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ADDJ^ESS 
 
 OF 
 
 J. C. ALFORD, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, RICHARD W. HABERSHAM, 
 THOS. BUTLER KING, E. A. NESBIT, AND LOTT WARREN, 
 
 Representatives from tiie State of Georgia, 
 
 IN THE TWENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 TO THEIR CONSTITUENTS. 
 
 May 27, 1840. <^<^ - - /^ 
 
 _rV 
 

ADDRE SS. 
 
 Fellow-citizens : Recent indications are, as we ti)ink, sufficiently plain to 
 show that Georgia feels the importance of the pending Presidential election, and 
 that she will cast her vole for General Harrison or Mr. Van Buren. It therefore 
 becomes the duty of those whose names may be taken into consideration by the 
 convention which is to assemble on the first Monday in June, for the purpose of 
 nominating your candidates for Congress, to express to you fully and freely their 
 opinions of the candidates for the Presidenc}' of the United States. So far as 
 this responsibility may rest upon us, if we had been disposed to permit the expres- 
 sions we have already given to the public to pass as sufficient evidence of our 
 support of General Harrison, the attacks which have recently been made on him, 
 would require from us an exposition of his character and principles. We, there- 
 fore, proceed at once to the consideration of the charges which have been made 
 against him. 
 
 General Harrison, it is said, ought not to be supported "because he is a fedcr^ 
 alist ; that he supported the black-cockade administration of the elder Adams ; 
 that he supported the administration of the younger Adams; that he has never 
 changed his federal notions; that he is still a federalist; and rmist derive his 
 main support from thai party.'''' 
 
 It has been attempted to prove this sweeping denunciation, by showing — 
 
 1st. That, in the year 1798, General Harrison was appointed Secretary of the 
 Territory northwest of the Ohio river, and in 1800, Governor of the Territory 
 of Indiana, by the elder Adams. 
 
 2dc That, in the year 1826, John Randolph charged General Harrison, in the 
 Senate of the United States, with having been a supporter of the administration 
 of the elder Adams. 
 
 3d. That General Harrison was, on the 22d May, 1828, appointed minister to 
 Colombia by John Quincy Adams; and, 
 
 4th. That Mr. Webster has said: "Pie (General Harrison) has now been se- 
 lected by the general voice of those whose political principles agree with his 
 own, to go to the head of the column, and to bear up, and advance the flag under 
 which it is hoped those principles may be maintained and defended." 
 
 We omit here an extract from General Harrison's Cheviot speech, which we 
 shall notiee in its proper place. 
 
 Fellow-citizens, these are the charges which have gravely been paraded before 
 5'ou, to prove " that General Harrison is a federalist ; Jias always acted with 
 that party, and is now their candidate.'''' 
 
 In regard to the appointments which General Harrison received from the elder 
 Adams, it is only necessary to consider, that it has ever been the obvious and 
 uniform policy of the people of the Territories, not to mingle, in any way, in the 
 political contests of the States, to perceive at once that his political opinions could 
 have had no influence, one way or the other, with the President. Having entered 
 the Territory at an early period — fought the Indians, and protected the inhabitants, 
 he was unquestionably their choice, and better qualified to discharge the duties as- 
 ligned him, than any other individual. If having received an appointment from 
 the elder Adams is to be considered as an unpardonable political sin, tlien would 
 the Father of his country, the immortal Washington, be condemned by the same 
 
tribunal that would pass sentence against Harrison. At page 284, Executive 
 Journal, you will find tlio following message : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate. — I nominate George Washington, of Mount Vernon, to be lieu- 
 tenant general and commander-in-chief, of all the armies raised, or to be raised in the United 
 States. "JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 " Ukited States, July 2, 1798." 
 
 On the same page it is recorded that the Senate resolved unanimously, " that 
 they do advise and consent to the appointment agreeably to the nomination." 
 Washington accepted the appointment. We confidently appeal to you, fellow- 
 citizens, to say whether Harrison is to be censured or condemned for having acted 
 in a similar manner. Residing, as he did, in a Territory, he had no means or op- 
 portunity of supporting the administration of the Federal Government. On the 
 fourth page of a circular, which has recently been issued, we find a misstatement 
 of an important fact in regard to the appointments which General Harrison re- 
 ceived from Mr. Jefferson. The author says: 
 
 "I have noticed among the resolutions submitted by the committee at the meeting in Macon, 
 that it is stated that, ' on the formation of the Indiana Territory, he was appointed by Mr. Jetfcr- 
 son, and by Mr. Madison, governor of that large and interesting dependency of the Union.' The 
 committee will perceive they have made a mistake, as I have already shown. Instead of having 
 been appointed by Jefferson, he was appointed by the elder Adams. Mr. Jeflerson found him in 
 -office when he came in to the Presidential chair, and did not remove him ; so did Mr. Madison." 
 
 If the author had taken the trouble to turn to page 441, Executive Journal, he 
 would there have found that in a message to the Senate, dated July 4, 18C3, 
 among others, Mr. Jefferson makes the following nominations : 
 
 "I nominate Wiliam Henry Harrison to be Governor of Indiana Territory, from the 13th, 
 day of May next, when his present commission as Governor will expire." 
 
 "William Henry Harrison, of Indiana, to be commissioner to enter into any treaty or treaties, 
 which may be necessary, with the Indian tribes, northwest of the Ohio, and within the territory 
 of the United States, on the subject of their boundaries or lands. 
 
 "THOMAS JEFFERSON." 
 
 General Harrison, therefore, received both these important appointments at the 
 same time. On the 15ih December, 1806, General Harrison was reappointed 
 Governor of Indiana by Mr. Jeflerson. — See 2d vol. Executive Journal, page 44. 
 
 On the 19th of December, 1809, General Harrison was appointed Governor 
 of Indiana Territory by Mr. Madison. — See vol. 2, Executive Journal, page 130. 
 
 On the 9th November, 1812, General Harrison was appointed brigadier gen- 
 eral, and, on the 27th February, 1813, major general, by Mr. Madison. — See vol. 
 2, Executive Journal, pages 296, 300, 329. 
 
 The committee, it will therefore be perceived, made no mistake, and that Gen- 
 eral Harrison was twice appointed Governor of Indiana Territory, and commis- 
 sioner to make all necessary treaties with the Indian tribes northwest of the Ohio — 
 a more important appointment than that of Governor — by Mr. Jefferson ; and 
 once appointed Governor, and, also, brigadier general, and major general by Mr. 
 Madison; making, in all, six appointments by Jefferson and Madison, and but two 
 by the elder Adams. If, therefore, as is argued in the circular^ the appointment 
 to, and acceptance of office, is to be considered as proof of federalism or repub- 
 licanism. General Harrison requires no further vindication from us, and may be 
 considered by you, fellow-citizens, as triumphantly acquitted of the charge which 
 has been preferred against him. 
 
 We now come to to the second item of proof adduced — the attack which was 
 made in the Senate of the United States, by John Randolph, on General Harri- 
 sen, in the year 1826. We desire it borne in mind, that Mr. Randolph, in his 
 rabid support o General Jackson, was in the habit of denouncing all who did not 
 agree with him in opinion, with very much the same degree of truth and justice 
 that the Globe now exercises when it calls Southern members of Congress, and 
 all who do not support Mr. Van Buren, federalists and abolitionists. The author 
 
oT the circular having shown, as it would seem, to his own satisfaction, that Gen- 
 eral Harrison was a federalist in 1800, because he accepted iico appointments from 
 the elder Adams, proceeds to show that Mr. Randolph's attack, and General Har- 
 rison's reply, in the Senate, prove him to have been a federalist in 1826. That 
 you may have an accurate knowledge of the use he has thought proper to make 
 of this portion of his evidence against General Harrison, we quote the following 
 sentences from, the 2d and 3d pages of the " Circular:" 
 
 "It would not seem necessary to produce other evidence ; but, as it is convenient, I will call 
 your attention to his own admissions as late as 1826. In the Senate of the United States, ia 
 that year, (1826,) as may be seen in ' Congressional Debates,' by Gales & Scaton, in the first 
 part of the 2d vol., and at page 359, John Randolph, of Virginia, said that the difference be- 
 tween himself and General Harrison was vital; that they differed 'fundamentally and totally,* 
 and did when they first took their seats in Congress. Speaking of Harrison, he said : 'He was 
 an open, zealous, and frank supporter of the seditiun-laio and block-cockade administration ,• 
 and I loas as zealous, frank, and open an opponent of the black-cockade and sedition-law ad- 
 ministration. We differ fimdamentally and totally,- we never can agree about measures or about 
 men. I do not mean to dictate to the gentleman ; let us agree to differ as gentlemen ought to 
 do, especially natives of the same State, who are antipodes to each other in politics.' Now this 
 sp,ecific charge was made by John Randolph on the 20th of March, 1826. The reply of General 
 Harrison is reported in the same volume of debates, and at pages 364 and '5, in which he said, 
 that, 'he could not refrain from making his acknowledgment to the gentleman from Virginia. 
 (Mr. Randolph) for the notice he had been pleased to take of him. He had been pleased to say 
 that, in the administration of Mr. Adams, I was a federalist; and he comes to that conclusioa 
 from the course pursued by me in 1799 and 1800.' I wish it borne in mind that Mr. Randolph. 
 charged him to his face iviih being a zealous, open, frank supporter of the sedition-law and 
 black -cockade administration. He then proceeds in reply : ' At that session the gentleman and 
 myself met for the first time: he in the station of Representative from Virginia, and I in the more 
 humble one of Delegate from the Northwestern Territory. Having no vote, I did not think it 
 proper to take part in the discussion of any of the great political questions which divided the 
 two parties. My business was to procure the passage of the bills which I had introduced for 
 the benefit of the people I represented. The gentleman had no means of knowing my political 
 principles, unless he obtained them from private conversations. As I was on terms of intimacy 
 tvith the gentleman, it is very probable that he might have heard me express sentiments favora- 
 ble to the'then Administration. I certainly felt them, so far at least as to the course pursued 
 by it in relation to the Government of France.' The charge is made direct and unequivocal, 
 and the answer does not deny, but admits, the charge ; but insists he made no public speech to 
 that effect in the House of Representatives, inasmuch as he had no vote; and that Mr. Randolph, 
 must have heard it from him in private conversations. Yet he admits the charge true. Ia 
 the same speech he says ; 'For Mr. Adams, I entertained at that time, and have ever since en- 
 tertained, the greatest respect. I believe him to be an honest man and a pure patriot ,- and his 
 conduct during that session proved him to be such. This opinion, I know, was entertained by 
 those two able and upright statesmen, John Marshall and James A Bayard.' _ These are the 
 expressed opinions of General Harrison concerning John Adams and his administration, in his 
 speech in 1826. Take the charge made by John Randolph, which he knew to be true before ho 
 made it; the acknowledgment of General Harrison— his high esteem for \\\e purity and patri- 
 otism of the elder Adams ,- and his receiving the appointment of Governor of Indiana from his 
 friend and patron. If he were now upon his trial for Federalism, he might pick his own jury 
 ~and they would find him guilty." 
 
 Fellow-citizens, we are persuaded you will think with us, that it would be a 
 mere mockery of justice to allow a person accused to " pick his own jury," if his 
 accusers were permitted to select the testimony. We are not willing to allow it 
 in this case, and now submit to your candid consideration the connected remarks 
 of Mr. Randolph, and General Harrison's reply. (Gales &. Seaion's Register of 
 Congressional Debates, page 359.) 
 
 "Mr! Randolph said: Now, sir. the only difference between the gentleman from Ohio arid 
 myself is this, and it is vital : that gentleman and myself differ fundamentally and totally, and did 
 differ when we first took our seats in Congress; he as a Delegate trom the Territory Northwest of 
 the river Ohio ; I as a member of the other House from the State of Virginia ; he was an open, 
 zealous, frank supporter of the sedition-law and black -cockade Administration; and I was as 
 open, zealous, and frank an opponent of the black-cockade and sedition-law .\dministration. 
 W^e differ fundamentally and totally. We never can agree about measures or about men. I do 
 not mean to dictate to the gentleman let us agree to differ as gentlemen ought to do, especially 
 .natives of the same State, who arc antipodes to each other in politics." 
 
"Mr. Harrison said, in reply, that he could not refrain from making his acknowledgments to the 
 gentleman from Virginia for the notice he had taken of him. He had been pleased to say that in 
 the administration of Mr. Adams I was a J'ederalist, and he comes to that conclusion from the 
 course pursued by me in the session of 179'J-1800. At that session the grntleman and myself 
 met for the first time : he in the station of Representative from Virginia, and I in the more humble 
 one of Delegate from the Northwestern Territory. Having no vote, I did not tiiink it proper to 
 take part in the discussion of any of the great political questions which divided the two parties. 
 My business was to procnre the passage of the bills which I had introduced for the benefit of the 
 people I represented. The gentleman had no means of knowing my political principle unless he 
 obtained them in private conversations. As I was upon terms of intimacy with the gentleman, 
 it is very probable that he might have heard me express sentiments favorable to the then Admin- 
 istration. I certainly felt them, so far at least as to the course pursued by it in relation to the 
 Government of France. Nor, said Mr. H., was I unsupported in that opinion by those who had 
 a right to control my actions, if not my opinions. In no part of the country were those meas- 
 ures more decidedly approbated than by my immediate constituents — the Legislature of the 
 IS^orthwestern I'enitory — as the address of that body to the President during that session -will show. 
 
 For Mr. .A.dams, (said Mr. H.,) I entertained at that time, and have ever since entertained, the 
 greatest respect. 1 believe him to be an honest man and a pure patriot; and his conduct during 
 that session proved him to bo such. I'his opinion, I know, (said Mr. H.,) was entertained by 
 those two able and upright statesmen JoJin Marshall and James A. BaijurJ. [To the ques- 
 tion asked hy Mr. Randolph, whether Mr. K. recollected a conversation between Mr. Nicholas 
 and himself, in relation to the negroes and politics of Virginia, Mr. H. answered :] I recollect it 
 perfectly well, but can tliis be adduced as an evidence of my favoring the sedition law. Mr. 
 Nicholas was my relation and intimate friend ; the conversation was entirely jocular, and so con- 
 sidered by that gentleman at the time, and ever after. I will never (said Mr. H.) resort to any 
 one to support an assertion of mine on a matter of fact. But if I choose to do so, the gentleman 
 from Maryland, who sits opposite to me, (General Smith,) and who was the brother-in-law of 
 Mr. Nicholas, knows the undeviating friendship and support which I received from Mr. 
 Nicholas through his own political life. Mr. Jelierson was at that time Vice President of the 
 United States, and v/as upon the most intimate terms with Mr. Nicholas. He took his seat as 
 President of the Senate vvithin fifteen minutes after the conversation alluded to had passed. If 
 it had been considered in any other light by Mr. Nicholas than as a joke, Mr. Jefferson would 
 certainl}' have heard of it, and he would as certainly have withheld those evidences of his confi- 
 dence and regani whicli I received from liim, through the wliole course of his subsequent ad- 
 ministration. 13ut, sir, (said Mr. H.,) my opposition to the alien and sedition laws was so well 
 known in the Territory, that a promise was extorted from me by my friends in the Legislature, 
 by whicli I was elected, that I would express no opinions in Philadelphia, which would be in 
 the least calculated to defeat the important objects with which I was charged. As I had no vote 
 I was not called on to express my sentiments in the House. The republican party were all in 
 favor of the measures I wished to have adopted. But the federalists v/ere the majority. Pru- 
 dence, therefore, and my duty to my constituents, rendered it proper that I should refrain from 
 expressing sentiments which would injuriously aflect their interests, and which, if expressed, could 
 Jiot have the least influence upon the decisions of Congress." 
 
 Fellow-citixens, we submit this reply of General Harrison to the unjust and 
 petulent attack of Mr. Randolph, as we do the niixtm-e of extracts and arguments 
 contained in the circular, to your calm and im|)artial consideration and the deci- 
 sion of your unbiased Judgment; adding this remark only, that to this answer of 
 General Harrison Mr. Randolph made no reply. You will perceive that General 
 Harrison explains to wliat extent he approved the measures of the administration 
 of the eider Adams; namel}', " the course pursued in rehUion to the Goxiernment of 
 Frunccy He was not singular in this respect. General VV^^shington also approved 
 of the course pursued in relation to the Government of France ; and, as we have 
 shown, accepted the commission of lieutenant general of the armies then contenspla- 
 ted to be raised to resist tlie threatened French invasion. General Harrison ex- 
 pressly asserted that he was opposed to the alien and sedition laws. A support of 
 tliose odious measures was at that time the test of party allegiance. He explain- 
 ed the conversation of which JMr. Randolpli reminded him, and on uliich the main 
 portion of the argument in the circidar is founded. 
 
 We will now consider, briefly, t'le evidence which has been adduced to prove that 
 General Harrison was a federalist in 1826 ; namely, that he voted for the Panama 
 Tnissian, and was appointed in May, 1828, by Mr. J. Q. Adams, minister to Colom- 
 bia ; and the author of the circular asks, with much apparent satisfaction, " what 
 
other or better evidence could be wanted of his being a federalist of the old and new 
 school?" Verily it would seem, that as testimony diminishes, the certainty of convic- 
 tioji increases. Let it be borne in mind that Mr. J. Q. Adams joined the repab- 
 licaii party during thfe administration of Mr. Jefferson; was sent minister to Eng- 
 land, and kept abroad by him and Mr. JMadison until he was appointed Secretary 
 of State by Mr. Monroe ; and that, in 1824, he was claimed by his friends — as 
 Mr. Van Buren now is — as the pure democratic candidate for the Presidency. 
 How the appointment to office by Mr. Adams could have wrought such miracu- 
 lous changes in the political opinions of those who took office under him, as to 
 make federalists of some, and democrats of others, we are at a loss to imagine. 
 We suppose it will be adnutted that Mr. Poinsett, now Secretary of War, Mr. 
 Paulding, Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Cass, minister to France, Richard Rush, and 
 Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, and Alexander H, Everett, of Massachu- 
 setts, are all pure democrats of the Van Buren school. By reference to the Ex- 
 ecutive Journal of Mr. J. Q. Adams's administration, it will be seen that all these 
 gentlemen received important appointments from him ; and how it could have 
 happened that General Harrison was made u federalist by accepting an appoint- 
 ment from Mr. Adams, while all others remained good democrats, we submit to 
 you, fellow-citizens, to decide. 
 
 The Panama mission was a mere question of expediency, involving no princi- 
 ple, and General Harrison's vote in favor of it, therefore, could not have afi'ected 
 his political creed in the slightest degree. 
 
 The remarks of Mr. Webster, which have been quoted to show that General 
 Harrison is now (1840) a federalist, so far as they prove any thing, may be justly 
 regarded as proving the very reverse. Mr. Webster said : " General Harrison 
 has now been selected by the general voice of those whose political principles agree 
 with his own, to go to the head of the column, and bear up the flag' under which it 
 is hoped those principles may be maintained and defended." Fellow-citizens, who 
 are the persons that selected General Harrison? They are John Tyler, Walkins 
 Lee, and James Barbour, of Virginia, Governor Owens, of North Carolina, and 
 many other tried republicans of the Jeffersonian school. These are the men who 
 selected General Harrison to bear up the Hag under which it is hoped their polit- 
 ical principles may be maintained and defended. As you all well recollect, John 
 Tyler was the only member of the Senate of the United States who voted against 
 the force bill ! ! He is the man for whom Georgia voted for Vice President ia 
 1836. He is now the candidate of the friends of reform for the Vice Presidency. 
 Think you he would permit his name to be used in connexion with that of a fed- 
 eralist or an abolitionist, for one of the highest offices in the gift of the people"? 
 The idea is equally ridiculous, unjust, and preposterous. They are both Vir- 
 ginians, by birth and education, and politician,'? of the old republican school. 
 General Harrison, in his letter to Dr. Brownley, dated 11th October, 1809, on 
 the election of Mr. Madison to the Presidency of the United States, says: 
 
 " I rejoice sincerely in the triumph of the repuhUcans of Marylaiid. Ihare ivritten to my 
 friend, General Smith, to congratulate him. on his appointment to the Senate, loithoiit having 
 any other evidence of it than the success of the republican ticket." 
 
 "Again : hi 1822, General Harrison said, in an address to his constituents, ' I deem myself 
 a republican of what is commonly called the old Jeflersonian school.' " 
 
 We close this part of his defence by quoting the letter of Judge Burnet, of Cin- 
 cinnati, to the honorable William Southgate : 
 
 "Cincinnati, February 27, 1840. 
 
 " Mr Dear Siu : I remark, in reply to your letter of this morning, that during the contest 
 between Mr. Jefl'erson and the elder Adams, General Harrison and myself wore residing in the 
 IVorthwestern Territory, and, of course, had not the privilege of voting. At that time I was in 
 habits of great intimacy with General Harrison, although I was a federalist (honestly so) and 
 he a republican of the Jefierson school. I supported Adams warmly, and he, with equal warmth, 
 supported Mr. Jefferson. During the controversy from 1796, inclusive, I conversed and argued 
 
8 
 
 with him times without number ; he sustaining Mr. Jefferson, and I Mr. Adams. You may as- 
 sure your friend that there was not a more consistent, decided supporter of Mr. Jefferson in the 
 Northwestern Territory than General Harrison. For the truth of this declaration, I most wil- 
 lingly pledge my reputation. 
 
 " I state to you what I saw, and heard, and know. When the alien and sedition law passed, 
 the General was not a member of Congress. He neither voted nor had an opportunity of voting 
 on that law. 
 
 "Your friend, J. BURNETT. 
 
 **Hon. William Southgate." 
 
 We now proceed to notice the charge which has been made, that General Har- 
 rison is to receive the support of the abolitionists. We find in the " Circular" 
 the following sentence : 
 
 "It is the blindness of stupidity, or the madness of party, for any man to doubt that the 
 nomination of General Harrison was made with the view and for the purpose of obtaining strength 
 by procuring the votes of the abolitionists." 
 
 If we show that General Harrison's nomination could not have been made with 
 the view or purpose of obtaining strength from the abolitionists; that he will re- 
 ceive no support from them, then this charge will be without foundation. 
 
 On the iOth December, immediately after the Harrisburg nomination, the 
 Emancipator, a leading abolition paper, spefiking of General Harrison, says : 
 
 " He is the man of his party, and that party have sltown the absoluteness of their subservi- 
 ency, by nominating a slaveholder, a peculiarly bigoted devotee of slavery, on the same 
 ticket with General Harrison, and now by electing a nullifying slaveholder, from slavebreed- 
 ing Virginia, for Speaker. 
 
 "But we submit, further, that General Harrison's principles are already well known by his 
 deeds, of which we find the following summary in the Rochester Freeman : 
 
 " 'In December, 1802, while Governor of Indiana Territory, he was president of a conven- 
 tion of the people of that Territory, held at Vincennes, and transmitted to Congress a memorial 
 of the convention, praying that the sixth article of the 'Ordinance of '87,' which prohibited sla- 
 very there, might be suspended. (See Am. State Papers, 1803.) His efforts to make Indi- 
 ana a slave State were prosecuted for years while he was Governor of that Territory. 
 
 " 'In 1819, February 16, General Harrison voted as a member of the House of Representa- 
 tives, against a clause prohibiting the further introduction of slavery in Missouri ; and against 
 a clause for the further emancipation (at 2.5) of slaves born within that State. Two days after- 
 wards he voted agaiiist a clause prohibiting the future introduction of slavery into Arkansas, 
 and against the future emancipation of slaves born in Arkansas. 
 
 " ' So basely did he bow to slavery, that even Ohio was shocked. lie was indignantly re- 
 jected at the next Congressional election in 1822. The National Intelligencer, of October 20, 
 1822, says : ' It is confirmed to us that Mr. Gazely is elected in opposition to General Harri- 
 son. A friend informs us, which we are sorry to learn, that he was opposed particularly on ac- 
 count of his adherence to that principle of the constitution which secures to the people of the 
 South their pre-existing rights.' It seems, then, that General Harrison claimed for the South 
 the right to fasten slavery upon any soil which the nation might have or purchase. 
 
 " ' He has had but little opportunity to act in a public capacity vipon the subject of slavery 
 since that time ; but an address from his political friends in Virginia, in 1836, says, 'he is 
 sound to the core on the subject of slavery.' 
 
 " Under these circumstances, we submit that conscientious abolitionists arc bound to regard 
 the two parties and their candidates as standing precisely on the same ground — that of unlimited 
 subserviency to the dominion of slavocract. It is true. General Harrison's personal demon- 
 strations are less recent than Mr. Van Buren's. But they are much stronger, for Mr. Van Bu- 
 ren helped to send Rufus King to the United States Senate to oppose slavery in Missouri, and 
 he has never attempted to extend slavery to regions where it teas already abolished. And, fur~ 
 ther, the deino?i.strations of the Harrison party are more recent than those of the other. And 
 if it is said that we should give the old General a chance to repent of his pro-slavery, we reply, 
 that it belongs to the man who repents to exhibit his own re{)entance. Certainly there are no 
 circumstances in the case which warrant the slightest presumptions in favor of his repentance. 
 Let him or his friends, if they choose, show wherein his views now differ from his actions in 
 1802, and 1819, and 1836. And, in default of this, let the friends of human rights come at 
 once to the conviction, that the cause they have espoused is, by Divine Providence, entrusted to 
 their own guardianship, and that for its success or failure, their country and posterity will hold 
 them responsible." 
 
 This denunciation was immediately followed by the other abolition papers. 
 
On the 30th January, the same paper makes the following assertion in regard 
 to the nomination : 
 
 " We may remark, however, that so far as we are acquainted, there was not a single known 
 abolitionist present in the Harrisburg convention." 
 
 We could multiply these extracts into a volume, but the limits of this address 
 will not permit. We will close this part of the testimony by quoting the proceed- 
 ings of an anti-slavery convention for Western New York, held at Arcade, Gene- 
 see county, January 29, 1840; seven or eight hundred persons present with 
 delegates from the States of New York and Pennsylvania. The following among 
 other resolutions were passed : 
 
 "8. Resolved, That, in our opinion, General William H. Harrison ought not to receive the 
 vote of any freeman in the United States for the olTice of President thereof, because he has apos- 
 tatized from the faith of his father, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and 
 habitually made war upon the most essential of human rights: 
 
 ♦' 1st. In urging the National Legislature to suspend the prohibition of slavery in the North- 
 western Territory, which he did, as president of a convention held therein in 1802, for the pur- 
 pose of introducing it there, though the prohibition had been solemnly enacted by the unanimous 
 vote of the old continental Congress, and ratified by the first Congress under the new ■ constitu- 
 tion, with only one dissenting vote. 
 
 "2d. In giving his influence and his vote, as a member of Congress, in 1819, in iavor of ad- 
 mitting the State of Missouri into the Union with a provision to legalize slavery therein, and in 
 doing the same, during the same year, in respect to the Terrritory of Arkansas. 
 
 "3d. In misrepresenting the abolitionists and the constitution, to their prejudice, and to the 
 injury of the great rights of free inquiry — freedom of speech and of the press — in a speech de- 
 livered at Vincennes, in 183.5, in which, also, in efl'ect, he encouraged the laivless violence of 
 mobs to suppress the movements of the abolitionists, though they were rightful and constitu- 
 tional, by declaring that they ' should be immediately stopped * * by the force of public opin- 
 ion, and that cannot too soon be Ijrought into operation.' 
 
 "4th. In authorizing a committee of his political friends, in Virginia, in 1836, for the sake 
 of procuring him the support of slave owners, in the election for the Presidency then pending, 
 to say that 'he was sound to the core on the subject of slavery.' 
 
 " 5th. In consenting this year to be run as a candidate for the Presidency on a ticket which 
 cannot receive a vote which is not at the same time given for a slave holder as Vice President." 
 
 In pursuance of a call at tliis Arcade convention, the abolitionists met in Al- 
 bany, on the 1st of April, to discuss the question of an independent nomination 
 of abolition candidates. Delegates vvere in attet)dance from the States of Ver- 
 mont, Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, and New York. This 
 convention nominated James Birney, of New York, and Thomas Earle, (an ac- 
 tive Van Buren partisan,) of Pennsylvania, as candidates for the Presidency and 
 Vice Presidency. 
 
 The spirit and tone of the abolition press, teeming daily with the most rancour- 
 ous abuse of General Harrison, and (he proceedings of these conventions of aboli- 
 tionists, were known, or may\\?i\e been known, perfectly well, to the author of the 
 circular. We leave you, fellow-citizens, to say whether the friends or opponents of 
 General Harrison are justly chargeable with "the blindness of stupidity or the mad- 
 ness of party." 
 
 We find quoted in the " circidar" some remarks of Mr. Tappan in the Senate 
 during the present session, and the resolutions adopted at a democratic convention 
 in the State of Oliio. These resolutions may prove, for aught we know, that 
 most of the democrats of Ohio are not abolitionists ; but we do know something 
 of this apostle of Van Buren democracy, Mr. Tappan. Mr. James Collier, of 
 Steubenville, where Tappan resides, says, in a letter which was produced by Mr. 
 Stanly, of North Carolina, in the course of his very able speech, in the House 
 of Representatives, in vindication of General Harrison: 
 
 "In the conversation alluded to, Judge Tappan observed, 'that as he was returning from Co- 
 lumbus, he was waited upon at Zanesville, by a committee from the State Abolition Society, then 
 in session at Putnam, with a request that he would accept some appointment, or some ofiice, 
 (what particular oflice I do not now recollect,) from the society.' The Judge stated that he de- 
 clined, and assigned as a reason, that he disapproved of the course they were taking; 'but,' said 
 
10 
 
 he, *I told them if they wanted five hundred dollars to purchase arms and ammunition, to put 
 into the hands of the blacks that they niisht free themselves, I would give them the money.' I 
 then asked him if he had reflected upon the consequences ot such a step ; that insurrection would 
 be the inevitable result ; and that he might thereby put in peril the lives of his connexions and 
 neighbors. He inquired how 1 To which I replied, that the President was bound by his oath 
 of office to suppress insurrections, and to do that, was authorized to call out the whole armed 
 force of the country. He remarked, that the President would do no such thing. To this I re- 
 plied, that the President had ordered the troops to Southampton, and would do it again, if neces- 
 sary. I then said, 'Judge, I think I can put you a case where you would go yourself.' 'Let 
 me hear your case. Colonel,' said he. ' Suppose, sir,' I observed, ' that the county of Erookc, 
 opposite to us, in Virginia, contained a dense population of slaves ; that they should rise up 
 against ilieir master.s, and that you should be standing with your neighbors on one side of the 
 river, and see them marching down on the other side, burning and destroying every thing with- 
 in their reach, and murdering, without distinction, men, women, and children, and that our 
 friends and acquaintances should call upon us for assistance, would not you go V ' No, by God,' 
 said he, ' I would not, and would disinherit any child I have that would go !' " 
 
 Mr. D. S. Collier, in a letter dated Gth March, 1840, says : 
 
 "In a conversation between the Judge (Tappan) and a gentleman then resident of this place, 
 but now of Baltimore, on the subjects of slavery, this case was presented to the Judge: 'Sup- 
 pose, sir, we should see the slaves rising against their masters, on the op]josite side of the river, 
 (Virginia,) and about to succeed in subduing them, or in cutting their throats, would you not 
 interfere to prevent this, and save their lives]' To which he replied, in substance, 'that if he 
 interfered at all, it would be to supply the slaves with ammunition.' " 
 
 The Western Herald and Steubenville Gazette of September, 1837, publishes 
 a letter from Mr. James Means, which contains the following statement in regard 
 to Tappan : 
 
 "There i.s another thing. I consider him the worst kind of an abolitionist, as he holds to 
 doctrines the most mischievous and absurd on the subjects of slavery. I believe it could be prov- 
 ed that he hai; said he would give $500 to purchase arms to put in the hands of the slaves to 
 free themselves; and-that they ought to cut their masters' throats. He has also said, if the slaves 
 ■R-ere butchering men, women, and children, on the opposite side of the river, he would not lift 
 a finger to rescue theni ; and that he would disinherit a son who would offer to go to their relief. 
 jVow, although not an advocate for slavery, I would not support any man for office, who enter- 
 tains such inhumane feelings and opinions as these." 
 
 It will be recollected that, after these most infamous declarations of Tappan, be 
 lias been elected to the Senate of the United States by the Van Buren democrats 
 of Ohio. 
 
 The author of the circular, in his zeal to convict General Harrison of being an 
 abolitionist, says: " As I am writing for your candid consideration an unvarnish- 
 ed tale, I will call your attention to his circular, which he published for the pur- 
 pose of satisfying the displeasure of the abolitionists." Mark, fellow-citizens, the 
 language here employed; does it not imply that tiie whole " circular" is quoted 
 by him ; that it has been recently written, and addressed to the abolitionists " for 
 the purpose of satisfying tlieir displeasure," and obtaining their votes at the com- 
 ing Presidential election ? What will be your surprise, (hen, at the author of this 
 " unvarnished tale," when we inform you that what he has inserted as the " cir- 
 cular," is merely two paragraphs of a communication, written in 1822, by General 
 Harrison, to the people of his district? We cannot give a more clear and satis- 
 factory explanation of this "circular" than that contained in the able letter of the 
 honorable James Garland, of Virginia, to his constituents. He says: 
 
 " With these proofs of uniform adherence to anti-abolition views, by General Harrison, run- 
 ning through a period of twenty years, I should di.smiss the subject, but that I feel impelled by a 
 sense of duty, to expose the low artifices lately employed to mislead public sentiment, by garbled 
 extracts of letters, which are, however, put forth with every appearance of giving an entire state- 
 ment. It is amongst the melancholy omens with which the times abound, that the statements of 
 the public press have ceased to carry with them, in public estimation, the evidence of truth. As 
 an instance of this kind, I give below what piirpar/s to be a letter of tJeneral Harrison, in fullf 
 addressed to the jieople. As it is published by his enemies it stands thus : 
 
 " 'to the public. 
 " 'Fellow-Citizens : Being called suddenly home, to attend to my sick family, I have but 
 a moment to answer a few of the calumnies which are in circulation against me. 
 
11 
 
 " ' I am accused of being friendly to slavery. From my earliest youth up to the present mo- 
 ment, I have been the anient friend of human liberty. At the age of eighteen, I became a 
 member of an aboHtion society, estabhslied at Richmond, (he object of which was to amehora!-'. 
 the condition of slaves, and procure their freedom by every legal means. My venerable friend 
 Judge Gatch, of Clerm.ont county, was also a member of this society, and has lately given me a 
 certificate that I was one. The obligations I came under I have faithfully performed. 
 
 " 'WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.'" 
 
 "In a recent publication, addressed to the people of Virginia, the above appears, and is there 
 stated to be taken from a paper published in Cincinnati, on the 14t,h of February last. A plain 
 honest inquirer, searching for truth, and reading the above, would naturally suppose that it 
 was, 1st, a letter written in February last; 2dly, that it was an entire letter ; and, 3dly, as a 
 consequeiice from its contents, he would conclude that it was expressly written by General 
 Harrison to show that he was an abolitionist of the modern school. Such undoubtedly is the 
 impression which the publication referred to is intended to produce. But what is our sur- 
 prise when we learn, first, that the letter was written not in February, 1840, but in the year 
 ' 1822; secondly, that it is not an entire letter, but only two short paragraphs of a long letter, the 
 whole remainder of which is carefully suppressed; and, thirdly, that it was written for the pur- 
 pose of defending himself against the votes I have quoted, given on the Missouri question, and 
 that the part suppressed, contains a complete and full avowal of the principles of those votes, he 
 being then (1S22) a candidate again for Congress, and Mr. Gazely, who, as we shall see, was 
 elected as an abolitionist, being his opponent. Here follows the letter entire as it was then 
 published : 
 
 "to the public. 
 
 "Fellow-citizf.i^s : Being called suddenly home to attend my sick family, I have but 
 a moment to answer a few of the calumnies which are in circvilation concerning me. 
 
 "I am accused of being friendly to slavery. From my earliest youth to the present moment, 
 I have been the ardent friend of human liberty. At the age of 18, I became amemher of an 
 abolition societi/, established at Richmond, Virginia ; the object- of which was to ameliorate the 
 condition of slaves, and procure their freedom by every legal 7neans. My venerable friend Judge 
 Gatch, of Clermont county, was also a member of that society, and has lately given me a cer- 
 tificate that I was one. The obligations which I then came under, I have fait/fully performed. 
 I have been the means of liberating many slaves, but ■never placed oiie in bondage. I deny 
 that my votes in Congress, in relation to Missouri and Arkansas, are in the least incompatible 
 with these principles. Congress had no more legal or constitutional right to emancipate tlie 
 negroes in those sections of Louisiana, iciihout the consent of their owners, than they have to 
 free those of Kentucky. These people were secured in their property by a solemn covenant 
 with France when the country was purchased from that power. To prohibit the emigration of 
 citizens of the Southern Slates to the part of the country, the situation and climate of which 
 was peculiarly suited to them, would have been highly unjust, as it had been purchased out of 
 the common fund. Particularly, too, v.rhen it is recollected that all the immense territory to the 
 Northwest of the Ohio had been ceded by Virginia, and that with an unexampled liberality, she 
 h.ad herself proposed by excluding slavery from it, to secure it for the emigration of those States 
 which had no slaves. Was it proper, then, when her reserved territory was in a great measure 
 filled up, to exclude her citizens from every part of the territory purchased out of the common 
 fund ] I was the first person to introduce into Congress the proposition that all the country 
 above Missouri, (which having no inhabitants was free from the objection made to Missouri and 
 Arkansas,) should never have slavery admitted into it. I repeat what I have before said, that 
 as our Union was only effected by mutual concession, so only can it be preserved. 
 
 " My vote against the restriction of Missouri in forming her constitution was ?iot a conclu- 
 sive one,- there would have been time enough, had I continued to be a rnember, before the ques- 
 tion was decided, for my constituents to have instructed me, and I should have rejoiced in any 
 opportunity of sacrificing my seat to my principles, if they had instructed me in opposition to 
 my construction of the constitution. Like many other menibcrs from the non-slaveholding 
 States, of whom I mention Shaw, Holmes, Mason of Massachusetts, Lanman of Connecticut, 
 and Baldwin of Pennsylvania, I could see nothing in the constitution which I had sworn to sup- 
 port to warrant such an interference with the rights of the States, and which had never before 
 been attempted. And where is the crime in one set of men not being able to interpret the con- 
 stitution as other men interpret it. As we had all sivorn to support it, the crime would have 
 been in giving it a construction ivhich our consciences ivould not sanction. And let me ask 
 for what good" is this question again brought up "? It has been settled as all our family dilleren- 
 ces have been settled, on the firm basis of mutual compromise. And patriotism, as well as pru- 
 dence devoted the eflects of that awful discussion to eternal oblivion. Is it not known that from 
 that cause the great fabric of our Union was shaken to its foundation "! Is it not known that 
 Missouri would not have submitted to the restriction, and that the other slaveholding States had 
 determined to support her? But for this compromise, the probability is, that at this moment 
 ■we miglit look upon the opposite shore of Ohio, not for an aii'ectionatc sister State, but an arm- 
 
12 
 
 ci and implacable rival. What patriotic man woiikl not join the gallant Eaton in execrating the 
 head and (he liand that could devise and execute a scheme productive of a calamity so awlull 
 " Upon the whole, fellow-citizens, our path is a plain one ; it is that marked out as well by 
 humanity as duty. We cannot emancipate the slaves of the other States without their consent, 
 but by producing a convulsion which would undo us all. For this much-to-be-desired event, 
 we must wait the slow but certain progress of those good principles which are everywhere gain- 
 ing ground, and which assuredly will ultimately prevail. 
 
 "WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON." 
 
 "Thus, fellow-citzens, you will see that, either through ignorance or by design, those who 
 profess a wish to open your eyes to the light, have concealed from you the truth, and, although 
 guilty of no positive assertion of falsehood, have, cither through ignorance or design, suppressed 
 the truth ; which last, from whatever cause, is equally fatal to your right understanding of the 
 questions you have to determine. 
 
 "I have greatly misunderstood the proud magnanimity of Virginians, if this course, ob^i- 
 ously calculated to deceive them, and misrepresent one of their own sons, does not create in 
 their hearts a swelling fountain of that very sympathy which it was intended to destroy. To 
 show how nobly General Harrison, in 1822, sacrificed his seat in Congrers to his and your prin- 
 ciples, I subjoin the follov^ing statement from the National Intelligencer of October 20, 1822 : 
 
 •' It is confirmed to us that Mr. Gazely is elected in opposition to General Harrison. A friend 
 •' informs us, ivhich ive are sorry to learn, that he ivas opposed particularly on account of his 
 " adherence to that principle tf the Constitution, which secures to the people of the iSouth their 
 *' pre-existing rights."" 
 
 " I here dismiss the subject, satisfied that neither calumny nor ignorance, can misrepresent or 
 he deceived as to the opinions of General Harrison on this question." 
 
 Mr. Garland has said enough, as lie believes, and as we believe, to satisfy the 
 people of Virginia and of Georgia that General Harrison never was an abolitionist. 
 When General Harrison was but eighteen years of age, and as late as 1822, the 
 ferocious designs that characterize the abolitionists of ihe present day were not 
 thought of. An abolition society in slaveholding Virginia composed of slave- 
 holders ! ! This, indeed, as those terms are now understood, would be a most ex- 
 traordinary spectacle. The idea is too preposterous to be entertained for a mo- 
 ment. A few words will explain the matter. The societies of tliat day were for 
 humane and benevolent purposes — to see the laws for the government and protec- 
 tion of slaves and free persons of color enforced. These were the objects of the 
 society to which General Harrison belonged, and of many other societies of the 
 same character existing at that time in the slaveholding States. And 3'et, such is 
 "the blindness of stupidity or the madness of party," that men, occupying high 
 places in the councils of the nation, with the evidence of General Harrison's re- 
 peated acts, and reiterated opinions staring them in the face, will attempt to prove, 
 for party purposes, that he is an abolitionist. 
 
 We will now insert as much of General Harrison's speech, delivered at Cheviot, 
 Ohio, on tlie 4th of July, 1833, as relates to the subject under consideration. 
 He said : 
 
 "There is, however, a subject now beginning to agitate them, (the Seuthern States,) in rela- 
 tion to which, if their alarm has any foundation, the relative situation in which they may stand 
 to some of the States, will be the very reverse to what it now is. I allude to a supposed dispo- 
 sition in some individuals in the non-sluveholding States to interfere with the slave population of 
 the other States, for the purpose of forcing their emancipation. I do not call your attention to 
 this subject, fellow-citizens, from the apprehension that there is a man among you who will 
 lend his aid to a project so pregnant loith mischief, and still less that there is a State in the 
 Union which could be brought to give it a countenance. But such are the feelings of our South- 
 ern brethren upon this subject — such their views, and their just views, of the evils which an in- 
 terference of this kind would bring upon them, that long before it would reach the point of re- 
 ceiving the sanction O'f a State, the evil of the attempt would be consummated, as far as we are 
 concerned, by a dissolution of the Union. If there is any principle of the constitution of the 
 United States less disputable than any other, it is, that the slave population is under the exclu- 
 sive control of the States which possess litem. If there is any measure, likely to rivet the chains 
 and blast the pro.spects of the negroes for emancipation, it is the interference of unauthorized 
 persons. Can any one who is acquainted with the operations of the human mind doubt this? 
 We have seen how restive our Southern brethren have been from a supposed violation of their 
 
13 
 
 political rights. What must be the consequence of an aclmnwledged violation of these rights, 
 Cfor every man of sense must admit it to be so, J conjoined with an insulting interference with 
 their domestic concerns ? 
 
 ' ' Shall I be accused of want of feeling for the slave, by these remarks ? A further examination 
 will elucidate the matter. / take it for granted that no one tvill say that either the Goverment 
 of the United States or those of the non-slaveholding States can interfere in anyway tvith the 
 right of property in the slaves. Upon whom, then, arc the efforts of the misguided and pre- 
 tended friends of the slaves to operate ] It must be either on the Governments of the slavcholding 
 States, the individuals who hold them, or upon the slaves themselves. What are to be the ar- 
 guments, what the means by which they are to influence the two first of these 1 Is there a man 
 vain enough to go to the land of Madison, of Macon, and of Crawford, and tell them that they 
 either do not understand the principles of the moral and political rights of man ; or that, under- 
 standing, they disregard them ] Can they address an argument to the interest or fears of the 
 enlightened population of the slave States, that has not occurred to themselves a thousand and a 
 thousand times 1 To whom, then, are they to address themselves but to the slaves 1 And what 
 can be .'said to them, that will not lead to an indiscriminate slaughter of every age and sex, and 
 ultimately to their own destruction ] Should there be an incarnate devil who has imagined 
 with approbation, such a catastrophe to his fellow-citizens as I have described, let him look to 
 those for whose benefit he would produce it- Particular sections of the country may be laid 
 waste, all the crimes that infuriated man, under the influence of all the black passions of his na- 
 ture can commit, maybe perpetrated for a season; the tides of the ocean, however, will no more 
 certainly change than that the flood of horrors will be arrested, and turned upon those who may 
 get it in motion. 
 
 "I willnot stop to inquire into the motives of those who are engagedin this fatal and uncon- 
 stitutional project. There may be some who have embarked in it without properly considering 
 its consequences, and who are actuated by benevolent and virtuous principles. But, if such there 
 are, I am very certain that, should they continue their present course, their fellow-citizens will, 
 ere long, ' curse the virtues which have undone their country.' 
 
 "Should I be asked if there is no way by which the General Government can aid the cause of 
 emancipation ; I answer, that it has long been an object near my heart to see the v.'hole of its' 
 surplus revenue appropriated to that object. With the sanction of the States holding the slaves, 
 there appears to me to be no constitutional objection to its being thus applied ; embracing not 
 only the colonization of those that may be otherwise freed, but the purchase of freedom of others. 
 By a zealous prosecution of a plan formed upon that basis we might look forward to a day, not 
 very distant, when a North American sun would not look down upon a slave. To those who 
 have rejected the plan of colonization, I would ask, if they have well weighed the consequences 
 of emancipation without it? How long would the emancipated negroes remain satisfied with 
 that? Would any one of the Southern States then (the negroes armed and organized) be able 
 to resist their claims to a participation in all their pohtical rights ? Would it even stop there ? 
 Would they not claim admittance to all the social rights and privileges of a community in which, 
 in some instances, they would compose the majority ? Let those who take pleasure in the con- 
 templation of such scenes as must inevitably follow, finish out the {licture. 
 
 '* If I am correct in the principles here advanced, 1 support my assertion, that the discussion 
 on the subject of emancipation in the non-slavehulding States, is equally injurious to the slaves 
 and their masters, and that it has no sanction, in the principles of the constitution. I must not 
 be understood to say, that there is any thing in that instrunient which prohibits such discussion. 
 I know there is not. But the man who believes that the claims which his fellow-citizens have 
 upon him, are satisfied by adhering to the letter of the political contract that connect them, must 
 have a very imperfect knowledge of the principles upon which our glorious Union was formed, 
 and by which alone it can be maintained. I mean those feelings of regard and affection which 
 were manifested in the first dawnof our Revolution, which induced every American to think 
 that an injury inflicted upon his fellow-citizens, however distant his location, was an injury to 
 himself; which made us, in effect, one people, before we had any paper contract; which induced 
 the venerable Shelby, in the second war for independence, to leave the comforts which age re- 
 quired, to encounter the dangers and privations incident to a wilderness war; which drew from 
 the same quarter the innumerable battalions of volunteers which preceded and followed him ; and 
 from the banks of the distant Appomattox, that band of youthful heroes, which has immortalized 
 the appellation by which it was distinguished. Those worthy sons of immortal sires^ did not 
 stop to inquire into the alleged injustice and immorality of the Indian war. It was sufficient for 
 them to learn their fellow-citizens were in danger, that the tomahawk and scalping-knife were sus- 
 pended over the heads of the women and children of Ohio, to induce them to abandon the ease, 
 and, in many instances, the luxury and splendor by which from infancy they had been sur- 
 rounded, to encounter the fatigues and dangers of war, amidst the horrors of a Canadian winter. 
 
 In this speech you will observe what he said in regard to the appropriation of 
 the surplus revenue, which has been so often garbled and quoted by the Adminis- 
 
14 
 
 tration papers, and to wiiicli the author of tlic "circular" has also referred, for the 
 j)urpose of sustaining liis argument against General Harrison. We will now quote 
 the opinions of Jefl'erson and Madison on the same subject, by which you will per- 
 ceive that they agree precisely with General Harrison's. 
 
 In a- letter to Jared Sparks, dated Monticello, February 4, 1824, Mr, JetTerson 
 says : 
 
 "And from what fund are these expenses to be furnished 1 Why not from the lands which, 
 have been ceded by the very States now needing the relief; and ceded on no consideration, for 
 the most part, but that of the general good of the whole 1 These cessions already constitute 
 one-fourth of the States of the Union. It may be said that these lands have been sold ; are now 
 the property of the citizens composing those States; and the money long ago received and ex- 
 pended. ]Jut an equivalent of lands in the Territories since acquired, may be appropriated to 
 that object ; or so much, at least, as may be sufficient ; and the object, although more important 
 to the slave States, is highly so to the others also, if they were serious in their arguments on the 
 Missouri question." 
 
 Mr. Madison, in his letter to the Rev. R. R. Gurley, dated Montpelier, 29th 
 December, 1831, says : 
 
 "In contemplating the pecuniary resources needed for the removal of such a number to so 
 great distance, my thoughts and hopes have been long turned to the rich fund presented in West- 
 ern lands of the nation, which will soon entirely cease to be under a pledge for another object. 
 The gicat one in question is truly of a national character, and it is known that distinguished 
 patriots, not dwelling in slaveholding States, have viewed the object in that light and would be 
 willing to let the national domain be a resource in ellecting it. Should it be remarked that the 
 States, though all ma; be interested in relieving our country from the colored population, they are 
 not equally so, it is but fair recollect, that those sections most to be benefited are those whose 
 cessions created the fund to be disposed of." 
 
 . We will now call your attention to General Harrison's speech, delivered at 
 Vincennes, Indiana, when he was before the people as a candidate for the Presi- 
 dency ; and had he been disposed, under any circumstances, to countenance the 
 schernes of the abolitionists, this was the time, of all others, most important for 
 liim to have done so. 
 
 "I have now, fellow-citizens, a few words more to say on another subject, and which is, in 
 my opinion, of more importance than any other that is now in the course of discussion in any 
 part of the Union. I allude to the societies which have been formed, and the movements of 
 certain individuals, in some of the States, in relation to a portion of the population in others. 
 The conduct of these persons is the more dangerous, because their object is masked under the 
 garb of disinterestedness and benevolence; and their course vindicated by arguments and propo- 
 sitions which in the abstract no one can deny. But, however fascinating may be the dress with 
 which their schemes are presented to their fellow-citizens, with whatever purity of intention they 
 may have been formed and sustained, they will be found to carry in their train mischief to the 
 whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it, which it is probable some of the projectors 
 nnd many of their supporters have never thought of; the latter, the first in the series of evils 
 which are to spring from this source, are such as you have read of to have been perpetrated on 
 the fair plains of Italy and Gaul by the Scythian hordes of Atilla and Alaric ; and such as most 
 of you apprehended upon that memorable night, when the tomahawks and war-clubs of the fol- 
 lowers of Tecumseh were rattling in your suburbs. I regard not the disavowals of any such in- 
 tention upon the part of the authors of these schemes, since, upon the examination of the publi- 
 cations which have been made, they will be found to contain every fact and every argument 
 which would have been used if such had been their objects. I am certain that there is not in 
 this assembly one of these deluded men, and that there are few within the bounds of the State, 
 If there are any, I would earnestly entreat them to forbear, to pause in their career, and deliber- 
 ately consider the consequences of their conduct to the whole Union, to the States more immedi- 
 ately interested, and to those for whose benefit they profess to act. That the latter will be the 
 victims of the weak, injudicious, presumptuous, and unconstitutional eflbrts to serve them, a 
 thorough examination of the subject 'must convince them. The struggle (and struggle there must 
 be) may commence with horrors such as I have described, but it will end with more firmly riveting 
 the chains, or in the utter extirpation of those whose cause they advocate. Am I wrong, fel- 
 low-citizens, in applying the terms weak, presumptuous, and unconstitutional, to the measures 
 of the emancipators 1 A slight examination will, I think, show that I am not. In a vindication 
 of the objects of a convention which was lately held in one of the towns of Ohio, which I saw in 
 a newspaper, it was said that nothing more was intended than to produce a state of public feeling 
 which would lead to an amendment of the constitution, authorizing the abolition of slavery in 
 
15 
 
 the United States. Now can an amendment of the constitution be effected without the consent 
 of the Southern States ] What, then, is the proposition to be submitted to them I II is this : 
 The present provisions of the constitution secure to you the right (a right which you held before 
 it was made, and which you have never given up) to manage your domestic concerns in your 
 own way ; but as we are convinced that you do not manage them properly, we want you to put 
 in the hands of the General Government, in. the councils of which we have the majority, the 
 control over these matters, the effect of which will be virtually to transfer the power from yours 
 into our hands. Again, in some of the States, and in sections of others, the black popula- 
 tion far exceeds that of the white. Some of the emancipators propose an immediate abolition. 
 What is the proposition, then, as it regards those States and parts of States, but the alternatives 
 of amalgamation with the blacks, or an exchange of situations with thcml Is there any man of 
 common sense who does not believe that the emancipated blacks, being a majority, will not insist 
 upon a full participation of political rights with the whites, and, when possessed of these, that 
 they will not contend foF a full share of social rights also 1 What but the extremity of weak- 
 ness and folly could induce any one to think that such propositions as these could be listened to 
 by a people so intelligent as those of the Southern States] Further, the emancipators generally 
 declare that it is their intention to effect their object (although their acts contradict the as-ertion) 
 by no other means than by convincing the slaveholders that the immediate emancipation of the 
 slaves is called for both by moral obligation and sound policy. An unfiedged youth at the mo- 
 ment of his leaving (indeed, in many instances before he has left it) his Theological Seminary, 
 undertakes to give lectures upon morals to the countrymen of Wythe, Tucker, Pendleton, and 
 Lowndes, and lessons of political wisdom to States whose affairs have so recently been diiected 
 by Jefferson and Madison, Macon and Crawford. Is it possible that instances of greater vanity 
 and presumption could be exhibited ? 
 
 " But the course pursued by the emancipators is unconstitutional. I do not say that there are 
 any words in the constitution which forbid such discussions as they say they are engaged in. I 
 know that there are not. And there is even an article which secures to the citizens the right to 
 express and publish their opinions without restriction. But in the construction of the constitu- 
 tion it is always necessary to refer to the circumstances under which it was framed, and to ascer- 
 tain its meaning by a comparison of its provisions with each other, and with the previous situa- 
 tion of the several States who were parties to it. In a portion of these slavery was recognised, 
 and they took care to have the right secured to them to follow and reclaim such of them as were 
 fugitives to other States. The laws of Congress passed under this power have provided punish- 
 ment to any who shall oppose or interrupt the exercise of this right. Now, can any one believe 
 that the instrument which contains a provision of this kind, which authorizes a master to pursue 
 his slave into another State, take him back, and provides a punishment for any citizen or citizens 
 of that State who should oppose him, should at the same time authorize the latter to assemble to- 
 gether, to pass resolutions and adopt addresses, not only to encourage the slaves to leave their 
 masters, but to cut their throats before they do so ] I insist that, if the citizens of the non-slave- 
 holding States can avail themselves of the article of the constitution which prohibits the restric- 
 tion of speech or of the press, to publish any thing injurious to the rights of the slaveholding 
 States, they can go to the extreme that I have mentioned, and effect any thing further which 
 writing or speaking could effect. But, fellow-citizens, these are not the principles of the con- 
 stitution. Such a construction would defeat one of the great objects of its formation, which was 
 that of securing the peace and harmony of the State.? which were parties to it. The liberty of 
 speech and of the press were given as the most effectual means to preserve to each and every cit- 
 izen their own rights, and to the States the rights which appertained to them at the time of its 
 adoption. 
 
 " It could never have been expected that it would be used by the citizens of one portion of the 
 States for the purpose of depriving those of another portion of the rights, which they had reserved 
 at the adoption of the constitution, and in the exercise of which none but themselves have any 
 concern or interest. If slavery is an evil, (and no one more readily acknowledges it than I do,) 
 the evil is with them. If there is guilt in it, the guilt is theirs, not ours, since neither the States 
 where it does not exist, nor the Government of the United States, can, without usurpation of 
 power and the violation of a solemn compact, do any thing to remove it, without the consent of 
 those who are immediately interested. With that consent, there is not a man in the whole 
 world who would more willingly contribute his aid to accomplish it than I would. If my vote 
 couhl elTect it, every surplus dollar in the Treasury should be appropriated to that object. But 
 they will neither ask for aid nor consent to be aided, so long as the illegal, persecuting, and dan- 
 gerous movements are in progress of which I complain ; the interest of all concerned requires that 
 these should be immediately stopped. This can only be done by the force of public opinion, and 
 that cannot too soon be brought into operation. Every movement which is made by the aboli- 
 tionists in the non-slaveholding States is viewed by our Southern brethren as an attack upon 
 their rights, and which, if persisted in, must in the end eradicate those feelings of attachmen 
 and affection between the citizens of all the States which were produced by a community of ia 
 terests and dangers in the vvar of the Revolution, which was the foundation of our happy Union 
 
16 
 
 and by a continuance of which it alone can be preserved. I entreat you then, fellow-citizens, toe 
 frown upon the measures which are to produce results so much to be deprecated. The opinions 
 which I have novv given, I have omitted no opportunity for the last two years to lay before the 
 people of my own State. I have taken the liberty to express them here, knowing that, even if 
 they should unfortunately not accord with yours, they would be kindly received." 
 
 With this mass of testimony in favor of General Harrison, we confidently be- 
 lieve that you, fellow-citizens, will repel tliis unjust and ungenerous charge of ab- 
 olitionism which has been brought against him. Those opposed to General Har- 
 rison attempt to show that ho is in favor of a national bank, by asserting that his 
 supporters are in favor of such an institution. On this question let General Har- 
 rison speak for himself. In 1822, being a candidate for Congress, he published 
 the following letter, giving his political opinions : 
 
 "Cincinnati, September 16, 1822. 
 " To the Editor of the Inquisitor .- 
 
 "Sir : In your last paper you recommend to the candidates at the ensuing election, to pub- 
 lish their political creeds, that the electors may have a fair opportunity of choosing those whose 
 sentiments best accord with their own. I have ever believed that every elector has a right to 
 make this call upon those who offer tHeir services to the people, and that the candidates are 
 bound to answer it. I might, it is true, avail myself of the kind of exception which you make 
 in favor of those who have had an opportunity of showing their political opinions by their con- 
 duct. But I have no reason to dread the most minute investigation of my opinions, and that 
 iny fellow-citizens may be enabled to compare my actions with my professions, I olH?r you the 
 following outline of my political creed, which you may publish if you think it worthy of a place 
 in your paper. The measure is more necessary at this tirae, as some of my new friends have 
 very kindly, in various handbills and other anonymous publications, undertaken to make one 
 for me, which (if I have a correct knowledge of what I myself believe) is not a very exact like- 
 ness of that which I profess. I deem myself a republican of what is commonly called the old 
 Jefl'ersonian school, and believe in the correctness of that interpretation of the constitution, 
 which has been given by the writings of that enlightened statesman, who was at the head of the 
 party and others belonging to it, particularly the celebrated resolutions of the Virginia Legisla- 
 ture, during the Presidency of Mr. Adams. 
 
 " I deny, therefore, to the General Government the exercise of any power but what is express- 
 ly given to it by the constitution, or what is essentially necessary to carry the powers expressly 
 given into effect. 
 
 "I believe that the charter given to the Bankof the United States was unconstitutional; it be- 
 ing not one of those measures necessary to carry any of the expressly granted powers into elTect ; 
 and whilst my votes in Congress will show that I will take any constitutional means to revoke 
 the charter, my vote in the State Legislature will equally show that I am opposed to those which 
 are unconstitutional or violent, and which will bring us in collision with the General Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 "I believe in the tendency of a large public debt to sap the foundations of the constitution, 
 by creating a moneyed aristocracy, whose views and interests must be in direct hostility to those 
 of the mass of the people. 
 
 "I deem it the duty, therefore, of the representative of the people to endeavor to extinguish 
 as soon as possible, by making every retrenchment in the expenditures of the Government that 
 a proper performance of the public business will allow. - 
 
 " I believe in the right of the people to instruct their representative when elected ; and if he 
 has sufficient evidence that the instructions which may be given him come from a majority of 
 his constituents, that he is bound to obey them, unless he considers that by doing it he would 
 violate the constitution, in which case I think it would be his duty to resign and give them an 
 opportunity of electing another representative whose opinion would accord with their own. * 
 * * * "WM. H. HARRISON." 
 
 In 1836, General Harrison was a candidate for the Presidency of the United 
 States. He was asked, if elected, whether he would sign a bill incorporating a 
 bank 1 He made the following reply, in a letter to the honorable Sherrod Wil- 
 liams : 
 
 " I would if it were clearly ascertained that the public interest, in relation to the collection and 
 disbursement of the revenue would materially suffer without one, and there were unequivocal 
 manifestations of public opinion in its favor." 
 
 Hence it will be perceived that General Harrison's opinions in regard to the es- 
 tablishment of a national bank, are similar to those entertained by Mr. Jefferson, 
 and Mr. Madison. 
 
17 
 
 General Harrison's opinions in regard to the tariff and internal improvements^ 
 are not less decided, as the following letter to a nunnber of the citizens of Zanes- 
 ville will show : 
 
 " ZA5rESTiLi.E, November 2, 1836. 
 
 Gentlemen- : I had the honor, this moment, to receive your communication of yesterday. E 
 regret that my remarks of yesterday were misunderstood, in relation to the tariff system. What 
 I meant to convey was, that I had been a warm advocate for that system, upon its first adoption, 
 that I still believed in the benefits it had conferred upon the country. But I certainly never had^ 
 nor never could have any idea of reviving it. What I said was, that I would not agree to the 
 repeal as it noto stands. In other words, I am for supporting the coynpromise act, and never 
 tvill agree to its being altered or repealed. 
 
 " In relation to the internal improvement system, I refer you, for my sentiments, to my letter 
 to the honorable Sherrod Williams. 
 
 " I am, in great haste, with great respect, your fellow-citizen, 
 
 "W. H. HARRISON. 
 
 "Messrs. Doster, Tatior, and others." 
 
 In the letter to Mr. Williams, above referred to, dated North Bend, May 1, 
 ]836, on the subject of internal improvements, General Harrison says: 
 
 "As I believe that no money should be taken from the Treasury of the United States to bo 
 expended on internal improvements but for those which are strictly national, the answer to this 
 question would be easy, but for the difficulty of determining which of those that are from time 
 to time proposed would be of this description. This circumstance, the excitement which has 
 already been produced by improvements of this kind, and the jealousies which it will no doubt 
 continue to produce if persisted in, give additional claims to the mode of appropriating all the 
 surplus revenue of the United States in the manner above suggested — distributing it among the 
 States. ' Each State will then have the means of accomplishing its own schemes of internal im- 
 provement." 
 
 Again, he says in the same letter : 
 
 •'I have before me a newspaper, in which I am designated by its distinguished editor, "^tlte 
 hank and federal candidate." 1 think it would puzzle the writer to adduce any act of my life 
 which warrants him in identifying me with the interests of the first, or the politics of the latter." 
 
 We have thus placed before you General Harrison's opinions, as expressed hy 
 himself and con.6rmed by his acts, as a citizen and a statesman, in relation to most 
 of the great questions which have agitated our country from the foundation of the 
 Federal Government to the present day. That they have been perverted and 
 misrepresented by his enemies, for party purposes, need create no surprise among 
 intelligent persons who are awaie of the debasing influences of party drill, and. the 
 despicable means to which those who have abused the powers of Government 
 will resort for the purpose of retaining office. 
 
 We now beg leave to present to your consideration, those reasons which not 
 only induce us to decline to support Mr. Van Buren, but make it an imperSous 
 duty to prevent his re-election, by all honorable means. 
 
 Our objections to the administration are found in the opinions avowed, and the 
 measures proposed by the President and the heads of the Departments, in the action 
 of the party in Congress ; and in the actual state of the country. Mr. Van Burett 
 was, in 1812, in favor of Mr. Clinton against Mr. Madison for the Presidency, 
 The former the candidate of the federal, and the latter of the republican party. 
 Mr. Madison was violently opposed on account of the war which had been de- 
 clared against Great Britain, and Mr. Clinton was with equal zeal supported be- 
 cause of his known hostility to it. To his support Mr. Madison rallied the re- 
 publican suffrages of the country; around Mr. Clinton gathered the entire federal 
 party. The cause of Mr. Madison was that of the war, and, therefore, of the 
 country. 
 
 By that measure he was to stand or fall. The contest resulted in the triumpfe 
 
 of the republican party, and the discomfiture of Mr. Clinton, Mr. Van Buren, and 
 
 their federal allies. We infer from these facts that at that day Mr. Van Burea 
 
 entertained federal opinions — that he acted with that party is unquestionably true ; 
 
 2 
 
IS 
 
 and that he was opposed to the war of 1812. A war which confirmed the inde- 
 pendence of the States, and commanded for us the respect of the civilized v/orld. 
 
 He also united with the federalists of New York, to send Rufus King, a dis- 
 tinguished federal leader, to the Senate of the United States. The benefits of 
 this coalition enured to both parties : to Mr. Van Buren and his friends was yielded 
 the domestic administration of New York ; to Mr. King and his allies, the repre- 
 sentation of that great State in the Senate. It was to effect this amalgamation ©f 
 parties that Mr. Van Buren wrote his well known " considerations." Mr. King's 
 politics, were, of course, familiar to him, and particularly his opinions in relation to 
 the celebrated question at that day agitated, and which itself convulsed the entire 
 Union, to wit : whether the Territory of Missouri should be admitted into the 
 Union free of restriction, as to the right of slave propert}'. 
 
 In the session of the New York Legislature of 1818-'19, and before his ap- 
 pointment to the Senate of the United States, Mr. King had taken the lead against 
 the admission of Missouii without restriction. Of this fact Mr. Van Buren was well 
 informed. Yet with a knowledge of the course Mr. King would unquestionably 
 pursue in relation to Southern nghts, and of the opinions of the great federal 
 party of that day, he formed a union with that party, by virtue of which Mr. King 
 was sent to the Senate of the United States. 
 
 In addition to all this, in the session of the Legislature of New York of 1819, 
 Mr. Van Buren, being at that time a member and leader of that body, was instru- 
 mental in getting up and did actually carry resolutions, instructing Mr. King to 
 vote for the Missouri restrictions. 
 
 In pursuance of these instructions, and in accordance with his previous opinions, 
 Mr. King did vote for the restricting measure. A measure which filled every 
 Southern bosom with alarm and apprehension; the news of which Mr. Jeffersoa 
 declared fell upon his ear like the cry of fire at midnight. Now, it may be asked, 
 who, more than Mr. Van Buren, is responsible for the Missouri restriction move- 
 ment? Who contributed more than he did, to this first alarming assault upon the 
 domestic institutions of the South? No man living. And this passage in his his- 
 tory, is of itself sufficient to constrain us to withhold from him our confidence and 
 our suffrage. 
 
 When the people of Florida, in 1822, applied for organization, Mr. Van Buren, 
 then a member of the Senate of the United States, voted to restrict the introduce 
 tion of slaves into that Southern Territory. Not even in the extreme South was 
 he willing to permit the unrestricted right of the citizen to grow the great staples 
 of that' region by slave labor — staples which no man better knew than him- 
 self could not be profitably grown by white labor alone. 
 
 Allow us now to inquire briefly into the sufficiency of Mr. Van Buren's opin- 
 ions in relation to the powers of the Government over our domestic institutions, 
 to command Southern confidence ; and whilst we do not charge him with being 
 an abolitionist, yet we hold that the South should support no man for the the first, 
 and, of course, the most influential, office known to our system, whose principles 
 do not fully guaranty their rights. This is an interest around which it may well 
 be presumed we would throw the most impregnable barriers. We should support 
 BO man for the Presidency whose opinions in relation to this subject fall short of 
 «ur own ; we should allow no party, particularly no administration, to take any 
 ground for us below the highest; we hold that the only peaceable protection of our 
 domestic inst'rtations is found in the constitution ; we believe that Congress has no 
 power under that instrument to abolish them, either in the States or the District 
 cf Columbia. So far as we are informed, this is a universal opinion, pervading 
 all parties, from the Potom-ac to the Gulf. Upon this great preliminary conser- 
 vative point Mr. Van Buren is against us. His opinions, as to the power of 
 Congress over the slaves in the District, are at variance with ours. They are 
 aatagoaistical to ours. With ours, as we have shown, General Harrison's are 
 
19 
 
 identical. Is it, therefore, reasonable to expect that we should take the weaker 
 guarantee in Mr. Van Buren, and discard the stronger in General Harrison ? 
 This would be to prefer exposure to safety — to choose injury rather than protec- 
 tion ; to provide the means wiih the infatuation of idiocy, for our own undoing. 
 No sensible man, in relation to any personal interest, would act so strangely un- 
 wise. The truth is, fellow-citizens, looking abroad upon the vast interests involv- 
 ed in this great question, we believe that there is no adequate prdeclion to sJave 
 rights, but in a stern, uncompromising maintainance of the limitations of the con- 
 stitution. We submit to you whether we, by our votes, should sanction the pros- 
 tration of them. The opinions of the Ciiief Magistrate of the Union settle down 
 upon all ranks of society, wiih almost resistless effect, sustained as they are by 
 the interests of party, tlie patronage of office, and the imposing forms of magis- 
 tracy. We cannot disguise from you the fact that, according to his principles, 
 Mr. Van Buren occupies the ciladel of our strength. If he is upon this subject 
 restrained by no constitutional scruples, then is he to be controlled only by expe- 
 diency, and the expediency of the question may itself, in turn, be subject lo the 
 party influences of the day. It might, for example, become expedient to concil- 
 iate Northern votes by conceding to the abolitionists the right of petition. In his 
 letter to Hon. Sherrod Williams, Mr. Van Buren says : "Witii the lights now be- 
 fore me, I cannot say that Congress has not the right to abolish slavery in the 
 District of Columbia." No new light, so far as the world knows, has shone upon 
 his path ; we therefore assert that such is still his opinion. 
 
 In lieu, however, of constitutional principle, we have the President's promise 
 that he will veto a bill, should one during his administration be passed, abolishing 
 slavery. The same promise has also been made by the opposition candidate, in 
 liis declaration of opinion. He, according to his opinions, would have no alterna- 
 tive but to veto such a bill ; whereas Mr. V. B.'s promise to veto, is in the teeth 
 of his concession, that such an act would be constitutional. He must be a bold 
 man, indeed, who would veto an act of Congress in the face of populur sentiment 
 which he admits to be constitutional, upon the grounds of expediency only. 
 Whose promise is most to be relied upon, General Harrison's, in accordance with 
 his principles, or Mr. Van Buren's, in opposition to his principles 1 We cannot 
 withhold our astonishment that so much reliance has been placed by ihe country in 
 this promise. The veto power can never be available for the protection of the South. 
 Her safety is found only in such restraining principles as lie in advance of the veto 
 power. It will come too late either for prevention or relief. The moment the aboli- 
 tionists acquire strength enough in Congress to pass an act abolishing slavery in 
 the District of Columbia, the Union is dissolved ; and the passage of such an act 
 would be its funeral knell. Upon such a consummation, your delegation, followed, 
 as we believe, by the whole Southern representation, would depart from the Cap- 
 itol to return no more. Revolution would be its immediate consequence. What 
 would avail the veto power amidst the wild uproar of the dissolving Union? Its 
 voice would be hushed by the stern spirit of anarchy. It is, therefore, idle to talk 
 about the President's veto. There is but too much reason to fear that this sooth- 
 ing song, chanted by a subtle siren, may, perhaps has, lulled the South into 
 fatal repose. 
 
 The safety of Southern institutions depends upon guarding vigilantly the out- 
 posts. The approach which the abolitionists have endeavored of late years to 
 make, is through the alleged right of discussion and petition. Insidiously chang- 
 ing the issue, they have endeavored to identify their cause with the sacred right 
 of petition. It is upon this ground that the war has been waged in Congress 
 during the present session. Denying that identity, we deem it unnecessary to give 
 to you reasons for the denial. Upon this right of discussion and petition, Mr. 
 Tan Buren, so far as we are informed and believe, has given no opinion. On the 
 eontrary, General Harrison has fully met this issue also, and in his Cheviot speech 
 
20 
 
 says : •' If I am correct in the principles here advanced, I repeat my assertion 
 that the discussion on the subject of emancipation in the non-slaveholding States 
 is equally injurious to the slaves and their masters, and that it has no sanction in 
 the jjrinciples of the, constitution.'''' Thus affording another marked contrast to 
 iiis com|)etitor. 
 
 Mr. Van Buren voted for the tariff of 1824. And for the oppressive tariff act 
 of 1828. For the tariff of 1828, General Harrison also voted. He cast his vote 
 upon that occasion openly. He has upon several occasions since avowed himself 
 in favor of the compromise act, being no further in favor of discriminating duties 
 than is provided in the minimum rates finally to be settled by that bill. In this 
 compromise, of so vitally interesting a question to the South as is the tariff, the 
 politicians of the South have acquiesced. Upon the expiration of that compro- 
 mise we shall be found resisting any readjustment of the tariff, as aprotective 
 measure. So also will General Harrison. 
 
 In his letter to a distinguished citizen of our own State, (Judge Berrien,) writ- 
 ten in 1836, he avows himself in favor of the compromise act, and op[>osed to any 
 disturbing of its provisions. No such pledge has been given by Mr. Van Buren ; 
 but, on the contrary, any expression of opinion on this subject in his late message 
 is carefully avoided. The circumstances under which he voted for the tariff act 
 of 182S, being then a member of the Senate of the United States, illustrate that 
 want of elevation and manliness of political character which unfortunately marks 
 the head of the Executive Government of the Union; as also that absence of set- 
 tled political principle which characterizes his entire administration. He induced 
 Southern politicians at Washington to believe that he was opposed to the measure, 
 whilst he was understood at Albany to be in favor of it. To maintain his posi- 
 tion at both places, and more particularly to retain that Southern favor which he 
 seems always to have cultivated with such eager assiduity, Mr. Van Buren pro- 
 cured himself to be instructed by his own Legislature to vote for the act, usually 
 known as the bill of abominations. With these instructions in his hand, and with 
 declarations of regret for the necessity which constrained him, he voted for the 
 bill ; whilst, at the same time, he represented himself to his friends at Albany as 
 approving the instructions themselves. This fact has frequently since that day 
 been charged upon him and never denied. Recently, in the Senate of the United 
 States, it has been repeated by the Senator from New York, (Mr. Tallmadge,) 
 with a pledge to adduce proofs if denied, and no denial has been given. It was 
 the conduct of Mr. Van Buren, upon the occasion referred to, that extorted the 
 withering rebuke from the Senator from Virginia, (Mr. Tazewell.) "You, sir, 
 have deceived me once — that was your fault ; if you deceive me again, the fault 
 will be mine." 
 
 It can, of course, be no source of gratification thus to exhibit to the world a 
 transaction humiliating to an elevated mind ; and our justification is found in the 
 fact, that it illustrates a trait of character in a high functionary, whose support is 
 now earnestly being pressed upon the people of our own State. 
 
 No rule of political morality can be more dangerous to a republic than that 
 avowed by a leader of the Van Buren party, viz: that to the victors belong the 
 spoils. The mere avowal of such a principle of conduct might ordinarily be con- 
 sidered as the indiscreet and unauthoritative declaration of a heated partisan, by 
 which the responsible heads of a party could not be fairly judged. It is, therefore, 
 not alone to the promulgation of the rule, but to the practice under it, of the par- 
 ty in power, to which we object. No administration merits the confidence of the 
 people, which, repudiating all the lofty incentives of talents, patriotism, and virtue, 
 addresses itself to the worst passions of the worst men. Government is a trust, to 
 be executed for the good of the people; and not an instrument by which office and 
 support is afforded to the most unscrupulous partisans, to the exclusion of all other 
 citizens. The result of rewarding the victor with the spoils of conquest, is to 
 
21 
 
 make office depend upon llie zeal, and lieat, and recklessness of the aspirant. 
 Place becomes tlie reward of industry and subserviency. Good men, and able 
 men, are excluded from competition with ignorance and venality ; and two results 
 inevitably follow, viz : the offices of Government are filled by incapable and per- 
 haps unprincipled men, and the Executive branch of the Government is strength- 
 ened in their willing subserviency to the power that creates and uncreates them at 
 pleasure. 
 
 It is apparent to all, that Mr. Van Buren's administration, and that which pre- 
 ceded it, have been distinguished by their fidelity to their faithful retainers, and 
 their utter repudiation of all who have had independence enough to dissent, how- 
 ever slightly, from the course indicated by the few, who, sitting in high places, 
 give sign and signal to the many. They have always sustained the successful, 
 and pensioned those v.'ho have been damaged in the war. A forfeiture of popu- 
 lar confidence seems to be a passport to Executive favor. We raise the com- 
 plaint which Cicero made when Catiline corrupted the State, and announce that 
 " all things are venal at Rome." 
 
 Another of the peculiarities of both Mr. Van Buren and his party, is a want of 
 conformity of practice with professions. It was true of the last, and is eminently 
 true of the present administration, that with pure principles on their tongues, they 
 committed more outrages upon constitutional liberty than any that has preceded 
 them. A bad law, when permanent and known, is more desirable than whole- 
 some laws which are continually changing. So incorrect principles of adminis- 
 tration, kn'jwn and observed by their fixedness and publicity, are preferable to 
 that rule of action which avows every thing and practises any thing. We object 
 to Mr. Van Buren because he is a man of expedients ; to his administration, be- 
 cause it practices a system of crude experiments upon popular liberty, under a 
 system of government where the principles of its action might be as permanent and 
 as obvious as are the laws of the solar system. It is impossible to repose confi- 
 dence in either men or Governments, when principles, wliich are the elements of 
 character and the rules of conduct, are either wanting, or, existing, are not known. 
 We hold it peifectly fair to judge Mr. Van Buren in the light of his own and his 
 predecessor's administration. Of General Jackson's administration he was aa 
 influential member, and not only advised its measures, but adopted its principles 
 as the rules of his own. 
 
 We shall now expose the non-conformity of his measures with his professions, 
 and shall, in so doing, show you that his administration is anti-republican and 
 dangerous, and on that account he ought not to be re-elected. It will be remem- 
 bered that the present party came into power under profuse promises of reform 
 and retrenchment; reform of those abuses which were introduced into the Gov- 
 ernment, as was alleged, by Mr. J. Q. Adams ; and retrenchment of the enormous 
 amount of twelve millions of dollars per annum, to which he had raised the expen- 
 ditures. With promises of great improvement in the conduct of afiairs, like these, 
 did they induce the people to yield them their sutTrage ; not one of which prom- 
 ises has been fulfilled. On the contrary, those abuses, then thought to be so fla- 
 grant, have become confirmed; and those expenditures, pronounced so intolerable, 
 have been increased more than threefold. The country was taught to believe 
 that that party would curtail the overshadowing power of the Executive ; yet Mr. 
 Van Buren now wields far more power than that of Washington thrice told. A 
 power which subdued the Senate to tame subserviency; scattered at will the ablest 
 cabinet since Jeflerson's da}'; seized upon and controlled the public moneys; ex- 
 punged the public records ; pocketed the acts of Congress, and, reaching far forth 
 into the domestic administration of the States, controlled their policy also. So, 
 likewise, the tenure of the Presidential office was to be limited to one term ; yet 
 Mr. Van Buren seeks it a second time. The appointment to office of mem- 
 bers of Congress, we were told, was an evil to be corrected ; legislative subser- 
 
22 
 
 viency was thus to be avoided, and the independence and virtue of Congress 
 maintained. Yet, has the list of Executive appointments from the two Houses of 
 Coiigress swelled enormously. Althougli General Jackson was not the first choice 
 of tiie State rights party of Georgia, yet they were constrained to admit that his 
 early messages gave full assurance of a republican Administration. And in the 
 midst of their graiulalions, and in the face of all counter professions, to the as- 
 tonishment of the State, came the Proclamation and Force Bill — measures of rank 
 and reeking federalism, to the principles of which, Mr. Van Buren stood pledged 
 at his inauguration ; and from not one of which has he be-en known to dissent. 
 Without lingering here, where, may we ask, is the fulfilment of promise? Verily 
 it delayeth its coming. What reform has Mr. Van Buren introduced, and what 
 retrenchment? Let a corrupt Administration, an exhausted Treasury, and an 
 impoverished country give the response. 
 
 The democratic party, of which the President is the chief, profess to be State 
 rights men ; and would fain be understood to be the exclusive depository and 
 guardian of State sovereignty. Yet, in violation of the constitution — in abroga- 
 gation of the laws of New Jersey — and to the disfranchisement of her people, 
 that party refused to admit tliat State to her equal representation on the floor of 
 Congress. Thus exhibiting the strange spectacle, of one State thrust out of the 
 Union, as to her voting power in the House of Representatives, by a dominant 
 majority of that body. We object to an Administration, thus wanton in the ex- 
 ercise of power — thus recreant to all the articles of the Jeffersonian creed, and 
 faithless to its own avowals. And for what? To secure a doubtful ascendency 
 in the House, and thereby increase the chances of Mr. Van Buren's election. 
 
 The State of Georgia, like New Jersey, electing her Representatives by general 
 ticket, may at the opening of the next Congress, be, by the same majority, in like 
 manner disfranchised. Against the wrong thus done to her sister State, the entire 
 delegation from Georgia protested ; and should it ever happen that any portion of 
 her representation shall be thus excluded, she will, without doubt, test, in some 
 suitable form, the principles upon which she is ousted of her rights. 
 
 What may not a party do, which has already done so much ; and where, unless 
 there is a change of rulers, shall the career of mal-administration be arrested ! 
 
 The removal of the deposites ; the explosion of the special deposite system ; 
 and the miserable expedients of Mr. Van Buren since, have contributed largely 
 to the present disastrous state of the country. The ordinary walks of business 
 have been deserted ; commerce has retired from our ports ; the domestic ex- 
 changes are so deranged as to constitute an enormous tax upon, not the merchant, 
 but his customer; private capital is dormant, apprehensive of all securities; 
 and a universal destruction of confidence obtains. Property has fallen much 
 below its average value ; our great staple is reduced to the very lowest rates, and 
 hundreds of our citizens reduced to bankruptcy. Now, we are not so uncandid 
 as to attribute this state of things wholly to bad Government, but we believe the 
 errors of General Jackson and of his successor, have contributed more than any 
 other causes to it. Had the Government come to the rescue of the country, or 
 even stood aloof from the currency and exchanges, and permitted the laws of 
 trade to take their ordinary course, it would have resisted all other causes of de- 
 pression, and maintained at least a healthful tone. But determined to take the 
 responsibility of managing everi/ thing, our rulers have tinkered the currency into 
 a most deplorably ruinous state. In relation to these things, we charge the head 
 of the Administration with a want of wisdom, firmness, and statesmanship, which 
 preclude confidenco in his ability to govern this great nation. 
 
 Connected with these things, wo note the war which has been and is now being 
 waged upon local banks. Confidence is of the vitality of a sound paper circula- 
 tion ; yet tlie organs of the Government, viz : the press at Washington, the ora- 
 tors of the Administration in Congress, and the State Legislatures, and the official 
 
23 
 
 a 
 
 papers emanating from the departments of tlie Government, have all united in 
 systematic effort to shake the confidence of the people in their currency, and there- 
 by to prostrate all the local banks They have succeeded in creating universal 
 distrust, in arming popular feeling against popular interests, and in organizing a 
 class of the people, whose happiness they have made them to believe will be 
 promoted hy the destruction of paper money, credit, and trade. The leaders of 
 the Administration in Congress, stop not at the reform of the State banks; but, 
 assuming gold and silver to be the only currency, they have boldly declared that 
 all banks are frauds upon the people. Such is the ground taken by Mr. Benton, 
 and urged with unusual pertinacity and no mean amount of ability. He aspires 
 to succeed Mr. Van Buren, and so far as the signs of the times indicate any event 
 so remote, they point to him as heir apparent to the democratic succession. Mr. 
 Van Buren, if he does not approve, yet connives at Mr. Benton's currency opin- 
 ions, and the whole party laud them with universal commendation. The reign of 
 Mr. Benton and the iron age, cannot be prevented but by the defeat of Mr. Vaa 
 Buren. Another term of democratic domination, with the use of all the appliances 
 of office, will, wo fear, cast the great expunger ahead of all competition. _ And 
 then we shall witness this vast country, as by a decree of destiny, at rest in the 
 torpor of constrained inactivity. That these things may be, is true. To prevent 
 them, is the first obligation of good citizenship. 
 
 One of the means recentlv devised to enhance the powers of the Federal Go- 
 vernment, and to wind up tlie State banks, is to subject them to a systenriof 
 -national bankruptcy. That Congress has power to pass a bankrupt law, which 
 shall embrace State corporations, is an opinion promulgated by Mr. Van Buren, 
 in his message to Congress in 1837, and openly declared by his most influential 
 friends in both Houses of the present Congress. In the message of 1837, Mr. 
 Van Buren says: 
 
 " The Treasury Department has on several former occasions suggested the propriety and im- 
 portance of a uniform law concerning bankruptcies of corporations and other bankers. Through 
 the instrumentality of such a law, a salutary check may doubtless be imposed on the issues of 
 paper money, and an effectual remedy given to the citizens in a way at once equal m all parts ot 
 the Union, and fully authorized hy the constitution." 
 
 We are at a loss to know how the President can reconcile such an opinion with 
 those State-rights principles, which it suits his convenieHce sometimes to adopt. 
 Nor can we see how it is possible that State rights men can support a candidate 
 holding such doctrines, consistently with their own faith. We are of opinion that 
 the power to adopt a uniform svstem of bankrupt laws extends to persons only, 
 and does not embrace State corporations. To create them is an attribute of State ■ 
 sovereianty, from which the States did not part, and which they retain in full ex- 
 ercise. ° To regulate and dissolve them, is exclusively with the States ; as also the 
 providing such a system of supervision as shall protect, equally, both the banks 
 and their creditors. The power to subject them to bankruptcy, implies a power 
 to dissolve them; a power of control over their effects; and a jurisdiction both 
 over the banks and their debtors, which excludes State jurisdiction. 
 
 The State of Georgia has placed her funds in the hands of a corporation, as 
 her fiscal agent. To subject the Central Bank to federal bankrupt laws would 
 be to subject the State also to a federal commission of bankruptcy— to divest her 
 of all control over her own agent; to abstract her means, and place them under 
 the jurisdiction of United States officers. Not only so, but it would subject all 
 her citizens who are indebted to the Central Bank, as principals or endorsers, ta 
 suit's at the will of commissioners, who, acting as trustees, of perhaps foreign cred- 
 itors, would, in the strict discharge of their duty, grant neither indulgence nor 
 mercv. Would the peoole of Georgia consent that, not only the funds of the btate, 
 but the debtors to that fund also, should be placed absolutely under the control of 
 individuals acting under a law of the United States, and accountable, m some m- 
 
24 
 
 stances, alone to foreigners 1 If the banks, nay, the State itself, is thus amenable 
 to federal legislation, we can see no reason why her incorporated academies and' 
 colleges, her railroad companies, her cities, and churches, and villages, are not in 
 like manner amenable. This opinion of Mr. Van Buren merges all State institu- 
 tions in the paramount power of Congress, and clothes the Government with the 
 means, at all times, of bowing the States to its will — a power most of all anti- 
 republican and dangerous to liberty. It is part and parcel of the great scheme 
 now in progress to prostrate the banks, and to make the States subservient; not- 
 withstanding Mr. Van Buren professes to be, and leading gentlemen of our own 
 party have recently discovered him to be, a most unexceptionable State rights 
 politician — a Northern man, forsooth, with Southern principles. 
 
 The most stupendous engine, however, of Executive power, and the most gla- 
 ring infraction of the constitution, to which we have yet invited your attention, is 
 found in the project of the President and his Secretary of War, tor organizing the 
 militia. This scheme was submitted to Congress early in the present session, by 
 Jklr. Poinsett, in the following words : 
 
 "It is proposed to divide the United States into eight mililaiy districts, and to organize the 
 Sfiilitia in each district, so as to have a body of tvpelve thousand five hundred men in active ser- 
 vice, and another of equal number as a reserve. This would give an armed mihtia force of two 
 hundred thousand men, so drilled and stationed, as to be ready to take their place in the ranks 
 in defence of the country, whenever called upon to oppose the enemy or repel the invader. The 
 age of the recruit to be from 20 to 37 ; the whole term of service to be eight years ; four years in 
 the first class, and four in the reserve ; one-fourth part (twenty-five thousand mon) to leave the 
 service every year, passing at the conclusion of the first term, into the reserve, and exempted 
 from ordinary military duty altogether at the end of the second term. In this manner twenty-five 
 thousand men will be discharged from militia duty every year, and twenty-five thousand fresh 
 recruits be received into the service. It will be sufficient for all useful purposes, that the remain- 
 der of the militia, under certain regulations provided for their government, be enrolled and mus- 
 tered at lung and stated intervals ; for. in due process of time, nearly the whole mass of the mili- 
 tia will pass the first and second classes, and be either members of the active corps or of the re- 
 iserve, or counted among the exempts, who will be liable to be called upon only in periods of in- 
 Tasion or imminent peril. The manner of enrolment, the number of days of service, and the 
 rate of compensation, ought to fixed by law ; but the details had better be subject to regulation — 
 apian of which I am prepared to submit to you." 
 
 This is the skeleton of the scheme; the details of the plan which the Secretary 
 says " had better be subject to regulation," were also submitted to Congress at 
 an early day ; to some of them we will direct your attention. The President, in 
 Jiis message to Congress, at the opening of the present session, adopts, by approving, 
 the project of the Secretary in the following words, to wit: 
 
 "The present condition of the defences of our principal seaports and navy yards, as represent- 
 ed by the accompanying report of the Secretary of War, calls for the early and serious attention 
 of Congress; and as connecting itself intimately with this subject, I casnot becojimend too 
 BTHOxoLY to youT Consideration the plan submitted by that officer, for the organization of the- 
 militia of the United States." 
 
 The details were transmitted to Congress, from the Department of War, some- 
 thing in the shape of a bill, already draughted, and we invite your careful consider- 
 ation of the following statement of its provisions: 
 
 "'Sec. 1st provides, that every able-bodied male citizen over nineteen and under forty-five- 
 years of age, shall be enrolled in the militia, and notified of his enrolment by the proper officer ;. 
 and, • that every citizen, so enrolled and notified, shall, within three months thereafter, provide 
 himself with a good musket, bore of capacity to receive a lead ball of eighteen m the pound ; a 
 sufficient bayonet and belt ,- Iwo spare /tints ,- a knapsack ,■ cartridge-box, to contain at least 
 iwenty-four cartridges suited to the bore of his musket, and each cartridge to contain a ball 
 and three buckshot, and a sufficient quantity of powder ,- or with a good rifle, knapsack, shot- 
 pouch, and powder horn or Jiask, with sufficient powder and ball for tiuenty-four charges, and 
 iwo spare flints, and that he shall appear so armed, accoutred, and provided lohen called out 
 Jor exercise or into service.^" 
 
 "The 2d section exempts certain privileged classes, such as the Vice President, members of 
 Congress, Federal Judges, &c., and such others as the State laws may exempt. 
 
25 
 
 «'The 3(1 arranges the mass of the militia into divisions, brigades, regiments, and companies. 
 "The 4th provides for companies of rillemen, light infantry, cavalry, artillery, and prescribe 
 their armament and equipment. 
 
 " The Sth and 6th relate to unimportant details. 
 
 "The 7th, 8th, and 9th, provide for the appointment of adjutant generals, quartermaster gen- 
 erals, and brigade inspectors, and prescribe their duties. 
 
 " The 10th provides ' that, within months after the adoption and establishment of this 
 
 system, there shall be taken from the mass of the militia in each State, Territory, and District of 
 the United States, by draught or by voluntary service, such numbers between the age of twenty- 
 one and thirty-seven years, so that' the whole may not exceed 100,000 men ; and ni the follow- 
 ino- proportions for each State, Territory, and District, respectively, to wit : Maine 4,400 men, 
 Kew Hampshire 2,400, Vermont 2,400, Massachusetts 6,000, Connecticut 2,800, Rhode Island 
 800, New York 18,000, New Jersey 2,800, Pennsylvania 10,400, Delaware 800, Maryland 
 3,800, Virginia 6,000, District of Columbia 400, North Carolina 4,800, South Carolina 2,400, 
 Georgia 2 400 Florida 400, Alabama 2,000, Mississippi 800, Louisiana 1,600, Tennessee 
 4,400, Arkansas 400, Missouri 1,200, Iowa 400, Kentucky 4,400, Illinois 1,200, Indiana 2,800, 
 CMiio 8,000, Michigan 800, and W^iskonsin 400 men. This force to constitute the active class, 
 and be denominated the active or moveable force.' .... 
 
 "The 11th section divides this active or moveable force into companies and battalions only, 
 and provides for calling out lieutenants, captains, and majors ; but, in all this army of 100,000 
 men, there will be no militia officer above the grade of mnjor. When, therefore, it is assembled 
 in regiments, brigades, and divisions, it will be commanded by colonels and generals of the reg- 
 ular army It further provides, that the ' active or moveable force shall be held to service asi 
 such and be governed by such rules as may be prescribed, for the period of four years ; one- 
 fourth of the same in each State, Territory, and District, going out annually— the order of suc- 
 cession to be determined in the first instance by lot.' _ 
 
 " The 12th sectio. declares that, 'there shall be a third class, to be denominated the reserve, 
 or sedentary force, which shall be organized in the same manner as the active force, that is, 
 they are to be divided into battalions and companies, and have no officers above the rank ot major. 
 It is to be composed of those who have served four years in the active corps and they serve lour 
 years more in the reserve, after which they will be « subject to no further military or militia duty, 
 inless in cases of invasion or a levy en masse ; and such portions of the active force as may go 
 out of the same annaually, shall forthwith be considered as belongmg to the reserved or sedentary 
 force; and after four years' service in the reserve, one-fourth of that body shall go out of service 
 annually, in the same manner as that prescribed for the second class.' 
 
 "The 13th section provides, 'that the deficit occasioned by the transfer annually o one- 
 fourth of the active to the reserved force, and by the discharge annually of one-fourth ol the re- 
 serve, be yearly supplied by draught or by voluntary service from the mass. 
 
 "The 14th section divides the United States into ten military districts, as follows : Maine 
 New Hampshire, and Vermont, compose the first district, and furnish for the active force 9 200 
 men ; Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, compose the second and furnish 9 600 ; 
 New York the third, and furnishes 18,000; New Jersey and Pennsylvania the four h, and 
 furnish 13,200; Delaware, Maryland, District of Columbia, and Virgima, l^^ Mh, and tuimsh 
 10,400; North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, the sixth and turnish 10,000; 
 Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Tennessee, the seventh, and furnish 8,000 ; Arkansas, 
 Missouri, and Iowa, the eighth, and furnish 2,000; Kentucky, Ilhno.s, and Indiana, the nmth, 
 and furnish 7,300 ; Ohio, Michigan, and Wiskonsin, the tenth, and furnish 9,200 men, mak- 
 ing a grand total of 97,800 rank and file, r t. v<r .J ,;,.»;«„ 
 "The 1.5th section numbers and prescribes the order of precedence of the differen description 
 of troops, giving precedence, first, to the troops of the United States; secondly, to the active 
 force: thirdly, to the reserved force; and, fourthly, to the mass. 
 
 "The 16th section provides that the militia officers of the several classess shall be appointed 
 in the manner prescribed by the Legislatures of the several States, that is to say, that the btates 
 are to appoint the majors, captains, and lieutenants of the whole, and the generals and colonels 
 of the mass; which is never to be called into service, except in cases of a levy en masse, or ac- 
 
 ^''^"ThriTth section is of so much importance that it is proper to insert it entire. It provides 
 that 'the President of the United States be authorized to call forth and assemble sHch numbers 
 of the active force of the militia, at such places within their respective districts, and at such 
 
 times, not exceeding twice, nor days in the same year, «.« /'%™»y ^f "\"'^'f „77 '' .^"^ 
 
 during such period, including the time when going to and returning from the place of rendez- 
 vous they shall be deemed 7« the service of the United States, and be subject to such regula^ 
 Hans as the President may think proper to adopt for their instruction, discipline, and improve- 
 jtient in military knowledge.^ . . , f u^„,:^„ ^^Aot' 
 
 "The 18th section provides for calling out the militia to repel invasion, in the following order 
 that is, 1st, the active, 2dly, the reserve force, and, finally, the mass; when they shall also be 
 
26 
 
 deemed in the service of the United States, and subject to the regulation of the President in re- 
 gard to instruction, discipline, and improvement. 
 
 "The 19th section provides for calUng them out to enforce the laws and suppress insurrections 
 when necessary. 
 
 •'The 20th section subjects the militia, when in the service of the United States, that is, as 
 well when 'called forth and assembled' by the President for 'instruction, discipline, and im- 
 provement in military knowledge,' as to repel invasion, enforce the laws, or suppress insurrec- 
 tion, 'to the same rules and auticlt;s or war as the troops of the United States,' 
 and provides that 'no officer, non-commissioned officer, or private, shall be compelled to serve 
 more than six months after his arrival at the place of rendezvous, in any one year, nor more than 
 in due proportion with every other able-bodied man of the same rank in the regiment to which 
 he belongs.' By which we understand, that no officer, non-commissioned officer, or private, 
 shall be compelled to serve more than four years in the active force, and four years in the reserve 
 force, until every other able-bodied man of the same rank shall have performed a like service; 
 and that the President shall not have power to continue them in service for the purpose of ' in- 
 struction, discipline, or improvement in military knowledge,' or to repel invasion, or suppress 
 insurrection, for more than six months after their arrival at the place of rendezvous, in any one 
 year; for in all these cases, they are expressly declared to be in the service of the United States, 
 and no distinction is made in regard to the kind of service, to which they may be held for sir 
 months. 
 
 "Section 21st reiterates the requisition upon every citizen enrolled in the militia to be con- 
 stantly provided with arms, accoutrements, and ammunition, as required by the first section, and 
 declares what shall be legal notice of enrolment. 
 
 "Section 22d declares that the officers, non-commissioned officers, and men, when called into 
 service for training or otherwise, shall receive the same monthly pay, rations, clothing, or money 
 in lieu thereof, and forage, and be furnished with the same camp equipage as the infantry of the 
 United States, except that when called out for training, they shall not be furnished with clothing, 
 and limits the forage of the officers to that necessary for one horse and one servant each. 
 
 "Section 23d regulates the allowance to officers and men of mounted companies for horses 
 and servants, and allows forty cents per day for the use and risk of each horse, except such as 
 are killed or die of wounds received in battle. 
 
 "Section 24th regulates the compensation for horses killed or dying of wounds received in 
 battle. 
 
 "Section 25th allows compensation to the officers and men for going to the place of rendez- 
 vous, and returning from the place of discharge. 
 
 "Section 26th gives to the widow and children of officers and men who die of wounds re- 
 ceived in service, half-pay for five years. 
 
 "Section 27th provides that courts-martial for the trial of officers and men of the militia, shall 
 be composed of militia officers only. 
 
 "Section 28th provides that every officer, &;c., who shall fail to obey when called out for 
 training, shall be fined in a sum not less than half a month's, and not exceeding three months* 
 pay, as a court-martial may determine; and for failing to obey when called out to repel invasion, 
 or to enforce the laws, or suppress insurrection, shall forfeit not less than one month's pay, nor 
 more than one year's pay ; and, if an officer, be liable to be cashiered and incapacitated from 
 holding a commisson for four years; and, upon failure to pay the fines above mentioned, they 
 shall be subject to imprisonment for one month for every five dollars of such fine. 
 
 "Section 29th provides for the collection of fines, and enforcement of a sentence of imprison- 
 ment, by the marshal of the district. 
 
 "Section 30th provides for the payments of the fines so collected to the adjutant general of 
 the militia of the United States. 
 
 "Section 31st confers upon the marshals the same powers in executing the laws of the Uni- 
 ted States, which sheriffs possess in executing the laws of the United States. 
 
 "Section 32d appropriates the fines. 
 
 "Section 33d authorizes the President, b}' and with the consent of the Senate, to appoint the 
 adjutant general of the militia of the United States, and prescribes his duties. 
 
 "Section 34th fixes his salary at $3,000 per annum, and declares his office to be a bureau of 
 the War Department. 
 
 "Section 35th allows him two clerks, and fixes their salaries. 
 
 "Section 36th authorizes the President to establish depots for munitions and arms, and as 
 rendezvous of the militia. 
 
 "Section 37th allows to officers and men the same compensation for disability from wounds, 
 as is allowed to oflicers and men of the regular army. 
 
 "Section 38th provides that the present corps of volunteers shall not be disturbed or deprived 
 of their privileges, but shall, nevertheless, be subject to the duties required by this system ; that 
 is, we suppose, be subject to be draughted into the active force, and after four years' service, fall 
 into the reserve. 
 
27 
 
 "Section 39th enjoins upon the State Legislatures the enactment of such laws as may be ne ■ 
 <;essary to enrol and organize the militia according to the provisions aforesaid ; and until such 
 laws are enacted, declares the present laws to remain in force. 
 
 "And, finally, section 40lh gives a definition of the term 'militia' which makes it mean the 
 standing army which the scheme proposes; so that, after violating the constitution ^and tha 
 rights o1 the citizen, it winds up with committing violence upon the English language. 
 
 Our fathers taught us to believe that the military power, should be carefully 
 kept separate from the E.xecutive. That the President sl)ou!d not be intrusted 
 Aviih the sword. These are the maxims of wisdom, sanctioned by time-honored ex- 
 perience. Our policy being commercial and pacific, and our country removed from 
 contact with the States of the old world, it was thought wise to provide but a very 
 limited standing army, and to provide for the national defence Jn a system ot 
 militia organization, which should make each citizen a soldier. 
 
 Not the least apprehension of a standing army, was its liability to be under the 
 control of the Executive. Now we submit, whether the foregoing plan ol militia 
 organization does not create an immense and permanent military power, in an 
 alarming degree subject to the Executive will. Besides subjecting the citizen to 
 a burdensome expense, calling him for long periods of time, and perhaps at in- 
 convenient seasons, from his home and his business, tiie proposed plan is a " pal- 
 pable and dangerous infraction of the constitution." 
 
 "If the scheme is to be considered as a plan for organizing and training the 7niUtia, then is it 
 a most paloable violation of the constitution of the United States The only power given to any 
 department of the Federal Government over the militia of the States, is ^hat given to Congres 
 by the 14th and 15th clauses Of the 8th section, 1st article, and to the President hy the 1st clause 
 of the 2d section, 2d article. The two former empower Congress « to provide for calling Jwth 
 the mihtia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel mvasions and 
 no provide io. orsanizing, arming, and r&c.>//«t,,^^ the mihtia. and for f]fX%T^JZ 
 of them as may be employed in the service of the United States,_mmT«^(o/Ae States repec- 
 tivelu the appointment of the officers, and the authority of traimng the nuhtia c^ccordmgtothe 
 disciiiline Lescrihed hv Congress.' The latter declares the President to be ' commander-in-chief 
 fnr rT-^^^ the^^nited States, and of the militia of the several States ,.J.nca^rf 
 
 into the actual servicl of the United States.' Congress cannot, \herefore, « cal fort^^^^^^^^^^ 
 for any other purpose but to 'execute the laws, suppress insurrections, and repel inva ion» , and 
 it is only when they are so called forth that they can be 'in the ac ual service of the United 
 St tes/ Ld it is only ' when called into the actu.l service of the United States' '^^t the President 
 can exercise any authority over them. The only additional power granted ^^ Congres. i. to or 
 organize, arm, and prescribe the discipline. The m.litia are to be trained, J^at is ins^ ucted 
 and imp oved in military knowledge' by the States, under the command ot ^f^cers appo nted by 
 the Sta^tes. The author of the scheme, aware of tliis, and that when so t-ined, neither the 
 President nor any officer of the regular army can exercise «"y/".^h°"'y .^^"^-^ j^^ine and hn 
 section of the plan, declares that, when they are called out ' for ^"f ™^ f""'// "? "^' ;"4e of 
 provement in military knowledge,' that is, for training, 'they shall be deemed in the service of 
 Ke United States;' and thus seeks to evade one provision of the constitution by violating anoth- 
 Ir it bng dear 'that the power of Congress to 'call forth the f^ ; ^'^^r^^JZ^' J^ 
 United States' is limited to cases where it is necessary 'to execute the l^^«.,f ^^^^^^"^'/J; 
 press insurrections, and repel invasions ;' and this d^^^l'' ^,'°'f °" 'l^^'^^^^l^f/ .^^^^^^^^^^ 
 of placing the militia, in time of peace, under the command of the ^^^f.f "'^'^^'^.J'^^^f '^Xf 
 the regular army, authorizing him to march them from one end of a military district to another, 
 and siibiectin"- them to t'ne rules and articles of war. , ,. . ,. 
 
 *"?/rS by thT constitution, the militia are to be 'trained according to the discipline pre- 
 scribfd by Congress.' By the proposed plan, they are to be sulv,ect to such regulations as the 
 President may think proper to adopt for their instruction, discipline, and emi...m«cn in mili- 
 fafkn wledge;' thatl,'instead of being 'trained' by the States. ' f -"^^'"^ ^° ^^ .^>f ^'e 
 prescribed by Congress,' they are to be^ trained by officers of the regular army, according to the 
 discipline prescribed by the President.'" 
 
 From the responsibility of this most extraordinary innovation upon the consti- , 
 tution, more dangerous, because insidious, than an attempt to create a staadmg 
 army of 200,000 men, Mr. Van Buren cannot escape. It is his measure-ma- 
 tured in the joint councils of himself and his Secretary of \yar-rece.vmg, doubt- 
 less, the sanction of tiie entire cabinet-communicated w.th oflicial solemnity to 
 Congress; and by the President declared to be a plan which he could not re- 
 
28 
 
 commend too strongly." It is in vain to try to cast the odium of it upon the 
 Secretary, in order to excuse the sin and folly of the attempt. It is equally un- 
 availing 10 escape upon the pretext, that it is but a recommendation submitted to 
 the consideration of Congress for the approval or rejection of their councils. 
 We say that Mr. Van Buren is to be judged by his opinions. We hold him ac- 
 countable to the country. By his declared sentiments let him stand or fall. 
 
 Without being alarmists, we warn you that, if this scheme prevails, the foun- 
 dation is laid for the total subversion, at a day not very remote, of constitutional 
 liberty. 
 
 The General Government was designed to occupy, in relation to the States, 
 the position of a kind friend and paternal supervisor, to the extent of the powers 
 conferred upon it. Its interest is common with that of the States. Indeed, cre- 
 ated by them, and clothed with powers only as an agent, it can have no interest 
 apart from theirs. One would therefore suppose that it would religiously guard 
 the credit and domestic works of its principals. Particularly would one believe 
 that an Administration of that Government, promulgating from day to day its de- 
 votion to State rights, would not only not assail, but would defend (be honor and 
 faith of the States. Yp.t, what is ilie factl Upon the bare suggestion of a for- 
 eign banking house that the credit of the States would be strengthened in foreign 
 markets by an assumption, on the part of the Federal Government, of their lia- 
 bilities, resolutions are introduced in the Senate, and supported by the entire Ad- 
 ministration party, denouncing, in the most unmitigated terms, the banks, credit^ 
 and means of the States ; proclaiming to the world their pecuniary embarrass- 
 ments, and thus injuring their credit by subjecting their bills to protest, and their 
 splendid systems of internal improvement to failure; creating an evil, with a view 
 to party etHect, of the most tremendous magnitude — pecuniary distress.es, and per- 
 haps State bankruptcy. Assuming an " assumption" the Administration have held 
 up to a wondering world the proud sovereignties of this Union as faithless debt- 
 ors and unprincipled spendthrifts. This unkindness is from the hand of a State 
 rights Administration, with Martin Van Buren at its head. 
 
 Such, fellow-citizens, are some of the specifications of both principles and prac- 
 tice, condemnatory, as we believe, of Mr. Van Buren. The length of this address, 
 already necessarily prolix, forbids further detail. A minute exhibit of the errors, 
 not to say follies, of the Administration, would swell this document to a volumi- 
 nous bulk. They are to be found, however, in the Executive, Congressional, and 
 departmental records of the country. They speak of oflicial infidelity, of com- 
 mercial suflering, and constitutional infraction, in language which shall, ere long, 
 reach the ear of an indignant people. In looking over the practical results of Mr! 
 Van Buren's administration, we cannot close our eyes to the fact that, since he 
 came into office, the tone of public morality has been greatly relaxed, the dignity 
 of Congress impaired, and the standard of official talents and character lowered. 
 These are the waters which flow from a bitter fountain — a fountain which the peo- 
 ple, if they respect their rights, must seal at its head. 
 
 J. C. ALFORD, 
 WM. C. DAWSON, 
 RICHARD W. HABERSHAM, 
 THOMAS BUTLER KING, 
 E. A. NESBIT, 
 LOTT WARREN. 
 Washington City, May 27, 1840. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 [From the Southerx Recorder of Mat, 1840.] 
 
 Were we ever so much disposed to criticise the recent production of Judge 
 Colquitt, we could not possibly place it in a stranger point of view, than the gen- 
 tleman himself does in his letter published four years ago, during the contest for 
 the last Presidency. Mr. Colquitt in his late address, strives greatly to show that 
 it would be grossly inconsistent to bring up the conduct of Mr. Van Buren, ia 
 relation to Missouri and Florida, and the free negro vote, because in 1824 and 
 1832 he was supported in Georgia for the Vice Presidency. It will be seen by 
 Mr. Colquut's letter of 1836, that he did not consider it inconsistent to do so then, 
 although Georgia did as he says in '24 and '32, hut that he assumed, himself, the 
 very grounds he now condemns, and in the strongest terms on the very points in 
 question. See his letter below. _ 
 
 Again, Mr. Colquitt says : " My opposition to the present Chief Magistrate 
 «' commenced at the time of issuing the proclamation, during GeneralJackson's 
 " administration, and not for any thing that transpired before." The Judge evi- 
 dentlv forgets his own position, for in the letter below it so happens that it was 
 only 'in regard to what was before the proclamation, with the single exception of 
 Mr Van Buren's dangerous declaration of opinion on the right of Congress over 
 the District of Columbia, on which the Judge founded his most decided objections 
 to Mr. Van Buren, considering them of a vital character, and not to be surmount- 
 ed See the letter below. The great and insurmountable objection of Judge 
 Colquitt to Mr. Van Buren, was for what he had done and said previous to the 
 proclamation, in reference to slavery, and because of his dangerous declaration ot 
 opinion in relation to the constitutional power of Congress over that subject in 
 the District of Columbia. These were then the insuperable objections of Judge 
 Colquitt, and these remain to this day the same as they were then. But why 
 continue to point out the inconsistencies of the present position of Judge Colquitt, 
 as assumed by his appeal, with what he was at the last contest against Van Buren, 
 by his own showing. , ,, 
 
 Wherever this letter is read, it must and will act as a perfect refutation of Mr. 
 Colquitt's own arguments, and rebuke his present unfortunate position, in relation 
 to Mr. Van Buren. Judge Colquitt has saved us much trouble, by so conclusively 
 answering himself: and we lay his letter before the people, for their considera- 
 
 iion, without further comment. 
 
 •'NEWNATf, September!, 1836. 
 
 " Gentlemen : Your communication requesting my opinion whether « Congress has the con- 
 stitutional power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,' I proceed to answer, i ou will 
 permit me to express my gratification at the lively interest taken by yourselves and associate, on 
 a sub ect deeply important to the South. On this subject there should be no division in this 
 Sta^e • bu? wUh one voice and united action, we should put forth all our energies m opposiUoa 
 to any and every interference upon the part of Congress with this description of P^^y- /ji« 
 only safeguard to our liberties and rights will be the vigilant restriction of every branch and de- 
 partment of Government to its legitimate constitutional sphere of action ; -?f JJ^^^^^^^^^/^XJ 
 struction, Congress shall infringe the rights which belong to some other branch of the Go^« ^^y"^ 
 or trample upon the rights of individuals, the peace and unity of the country are disturbed. 1 
 ?eel confident'from the'signs of the tinies, that if ever the silken cords that bind t^^^^^^^^^^ 
 confederacy b^ broken, and our happy Union dissolved, the danger will ^P""5/P ^^^sh^la"^ 
 source from which emanates the principle by which Congress claims the power to abolish slaTery 
 in the District of Columbia. 
 
30 
 
 •*I am fully of the opinion that Congress has no power, oy the constitution, to interfere witb 
 the private property of individuals in the District of Columbia, or any where else ; and that any 
 attempt to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, would be in violation of the constitution, 
 and an unauthorized assumption of power, which, in its exercise, threatens the peace and har- 
 mony of the country, and the permanency of the Union. So sensibly do I feel the truth of 
 these sentiments, that I willinglj'- sacrifice upon the altar of the country's good individual pre- 
 dilections, and honestly resolve to support no man or measure, that, in my conviction, may give 
 strength and countenance to the exercise of a power so directly at war with the country's wel- 
 fare. 
 
 "Acting upon this conviction, I am opposed to the election of Martin Van Buren to the 
 Presidency, since circumstances warrant me in the conclusion, that his feelings upon this ques- 
 tion are opposed to mine, and that he differs with us, as regards the constitutional powers of 
 Congress to aliolish slavery in the District of Columbia. Inasmuch as Mr. Van Buren was an 
 advocate for the restriction of Missouri upon the subject of slave population ; the fact of his having 
 voted in the convention of New York for a provision giving to free negroes the political right of 
 white men ; the fact that almost the entire strength of the abolitionists is exercised for his pro- 
 motion ; and for the further reason tliat he himself acknowledges, that he is not prepared to say 
 that Congress has not the constitutional power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia — 
 these circumstances an indications too strongly expressive of his real feelings, to permit me to 
 aid his election, at a time when the country is so much agitated by the increasing oflbrts of the- 
 abolitionists. I have deemed it necessary to bp thus t--Aplicic mjon i.Iie "residential election, in- 
 asmuch as your present members may be called on in the character of Representatives, to vote 
 for or against Mr. Van Buren for this high appointment. I .should deem my professions empty 
 and vain, if I should be found supporting men for the highest and most responsible offices in the 
 country, who by word or deed are found giving countenance or support to a principle at variance 
 with the general weal. I expect to act upon this principle, and thereby show ' my faith by my 
 works.' 
 
 With an expression of my ardent desire for the happiness and welfare of our country, you 
 will accept my good wishes for your individual prosperity, and the prosperity of those whose 
 sentiments you represent. 
 
 "Yours, respectfully, 
 
 " WALTER T. COLQUITT. 
 
 "A. M. Raoland, Wm. Nimmons, Willis Kilgore, Commiltee." 
 
 There is but one other point to which we must say just one word. Judge Col- 
 quitt finds a salvo, a perfect quittance of all suspicions a^jainst Mr. Van Buren, 
 on the score of his old and well matured feelings and sentiments on the subject of 
 slavery, and all connected with it, in the expression of opinion of Mr. Van Buren, 
 to a committee before his election, in which he says he is an opponent to any ac- 
 tion of Congress abolisiiing slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes 
 of the people, and also that he is opposed to the interference with the subject in 
 the States. The Judge seems to consider this a king cure all ; but unfortunately 
 for our Representative, this declaration of Mr. Van Buren was made and published 
 long before the letter above, in which it seems that that declaration of opinion had 
 no effect whatever in changing Mr. Colquitt's opposition to him on this very point. 
 We merely call the attention of the reader to this point. Mr. Van Buren's opin- 
 ion, when made, had no weight with our Representative in his favor; but now, it 
 seems to be conclusive with him. — We leave the matter. 
 
 The following letter is as apvpropriate now as in 1836, when it was written in 
 answer to an invitation to celebrate a victory achieved by the the friends of 
 Habrison in Maryland : 
 
 "FoHT Hill, November A, 1836. 
 ^ "Gentlemen: The mail of yesterday brought me your note of the 21st ultimo, inviting me, 
 in the name of the citizens of Baltimore, opposed to the President nominating his successor, to 
 attend a festival to be given on the 11th inst., in honor of the late triumph in Maryland, by those 
 •ppposed to the Executive nominee. The great distance and the shortness of the time, put it 
 ©ut of my power to attend. No one can look with greater alarm than I do, on the attempt of the 
 
31 
 
 Chief Magistrate to appoint his successor. Should it succeed, open and undisguised as it is, and' 
 resting, as it almost exclusively does on the avowed subserviency of the nominee to the will of 
 the President, without those high auALincATioNS and services, ox his part, ca;.culated 
 
 TO COMMAND THE REGARD OF THE PEOPLE, OR TO FIT HIM FOB THE DUTIES OF THE HIGH OFFICE 
 
 TO 'WHICH HE ASPIRES, it would afford conclusive proof of the consummation of Executive usur- 
 pation over the other departments of the Government^, and the constitution and Hberty of the 
 
 "Entertaining these views, I regard witK pleasure the decided victory achieved by Maryland 
 in the late election over the PresideJifs nominee, and, of course, over Executive dictation. It 
 is the more honorable to the State, placed as she is, so 7iear the focus of influence and corrup- 
 tion, while the others more remote and less exposed, have yielded such ready obedience to the 
 rod of power. Her victory cannot but have an important bearing in deciding the present strug- 
 gle favorably to the cause of liberty; but a regard to truth compels me to say, that, in my opin- 
 ion, whatever may be the result of the pending contest between the peojile and the President, the 
 time must come, and that far sooner than it is anticipated, when Executive influence and power 
 will forever silence the popular voice, unless, indeed, the friends oi liberty and free institutions 
 shall zealously and honestly unite in a common effort to eradicate the causes ivhich have given 
 such extraordinary power and influence to the Executive department of the Government, and 
 placed the country in its present dangerous condition. Thet mat be almost traced to the 
 
 flAME ORIGIN THE FISCAL ACTION of the GOVERNMENT. 
 
 "While millions upon niiiliouo aie licaped up in the Treasury, beyond the ea;penrf?7«res of this 
 the most extravagant of all administrations, constituting an immense fund to act on the cupidity 
 of the mercenary, and to unite in one sohd and compact band all, in and out of office, who 
 prefer their own advancement to the public good ; any attempt to arrest the progress of power 
 and corruption, must end in disappointment and failure. 
 
 "JOHN C. CALHOUN." 
 
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