E 666 .C53 Copy 1 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 0D0Q174b3TA e a o ' .\J ^ *^»~* A <> * *-T7i % A* ^ •••»* c > « o A*' .' --^ vv 6**4. • ^0 .«lo A V e$ K > .aO • 1 • •* V ^.tf&k% % «* : ^v :^IM&« v^ v • N « r . ^.3akr.% t < i ^ < o5^ • - • ° a O • I. Chicago Tribune Campaign Documents. CONTAINING: The C .institutional Amendment— Vote en the Same In the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives — The Admission of Tennessee— Gov. Brownlow's Statement— Hlfcl OKY OF THE NEW ORLEANS MASSACRE— Geia'l Sheridan'* Dtspatohes Concerning the Same— Andrew Johnson's Speech at Cleveland— Address of the Southern Loyalist*' Convention— Resolutions of the Springfield Post cf the Grand Army of the Republic, on Andrew Johnson — President Johnson's Record Prior to the As- sembling of the 39th Oongross— Extracts from his Speeches and Letter*— Pre»ident Lincoln's Letters tc Governor Hahn and Gen. Wadsworth in Favor cf Impartial Suffrage* The Congressional Plan of Reconstruction. The following is the amendment of the ! Constitution proposed by Congress to the j Legislatures of the several States, as the basis of Reconstruction : "Joint resolution proposing an amend- ment to the Constitution of the United States. " Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both .Houses concurring.) That the following ar- ■ ticle be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Con- stitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid as part of the Constitution, namely : " article 14. " Section 1. All persons born or natural- ized in the United States, aud subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the Uni- ted States and of the State wherein they re- side. No Stite shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due pro- cess of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. "Sec. 2. Representatives shall be appor- tioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, ex- cluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive aud judicial officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to auy of the male inhabi- tants of sucli State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participa- tion in rebelliou or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. "Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President Or Vice President, or held any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under auy State, who, having pre- viously taken an oath, as a member of Con- gress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of tha United States, shall have engaged in insur- rection or rebellion agaiust the same, or giv- en aid or comfoit to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. " Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, in- cluding debts incurred for payment of pen- sions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be ques- tioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay auy debt or ob- ligation incurred in aid of iusurreetiou or re- bellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. "Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article." Vote on the Senate, June 1866, by the The Amendment passed the 8th, and the House June 13th, following vote : SENATE. Teas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Conness, Cragin, Cresswell, Edmunds, Fos- ter, Fessenden, Grimes, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Kirkwood, Lane of Kansas, Lane of Indiana, Morgan, Morrill, Nye, Po- Amendment. land, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Shcrrnsn, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson, Yates — 33. Nays — Messrs. Cowan, Doolittle, Davit, Guthrie, Hendricks, Johnson, McDouyall, Nor- tou, Riddle, Sauhbury, Van Winkle — 11. Absent— Messrs. Brown, Buckaiew, Dixon, 2fesmith t Wright— -5. ' t 2 53 nOTISB. Teas— Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, An- derson, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Barker, Baxter, Beaman, Benjamin, Bidwell, Bingham, Blaine, Blow, Boutwell, Brandegee,Brom well, Broom- all, Buckland, Bundy, Reader W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Ctmkling, Cook, Cul- lom, Darling, Davis, Dawes, Defrees, Delano, Doming, Dixon, Dodtre, Donnelly, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, E^gleston, Eliot, Farns- worth, Farauhar, Ferry, Garfield, Grinnell, Griswold, Hale, Abner C. Harding, Hart, Hayes, Henderson, Higbv, Holmes, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, Chester D. Hubbard, Demas Hubbard, jr., John H. Hubbard, James R. Hubbell, Hulburd, In- gersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Kelso, Ketcham, Kuykendall, Lafflin, Lath- am, George V, Lawrence, William Lawrence, Loan, Longyear, Lynch, Marstou, Mar- vin, McClurg, McKee, MeRuer, Mcrcur, Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Morris, Moulton, Myers, Newell, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Patterson, Pcrham, Phelps, Pike, Plants, Pomeroy, Price, William H. Randall, Raymond, Alexander H. Rice, John H Rice, Rollins, Sawyer, Schenck, Seofleld, Shella- barger, Sloan, Smith, Spalding, Stevens, Stillwell, Tbayer, Francis Thomas, John L. Thomas, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, "Robert T. Van Horn, Ward, Warner, Elihu .B. Washburne, Henry LV Washburn, William B. Washburn, Welker, Wentworth, Whaley, Williams, James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Wood- bridge, the Speaker — 138. Nays — Messrs. Ancona, , Bergen, Boyer Chanter, Cojjroth, Daioxon, Dcnison, Eldridge, Finck, Glossbrenner, Gride.r, Aaron Harding, Hogan, Edwin N. Hubbell, James M. Hum- phrey, Johnson, Kerr, LeBlond, Marshall, McUtdlough, Niblack, Nicholson, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Ritter, Rogers, Ross, Shanklin, Sitgreaves, Strouse. Tabcr, Taylor, Thornton, Trimble, Winfield', Wright— 36. Not Voting— Messrs. Culver, Goodyear, Harris, Hill, James Humphn y, Jones, Mcln- doe, Noell, Rousseau, Starr — 10. Republicans in roman ; Democrats in italic. The Admission of Tennessee— Governor Brownlow's Statement. Tennessee having ratified the Constitutional I Amendment, her Senators and Representa ! tives were immediately admitted to seats in t the respective houses of Congress. President Johnson used his utmost endeavors to pre- vent the ratification by the Tennessee Legis- lature. The following is Governor Brown- low's statement of the means employed to secure its defeat in that body : ■ " It is known that I recently convened the General Assembly in extraordinary session to ratify the amendment to the Constitution of the United States proposed by the joint reso- lution of the two houses of Congress, more than two-thirds of both houses concurring. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State of the Uni- ted States, transmitted an attest copy of. the proposed amendment to me, under date of June 16th, and notified me officially that a decision by the Legislature was required by law. I accordingly convened the Legislature by proclamation on the 4th of July, and after a stormy session of twenty-one days tlie amendment was ratified in both houses, by more than a two-thirds vote. And this vic- tory was achieved over the combined oppo- sition to the measure of the President and half of the Tennessee Congressmen, who brought their influence to bear upon the Gen- eral Assembly. "Upon the assembling of the General As- sembly, Mr. Dunnaway, the immediate rep- resentative of Edmond Cooper, bolted with a view of reducing the House below a quo- rum. He was followed by Mr. Brown, one of the constituents of Mr.Leftwich, and he was followed by Dr. Marable, the instrument of Dorsey B. Thomas. The Hou6e appointed Captain Heydt, Superintendent of the Capi- tol, Sergeant-at-Arms, with authority to select his deputies, to arrest the bolters and return them to the House, and with the war- rants of the Speaker they set out by twos. Williams, of Carter, was brought in, but Marable's rebel friends resisted with guns and pistols and drove the two deputies back. Captain Heydt made application U) General Thomas for a file of soldiers— the General referred the case to Washing- ton, and the President, who is on the side of the bolters, and in favor of break- ing up the Legislature, as a means of defeat- ing the Constitutional Amendments, in- structed General Thomas, through the War Department, not to interfere, but to let the State Government and "the politicians fight it out. This encouraged the rebels and stim- ulated them to acts of violence. They sued out a writ of habeas corpus in the case of Williams, and Judges Brien and Gaut, of the Johnson Club, of the Executive Committee of Davidson County, argued their cause be- fore Judge Frazier of the Criminal Court. The Judge being a weak man, and a political partisan under rebel influence, decided against the Legislature and in favor of the rebels. Among all truly loyal men nothing but contempt is entertained for his decision and the man. Having no jurisdiction in the case, and the law and precedents being against him, it was not expected that such a monstrous decision would be given. But those who knew the man — those who knew that he was appointed to office by Military Governor Johnson — that he was laboring to have himself re-elected by the people in a rebel community — and that he would never take a decided stand when the rebellion came on, were prepared to hear his miser- able opinion delivered. 41 But to proceed with my account of this rebel-judicial farce : the Sheriff, a rebel cap- tain, by the order of the new-born rebel Judge, released Williams from the custody in which he was held by the House, and before day light in the morning, the Sheriff- wit h a force of twenty-five discharged rebel soldiers, as it is alleged they were, broke into the State House to 6eize and carry be- ; fore the Judge, Captain Heydt, who roomed ] alone in the capitol. This rebel mob of Fra- ' zier's forced the eoor and window of the I Federal Court room, breaking both, and, I with cocked revolvers, carried off the Ser- geant-at-Arms, whom the Judge fined Un | dollars for obeying the orders of the House, 3 and then released him. This action for out- rage, corruption and high-handed villany, has no parallel in history. This eagerness to get at tfeydt, and to have him resist, as an dKcuse for murdering him, grew out of the^fict that he had served as a hrave officer in the Federal army, and was several times wounded in battle, lighting traitors. Cap- tain Heydt had in custody a second member of the House, Mr. Martin, who had been a guerrilla chief in the late war, and he was released without any other process than that served by the mob, in breaking down the window and door. This is a part and parcel of Johnson's policy to restore the rebels to power. It means to crush out the Union men of the South, and restore the Demo- cratic traitors of the South to power and place. It is intended by him and his ad- vises to make treason respectable, and traitors honorable, while loyalty is to become disreputable„au„lloyal men are dis- graced and driven from the South. To ac- complish all this, and even more, there is on foot a regular conspiracy, and the chief con- spirator is Andrew Johnson, as I honestly be- lieve." Tlie New Orleans Massacre. Early in 1864, General Banks, then com- manding the Department of the Gulf, at the request aud solicitation of President Lin- coln, undertook the task of organizing a loy- al State Government, with a view of restor- ing Louisiana to the Union. His first step was to call an election of State officers, and this election took place on the 22d day of February, 1864. About thirteen thousand votes were cast, and Michael Hahn was cho- sen Governor, J. Madison Wells (the present Governor) Lieutenant Governor, and A. P. Dostie State Auditor. Governor Hahn was inaugurated, and all the State officers sworn in, the fourth of March, and soon afterwards General Banks issued a proclamation order- ing an election for members of a Convention to amend and revise the Constitution of the State of Louisiana. In response to this proc- lamation nearly a hundred delegates, repre- sentiug about two-thirds of the State, were elected and assembled in the city of New Orleans on the 6th day of April, 1864. Judge ' Bf'H. Durell, of the United States District Court, was chosen President of the Conven- tion. A Constitution was formed, and the tirst article declared that slavery was forever abolished, and that the Legislature should never recognize the right of property in man. This was of itself sufficient to ensure the deep and relentless animosity of every rebel in the State ; and the members of the Con- vention, especially those who were natives or old residents of Louisiana, were marked out for vengeance when the rebel soldiers should return to their homes. The Convention closed its labors on the 25th of July, and by the ordinance the Consti- tution was submitted to the people early in the next September. The Constitution was ratified by a vote of about ten thousand, the rebels and < oppcrheads keeping away from the polls. At the same time there was an election of Representatives to Congress i and of members of the Legislature, and that ; body met in the succeeding month of Octo- i ber, so that the complete machinery of a i State Government, save the Judiciary, was put into full operation. In February, 1865, ; Governor Hahn resigned, and the Lieutenant | Governor, Wells, became Governor in his stead. Governor Wells was no sooner in- ! stalled in his new office than he began to j yield to the blandishments of the rebel ma- | jority, and to turn Union men out of office, and put Confedeiate soldiers in their places. He continued this course until the seces- sionists became strong enough, as they thought, to put him out of office and to fill his place with one of their own number, for which purpose, during the last session of the Louisiana Legislature, they set about impeaching him. Governor Wells then cut loose from them, and again sought refuge within the Union lines, as he had done at the beginning oi the war. The rebels re-elec+ed John T. Monroe Mayor of New Orleans, the same person who filled the office when Ad- miral Farragut sailed his victorious iieet up to the city In 1862. Monroe was unable to take the office when elected, as he had not been pardoned. As soon as this obstacle was made known to Andrew Johnson the pardon was issued. He (Monroe) then proceeded to fill the police with the most desperate vil- lains he could find, many of them, as Gene- ral Sheridan declares, being known murder- ers. A reign of terror was speedily inaugu- rated. Threats of vengeance were hurled daily and almost hourly at .he heads of the Union men of the city and State. it became necessary for the latter to take some measures for self-defence', or to go into exile. The Convention cf 1864. when it adjourned, did not adjourn sine die, but subject to the call of its President, and it was determined by the Union men to take advantage of the fact, and have the Convention again called to- gether. The Governor favored the call for the Convention to re-assemble, and a caucus of members was held to take the necessary steps. Judge Durell, who was President of the Convention, refused to call it together, saying that if it were called the Governor would betray it. The caucus therefore elected Judge Howell, a Judge of the Su- preme Court of Louisiana, as President pro (cm., and Judge Howell issued a proclamation calling the Convention together in New Or- leans, on the 5th Monday of July. The Con- vention met on the 27th of July. The rebel Lieutenant Governor Voorhees, and the rebel Attorney General Herron telegraphed to. President Johnson that it was proposed to arrest the members and bring them before the Criminal Court, and in- quired : "Is the military to interfere witn the court?" — to which the President re- plied : " The military is expected to sustain and not obstruct or interfere with the pro- ceedings of the court." General Sheridan being absent from the c'ty, the command of the United States forces devolved on Major General Baird. This officer telegraphed to the War Department that he could not per- mit the arrest of delegates "without instruc- tions to that effect from the Preside),t. , ' On the 30th a rebel mob, headed by the police, at- tacked the Convention, and a frightful mas- sacre ensued. Over one hundred persons were lulled outright, and a large number •wounded. Among tbe killed were Dr. A. r\ Dostie and the Rev. Mr. Horton, of Massa- chusetts. Ex-Governor Halm was wounded. While the massacre was going on, the Presi- dent sent a despatch to the rebel Attorney General Herron putting the military force ol the United States under his orders for the express purpose of "suppressing the unlaw- ful assemblage," as he called it, to which Herron replied the same day that General Baird had complied with the order. Thus Andrew Jonnson, by his official orders incited and sustained tha massacre ol a hundred Union men, who had been uuilty of no crime but that of assemb- ling to°-ether to take measures to defend themselves against rebel tyranny and Tiolence. The murder of these men was perpetrated under circumstances of '.he greatest atrocity. They were fired upon in their seats and while coming out of the doors. They were shot down in the street, and wounded men were stabbed and beatea to death in the wagons while they were being conveyed to the hospital. General Sheridan's Despatches. Major General Sheridan returned to New Orleans on the first of August and im- mediately sent a despatch to General Grant, characterizing the affair as a wanton murder on the part of the Mayor and police. Tins dispatch was sent to the President, and by him muilatcd and then sent to the agent of the Associated Press in Washington. The dispatch is as follows, the portion in italics baviny. been stricken out by the President : "New Orleans, August 1. "U. S. Grant : "General— You are doubtless aware of the serious riot which occurred in this city on the 30th. A political body, styling itself the Convention of 1864, met on the 30th, for, it isaVcged, the purpose of remodeling the present Constitution of the State. The lead- ers were political agitators and revolutionary men and the action of the Convention was liable to produce breaches of the public peace. I had made up my mind to arrest the head men, if the proceedings of the Convention were calculated to disturb the tranquility of the Department, but I had no cause for ac- tion until they committed the overt act. In the meantime, official duty called me to lexas, and the Mayor of the city, during my absence, tuppressed the Convention by the use of their po- lice force, and in doing so attacked the members of the Convention and a party of two hundred nearoes and with fire-arms, clubs and Jcmves, m a manner so unnecessary and atrocious as to compel me to say that it was murder. About forty whites and blacks were thus killed, and about one hundred and sixty wounded. Ev- erything is now quiet, but 1 deem it best to maintain a military supremacy hi the city for a few days, until the affair is fully investiga- ted I believe the sentiment of tbe general community is great regret at this unneces- sary cruelty, and that the police could have made auy arrest they saw fit without sacri- ficing live.. P. H. Sheridan, "Maior General Commanding." No other despatches from General Sheri- dan were furnished for publication until the »4th of August, when, as it is reported, the hero of the Shenandoah and Five Forkf threatened to resign it he were thus com- pelled to bear false witness concerning the horrid transaction. Thereupon the whole correspondence was published. It is as fol- lows THE REBEL LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR AND AT- TORNEY GENERAL TO ANDREW JOHNSON. "New Orleans, Louisiana, July 27th, 186ft. "His Excellency, President Johnson : "Sir: Governor Wells has, in compliance with the proclamation of R. K. Howell, Pre- sident, pro tern., signed writs of election to fill vacancies in the Convention, and for- warded the same to the office of the Secre- tary of State. (Signed) "Albert Voorhees, "Lieutenant Governor of Louieiana. "Andrew J. Herron, "Attorney General of Louisiana." same to same. "New Orleans, July 20th, I860. "To President Johnson: "A Radical mass meeting, composed mainly of negroes, was held last night, end- ing in a riot. The Committee of Arrange- ments of said meeting are assembling to- night. Violent and incendiary speeches are being made. The negroes are called upon to arm themselves. You are bitterly denounced. The speakers are Field, Dostie, Hawkins, Henderson, -Heir, Ward and others. Gover- nor Wells arrived last night, but sides with the Convention. We would place the whole matter before the Grand Jury, but it is im- possible to execute the civil process without the certainty of a riot. "It is contemplated to have the member* of the Convention arrested under process from the Criminal Court of this District. Is the mili- tary to interfere with the process of the Court? "A. Voorhees, Lieutenant Governor, La. "A. J. Herron, Attorney General, La." ANDREW JOHNSON TO THE REBEL LIEUTEN- ant governor. " Executive Mansion, \ "Washington, July 23, 1866. ( " To Albert Voorhees, Lieutenant Governor of Louisiana, New Orleans : "The military will be expected to sus- tain and not to obstruct or interfere with the proceedings of the Court. A despatch on the subject of the Convention was sent to Governor Wells this morning. " Andrew Johnson." andrew johnson to governor wells. "Executive Office, I " Washington, July 28, 1866. J " To Governor Wells, New Orleans : " I have been advised that you have issued a proclamation convening the Convention elected in 1864. "Please inform me under and by wnat authority this has been done, and by vrhat authority this Convention can assume to represent the whole people of the State of Louisiana. Andrew Johnson." GOVERNOR WELLS TO ANDREW JOHNSON. " New Orleans, July 2£, 1866. " To President Johnson : "Your telegram is received. I have, not issued a proclamation convening the Con- vention of 1864. This was done by the Pres- ident of that body, by virtue ol a resolution adjourning the Convention subject to his or- der, and in that case also authorizing him to call on the proper officers to issue writs of election in unrepresented parishe°. ''My proclamation is in response to that call, ordering an election on the 3d of Sep- tember. As soon as the vacancies can be ascertained, an election will be held to fill them, when the entire State will be repre- sented. Your obedient servant, (Signea) "J. Madison Wells, "Governor of Louisana." SFNERAL BAIRD TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. "Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington : " A Convention has been called, wi*h the sanction of Governor Wells, to meet here on Monday. "The Lieutenant Governor and city au- thorities think it unlawful, and propose to break it up by arresting the delegates. I have given no orders on the subject, but have warned the parties that I could not permit such action without instructions to that ef feet from the President. Please instruct me i at rnce by telegraph. A. Baird, "Brevet Major General." THE REBEL ATTORNEY GENERAL TO ANDREW JOHNSON. New Orleans, July 20. 44 To the President, Washington : "We are in the midst of a terrible riot, caused by the assembling of the Convention. Owing to the mixed condition of affairs amonij the State officers I see no hope of quiet without you give us a Military Gover- nor. Cannot General Granger act? "A. J. Hebron, " Attorney General." ANDREW JOHNSON TO THE REBEL ATTORNEY GENERAL. " Executive Mansion, ) " Washington, July b'0, 1866. ( *'A. J. Herron, Attorney General, New Or- leans : "You will call on General Sheridan, or the officer in command, for a sufficient force to sustain the civil authority in suppressing ail Illegal or unlawful assemblies who usurp or assume to exercise any power or authority from the people of the State. If there be a Convention, let it be composed of delegates chosen fresh from the people of the whole State. The people must be first consulted in regard to changing the organic law of the State, Usurpation will not be tolerated. The Taw and Constitution must be sustained, and thereby peace and order. "A. Johnson." THE REBEL LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR TO AN- DREW JOHNSON. "New Orleans, July 30. "To President Johnson ; "The Convention met. A riot has broken out in the city. So far, the police has the upper hand. Several white and colored per- sons arc killed. Called on General Baird for assistance, which is cheerfully tendered. Intense excitement. "Albert Voorhees, "Lieutenant Governor, La." general baird to the secretary op war. "New Orlsans. July 30—9 p. m. "To the Secretary of War : "A serious riot has occurred here to-day. I have been in full consultation with the city authorities, and have kept my troops well in hand for such an emergency. The riot commenced unexpectedly, " and before the troops could reach the scene of action a number of persons were killed and wounded. "I have felt compelled to declare martial law, and have appointed a Military Gov- ernor of the city. All is quiet now. Seve- ral prominent gentlemen connected with the Convention are killed or wounded. "A. Baird, Brevet Major General." same to same. "New Orleans. July 30. "E. M. Stanton : "Sir : I have the honor to inform you that a very serious riot has occurred here to-day. I had not been applied to by the Convention for protection, but the Lieutenant Governor and Mayor had freely consulted with me, and I was so fully cenviuced that it was so strongly the intent of the city authorities to preserve the peace, in order to prevent military interference that I did not regard an outbreak as a thing to be apprehended. The Lieutenant Governor assured me that even if a writ of arrest was issued by the court the Sheriff would not attempt to serve it without my permission, and for to-day they designed to suspend it. I ordered a steamer to be at Jackson Barracks, three miles below the city, at an early hour in the morning, and a tug to be ready to bear orders to the commanding officer of the First In- fantry, stationed at that point. At 11:30 p. m., Lieutenant Governor Voorhees came to see me, and after conversation, he feelinjj confident at the time of the ability of the police to preserve order, I proposed to bring to the city four companies an hour in ad- vance of the supposed meeting of the Con- vention, at six o'clock p. m., tobe kept near by in c se they should be required to keep clear the streets in the viciuity of the hall in which the Convention was to meet. He agreed with me that it would be very desire- able, but left, not apprehending the diffi- culty. "At twelve o'clock I drove to see Judge Howell, President of the Convention, to re- quest that arrangements might be made to keep any crowd that might assemble to pro- tect the Convention out of the streets, so as to avoid an accidental collision. When I reached his house I learned that the Conven- tion was to meet at twelve o'clock, and that he had gone to it. "Beturning to my headquarters, I soon re- ceived a letter from the Lieutenant Gover- nor, informing me that large parties of ne- groes were collecting from all quarters, and coming into the centre of the city, yet he was not sure of his information. However, I at once sent for the troops. Very soon after- wards I learned that a riot had taken place near the Convention hall, and I sent a staff officer to investigate the facts. On his re- turn he reported having met Judge Howell, who said the Convention had adjourned for want of a quorum, but would meet again at 1:30 p. m. This reassured me, but I again sent to hasten the arrival of the troops. "Immediately after this the riot assumed a serious character ; the police, aided by citi- zens, became the assailants, and from the evidence, I am forced to believe, exercised 6 great brutality in making their arrests. Fi- nally, they attacked the Convention hall, and a protracted struggle ensued. The peo- ple inside th" hall gave up. Some, who sur- rendered, were attacked afterwards, and brutally treated. Quite a large number were injured — I cannot now sav how many — Gov- ernor llahu, Dr. Dostie, Mr. Fish, and per- haps other members of the Convention, among the number. "On the arrival of the troops, I soon clear- ed the streets, and order was restored. "From the evidence of the bad feelings of the citizens and of sympathy with them by the police, I. felt compelled to declare mar- tial law and appoint a Military Governor, from which I hope good results will ensue. "I enclose herewith copies of my corres- pondence with the Mayor, and a despatch which the Lieutenant Governor claims to have received from the President. "I regret that no reply to my despatch to you of .Saturday has yet reached me. Gen- eral Sheridan is still absent in Texas. "I ramain, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, A. Baird, "Brevet Major General." [The next despatch is that from General Sheridan to General Grant, which was muti- lated by the President, already given.] GENERAL SHERIDAN TO GENERAL GRANT. "New Orleans, Ausjusi 3. 1SG6. "General — The more information I ob- tain of the affair in this city, the more re- volting it becomes. It was no riot ; it was an absolute massacre by the police, which was not exceeded in its "murderous cruelty by that of Fort Pillow. It was a murder which the Mayor and police of the city per- petrated without a shadow of necessity. Furthermore, I believe it was premeditated and prearranged. " I recommend the removing of this bad man. I believe it would be hailed with the sincerest gratification by two-thirds of the population of the city. There has been a feeling of insecurity on the part of the peo- ple here on account of this man, which is now so much increased that the safety of life and property does not rest with the civil au- thority, but with the military. "P. H. Sheridan. " Major General Comm andin." SAME TO SAME. "New Orleans, La., Angust 3. "U.S.Grant: " General — T have the honor to report everything quiet in the city, but considerable excitement in the public mind. "There is no interference on the part of the military with the civil Government, which performs all its duties without hin- drance. I have permitted the retention of the Military Governor appointed during my absence, as it gives confidence, and enables the unitary to know what is occur- ring in the city. He does not interfere with city matters. Unless good judgment is exercised, there- will be an exodus of Northern capitalists and Union men, which will be injurious to the city and whole country. " I will remove the Military Governor in a day or two. I again advise that some dispo- sition be made to change the Mayor, as it would tend more to restore confidence than anything that could be done. If the present Governor could be changed also, it would not be amiss. P. Hi. Sheridan, " Major General Commanding." GENERAL GRANT TO GENERAL SHERIDAN. "Washington, August 3. " Major General Sheridan, New Orleans ; " Continue to enforce martial law so far as it may be necessary to preserve the peace, and do not allow any of the civil authorities to act, if you deem such action dangerous to the public safety. "Lose no time in investigating and report- ing the cause that led to' the riot, and the facts which occurred. U. S. Grant. "General." ANDREW JOHNSON TO GENERAL SHERIDAN. "Washington, Augnst4. "Major General Sheridan, Commanding New Orleans : " We have been apprised here that prior to the assembling of the illegal and unauthor- ized Convention elected in 1804, inflamma- tory, insurrectionary speeches were made to a mob composed of white and colored per- sons, urging on them to arm and equip them- selves for protecting and sustaining the Con- vention in its illegal and unauthorized pro- | ceedings, calculated to upturn and supersede the State Government of Louisiana, which had been recognized i by the Government of the United | States. Further, did the mob assemble, and I was it raised for the purpose of assisting the | Convention in its usurpation? Have any I arms been taken from persons since the 30th I ult., who were supposed or kuown to be con- ! nected with this mob ? Have various indi- viduals been shot and killed by this mob without good cause, and in violation of the public pet ce and good order? Was not the assembling f this Convention and the gathering of the mob for protection the main cause of the riotous and unlawful pro- ceedings of the civil authorities of New Orleans ? Have steps been taken by the civil authorities to an est and try all those who were engaged in this riot, and those who have committed offences in violation of law ? Can ample justice be meted out by the city authorities to all offenders against the law ? Will the General please furnish me a brief reply to the above enquiries, with such other information as he may be in possession of by telegraph. Answer at your earliest con- „„,-,;,vr»,>Q AvnnT.w .TfiHvsrui ." venience. Andrew Johnson.' GENERAL SHERIDAN TO ANDREW JOHNSON. " New Orleans, La., August 6—12 M. " His Excellency, Andrew Johnson, Presi- dent of the United States : " I have the honor to make the following reply to your despatch of August 4 : A very large number of the colored people marched in procession on Friday night, July 27, and was addressed from the steps of the City Hall by Dr. Dostie, ex-Governor Hahn and others. The speeches of the others so far as I can learn, were characterized by moderation. I have not given you the words of Dostie's speech, as the version published wa3 denied, but from what I have learned of the man, I believe they were in- temperate. "The Convention assembled at 12 o'clock on the 27th, the timid members absenting themselves, because the tone of the public was ominous of trouble. I think there were about twenty-six members present in front of the Mechanics' Institute; where the meeting was held there were assembled some colored men, women and children — perhaps eighteen or tweuty, and in the Institute a number of colored men, probably fl.fi.y- Among those outside and inside there might have been a pistol in the possession of every tenth man. " About 1 p. m., a procession of say from fifty to one hundred and thirty colored men marched up Burgundy street and across Canal street toward the Convention, carry- ing the American flag. These men had about one pistol to every ten men, and canes and clubs in addition. While. crossing Canal street a row occurred. There were many spectators on the streets, aud their manner and tone. toward the procession was unfriendlv. A shot was fired, by whom I am not able to 6tate, but believe it to have been by a police- man, or some colored man in the procession. On their arrival at the front of the Institute, there was some throwing of brickbats by both sides. The police who hod been held well in hand were vigorously marched to the scene of disorder. The procession then en- tered the Institute with the flag, about six or eight remaining outside. A row occurred between a policeman and one of these col- ored men, and a shot was again fired by one of the parties, which led to a indiscriminate fire on the building through the windows, by the policemeu. This had been going on for a short, time, when a white flag was displayed from the windows of the Institute, where- upon the firing ceased, and the police rnshed into the building. " The immediate cause of this terrible af- fair was the assemblage of this Convention. The real cause was the bitter antagonistic feeling which has been growing in the com- munity since the advent of the present May- or, who, in the organization of the police force, selected many desperate men, and some of them knov. n murderers. People of clear views were overawed by want of confi- dence in the Mayor and fear of the " Thugs," many of which he had selected for his police force. I have been frequently spoken to by prominent citizens on this subject, and have heard them express fear and want of confi- dence in Mayor Monroe ever since the intima- tion of this last Convention movement. " From the testimony of wounded men, and others who were inside the building, the police opened an indiscriminate fire upon the audienc e until they had emptied their revolvers, when they retired, and those inside barricaded tne doors. The door was broken, and the firing again com- menced when many of the colored and white people escaped through the door, or were passed out by the policemen inside, but as they came out the policemen, who formed a circle nearest the building, fired upon them, and they were again fired upon by the citi- zens that formed the outer circle. Many of these were wounded and taken prisoners, and those not wounded were fired upon by their captors and by citizens. The wounded were stabbed while lying on the ground, and their hands beaten with brickbats. In the yard of the building, whither some of the colored men had escaped and partially secreted themselves, they were fired upon aud killed or wounded by policemen. Some men were killed and wounded several squares from the scene. Members of the convention were wounded by the policemen while in their hands as prisoners, some of them mortally. " I must condemn the course of several of the city papers for supporting, by their ar- ticles, the bitter feeling of bad men. As to the merciless manner in which the Conven- tion was broken up, I feel obliged to confess strong repugnance. " It is useless to attempt to disguise the hostility that exists on the part of a great many here toward Northern men. This un- fortunate affair has so precipitated matters that it is a test of what shall be the status of Northern men — whether they can live here without being in constant dread or not ; whether they can be protected in life and property, and have justice in the courts. If this matter is permitted to pass over with- out a thorough and determined prosecution of those engaged in it, we may look out for frequent scenes of the same kind, not only here, but in other places. "No steps have as yet been taken by the civil authorities to arrest the citizens who were engaged in the massacre, or policemen who perpetrated such cruelties. The mem- bers of the Convention have been indicted by the grand jury, and many of them ar- rested and held to bail. As to whether the civil authorities can mete out ample justice to the guilty parties, on both sides, I must say it is my opinion, unequivocally, they cannot. Judge Abel, whose course I have closely watched for nearly a year. I now con- sider one of the most dangerous men that we have here to the peact «>,nd quiet of the city. The leading men of the convention, fling Cutler, Hnhn and othe.-s, have been political agitators, and are bad men. "I rev ret to say that the course of Gover- nor Wells has been vacillating, and that dur- ing the late trouble he has shown very little of the man. (Signed) " P. H. Sheridan, " Major General Commanding." The two last despatches quoted above, bring us to the crowning act of baseness on the part of Andrew Johnson. Union men peaceably assembling in convention having been murdered by the rebels of New Or- leans — those murders not only having been permitted by the President, but the army hav- ing been directed to aid the assassins ; the testimony furnished by Geueral Sheridan's despatch of August 3d, placing the responsi- bility where it properly belonged, declaring that, the more information was obtained of the affair, the more revolting it became, that it was no riot, but was an absolute massacre by the police which was not exceeded in murderous cruelty by that of Fort Pillow, that it was a murder perpetrated by the Mayor and police of the city without a shad- ow of necessity, premeditated and prear- ranged ; it became necessary that the chief malefactor should relieve himself of this weight of evidence against him, and that new evidence should 8 be manufactured to his purpose. Accord- ingly, on the 4th day of August, the day after Sheridan had telegraphed Grant, An- drew Johnson forwarded to General Sheridan a series of leading: questions, indicating the nature and kind of answers which he de- sired, amounting to all intents and purposes, to an order to Sheridan that they be an- swered in the manner indicated. He said first : "We have been apprised here that prior to the assembling of the illegal and unauthorized Con- vention elected in 1804, inflammatory, insurrec- tionary speeches were made to a mob composed of white and colored persons, urging on them to arm and nquip themselves for protecting and sus- taining the Convention in Us illegal and unau- thorized proceedings." Who apprised Andrew Johnson of these facts? The rebels Herron and Voor- hees. vV ho authorized Andrew Johnson to declare that the Convention was illegal and unauthorized and to stigmatize its members as a mob ? The rebels Voorhees and Herron. This was Andrew Johnson's authority, and upon it he acted. After laying down this platform, he proceedec' to interrogate Gene- ral Sheridan in this fashion : " Did the mob assemble, and was it raised f r the purpose of assisting the Convention in its usutpalion." General Sheridan had already sufficiently given his views of the Convention and its friends. Neither of them were a moo in his estimation, but his superior declared by the wording of his interrogatories that the friends of tne Convention were a mob, and that the Conven- tion itself contemplated usurpation. He said by plain implication, "I order you to answer accordingly." He proceeds, and there is an impudence of manner and a base criminality and savagery in the question almost incredible, u Have various individuals been shot and killed by tuis mob without good cause, and in violation of the public peace and good order ?" The mob to which he refers was the Convention and its friends. The individuals were the police and eitv authorities whom Sheridan had denounced as murderers. But (ieneral Sheridan must change Lis views and answer the question, not according to the facts, but in harmony with the wishes of his superior. Observe, that no information is asked, whether Union men had been unnecessarily slaugh- tered. To these facts, to the existence of which abundant evidence was before him, he paid no heed, and conceruing them he had no care, but his anxiety was to protect the murderers whom his own hands had armed, and to hide the murders that his own orders had instigated, He asks also whether steps had been taken by the civil authorities, whom Sheridan the day before had stigma- tized as murderers, to arrest and try all those engaged in this riot, which Sheridan had already advised him was uot a riot but a massacre. In other words, he desires to know of General Sheridan whether the murderers had succeeded in ar- resting all those whom they had not succeeded in killing ! The putting of ques- tions framed as these are, would not be per- mitted in any court of justice in Christen- dom, and none but an impudent shyster would make the attempt. But when the questioner not only indicates the answer which he desires, but is the superior, having authority to punish the witness, there is an infamy in the attempt, worse than mere subornation of perjury, and which, if prac- ticed in a court of justice, would commit the offender to the penitentiary. Endeavoring thus to distort the facts and belie history, and being baffled in the attempt, he sup- pressed the despatch of General Sheridan, and awaited an answer to his own. The nation has reason to be thankful that in General Sheridan the apostate had no weak- kneed, lily-livered postmaster to deal with. General Sheridan had fought treason before, and he knew how to deal with it. Instead of answering the President's questions in the terms indicated by the latter, he pro- ceeded to give a plain, unvarnished narra- tive of the whole tragedy, putting the guilt upon the head of the mayor, and inferential- ly upon that of Andrew Johnson himself, who had pardoned this notorious villain, so that he might assume the duties of the office. Andrew Johnson's Andrew Johnson has recently made a pil- grimage to the tomb of Stephen A. Douglas, on an invitation to assist in laying t^e corner'- stone of the Douglas Monument. He con- verted this solemn journey into a disgraceful political wake. He commenced making speeches in behalf of '.'my policy," on the first day, and continued to do so until he ar- rived in Chicago. One of the most remark- able of these speeches was delivered at Cleve- land on Monday evening, September 3d. The following is a verbatim report of the speech : "Fellow-citizens: We are on our way to Chicago, to participate in, or witness the laying of the corner-stone of a monu- ment to the memory of a distinguished fel- low-citizen who is now no more. It is not necessary for me to mention the name of Stephen A. Douglas to the people of Ohio. I am free to «ay that I am flattered by the demonstrations I have witnessed, and being flattered, I don't mean to think it personal, but as an evidence of what is pervading the Speech at Cleveland. public mind, and this demonstration is noth- ing more nor less than an indication of the latent sentiment or feeling of the great masses of the people with rejrard to this great question. I come before you as an American citizen simply, and not as Chief Magistrate, clothed in the insignia and paraphernalia of State — being an inhabitant of a State of this Union. I know that it has been said that I was an alien ; [laugh- ter,] and that I did not reside in one of the States of the Union, and therefore I could not be the Chief Magistrate, though the Censtitution declares that I must be a citi- zen to occupy that office. Therefore all that was necessary to depose its occupant was to declare the office vacant, or under a pretext to prefer the articles of impeachment. And thus the individual who occupies the Chief Magistracy was to be disposed of and driven from power. There was, two years ago, a ticket before you for the Presidency. I was placed upon that ticket with a distinguished citizen, nownomore. [Voices — 'It'sapity ;" 9 "Too bad;" "Unfortunate."] Yes, I l'now there are some who say "unfortunate." Yes, unfortunate for some that God rules on high and deals in justice. [Cheers.] Yes, unfor- tunate ! The ways of Providence are myste- riour and incomprehensible, controlling all those who exclaim "unfortunate." [Bully for you.] I was going to say, my countrymen, a short time since I was elected and placed upon the ticket. There was a platform pro- claimed and adopted by those who placed me upon it. Notwithstanding a mendacious press ; notwithstanding a subsidized gang of hirelings who have not ceased to traduce me, I have discharged all my official duties, and fulfilled all my pledges. And I say here to-night that if my predecessor had lived, the vials of wrath would have poured out upon him. [Cries of "Never!" "Never!" and three cheers for the Congress of the United States.] I came here as I was passing along, and having been called upon for the purpose of exchanging views, and ascertain- ing, if we could, who was wrong. [Cries, "You are !"] That was my ebject in ap- pearing before you to-night. I want to say that I have lived among the American peo- ple, and have represented them in some public capacity for the last twen- ty-five years. ' Where is the man or woman who can place his finger npon one single act of mine, deviating from any pledges of mine or in violation of the Constitution of the country. [Cries of "New Orleans!"] Who is he? — what language does he speak ? — what religion does he pro- fess — that can come and place his finger upon one pledge I ever violated, or one principle I ever proved false to? [Voice, "New Or- leans!" Another, " Whv don't you hang Jeff. Davis ? "] Hang Jeff. Davis ? [Shouts and cries of "Down with him!"] Hang Jeff. Davis? [Voice, "Hang Wendell Phil- lips ! "] Why don't you hang him ? [Cries of "Give us an opportunity! "] Haven't you got the court ? Haven't you got the Attor- ney General? Who is your Chief Justice? Who has refused to sit on his trial ? [Groans and cheers.] /am not the Chief Justice ! I am not the Attorney General ! I am no jury ! But I'll tell you what I did do. I called upon your Congress, that is trying to break up the Government. [Hisses, and cries of "A lie ! " Great con- fusian. Voice, "Don't get mad ! "] I am not mad. [Hisses.] I willtell you who is mad. "Whom the Gods want to destroy they first make mad." Did your Congress order any of them to be tried ? [Three cheers for Con- gress.] Then, fellow-citizens, we might as well allay our passion and premit reason to resume her empire and prevail. In present- ing the frw remarks that I designed to make, my intention was to address myself to your common sense, your judgment, your better feelings, not to the passion and malignancy ofyourhearts. [Voice, "How about Moses?"] This was my object in presenting myself on this occasion, and to say "how dye" and "good bye." In the assembly here to-night, the remark has been made "traitor!" "Traitor,"my countrymen? Will yon hear me? [Cries, " Yes'!"] And will you hear me for my cause and for the Constitution of my country ? ["Yes ? Yes ! Go on !"] I want to know when, or where, or under what circum- ! stances Andrew Johnson, not as Executive, but in any capacity, ever deserted any principle, or violated the Constitution of this country. Let me ask this large and intelli- gent audience if your Secretary of State, who served four years under Mr. Lincoln, and who was placed upon the butcher's block, as it were, and hacked and gashed all to pieces, scarred by the assassin's knife — when he turned traitor? If I were disposed to play the actor, and deal in declamation, even to- night I would imitate one of the ancient tragedies, and would take Mr. Seward, bring him before you, and point to the hacks ana scars upon his person. I would exhibit the bloody garments, saturated with gore from his gaping wounds. Then I would ask yon who is the traitor! [Voice, "Thad. Stevens!"! Why don'ft you hang Thad. Stevens and Wendell Phillips? [Hisses.] I have been fighting traitors in the South. They have been ■ whipped and crushed. They acknowledge their defeat and accept the terms of the Con- stitution. And now, as I go round the cir- i cle, having fought traitors at the South, I ' am prepared to fight them at the North, God being willing, with your help. [Cries, "We won't give it."] They will be crushed North, and this glorious Union of ours will I be preserved. I do not come here as the Chief Magistrate of twenty-five States out of thirty-six. I come here to-night with the flag of my country and the constellation of thirty-six stars untarnished. Are you for ' dividing this country ? [Cries, -"No !"] Then i I am President, and President of the whole S United States. [Cheers.] I will tell you ] another thing. I understand the discordant I Dotes in this crowd to-night. He who is ' opposed to the restoration of the Govern- j ment and the Union of the States is a i greater traitor than Jeff. Davis or Wendell Phillips. I am against both of them. [Cries. "Give it to them !"] Some of you talk aboui traitors in the South, who have not courage to go away from your nomes to fight them. [Laughter and cheers.] The courageous men, Grant, Sherman, Farragut, and the long list of the distinguished sons of the Union, were in the field, and led on their gallant hosts to conquest and to victorv, while you remained cowardly at home. [Applause, "Bully."] Now when these I rave men have returned home, many of whom have left an arm or a leg or their blood upon many a battle-field, they found you at home, speculating and committing frauds upon the Government. [Laughter and cheers.] You pretend now to havu great re- spect and sympathy for the poor brave man who has left an arm on the battle-tied. [Cries; " Is this dignified?"] I understand you. You may talk about the dignity of the President. [Cries, " How was it about making a speech on the 22d of February ?"] I have been with you on the battle-fields of this country, (?) and I can tell you furthermore, to-night, who have to pay these brave men who shed their blood. Yon speculated, and now the great i masses of the people have got to work it out. It is time that the great mass of the Ameri- can people shonld understand what your designs are. [A voice, " What did Gene- ral Butler sav ?"] What did General Butler 6ay ? [Hisses.] What did Gene- ral Grant say ? [cheers] and what does 10 General Grant pay about General Butler? What does General Sherman say ? [A voice, "What does Sheridan say! New Orleans! New Orleans !"] General Sheridan says that he is for tlie restoration of the Government that General Sheridan fought for. But fel- low citizens, let this all pass. I care not for my dignity. There is a certain portion of onr countrymen will respect a citizen where- ever he is entitled to respect. There is an- other class that have no respect for them- selves, and consequently they cannot respect anyone else. I know a man and a gentleman whenever I meet him. I have only to look in his face, and if I was to see yours by the light of day, I do not 'doubt but that I should see cowardice and treachery written upon it. Come out here where I can eee you. If you ever shoot a man you will do it in the dark, and pull 'the trigger when no one is by to see. I un- derstand traitors. I have been fighting them at the southern end of the line, and "we are now fighting them in the other direction. As Chiff Magistrate I felt, after taking the oaith to support the Constitution, and when I saw encroachments upon your Constitu- tional rights, I dared to sound the tocsin of alarm. Then if this be right, the head and front of my offending is in telling when the Constitution of my country was trampled upon. Let me say to those who thirst for more blood, who are still willing: to sacrifice human life, if you want a victim, and the country requires it, erect your altar and lay me upon it to pour the last libation to hu- man freedom. [Loud cries of "Bah!"] I love my count'-v. Everv public act of mv life testifies that 'it is so. '["No!" "No!"] Where is the man that can put his finger upon any one act of mine that goes to prove to the contrary ? And what is my offending ? [Cries of "Veto!"] Somebody says"veto. Veto of what? What is called the Freedmen's Bu- reau Bill ? I can tell you what it is. Before the rebellion commenced there were four millions of slaves and about eight millions white people living in the South. These latter paid expenses, bought the lands and cultivated them, and after the crops were gathered, pocketed the profits. That's the way the thing stood lip to the rebellion. The rebellion commenced, the slaves were liber- ated, and then came the Freedmen's Bmeau Bill. [Cries, "You opposed emancipation."] This provides for the appointment of agents and sub-agents in all States, counties and school districts, who have power to make contracts for the freed- men, and to hire them out, and to use the military power to carry them into execution. The cost of this to the people was twelve millions of dollars at the begin- ning. The further expense would be greater (not true), and you are to be taxed for it. That is why I vetoed it. I might refer to the Civil Rights bill, which is even more atro- eions. [Groans and hisses.] I tell you, my countrymen, that though the powers of hell and Thad. Stevens and his gang were by, they could not turn me from my purpose. There is no power that could turn me except the God who spoke me into existence. ' " In conclusion, he said that Congress had taken mnch pains to poison their consti- tuents against him. But what had Congress done ? Have they done anything to restore the Union of these states ? No, on the con- trary, they had done everything to prevent it ; and, because he stood now where he did before the rebellion commenced, he had been denounced as a traitor. Who had run greater risks or made greater sacrifices than himself? [Cries, "What sacrifices did you make?"] But Congress, factious and dorriineeriug, had taken to joisoning the minds of the Ameri- can people. It was with them a question of power. Every friend of theirs who holds an office as assessor, collector or postmaster, [A Voice — " Turn Benedict out !"] wanted to retain his place. Rotation in office used to be thought a good doctrine by Washington, Jefferson and Adams ; and Andrew Jackson, God bless him, thought so. [Cries — You are turning out Republicans and putting in Cop- perheads.] This gang of office-holders — these blood-suckers and cormorants — had got fat on the country. You have got them over your district. Hence vou see a system of legislation proposed that these men shall not be turned out ; and the President, the only channel through which they can be reached, is called a Tyrant. He thought the time had come when those who had enjoyed fat offices for four years should give way for those who had fought for the country. Hence it was seen why he was assailed and traduced. He had stood by them in the field [what field?] and, God willing, he would continue to stand by them. While referring to the question of suffrage, some one in the crowd asked him "How about Louisiana ?" To which he res- ponded, "Let the negroes vote in Ohio be- fore you talk about "their voting in Louis- iana." [Laughter, and cries of 'Most of them can and do.'] Take the beam out of your own eye before you see the mote in your brothers. [Renewed laughter.] In conclusion, after some further remarks, he invoked God's blessing on his hearers. [Laughter.] Resolutions of the Grand Army of the Repnbllc at Springfield, Illinois, on Andrew Johnson. SrniNCFirLD, 111., August 26, 18 6. At the regular weekly meeting of the Springfield Post of the Grand Army of the Republic, held in their hall this evening, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted : Whereas, The President of the United States did, in obedience to the express wish Of Congiess, on a recent ( ccasion, announce it as a ] art of the Executive "policy," that the soldiers of the Union should be appoint- ed to places of honor and trust under tho Government, and that thus treason should be made " odious," and rebels and traitors made to take "back seats," Ac, a policy which was then heartily, endorsed by every soldier of the Union army ; ami Whereas Notwithstanding this announce- j ment, many good Union office holders against who'se ability and integrity no accu- , salion had been brought, have been removed from such offices, and, in numerous in- 11 stances, persons appointed thereto whose sympathy with rebels and traitors during, and since the rebellion, has been undis- guised and notorious, while the faithiul Union soldiers have been studiously neglect- ed, overlooked and ignored : and Whereas, It has come to the knowledge of this post of the G. A. R. that one Edward L. Merritt, formerly editor of a notorious rebel- sympathising sheet in Southern Illinois, now editor and proprietor of a daily newspaper published in tne city of Springfield, of known and undisguised rebel principles, has been ap- pointed by the President of the United States, Pension Agent of the pension dis- trict of this State, & position of large emolu- ment and great trust, and one which relates exclusively to the soldiers, and for which Beveral honorably discharged and competent veterans had made application ; and Wheras, The said M -rritt in said newspa- papers did, both openly and covertly, advo- cate desertion from the ranks of the Union army, and resistance to the lawful "draft " for the. re- cruiting of the depleted ranks of the same,, and did also in said newspapers traitorously, vil- lainously ancl persistently slander, malign and traduce the soldiers of the Republic a9 "vandals," "mercenaries," "Lincoln hire- lings," "Sherman bummers," "thieves," "murderer," indcendiaries," whose motto was " beauty and booty," and did heap upon their heads every vile and opprobrious epithet that could be conceived or imagined by his traitorous and malignant brain and so thoroughly and notoriously was he in "sympathy with the in- surgents, that he never failed to manifest the most jubilant feelings over rebel victories and to disparage, sneer at and mourn over the success of "the Union arms; all of which can be abundantly established by a reference to the flies of said newspapers, edited and published be the said Merritt, and, to which the members of this Post have access ; Now, therefore be it Resolved, That in this appointment the President of the United States has not only falsified his own avowed policy, and set at naught the express will of Congress, but has openly and wantonly insulted and outraged the feelings and sense of honor and self- respect of the Union soldiers of ?aid pension district, and at the same time done despite to the memory of our martyred comrades. Resolved, That in this appointment we see treason made not "odious" but respectable, and traitors advanced to front "seats," while loyalty to the flag of our country is made "odious," and to have bom aims in its defence is thus made cause for proscription. Resolved, That we call upon our fellow- soldiers all over the State of Illinois to re- sent this base insult to us, and to the widows and orphaned children of our fallen comrades, no one of whom in this District I can receive a fraction of the provision made i for them by the Government, ~xcept as it i passes through the hands of the vile tra- ducer and slanderer of the noble dead, whose ; memory is still fresh among us, and who ! have bequeathed to us the guardianship of their honor, and the proud remembrance of their gallant deeds. Resolved, That the Adjutant of this Post be, and he is hereby instructed to commu- nicate with every Post and District of this organization in the counties embraced in this Pension District, with a view to the adoption of such measures as shall secure a united expression of sentiment upon the subject of the foregoing resolutions. Address of the Southern Loyalists' Convention to tne People of the United States. The Representatives of 8,030,000 of Ameri- can citizens appeal for protection and jus- tice to their friends and brothers in the States that have been spared the cruelties of the Rebellion and the direct horrors of civil war. Here, on the spot where Freedom was proffered and pledged by the Fathers of the Republic, we implore your help against a reorganized oppression, whose sole object is to remit the control of our destinies to the contrivers of the Rebellion after they have been vanquished in honorable battle ; thus at once to punish us for our devotion to our country and to entrench themselves in the official fortifications of the Government. Others have related the thrilling story of our wrongs from reading and observation. We come before you as unchallenged . wit- nesses, and speak from personal knowledge our sad experience. If you fail us, we are more utterly deserted and. betrayed than if the contest had been decided against us ; for in that case even victorious Slavery would have found profit in the speedy pardon of those who had been among its bravest, foes. Unexpected perfidy in the highest place in the Government, accidentally filled by one who adds cruelty to ingratitude, and forgives the guilty as he proscribes the innocent, has stimulated the almost extinguished revenge of the beaten conspirators, and now the rebels, who offered to yield everything^ to save their own lives, are seeking to consign us to bloody graves. Where we expected a benefactor we find a persecutor. Having lost our champion, we return to you, who can make Presidents and punish traitors. Our last hope, under God, is in the unity and firmness of the States that elected Abraham Lincoln and defeated Jefferson Da- vis. The best statement of our case is the appalling yet unconscious confession of An- drew Johnson, who, in savage ha'. red of his own record, proclaims his purpose to clothe four millions of traitors with the power to impoverish and degrade eight millions of loyal men. Our wrongs bear alike on all races, and our tyrants, unchecked by you, will award the same fate to white and black. We can re- main as we are only as inferiors and victims. We may fly from our homes, but we 6hould fear to trust our fate with those who, after denouncing and defeating treason, re- fuse to right those who have bravely assisted them in the good work. Till we are wholly rescued there is neither peace for you nor prosperity for us. We cannot better define at once our wrongs and our wants than by declaring that since Anurew Johnson affiliated with his early slanderers and our constant enemies, his hand has been laid heavily upon every ear- nest loyalist in the South. History, the just judgment of the present, and the certain 12 confirmation of the future, invite and com- mand us to declare : That after rejecting: his own remedies for restoring the Union,"he has resorted to the weapons of traitors to bruise and beat down patriots ; That after declaring that none but the loyal should govern the reconstructed South, he has practiced upon the maxim that none but traitors shall rule ; That while in the North he has removed conscientious men from office, and filled ma- ny of the vacancies with the sympathizers of treason, in the South he has removed the proved and trusted patriot and selected the equallv proved and convicted traitor ; That after brave men, who had fought for the old flajr, have been nominated for posi- tions, their names have been recalled and avowed rebels substituted ; That every original Unionist in the South who stands fast to Andrew Johnson's cove- nants from 1861 to 1865, has been ostracised ; That he has corrupted the local Courts by offering premiums for defiance of the laws of Congress, and by openly discourag- ing the observance of the oath against trea- son ; That while refusing to punish one single conspicuous traitor, though thousands had earned the penalty of death, more than a thousand of devoted Union citizens have been murdered in cold blood since the sur- render of Lee, and in no case have their assassins been brought to judgment ; That he has pardoned some of the worst of the rebel criminals North and South, includ- ing some who have taken human life under circumstances of unparalleled atrocity; That while denouncing and fettering the operations of the Freedmen's Bureau, he, with a full knowledge of the falsehood, has charged that the black men are lazy and re- bellious, aud concealed the fact that more whites than blacks have been protected and fed bv that noble organization, and that, while declaring that it was corruptly man- aged and expensive to the Government, he has connived at a system of piofligacy in the use of the public patronage and public mo- ney wholly without parallel save when the traitors bankrupted the Treasury, and sought to disorganize and scatter the army and the navy only to make it more easy to capture and'destroy the Government ; That while declaring against the injustice of leaving eleven States unrepresented, he has refused to authorize the liberal plan of Congress, simply because it recognizes the loyal majority and refuses to perpetuate the traitor minority ; That in every State south of Mason and Dixon's line his " policy " has wrought the most deplorable consequences — social, moral and political. It has emboldened returned rebels to threaten civil war in Maryland, Missouri, West Virginia and Tennessee unless the patriots who saved and sealed these States to the old flag surrendered before their arrogant demands. It has corrupted high Sta'e officials, elected by Union men, and sworn to enforce the laws against returned rebels, and made them the mere instruments of the authors of the rebellion. It has en- couraged a new alienation between the sec- tions, and by impeding immigration to the South has erected a formidable barrier against free and friendly intercourse with the North and West. It has allowed the rebel soldiery to persecute the teachers of the colored schools, and to burn the churches in which the freedmen have worshipped the living God. That a system so barbarous 6hould have culminated in the frightful riot at Memphis, and the still more appalling massacre at New Orlaans was as natural as that a bloody war should flow from the teachings of John C. Calhoun and Jefferson Davis. Andrew Johnson is responsible for all these unspeakable cruelties, and as he provoked so he justifies and applauds them. Sending his agents and emissaries into this refined and patriotic metropolis, to insist upon making his reckless policy a test upon a Christian people, he forgot that the protec- tion extended to the 14th of August Conven- tion in Philadelphia was not only denied to the free people of New Orleans on the 30th of July, when they assembled to discuss how best to protect themselves, but denied amid the slaughter of hundreds of innocent men- No page" in the record of his recent outrages upon human justice and constitutional law is more revolting than that which convicts him of refusing to arrest the preparations for that savage carnival, and not only of refusing to punish its authors, but of toiling to throw the guilty responsibility upon unoffending and innocent freedmen. The infatuated ty- rant that stood ready to crush his own peo- ple, in Tennessee, when they were struggling to maintain a Government, erected by him- self, against his and their traitor persecu- tions, was even more eager to illustrate his savage policy, by clothing with the most despotic power the rebels of New Orleans^ Notwithstanding this heartless desertion and cruel persecution by Andrew Johnson, iu the States of Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, Western Virginia, Maryland, and Dela- ware, Democratic Republican principles — principles which the fathers of the Republic designed for all America— are now making determined battle with the enemies of free Constitutional Government, and, by the blessing of God, these States will soon range themselves in line with the former free States, and illustrate the wisdom and benefi- cence of the great Charter of American Liber- ty by their increasing population, wealth, and prosperity. In the remaining States, the seeds of oligarchy, planted in the Constitu- tion by its slavery features, have grown to be a monstrous power. Recognition thus wrung from the reluctant framers of that great instrument, enabled these States to en- trench themselves behind the perverted doc- trine of State rights, and sheltered by the claim of Constitutional Obligation to main- tain slavery in the States, presented to the American Government the alternative of oli- garchy with slavery or Democratic Republi- can Government without slavery. A for- bearing Government, bowing to a supposed constitutional behest, acquiesced in the former alternative. The hand of the Govern- ment was stayed for eighty years. The prin- ciples of constitutional liberty languished for want of Government support. Oligarchy matured its power with subtle design. Its history for eighty years is replete with unpar- alleled injuries and usurpations; it developed 13 only the agricultural localities, geographical- ly distinct from the free-labor localities, and less than one-third of the whole, with African slaves. It held 4,000,000 of human beings as chattel', yet made them the basis of unjust I are contriving 1 power for themselves in Federal and State Governmeuts, to maintain their enslave- ment. It excluded millions of free white la- borers from the richest agricultural lands of the world, forced them to remain inactive and unproductive on the mineral, manufac- turing and lumber localities,comprising two- thirds of the whole South in square miles and real undeveloped wealth, simply be-ause these localities were agriculturally too poor for slave labor. Condemned them Co agriculture on unagricultural terri- tory, and consigned them to unwilling ig- norance and poverty by denying capital and strangling enterprise. It repelled the capi- tal, energv, will and skill of the free States from the free-labor localities, by unmitigated intolerance and proscription— thus guard- ing the approaches to their slave domain against democracy. Statute I hooks groaned uuder despotic laws i against unlawful and insurrectionary assem- I biies, aimed at the Constitutional guaranties | of the right to peaceably assemble and peti- ; tion for a redress of grievances. It proscri- | bed democratic literature as incendiary, nul- I lified constitutional guaranties of freedom and i free speech and a free press. It deprived citizens of the other States of the privileges and immunities in these States— an injury and usurpation, alike unjust to Northern citizens and destructive ot the best interests of the States themselves. Alarmed at the progress of democracy in the face of every discourage- ment, at last it sought immunity by seces- sion and war. The heart sicRens with con- templation of the four years that followed ; forced loaus, impressments, conscriptions with bloodhounds and bayonets ; the mur- der of aged Union men who had loug laid aside the implements of labor, but had been summoned anevr to the field by the conscription of their sous to support their children and grandchildren reduced from comfort to the verge of starva- tion ; the slaughter of noble youths ; types of physical manhood forced into an unholy war against those with whom they were identified by every interest ; long months of incarceration in rebel bastiles ; banishment from homes rud hearthstones, are but a par- tial recital of the long catalogue of horrors. Bat democracy North and South combined defeated them. They lost. What did they lose? The cause of oligarchy ? They lost African slavery by name only. Soon as the tocisn of war ceased, soon as the clang of arms was hushed, they raise the cry of im- mediate admission, and with that watchword seek to organize under new forms a contest to perpetuate their unbridled sway. They rehabilitate their sweeping control of all local and State organizations. The Fed- eral Executive, easily seduced, yields a will- ing obedience to his old masters ; aided by his unscrupulous disregard of Constitution and laws, by his "merciless proscrip- tion of true democratic opinion, and by a'l his appliances of despotic power, they now defiantly enter the lists in the loyal North, and seek to wring from free- men an endorsement of their wicked de- signs. Every foul agency is at work to accomplish this result. Falsely professing to assent to the abolition of slavery, they continue its detestable power by legislative acts against pretended vagrants; they know that any form of ser- vitude will answer their unholy purpose. They pronounce the four years war a bril- liant sword scene iu the great revolutionary drama. Proscriptive public sentiment holds high carnival, and, profiting by the example of the Presidential pilgrim, breathes out threatenings of slaughter against loyalty, ignores and denounces all legal restraints, and assails with the tongue of malignant slan- der, tiie constitutionally chosen representa- tives of the people. To still the voice of Liberty, dangerous alone to tyrants, mid- night conflagrations, assassinations and mur- ders in open day are called to their aid ; a reign of terror through all these ten States makes loyalty stand silent in the presence of treason, or whisper in bated breath. Strong men hesitate openly to speak for liberty, and decline to atteud a Convention at Philadelphia for fear of de- struction. But all Southern men are not yet awed into submission to treason, and we have assembled from all these States, de- termined that liberty, when endangered, shall find a mouth-piece, and that the Gov- ernment of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. We are here to consult together hpw best to provide for a union of truly Republican States, to seek to relume thirty-sis stars on the old flag. We are here to -;ee that ten rf these stars" are not opaque bodies, and do not continue paling their ineffectual fires beneath the gloom of darkness, of oligarchical tyrrany and oppression. We wish them to be brilliant stars, emblems of constitutional liberty, glittering orbs sparkling with the life-giving prin- ciples of the model Republic, fitting adornments of the glorious bauner of freedom. Our last and only hope is in the unity and fortitude of the loyal people of America in the support and vindication of the Thirty-Ninth Congress andthe election of a controlling Union majority in the succeed- ing Fortieth Congress. While the new article amending the National Constitution offers the most liberal conditions to the authors of the rebellion, and does not come up to the measure of our expections, we believe its rat- ification would be the commencement of a complete and lasting protection to all our people ; and, therefore, we accept it as the best present remedy, and appeal to our brothers aud friends ii> the North and the West to make it their watchword in the coming elections. The tokens are auspicious of overwhelming success. However little the verdict of the ballot-box may affect the reckless man in the Presidential chair, we cannot doubt that the traitors and sympa- thizers will recognize that verdict as tha surest indication that the mighty power which crushed the rebellion is still alive, and that those who attempt to oppose or defy it will do so at the risk of their own destruction. Our con- fidence in the overruling providence of God prompts the prediction and intensifies the 14 belief that when this warning is sufficiently taught to these misguided and reckless men, the liberated millions of th_ i rebellious South will be proffered those rights and franchise* which may be necessary to adjust and settle this mighty controversy in the spirit of the most enlarged and Christian philanthropy. George W. Paschal, of Texas, Ch'n. R. O. Sidney, of Mississippi. John H. Atkinson, of West Virginia. John A. Allderdice, of Delaware. A. W. Hawkins, of Tennessee. Samuel Knox, of Missouri, Wright K. Fish, of Louisiana. Milton J. Saffold, of Alabama. Philip Fraser, of Florida. D. R. Goodloe, of North Carolina. D. C. Forney, of District of Columbia. John A. J. Cresswell, of Maryland. G. W. Ashburn, of Georgia. A ndrew JoUksoq's Record Prior to the —Extracts from His HIS VIEWS IN 1801 — HE WOULD HANG TRAI- TORS. Who is it that has been engaged in con> spiracies y Who is it that has been engaged in making Avar upon the United States? Who is it' that has hred upon our flag ? Who is it that has uiveu instructions to take your arsenals, ions, to take your dock-yards, to seize your custom-houses and rob your treas- uries ? Who is it that has been engaged in secret conclaves, and issuing orders ior the seizure of public property in violation of the Constitution they were sworn to support y Show me the man who has been engaged in these conspiracies ; show me who has been sitting in nightly and se- cret conclaves, plotting the overthrow of the Government ; show me who has tired upon our iiag, has given instructions to take our ports and our custom houses, our arsen- als and our dock yards, and I will show you a traitor. * * * * * My proposition was that if they would should me who were guilty of the offences I have enumerated, I wouid show them who were the traitors. This being done, were I the President of the United States, I would do as Thomas Jefferson did in 1606, with Aaron Burr, who was charged with treason. I would have them arrested and tried for treason, and, if convicted, by the eternal God they should suffer the penalty of the law at the haiids of the executioner, bir, treason must be punished, fts enormity and the extent and depth of the offence must be made known. — Andrew Johnson' s speech in the Senate, March 2d, 1861. HE WOULD BE THE MOSES OP THE COLORED RACE — LOYAL MEN, WHETHER WHITE OR BLACK, ALONE TO RULE THE SOUTH. Standing here upon the steps of the Capi- tol, with tlie past history of the State to wit' neus, the present condition to guide, and the future to encourage me, I, Andrew Johnson, do hereby proclaim freedom, full, broad and unconditional, to every man in Tennessee. * * * * I will indeed be your Moses, and lead you through the Red Sea of war and bondage to the fairer land of liberty and peace. 1 speak now as one who feels the world his country, and al} who love equal rights his friends. I speak, too, as a citizen of Tennessee. I am here on my own soil; and here 1 mean to stay and fight this great battle of truth and justice, to a triumphant end. Rebellion and slavery shall, by God's good help, no longer pollute our State. Loyal men, whether white or black, shall alone control her destinies. — Speech to the col- ored men of Nashville, October 24, 1664. Assembling of the Tliirty-niiitU Congress Speeches and JLetters. HE SAYS THAT TREASON MUST BE MADE ODIOUS. In my opinion, evil-doers should should be punished. Treason is the highest crime known in the catalogue of crimes, and for him that is guilty of it— for him that is will- sng to lift his impious hand against the au- thority of the Natiou— I would say death is too easy a punishment. My notion is that treason must be made odious and traitors must be punished and impoverished, their social' power broken that they may be made to feel tne penalty of their crime. You, my friends, have traitors in your very midst, and treason needs rebuke and punishment here as well as elsewhere. * * * * Hence' I say this; The halter to intelligent, inllueutial traitors! The leaders I would" hang. I hold, too, that wealthy traitors should be made to remuner- ate those men who have suffered as a conse- quence of their crimes, Union men who have lost their property, who have been driven from their homes, beggars and wanderers among strangers. Let us commence the work. We have put down these traitors in arms, let us put tiiem down in law, in pub- lic judgment and in the morals of the world. — Speech in Washington, April 3, 1805. HE SAY'S THAT THE PENALTY OF TREASON MUST BE PAID. The timehns come when the people should be taught to understand the length and breadth, the height and depth of treason * * * Treason is a crime, not a mere politi- cal difference, not a mere contest between two parties, in which one succeeded and the other has simply failed. If they had succeeded, the life of the nation would have been reft from it — the Union would have been destroyed. Surely the Constitution sufficiently defines treason. It consists in levying war against the United States, and iu giving their enemies aid and comfort. With this definition it requires the exercise of no great acumen to ascertain who are traitors. It requires no great perception to ascertain who have levied war against the United States ; nor does it require any great stretch of reasoning to ascertain who has given aid to the enemies of the United States ; and when the Government of the United States does ascertain who are the conscious and intelligent traitors, the penal- ty and forfeit should be paid. — Address to Loyal Southerners, April, 1865. HE SAYS THAT TRAITORS MUST TAKE BACK SEATS. In the work of reconstruction, traitow must take back seats. * * * * I say that the traitor has ceased to be a citi- zen, and in joining the rebellion has become a public enemy. He forfeited his right to I 1.5 vote with loyal men when he renounced his citizenship, and threatened to destroy our Government. — Speech at Nashville, June 'Mh, 1864. HE ADVOCATES NEGRO SUFFRAGE. Executive Office, |_ Wj*=hington, D. C. August 15, 1SU5. f Governor W. L. Slmi key, JacksoD, Miss. ; I am gratified to see that you have organ- ized your Convention without difficulty. I hope that without delay your Convention will amend your State Constitution, abolish- ing slavery and denying to all future Legisla- tures the power to legislate that there is property iu man ; also that they will adopt the amendment to the Constitution of the United States abolishing slavery. If y^u could extend the elective franchise to all per- sons of color who can read the Constitution of the United States in English and write their names, and to all persons of color who own real estate valued at not less than two hundred and fifty dollars, and pay taxes . thereon, you would completely dismay the j adversary, and set an example the other ! States will follow. This you can do with | perfect safety ; and you thus place the South- ern States in reference to free persons of color, upon the same basis with the free States. I hope and trust your Convention will do this, and, as a consequence, theRadi- cols, who are wild on negro franchise, will be completely foiled in their attempt to keep the Southern States from renewing their re- lations with the Union, by not accepting their Senators and Representatives. Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. HE SAYS THAT THE REBELLION DEPRIVED THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE OF ALL CIVIL GOVERN- MENT. In his several proclamations appointing Provisional Governors in the Southern States Mr. Johnson affirmed that all civil govern- meut had been overthrown. He now assumes that civil governments have been re-estab- '\shed by his breath ; and the issue between uim and Congress is, first, whether he is competent to "build u jten State Govern- ments, which, according > his official declar- ation, had been overthrown; and, second, whether the mode which h^ pus adopted is fit to receive the sanction of t£ I * ' {al Amer- ican people. The following is the .preamble to his proclamation reorganizing the State of North Carolina, which is identical in language with ffiose subsequently issued for the other seceding States : "Whereas, The fourth section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States declares that the United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of Government, and shall protect each of them against invasion and domestic violence ; and whereas the Presi- dent of the United States is, by the Consti- tution, made commander-in-chiei of the ar- my and navy, as well as chief civil execu- tive officer of the United States, and is bound by solemn oath faithfully to execute the of- fice of President of the United States, and to take care that the laws be faithfully exe- cuted ; and whereas the rebellion, which has been waged by a portion of the people of the United States against the properly constitu- ted authorities of the Government thereof, in the most violent and revolting form, but whose organized and armed forces have now been almost entirely overcome, has, in its revolutionary progress, ctkprivefl the people of the State of North Carolina of all civil govern- ment ; and whereas it becomes necessary and proper to carry out and enforce the obliga- tions of the United States t<> the people of North Carolina, in securing them in the en- joyment of a republican form of government : '•Now, therefore," etc. he coerces the southern states to ratify the constitutional amendment abol- ishing slavery. Department of State, Washington, .November 1, 1865. His Excellency William Marvin, Provisional Governor of Florida : Your letter of Qctober 7 was received and submitted to the President. He is grat- ified with the favorable progress towards re- I organization in Florida, and directs me to say ! that he regards the ratification by the Legis- lature of the Congressional Amendment of the Constitution of the United States as in- dispensable to a successful restoration of the true legal relations between Florida and the other States, and equally indispensable to the re- turn of peace and harmony throughout the Republic. William H. Seward. the restoration of the south to be sub- ject to> the decision of congress. Department of State, ) Washington, September 12, 1865. j Sir : — Your excellency's letter of the 29th ultimo, with the accompanying proclama- tion, has been received and submitted to the President. The steps to ivliieh it refers, towards reorganizing the government of Florida, seem to be in the main judicious, and good results from them may be hoped for. The presumption to which the procla- mation refers, however, m favor of insurgents who may wish to vote, and who may have applied for, but not received, their pardons, is not entirely approved. All applications for pardons will be duly considered, ^nd will be disposed of as soon as may be practicable. It must, however, be distinctly understood thai the restoration to which your proclamation re- fers will be subject to the decision of Congress. I have the honor to be your excellency'6 obedient servant. William H. Seward. His Excellency William Marvin. President Lincoln's Letters to Governor Hahn and General Wadsworth In Favor 'of Impartial Suffrase. TO GOVERNOR HAHN. Executive Mansion, i Washington, March 13, 18U4. | Honorable Michael Hahn : My Dear Sir — I congratulate you on hav- ing fixed your name in history as the first free State Governor of Louisiana. Now you are about to have a Convention, which, among other things, will probably define the elective franchise. I barely suggest for your private consideration whether some of the colored people may not be let in, as, for in- stance, the very intelligent, and especially r those who have fought gallantly in the ranks. They would probably help, in some tryVpjj time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty iu the family of freedom. But this is only a suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone. Truly yours, - A. Lincoln. TO GENERAL WADSWORTH. The following extract from a letter written by President Lincoln to General Wadsworth was first published in the columns of the Southern Advocate of September 18, 18G5. Its authenticity has never been disputed : "You desire to know, in the event of our complete success in the field, the same be- ing followed bv^ a loyal and cheerful sub- mission on the part of the South, if univer- sal amnesty should not be accompanied with universal suffrage. Now, since you know my private inclinations as to what terms should be granted to the South, in the con- tingency mentioned, I will here add that if our success should be thus realized, fol- lowed by such desired results, I can- not see, if universal amnesty is granted, how, under the circum- stances, I can avoid exacting in return uni- versal suffrage, or at least suffrage on th« basis of intelligence an! military service. How to better the condition of the colored race has long been a study which has attract- ed my serious and careful attention. Hence I think I am clear and decided as to whai course I shall pursue in the premises, regard- ing it as a religious duty, as the nation's guardian of these people, who have 'so' hero- ically vindicated their manhood on the bat- field, where, in assisting to save the life of the Republic, they have demonstrated in blood their right to the ballot, which is but the humane protection of the flag they have so fearlessly defended." THE CHICAGO TRIBUNE. The Chicago TJkibune is now in the twentieth year of its existence. During its entire term of publication, it has been the foremost of Western journals, in point of News Enterprise, Commercial Accuracy, Editorial Vigor, and Literary Excellence, and as a consequence of these facts, the foremost in point of circulation. In Politics, it is Radical Republican. In the battle now going on between an apostate President and an anti-slavery Congress, it sees only a continuance, in another form, of the great contest which has slain half a million patriots, and piled up a debt of three thousand millions of dollars. In this battle, the Chicago Tribunk fights on the same side that it espoused during the contest of arms. It believes that loyal men, and they alone, should rule the country — that treaso should be made odious, and that traitors should take back 3eats in the work o Reconstruction. It holds that there can be no settlemeichof the questions now agitating the country except upon the basis of equal right"? and exact justice to all. ro<-« CAMPAIG-N WEEKLY TRIBUNE. During the coming campaign we will send our Weekly, in packages of ten or upwards. jo one address, at the following prices: From Sept. 6 to Nov 8, 30 cents per copy. From Sept. 13 to Nov. 8, 27 cents per copy. From Sept. 20 to Nov. 8, 24 cents per copy. 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