty was as uneasy about the rigor of the 
 judge's enforcement of the laws as it had previously 
 been about their laxness. "If it were worth while 
 at first to erect Courts of Admiralty in America," 
 Penn says, " it would be for the king's service to have 
 experienced officers in it ; for as these manage, great 
 Discourage 1 "' is given to trade, 4 ships having gone to 
 other ports y* were bound hither, by w ob I have lost 
 50 lb8 and y e county 100 lb * by each, and y e passengers 
 
PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 
 
 169 
 
 suffer greatly." He shows that Quarry and his offi- 
 cers were voracious, ruling to condemn vessels for 
 their fees and trying to tempt him with his "thirds." 
 Also they were not impartial in selling condemned 
 stuff, of which he gives some instances ; " but if a 
 churchman come in play he is favored — of this proof 
 can be made by Depositions." "Salute me Lord 
 Haversham," Penn says, " and tell him the Admi- 
 ralty is no Inheritance to him, but the common Law 
 is, and hope he will not countenance their Ignorance : 
 y° Judge affirmed the Court had more power here than 
 that in England ; they pursue the letter of their Com- 
 missions ; the Advocate confessed there was not one 
 in America understood the Civil Law or Doctors Com- 
 mons ; at what a pass then are Proprietary Govern- 
 ments, who, unless they will run their heads against 
 the wall, are in danger of being quo warrantoed by the 
 late Act ag st Piracy, a weak thing, what done this As- 
 sembly about y e Act of Piracy. As for y" Commission, 
 if I can make a Mayor and not an officer under him, 
 'tis odd ; and to have 300 miles of water and yet no 
 power to serve a Writt on it, is to grant a country 
 without a way to it; y e Contrary has been prac- 
 ticed ever since a Gov mt till these Gent men had their 
 Com miSBOin *, and now what is granted by y e 7 th and 8 th 
 of W m ye 3 d is allowed them, but they will have all 
 the power even in Creeks not 20 feet over, without 
 considering what is infra Corpus Comitatus, and will 
 have all actions tried by ye Admiralty, whatsoever it 
 is, without a Jury; but I hope, if I live 7 years, to see 
 those y l give away men's estates without a Jury pun- 
 ish' though not so vigorously as Empson and Dudley, 
 — and of Lumby's business, too, where both Judge 
 and Advocate are parties for ye thirds. / am too far 
 off to make trips to Whitehall., otherwise Westminster, ye 
 Parliament, etc., should have rung of it as well as ye Ex- 
 change. 'Tis a great affront and Injustice that my 
 Waters should be under another Vice- Admiralty ; to 
 talk of a country and no waters, a proprietary, or 
 palatine & no vice-admiralty, nor to be Lord of ye 
 Waters, has a contradiction in it ; inculcate this to ye 
 Lords of Admiralty & Trade, for 1 have sent over a 
 Dep"'' name for approbation." ' 
 
 1 That Penn was determined, if the worst came, to make a fight in 
 Privy Council on the rights conveyed to him hy the Royal Charter and 
 Patent ia obvious from the fact that he begs Lawton to make particular 
 inquiry concerning u y° Nature & Custom of y* Castle of Windsor." 
 This was in reference to the particular character of the tenure, the third 
 article of the Royal Charter to Penn, giving to him (saving allegiance 
 and loyal sovereignty), ' to have, hold, possess, and enjoy, the said tract 
 of hind, country, isles, inlets, and other the premises . . . forever, to be 
 hohleii of us our heirs and successors kings of England, as of our castle 
 of Windsor, in the county of Berks, in free and common soccage, by fealty 
 only, for all services," etc. "Custom" is a feudal law term, implying 
 established usage in contradistinction to written or statute law. Thus 
 the districts of Northern France were styled pays couiumier in contra 
 distinction to those of the South, which, governed by the civil law, were 
 styled pays du droit Latin. The ' custom of Paris" became finally, as 
 formulated by Louis IX., the common law of France. The law of cus- 
 toms was that when a yen- ml custom was concerned, any infraction ol it 
 was to be tried by Parliament or Privy Council, aided by tho courts; hut 
 a breach of a local Clinton) was to he tried by jury. The "custom of 
 22 
 
 The spirit of this letter we cannot admire, but every 
 one must admit the skill and adroitness of it, espec- 
 ially in the suggestion of arguments appealing at 
 once to the experience and the prejudices of Lord 
 Haversham, the English judge of the Common Pleas. 
 Penn is making -a case in the Privy Council against 
 Judge Quarry, and every word he says is meant to 
 tell with men like Somers, Holt, and Haversham. 
 Even his bitterness, scarcely so reserved as is usual 
 with him, has a deliberate purpose in it, and is the 
 echo of feelings which he knows must still be strong 
 among lawyers fresh from the English state trials 
 which hastened the expulsion of King James from 
 the throne. Penn proceeds with his indictment of 
 his enemies in the following terms : " Hinder Randal 
 [Edmund Randolph] our Enemy, a knave, &c, from 
 returning [he] has played many pranks ; was prerog- 
 ative's tool to Destroy N. England's character ; oc- 
 cassioned my disputes 5 years ; treated with y e pirates 
 for pardon. I send an original Lett' of his to W. 
 Clark, w' h whom he dispensed without an oath, tho' 
 he made that a great charge against us ; Sir R. South- 
 wel was his protect', and w n I left Londo" his great 
 Enemy for baseness : R. Harley has great power w" 1 
 him, who had a better man in his eye, one Brinton; 
 Sir R. S. has Interest. Coll. Bass and Coll. Bark- 
 stead are Alsatians, wooden colonels, litle will, &c, 
 ingrate to y° last, my great Enemies ; Bass & a Liar 
 y" same, lete him not come hither ; y e popish friar his 
 fr d & his wife are dead, both cunning and his fr ds . 
 See R. West on this, Gov r . Ham 1 fr 4 ag st Bass." 2 
 Penn further advises his agent to "give R. West a 
 guinea now and then." " I fear him in y e surrender 
 of y 8 Jerseys ; he has always profest friendship, putt 
 him in mind of it." Also, his agent is to choose a 
 good lawyer, " not full of practice," to ascertain the 
 power of the Council Board and House of Lords to 
 take cognizance of cases of law before them ; after 
 the opinion is got it is to be shown to Mompesson 
 (who was afterwards appointed to succeed Quarry). 
 Penn says that West wanted him to stay in England 
 and fight out the difficulty with Quarry before the 
 Privy Council, but Quarry's letters, backed by the 
 Bishop of London and Gr. Nicolson, would not suffer 
 it. " Church is their cry and to disturb us their merit, 
 whose labors have made the place ; they misrepresent 
 all we doe, & would make us dissenters in our own coun- 
 try." The church party have had every concession 
 possible made to them, says Penn, and have three of 
 the five counties, but they want everything, although 
 " we are much Superior to them in Number & Estates ; 
 2 to 1 in Numbers, 4 to 1 in estates, 20 to 1 in first 
 
 Windsor" was the general feudal rule of the English monarchs regard- 
 ing tenure of lands, and bb old as William the Conqueror; butin respect 
 of being local to Windsor, in a specified county, Penn could demand a 
 jury if accused of violating the charter. 
 
 2 It is anything but honest in Penn to quarrel with Randolph for being 
 ' prerogative's tool ;" he himself was precisely that sort of instrument 
 during the reigns of Charles and James. 
 
170 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 adventurers. 1 G. K.'s [George Keith's] Hypocrisy- 
 first open'd y e way for this violent spirit." After re- 
 peating his injunction to Lawton to spare no pains to 
 get the Bishop of London's good will and advising 
 him that several things in this letter "are not to be 
 showed," Penn concludes this epistle, which is writ- 
 ten a great deal more in the style of Barillon, Gonde- 
 mar, Burleigh, or Godolphin than in that of the quiet 
 Quaker, humbly pursuing his own path and leaving 
 worldly things to the management of Providence. 
 The spirit of intrigue and cunning breathes through 
 every line, and the founder of Pennsylvania does not 
 scruple to bribe lobbyists at Whitehall, nor to prac- 
 tice upon the prejudices of the law lords in King 
 William's Privy Council. He shows that Mompes- 
 son, the man who came out in 1704 with Evans and 
 William Penn, Jr., to succeed Col. Quarry as judge 
 of the Court of Admiralty, was already in his confi- 
 dence so deeply as to be retained as counselor in the 
 -most intimate affairs. 
 
 The records of Council at this period are not rich in 
 minor matters of interest respecting Philadelphia. 
 The price of wheat had gone up to five shillings six- 
 pence a bushel, whereupon the bakers reduced the 
 size of the loaf, and were complained against. The 
 result was that the standard weight of the loaf was 
 reduced in order to enable the bakers to live. There 
 were other market regulations of a similar character. 
 At the session of the Assembly and Council, in Octo- 
 ber, 1700, at New Castle, there was a general revision 
 of laws, and a tax bill was passed to raise two thou- 
 sand pounds, of which Philadelphia contributed a 
 little more than half. One hundred and four acts 
 were passed at this session of the General Assembly, 
 the most of them being modifications of existing laws, 
 or acts of local character and minor importance. 
 The purchase of land from Indians without consent 
 of the proprietary was forbidden ; better provision 
 was made for the poor ; dueling and challenging to 
 combat visited with three months' imprisonment ; 
 bound servants forbidden to be sold without their 
 consent and that of two magistrates, and at the expi- 
 ration of their term of service were to have clothes 
 and implements given them. An act relating to roads 
 gave the regulation of county roads to county justices, 
 and the king's highway and public roads to the Gov- 
 ernor and Council ; inclosures were to be regulated, 
 corn-field fences to be made pig-tight and five feet high 
 of rails or logs ; when such fences were not provided the 
 delinquent to be liable for all damages from stock. 
 The counties were to provide railed bridges over 
 streams at their own expense and to appoint overseers 
 
 1 This shown conclusively the wane of the Society of Friends in Penn- 
 sylvania after twenty years of settlement. They still retained the pre- 
 ponderance in property, hut since 16S2 had declined in proportion of 
 numbers from twenty to one to two to one, and were in a minority in 
 the lower counties, the Delaware Hundreds. The motion for the seces- 
 sion of these counties in 1690 and 1702, and the reason why the Quakers 
 took this secession so easily, are thus fully explained. 
 
 of highways and viewers of fences. A health bill 
 was also passed, providing quarantine for vessels with 
 disease aboard. An ordinance was also made by 
 Council restricting the firing of salutes by vessels in 
 the river, some Seneca Indians in Philadelphia, on a 
 visit to Penn, having been frightened off by one of 
 these promiscuous cannonades. The Governor took 
 great pains to conciliate the terrified Indians, made 
 them a speech, and ended by sending them to inspect 
 the vessels in person and find out why and how salutes 
 were fired. The Council also followed the lead of the 
 Friends' Yearly Meeting in providing for the marriage 
 of negroes and the spiritual welfare of them and the 
 Indians, as well as trying to discourage the importa- 
 tion of African slaves ; but the Assembly declined 
 to carry out the proposed legislation. Negroes were 
 property, and the Legislature was slow to do anything 
 impairing their value. A negro slave named Jack, 
 in September, 1700, shot and killed a white youth, 
 but it does not seem as if he could be brought to 
 trial. His conviction and execution would have de- 
 stroyed that much property. 2 In order to render the 
 enactment against piracy more effective a strict system 
 of passes for goers and comers was instituted, and the 
 old law revived requiring people intending to move 
 away to publish due notice thereof. Pastorius and 
 the people of Germantown attempted but did not 
 succeed in having their borough divorced from Phila- 
 delphia, as far as taxes were concerned. The sewer- 
 age system of Philadelphia was defective, the streets 
 being washed and flooded by every rain. A commis- 
 sion was accordingly appointed to regulate the streets 
 and water-courses, and they were authorized to levy 
 for five hundred pounds to enable them to perform 
 their work. 3 
 
 There being complaint of the drain of coin from 
 the province to pay for neat cattle imported from 
 East Jersey, the Council agreed upon a series of reg- 
 ulations for the Assembly to act upon, requiring every 
 holder of forty acres of cleared land to keep ten 
 sheep ; prohibiting any one to sell or kill more than 
 half his neat cattle ; none to be killed or sold in 
 Philadelphia under any pretence between 10th of 
 June and 10th of September ; none but strictly mar- 
 
 2 The murdered man was huried in the Friends' hurying-ground on 
 Fourth and Mulherry Streets, and here, in 1815, his tomhstone was dug 
 up, hearing the following inscription : 
 
 " Here lies a Plant, 
 Too many have seen it, 
 Flourisht and perisht 
 In half a minute; 
 Joseph llakestraw, 
 The sou of William, 
 
 Shott by a negro 
 The 30th day of Sept., 
 1700, in the 19th year 
 and 4th mo. of his age." 
 
 — Westcott quoting from SaxartCs Register. 
 
 3 The members of this commission 
 son, Charles Read, Jonathan Dickil 
 Parsons. 
 
 ire Francis Cook, James Atkin- 
 >n, Thomas Masters, and John 
 
PBNN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 
 
 171 
 
 ketable cattle to be killed at any time, nor less than 
 twenty-four hours after being driven; slaughter- 
 houses to be forbidden in the city limits; but all 
 slaughtering to be done on the east side of Delaware, 
 where the tide might carry off the offal; finally, the 
 duty on rum of the West Indies imported in vessels 
 belonging to the province was taken off, on other 
 vessels one penny per gallon ; but if rum be retailed 
 in quantities less than ten gallons it was to pay duty. 
 No person to keej) more than four horses without 
 fences ; no stallion tec go at large. The Assem- 
 bly was called together, Aug. 1, 1701, again to con- 
 sider a letter from the king asking £350 to repair 
 and build forts in New York. The application was, 
 however, refused, the Assembly, not without a dig 
 at Penn, representing the province as being poor 
 through previous contributions, and having arrears 
 of quit-rent to pay up. The Assembly was very 
 loyal and humble, but gave unmistakable evidence 
 of its unwillingness to be taxed for the warlike pur- 
 poses of another colony. 
 
 The subject of the unsatisfactory condition of the 
 trade with the Indians was several times brought 
 before Council, there being reason to believe that 
 French emissaries had helped to debauch them with 
 rum and false rumors. The Council ordered the 
 arrest and imprisonment of the French traders, Louis 
 and P. Besalion, and took measures looking to let 
 out the trade to a company or a limited number of 
 persons, " who should take all measures to induce the 
 Indians to a true Value and Esteem for the Christian 
 Religion by setting before them good Examples of 
 Probity and Candour! both in Commerce and Be- 
 haviour, and that care should be taken to have them 
 duly instructed in the fundamentals of Christianity." 
 
 A sort of joint-stock company was proposed, the old 
 traders to be admitted, and all who should subscribe 
 to rules and regulations to be laid down by Council. 
 Many efforts were made to prevent or restrict the 
 traffic in rum with the Indians, but, though a bill to 
 this effect was passed by the Assembly before Penn's 
 departure, it was not stringent enough to accomplish 
 the end sought. In the mean time, however, Penn 
 had had many conferences with the tribes, and es- 
 tablished good relations with them. In 1696, through 
 Governor Dongan, of New York, he had bought from 
 the Five Nations the right to all the lands on the 
 Susquehanna. This purchase was not considered 
 satisfactory by the Indians on the spot, and conse- 
 quently the representatives of the Susquehannas, the 
 Indians at the head of the Potomac, the Shawanese, 
 and delegates from the Five Nations were summoned 
 to Philadelphia to meet Penn and his Council. A 
 formal treaty was negotiated between the contracting 
 parties, in which the Susquehanna land purchases 
 were fully ratified and a treaty of amity agreed upon, 
 by which a " firm and lasting peace" was forever es- 
 tablished, "and that they shall forever hereafter be a 
 one Head and One Heart, & live in true ffriendship 
 
 & Amity as one People." By this treaty common 
 measures were taken against all acts of violence, 
 and mutual guarantees of full immunities, free inter- 
 course, and safe conduct exchanged ; any hostile in- 
 tentions on the part of either party should be antici- 
 pated by due notice given to the other party, and evil 
 reports were not to be credited until investigated ; 
 the Susquehannas were not to permit strange Indians 
 to settle on their lands, nor to trade with any but the 
 commissioned agents of the province. Before Penn 
 left the province he again met these Indians in a 
 grand council at Pennsbury, where he took leave of 
 them, gave them every assurance of his interest in 
 them and their well-being, and received from them 
 the most solemn assurances of continued fidelity. 
 They told him, as John Richardson reports in his 
 journal, that " they never broke covenant with any 
 people, for" — and here they smote three times upon 
 their heads and their hearts with their hands — " they 
 did not make treaties in their heads but in their 
 hearts." Then they kindled their council fires in 
 the grounds about the mansion, and performed their 
 " canticoes" and dances, singing their songs and 
 sounding their long war-whoops until the forests on 
 the other side of the Delaware echoed with the wild 
 refrain. 
 
 A new Assembly was called to meet on the 15th of 
 September, 1701. The proprietary told them he would 
 have been glad to defer the session to the usual time, 
 but he was summoned away to England by news 
 seriously threatening his and their interests. A com- 
 bined effort was making in Parliament to obtain an 
 act for annexing the several proprietary governments 
 to the crown. A bill for that purpose had passed its 
 second reading in the House of Lords, and it was ab- 
 solutely necessary for Penn to be on the spot to pre- 
 vent the success of these schemes. When the Assem- 
 bly met (Philadelphia being represented by Anthony 
 Morris, Samuel Richardson, Nicholas Wain, and Isaac 
 Norris), Penn told them he contemplated the voyage 
 with great reluctance, "having promised myself the 
 Quietness of a wilderness," but, finding he could best 
 serve them on the other side of the water, "neither 
 the rudeness of the season nor the tender circum- 
 stances of my family can overrule my intention to 
 undertake it." ' At the first regular session of the 
 Assembly since his return (April, 1700) Penn had 
 addressed them on the subject of reforming the char- 
 ter and laws. Some laws were obsolete, he said, some 
 
 1 In strict honesty, while Penn was pleading the "tender circum- 
 stances" of his family, he should have added that both his wife and daugh- 
 ter were urging his departure, and that lie might perhaps have stayed in 
 the wilderness if they had given him any hopes of enjoying quietude 
 there. In a letter to James Logan, dated Sept. 8,1701, he wrote: "I 
 cannot prevail on my wife to stay, and still less with Tish. I know not 
 what to do. Samuel Carpenter seems to excuse her in it, but to all that 
 speak of it say I shall have no need to stay, and great interest to return." 
 Penn ovidently wanted to leave his wife and daughter at Pennsbury, so 
 as to put himself under speedy bonds to return after a brief run over to 
 England. 
 
172 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 hurtful, some imperfect and needing improvement, 
 new ones needed to be made also. " We cannot go 
 too slowly to make them, nor too fast to execute them 
 when made, and that with diligence and discretion." 
 If any law needed repair, alter it. If new laws were 
 demanded, propose them. But do not play at gov- 
 ernment. " I wish there were no need of any." 
 "Government is not an end but a means; he who 
 thinks it is an end aims at profit, to make a trade of 
 it; but he who thinks it to be a means understands 
 the true end of government. Friends, away with all 
 parties, and look on yourselves and on what is good 
 for all as a body politic. . . . Study peace and be at 
 amity. Provide for the good of all, and I desire to 
 see mine no otherwise than in the public's pros- 
 perity." This was salutary and timely counsel; but 
 the Assembly did not heed it. They demanded a 
 new charter, and were not rebuffed by Penn's retort, 
 "whether they thought the old charter was living, 
 dead, or asleep?'' Now, when the Assembly met 
 before his departure, the proprietary brought the 
 same subject plainly to their attention. "Think, 
 therefore," said he, "since all men are mortal, of 
 some suitable expedient and Provision for your 
 safety, as well in your Privileges as Property, and 
 you will find me ready to comply with whatsoever 
 may render us happy, by a nearer Union of our In- 
 terest." The Assembly expressed its sorrow at his 
 intended departure and gave him thanks, in a formal 
 address, for his interest in the province's behalf. 
 
 All this, however, was simply preliminary. The 
 Assembly made a remonstrance and petitions of the 
 people of Philadelphia which had been presented to 
 Governor Markham in April, 1697, and again brought 
 before Penn, 1 the occasion for an address to the pro- 
 prietary. This address was in twenty-one articles, 
 and embraced the substance of what the Assembly 
 conceived should be entertained in any new charter. 
 It was made up of specific demands for political priv- 
 ileges and territorial concessions, and, as Gordon ob- 
 serves, was "the germ of a long and bitter contro- 
 versy." The political privileges demanded were that 
 in case the proprietary left the province, due care 
 should be taken to have him represented by persons 
 of integrity and considerable known estate, with full 
 power to deal with lands and titles, that an ample 
 protective charter should be granted, that all prop- 
 erty questions should be settled in the courts, and no 
 longer allowed to go before Governor and Council, 
 and that the justices should license and regulate or- 
 dinaries and drinking-houses. The rest of the arti- 
 cles were in reference to the laud question, and the 
 freedom of the demands provoked the Governor, who 
 said, on hearing the articles read, that if he had freely 
 
 1 It was a protest against the right of the Assembly and Council, as 
 then constituted, to pass laWB and raise taxes. It was signed by Arthur 
 Cook and one hundred and thirteen leading citizens of the place. Penn 
 referred it to Robert Turner, Griffith Jones, Francis Ilawle, and Joseph 
 Wilcox. 
 
 expressed his inclination to indulge them, "they were 
 altogether as free in their cravings," and there were 
 several of the articles which could not concern them 
 "as a House of Representatives conven'd on affairs 
 of Gov'm't." In fact, the Assembly demanded (1) 
 that the proprietary should cease to exercise the right 
 of reviewing and altering the land contracts made in 
 his name by the Deputy Governor, and that the lat- 
 ter should have power to remedy all shortages and 
 over measures; (2) that the charter should secure all 
 titles and clear all Indian purchases; (3) that there 
 should be no more delay in confirming lands and 
 granting patents, and the ten in the hundred should 
 be allowed as agreed upon ; (4) no surveyor, secretary, 
 or other person to take any extra fees beyond the 
 law's allowance ; (5) the ancient land records, made 
 before Penn's coming, should be "lodged in such 
 hands as y e Assembly shall judge to be most safe;" 
 (6) a patent office should be created, like that of Ja- 
 maica; (7) that the original terms for laying out Phil- 
 adelphia were clogged with rents and reservations con- 
 trary to the design of the first grant, and these should 
 be eased ; (8) "that the Land lying back of that part 
 of the town already built remain for common, and that 
 no leases be Granted, for the future, to make Inci- 
 sures to the damage of the Publick, until such time 
 as the respective owners shall be ready to build or 
 Improve thereon, and that the Islands and ffiats near 
 the Town be left to the Inhabitants of this town to 
 get their winter ffodder;" (9) that the streets of the 
 town should be regulated and bounded, the ends on 
 Delaware and Schuylkill to be unlimited and left 
 free, and free public landing-places be confirmed at 
 the Blue Anchor Tavern and the Penny Pot-House; 
 
 (10) the deeds of enfeoffment from the Duke of York 
 for the lower counties should be recorded in their 
 courts, and all lands not disposed of then be letted at 
 the old rate of a bushel of wheat the hundred acres ; 
 
 (11) New Castle should receive the one thousand acres 
 of common land promised to it, and bank-lots these 
 to be confirmed to owners of front lots at low-water 
 mark, at the rent of a bushel of wheat per lot; (12) 
 all the hay-marshes should be laid out for commons, 
 except such as were already granted; (13) that all 
 patents hereafter to be granted to the territories should 
 be on the same conditions as the warrants or grants 
 were obtained, and that people should have liberty to 
 buy up their quit-rents, as formerly promised. 2 
 
 2 Some of these propositions were obviously untenable, and some 
 amounted to a charge of bad faith against the proprietary. Gordon says 
 (History of Pennsylvania, p. 118),— 
 
 "I. In the surveys to the first emigrants an allowance had been made 
 by the proprietary often acres in the hundred for roads, n neven grounds, 
 and errors of survey. Subsequent purchasers claimed this allowance 
 also as a right. The situation of every tract did not admit of such ad- 
 dition, and tho surveyors sometimes omitted to embrace it when it might 
 have beeu obtained. ... An attempt was made to satisfy the claimants 
 in the preceding year by tho passage of an act giving to those whose Bur- 
 veys included 80 much, or more, tho full ten per ceut.,aud two percent, 
 to those who had the nott hundred. The inequality of this provision 
 was obvious, and tho landholders were consequently dissatisfied. The 
 
PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1099-1701. 
 
 173 
 
 Penn informed the Assembly that their address was 
 solely on property, and chiefly in relation to private 
 contracts between him and individuals, whereas he 
 had recommended them to consider their privileges, 
 the bulwark of property. He would never suffer any 
 Assembly to intermeddle in his property. The As- 
 sembly retorted that they were of opinion they had 
 privileges sufficient as Englishmen, and would leave 
 the rest to Providence. As to the king's letter de- 
 manding a subsidy, the country was too much strait- 
 ened of late by the necessary payment of their debts 
 and taxes ; other colonies did not seem to have done 
 anything, and they must therefore beg to be ex- 
 cused. 
 
 Penn now made answer to the address, article by 
 article ; he would appoint such deputies as he had 
 confidence in, and he hoped they would be of honest 
 character, unexceptionable, and capable of doing 
 what was right by proprietary and province; he was 
 willing to grant a new charter, and to dispense with 
 delays in granting patents; fees he was willing should 
 be regulated by law, but hoped he would not be ex- 
 pected to pay them ; the custody of the records was 
 as much his business as the Assembly's ; if the Jamaica 
 patent law would improve things he was willing to 
 have it adopted ; the claim for town lots was errone- 
 ous ; the reservations in the city were his own, not 
 the property of the inhabitants ; improvements of bed 
 of streets conceded ; license proposition conceded ; the 
 deeds for Delaware counties were recorded by Ephraim 
 Herman ; the other propositions, in substance, so far 
 as they were important, were negatived or referred 
 for revision. 
 
 In the course of the discussions the representatives 
 of the lower counties took offense and withdrew 
 from the Assembly ; they objected to having the As- 
 
 Assembly demanded the full ten per cent, on all lands then Hold, and five 
 per cent, on future Bales." (This Penn refused, offering six per cent, all 
 round. This caused much trouble until 1712, when a settlement was 
 effected on the basis of six per cen t.) "The examination of th is question 
 of surplusage, though attended with much vexations, proved of pecu- 
 niary advantage to the proprietary. An act of Assembly was passed 
 directing a resurvey of all located lands, at the expense of William Penn. 
 within two years ; and large quantities of land were found included in 
 former surveys not covered by the warrants, for which ho ustly exacted 
 payment. But this exaction was most unreasonably considered by some 
 of the tonants as bard and oppressive. 
 
 "II. The pretension of the freeholders to a full participation of the 
 benefits especially granted to the first purchasers, were not confined to 
 tbo allowance for roads. The city lots, now rapidly increasing in value 
 were claimed as appendages to country purchases, and every holder 
 of a farm demanded a city lot of a size proportioned to the number of 
 acres he pusse.-sed. 
 
 "III. The inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia required that the 
 vacant town lots should remain in common. . . . Whilst these extrava- 
 gant claims were advanced by the freemen of the province those of the 
 territories asked that the price of lands in their counties should not be 
 raised, and that future grants should be made at the original quit-rents. 
 
 "IV. In resurveyiog the quit-rents the proprietary intended not only 
 to eecuro to himsolf a permanent revenue, but to preserve that connec- 
 tion between the grantor and grantee which had beon the soul of the 
 feudal system and which was still considered necessary though all. the 
 incidents of that system, save fealty, escheat, and rent, frequently nom- 
 inal, had ceased." 
 
 SEAL OF PHILADKI.PIIIA IN 1701 
 
 seinbly confirm and re-enact the laws passed at New 
 Castle, since they regarded these as already perma- 
 nent and established. This was only preliminary to 
 the final separation of the Delaware counties from 
 Pennsylvania. Finally the Assembly was dissolved 
 on Oct. 28, 1701, the Governor having signed an act 
 to establish courts of judicature for the punishment 
 of petty larceny ; for minor attachments ; for prevent- 
 ing clandestine 
 marriages ; for 
 preventing fires 
 in towns ; for pre- 
 venting swine 
 from running at 
 large ; for the 
 destruction of 
 blackbirds and 
 crows, andagainst 
 selling rum to the 
 Indians. Penn 
 also signed the 
 Charter of Privi- 
 leges, "with a 
 
 Warrant to Affix the Great Seal to it, w oh was de- 
 livered with it to Thomas Story, Keeper of the said 
 Seal, and master of the Rolls, to be Sealed and Re- 
 corded." At the same time he signed a charter in- 
 corporating the city of Philadelphia. 
 
 The Charter of Privileges, after a specific preamble, 
 begins by confirming freedom of conscience and lib- 
 erty of religious profession and worship in ample 
 terms, as had been done in the earlier form of govern- 
 ment ; it provided for an Assembly of four members 
 from each county, to be elected by the freemen each 
 year on October 1st, and meet in General Assembly 
 October 14th at Philadelphia. The Assembly to 
 choose its own Speaker and officers, judge the quali- 
 fication and election of its own members, sit upon 
 its own adjournments, appoint committees, prepare 
 bills iu or to pass into laws, impeach criminals 
 and redress grievances, " and shall have all other 
 powers and privileges of an Assembly, according to 
 the rights of the freeborn subjects of England, and as 
 is usual in any of the King's Plantations in America." 
 The freemen of each county, on the election day for 
 assemblymen, were to select two persons for sheriff 
 and two for coroner, the Governor to commission a 
 sheriff and a coroner, each to serve for three years, 
 from the persons so chosen for him to select from. If 
 the voters neglected to nominate candidates for these 
 offices, the county justices should remedy the defect. 
 "Fourthly, that the Laws of this Govrm' shall be in 
 this stile, viz' . [By the Governour with the Consent 
 and Approbation of the freemen in General Assem- 
 bly mett] and shall be, after Confirmation by the 
 Governour, forthwith Recorded in the Rolls office, 
 and kept at Philadia, unless the Govr. and Assembly 
 shall agree to appoint another place. Fifthly, all 
 criminals to have the same privilege of witness and 
 
174 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 counsel as their accusers ; complaints as to property 
 not to be heard anywhere but in courts of justice, 
 unless upon appeal lawfully provided for ; no licenses 
 for ordinaries, &c, to be granted but upon recom- 
 mendation of the County Justices, who also can sup- 
 press such houses for disorder and misconduct ; suicide 
 was not to work escheat of property nor affect its 
 regular descent to legal heirs ; no forfeiture of estates 
 to proprietary in consequence of accidents. The 
 charter was not to be amended or altered in any way 
 but by consent of the Governor and six-sevenths of the 
 Assembly, and the first article, guaranteeing liberty 
 of conscience, "shall be kept and remain without 
 any alteration, Inviobly forever." The Assembly, by 
 this charter, at last secured what it had been con- 
 tending for ever since the first session at Upland, — the 
 parliamentary privilege of originating bills, which 
 must be inherent in every properly constituted legis- 
 lative body. Penn, in fact, conceded everything but 
 the margin of acres for shortage, the town lots, and 
 the quit-rents. To expedite the conveyance of 
 patents, titles, and land grants he created a commis- 
 sion of property, consisting of Edward Shippen, Grif- 
 fith Owen, Thomas Story, and James Logan, with 
 power to grant lots and lands and make titles. The 
 new charter did away with an elective Council, and 
 the legislative power was vested exclusively in the 
 Assembly. But Penn commissioned a Council under 
 his own seal to consult and assist him or his deputy 
 or lieutenant in all the public affairs of the province. 
 The Council thus commissioned were to hold their 
 places at the Governor's pleasure, the Deputy Gov- 
 
 ernor to have the power to appoint men where there 
 was a vacancy, to nominate a president of Council, 
 and even to increase the number of members. The 
 Council as nominated by Penn consisted of Edward 
 Shippen, John Guest, Samuel Carpenter, William 
 Clark, Thomas Story, Griffith Owen, Phineas Pem- 
 berton, Samuel Finney, Caleb Pusey, and John Blun- 
 ston, any four of them to be a quorum. In the charter 
 for Philadelphia, Edward Shippeu was named mayor 
 and Thomas Story recorder. 
 
 On or about Nov. 1, 1701, William Penn, with his 
 wife Hannah, his daughter Letitia, and his infant son 
 John, embarked on board the ship " Dalmahoy" for 
 England. Mrs. Penn, who had promised to return 
 with the Governor, should he come back, appears to 
 have made a good impression in the province. Isaac 
 Norris writes that " she is beloved by all (I believe I 
 may say in its fullest extent), so is her leaving us 
 heavy and of real sorrow to her friends ; she has 
 carried under and through all with a wonderful 
 evenness, humility, and freedom ; her sweetness and 
 goodness have become her character, and are indeed 
 extraordinary. In short, we love her and she de- 
 serves it." Penn commissioned Andrew Hamilton, 
 formerly Governor of East and West New Jersey, to 
 be his Lieutenant-Governor ; and he made James 
 Logan provincial secretary and clerk of Council. 
 While the ship dropped down the river the proprie- 
 tary wrote his letter of instructions to Logan, from 
 which extracts have been given above. And so Penn 
 passed away from the province he had created, never 
 to return to it again. 
 
■ 
 
 \? </»„ 
 
 
 
 ^' 
 
 * ,-v" 
 
 •-i, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 v^ , " x " /; '« iv 
 
 ^ V 
 
 J, -^ 
 
 ^v ,* v 
 
 \* °tc. 
 
 o 0' 
 
 *5 ^ *' 
 
 
 
 
 ^o x 
 
 
 <„ 
 
 ,0 s. 
 
 V- 
 
 
 .-.V' "*,. 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 ,0o 
 
 ■ 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 
 
 +*- > 
 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 ^ ■%