♦ Ay .^^\ '.^;-' ** "^^^ -o^-" ^^^\ -.^m^.^ '^.••.!,:j'^ ^^.••:^'-v • ** *»"'• <« ^ V _ e » c * AT ^ o -e. ^ /^Wo, **^ c# »*«ie!»-- *. • <>i. c^ '•i .*\.ii^% "**_ ;/ v*^%°' v^-/ v*^>' * ^^'\ •. >>...,... '^^ %' * ^^ "^^ GEORGE WASHINGTON THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON Bv JARED SPARKS, LL.D, WITH AN INTRODUCTION By G. mercer ADAM \5^ITH ILLUSTRATIONS THE PERKIXS BOOK COMPANY, 29G Bkoadway, !NiEw York. THE L:BPARV OF j CCNOPFSS j Tao Copies p....... 1 APR 10 'Q03 1 Cop/ CLASS .ght Entry j ^ XXc. Mo. j COPY 5" Copyright, 1903, By E. a. BRAINERD, INTRODUCTORY XOTE. It may be that to-clay there is little new to say of the renowned " Father of His country," but there is perennial interest in Washington aiiicl m his illustrious career, and to every American at least the Revolutionary era and the great national hero's intimate connection with it never pales or loses freshness, alike for the historical student and the general reader. Nor independent of his great services for his country and people, in the formative stage of the American nation, has Washington's noble, disinterested character and " high seriousness," in any degree worn off their bloom with the passing years or lost any of their charm and powder as an exalted example to, and influence on, the heart and mind of the present age. To-day he still touches and inspires us with the high qualities and splendid patriotism whicli his useful career embodies, and which he earnestly expressed in those simple but noble documents still preserved to us from his pen — the " Farewell Address," and the " Circu- lar Letter " he indicted to the several state governors on disbanding the army. Nor are his wise counsels and strenuous efforts, after his retirement to Mount Vernon, forgotten by oui* people to-day, w^ho w^ith appropriate fitness continue to cherish his illustrious memory, praise his lofty spirit, and applaud his patriotic services to the nation. In presenting a new edition of the biography of Wash- ington, from the pen of the notable historian, Jared Sparks, the publishers are influenced by the fact that the great national figure we have spoken of is still the nation's idol, and that his great services alike, as soldier- hero and first President of the United States, are worthy not only of continued fame but of ever-reuewed public interest. That interest, they are aware, is perpetually quickened, by the delightful manner of, no less than by the array of important facts narrated by, the able and w^ll-informed historian and just but apiDreciative bio- grapher. To the work of his interesting, diligent i)en, critics of the highest order have long paid hearty tribute, and have looked upon Jared Sparks as one of the chief benefactors of our national literature, a great and useful iii iy INTRODUCTORY NOTE. delver in colonial archives, and a high, aclaiowledged authority on Washington's career and life. The materials of the Life, it is well-known, were drawn from the most varied and well-authenticated sources, mcluding not only the mass of manuscripts and correspondence left behind him by Washington, and the private papers of the chiei actors in the Revolutionary War ; but official documents preserved in the ISTational Capital and the capitals of the original Thirteen States, besides those filed in the diplo- matic bureaus of London and Paris. Dr. Sparks, it is admitted, had just the qualities also for the great work he undertook in writing the Life of Washington, namely, familiarity with the annals of the era and the records of the prominent characters of which he wrote, besides a wide knowledge of American history in general, a wise diligence in selecting his material, and the historian's power of utilizing and presenting these attractively to the reader in an interesting and graceful literary style. As editor and proprietor of the North American Review^ and especially as professor of history at Harvard, and for some years president of the Univer- sity, his intellectual rank and social status are amply vouched for ; while his eminence as an author and stu- dent of American history are testified to by the National Government ; intrusting to him as editor all of Washing- ton's correspondence and papers, which he issued in collected form in twelve volumes, entitled : " The Diplo- matic Correspondence of the American Revolution." Be- sides this work, he published " The Writings of George Washmgton, with a Life of the Author," in twelve volumes, and edited a valuable series of monographs in the "Library of American Biography." These several achievements, in addition to the great array of his other work, led Prescott, the historian, to say of Jared Sparks that "his name is imperishably associated with our Rev- olutionary period." His " Life of Washington," here reproduced, gives the main facts and salient points in Washington's hallowed career, and an instructive study of the blameless private life and venerated character of the illustrious soldier and statesman and early champion of American liberties. G. Mekcer Adam. CONTENTS, CHAPTER I. Origin of the Washington Family.— John and Lawrence Washington emigrate to America.— Birth of George Washington. — His early Education.— His Fond- ness for mathematical Studies and athletic Amusements, and his methodical Habits Page 1 CHAPTER 11. A Project formed for his entering the British Navy as a Midshipman. — He be- comes a practical Surveyor.— Engages in the Employment of Lord Fairfax. —Continues the Business of Surveying for three Years. — Appointed Adjutant of one of the Districts in Virginia. — Voyage to Barbadoes with his Brother. 10 CHAPTER in. The French make Encroachments on the Western Frontiers of Virginia.— Major Washington is sent by the Governor of Virginia to warn the Intruders to retire. — Crosses the Alleghany Mouutains.— Meets Indians on the Ohio River, who accompany him to the French Garrison.— Indian Speech.— In- terviews with the French Commander.— Perilous Adventures during his Journey, and in crossing the Alleghany River.— Returns to Williamsburg and reports to the Governor . . 18 CHAPTER IV. Troops raised for a western Expedition, and put under the Command of Major Washington.— Governor Dinwiddle.— Military Preparations.— Wash- ington appointed Lieutenant-Colonel.— Marches to the Alleghany Mountains. —Joined by Parties of Indians.— Skirmish with a French Detachment under Jumonville.— The chief Command devolves on Colonel Washington.— His generous Sentiments respecting the Terms of Service 30 CHAPTER V. Fort Necessity.— Indians.— Movements of the Army.— Battle of the Great Meadows. — Vote of Thanks by the House of Burgesses. — Washington disap- proves the Governor's Measures and resigns his Commission. . . . 44 CHAPTER VI. Engages in the Expedition under General Braddock.— Difficulties encountered by the Army in its P-Iarch.— Battle of the Mononga,hela.— Its disastrous Re- sults.— Bravery and good Conduct of Colonel Washington in that Action.— His prudent Advice to General Braddock 54 V Vi ; CONTENTS. CHAPTER Vn. Colonel Washington appointed Commander-i»-clii©f of th« Virginia Ferces.— Distresses of the Frontier Inhabitants.— Difficulties with an Officer hold- ing a King's Commission concerning Rank.— Washington visits General Shirley at Boston upon this Subject.— His Claim confirmed.- -Returns and repairs to his Headquarters at Winchester.— Embarrassments of his Situation.— Testimonies of Confidence in his Character and Ability. Page 64 CHAPTER YIII. Occurrences of a Campaign. — Incursions of the Savages.— Plan of Fortifica- tions for the nterior.— Fort Cumberland.— Memorial presented by Colonel Washington to the Earl of Loudoun on the State of Military Affaix's in Vir- ginia.— Governor Dinwiddie sails for England.— An Expedition against Fort Duquesne planned by the British Ministry, to be under the Command of General Forbes.- The Virginia Army augmented, and united with the Reg- ular Troops in this Enterprise. 74 CHAPTER IX. Colonel Washington marches to Fort Cumberland. — Acts in Concert with Colonel Bouquet.— Joins the main Armyat Raystown under General Eorbes. — Forms a Plan of March suited to the Mountains and Woods.— Commands the advanced Division of the Army.— Capture of Fort Duquesne.— He re- turns to Virginia, resigns his Commission, and retires to private Life. 83 CHAPTER X. Washington's Marriage.— For many Years a Member of the Virginia House of Burgesses.— His Pursuits and Habits as a Planter.— A Vestryman in the Church, and active in Parish Affairs.— His Opinion of the Stamp Act. — Takes an early and decided Stand against the Course pursued by the British Government towards the Colonies.— Approves the Non-importation Agreements 95 CHAPTER XI. Joins heartily in all the Measures of Opposition. — His Services in procuring the Lands promised to the Officers and Soldiers in the French War.— Per- forms a Tour to the Ohio and Kenhawa Rivers for the purpose of selecting those Lands.— Takes an active Part at different Times in the Proceedings of the Virginia Legislature in defending the Rights of the Colonies, —His Opin- ions on this Subject. — Chosen to command several Independent Companies of Militia.— A Delegate to the first and second Virginia Conventions.— A Member of the Continental Congress. ..'..,., 106 CHAPTER XII. Meeting of the second Congress.— Washington chosen Commander-in-chief of the Continental Army.— Repairs to Cambridge, and takes the Command.— State of the Army. — His Intercourse with Congress. — Numerous Affairs de- volve on him 119 CHAPTER XIII. Correspondence with General Gage.— Councils of War respecting an Assault on Boston. — Organization of a new Continental Army. — Difficulties in procur- ing Recruits.— Militia called out.— 5Iaritime Affairs.— Armed Vessels.— General Howe takes Command of the British Army.— Condition of the American Army at the End of the Year.— Washington's Arrangement of his private Affairs. ,.,,,,,,.... 133 CONTENTS. Yli OHAPTER XIV. Plans for an Attack on Boston.— Condition of the Army.— Dorchester Heights fortified.— Evacuation of Boston. — Troops march to New York.— Washing- ton repairs to Congress.— His Views in Regard to the State of the Country. — Machinations of the Tories, and Measures taken to defeat them.— Declara- tion of Independence Page 147 CHAPTER XV. Arrival of Lord Howe, with Proposals for a Reconciliation with the Colonies. —Mode of addressing Letters to Washington attempted by the British Admiral and General.— Strength and Condition of the two Armies.— Battle of Long Island.— Remarks on the Battle 161 CHAPTER XVI. New York evacuated, and the British take Possession of the City. — The Amer- ican Army posted at Harlem Heights and Fort Washington. — Situation and Prospects of the Army.- Its new Organization.— The British land in West- chester County, and march into the Country , . . 172 CHAPTER XVII. Washington advances to White Plains and forms an Encampment.— Battle of Chatterton's Hill. — Part of the American Army crosses the Hudson. — Cap- ture of Fort Washington and Fort Lee. — General Washington retreats through New Jersey, and crosses the Delaware at Trenton.— Conduct and Character of General Lee. — Reduced State of the Army 183 CHAPTER XVin. General Washington invested with extraordinary Powers by Congress. — His Manner of using them. — He recrosses the Delaware.— Battle of Trenton. — Battle of Princeton.— The Army goes into Winter Quarters at Morristown.— Remarks on these events 195 CHAPTER XIX. General Washington's Proclamation.— His Preparations for the next Cam- paign. — Exchange of Prisoners. — Condition of the American Prisoners in New York.— Military Operations in New Jersey. — The Army crosses the Del- aware and encamps near Germantown.— Washington's first Interview with Lafayette 207 CHAPTER XX. Sir William Howe lands at the Head of Elk.— Battle of the Brandywine.— New Powers conferred on Washington by Congress. — Battle of Germantown. — Skirmishes at Whitemarsh. — Sufferings of the Army. — Winter Encamp- ment at Valley Forge , 219 CHAPTER XXI. Spurious Letters written and circulated in the Name of Washington. — Con- way's Cabal. — Persons concerned in it. — Honorable and generous Conduct of Lafayette in relation to this Affair , 283 CHAPTER XXn. Sufferings of the Army at Valley Forge.— New Arrangements concerted with a Committee of Congress.— Half -pay granted to the Officers for a Term of Years.— Proceedings in Regard to Lord North's conciliatory Bills. . 843 V,^, CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXm. Arrival of the French Treaties of Alliance and Commerce.— Comparative Strength of the British and American Armies.— Discussions respecting an Attack on Philadelphia.— Plans of the Enemy.— Evacuation of Philadelphia. —The Army crosses the Delaware.— Battle of Monmouth.— Arrest and Trial of General Lee Page 254 CHAPTER XXIV. Arrival of the French Fleet under Count d'Estaing.— Plans for combined Operations between the Fleet and the American army.— Failure of an At- tempt against the Enemy at Rhode Island. — Cantonments of the Army for the Winter.—Exchange of prisoners.— Congress.— Project of an Expedition to Canada 267 CHAPTER XXV. Conferences with a Committee of Congress, and Plans for the next Cam- paign. — Sullivan's expedition against the Indians. — The Enemy commences a predatory Warfare. — The Burning of New Haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk.— Stoney Point stormed and taken.— Successful Enterprise against Paulus Hook— Washington's Interviews with the French Minister.— Plans proposed for co-operating with Count d' Estaing.— The Army goes into Winter Quar- ters. — Depreciation of the Currency, and its Effects 379 CHAPTER XXVI. Arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, with the Intelligence that a French Armament was on its Way to the United States.— The Army Takes a Position near Hudson's River. — The French Squadron arrives at Newport. — Count de Rochambeau's Instructions.— French Fleet blockaded. — Interview be- tween General Washington and the French Commander at Hartford. — The Treason of Arnold.— Plans for Attacking New York 296 CHAPTER XXVII. Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Troops —Agency of Washington in procuring Supplies from France. --Operations of the Enemy in the Chesa- peake. — Detachment to Virginia under Lafayette. — General Washington visits Count de Rochambeau at Newport.— Condition of the Array.— Inter- view between the American and French Commanders at Weathersfield.— Plan of Operations. — A Combined Attack on New York proposed. . . 308 CHAPTER XXVIII. Junction between the American and French Armies.— Intelligence from Count de Grasse in the West Indies changes the Objects of the Campaign.— Suc- cessful Operations of Lafayette against Cornwallis. — The combined Armies cross the Hudson and march to Virginia.— The Fleet of Count de Grasse en- ters the Chesapeake.— Siege of Yorktown.— Capitulation.— The American Army returns to Hudson's River ; the French remain in Virginia. . . 320 CHAPTER XXIX. Preparations for another Campaign recommended and enforced by General Washington and approved by Congress.— Lafayette returns to France.— The Affair of Captain Asgill.— Backwardness of the States in recruiting the Army.— Proposal to General Washington to assume Supreme PoAver, and his reply.— Sir Guy Carleton gives Notice, that Negotiations for Peace had begun.— The French Troops march from Virginia, join General Wash- ington, and afterwards embark at Boston 332 CONTENTS. ^ ix CHAPTER XXX. Dissatisfaction of the Army.— The Officers send a Memorial to Congress.— The anonymous Addresses at Newburg.— Intelligence arrives, that a Treaty of Peace had been signed at Paris.—General Washington's Sentiments con- cerning the civil Government of the Union.— His Circular Letter to the States.— He makes a Tour to the North.— Repairs to Congress at the Re- quest of that Body.— His Farewell Address to the Army.— The British evacuate New York.— Washington resigns his Commission, and retires to private Life at Mount Vernon Page 341 CHAPTER XXXI. He declines receiving pecuniary Compensation for his public Services. — His Feelings on being relieved from the Burden of Office. — Devotes him- self to Agriculture.— Makes a tour to the Western Country.— His ex- tensive Plans for internal Navigation. — These Plans adopted by the State of Virginia.— Visit of the Marquis de Lafayette to America.- W^ashington refuses to accept a Donation from the State of Virginia. — His liberal Acts for the Encouragement of Education. — Approves the Countess of Hunt- ington's Scheme for civilizing and Christianizing the Indians. . . . 356 CHAPTER XXXII. His operations in Farming and Horticulture.- Visitors at Mount Vernon.— His Habits.— Houdon's Statue.— Condition of the Country and Defects of the Confederacy.— Washington's Sentiments tLereon.— First Steps towards effecting a Reform.— Convention at Annapolis 368 CHAPTER XXXIII. Proposal fcr a general Convention, and Washington appointed a delegate from Virginia.— His Reasons for wishing to decline.— Society of the Cin- cinnati.— Washington accepts the Appointment as Delegate. — Attends the Convention, is chosen its President, and affixes his Name to the New Con- stitution.— His Opinion of the Constitution.— It is adopted by the People. —Washington chosen the first President of the United States. . . .377 CHAPTER XXXIV. He receives official Notice of being chosen President.— His Journey to the Seat of Government at New York.— His Oath of Office and Inaugural Speech.-— Acquaints himself with the State of Public Affairs.— His Attention to his private Pursuits.— His Manner of receiving Visits and entertaining Com- pany.— Afflicted with a severe Illness. — Death of his Mother.— Economy of his Household. — Executive Departments formed 388 CHAPTER XXXV. Officers of the Executive Departments appointed.— Judiciary System organ- ized.— His Rule in Appointments to Office.— His Journey through the East- ern States.— System of Funding the Public Debts.— Place for the permanent Seat of Government agreed upon 399 CHAPTER XXXVI. Th« President visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon.— Foreign Relations of the United States.— France, England, Spain.— Indian War.— Washington's Policy respecting the Indians.— Congress meets at Philadelphia.— A National Bank established. — Tax on distilled Spirits.— The President's Tour through the Southern States.— Apportionment Bill 410 X CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXVn. Washington is elected President for a Second Term.— Takes the Oath of OfiRce — Relations between the United States and France. — Opinions of the Cabi- net.— Proclamations of Neutrality. — Party Divisions and Excitements. — Genet received as Minister from France.— His extraordinary Conduct.— Meeting of Congress.— The President recommends Measures of Defense. — Commercial Affairs.— Mr. Madison's Commercial Resolutions. — Mr. Jay appointed Envoy Extraordinary to negotiate a Treaty with England.— Mill- tary Preparations Page 416 CHAPTER XXXVIII, Insurrection in Pennsylvania.— Measures adopted by the President for sup- pressing it.— Plan for redeeming the Public Debt.— The British Treaty rati- fied by the Senate.— Popular Excitement respecting it.— The Treaty con- firmed by the Signature of the President. — Resignation of Mr. Randolph. — Circumstances attending it 427 CHAPTER XXXIX. The President refuses to furnish Papers to the House of Representatives in relation to the British Treaty.— Captivity of Lafayette, and Means used by Washington to procure his Liberation.— Difficulties with France in regard to the British Treaty.— Recall of Mr. Monroe.— Washington's Farewell Ad- dress.— His last Speech to Congress.— Inauguration of his Successor. — Testi- mony of Respect shown to him by the Citizens of Philadelphia.— He retires to Mount Vernon.— Review of his Administration 438 CHAPTER XL. Washington devotes himself to his private Affairs.— Troubles between France and the United States.— Preparations for War.— Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the Provisional Army of the United States.— Organ- ization and Arrangement of the Army.— Disputes v/ith France adjusted.— His last Illness and Death.— His Character 448 LIFE OP GEORGE WASHINGTON. CHAPTER I. Origin of the Washington Family.— John and Lawrence Washington emigrate to Amei-ica.— Birth of George Washington.— His early Education.— His Fond- ness for mathematical Studies and athletic Amusements, and his methodical Habits. The name of Washington, as applied to a family, is proved from authentic records to have been first known about the middle of the thirteenth century. There was previously a manor of that name in the County of Durham, in England, the proprietor of which, accord- ing to a custom not unusual in those days, took the name of his estate. From this gentleman, who was originally called William de Hertburn, have descended the branches of the Washington family, which have since spread themselves over various parts of Great Britain and America. Few individuals of the family have attained to such eminence in the eye of the public, as to give perpetuity to the memory of their deeds or their character ; yet, in the local histories of England, the name is fre- quently mentioned with respect, and as denoting per- sons of consideration, wealth, and influence. Among them were scholars, divines, and lawyers, well known to their contemporaries. Several received the honors 2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. of knighthood. Sir Henry Washington is renowned for his bravery and address in sustaining the siege of Worcester against the Parliamentary forces during the civil wars, and is commended by Clarendon for his good conduct at the taking of Bristol. For the most part it would appear, however, from such facts as can now be ascertained, that the heads of families were substantial proprietors of lands, residing on their estates and holding a reputable station in the higher class of agriculturists. Proofs of their opulence may still be seen in the monuments erected in churches, and the records of the transfer of property. In the year 1538, the manor of Sulgrave, in Is'orth- amptonshire, w^as granted to Lawrence Washington, of Grav's Inn, and for some time Mayor of Northamp- ton. He was probably born at Warton, in Lancashire, where his father lived. The grandson of this first proprietor of Sulgrave, who was of the same name, had many children, two of whom, that is, John and Lawrence Washington, being the second and fourth sons, emigrated to Virginia about the year 1657, and settled at Bridge's Creek, on the Potomac Kiver, in the County of Westmoreland. The eldest brother, Sir William Washington, married a half-sister of George Yilliers, Duke of Buckingham. Lawrence had been a student at Oxford. John had resided on an estate at South Cave in Yorkshire, which gave rise to an erroneous tradition among his descendants, that their ancestor came from the JSTorth of England. The tw^o brothers bought lands in Virginia, and became success- ful planters. John Washington, not long after coming to Amer- ica, was employed in a military command against the Indians, and rose to the rank of Colonel. The parish, also, in which he lived was named after him. He married Anne Pope, by whom he had two sons, LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3 Lawrence and John, and a daughter. The elder son, Lawrence, married Mildred Warner, of Gloucester County, and had three children, John, Augustine, and Mildred. Augustine Washington, the second son, was twice married. His first wife was Jane Butler, by whom he had three sons and a daughter ; Butler, who died in in- fancy, Lawrence, Augustine, and Jane, the last of whom died likewise when a child. By his second wife, Mary Ball, to whom he was married on the 6th of March, 1730, he had six children, George, Betty, Samuel, John Augustine, Charles, and Mildred. George Washington was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, on the 22d of February, 1732, being the eldest son by the second marriage, great-grandson of John Washington, who emigrated to America, and the sixth in descent from the first Lawrence Washington of Sulgrave. At the time of George Washington's birth, his father resided near the banks of the Potomac in Westmore- land County ; but he removed not long afterwards to an estate owned by him in Stafford County, on the east side of the Kappahannock Eiver, opposite Freder- icksburg. Here he lived till his death, which hap- pened, after a sudden and short illness, on the 12th of April, 1743, at the age of forty-nine. He was buried at Bridge's Creek, in the tomb of his ancestors. Little is known of his character or his acts. It appears by his will, however, that he possessed a large and valuable property in lands ; and, as this had been acquired chiefly by his own industry and enterprise, it may be inferred, that, in the concerns of business, he was me- thodical, skilful, honorable, and energetic. His occu- pation was that of a planter, which, from the first settlement of the country, had been the pursuit of nearly all the principal gentlemen of Yirginia. Each of his sons inherited from him a separate plan- 4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. tation. To the eldest, Lawrence, he bequeathed an estate near Hunting Creek, afterwards Mount Yernon, which then consisted of twenty-five hundred acres; and also other lands, and shares in iron-works situated in Virginia and Maryland, which were productive. The second son had for his part an estate in West- moreland. To Georsre were left the lands and mansion where his father lived at the time of his decease ; and to each of the other sons, an estate of six or seven hun- dred acres. The youngest daughter died when an infant, and for the only remaining one a suitable pro- vision was made in the will. It is thus seen, that Augustine Washington, although suddenly cut off in the vigor of manhood, left all his children in a state of comparative independence. Confiding in the pru- dence of the mother, he directed that the proceeds of all the property of her children should be at her dis- posal, till they should respectively come of age. This weighty charge of five young children, the eldest of whom was eleven years old, the superintend- ence of their education, and the management of com- plicated affairs, demanded no common share of resolu- tion, resource of mind, and strength of character. In these important duties Mrs. Washington acquitted herself with great fidelity to her trust, and with en- tire success. Her good sense, assiduity, tenderness, and vigilance overcame every obstacle ; and, as the richest reward of a mother's solicitude and toil, she had the happiness to see all her children come forward with a fair promise into life, filling the sphere allotted to them in a manner equally honorable to themselves, and to the parent who had been the only guide of their principles, conduct, and habits. She lived to witness the noble career of her eldest son, till by his own rare merits he was raised to the head of a nation, and applauded and revered by the whole world. It LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5 has been said, that there never was a great man, the elements of whose greatness might not be traced to the original characteristics or early influence of his mother. If this be true, how much do mankind owe to the mother of Washington. Under the colonial governments, particularly in the southern provinces, the means of education were cir- cumscribed. The thinness of population, and the broad line which separated the rich from the poor, prevented the establishment of schools on such a basis as would open the door of instruction to all classes, and thus prepare the way for higher seminaries of learning. Young men destined for the learned professions, whose parents could afford the expense, were occasionally sent to England. But the planters generally sought no other education for their sons, than such as would fit them to be practical men of business. In a few cases, this was derived from a private tutor ; in others, from a teacher of the common schools, whose qualifi- cations would naturally be limited to the demands of his employers, and who was seldom competent to im- part more than the simplest elements of knowledge. When he had inculcated the mysteries of reading, writing, arithmetic, and keeping accounts his skill was exhausted, and the duties of his vocation were ful- filled. If his pupils aspired to higher attainments, they were compelled to leave their master behiud, and find their way without a guide. To a school of this description was George Wash- ington indebted for all the aids his mind received in its early discipline and culture. How far he profited by these slender advantages, or was distinguished for his application and love of study, can only be conjec- tured fi:om the results. Tradition reports, that he was inquisitive, docile, and diligent ; but it adds, that his military propensities and passion for active sports ^ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. displayed themselves in bis boyhood ; that be formed bis schoolmates into companies, who paraded, marched, and fought mimic battles, in which he was always the commander of one of the parties. He had a fondness for the athletic amusements of running, jumping, wrest- ling, tossing bars, and other feats of agility and bodily exercise. Indeed it is well known, that these practises were continued by him after he had arrived at the age of mature life. It has also been said, that while at school his probity and demeanor were such, as to win the def- erence of the other boys, who were accustomed to make him the arbiter of their disputes, and never failed to be satisfied with his judgment. Such are some of the incidents of his juvenile years, remembered and related by his contemporaries after he had risen to greatness. There are not wanting evidences of his early pro- ficiency in some branches of study. His manuscript schoolbooks, from the time he was thirteen years old, have been preserved. He had already mastered the difficult parts of arithmetic, and these books begin with geometry. But there is one, of a previous date, which deserves notice, as giving an insight into the original cast of his mind, and the subjects to which his education was directed. It is singular, that a boy of thirteen should occupy himself in studying the dry and intricate forms of business, which are rarely at- tended to till the affairs of life call them into use, and even then rather as an act of necessity than of pleasure. But many pages of the manuscript in question are taken up with copies of what he calls Forms of writ- ing^ such as notes of hand, bills of exchange, receipts, bonds, indentures, bills of sale, land warrants, leases, deeds, and wills, written out with care, the prominent words in large and varied characters in imitation of a clerk's hand. Then follow selections in rhyme, more distinguished for the sentiments they contain, and LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7 the religious tone that pervades them, than for their poetical beauties. But the most remarkable part of the book is that, in which is compiled a system of maxims and regulations of conduct, drawn from miscellaneous sources, and ar- ranged under the head of Rules of Behavior in Com,- jpany and Conversation. Some of these are unimpor- tant, and suited only to form the habits of a child ; others are of a higher import, fitted to soften and pol- ish the manners, to keep alive the best affections of the heart, to impress the obligation of the moral virtues, to teach what is due to others in the social relations, and above all to inculcate the practise of a perfect self-control. In studying the character of Washington it is obvi- ous that this code of rules had an influence upon his whole life. His temperament was ardent, his pas- sions strong, and, amidst the multiplied scenes of temptation and excitement through which he passed, it was his constant effort and ultimate triumph to check the one and subdue the other. His intercourse with men, private and public, in every walk and station, was marked with a consistency, a fitness to occasions, a dignity, decorum, condescension and mild- ness, a respect for the claims of others, and a delicate preception of the nicer shades of civility, which were not more the dictates of his native good sense and in- comparable judgment, than the fruits of a long and unwearied discipline. He left school in the autumn preceding his sixteenth birthday. The last two years had been devoted to the study of geometry, trigonometry, and surveying, for which he had a decided partiality. It is probable, also, that his friends, discovering this inclination, encour- aged him in yielding to it, with the view of qualifying him for the profession of a surveyor, which was then S LIFE OF WASHINGTON. a lucrative employment, and led to opportunities of selecting valuable new lands. During the last summer he was at school, we find him surveying the fields around the schoolhouse and in the adjoining plantations, of which the boundaries, angles, and measurements, the plots and calculations, are entered with formality and precision in his books. Nor was his skill confined to the more simple proc- esses of the art. He used logarithms, and proved the accuracy of his work by different methods. The man- uscripts fill several quires of paper, and are remarkable for the care with which they were kept, the neatness and uniformity of the handwriting, the beauty of the diagrams, and a precise method and arrangement in copying out tables and columns of figures. These particulars will not be thought too trivial to be mentioned, when it is known, that he retained sim- ilar habits through life. His business papers, day- books, ledgers, and letter-books, in which, before the Revolution, no one wrote but himself, exhibits speci- mens of the same studious care and exactness. Every fact occupies a clear and distinct place, the handwrit- ing is round and regular, without interlineations, blots, or blemishes; and, if mistakes occurred, the faulty words were so skilfully erased and corrected, as to render the defect invisible except to a scrutinizing eye. The constructing of tables, diagrams, and other figures relating to numbers or classification, was an ex- ercise in which he seems at all times to have taken much delight. If any of his farms were to be divided into new lots, a plan was first drawn on paper ; if he meditated a rotation of crops, or a change in the mode of culture, the various items of expense, labor, prod- ucts, and profits were reduced to tabular forms ; and in his written instructions to his managers, which were annually repeated, the same method was pursued. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9 Except the above brandies of the mathematics, his acquirements did not extend beyond the subjects usu- ally taught to boys of his age at the common schools. It is even doubtful whether he received any instruc- tion in the principles of language. His earliest compo- sitions were often faulty in grammatical construction. By practise, reading, and study, he gradually over- came this defect, till at length he wrote with accuracy, purity of idiom, and a striking appropriateness of phra- seology and clearness of style. In the choice of his words, to express precisely and forcibly his meaning, he was always scrupulous. In this respect his lan- guage may be said to have reflected the image of his mind, in which candor, sincerity, and directness were prevailing traits. No aid was derived from any other than his native tongue. Pie never even commenced the study of the ancient classics. After the French officers had joined the American army in the Eevolution, and particularly w^hile the forces under Count de Eochambeau were in the countr}^, he bestowed some degree of attention on that language ; but at no time could he write or con- verse in it, or indeed translate any paper. 10 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER 11. A Project formed for his entering the British Navy as a Midshipman. — He be- comes a practical Surveyor.— Engages in the Employment of Lord Faii-fax. — Continues the Business of Surveying for three Years.— Appointed Adjutant of one of the Districts in Virginia.— Voyage to Barbadoes with his Brother. While at school a project v^as entertained by his friends, which, if it had been matured, would have changed his own destiny, and perhaps have produced an important influence upon that of his country. His eldest brother, Lawrence, had been an officer in the late war, and served at the siege of Carthagena and in the .West Indies. Being a well informed and accom- plished gentleman, he had acquired the esteem and con- fidence of General Wentworth and Admiral Yernon, the commanders of the expedition, with whom he afterwards kept up a friendly correspondence. Hav- ing observed the military turn of his young brother, and looking upon the British navy as the most direct road to distinction in that line, he obtained for George a midshipman's warrant, in the year 1746, when he was fourteen years old. This step was taken with his acquiescence, if not at his request, and he prepared with a buoyant spirit for his departure ; but, as the time approached, the solicitude of his mother inter- posed with an authority, to which nature gave a claim. At this critical juncture, Mr. Jackson, a friend of the family, wrote to Lawrence Washington as follows. " I am afraid Mrs. Washington will not keep up to her first resolution. She seems to dislike George's going to sea, and says several persons have told her it uEt. 14.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. H was a bad scheme. She offers several trifling objec- tions, such as fond, unthinking mothers habitually suggest ; and I find that one word against his going has more weight than ten for it." She persisted in opposing the plan, and it was given up. I^or ought this decision to be ascribed to obstinacy, or maternal weakness. This was her eldest son, whose character and manners must already have exhibited a promise, full of solace and hope to a widowed mother, on whom alone devolved the charge of four younger children. To see him separated from her at so tender an age, ex- posed to the perils of accident and the world's rough usage, vv ithout a parent's voice to counsel or a parent's hand to guide, and to enter on a theater of action, which would forever remove him from her presence, was a trial of her fortitude and sense of duty, which she could not be expected to hazard without reluctance and concern. Soon after leaving school he went to reside with his brother Lawrence, at his seat on the Potomac Kiver, which had been called Mount Yernon, in compliment to the admiral of that name. The winter was passed in his favorite study of the mathematics, and in the exercise of practical surveying, merely Avith the view of becoming familiar with the application of principles and the use of instruments. At this time he was in- troduced to Lord Fairfax, and other members of the Fairfax family, established in that part of Virginia. Lawrence Washington had married a daughter of William Fairfax, a gentleman of consideration on ac- count of his wealth, character, and political station, being many years a member and for some time presi- dent of his Majesty's Council in the Colony. His seat was at Belvoir, a short distance from Mount Yernon. He had an interesting family of several sons and datighters, intelligent and qultivatedj with whom 12 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1748. George associated on terms of intimacy, and formed attachments that were ever after valuable to him. In the father he found a friend and adviser, as well as a man skilled in affairs, of wide experience, and of an enlightened understanding. To his fortunate acquaint- ance with this family he was mainly indebted for the opportunities of performing those acts, which laid the foundation of his subsequent successes and advance- ment. Lord Fairfax, a distant relative of William Fairfax, was a man of an eccentric turn of mind, of great pri- vate worth, generous, and hospitable. Possessing by inheritance a vast tract of country, situate between the Potomac and Pappahannock rivers, and stretching across the Alleghany Mountains, he made a voyage to Yirginia to examine this domain. So well pleased was he with the climate and mode of life, that he re- solved, after going back to England and arranging his affairs, to return and spend his days in the midst of this remote territory. The immense tracts of wild lands, belonging to Lord Fairfax in the rich valleys of the Alleghany Mountains, had not been surveyed. Settlers were finding their way up the streams, selecting the fertile places, and securing an occupancy without warrant or license. To enable the proprietor to claim his quitrents and give legal titles, it was necessary that those lands should be divided into lots and accurately measured. So favorable an opinion had he formed of the abilities and attainments of young Washington, that he intrusted to him this responsible service ; and he set off on his first surveying expedition in March, just a month from the day he was sixteen years old, accompanied by George Fairfax, the eldest son of William Fairfax. The enterprise was arduous, requiring discretion and skill, and attended with privations and fatigues to ^T. 16.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13 which he had not been accustomed. After crossing the first range of the Alleghanies, the party entered the wilderness. From that time their nights were passed under the open sky, or in tents, or rude cabins afford- ing but a treacherous shelter against the inclemency of the weather. The winds sometimes beat upon them, and prostrated them to the ground. Winter still lin- gered on the summits of the mountains ; the rivers, swollen by melting snows and recent rains, were im- passable at the usual fords, except by swimming the horses ; the roads and paths through the woods were ob- structed by swamps, rocks, and precipices. The lands surveyed by him lay on the South Branch of the Potomac, seventy miles above its junction with the other branch of that river. The task was executed in such a manner, as to give entire satisfaction to his employer, confirm the good opinion of his friends, and establish his reputation as a surveyor. On other accounts it was beneficial to him. It inspired a confidence in himself, kindled fresh hopes, and prepared the way for new successes. He had moreover acquired a knowledge of parts of the country hitherto little known, which were to be the scene of his first military operations ; and had wit- •nessed modes of life, with which it was necessary for him to become familiar in fulfilling the high trusts that awaited him. During this expedition he was also present at an Indian war dance, and had his first in- terview with a race on whose condition in peace and war he was to have a wider infiuence than any other man. Having received a commission or appointment, as a public surveyor, which gave authority to his surveys, and enabled him to enter them in the county offices, he devoted three years to this pursuit, without any in- tervals of relaxation except the winter months, For- 14 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1751. tions of each year were passed among the Alleghanies, where he surveyed lands on branches of the Potomac Eiver, which penetrated far in a southern direction among the lofty ridges and spurs of those mountains. The exposures and hardships of these expeditions could be endured only for a few weeks together. As a relief, he would come down into the settled parts, and survey private tracts and farms, thus applying himself to the uninterrupted exercise of his profession. There being few surveyors at that time in Virginia, and the demand for them great, the pay allowed for their services was proportionably high. By diligence and habits of despatch, the employment was lucrative ; and, what was more important, his probity and talents for business were at a very early age made known to gentlemen, whose standing in society rendered their friendship and interest a substantial benefit. During these three years his home was with his brother at Mount Yernon, as being nearer the scene of his labors than his mother's residence ; but he often visited her, and assisted in the superintendence of her affairs. At the age of nineteen his character had made so favorable an impression, that he was appointed to an office of considerable distinction and responsibility by the government of Virginia. The frontiers were threatened with Indian depredations and French en- croachments, and, as a precautionary measure, it was resolved to put the militia in a condition for defence. To carry this into effect, the province was divided into districts, having in each an officer called an adjutant- general with the rank of major, whose duty it was to assemble and exercise the militia, inspect their arms, and enforce all the regulations for discipline prescribed by the laws. George Washington was comraissioTKs'i to take charge of one of these districts. The post vv^as probably obtained through th§ influence of his brother Mr. 19.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 15 and "William Fairfax, the formei' a delegate in the House of Burgesses, and the latter a meinber of the Governor's Council. The pay was one hundred and fifty pounds a year. His military propensities had not subsided. They rather increased with his years. In Virginia were many oificers, besides his brother, who had served in the recent war. Under their tuition he studied tac- tics, learned the manual exercise, and became expert in the use of the sword. He read the principal books on the military art, and joined practice to theory as far as circumstances would permit. This new station, therefore, was in accordance with his inclinations, and he entered upon it with alacrity and zeal. But he had scarcely engaged in this service, when he was called to perform another duty, deeply interesting in its claims on his sensibility and fraternal affection. Lawrence Washington, originally of a slender consti- tution, had been for some time suffering under a pul- monary attack, which was now thought to be ap- proaching a dangerous crisis. The physicians recom- mended a voyage to the West Indies, and the experi- ment of a warmer climate. The necessity of having some friend near him, and his attachment to George, were reasons for desiring his company. They sailed for Barbadoes in the month of September, 1751, and landed on that island after a passage of five weeks. The change of air, the hospitality of the inhabitants, the novelty of the scene, and the assiduous attentions of his brother, revived the spirits of the patient, and seemed at first to renovate his strength. But the hope was delusive, and the old symptoms returned. The trial of a few weeks produced no essential alteration for the better ; and he determined to proceed to Ber- muda in the spring, and that in the meantime his t)rotlier shoul4 go back to Yirgini^j mi acQompany le LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1752. his wife to that island. Accordingly, George took passage in a vessel bound to the Chesapeake, and, after encountering a most tempestuous voyage, reached home in February, having been absent somewhat more than four months. He had the smallpox in Barbadoes. The disease was severe, but with the aid of good medical attendance, he was able to go abroad in three weeks. The first letter from his brother at Bermuda gave an encouraging account of his health, and expressed a wish that his wife should join him there ; but it was followed by another, of a different tenor, which pre- vented her departure. Finding no essential relief, he came home in the summer, and sank rapidly into his grave, at the age of thirty-four, leaving a Avife, an in- fant daughter, and a large circle of friends, to deplore a loss keenly felt by them all. Few men have been more beloved for their amiable qualities, or admired for those higher traits of character which give dignity to virtue, and a charm to accomplishments of mind and manners. By this melancholy event, new duties and respon- sibilities devolved upon George. Large estates were left by the deceased brother, the immediate care of which demanded his oversight. Pie had likewise been appointed one of the executors of the will, in which was an eventual interest of considerable magnitude pertaining to himself. The estate at Mount Yernon was bequeathed to the surviving daughter; and, in case of her demise without issue, this estate and other lands were to pass to George, with the reservation of the use of the same to the wife during her lifetime. Although he was the youngest executor, ^-et his ac- quaintance with his brother's concerns, and the con- fidence always reposed in him by the deceased, were grounds for placing the business principally in his ^T. 20.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17 hands. His time and thoughts, for several months, were taken up with these affairs, complicated in their nature, and requiring delicacy and caution in their management. His private employments, however, did not draw him away from his public duties as adjutant-general. Indeed, the sphere of that office was enlarged. Soon after Governor Dinwiddle came to Virginia, the colony was portioned into four grand military divisions. Major Washington's appointment was then renewed, and the northern division was allotted to him. It in- cluded several counties, each of which was to be visited at stated times by the adjutant, in order to train and instruct the militia officers, review the companies on parade, inspect the arms and accoutrements, and estab- lish a uniform system of manoeuvres and discipline. These exercises, so congenial to his taste, were equally advantageous to himself and to the subordinate officers, who could not fail to be animated by his example, activity, and enthusiasm. 13 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. CHAPTER III. The French make Encroachments on the Western Frontiers of Virginia.— Major Washington is sent by the Governor of Virginia to warn the Intruders to retire.— Crosses the Alleghany Mouutains.— Meets Indians on the Ohio River, who accompany him to the French Garrison.— Indian Speech.— In- terviews with the French Commander.— Perilous Adventures during his Journey, and in crossing the Alleghany River.— Returns to Williamsburg and reports to the Governor. The time was now at hand, when the higher des- tinies of Washington were to unfold themselves. In- telligence came from the frontier, that the French had crossed the Lakes from Canada in force, and were about to establish posts and erect fortifications on the w^aters of the Ohio. It was rumored, also, that, alarmed for their safety, the friendly Indians were beginning to waver in their fidelity ; and the hostile tribes, encour- aged by the presence and support of the French, ex- hibited symptoms of open war. The crisis, in the opinion of Governor Dinwdddie and his Council, called for an immediate inquiry. A messenger had already been sent over the mountains in the character of a trader, with presents of powder, lead, and guns for the Indians, instructed to ascertain their temper, pene- trate their designs, and, above all, to trace out the artifices and movements of the French. This messeno^er, either intimidated or deceived bv the savages, executed his mission imperfectly. He went as far as the Ohio Kiver, met some of the friendly sachems, delivered his presents, stayed a few days with them, and then returned. He brought back various reports concerning the French, narrated to him by tbe Indians, who had been in their camp at Lake Erie, imd who magnified their strength and formidable? ^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 appearance, telling him, that they took every English- man prisoner, whom they found beyond the Alleghanies, because all that country belonged to the French King, and no Englishman had a right to trade with the Indians in the King's territory. In the mean time the British ministry, anticipating from the political aspect of affairs a rupture with France, despatched orders to the governor of Virginia to build two forts near the Ohio Kiver, for the purpose of securing possession, driving off intruders, and re- taining the alliance of the Indians, or holding them in check. Thirtv pieces of light cannon and eighty barrels of powder were sent out from England for the use of the forts. These orders came too late. Before they arrived, the governor of Canada had been diligently employed for a whole season in pushing forward troops across the Lakes, with munitions of war and other supplies, and a footing had already been gained in the heart of the disputed territory. Bodies of armed men had like- wise ascended the Mississippi from E'ew Orleans to act in concert, and established themselves on the southern waters of the Ohio. As a first step towards executing the orders of the ministers. Governor Dinwiddle resolved to send a com- missioner in due form, and invested with suitable powers, to confer with the officer .commanding the French forces, and inquire by what authority he pre- sumed to invade the King's dominions, and what were his designs. The commission was delicate and hazard- ous, requiring discretion, ability, experience in the modes of traveling in the woods, and a knowledge of Indian manners. These requisites were believed to be combiaedin Major Washington, and the important ser- vice was intrusted to him, although as yet but twenty- one years old. 20 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 11753. Fortified with written instructions, with credentials and a passport to which the great seal of the colony was affixed, he departed from Williamsburg, the seat of government in Virginia, on the 31st of October, 1753. The distance before him to the extreme point of his destination, by the route he would pursue, was about five hundred and sixty miles, in great part over lofty and rugged mountains, and more than half of the way through the heart of a wilderness, where no traces of civilization as yet appeared. Passing through the towns of Fredericksburg, Alex- andria, and Winchester, he arrived at Will's Creek in fourteen days. John Davidson had joined him as In- dian interpreter ; and Jacob Yanbraam, a Dutchman by birth, and formerly an officer in the army, was em- ployed to assist in his intercourse with the French, being acquainted with their language. At Will's Creek he found Mr. Gist, a person long accustomed to the woods, having several times penetrated far into the interior, and lately begun a settlement in the val- ley between the last ridge of the Alleghanies and the Monongahela River. Mr. Gist consented to go with him as a guide. Four other men, two of them In- dian traders, were added as attendants. The party was now increased to eight persons. With horses, tents, baggage, and provisions, suited to the expedition, they left the extreme verge of civiliza- tion at Will's Creek, and entered the forests. The in- clemency of the season, the Alleghanies covered with snow and the valleys flooded by the swelling waters, the rough passages over the mountains and the diffi- culties in crossing the streams by frail rafts, ford- ing, or swimming, were obstacles that could be over- come but slowly and with patience. They at length reached the Fork of the Ohio, where the Monongahela and Alleghany unite to form that river. The place was ^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21 critically examined by Major Washington, and he was impressed with the advantages it afforded as a mili- tary post, both for defense and a depository of sup- plies, in case of hostilities in that quarter ; and it was by his advice, that a fortification was shortly after- wards begun there, which became celebrated in two wars. Hastening onward to Logstown, about twenty miles below the Fork, he called together some of the Indian chiefs, and delivered to them the governor's message, soliciting a guard to the French encampments. The principal sachem was Tanacharison, otherwise called the Half-King. He was friendly to the English, or rather he was unfriendly to the French ; not that he loved one more than the other, but he valued his rights and independence. In the simplicity of his heart, he supposed the English sought only an intercourse of trade, an exchange of arms, powder, and goods, for skins and furs, which would be beneficial to the Indians. When the French came with arms in their hands, took possession of the countrj^, and built forts, his suspicions were awakened, and he saw no other method of defeating their designs, than by adhering to the English. Tanacharison, as a deputy from several tribes, had been to the head-quarters of the French commandant, and made a speech to him, the substance of which he related to Major Washington. " Fathers," said he, " I am come to tell you your own speeches ; what your own mouths have declared. Fathers, you in former days set a silver basin before us, wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it, to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another ; and that if any such person should be found to be a dis- turber, I here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, which you must scourge them with ; and if your father 22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. should get foolish, in my old days, I desire you may use it upon me as well as others. " IN'ow, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns, and taking it away unknown to us, and by force. " Fathers, we kindled a fire a long time ago, at a place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our land. I now desire you may despatch to that place ; for be it known to you, fathers, that this is our land and not yours. " Fathers, I desire you may hear me in civilness ; if not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for the use of the obstreperous. If you had come in a peaceable manner, like our brothers the English, we would not have been against your trading with us as they do ; but to come, fathers, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to. " Fathers, both you and the English are white ; we live in a country between ; therefore, the land belongs to neither one nor the other. But the Great Being above allowed it to be a place of residence for us ; so, fathers, I desire you to withdraw, as I have done our brothers the English ; for I will keep you at arm's length. I lay this down as a trial for both, to see which will have the greatest regard to it, and that side we will stand by, and make equal sharers with us. Our brothers, the English, have heard this, and I come now to tell it to you ; for I am not afraid to discharge 3^ou off this land." The sachems at length met in council, and Major "Washington addressed to them a speech, explaining the objects of his mission, and the wishes of the gov- ernor. He then gave them a string of wampum, the Indian token of friendship and alliance. They con- sulted together, and deputed Tanacharison to reply in jEt. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23 the name of the whole. His language was pacific, and the escort was promised ; but, the young warriors being out on a hunting party, three or four days were consumed in waiting for their return. As his business was pressing, Major Washington could delay no longer, and he finally set off, accompanied by four Indians only, Tanacharison being of the number. The distance to the station of the French comman- dant was one hundred and twenty miles. The journey was performed Avithout any important incident, except at Venango, one of the French outposts, where various stratacj-ems were used to detain the Indians. He was civilly treated, however, by Captain Joncaire, the principal officer, who told him where the head-quarters were established. Rain and snow fell continually, and, after incredible toils from exposure and the badness of the travelling through an illimitable forest, intersected with deep streams and morasses, he was rejoiced to find himself at the end of his journey, forty-one days from the time he left Williamsburg. M. de St. Pierre, the commandant, was an elderly person, a knight of the military order of St. Louis, and courteous in his manners. At the first interview he promised immediate attention to the letter from Gov- ernor Dinwiddle, and everything was provided for the convenience and comfort of Major Washington and his party while they remained at the fort. At the next meeting the commission and letter were produced, read, translated, and deliberately explained. The commandant counselled with his officers, and in two days an answer was returned. The governor's letter asserted, that the lands on the Ohio belonged to the crown of Great Britain, expressed his surprise at the encroachments of the French, demanded by whose authority an armed force had crossed the Lakes, and urged a speedy and peace- 24 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. ful departure. M. de St. Pierre replied in the style of a soldier, saying it did not belong to him to discuss treaties, that such a message should have been sent to the Marquis Duquesne, Governor of Canada, by whose instructions he acted, and whose orders he should be careful to obey, and that the summons to retire could not be complied with. The tone was respectful, but uncomplying and determined. While the French officers were holding consultations, and getting the despatch ready, Major Washington took an opportunity to look around and examine the fort. His attendants were instructed to do the same. He was thus enabled to bring away an accurate de- scription of its form, size, construction, cannon, and barracks. His men counted the canoes in the river, and such as were partly finished. The fort was situ- ate on a branch of French Creek, about fifteen miles south of Lake Erie. A plan of it, drawn by Major Washington, was sent to the British government. The snow was falling so fast, that he ordered back his horses to Yenango, resolved to go down himself by water, a canoe having been offered to him for that purpose. He had been entertained with great polite- ness ; nor did the complaisance of M. de St. Pierre ex- haust itself in mere forms of civility. The canoe, by his order, was plentifully stocked with provisions, liquors, and every other supply that could he wanted. But the same artifices were practised and expedients tried, as at Yenango, to lure away the Indians, and keep them behind. Many temptations were held out, presents given, and others promised. The Half-King was a man of consequence, whose friendship was not to be lost, if it could possibly be retained. He per- sisted in his reserve, however, and now offered a second time to the French commandant the speech- belt, or wampum, as indicating that the alliance ^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 25 between them was broken off. The latter refused to accept it, and soothed the savage with soft words and fair professions, saying it was his wish to live in amity and peace with the Indians, and to trade with them, and that he w^ould immediately send goods to their towns. These attempts to inveigle the Half-King and his companions were discovered by Major Washington, who complained of the delay, and insinuated the cause. M. de St. Pierre was urbane, as usual, seemed ignorant of all that passed, could not tell why the Indians stayed, and declared nothing should be wanting on his part to fulfil Major Washington's desires. Finally, after much perplexity and trouble, the whole party embarked in a canoe. The passage down was slow, fatiguing, and perilous. Rocks, shallows, drifting trees, and currents kept them in constant alarm. " Many times," says Major Wash- ington in his Journal, " all hands were obliged to get out, and remain in the water half an hour or more in getting over the shoals. At one place the ice had lodged, and made it impassable by water ; and we were obliged to carry our canoe across a neck of land a quarter of a mile over." In six days they landed at Venango, a distance of one hundred and thirty miles by the winding of the stream. The horses were found here, but in so emaciated and pitiable a condition, that it was doubtful whether they could perform the journey. The baggage and provi- sions were all to be transported on their backs. To lighten their burden, as much as possible. Major Wash- ington, clad in an Indian walking-dress, determined to proceed on foot, with Mr. Gist and Mr. Yanbraam, putting the horses under the direction of the drivers. After three days' travel, the horses becoming more feebls, and the cold and snow hourly increasing, this mode of journeying proved so tardy and discouraging, 26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. that another was resorted to. Mr. Yanbraam took charge of the horses, with orders to go on as fast as he could. Major Washington, with a knapsack on his back, containing his papers and food, and with a gun in his hand, left the party, accompanied only by Mr. Gist, equipped in the same manner. They turned out of the path, and directed their course through the woods so as to strike the Alleghany River, and cross it near Shannopins Town, two or three miles above the Fork of the Ohio. The next day an adventure oc- curred, which is well narrated by Mr. Gist in a diary written by him at the time. " We rose early in the morning, and set out about two o'clock, and got to the Murdering Town on the south- east fork of Beaver Creek. Here we met with an Indian, whom I thought I had seen at Joncaire's, at Yenango, when on our journey up to the French fort. This fellow called me by my Indian name, and pre- tended to be glad to see me. He asked us several questions, as, how we came to travel on foot, when we left Yenango, where we parted with our horses, and when they would be there. Major Washington in- sisted on travelling by the nearest wa}^ to the Forks of the Alleghany. We asked the Indian if he could go with us, and show us the nearest way. The Indian seemed very glad, and ready to go with us; upon which we set out, and the Indian took the Major's pack. We travelled very brisk for eight or ten miles, when the Major's feet grew very sore, and he very weary, and the Indian steered too much northeast- wardly. The Major desired to encamp ; upon which the Indian asked to carry his gun, but he refused ; and then the Indian grew churlish, and pressed us to keep on, telling us there Avere Ottawa Indians in those woods, and they would scalp us, if we lay out ; but go to his cabin, and we should be safe. ^T. 31.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 « I thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the Major know I mistrusted him But he soon mistrusted him as much as I did. The Indian said he could hear a gun from his cabin, and steered us more northwardly. We grew uneasy, and then he said two whoops might be heard from his cabin. We went two miles further. Then the Major said he would stay at the next water, and we desired the Indian to stop at the next water ; but, before we came to the water, we came to a clear meadow. It was very light, and snow was on the ground. The Indian made a stop, and turned about. The Major saw him point his gun towards us, and he fired. Said the Major, Are you shot ^ ' ' No,' said I ; upon which the Indian ran tor- ward to a big standing white oak, and began loadmg his o-un, but we were soon with him. I would ha^e killed him, but the Major would not suffer me. We let him charge his gun. We found he put in a ball ; then we took care of him. Either the Major or I al- ways stood by the guns. AYe made him make a fire for us by a little run, as if we intended to sleep there. I said to the Major, ' As you will not have him ki led, we must get him awav, and then we must travel all ni^hf upon which I said to the Indian, 'I suppose yo"u were lost, and fired your gun.' He said he knew the way to his cabin, and it was but a httle way. 'Well,' said I, ' do you go home ; and, as we are tired, we will follow your track in the morning, and here is a cake of bread for you, and you must give us meat m the morning.' He was glad to get away. I followed him, and listened, until he was fairly out of the way ; and then we went about half a mile, when we made a fire, set our compass, fixed our course, and travelled all night. In the morning we were on the head ot Piny Creek." . , t j- + i.,-n Whether it was the intention of the Indian to kiU 98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1733. either of them can only be conjectured. The circum- stances were extremely suspicious. Major Washing- ton hints at this incident in his Journal. " We fell in with a party of French Indians," says he, " who had lain in wait for us. One of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but fortunately missed. We took the fellow in custody, and kept him till nine o'clock at night ; then let him go, and walked all the remaining part of the night without making any stop, that we might get the start so far as to be out of the reach of their pursuit the next day, since we were well assured they would follow our track as soon as it was light." No more was seen or heard of them. The next night, at dusk, the travellers came to the Alle- ghany River, a little above Shannopins, where they ex- pected to cross over on the ice ; but in this they were disappointed, the river being frozen only a few yards on each side, and a great body of broken ice driving rapidly down the current. Wear}^ and exhausted they were compelled to pass the night on the bank of the river, exposed to the rigor of the weather, making their beds on the snow, with no other covering than their blankets. When the morning came, their invention was the only re- source for providing the means of gaining the oppo- site shore. *' There was no way of getting over," says Major Washington, " but on a raft ; which we set about with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sun- setting. This was a whole day's work. We next got it launched, and went on board of it; then set off. But before we were half way over, we were jammed in the ice in such a manner, that we expected every moment our raft would sink, and ourselves perish. I put out my setting-pole to try to stop the raft, that the icd might pass by ; when the rapidity of the Ml. Sl.j LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, that it jerked me out into ten feet water. But I fortu- nately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft logs. oSTotwithstanding all our efforts we could not get the raft to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft, and make to it." This providential escape from most imminent danger, was not the end of their calamities. They were thrown upon a desert island ; the weather was in- tensely cold ; Mr. Gist's hands and feet were frozen ; and their sufferings through the night were extreme. A gleam of hope appeared with the dawn of morning. Between the island and the eastern bank of the river, the ice had congealed so hard as to bear their weight. The\^ crossed over without accident, and the same day reached a trading post recently established by Mr. Fra- zier, near the spot where eighteen months afterwards was fought the memorable battle of the Monongahela. Here the}^ rested two or three days, both to recruit themselves, and to procure horses. Meantime Major Washington paid a complimentary visit to Queen Ali- quippa, an Indian princess w^ho resided at the conflu- ence of the Monongahela and Youghiogany Rivers. She had expressed dissatisfaction, that he had neg- lected this mark of respect on his way out. An apology, seconded by the more substantial token of a present, soothed her wounded dignity and secured a gracious reception. Nothing was heard of Yanbraam and his party. Anxious to hasten back, and report to the governor the result of his mission, Major Washington did not wait for them. With Mr. Gist he recrossed the Alle- ghanies to Will's Creek, and thence proceeded with despatch to Williamsburg, where he arrived on th« 16th of January, having been absent eleven weeks. 30 LllJ'E OF WASHINGTON. [1754. CHAPTER ly. Troops raised for a western Expedition, and put under the Command of Major Washington.— Governor Din widdie.— Military Preparations.— Wash- ington appointed Lieutenant-Colonel.— Marches to the Alleghany Mountains. — Joined by Parties of Indians.— Skirmish with a French Detachment under Jumonville.— The chief Command devolves on Colonel Washington.— His generous Sentiments respecting the Terms of Service. The intentions and movements of the French being now understood, Governor Din widdie thought the oc- casion demanded prompt and energetic action. He called his Council together, and laid before them Major Washington's journal, and the letter of the French commandant. It was agreed that the instructions heretofore received from the ministry imposed it as a duty, in case of an invasion of the King's dominions, to repel it by a resort to arms. Without waiting for the burgesses to convene, the Council advised the immediate enhstment of two hun- dred men, with directions to march to the Ohio and build one or two forts there, before the French should be able to descend the river in the spring, as they had threatened to do. An order was issued for raising two companies, of one hundred men each, in the northern counties by voluntary enlistments, or, if that method should prove impracticable, by drafts from the militia. The conduct of Major Washington had hitherto been marked with so much prudence, resolution, and capac- ity, that he was appointed to the chief command of these troops, apparently by the unanimous voice of the Council. To make an impression on the minds of the people, and if possible to work them up to some degree of ^Et. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 enthusiasm, and excite their indignation against the invaders, Governor Dinwiddie caused Major Washing- ton's journal to be published. It was copied into nearly all the newspapers of the other colonies. In London it was reprinted, under the auspices of the gov- ernment, and accounted a document of much impor- tance, as unfolding the views of the French, and an- nouncing the first positive proof of their hostile acts in the disputed territory. Nothing more was expected from the small military preparations set on foot by the governor and Council, than to take a position on the Ohio before the French should come down the river, and unite with the parties from ISTew Orleans. The command of one of the two companies was given to Captain Trent, who, being ac- quainted with the frontiers, was sent forward to enlist his men among the traders and back settlers, and or- dered to commence with all speed the building of a fort at the Fork of the Ohio, in conformity with the recom- mendation of Major Washington, who had examined that place, as we have seen, with a view to its military advantages. At the same time, Major Washington was stationed at Alexandria, as a convenient situation for the rendez- vous of his men, and for superintending the transpor- tation of supplies and the cannon intended to be mounted in the fort. Lord Fairfax, holding the office of county-lieutenant, which gave him authority over the militia in his neighborhood, was active in procur- ing enlistments and rendering other services to his young friend. The governor's instructions to the offi- cers bore a warlike aspect. They were to drive away, kill, and destroy, or seize as prisoners, all persons, not the subjects of the King of Great Britain, who should attempt to settle or take possession of the lands on the Ohio River or anv of its tributaries. 32 ^IFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. When the Assembly met, a difference of opinion prevailed, as to the measures that ought to be pursued ; but ten thousand pounds were iinally voted for the de- fense of the colony, cloaked under the title of " an act for the encouragement and protection of the settlers on the Mississippi." The governor's equanimit}^ was severely tried. The King's prerogative and his own dignity he thought were not treated with due respect. So obtuse were some of the burgesses, that they could not perceive the justice of the King's claim to the lands in question, and they had the boldness to let their doubts be known in a full Assembly. " You may well conceive," said the governor in writing to a friend, "how I tired at this; that an English legislature should presume to doubt the right of his Majest}^ to the interior parts of this continent, the back of his dominions." And, alluding to one of the members, he added, " How this French spirit could possess a person of his high distinction and sense, I know not." An- other point was still more annoying to him. The Assembly appointed commissioners to superintend the appropriation of the funds. This act he took as a slight to himself, since by virtue of his office the dis- posal of money for public uses ought to rest exclusively with the governor. Such was his view of the matter, and he declared that nothing but the extreme urgency of the case should have induced him to sign the bill. To the Earl of Iloldernesse he complained of the wayward temper and strange doings of the Assembly. " I am sorry to find them," said he, " very much in a republican way of thinking; and, indeed, they do not act in a proper constitutional way, but make encroach- ments on the prerogative of the crown, in which some former governors have submitted too much to them ; and, I fear, without a very particular instruction, it will be difficult to bring them to order." [N'otwith- ^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3S standing thei« grievances, the goyernor's zeal for the public good rose above his personal feelings, and h© applied himself ardently to the work he had under- taken. With the means now provided by the legislature, the military establishment was increased to six com- panies, under the command of Colonel Joshua Fry. He was an Englishman by birth, educated at Oxford, skilled in the mathematical sciences, and much esteemed for his amiable qualities and gentlemanly character. Major Washington was made second in command, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Subordinate offi- cers were commissioned, and, to quicken the military zeal of the people, and give alacrit^^ to the recruiting service. Governor Dinwiddle issued a proclamation granting two hundred thousand acres of land on the Ohio Kiver, to be divided among the troops, who should engage in the proposed expedition, and releas- ing the same from quitrents for fifteen years. One thousand acres were ordered to be laid off, contiguous to the fort at the Fork of the Ohio, for the use of the soldiers doing duty there, to be called the garrison lands. The reasons assigned by the governor to the minis- ters for making this grant were, that he hoped the sol- diers would become permanent settlers, and that it was better to secure the lands by such a bounty, than to allow the French to take quiet possession of as many millions of acres as he had granted thousands. His proclamation was sanctioned by the King, but it was not well received in another quarter. The Assembly of Pennsylvania took alarm at the freedom, with which lands, situate as they said in that province, were given away. Governor Hamilton wrote an expostulatory letter. It was a perplexing case ; but Governor Din- widdle escaped from the difficulty by replying, that 34 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. the claims of Pennsylvania were at least doubtful, the boundary line not having been run, that the object in view equally concerned both provinces, that his grant did not necessarily imply future jurisdiction, and that, if the Pennsylvania claim should be established, the quitrents might eventually be paid to the proprietary instead of the crown. Fresh encouragement was inspired by a letter from the Earl of Holdernesse, authorizing Governor Din- widdie to call to his aid two independent companies from New York, and one from South Carolina. These were colonial troops, raised and supported at the King's charge, and commanded by officers with royal commissions. They could be marched to any part of the continent. None of these companies had ever been stationed in Yirginia. Expresses were immediately despatched to the governors of the above colonies, re- questing them to order forward the companies without delay. News came from North Carolina, also, that the Assembly had voted twelve thousand pounds for defense, and that a respectable force would soon be in the field to join their neighbors in the common cause. Although feebly sustained by the other colonies, the Virginians did not abate their exertions. The enlist- ments went on with considerable success. Colonel Washington continued his headquarters at Alexandria till the beginning of April. Two companies had been collected at that place, with which he marched to Will's Creek, where he arrived on the 20th, having been joined on the way by another company under Captain Stephen. The inarch was slow and fatiguing, on account of the roughness of the roads, and the difficulty of procuring wagons to convey the baggage. It was necessary to put the militia law in execution, which authorized impressments ; but measures of this sort are always disliked by the people, and orders are Mt. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35 tardily obeyed or evaded. The artillery and some of the heavier articles went by water up the Potomac. A party of Captain Trent's men had already gone to the Ohio, and begun to build a fort. Just before Colonel Washington reached WilFs Creek, a rumor came from the interior, that these men were taken by the French ; and two days afterwards the alarming intelligence was confirmed by the ensign of Captain Trent's company. He reported, that, while they were at work, forty -one in number, a body of French troops descended the river from Yenango, consisting of one thousand men, with eighteen pieces of cannon, sixty bateaux, and three hundred canoes, under the com- mand of Captain Contrecoeur, and summoned them to surrender, threatening to take forcible possession of the fort, if this summons were not immediately obeyed. No alternative remained, and, the captain and lieu- tenant beins: absent, Ensis'n V/ard acceded to articles of capitulation, and gave up the fort, but was permitted to retire with his men. He came to Will's Creek, and brought the news of the disaster, His statement, however, as to the numbers of the French, their can- non and boats, turned out to be very much exag- gerated. This was the first open act of hostility in the memorable war of seven years that followed. The French enlarged and completed the fort, which they called Fort Duquesne, in compliment to the governor of Canada. To the little army under Colonel Washington, as yet amounting to no more than three small companies, this was a critical moment. They occupied an out- post, beyond which there was no barrier to oppose the formidable French force on the Ohio. Even a de- tachment, well armed and disciplined, might surround and cut them off. Colonel Fry had not joined them, and the whole responsibility rested on the Lieutenant- 36 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. Colonel. He instantly sent expresses to the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, setting forth his weak and exposed condition, and calling for rein- forcements, lie then held a council of war. Notwith^ standing the dangers that threatened on every side, it was resolved to push boldly into the Avilderness, to clear and prepare the road as they advanced, and, if possible, to penetrate to the Monongahela at the mouth of Red -stone Creek, and erect there a fortification. The soldiers would thus be employed, their apprehen- sions quieted, the bane of idleness avoided, and a way opened for the more expeditious march of the troops in the rear. So many obstacles intervened, that the progress was slow. Trees were to be felled, bridges made, marshes filled up, and rocks removed. In the midst of these difficulties the provisions failed, the com- missaries having neglected to fulfil their engage- ments, and there was great distress for want of bread. At the Youghiogany, where they were detained in constructing a brido^e, Colonel AYashington was told by the traders and Indians, that except at one place a passage might be had by water down that river. To ascertain this point, extremely advantageous if true, he embarked in a canoe with five men on a tour of discovery, leaving the army under the command of a subordinate officer. His hopes were disappointed. After navigating the river in his canoe near thirty miles, encountering rocks and shoals, he passed between two mountains, and came to a fall that arrested his course, and rendered any further attempt impracti- cable. He returned, and the project of a conveyance by water was given up. He had scarcely rejoined the army, when a message was brought to him from his old friend Tanacharison, or the Half-King, then with his people near the Mo* Mt. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37 nongahela Kiver, which warned him to be on his guard, as a party of French had been out two days, and were then marching towards him determined to attack the first English they should meet. His account was con- firmed by another, which stated the French to be only fifteen miles distant. ISIot knowing their number, or at what moment they might approach, he hastened to a place called the Great Meadows, cleared away the bushes, threw up an entrenchment, and prepared, as he expressed it, " a charming field for an encounter." He then mounted some of the soldiers on wagon-horses, and sent them out to reconnoiter. They came back without having seen any traces of the enemy ; but the camp was alarmed in the night, the sentries fired, and all hands were kept under arms till morning. Mr. Gist came to the camp, also, and reported that a French detachment, consisting of fifty men had been at his settlement the day before, and that he had observed their tracks within five miles of the Great Meadows. The approach of the French, Avith hostile designs, w^as now deemed certain ; and the best preparation was made to receive them, which circumstances would per- mit. In the meantime, about nine o'clock at night, another express came from the Half-King, who was then with a party of his warriors about six miles from the camp, stating that he had seen the tracks of two Frenchmen, and that the whole detachment was near that place. Colonel Washington immediately put him- self at the head of forty men, leaving the rest to guard the camp, and set off to join the Half-King. The night was dark, the rain fell in torrents, the paths through the woods were narrow and intricate, and the soldiers often lost their way, groping in the bushes, and clam- bering over rocks and fallen trees. The whole night was passed in the march, and they 38 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. got to the Indian encampment just before sunrise. A council was held with Tanacharison and his chief war- riors, and it Avas agreed that they should march in con- cert against the French. Two Indians went out to as- certain the position of the enemy, which was discov- ered to be in an obscure retreat, surrounded by rocks, half a mile from the road. The plan of attack was then formed. Colonel Washington and his men Avere to advance on the right, and the Indians on the left. The march w^as pursued in single file, according to the Indian manner, till they came so near as to be discov- ered by the French, who instantly seized their arms and put themselves in an attitude of defense. At this moment the firing commenced on both sides. A smart skirmish ensued, Avhich was kept up for a quarter of an hour, when the French ceased to resist. M. de Juraonville, the commander of the French party, and ten of his men were killed. Twenty-two were taken prisoners, one of Avhom was wounded. A Cana- dian made his escape during the action. One of Colo- nel Washington's men Avas killed, and tAVO or three Avere wounded. No harm happened to the Indians, as the enemy's fire A\^as directed chiefly against the Eng- lish. This event occurred on the 28th of May. The prisoners were conducted to the Great Meadows, and thence under a guard to Governor DinAviddie. Ko transaction in the life of Washington has been so much misrepresented, or so little understood as this skirmish with Jumonville. It being the first conflict of arms in the Avar, a notoriety Avas given to it, par- ticularly in Europe, altogether disproportion ed to its importance. War had not yet been declared be- tvreen Great Britain and France, and indeed the dip- lomats on both sides were making great professions of friendship. It was the policy of each nation to exag- gerate the proceedings of the other on their colonial ^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 39 frontiers, and to make them a handle for recrimina- tion and complaints, by throwing upon the adverse party the blame of committing the first acts of aggres- sion. Hence, when the intelligence of the skirmish with Jumonville got to Paris, it was officially published by the government in connection with a memoir and various papers, and his death was called a murder. It was said, that, while bearing a summons as a civil messenger without any hostile intentions, he was way- laid and assassinated. The report was industriously circulated, and gained credence with the multitude. M. Thomas, a poet and scholar of repute, seized the occasion to write an epic, entitled " Jumonmlle^'^ in which he tasked his invention to draw a tragical picture of the fate of his hero. The fabric of the story and the incidents were alike fictitious. But the tale passed from fiction to history, and to this day it is repeated by the French historians, who in other respects render justice to the character of Washington, and who can find no other apology for this act, than his youth and inexperience, and the ferocity of his men. The mistakes of the French writers were not un- known to Washington ; but, conscious of having acted in strict conformity with his orders and military usage, he took no pains to correct them, except in a single letter to a friend, written several years afterwards, which related mostly to the errors in the French ac- count of the subsequent action of the Great Meadows. Unfortunately all his correspondence and the other papers which he wrote during this campaign were lost the next year at the battle of the Monongahela ; and he was thus deprived of the only authentic materials, that could be used for explanation and defense. The most important of these papers have recently been found, and they afford not only a complete vindication of the conduct of Colonel Washington in this affair, but 40 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. show that it met with the unqualified approbation of the governor and legislature of Virginia, and of the British ministry. It is true that Jumonville was the bearer of a sum- mons ; but this was unknown to Colonel Washington, nor did the mode in which the former approached the English camp indicate that he came on an errand of peace. He was at the head of an armed force, he sent out spies in advance, concealed himself and his party two days in an obscure place near the camp, and des- patched messengers with intelligence to his commander at the fort. These were strong evidences of a hostile intention ; and, had Colonel Washington not regarded them in that light, he would have been justly censur- able for ignorance or neglect of duty. The summons itself was by no means conciliatory, and, if Colonel Washington, had actually known, that the French officer had such a paper in his pocket, he could not properly do otherwise than he did, under the circumstances in which M. de Jumonville chose to place himself. It warned the English to retire below the Alleghanies, and threatened compulsory measures if it should not be obeyed. The presumption was, that the summons was only a feint, in case the party should be captured, and that Jumonville was to remain con- cealed, and wait for reinforcements, after he had recon- noitered the English camp, and ascertained its strength. If such were not the object, the consequences are justly chargeable on the indiscretion of M. de Jumonville in the extraordinary mode of conducting his enterprise. The labors and dangers of the field were not the only troubles, with which Colonel Washington at this time had to contend. By an ill-timed parsimony, the pay of the oflBcers was reduced so low as to create murmurs and discontent throughout the camp. Com- plaints grew loud and vehement, acompanied with JET. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4| threats to resign and leave the army to its fate. Un- der this pressure the character of Washington shone with the same purity and luster, that often distin- guished it afterwards on similar trying occasions. In his letters to the governor he assumed a firm and manly tone, demanded for himself and his associates an allowance equal to that received by the King's troops, and deprecated the idea of being placed upon a foot- ing, which should imply an inferiority in rank, or in the value of their services. While he took this high stand in defending the just claims of the officers, he endeavored to calm their feel- ings, and reconcile them to their condition, by appeals to their honor and the obligations of duty. *'I have communicated your sentiments to the other officers," said he to the governor, " and, as far as I could put on the hypocrite, set forth the advantages that may ac- crue, and advised them to accept the terms, as a re- fusal might reflect dishonor upon their character, leav- ing it to the world to assign what reason it pleases for their quitting the service." And again : " I consid- ered the pernicious consequences that would attend a disunion, and was therefore too much attached to my country's interests to suffer it to ripen." In this way he concealed his uneasiness, and tranquilized the minds of his officers, although he felt the wrongs they suffered, and approved the spirit that would not tamely submit to them. As to himself, it was not so much the smallness of the pay, that gave him concern, as the indignity and injustice of having his services estimated at a lower rate, than in the British establishment, when in reality no service could be more severe and hazardous, or prom- ise less of glory, than the one in which he was engaged. " Now if we could be fortunate enough," said he, " to drive the French from the Ohio, as far as your Honor 42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1754. would please to have them sent, in any short time, our pay will not be sufficient to discharge our first ex- penses. I would not have you imagine from this, that I have said all these things to have our pay increased, but to justify myself, and to show you that our com- plaints are not frivolous but founded on strict reason. For my own part, it is a matter almost indiiferent, whether I serve for full pay, or as a generous volunteer. Indeed, did my circumstances correspond with m}'- in- clinations, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter ; for the motives that have led me here are pure and noble. I had no view of acquisition, but that of honor by serving ray King and country." In this declaration, uttered in the sincerity of his heart, we perceive the principles, the eminent virtues, that dic- tated every act of his public life. Colonel Fry having died suddenly at Will's Creek, while on his way to join the army, the chief command devolved on Colonel AYashington. Recruits were brought forward by Major Muse. The ISTorth Carolina troops, to the number of about three hundred and fifty, led by Colonel Innes, arrived at Winchester. The governor was then in that town, holding a council with Indians, and he appointed Innes commander of the expedition, but confirmed Colonel Washington's command of the Virginia regiment. The appointment of Innes was an unpopular measure in Virginia, as he was from another colony ; and the governor was accused of partiality for an old friend and countryman, both he and Innes being Scotchmen by birth. Ko ill consequences ensued. Neither Colonel Innes nor his troops advanced beyond Win- chester. To promote enlistments the men were ex- travagantly paid ; and, when the money raised by the Assembly of Korth Carolina for their support was ex- pended, they dispersed of their own accord. An In- ^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43 dependent Company from South Carolina, consisting of one hundred men under Captain Mackay, arrived at the Great Meadows. Two companies from ^ew York landed at Alexandria, and marched to the inte- rior, but not in time to overtake or succor the army in advance. 44 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. CHAPTER Y. Fort Necessity.— Indians.— Movements of the Army.- Battle of the Great Jleadows.- Vote of Thanks by the House of Burgesses.— Washington disap- proves the Governor's Measures and resigns his Commission. It was foreseen bj Colonel Washington, that, when the French at Fort Duquesne should get the news of Juraonville's defeat, a strong detachment would be sent out against him. As a preparation for this event, he set all his men at w^ork to enlarge the intrenchment at the Great Meadows, and erect palisades. To the structure thus hastily thrown up he gave the name of Fort Necessity. The Indians, who leaned to the English interest, fled before the French and flocked to the camp, bringing along their wives and children, and putting them under his protection. Among them came Tanacharison and his people, Queen Aliquippa and her son, and other persons of distinction, till between forty and flfty families gathered around him, and laid his magazine of supplies under a heavy contribution. The forces at the Great Meadows, including Captain Mackay's company, had now increased to about four hundred men. But a new difficulty arose, which threatened disagreeable consequences. Captain Mac- kay had a royal commission, which in his opinion put him above the authority of Colonel Washington, who w^as a colonial officer, commissioned by the Governor of Virginia. He v/as a man of mild and gentlemanly manners, and no personal differences interrupted the harmony between them; but still he declined receiving the orders of the colonel, and his company occupied a ^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 45 separate encampTnent. At this crisis, when an attack was daily expected, and w^hen a perfect union of design and action was essential, such a state of things was so unpropitious, that Colonel Washington wrote earnestly to the governor to settle the controversy by a positive order under his own hand. The governor hesitated, because he was not sure, that Captain Mackay's pre- tensions were inconsistent with the rule adopted by the ministry, namely, that all officers with King's commis- sions should take rank of those commissioned in the colonies. To avoid altercation, and prevent the contagious example of disobedience from infecting the troops, Colonel Washington resolved to advance with a large part of his army, and, if not obstructed by the enemy, to go on by the shortest route to the Monongahela Eiver. Captain Mackay's company was left at Fort Necessity, as a guard to that post. The road was to be cleared and leveled for artillery carriages ; and the process was so laborious, that it took two weeks to effect a passage through the gorge of the mountains to Gist's settlement, a distance of only thirteen miles. The Indians were troublesome w4th their speeches, councils, and importunities for presents, particularly a party from the interior, who feigned friendship, but who were discovered to be spies from the French. Due vigilance was practised, and scouts were kept abroad, even as far as the neighborhood of Fort Du- quesne, so that the first motions of the enemy might be detected. It was at length told by French deserters and In- dians, that Fort Duquesne was reinforced by troops from Canada, and that a strong detachment would shortly march against the English. A council of war being called, it was at first thought best to make a stand, and wait the approach of the enemy at Gist's 46 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754, plantation. An intrenchment for defense was begun, Captain Mackay was requested to come forward with his company, and the scouting parties were ordered to return to the camp. Captain Mackay promptly joined the advanced division ; and another council decided, that the enemy's force was so large, as to leave no reasonable hope of a successful resistance, and that a retreat was necessary. In the face of many obstacles this determination was executed. The horses were few and weak, and a severe service was imposed on the men, Avho were obliged to bear heavy burdens, and drag nine swivels over a broken road. Colonel Washington set a worthy ex- ample to his officers, by lading his horse with public stores, going on foot, and paying the soldiers a reward for carrying his baggage. In two days they all got back to the Great Meadows. It was not the intention at first to halt at this place, but the men had become so much fatigued from great labor, and a deficiency of provisions, that they could draw the swivels no further, nor carry the baggage on their backs. They had been eio^ht davs without bread, and at the Great Meadows they found only a few bags of flour. It was thought advisable to wait here, therefore, and fortify themselves in the best manner they could, till they should receive supplies and reinforcements. They had heard of the arrival at Alexandria, of two Independent Companies from New York twenty days before, and it was pre- sumed they must by this time have reached Will's Creek. An express was sent to hasten them on, with as much despatch as possible. Meantime Colonel Washington set his men to felling trees, and carrying logs to the fort, with a view to raise a breastwork, and enlarge and strengthen the fortification in the best manner, that circumstances would permit. The space of ground, called the Great ^T. 22.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47 MeadoNYs, is a level bottom, through which passes a small creek, and is surrounded by hills of a moderate and gradual ascent. This bottom, or glade, is entirely level, covered with long grass and small bushes, and varies in width. At the point v/here the fort stood, it is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, from the base of one hill to that of the opposite. The position of the fort was well chosen, being about one hundred yards from the upland, or wooded ground, on the one side, and one hundred and fifty on the other, and so situated on the margin of the creek, as to afford an easy access to water. At one point the high ground comes within sixty yards of the fort, and this was the nearest distance to which an enemy could approach under the shelter of trees. The outlines of the fort were still visible, when the spot was visited by the writer in 1830, occupying an irregular square, the di- mensions of which were about one hundred feet on each side. One of the angles was prolonged further than the others, for the purpose of reaching the water in the creek. On the west side, next to the nearest wood, were three entrances, protected by short breastworks, or bastions. The remains of a ditch, stretching round the south and west sides, were also distinctly seen. The site of this fort, named Fort Necessity from the circumstances attending its original use, is three or four hundred yards south of what is now called the National Koad, four miles from the foot of Laurel Hill, and fifty miles from Cumberland at Will's Creek. On the 3d of July, early in the morning, an alarm was received from a sentinel, who had been wounded by the enemy ; and at nine o'clock intelligence came, that the whole body of the enemy, amounting, as was reported, to nine hundred men, was only four miles off. At eleven o'clock they approached the fort, and began to fire, at the distance of six hundred yards, but with^ 48 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. out effect. Colonel Washington had drawn up his men on the open and level ground outside of the trenches, waiting for the attack, which he presumed would be made as soon as the enemy's forces emerged from the woods ; and he ordered his men to reserve their fire, till they should be near enough to do execution. The distant firing was supposed to be a stratagem to draw Washington's men into the woods, and thus to take them at a disadvantage. He suspected the design, and maintained his post till he found the French did not incline to leave the woods, and attack the fort by an assault, as he supposed they would, considering their superiority of numbers. He then drew his men back within the trenches, and gave them orders to fire according to their discretion, as suitable opportunities might present themselves. The French and Indians remained on the side of the rising ground, which was nearest to the fort, and, sheltered by the trees, kept up a brisk fire of musketry, but never appeared in the open plain below. The rain fell heavily through the day, the trenches were filled with water, and many of the arms of Colonel Washington's men were out of order, and used with difficulty. In this way the battle continued from eleven o'clock in the morning till eight at night, when the French called and requested a parley. Suspecting this to be a feint to procure the admission of an ofiicer into the fort, that he might discover their condition. Colonel Washington at first declined listening to the proposal ; but when the call was repeated, with the additional request that an officer might be sent to them, engag- ing at the same time their parole for his safety, he sent out Captain Yanbraam, the only person under his com- mand, that could speak French, except the Chevalier de Peyrouny, an ensign in the Virginia regiment, who was dangerously wounded, and disabled from render- JET, 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4/^ ing any service on this occasion. Yanbraara returned, and brought with him from M. de Yilliers, the French commander, proposed articles of capitulation. These he read and pretended to interpret, and, some changes having been made by mutual agreement, both parties signed them about midnight. By the terms of the capitulation, the whole garrison was to retire, and return without molestation to the inhabited parts of the country ; and the French com- mander promised, that no embarrassment should be interposed, either by his own men or the savages. The English were to take away everything in their pos- session, except their artillery, and to march out of the fort the next morning with the honors of war, their drums beating and colors flying. As the French had killed all the horses and cattle. Colonel Washington had no means of transporting his heavy baggage and stores ; and it Avas conceded to him, that his men might con- ceal their effects, and that a guard might be left to protect them, till horses could be sent up to take them awav. Colonel ^Yashino:ton a2:reed to restore the prisoners, who had been taken at the skirmish with Ju- monville ; and, as a surety for this article, two hostages, Captain Yanbraam and Captain Stobo, were deliv- ered up to the French, and were to be retained till the prisoners should return. It was moreover agreed, that the party capitulating should not attempt to build any more establishments at that place, or beyond the mountains, for the space of a year. Early the next morning Colonel Washington began to march from the fort in good order ; but he had pro- ceeded only a short distance, when a body of one hun- dred Indians, being a reinforcement to the French, came upon him, and could hardly be restrained from attacking his men. They pilfered the baggage and did other mischief. He marched forward, however, 4 50 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. with as much speed as possible in the weakened and encumbered condition of his army, there being no other mode of conveying the wounded men and the baggage, than on the soldiers' backs. As the pro- visions were nearly exhausted, no time was to be lost : and, leaving much of the baggage behind, he hastened to Will's Creek, where all the necessary supplies were in store. Thence Colonel Washington and Captain Mackay proceeded to Williamsburg, and communicated in person to Governor Dinwiddle the events of the campaign. The exact number of men engaged in the action cannot be ascertained. According to a return made out by Colonel Washington himself, the Virginia regi- ment consisted of three hundred and five, including officers, of whom twelve were killed and forty-three wounded. Captain Mackay's company was supposed to contain about one hundred, but the number of killed and wounded is not known. The Independent Com- panies from JSTew York did not reach the army before the action. The conduct of the commander and of the troops was highly approved by tlie governor and Council, and received merited applause from the public. As soon as the House of Burgesses assembled, they passed a vote of thanks to Colonel Washington and his officers " for their bravery and gallant defense of their country.'" A pistole was granted from the public treasury to each of the soldiers. Thus commenced the military career of Washington, and thus ended his first campaign. Although as yet a youth, with small experience, unskilled in war, and re- lying on his own resources, he had behaved with the prudence, address, courage, and firmness of a veteran commander. Eigid in discipline, but sharing the hard- ships and solicitous for the welfare of his soldiers, he Mt. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 51 had secured their obedience and won their esteem amidst privations, sufferings, and perils that have seldom been surpassed. Notwithstanding the late discomfiture, Governor Dinwiddie's ardor did not abate. It was indeed a foible with him, that his zeal outstripped his knowl- edge and discretion. Wholly ignorant of military affairs, he undertook to organize the army, prescribe rules, issue orders, form plans of operation, and manage the details. Hence frequent blunders and confusion. Colonel Washington rejoined his regiment, which had marched by way of Winchester to Alexandria. He there received orders to fill up the companies by en- listments, and lead them without delay to Will's Creek, where Colonel Innes was employed in building Fort Cumberland, Avith a remnant of the North Carolina troops, and the three independent companies, that had come to Virginia from South Carolina and New York. It was the governor's project, that the united forces should immediately cross the Alleghanies, and drive the French from Fort Duquesne, or build another fort be- yond the mountains. Astonished that such a scheme should be contem- plated, at a season of the year when the mountains would be rendered impassable by the snows and rigor of the climate, and with an army destitute of supplies,, feeble in numbers, and worn down by fatigue. Colonel Washington wrote a letter of strong remonstrance to a member of the governor's Council, representing the absurdity and even impossibility of such an enterprise. His regiment was reduced by death, wounds, and sick- ness. He was ordered to obtain recruits, but not a farthing of money had been provided. He was ordered to march, but his men had neither arms, tents, ammu- nition, clothing, nor provisions, sufficient to enable them to take the field, and no means existed for pro- 52 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1764. curing them. It is enough to say, that the scheme was abandoned. The governor was destined to struggle with diffi- culties, and to have his hopes defeated. The Assembly were so perverse, as not to yield to all his demands, and he never ceased to complain of their " republican way of thinking," and to deplore their want of respect for the authority of his office and the prerogative of the crown. He had lately prorogued them, as a pun- ishment for their obstinacy, and written to the ministry, that the representatives of the people seemed to him infatuated, and that he was satisfied *' the progress of the French would never be effectually opposed, but by means of an act of Parliament to compel the colonies to contribute to the common cause independently of assemblies." When the buro:esses came too:ether ag^ain, however, he was consoled by their good nature in granting twenty thousand pounds for the public serv- ice; and he soon received ten thousand pounds in specie from the government in England for the same object. Thus encouraged he formed new plans, and, as the gift of ten thousand pounds was under his control, he could appropriate it as he pleased. He enlarged the army to ten companies, of one hundred men each, and put the whole upon the establishment of independent companies, by which the highest officers in the Virginia regiment would be captains, and even these inferior to officers of the same rank holding King's commissions. The effect was to reduce Colonel Washington to the rank of captain, and put him under officers whom he had commanded. Such a degradation, of course, was not to be submitted to by a high-minded man. He re- signed his commission, and retired from the army. Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, soon after received an appointment from the King as commander-in-chief Mt. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 58 of the forces employed to act against the French. Knowing Colonel Washington's character, and the im- portance of his aid, Governor Sharpe solicited him, by a letter from himself and another from one of his officers, to resume his station. It was intimated, that he might hold his former commission. " This idea," said Washington in reply, " has filled me with surprise ; for, if you think me capable of holding a commission, that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must entertain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me to be more empty than the commission itself." He promptly declined the invita- tion, and added : " I shall have the consolation of know- ing, that I have opened the way, when the smallness of our numbers exposed us to the attacks of a superior enemy ; and that I have had the thanks of my country for the services I have rendered." Thus sustained within himself, neither seeking re- dress nor venting complaints, he passed the winter in retirement. He acknowledged his partiality, however, for the profession of arms, and his ambition to acquire experience and skill in the military art. 'Nor did he wait long for an opportunity to gratify his wishes. 54 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. CHAPTEK YI. Engasres in the Expedition under General Braddock.— Difficulties encountered by the Army in its March.— Battle of the Monongahela.— Its disastrous Re- sults.— Bravery and good Conduct of Colonel Washington in that Action.— His prudent Advice to General Braddock. Early in the spring, General Braddock landed in Virginia, with two regiments of regular troops from Great Britain, which it was supposed w^ould bear down all opposition, and drive back the intruding French to Canada. The people were elated with joy, and already the war on the frontier seemed hastening to an end. Colonel Washington acceded to a request from General Braddock to take part in the campaign as one of his military family, in which he would re- tain his former rank, and the objections on that score would be obviated. His views on the subject w^ere explained, with a be- coming frankness and elevation of mind, in a letter to a friend. " I may be allowed," said he, " to claim some merit, if it is considered that the sole motive, which invites me to the field, is the laudable desire of serving my country, not the gratification of any am- bitious or lucrative plans. This, I flatter myself, will manifestly appear by my going as a volunteer without expectation of reward or prospect of obtaining a com- mand, as I am confidently assured it is not in General Braddock's power to give me a commission that I would accept." Again, " If there is any merit in my case, I am unwilling to hazard it among my friends, wdthout this exposition of facts, as they might conceive that some advantageous offers had engaged my ser- vices, when, in reality, it is otherwise, for I expect to Mt. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 55 be a considerable loser in my private affairs by going. It is true I have been importuned to make this cam- paign by General Braddock, as a member of his family, he conceiving, I suppose, that the small knowledge I have had an opportunity of acquiring of the country and the Indians is worthy of his notice, and may be use- ful to him in the progress of the expedition." In- fluenced by these honorable and generous motives, he accepted the offer, and prepared to engage in the ser- vice as a volunteer. Several companies of Braddock's two regiments were cantoned at Alexandria, at which place the com- mander himself met the governors of five colonies, in order to concert a general scheme of military opera- tions. Colonel Washington was introduced to these gentlemen ; and the manner in which he was received by them gave a flattering testimony of the considera- tion, Avhich his name and character had already in- spired. With the deportment and civilities of Governor Shirley he was particularly pleased. General Braddock marched to the interior, and was overtaken by Colonel Washington at Winchester, when the latter assumed the station and duties of aid- de-camp. The troops followed in divisions by different routes, and all assembled at Will's Creek. Here the general was disappointed, vexed, and thrown into paroxysms of ill humor, at not finding in readiness the horses and wagons, which had been promised, and on which he depended for transporting the baggage, tents, provisions, and artillery beyond that post. The contractors had proved faithless, either from neglect or inabilit3^ The embarrassment was at last removed by the patriotic zeal and activity of Franklin. Being post- master-general of the provinces, he visited the com- mander during his march, with the view of devising 56 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. some plan to facilitate the transmission of the mail to and from the army. On certain conditions he agreed to procure one hundred and fifty wagons, and the requisite number of horses. By prompt exertions, and by his influence among the farmers of Pennsyl- vania, he obtained them all and sent them to Will's Creek. This act was praised by General Braddock in a letter to the ministry ; but he passed a severe censure upon the authorities of the country by adding, " that it was the only instance of address and integrity, which he had seen in the provinces." While these preparations were in progress. Colonel Washington was sent on a mission to Williamsburg to procure money for the military chest. The trust was executed with despatch and success. On return- ing to camp he found that a detachment of five hun- dred men had marched in advance ; and all the troops were immediately put in motion, except a small party left as a guard at Fort Cumberland. The scene was new to the general and his officers, and obstacles pre- sented themselves at ever}^ step, which they had not anticipated. The roughness of the road made it im- possible for the usual number of horses to drag the wagons, loaded as they were, not only with the supplies and munitions, but with superfluous baggage, and the camp equipage of the officers ; and they were obliged to double the teams, thus detaining the whole train of wagons, till those in front were forced along by this tedious process. It was soon apparent, that, with these hindrances, the season might be consumed in crossing the moun- tains. A council of war was resorted to ; but before it met, the general privately asked the opinion of Colonel Washington. '^ I urged him," said he, " in the warm- est terms I was able, to push forward, if he even did it with a small but chosen band, with such artillery ^T. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 57 and light stores as were necessary, leaving the heavy artillery and baggage with the rear division to follow by slow and easy marches, w^hich they might do safely while we were advancing in front." His reason for pressing this measure was, that, from the best advices, an accession of force was shortly expected at Fort Daquesne, and that it was of the utmost moment to make the attack before such an event should occur. It was moreover important to divide the army, be- cause the narrowness of the road, and the difficulty of getting the wagons along, caused it to be stretched into a line four miles in length, by which the soldiers were so much scattered, that they might be attacked and routed at any point, even by small partier, before a proper force could be brought to their support. These suggestions prevailed in the council, and were approved by the general. The army was separated into two divisions. Braddock led the advanced divi- sion of twelve hundred men lightly equipped, taking only such carriages and articles as were absolutely essential. Colonel Dunbar, with the residue of the army, about six hundred, remained in the rear. At this time Colonel Washington was seized with a raging fever, which was so violent as to alarm the ph3^sician ; and, as an act of humanity, the general ordered him to proceed no further, till the danger was over ; Avith a solemn pledge, that he should be brought up to the front of the army before it should reach the French fort. Consigned to a wagon, and to the physi- cian's care, he continued with the rear division nearly two Aveeks, when he was enabled to be moved forward by slow stages, but not without much pain from weak- ness and the jolting of the vehicle. He overtook the general at the mouth of the Youghiogany Biver, fif- teen miles from Fort Duquesne, the evening before th^ battle of the Monongahela, 58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. The officers and soldiers were now in the highest spirits, and firm in the conviction, that they should within a few hours victoriously enter the walls of Fort Duquesne. The steep and rugged grounds, on the north side of the Monongahela, prevented the army from marching in that direction, and it was necessary in approaching the fort, now about fifteen miles dis- tant, to ford the river twice, and march a part of the way on the south side. Early on the morning of the 9tb, all things were in readiness, and the whole train passed through the river a little below the mouth of the Youghiogany, and proceeded in perfect order along the southern margin of the Monongahela. Washing- ton w^as often heard to say during his lifetime, that the most beautiful spectacle he had ever beheld was the display of the British troops on this eventful morning. Every man was neatly dressed in full uni- form, the soldiers were arranged in columns and marched in exact order, the sun gleamed from their burnished arms, the river flowed tranquilly on their right, and the deep forest overshadowed them with solemn grandeur on their left. Officers and men were equally inspirited with cheering hopes and confident anticipations. In this manner they marched forward till about noon, when they arrived at the second crossing-place, ten miles from Fort Duquesne. They halted but a little time, and then began to ford the river and regain its northern bank. As soo^n as they had crossed, they came upon a level plain, elevated only a few feet above the surface of the river, and extending northward nearly half a mile from its margin. Then commenced a gradual ascent at an angle of about three degrees, which terminated in hills of a considerable height at no great distance beyond. The road from the fording- place to Fort Duquesne led across the plain and up Mr. 28.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON; 59 this ascent, and thence proceeded through an uneven country, at that time covered with woods. By the order of march, a body of three hundred men, under Colonel Gage, made the advanced party, which was immediately followed by another of two hundred. Next came the general with the columns of artillery, the main body of the army, and the baggage. At one o'clock the whole had crossed the river, and almost at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon the advanced parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had proceeded about a hundred yards from the termination of the plain. A heavy discharge of musketry was poured in upon their front, which was the first intelligence they had of the proximity of an enemy, and this was suddenly followed by another on the right flank. They were filled with the greater consternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing seemed to proceed from an invisible foe. They fired in their turn, however, but quite at random, and obvi- ously without effect. The general hastened forward to the relief of the advanced parties ; but before he could reach the spot which they occupied, they gave way and fell back upon the artillery and the other columns of the army, causing extreme confusion, and striking the whole mass with such a panic, that no order could afterwards be restored. The general and the officers behaved with the utmost courage, and used every effort to rally the men, and bring them to order, but all in vain. In this state they continued nearly three hours, huddling together in confused bodies, firing irregularly, shooting down their own officers and men, and doing no per- ceptible harm to the enemy. The Virginia provincials were the only troops who seemed to retain their senses, and they behaved with a bravery and resolution worthy of a better fate. They adopted the Indian mode, and 60 LIFE OF WASHINaTOK. [1755. fought each man for himself behind a tree. This was prohibited by the general, who endeavored to form his men into platoons and columns, as if they had been maneuvering on the plains of Flanders. Meantime the French and Indians, concealed in the ravines and be- hind trees, kept up a deadly and unceasing discharge of musketry, singling out their objects, taking delib- erate aim, and producing a carnage almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare. More than half of the whole army, which had crossed the river in so proud an array only three hours before, were killed or wounded. The general himself received a mortal wound, and many of his best officers fell by his side. During the whole of the action, as reported by an officer who witnessed his conduct. Colonel "Washington behaved with " the greatest courage and resolution." Captains Orme and Morris, the two other aides-de- camp, were wounded and disabled, and the duty of distributing the general's orders devolved on him alone. He rode in eve'ry direction, and was a conspicuous mark for the enemy's sharpshooters. " By the all- powerful dispensations of Providence," said he, in a letter to his brother, " I have been protected beyond all human probability or expectation ; for I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet I escaped unhurt, although death was leveling ni}^ companions on every side of me." So bloody a contest has rarely been witnessed. The number of officers in the engagement was eighty-six, of whom twenty -six were killed, and thirty-seven wounded. The killed and wounded of the privates amounted to seven hundred and fourteen. On the other hand, the enemy's loss was small. Their force amounted at least to eight hundred and fifty men, of whom six hun- dred were Indians. According to the returns, not more than forty were killed. They fought in deep ^T. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 61 rayines, concealed bj the bushes, and the balls of the English passed over their heads. The remnant of Braddock's army being put to flight, and having recrossed the river, Colonel Wash- ington hastened to meet Colonel Dunbar, and order up horses and wagons for the wounded. Three days were occupied in retreating to Gist's plantation. The enemy did not pursue them. Satiated with carnage and plunder, the Indians could not be tempted from the battle-field, and the French were too few to act without their aid. The unfortunate general, dying of his wounds, was transported first in a tumbril, then on a horse, and at last was carried by the soldiers. He expired the fourth day after the battle, and was buried in the road near Fort ISTecessity. A new panic seized the troops ; disorder and confusion reigned ; the artillery was destroyed; the public stores and heavy baggage were burnt, no one could tell by whose orders ; nor were discipline and tranquillity restored till the straggling and bewildered companies arrived at Fort Cumberland. Colonel Washington, no longer connected with the service, and debilitated by his late illness, stayed there a few days to regain strength, and then returned to Mount Yernon. Such was the termination of an enterprise, one of the most memorable in American history, and almost unparalleled for its disasters, and the universal disap- pointment and consternation it occasioned. Notwith- standing its total and even disgraceful failure, the bit- ter invectives everywhere poured out against its principal conductors, and the reproaches heaped upon the memory of its ill-fated commander, yet the fame and character of Washington were greatly enhanced by it. His intrepidity and good conduct were lauded by his companions in arms, and proclaimed from province to province. Contrary to his will, and in 62 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. spite of his efforts, lie had gathered laurels from the defeat and ruin of others. Had the expedition been successful, these laurels would have adorned the brow of his superiors. It might have been said of him, that he had done his duty, and acquitted himself honorably ; but he could not have been the prominent and single object of public regard ; nor could he, by a long series of common events, have risen to so high an eminence, or acquired in so wide a sphere the admiration and confi- dence of the people. For himself, for his country, for mankind, therefore, this catastrophe, in appearance so calamitous and so deeply deplored at the time, should unquestionabh^ be considered as a wise and beneficent dispensation of Providence. It was known that he gave prudent counsel to General Braddock, which was little heeded. During the march, a body of Indians offered their services, which, at the earnest recommendation and request of Washington, were accepted, but in so cold a manner, and the Indians were treated with so much neglect, that they withdrew one after another in disgust. On the evening preceding the action, they came again to camp, and renewed their offer. Again Colonel Wash- ington interposed, and urged the importance of these men as scouts and out-guards, their knowledge of the ground, and skill in fighting among woods. Relying on the prowess of his regular troops, and disdaining such allies, the general peremptorily refused to receive them, in a tone not more decided than ungracious. Had a scouting party of a dozen Indians preceded the army after it crossed the Monongahela, they would have detected the enemy in the ravines, and reversed the fortunes of the day. General Braddock was a brave man and an ex- perienced officer ; but, arrogant and obstinate, he had the weakness, at all times a folly and in his case an JET. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 63 iafatuation, to despise his enemy. Ignorant of the country, of the mode of warfare in which he was enoiged, and of the force opposed to him, he refused counsel, neglected precautions, and thus lost his life. 64 i^'E OF WASHINGTON. [1755. CHAPTER YIL Colonel Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the Virginia Forces.— Distresses of the Frontier Inhabitants.— Difficulties with an Officer.— holding a King's Commission concerning Rank.— Washington visits General Shirley at Boston upon this Subject.— His Claim confirmed.- -Returns and repairs to his Headquarters at Winchester.— Embarrassments of his Situation.— Testimonies of Confidence in his Character and Ability. Although Colonel Washington retired to a private station at Mount Yernon, he did not neglect his duties to the public. Still holding the office of adjutant- general of the militia, he circulated orders for them to assemble at certain times and places to be exercised and reviewed. So much were the inhabitants alarmed at the recent successes of the enemy, that their martial spirit received a new impulse, and volunteer companies beo^an to be oro^anized. Their ardor was stimulated from the pulpit, and it was in a sermon to one of these companies, that the accomplished and eloquent Samuel Da vies pronounced the celebrated encomium in a single sentence, which has often been quoted as prophetic. After praising the zeal and courage, which had been shown by the Virginia troops, the preacher added: " As a remarkable instance of this, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, \vhom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country." This was but the echo of the general voice, and it is a proof of the high estimation in which the character of Washington was at this time held by his countrymen, and of the hopes it had raised. Another and more substantial proof soon followed. The Yirginia legislature voted forty thousand pounds ^T. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^5 for the public service, and enlarged their regiment to sixteen companies. Three hundred pounds were like- wise granted to Colonel Washington, and proportional sums to the other officers and privates, " for their gallant behavior and losses" at the battle of the Monongahela. While the bill was pending, his friends in the Assembly wrote to him, urging his attendance at Williamsburg, and expressing their wishes, that he might be appointed to the command of the army under its new organization. Interest was made for another person, which was known to be countenanced by the governor's predilections. To these letters, and partic- ularly to one from his elder brother, then a member of the Assembly, he replied in language worthy of himself, dignified, disinterested, firm. He said that he had served two campaigns, besides performing a perilous journey, had suffered much in his health and affairs, had been deprived of his commission in a way to wound his feelings, had gone out and fought as a volunteer, and that the result of the whole was vexation and disappointment. He added, however, "I am always willing and ready to render my country any services that I am capable of, but never upon the terms I have done." He did not absolutely refuse to accept the command, if it should be offered, but said he would not seek what he did not covet, nor be thought to solicit what he would receive only as voluntarily bestowed by his countrymen. Standing on this high ground, he prescribed several conditions as essential ; among others, a voice in choosing his officers, a better system of military regulations, more promptness in paying the troops, and a thorough reform, inducing activity and method, in all the departments for procur- ing supplies. No one, probably, was more surprised than himself, 5 66 LIFE OF WASHINaTOK. [1755. that all his requisitions should be complied with. The appointment was confirmed in the fullest latitude of his demands, with the additional privilege of an aid- de-camp and secretary. He had been at home but four weeks when he was called to Williamsburg to re- ceive his instructions and make arrangements for organ- izing the new army. Public opinion had subdued the governor's partiality for another candidate, and he acquiesced with apparent satisfaction. In a letter to the ministry, he spoke of Colonel "Washington as " a man of great merit and resolution," adding, "I am convinced, if General Braddock had survived, he would have recommended him to the royal favor, which I beg your interest in recommending." How far the minister's interest was effectual is uncertain ; but no royal favor to Washington ever crossed the Atlantic. Being now established in a command of high re- sponsibility, he applied himself to the discharge of its duties with his accustomed energy and circumspection. Lieutenant-Colonel Adam Stephen and Major Andrew Lewis were the field-officers next in rank. His head- quarters were fixed at Winchester. After putting affairs in train, sending out recruiting officers, and re- porting to the governor the state of the old regiment and estimates for the new, he performed a tour of in- spection among the mountains, visiting all the out- posts along the frontier from Fort Cumberland to Fort Dinwiddie, on Jackson's Eiver, giving the neces- sary orders, and obtaining, from personal observation, a knowledge of everything within the compass of his command. Scarcely was this service completed, when an express overtook him, on his way to Williamsburg, bringing intelligence that the Indians had broken into the back settlements, committed ravages and murders, and spread terror on every side. He hastened back to headquarters, called in the recruits, summoned Mt. 33.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON". 67 the militia to assemble, and ordered out such a force as he could muster to repel the ruthless invaders. The check was timely and effectual, but not such as to quiet the fears of the inhabitants, who flocked in families from their homes ; and so great was the panic that many of them continued their flight till they had crossed the Blue Ridge. There was a circumstance at this time connected with his command, which caused discontent both to himself 'And to his officers. At Fort Cumberland, was a Captain Dagworthy, commissioned by Governor Sharpe, who had under him a small company of Maryland troops. This person had held a royal commission in the last war, upon which he now plumed himself, refusing obedience to any provincial officer, however high in rank. Hence, whenever Colonel Washington was at Fort Cumberland, the Maryland captain would pay no regard to his orders. The example was mischievous, and kept the garrison in perpetual feuds and insubor- dination. The affair was laid in due form before Gov- ernor Dinwiddle, and his positive order in the case was requested. Not caring to venture Ills authority in deciding a doubtful question, the governor refrained from interference, but at the same time told Colonel Washington that the pretensions of Dagworthy were frivolous ; and he seemed not a little incensed, that a captain with thirty men should presume to dispute the rank of the commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces, who had been commissioned under his own hand. In short, he intimated to Colonel Washington, that Dag- worth}^ might be arrested, according to military usage, taking care, nevertheless, to give no order on the subject. This vacillation of the governor only increased the embarrassment. In the first place, the fort was in Maryland, and Dagworthy acted under the governor eS LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. of that colony, who was known to encourage his claim. Again, in General Braddock's time, Dagworthy, on the ground of his old commission, had been put above provincial oflBcers of higher rank. With these prece- dents before him, Colonel Washington did not choose to hazard an arrest, for which he might himself be called to account. He was prompt, however, in his de- termination, either to resign his commission, as he had formerly done for a similar reason, or to have this difficulty removed. As a last resort, it was proposed to refer the matter to General Shirley, now the commander-in-chief of his Majesty's armies in America ; and it was the request of the officers, that the petition should be presented by Colonel Washington in person. The proposal was approved by the governor, who consented to his ab- sence, and furnished him with letters to the General and other persons of distinction. Despatching orders to Colonel Stephen, who was left with the command of the Virginia troops, he made no delay in preparing for his departure. He com- menced his tour on the 4th of February, 1756. General Shirley was at Boston. A journey of five hundred miles was to be performed in the depth of winter. Attended by his aid-de-camp, Captain Mercer, and by Captain Stewart, he traveled the whole way on horse- back, pursuing the route through Philadelphia, New York, New London, and Rhode Island. He stopped several days in the principal cities, where his character, and the curiosity to see a person so renowned for his bravery and miraculous escape at Brad dock's defeat, procured for him much notice. He Avas politely re- ceived by General Shirley, who acceded to his petition in its fullest extent, giving a pointed order in writing, that Dagworthy should be subject to his command. The journey was advantageous in other respects. The ^T. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 69 plan of operations for the coming campaign was explained to him by the General ; and he formed ac- quaintances and acquired knowledge eminently useful to him at a future day. He was absent from Virginia seven weeks. While in 'New York, he was lodged and kindly entertained at the house of Mr. Beverley Robinson, between whom and himself an intimacy of friendship subsisted, wliich indeed continued without change, till severed by their opposite fortunes twenty years after- wards in the Revolution. It happened that Miss Mary Phillips, a sister of Mrs. Robinson, and a young lady of rare accomplishments, was an inmate in the family. The charms of this lady made a deep impression upon the heart of the Virginia Colonel. He went to Boston, returned, and was again welcomed to the hospitality of Mr. Robinson. He lingered there, till duty called him away ; but he was careful to intrust his secret to a confidential friend, whose letters kept him informed of every important event. In a few months intelligence came, that a rival was in the field, and that the con- sequences could not be answered for, if he delayed to renew his visits to New York. Whether time, the bustle of a camp, or the scenes of war, had moderated his admiration, or whether he despaired of success, is not known. He never saw the lady again, till she was married to that same rival. Captain Morris, his former associate in arms, and one of Braddock's aids-de- camp. He had before felt the influence of the tender passion. At the age of seventeen he Avas smitten by the graces of a fair one, whom he called a " Lowland beauty," and whose praises he recorded in glowing strains, while wandering with his surveyor's compass among the Alleghany Mountains. On that occasion he wrote de- sponding letters to a friend, and indited plaintive verses, 70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. but never ventured to reveal his emotions to the lady, who was unconsciously the cause of his pains. As the Assembly was to convene just at the time of his return, he hastened to Williamsburg, in order to mature a plan for employing the army during the summer. The idea of offensive operations was aban- doned at the outset, j^either artillery, engineers, nor the means of transportation necessary for such an object, could be procured. Penny si vania and Mary- land, aroused at last from their apathy, had appro- priated money for defense ; but, not inclined to unite with Virginia or each other in any concerted meas- ures, the}^ were contented to expend their substance in fortif3^ing their own borders. If a more liberal policy had predominated, if these colonies had smothered their local jealousies and looked only to their common interests, they might by a single combined effort have driven the French from the Ohio, and rested in quiet the remainder of the war. There being no hope of such a result, it was foreseen by the Virginians, that the most strenuous exertions would be requisite to defend tlie long line of their frontiers against the inroads of the savages. The Assembly readily came to a determination, there- fore, to augment the army to fifteen hundred men. A bill was enacted for drafting militia to supply the deficiency of recruits, and commissioners were ap- pointed to superintend the business, of whom the Speaker was chairman. These drafted men were to serve till December, to be incorporated into the army, and subjected to the military code. By an express clause in the law, they could not be marched out of the province. Colonel "Washington repaired to his headquarters at AVinchester. A few men only were stationed there, the regiment being mostly dispersed at different posts ^T. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Yl in the interior so situated as to afford the best protec- tion to the inhabitants. The enemy were on the alert. Scarcely a day passed without new accounts of Indian depredations and massacres. The scouting parties and even the forts w^ere attacked, and many of the soldiers and some of the bravest officers killed. So bold were the savages, that they committed robberies and murders within twenty miles of Winchester, and serious apprehensions were entertained for the safety of that place. Eumors were also circulated to the disparagement of the army, charging the officers wdth o^ross irregularities and neglect of duty, and indirectly throwing the blame upon the commander. A malicious person filled a gazette with tales of this sort, which seemed for the moment to receive public countenance. Conscious of having acted with the utmost vigilance, knowing the falsehood and wickedness of these slanders, and indignant at so base a maneuver to stain his character, it was his first impulse to retire from a station, in w^hich patriotism, the purest intentions, hardships, and sacrifices, were rewarded only with calumny and reproach. This intimation Avas viewed by his friends in the House of Burgesses and the Council with much concern, as their letters testified. Mingling approbation with remonstrance, and praise with advice, they made such representations, as it was not easy for him to disregard. '^ You cannot but know," said Landon Carter, " that nothing but want of power in 3'our country * has prevented it from adding every honor and reward, that perfect merit could have entitled itself to. How are we grieved to hear Colonel George "Washington hinting to his country, that he is willing to retire ! * Meaning by country the popular branch of the legislature, or the people of Virginia generally. 72 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. Give me leave, as your intimate friend, to persuade yoa to forget, that anything has been said to your dishonor ; and recollect, that it could not have come from any man that knew you. And, as it m,ay have been the artifice of one in no esteem among your countrymen, to raise in you such unjust suspicions, as would induce you to desert the cause, that his own preferment might meet with no obstacle, I am con- fident you will endeavor to give us the good effects, not only of duty, but of great cheerfulness and satisfac- tion, in such a service. No, Sir, rather let Braddock's bed be your aim, than anything that might discolor those laurels, which I promise myself are kept in store for you." Another friend wrote : " From my constant attendance in the House, I can with great truth say, I never heard your conduct questioned. Whenever you are mentioned, it is with the greatest respect. Your orders and instructions appear in a light worthy of the most experienced officer. I can assure you, that a very great majority of the House prefer you to any other person." Colonel Fairfax, his early patron, and a member of the governor's Council, wrote in terms still more soothing. " Your endeavors in the service and defense of your country must redound to your honor ; therefore do not let any unavoidable interruptions sicken your mind in the attempts you may pursue. Your good health and fortune are the toast of every table. Among the Komans, such a general acclamation and public regard, shown to any of their chieftains, were always esteemed a high honor, and gratefully accepted." The Speaker of the House of Burgesses expressed similar sentiments, in language equally flattering and kind. " Our hopes, dear George, are all fixed on 3^ou for bringing our affairs to a happy issue. Consider of what fatal consecjuences to your country your resigning Mt. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 73 the command at this time may be ; more especially as there is no doubt most of the officers would follow your example. I hope you will allow your ruling passion, the love of your country, to stifle your resent- ment, at least till the arrival of Lord Loudoun, or the meeting of the Assembly, when you may be sure of haviug justice done. Who those of your pretended friends are, who give credit to the malicious reflections in that scandalous libel, I assure you 1 am ignorant, and do declare, that I never heard any man of honor or reputation speak the least disrespectfully of you, or censure your conduct, and there is no well-wisher to his country, that would not be greatly concerned to to hear of your resigning." The same solicitude was manifested by many persons in different parts of the province. A voice so loud and so unanimous he could not refuse to obey. By degrees the plot was unraveled. The governor, being a Scotch- man, was surrounded by a knot of his Caledonian friends, who wished to profit by this alliance, and obtain for themselves a larger share of consideration, than they could command in the present order of things. The discontented, and such as thought their merits undervalued, naturally fell into this faction. To create dissatisfaction in the army, and cause the officers to resign from disgust, would not only distract the councils of the ruling party, but make room for new promotions. Colonel Innes, the governor's fa- vorite, would ascend to the chief command, and the subordinate places would be reserved for his adherents. Hence false rumors were set afloat, and the pen of detraction was busy to disseminate them. The artifice was easily seen through, and its aims were defeated, by the leaders on the patriotic side, who looked to Colonel Washington as a pillar of support to their causa. 74 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. CHAPTER YIIL Occurrences of a Campaign.— Incursions of the Savages.— Plan of Fortifica- tions for the Interior.— Fort Cumberland.— Memorial presented by Colonel Washington to the Earl of Loudoun on the State of Military Affairs in Vir ginia.— Governor Dinwiddle sails for England.— An Expedition against Fori Duquesne planned by the British Ministry, to be under the Command of Genera) Forbes.— The Virginia Army augmented, and united with the Reg- ular Troops in this Enterprise. The campaign, being a defensive one, presented no opportunities for acquiring glory ; but the demands on the resources and address of the commander were not the less pressing. The scene varied little from that of the preceding year, except that the difficulties were more numerous and complicated. There were the same unceasing incursions of the savages, but more sanguinary and terrifying, the same tardiness in the enlistments, the same troubles with the militia, the same neglect in supplying the wants of the army ; and on every side were heard murmurs of discontent from the soldiers, and cries of distress from the inhabitants. And what increased these vexations was, that the governor, tenacious of his authority, intrusted as little power as possible to the head of the army. Totally unskilled in military affairs, and residing two hundred miles from the scene of action, he yet undertook to reg- ulate the principal operations, sending expresses back and forth and issuing vague and contradictory orders, seldom adapted to circumstances, frequently imprac- ticable. This absurd interference was borne with be- coming patience and fortitude by the Commander-in- chief ; but not without keen remonstrance to the Speaker of the Assembly and other friends, against ^T. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 75 being made responsible for military events, while the power to control thein Avas withheld, or so heavily clogged as to paralyze its action. The patriotic party in the legislature sympathized with him, and would gladly have procured redress, had not the governor possessed prerogatives which they could not encroach upon, and which he seemed ambitious to exercise ; the more so, perhaps, as the leaders of the majority, learn- ing his foible in this respect, had thwarted many of his schemes, and especially had assumed to themselves the appropriation of the public moneys, which by ancient usage had been under the direction of the governor and Council. The summer and autumn were passed in skirmishes with the Indians, repairing the old forts and building new ones. By the advice of Colonel Washington a large fort was begun at Winchester as a depositary for the military stores, and a rallying point for the set- tlers and troops, should they be driven from the fron- tiers. It was called Fort Loudoun, in honor of the Earl of Loudoun, who had now succeeded General Shirley in the American command. Another enterprise of greater magnitude was like- wise set on foot by order of the Assembly ; which was a line of forts extending through the ranges of the Al- leghany Mountains from the Potomac River to the borders of J^orth Carolina, a distance of more than three hundred miles, thus forming a barrier to the whole frontier. The scheme was not liked by the gov- ernor. Colonel Washington disapproved it. He ob- jected that the forts would be too far asunder to sup- port each other, that the Indians might pass between them unmolested, that they Avould be expensive, and cause the troops to be so much dispersed as to prevent their being brought together on an emergency, thus tempting the enemy to come out in large parties and 76 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. attack the weaker points. He believed that three or four strong garrisons would constitute a better defense. In conformity with his instructions, however, he drew up a plan embracing a chain of twenty-three forts, and fixing their several positions. He sent out parties to execute the works, and visited them himself from time to time. On one occasion he made a tour throughout the whole line to the southern limits of Yirginia, ex- posed to imminent danger from the savages, who hovered around the small forts, and lay in wait to intercept and murder all who came in their way. In the midst of these toils, another source of vexa- tion occurred in the affair of Fort Cumberland. As this was now an outpost accessible to the enemy, easily assailed from the hills surrounding it, and con- taining a large quantity of stores, which required a guard of one hundred and fifty men, who might sud- denly be cut off. Colonel Washington advised the re- moval of the stores to a safer position. The post was, moreover, in Maryland, and ought to be supported, if kept up at all, at the expense of that colony. For some reason not explained, the governor had set his heart on retaining Fort Cumberland. He said it was a King's fort, and he wrote to Lord Loudoun in such terms as to draw from him, not only a peremptory order to keep the fort, but an implied censure on the designs and conduct of Colonel Washington in regard to it. So far did the governor suffer his warmth and obstinacy to carry him, that he ordered Fort Cumber- land to be strengthened by calling in the smaller gar- risons, and even drawing away the troops from Win- chester, thus deranging the plan of operations, which the Assembly had authorized, and which the Avhole army had been employed during the season to effect. It is no wonder, that the commander's patience and equanimity began to forsake him. In a letter to the ^T. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 77 Speaker, he said : " The late order reverses, confuses, and incommodes everything ; to say nothing of the extraordinary expense of carriage, disappointments, losses, and alterations, which must fall heavy on the country. Whence it arises, or why, I am truly ignorant ; but my strongest representations of mat- ters relative to the peace of the frontiers are disre- garded, as idle and frivolous ; my propositions and measures, as partial and selfish ; and all my sincerest endeavors for the service of my country are perverted to the worst purposes. My orders are dark, doubtful, and uncertain ; to-day approved, to-morrow condemned. Left to act and proceed at hazard, accountable for the consequences, and blamed without the benefit of de- fense, if you can think my situation capable of excit- ing the smallest degree of envy, or affording the least satisfaction, the truth is yet hidden from you, and you entertain notions very different from the reality of the case. However, I am determined to bear up under all these embarrassments some time longer, in hope of a better regulation on the arrival of Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future fate of Yirginia." The year was now drawing to a close. As the Earl of Loudoun w^as expected soon in Virginia, Colonel "Washington resolved to await his arrival, and lay be- fore him a general exposition of the state of affairs, and, if possible, to have the Virginia troops put upon the regular establishment under the direction of his Lordship, as the only mode by which the command of them could be useful to his country, or honorable to himself. In anticipation of this event he drew up an able and luminous statement, which he transmitted to Lord Loudoun, then with the armies at the north. The paper begins with the modest apology for in- truding upon his Lordship's notice, which is followed by a brief sketch of the history of the war in Virginia, 78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1757. and of the part acted in it by the author. With the dis- crimination of an acute observer and an experienced officer, he traced a narrative of events, exposed the errors that had been committed and their consequences, both in the civil and military departments, expkuned their causes, and suggested remedies for the future. The communication was favorably received, and ac- knowledged in a complimentary reply. Lord Loudoun did not execute his first purpose of going to Virginia, but summoned a meeting of several governors and principal officers at Philadelphia, to consult on a comprehensive plan for the next cam- paign. Colonel Washington attended the meeting, where he met with a flattering reception from the Commander-in-chief, who solicited and duly valued his counsels. The result, however, was only a partial ful- filment of his hopes. In the grand scheme of opera- tions it was decided, that the main efforts should be made on the Lakes and Canada borders, where the enemy's forces were embodied, and that the middle and southern colonies should continue in a defensive posture. He had the satisfaction to find, nevertheless, that his advice was followed in regard to local arrange- ments. The Virginia troops were withdrawn from Fort Cumberland, which was left to the charge of Mar3^1and. Colonel Stanwix was stationed in the in- terior of Pennsylvania, with five companies from the Koyal American Kegiments ; and, although the Vir- ginia commander was unsuccessful in his endeavors to be placed upon the British establishment, yet, in con- formity with his wishes, he was to act in concert with that officer, and be in some sort under his orders. He strenuously recommended an expedition against Fort Duquesne, believing it might be effected with a certainty of success, since the French must necessarily leave that garrison in a weak condition, in order to Mt. 25.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79 concentrate their force at the north to meet the formi- dable preparations making against them in that quar- ter. The wisdom of this advice was afterwards mani- fest to all ; and, had it been seasonably heeded, it would have saved the expense of another campaign, besides preventing the ravages and murders committed in the meantime on the border settlers. In these views, if not in others, he had the hearty concurrence of Governor Dinwiddie. From the conference at Philadelphia he returned to his usual station at "Winchester. The remainder of the season was passed in a routine of duties so nearly resembling those of the two preceding years as to af- ford little novelty or interest for a separate recital. Emboldened by successes, the Indians continued their hostilities, attacking the outposts, and killing the de- fenseless inhabitants. In short, the service had noth- ing in it to reward generous sacrifices or gratify a noble ambition. As a school of experience, it ulti- mately proved advantageous to him. It was his good fortune, likewise, to gain honor and reputation even in so barren a field, by retaining the confidence of his fellow-citizens, and fulfilling the expectations of his friends in the legislature, who had pressed upon him the command, and urged his holding it. But the fatigue of body and mind, w^hich he suffered from the severity of his labors, gradually undermined his strength, and his physician insisted on his retiring from the army. He went to Mount Yernon, where his disease settled into a fever, and reduced him so low that he was confined four months, till the 1st of March, 1758, before he was able to resume his com- mand. Governor Dinwiddie sailed for England in the month of January. His departure was not regretted. However amiable in his social relations, however zeal- 80 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. ous in the discharge of his public trusts, he failed to win the hearts, or command the respect, of the people. Least of all was he qualified to transact military affairs. His whole course of conduct was marked with a con- fusion, uncertainty, and waywardness, which caused in- finite perplexity to the commander of the Yirginia troops. Every one regarded the change as salutary to the interests of the colom^. His place was filled for a short time by John Blair, President of the Council, till the arrival of Francis Fauquier, the next governor. The Earl of Loudoun had been commissioned as suc- cessor to Governor Dinwiddle, but his military occu- pations at the north prevented his entering upon the duties of the office. A brighter prospect now opened to Colonel Wash- ington. As soon as his health was restored, he went back to the armj^ and from that time met with a hearty cooperation in all his measures. He was happy to find, also, that his early and constant wishes were at last to be realized by a combined expedition to the Ohio. Kew energy had been recently infused in the British councils by the accession of Mr. Pitt to the ministry. That statesman, always guided by an enlarged policy, always friendly to the colonies, and understanding their condition and importance much better than his predecessors, resolved on a vigorous prosecution of the war in America. One of his first acts was a plan for the campaign of 1758, in which of- fensive operations were to be pursued throughout the frontiers. General Forbes was appointed to take com- mand of an expedition against Fort Duquesne. To prepare the way, Mr. Pitt, knowing the temper of the people, and profiting by the mistakes heretofore commit- ted, wrote a circular letter to the colonies most nearly concerned, and requested their united aid on such terms as were acceded to with alacrity, and carried into effect Mt. 38.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 81 with promptitude and spirit. He proposed that all the colonial troops should be supplied with arms, ammuni- tion, tents and provisions at the King's charge, leaving to the colonies no other expense than that of levying clothing and paying the men. It was moreover stipu- lated that the provincial officers, when joined with the King's troops, should hold rank according to their commissions. Had this wise and equitable policy been put in practise three years before, it would have given a very different aspect to the war in America, by di- minishing the heavy burdens of the people, promoting harmony and good feeling, producing contentment among the troops, and drawing out the resources and strength of the country in a more effectual manner. The Virginia Assembly met, and immediately com- plied with the requisitions of the minister, augmenting their army to two thousand men, offering a bounty for enlistments, and placing the whole under the general direction of the commander of his Majesty's forces, for the express purpose of marching against Fort Du- quesne. They were divided into two regiments. The first was under Colonel Washington, who was likewise commander-in-chief of all the Virginia troops as be- fore. At the head of the second regiment was Colonel Byrd. As General Forbes was detained at Philadel- phia several weeks, Colonel Bouquet was stationed in the central parts of Penns3^1vania with the advanced division of regular troops, to which the provincials joined themselves as fast as they were ready. To fix on a uniform plan of action, and make the necessary- arrangements. Colonel Washington had an interview at Conococheague with that officer, and with Sir John St. Clair, quartermaster-general of the combined army. He also visited Williamsburg, to advise with the Pres- ident and Council respecting many essential points; for he was not only obliged to perform his military 6 82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. duties, but to suggest to the civil authorities the proper modes of proceeding in relation to the army, and press upon them continually the execution of the laws, and the fulfilment of the pledges contained in the recent acts of the Assembly. The arrival of Governor Fau- quier had a favorable influence, as he warmly espoused the interests of the colony and showed a friendly re- gard for the commander of its troops as well as a just deference to his opinions. ^T. 26.J LIFE OF WxVSHINGTON. 83 CHAPTER IX. Colonel Washington marches to Fort Cumberland.— Acts in Concert with Colonel Bouquet.— Joins the main Army at Raystowu under General Forbes. —Forms a Plan of March suited to the Mountains and Woods.— Commands the advanced Division of the Army.— Capture of Fort Duquesne.— He returns to Virginia, resigns his Commission, and retires to private Life. For some time Colonel Washington was actively employed at Winchester, in collecting and training the newly enlisted men, calling in the parties from the small forts and supplying their places with drafted militia, engaging wagons and horses, and putting all things in readiness to march. There was much delay, and the soldiers began to be disorderly from inaction, and the inhabitants of the vicinity to murmur at the pressure laid upon them for provisions and other sup- plies. A party of Cherokee Indians, who had been tempted to join the expedition, with the prospect of rich presents from the King's stores, came forward so early, that they grew weary, discontented, and trouble- some, and finally most of them went off in a fit of ill- humor. It was a day of joy to him, therefore, when he received orders to march the Virginia regiments from Winchester to Fort Cumberland. This was effected b}^ detachments, which at the same time covered the convoys of wagons and packhorses. The whole arrived at Fort Cumberland early in July, except a small guard left at Fort Loudoun to protect and prosecute the works at that place. Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen had preceded by another route through a part of Pennsylvania, with six companies of the first regiment, and joined Colonel Bouquet at Raystown, thirty S4: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. miles from Fort Cumberland, and the headquarters of the combined army. Both regiments, including officers and privates, amounted to about eighteen hundred men. The illness of General Forbes detained him long on the way from Philadelphia. During this time Colonel Washington continued at Fort Cumber- land, and his troops were employed, some as scouting parties, and others in opening a new road to Eaystown and repairing the old one towards the Great Meadows. He resorted to an expedient, w^hich proved highly beneficial to the service. " My men are bare of regimental clothing," said he, in a letter to Colonel Bouquet, "and I have no prospect of a supply. So far from regretting this w^ant during the present campaign, if I were left to pursue my own inclinations, I would not only order the men to adopt the Indian dress, but cause the officers to do it also, and be the first to set the example myself. Nothing but the un- certainty of obtaining the general approbation causes me to hesitate a moment to leave my regimentals at this place, and proceed as light as any Indian in the woods. It is an unbecoming dress, I own ; but con- venience, rather than show, I think should be con- sulted." He equipped in an Indian dress two com- panies, which had been ordered to advance to the main body; and it was so much approved by Colonel Bouquet, that he encouraged the army to adopt it. " The dress," he replied, " takes very well here. We see nothing but shirts and blankets. It should be our pattern in this expedition." Its lightness and con- venience were suited to the heat of summer, and it saved expense and trouble. He had been but a few days at Fort Cumberland, when he learned, with great surprise, that General Forbes was hesitating as to the route he should pursue in crossing the mountains to Fort Duauesne, The ^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 85 road, over which General Bradclock marched, was the oDly one that had been cut through the wilderness for the passage of wagons and artillery ; and, as its con- struction had cost immense toil, it seemed incredible that any other route should be attempted, or even thought of, so late in the season. His sentiments being asked, he expressed them in the most unreserved manner, and with a cogency of argument, that could have been set aside only by a determination on the part of the general, arising from motives foreign to the absolute merits of the case. Colonel Bouquet, who participated in the general's views, desired a consulta- tion with "Washington on the subject. '' ]S^othing," said he, " can exceed you^^ generous dispositions for the service. I see, with the utmost satisfaction, that you are above the influences of prejudice, and ready to go heartily where reason and judgment shall direct. I wish sincerely that we may all entertain one and the same opinion ; therefore I desire to have an interview with you at the houses built half way between our camps." This proposal w^as acceded to, and the matter was deliberately discussed. It was represented by Colonel Washington, that a great deal of pains had been taken formerly by the Ohio Company, with the aid of traders and Indians, to ascertain the most practicable route to the western country ; that the one from Will's Creek was selected as far preferable to any other; that a road had accord- ingly been made, over which General Braddock's army had passed ; and that this road required but slight repairs to put it in good condition. Even if another route could be found, he thought the experiment a hazardous one at so advanced a stage in the season, as it would retard the operations, and, he feared, inevita- bly defeat the objects, of the campaign, and defer the capture of Fort Puquesne to another year. Such a 86 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [175& ' result would dishearten the colonies, which had made extraordinary efforts to raise men and money for the present enterprise, with the full expectation of its success ; it would moreover embolden the southern Indians, already disaffected, who would seize the op- portunity to commit new hostilities, thereby distressing the inhabitants, strengthening the enemy, and adding to the difficulty of a future conquest. But, admitting it possible, that a new road could be made from Rays- town through Pennsylvania, yet no advantage could be derived from it, that did not actually exist in an equal or greater degree in Braddock's Boad. Forage for the horses was abundant in the meadows bordering the latter ; the streams Avere fordable, and the defiles easy to be passed. These reasons, so obvious and forcible, did not change the purpose of the general, who, it was believed, had been influenced by the Pennsylvanians to construct a new road, which avouM be a lasting benefit to that province, by opening a more direct channel of inter- course Avith the West. Colonel Bouquet, of course, adhered to the views of his general. There was another project, which Colonel Washing- ton disapproved, and which his advice prevailed to counteract. The general proposed to march the army in two divisions, one by Braddock's Road, the other directly from RaystoAvn, making the road as it ad- vanced. To this scheme he strenuously objected. Di- viding the army w^ould vreaken it, and the routes were so far a]3art, without any means of communication be- tween the two, that one division could not succor the other in case of an attack ; and it was certain the enemy would take advantage of such an oversight. Again, if the division marching first should escort the convoy and be driven back, there would be a perilous risk of losing the stores and artillery, and of bringing JET. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 87 total ruin upon the expedition. In short, every mis- chief, that could befall a divided army, acting against the concentrated force of an enemy, was to be appre- hended. The project was laid aside. His opinion was likewise desired, as to the best mode of advancing by deposits. He made an estimate, on the supposition of marching by Braddock's Road, in which it was shown, that the whole army might be at Fort Duquesne in thirty-four days, and have then on hand a supply of provisions for eighty-seven days. Perceiving Colonel Bouquet's bias in favor of the gen- eral's ideas, he could scarcely hope his suggestions would be received. So strong were his fears for the fate of the expedition, that he wrote in mov- ing terms to Major Halket, his former associate in Braddock's army, and now one of General Forbes's family. " I am just returned," said he, " from a conference with Colonel Bouquet. I find him fixed, I think I may say unalterably fixed, to lead you a new way to the Ohio, through a road, every inch of which is to be cut at this advanced season, when we have scarce time left to tread the beaten track, universally confessed to be the best passage through the mountains. " If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with the general, all is lost, — all is lost indeed, — our enterprise will be ruined, and we shall be stopped at the Laurel Hill this winter ; but not to gather laurels^ except of the kind that covers the mountains. The southern Indians will turn against us, and these colonies will be desolated by such an accession to the enemy's strength. These must be the consequences of a miscarriage ; and a miscarriage is the almost necessary consequence of an attempt to march the army by this new route. I have given my reasons at large to Colonel Bouquet. He desire^ t'bS'^ I woul^ 4q ^o, that he might forward 88 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. them to the general. Should this happen, you will be able to judge of their weight. " I am uninfluenced by prejudice, having no hopes or fears but for the general good. Of this you may be assured, and that my sincere sentiments are spoken on this occasion." These representations were vain. Colonel Bou- quet was ordered to send forward parties to work upon the new road. Six weeks had been expended in this arduous labor, when General Forbes reached the camp at Raystown, about the middle of September. Forty-five miles only had been gained by the advanced party, then constructing a fort at Loyal Hanna, the main army still being at Raystown, and the larger part of the Virginia troops at Fort Cumberland. At that moment the whole army might have been before the w^alls of Fort Duquesne, if they had marched as advised by Washington. An easy victory would have ensued ; for it was ascertained, that the French at that time, including Indians, numbered not more than eiffht hundred men. Under General Forbes six thou- sand were in the field. In reporting these facts to the Speaker of the Vir- ginia Assembly, Colonel Washington said : " See, there- fore, how our time has been misspent. Behold how the golden opportunity has been lost, perhaps never more to be res^ained I How is it to be accounted for ? Can General Forbes have orders for this? Impossible. Will, then, our injured country pass by such abuses ? I hope not. Rather let a full representation of the matter go to his Majesty. Let him know how grossly his glory and interest, and the public money, are pros- tituted." About this time occurred the ill concerted and unfortunate adventure under Major Grant, who was suffered to push forward to the very doors of the enemy a light detachment, which was attacked, cut up. Mt. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. g9 and routed, and he and his principal officers were taken prisoners. These proceedings, and the counsels by which General Forbes seemed to be guided, were so unsatis- factory to the Virginia House of Burgesses, and gave so discouraging a presage of the future, that they re- solved to recall their troops, and place them on their own frontier. But, when it was know^n, from subse- quent intelligence, that the expedition w^as in progress, and foreseen that its failure might be ascribed to the withdrawing of the Virginia regiments, and perhaps be actually caused by such a measure, they revoked their resolves, and extended the term of service to the end of the year. General Forbes had no sooner taken the command in person at Raystown, than he called to headquarters Colonel Washington, who was followed by those com- panies of his regiments, which had been posted at Fort Cumberland. JSTotwithstanding the strenuous op- position he had manifested to the plans of operation, as an act of duty, w^hile they were in suspense, he sup- pressed his feelings and subdued his reluctance, from the same motive, the moment they were decided upon, and he then engaged heartily in promoting their ex- ecution. If he was mortified at the little attention hitherto paid to his advice, he was compensated by the deference now shown to his opinions and judgment. He attended the councils of war, and was consulted upon every important measure by the general, at whose request he drew up a line of march and order of battle, by which the army could advance w4th facilitj^ and safety through the w^oods. The fate of Braddock, and its causes, w^ere too deeply impressed on General Forbes's mind to be forgotten or disregarded. Unac- customed to this mode of warfare, more w^ise and less confident than his predecessor^ he was glad to seek th^ 90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. aid of one, whose knowledge and experience would be available, where valor might waste its efforts in vain, and discipline and strength be ensnared by the arti- fices of a crafty foe. Several weeks previously, when the first detach- ments began to march, Colonel Washington requested to be put in the advance. Alluding to the troops which were to compose the first party, he wrote to Colonel Bouquet : " I pray your interest, most sin- cerely, with the general, to get myself and my regi- ment included in the number. If any argument is needed to obtain this favor, I hope without vanity I may be allowed to say, that, from long intimacy with these woods, and frequent scouting in them, my men are at least as well acquainted with all the passes and difficulties as any troops that will be employed." The request was now complied with. He received General Forbes- s orders to march with his regiment ; and at Loyal Hanna he was placed at the head of a division, or brigade amounting to one thousand men, who were to move in front of the main army, and to act as pioneers in clearing the road, keeping out scouts and patroling guards to prevent a surprise, and throwing up intrenchments at proper stations as a security to the deposits of provisions. While in this command, he had the temporar\^ rank of brigadier. The month of Xoveraber had set in, before General Forbes, with the artillery and main body of the army, arrived at Loyal Hanna. The road was extremely bad, and difficulties withoutnumber interposed at every step to cause delays, discouragement, and suffering. The season of frost had come, and the summits of the hills were whitened with snow. It was no wonder that the spirits of the soldiers should flag, scantily clothed and fed, as they were, and encountering hardships from want, exposure, and incessant labor More than fifty ^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91 miles, through pathless and rugged wilds, still inter- vened between the army and Fort Duquesne. A coun- cil of war was held, and it was decided to be unad- visable, if not impracticable, to prosecute the campaign any further till the next season, and that a winter en- campment among the mountains, or a retreat to the frontier settlements, was the only alternative that re- mained. Thus far all the anticipations of "Washington had been realized. A mere accident, however, which happened just at this crisis, turned the scale of fortune, and brought hope out of despair. Three prisoners were taken, who gave such a report of the w'eak state of the garrison at Fort Duquesne, that the council reversed their decision, and resolved to hazard an effort, which held out a possi- bility of success, and in an}^ event could be scarcely more ruinous than the alternative first proposed. Henceforward the march was pursued without tents or heavy baggage, and w^ith only a light train of ar- tillery. The troops, animated by the example of the officers, performed their tasks with renovated ardor and alacrity. Washington resumed his command in front, attending personally to the cutting of the road, establishing deposits of provisions, and preparing the way for the main army. No material event occurred till the 25th of Novem- ber, when General Forbes took possession of Fort Duquesne, or rather the place where it had stood. The enemy, reduced in number to about five hundred men, and deserted by the Indians, had abandoned the fort the day before, set fire to it, and gone down the Ohio in boats. Thus ended an expedition, in w^hich more than six thousand men had been employed for five months. Eejoiced that their toils were over, the troops forgot their sufferings ; and the people of the middle provinces, who had murmured loudly at the 92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. dilatory manner in which the campaign had been car- ried on, were contented with the issue in this consum- mation of their wishes. The continued illness of General Forbes had perhaps operated unfavorably. He was esteemed a worthy and brave man, possessing eminent military talents. Worn down with infirmities, which had been increased by the fatigues of the cam- paign, he died a few weeks afterwards at Philadelphia. The lateness of the season rendered it impossible, that the French should attempt to recover the ground they had lost before the next year. It was necessary, however, that a small garrison should be left there, as well to retain possession of the post, as to keep the Indians in check and win their alliance. Two hundred of the Yirginia troops were detached for this service, b}^ the express order of the general, but against the remonstrances of their commander, who thought they had performed their full share of duty. General Forbes said he had no authority to leave any of the King's forces for that purpose, and the place was then understood to be within the jurisdiction of Yirginia. This latter circumstance was probably the reason, why the task of defense was not assigned to the Pennsyl- vanians. The French name of the fort was changed to Fort Pitt^ in honor of the minister b}^ whose coun- sels the expedition for capturing it had been undertaken. On his return. Colonel Washington stopped a short time at Loyal Hanna, where he wrote a circular letter to the frontier inhabitants, requesting them to take out provisions to the men at the fort, who would be in great distress if not immediately supplied, and promising a liberal compensation for everything that should thus be furnished. He then proceeded by way of Mount Yernon to Williamsburg. The remainder of his troops marched to Winchester, where they went into winter quarters. ^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 For some months it had been his determination, if this campaign should prove successful, to retire from his command at its close. By gaining possession of the Ohio, the great object of the war in the middle colonies was accoraplisbed ; and, as he had abandoned the idea of making any further attempts to be united to the British establishment, there was no prospect of rising higher in the military line ; so that neither his duty as a citizen, nor his ambition as a soldier, operated any longer to retain him in the service. The one had been faithfully discharged, the other had yielded to the force of circumstances, and to the visions of the tranquil enjoyments of private life, which now opened upon his mind. After settling all his public accounts, therefore, he resigned his commission the last week in December, having been actively and almost uninter- ruptedly engaged in the service of his country more than G.Ye years. On this occasion he received from the officers, who had served under him, a testimony of their attachment, which must have been as grateful to his feelings, as it was honorable to his character. They sent him an address, written in camp, expressive of the satisfaction they had derived from his conduct as commander, the sincerity of his friendship, and his affable demeanor ; and of the high opinion they entertained of his military talents, patriotism, and private virtues. The events of this w^ar had a more important influence on the life and character of Washington, than might at first be supposed. They proved to him and to the world his mental resources, courage, fortitude, and power over the will and actions of others. They were in fact a school of practical knowledge and discipline, qualifying him for the great work in which he was to be engaged at a future day. The duties of his station at the head of the Yirginia 94 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. troops, and the difficulties he had to contend with during an active warfare of five years, bore a strong resem- blance to those, that devolved on him as Commander- in-chief of the American armies in the Revolution. They differed in magnitude, and in the ends to be attained ; but it will be seen, as we proceed, that they were analogous in many striking particulars, and that the former were an essential preparation for the latter. £,.^,.^>s^-^^^.^^^■ -^...-»a£^^;<^«^^.fe^r. MARTHA WASHINGTON. ^®r. 36.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 95 CHAPTEK X. Washington's Marriage.— For many Years a Member of the x^irginia House of Burgesses.— His Pursuits and Habits as a Planter.— A Vestryman in tlie Church, and active in Parish Affairs.— His Opinion of the Stamp Act.— Takes an early and decided Stand against the Course pursued by the British Government towards the Colonies.— Approves the Non-importation Agreements. In the course of the preceding year, Colonel Wash, ington had paid his addresses successfully to Mrs.. Martha Custis, to whom he was married on the 6th of January, 1759. This lady was three months younger than himself, widow of John Parke Custis, and distinguished alike for her beauty, accomplishments, and wealth. She was the daughter of John Dandridge. At the time of her second marriage she had two children, a son and daughter, the former six years old, the latter four. Mr. Custis had left large landed estates in JSTew Kent County, and forty-five thousand pounds sterling in mone}^ One-third part of this property she held in her own right, the other two-thirds being equally divided between her children. By this marriage an accession of more than one hundred thousand dollars was made to Colonel Wash- ington's fortune, which was already considerable in the estate at Mount Yernon, and other lands which he had selected during his surveying expeditions and obtained at different times. To the management of his extensive private affairs his thoughts were now turned. He also took upon himself the guardianship of Mrs. Washington's two children, and the care of their property, which trust he discharged with all the faithfulness and assiduity of a father, till the son 96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. £1759. became of age, and till the daughter died in her nine- teenth year. This union was in every respect felicitous. It continued forty years. To her intimate acquaint- ances and to the nation, the character of Mrs. Wash- ington was ever a theme of praise. Affable and courteous, exemplary in her deportment, remarkable for her deeds of charity and piety, unostentatious and without vanity, she adorned by her domestic virtues the sphere of private life, and filled with dignity every station in which she w^as placed. While engaged in the last campaign. Colonel Wash- ington had been elected a representative to the House of Burgesses, in Virginia, from Frederic County. Having determined to quit the military life, and being yet inclined to serve his country in a civil capacity, this choice of the people w^as peculiarly gratifying to him. As this was the first time he had been proposed for the popular suffrages, his friends urged him to leave the army for a few days, and repair to Winchester, where the election was to be held. But, regarding his duties in the field as out- weighing every other consideration, he remained at his post, and the election was carried without his personal solicitation or influence. There were four candidates, and he was chosen by a large majority over all his competitors. The success was beyond his most sanguine anticipations. He did not establish himself at Mount Yernon till three months after his marriage, but continued at Williamsburg, or in the vicinity of that place, probably arranging the affairs of Mrs. Washington's estate. At the same time there was a session of the House of Burgesses, which he attended. It was during this session, that an incident occurred, which has been graphically described by Mr. Wirt. " By a vote of the House, the Speaker, Mr. Kobinson, was directed ^T. 27.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOISr. 9^ to return their thanks to Colonel Washington, on behalf of the colon}^ for the distinguished military services which he had rendered to his country. As soon as Colonel Washington took his seat, Mr. Kobin- son, in obedience to this order, and following the impulse of his own generous and grateful heart, discharged the duty with great dignity, but w^ith such warmth of coloring and strength of expression, as entirely confounded the young hero. He rose to express his acknowledgments for the honor ; but such was his trepidation and confusion, that he could not give distinct utterance to a single syllable. He blushed, stammered, and trembled for a second ; w^hen the Speaker relieved him by a stroke of address, that would have done honor to Louis the Fourteenth in his proudest and happiest moment. * Sit down, Mr. Washington,' said he, with a conciliating smile ; * your modesty equals your valor ; and that surpasses the power of any language that I possess.' " * From this time till the beginning of the Revolution, a period of fifteen years, Washington was constantly a member of the House of Burgesses, being returned by a large majority of votes at every election. For seven years he represented, jointly v^^ith another delegate, the County of Frederic, and afterwards the County of Fairfax, in which he resided. There were commonly two sessions in a year, and sometimes three. It appears, from a record left in his handwriting, that he gave his attendance punctually, and from the beginning to the end of almost every session. It was a maxim with him through life, to execute punctually and thoroughly every charge which he undertook. His influence in public bodies was produced more by the soundness of his judgment, his quick perceptions, and his directness and undeviating sincerity, than by * Life of Patrick Henry, &1 edition, p. 45. 98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759—1764. eloquence or art in recommending his opinions. He seldom spoke, never harangued, and it is not known that he ever made a set speech, or entered into a stormy debate. But his attention was at all times awake. He studied profoundly the pi'ominent topics of discussion, and, whenever occasion required, was prepared to deliver his sentiments clearly, and to act with decision and firmness. After suitable preparations had been made, he retired with Mrs. Washington to the charming retreat at Mount Yernon, resolved to devote his remaining years to the pursuit of agriculture, with no higher aims than to increase his fortune, cultivate the social virtues, fulfil his duties as a citizen, and sustain in its elevated dignity and worth the character of a country gentle- man. For this sphere he was extremely well fitted, both by his tastes and his habits of business. In all the scenes of his public career, even when his renown was the highest, and he w^as the most actively engaged in great affairs, there was no subject upon which his mind dwelt with so lively an interest and pleasure as on that of agriculture. Nor was there ever a moment, when his thoughts would not recur to his tranquil home at Mount Yernon, as the seat of his purest happiness, or when he would not have returned to it with unfeigned delight. The occupation of a Yirginia planter before the Kevolution afforded little variety of incidents. Few modes of existence could be more monotonous. The staple product, particularly in the lower counties, was tobacco, to the culture of which Washington chiefly directed his care. This he exported to London for a market, making the shipments in his own name, and putting the tobacco on board vessels, which came up the Potomac Kiver to his mansion at Mount Yernon, or to such other points as were most convenient. He -^T. 27-82.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 99 had also correspondents in Bristol and Liverpool, to whom he sometimes consigned tobacco. In those days, it was the practise of the Virginia planters to import directly from London all the articles of common use. Twice a year Washington forwarded lists of such articles to his agent, comprising not only the necessaries and conveniences for household purposes, plows, hoes, spades, scythes, and other implements of agriculture, saddles, bridles, and harness for his horses, but likewise every article of wearing apparel for himself and the different members of his family, specifying the names of each, and the ages of Mrs. "Washington's two children, as well as the size, descrip- tion, and quality of the several articles. He required his agent to send him, in addition to a general bill of the whole, the original vouchers of the shopkeepers and mechanics, from whom purchases had been made. So particular was he in these concerns, that for many years he recorded with his own hand, in books prepared for the purpose, all the long lists of orders, and copies of the multifarious recei})ts from the different mer- chants and tradesmen, who had supplied the goods. In this way he kept a perfect oversight of the business, ascertained the prices, could detect any imposition, mismanagement, or carelessness, and tell when any advantage w^as taken of him even in the smallest matter, of which, Avhen discovered, he did not fail to remind his correspondents the next time he wrote. During the whole of this period, in short, his industry was equal to his enterprise in business. His daybooks, ledgers, and letter-books were all kept by himself ; nor does it appear, that he w^as in the habit, on any oc- casion, of resorting to the aid of a clerk or secretary. He usually drew up his contracts^ deeds, and other papers, requiring legal knowledge and accuracy, It L.cfC, 100 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759-1764, was a rule with him, in private as well as public trans- actions, not to rely on others for what he could do himself. Although his pursuits were those of a retired farmer, yet he was b}^ no means secluded from social inter- course Avith persons of intelligence and refinement. During the periods of his attending the House of Bur- gesses at Williamsburg, he met on terms of intimacy the eminent men of Virginia, who, in imitation of the governors (sometimes noblemen, and alwa3^s from the higher ranks of English society), lived in a style of magnificence, which has long smce passed away, and given place to the republican simplicity of modern times. He was a frequent visitor at Annapolis, the seat of government in Maryland, renowned as the re- sort of the polite, wealthy, and fashionable. At Mount Yernon he returned the civilities he had received, and practised, on a large and generous scale, the hospitality for which the southern planters have ever been dis- tinguished. When he was at home, a day seldom passed without the company of friends or strangers at his house. In his diaries tlie names of these visitors are often mentioned, and we find among them the gov- ernors of Virginia and Maryland, and nearly all the celebrated men of the southern and middle colonies, who were at that time and afterwards conspicuous in the history of the country. One of his nearest neighbors was George Mason, of Gunston Hall, a man possessing remarkable intellectual powers, deeply conversant with political science, and thoroughly versed in the topics of dispute then existing between England and America. Lord Fairfax was also a constant guest at Mount Yernon, who, although eccentric in his habits, possessed a cultivated mind, social qualities, and a perfect knowledge of the world. To these may be added a large circle of relatiyes and ^T. 27-32.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 101 acquaintances, who sought his society, and to whom his house was always open. Washington had a relish for amusements. In his earlier years, as we have seen, he was fond of athletic sports, and feats of agility and strength. When he was at Williamsburg or Annapolis, he commonly attended the theatrical exhibitions, such as were pre- sented on the ximerican boards at that day. But his chief diversion was the chase. At the proper season, it was not unusual for him to go out two or three times m a week Avith horses, dogs, and horns, in pursuit of foxes, accompanied by a small party of gentlemen, either his neighbors, or such visitors as happened to be at Mount Yernon. If Ave may judge by his own account, however, he could seldom boast of brilliant success in these excursions. He Avas not disheartened by disappointment; and when the foxes eluded his pursuit, he consoled himself with the reflection, that the main end in view, excitement and recreation, had been gained. Another favorite exercise Avas fowling. His youth f ul rambles in the AA^oods, on his surveying expeditions, had made him familiar Avith the use of his gun. Game of various kinds abounded on his plantations, partic- ularly the species of Avild duck, Avhich at certain sea- sons resorts in great numbers to the Avaters of the Chesapeake, and is so much esteemed for its superior quality. He Avas expert in the art of duck-shooting, and often practised it. Connected with this subject, an anecdote is related of him, illustrative of his resolution and courage. A person of laAvless habits and reckless character had frequently entered upon the grounds near Mount Yer- non, and shot ducks and other game. More than once he had been warned to desist, and not to return. It was his custopi to cross the Potomac in a omo^^ 9nd 102 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1765. ascend the creeks to some obscure place, where he could be concealed from observation. One day, hear- ing the discharge of a musket, Washington mounted his horse, and rode in the direction of the sound. The intruder discovered his approach, and had just time to gain the canoe and push it from the shore, Avhen Wash- ino'ton emero:ed from the bushes at the distance of a few yards. The man raised his gun, cocked it, pointed it at him, and took deliberate aim ; but, without a mo- ment's hesitation, he rode into the water, seized the prow of the canoe, drew it to land, disarmed his antag- onist, and inflicted on him a chastisement, which he never again chose to run the hazard of encountering. But neither his private occupations, nor his impor- tant duties as one of the legislators of the province, prevented Washington from taking an active part in many concerns of less moment, wherein he could be useful to his friends or the community. He assumed trusts at the solicitation of others, which sometimes involved much labor and i-esponsibility, and in which he had no personal interest ; and cheerfully rendered his services as an arbitrator in settling disputes. Such was the confidence in his candor and judgment, and such his known desire to promote peace and concord, that he was often called upon to perform offices of this kind ; and it was rare that his decision was unsatis- factory ; for, however the parties might differ in opinion, they were persuaded that their cause could not be submitted to a more impartial or competent judge. His usefulness extended to every object vv-ithin the sphere of his influence. In the affairs of Truro Parish, to which Mount Yernon belonged, he took a lively concern and exercised a salutary control. He was a vestryman of that parish. On one occasion he gained a triumph of some moment, which Mr. Massey, the ^T. 33.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103 clergyman, who lived to an advanced age, used to mention as as instance of bis address. The old church was falling to ruin, and it was resolved that another should be built. Several meetings were held, and a warm dispute arose respecting its location, the old one being remote from the center, and inconveniently- situated for many of the parishioners. A meeting for settling the question was finally held. George Mason, who led the party that adhered to the ancient site, made an eloquent harangue, in Avhich he appealed with great effect to the sensibilities of the people, conjuring them not to desert the spot consecrated by the bones of their ancestors and the most hallowed associations. Mr. Massey said every one present seemed moved by this discourse, and, for the moment, he thought there would not be a dissenting voice. Washington then rose and drew from his pocket a roll of paper, con- taining an exact survey of Truro Parish, on which was marked the site of the old church, the proposed site of the new one, and the place where each parishioner resided. He spread this map before the audience, ex- plained it in a few words, and then added, that it was for them to determine, whether they would be carried away by an impulse of feeling, or act upon the obvi- ous principles of reason and justice. The argument, thus confirmed by ocular demonstration, was conclu- sive, and the church was erected on the new site. At the close of the French war, he had an arduous service to perform, as one of the commissioners for settling the military accounts of the colony, which were complicated and of large extent. His intimate knowledge of the subject, and the sympathy he felt for his companions-in-arms, and all who had aided the cause of their country, were motives for throwing this task chiefly upon him, and he executed it faithfully. British writers have asserted, and perhaps believed, 104: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1767. that "Washington's sentiments did not harmonize with those of the leaders, who resisted the aggressions of the mother country at the beginning of the great struggle for independence, and that he was brought tardily into the measures of opposition. This opinion probably arose from the circumstance of his name not being mentioned among the conspicuous actors, and was strengthened by the spurious letters ascribed to him in the first part of the war, of which more will be said hereafter. These letters were first published in England, and so artfully written, that they might easily mislead those, Avho were willing to be deceived on the side of their prejudices and wishes. It is never- theless true, that no man in America took a more early, open, and decided part in asserting and defending the rights of the colonies, and opposing the pretensions set up by the British government. In the Virginia legislature he went heart and hand with Henry, Ean- dolph, Lee, Wythe, and the other prominent leaders of the time. His opinions and principles were con- sistent throughout. That he looked for a conciliation, till the convening of the first Congress, and perhaps till the petition of that Congress had been rejected by the King, there is no doubt ; and so did Franklin, Jay, Jefferson, John Adams, and probably all the other master spirits, who gave the tone to public sentiment and action. His disapprobation of the Stamp Act was expressed in unqualified terms. He spoke of it, in a letter writ- ten at the time, as an " unconstitutional method of taxation," and " a direful attack on the liberties of the colonists." And subsequently he said, " The repeal of the Stamp Act, to whatever cause owing, ought much to be rejoiced at ; for, had the Parliament of Great Britain resolved upon enforcing it, the consequences, I conceive, would have been more direful than is gen- Mt. 35.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 105 erally apprehended, both to the mother country and her colonies. All, therefore, who were instrumental in procuring the repeal, are entitled to the thanks of every British subject, and have mine cordially." He was present in the Virginia legislature, when Patrick Henry offered his celebrated resolutions on this subject. I have found no record of his vote ; but it may be pre- sumed, from his well-known sentiments, and from his frankness in avowing them, that he stood in the ranks of the patriotic party, to which he ever afterwards rendered his most zealous support. 106 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1769. CHAPTEE XL Joins heartily In all the Measures of Opposition.— His Services in procuring the Lands promised to the Officers and Soldiers in the French War. — Per- forms a Tour to the Ohio and Kenhawa Rivers for the purpose of selecting those Lands.— Takes an active Part at different Times in the Proceedings of the Virginia Legislature in defending the Ptights of the Colonies. — His Opin- ions on this Subject. — Chosen to command several Independent Companies of 3Iilitia.— A Delegate to the first and second Virginia Conventions. — A Member of the Continental Congress. The spirit of discontent and opposition diffused it- self rapidly in all the provinces. In the month of April, 1769, just before the assembling of the Yir- gioia legislature, Colonel Washington received sundry papers, containing the resolves and proceedings of the merchants of Philadelphia, These papers he com- municated to his neighbor and friend, George Mason, accompanied by a letter, in which he declared his own opinions in a tone of energy and decision, that could leave no room to doubt, as to his sense of the matter, and the ground he was prepared to take. *' At a time," said he, " when our lordly masters in Great Britain will be satisfied wdth nothing less than the deprivation of American freedom, it seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty which we have de- rived from our ancestors. But the manner of doing it, to answer the purpose effectually, is the point in question. " That no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment, to use arms in defense of so valuable a blessing, is clearly my opinion. Yet arms, I would beg leave to add, should be the last resource, the dernier ressort. We have already, it is said, proved the inefRcacy of addresses to the throne, and remonstrances to Parlia- Mt. 37.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 107 ment. How far, then, their attention to our rights and privileges is to be awakened or alarmed, by starv- ing their trade and manufactures, remains to be tried. " The northern colonies, it appears, are endeavoring to adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a good one, and must be attended with salutary effects, provided it can be carried pretty generally into execution." These sentiments were cordially reciprocated by Mr. Mason, who agreed that steps ought immediately to be taken to bring about a concert of action between Vir- ginia and the northern colonies. This gentleman, who afterwards drafted the first constitution of Virginia, and was a skilful writer, drew up a series of articles in the form of an Association. The Burgesses met in May, and, as Mr. Mason was not then one of their number, "Washington took charge of the paper, with the view of laying it before the Assembly. As soon as the Burgesses had come together, and gone through with the forms of opening the session, they proceeded to consider the late doings of Parliament, and passed several bold and pointed resolves, denying the au- thority of Parliament to impose taxes and enact laws hostile to the ancient liberties of the colonists. The governor. Lord Botetourt, deservedly popular for his amiable manners and the real interest he felt in the Avelfare of the people, and at heart opposed to the ministerial pretensions, could not, in justice to his sovereign and the trust reposed in him, silently witness these symptoms of disaffection and disobedience. He went the next day to the Capitol, summoned the Bur- gesses to meet him in the council chamber, and there dissolved the Assembly. JSTot intimidated by this exercise of the prerogative, although a virtual repri- mand, they forthwith repaired in a body to a private house, and unanimously adopted the non-importation agreement, which had been prepared by George 108 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770. Mason, and presented by Washington. Every member subscribed his name to it, and it was then printed and dispersed in the country for the signatures of the people. AVashington was scrupulous in observing this agree- ment ; and, when he sent his customary annual orders to London for goods to be used in his family, he strictly enjoined his correspondents to forward none of the enumerated articles, unless the offensive acts of Parlia- ment should in the meantime be repealed. In the midst of his public engagements, another affair, extremely vexatious in its details, employed much of his attention. The claims of the officers and soldiers to lands, granted by Governor Dinwiddle as a reward for their services at the beginning of the French war, met with innumerable obstacles for a long time, first from the ministry in England, and next from the au- thorities in Virginia. By his unwearied exertions, however, and by these alone, and mostly at his own expense, the matter was at last adjusted. Nor did he remit his efforts, till every officer and private soldier had received his due proportion. Where deaths had occurred, the heirs were sought out, and their claims verified and allowed. Even Yanbraam, who was be- lieved to have deceived him at the capitulation of the Great Meadows, and who went as a hostage to Canada, thence to England, and never returned to America, was not forgotten in the distribution. His share was re- served, and he was informed that it was at his disposal. While this business was in progress, Washington resolved to visit the western lands in person, and select for the surveys such tracts as would have an intrinsic value, both in regard to their location and quality. This was the more important, as it was necessary to take the land in large tracts, and then divide it ac* cording to a prescribed ratio. ^T. 37.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 109 In the autumn of 17T0, accompanied by his friend, Dr. Craik, who had been his companion-in-arms at the battles of the Great Meadows and of the Monongahela, he performed a tour of nine weeks for this purpose. Proceeding to Pittsburg on horseback, he there em- barked in a canoe, and descended the Ohio River to the Great Kenhawa, a distance of two hundred and sixty -five miles. At that time there were no inhabitants on the Ohio below Pittsburg, except the natives of the forest. A few traders had wandered into those regions, and land speculators had sent out emissaries to explore the country, but no permanent settlements had been formed. He was attended down the river by William Craw^ford, a person accustomed to the woods, and a part of the way by Colonel Croghan, distinguished for his knowl- edge of Indian affairs. The voyage was fatiguing and somewhat hazardous, as they w^ere exposed without shelter to the inclemency of the w- eather, and no one of the party was experienced in the navigation of the stream. At night they landed and encamped. Oc- casionally they walked through the woods, leaving the canoe in charge of the oarsmen. They w^ere thus en- abled to inspect the lands, and form a judgment of the soil. "Washington was also gratified to meet several of his former Indian friends, who, hearing of his journey, came to see him at different places. Among others, he recognized a chief, who had gone with him to the fort on French Creek, sixteen years before. They all greeted him with much ceremonious respect, making speeches according to their manner, welcoming him to their country, exhibiting their usual tokens of friend- ship and hospitality, and expressing a desire to main- tain a pacific intercourse with their white neighbors of Yirmnia. Aiter arriving at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa, 110 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1771. he ascended that river about fourteen miles, and ex- amined the lands in the vicinity. He had an oppor- tunity, likewise, to practise his favorite amusement of hunting. Buffaloes, deer, turkeys, ducks, and other wild game, were found in great abundance. Pleased with the situation, aspect, and resources of the country, he selected various tracts of land, which were ultimately surveyed and appropriated to fulfil the ]^ledges to the army. Having accomplished his object, he returned up the Ohio, and thence to Mount Yernon. Some months afterwards he assented to a proposal from Lord Dunmore, governor of Virginia, to join him in an excursion to the western country, and the prep- arations were partly made ; but family afflictions oc- curring at the time, in the death of Mrs. Washington's only daughter, prevented him from executing the design. The crisis was now approaching, which was to call AVashington from his retreat, and to engage him in the widest sphere of public action. The complaints, re- monstrances, and lofty spirit of the colonists had wrought no other impression on the British ministry, than to confirm them in their delusions, and stimulate them to new acts of encroachment and severity, mis- taking the calls of justice for the clamor of factious discontent, and eager to complete by the arm of power the work, which they had begun with rashness and pursued with obstinacy. Although apparently shrouded in theshadesof Mount Yernon, Washington was a close observer of every movement, and perfectly master of the history and principles of the controversy. As- sociating, as he did, with the eminent men of his day, and exercising without intermission the civil functions of a legislator, every topic had been brought under his notice and minutely examined. We have seen the part he had already acted ; and, such were his caution, the ^T. 41.] LIFE OF WASHmGTON. HI rectitude of his motives, his power of discrimination, and his unerring judgment, that he Tvas never known to desert a cause he had once embraced, or change an opinion, which, from a full knowledge of facts, he had deliberately formed. The dissolution of the Assembly by Lord Botetourt had no other effect than to elicit a signal proof of the sentiments of tlie people, and their acquiescence in the acts of their representatives. At the new election every member was returned, who had sat in the former Assembly. In the meantime Lord Botetourt died, and the Earl of Dunmore succeeded him as governor of Yirginia. The temper shown by the Bur- gesses, at their first meeting after he took possession of the government, Avas not such as to make him desir- ous of their aid, so long as he could dispense with it, and he prorogued them by proclamations from time to time till the 4th of March, 1773. This Assembly is memorable for having brought forward the resolves, instituting a Committee of Correspondence, and recom- mending the same to the legislatures of the other col- onies, thereby establishing channels of intelligence and a bond of union, which proved of the utmost impor- tance to the general cause. Washington was present, and gave his hearty support to these resolves. The next session, which took place in May, 1774, was productive of still more decisive measures. Soon after the members had come together, news reached Williamsburg of the act of Parliament for shutting up the port of J>oston, and inflicting other disabilities on the inhabitants of that town, which was to take effect on the 1st of June. The sympathy and patriotic feel- ings of the Burgesses were strongly excited ; and they forthwith passed an order, deprecating this ministerial procedure, as a hostile invasion, and setting apart the 1st of June to be observed " as a day of fasting, hu- 112 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. miliation, and prayer, to implore the Divine interpo- sition for averting the heavy calamity, which threatened destruction to their civil rights and the evils of civil war, and to give them one heart and one mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." The governor was alarmed at these symptoms, and dissolved the House the next morning. ISTot to be diverted from their purpose, however, the delegates repaired immediately to the Ealeigh Tavern, eighty-nine in number, organized themselves into a committee, and drew up and signed an Association, in which, after expressing in strong language their dis- satisfaction with the late doings of the British Parlia- ment, and their opinion that the vital interests of all the colonies w^ere equally concerned, they advised the Committee of Correspondence to communicate with the Committees of the other colonies, on the expedi- ency of appointing deputies to meet in a general con- gress. Although the idea of a congress was in the minds of many persons throughout the continent, had been suggested by Franklin the year before, and pro- posed in town meetings at Boston and ]N"ew York, yet this was the first public assembly by which it was formall}^ recommended. As the governor had dis- solved the legislature, and no other business seemed necessary to be done, many of the delegates returned to their homes. Such as stayed behind, attended the religious services on the day appointed for the fast. Washington writes in his Diary, that he " went to church, and fasted all day." While they were waiting to perform this duty, let- ters were received from Boston, giving an account of a town meeting in that place, and a resolution to call on the inhabitants of the colonies generally to enter into an agreement, that they would hold no further ;Et. 42.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 113 commercial intercourse with Great Britain, either bj imports or exports. Twenty -five of the late delegates were still in Williamsburg, among whom was Wash- ington ; and, on the 29th of May, they met to consider the subject. On one essential point they differed in opinion ; and, as their number was small, they thought it not proper to determine upon any public act, which should go abroad as the presumed sense of the colony. They did no more, therefore, than state the matter clearly in a circular letter, and recommend a meeting of deputies at "Williamsburg on the 1st of August, for the purpose of a more full and deliberate discussion. The circular was printed, and distributed in the several counties. The members, who dissented from the proposition in its comprehensive form, were not satisfied as to the prohibition of exports. All agreed, that the non-im- portation compact should be strictly adhered to, and even enlarged, so as to include every article except such as were indispensable for common use, and could be obtained only from Great Britain. Exports stood on a different footing. Large debts were due to mer- chants in England, Avhich could be paid in no other way than by exporting produce from the colonies. To withhold this produce was in effect a refusal to pay a just debt. Washington was strenuous on this head, and insisted that, whatever might be done prospect- ively, honor and justice required a faithful discharge of all obligations previously contracted. The reply was, that the colonists, after all, were the greatest sufferers, that the English merchants could not expect an exemption from the calamities brought upon the nation by the weakness or wickedness of their rulers, and that the debts would in the end be paid. He was not convinced by this reasoning. At any rate, he was not willing to make it the basis of action, till other 114 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. less objectionable methods should be found unavail- ing. In conformity to the advice of the circular letter, meetings were held in the several counties, resolutions were adopted, and delegates appointed to meet in con- vention at Williamsburg on the 1st of August. In Fairfax County, Washington presided as chairman of the meetings, and was one of the committee to prepare a series of resolves expressive of the sense of the people. The resolves themselves, twenty-four in all, were drafted by George Mason ; and they constitute one of the ablest and most luminous expositions of the points at issue between Great Britain and the colonies, which are to be found among the public documents of that period. Embracing the great principles and facts, clothed in a nervous and appropriate style, they are equally marked with dignity, firmness, intelligence, and wisdom. They are moreover of special interest as containing the opinions of Washington at a critical time, when he was soon to be raised by his country- mento a station of the highest trust and responsi- bility„ Tho Convention met at Williamsburg on the day proposed. Washington Wiis a member from Fairfax County. One of the principal acts of this Convention Avas to adopt a new Association, more extensive in its prohibitions than the former, and fixing on certain times when all further intercourse with British mer- chants, both by imports and exports, was to be sus- pended, unless the offensive acts of Parliament should previously be repealed. In its general features, this Association was nearly the same as the Fairfax County Eesolves. After sitting six days, appointing Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton delegates to the general Con- JET. 42.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 115 gress, and furnishing them with instructions, the Con- vention dissolved. The day appointed throughout the colonies for the meeting of the first Congress, at Philadelphia, was the 5th of September. Two of Washington's associates, Mr. Henry and Mr. Pendleton, stopped on their way at Mount Yernon, whence they all pursued their journey together, and were present at the opening of the Congress. The proceedings of this assembly need not here be recounted. As the debates were never made public, the part performed by each individual cannot now be known. It has only been ascertained, that Dickinson drafted the petition to the King and the address to the inhabitants of Quebec, Jay the address to the people of Great Britain, and Lee the memorial to the inhabitants of the British colonies ; state papers of great historical value, which extorted a eulogy from Chatham, and which will ever be regarded as among the ablest specimens of practical talent and political wisdom. Mr. Wirt relates an anecdote of Washington, which shows in what estimation he was held by the mem- bers of the first Congress. Soon after Patrick Henry returned home, being asked " whom he thought the greatest man in Congress," he replied, '* If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina is by far the greatest orator ; but, if you speak of solid in- formation and sound judgment, Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." * This opinion was verified by every act of his life. His knowledge, on the subjects to which he gave his at- tention, was most thorough and exact ; and aU the world has agreed, that no other man has given such proofs of the soundness of his judgment. The business of the Congress being over, Washington * Life of Patrick Henry, 3d edition, p. 113. 116 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. went back to the occupations of his farm. Little leisure Avas left him, however, for these favorite pur- suits. It had long been a custom in Virginia to form independent companies for military discipline. These companies chose their own officers, adopted uniforms, and provided themselves with colors, arms, and drums, but were governed by the general regulations of the militia laws. Companies of this description had re- cently been encouraged by Governor Dunmore, who had an Indian war upon his hands, and was fitting out a formidable expedition to the West. Their martial spirit was quickened, when it was per- ceived that their services might be wanted in a cause of vastly greater moment. As the first military char- acter in the province. Colonel Washington was much consulted by the officers, and his counsels were im- plicitly followed. He had hardly returned from the Congress, when he was solicited by the independent company of Prince William County to take command of them as field-officer. Other companies tendered him the same honor ; and it seemed to be the unani- mous expectation of the people, that, in the event of a war, he would be placed at the head of the Virginia forces. He yielded to the solicitations of the com- panies, reviewed them at the different points of ren- dezvous, animated them by his example; and his advice and instructions were received by them as orders, which they were bound to obey. The second Virginia Convention met at Richmond on the 20th of March, 1775. Washington attended as a delegate. The proceedings of the general Congress were first taken up, examined, discussed, and ap- proved. Patrick Henry then introduced resolutions to establish a more efficient system of embodying, arming, and disciplining the militia. This proposition was startling to some of the members, who thought so Mr. 4S.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 117 bold a step premature, till the result of the last peti- tion to the King should be more fully known. It was carried by a majority, however, who, like Washing- ton, after the experiments already tried, had no faith in the success of petitions. A committee, of w^hich Washington was a member, was accordingly selected to report a plan. Deference would naturally be paid to his superior knowledge and experience in military affairs, and it may be presumed that the scheme Avas chiefly modeled by him. In defending the above reso- lutions, Patrick Henry made the celebrated speech, in which he said ; " We must fight ! I repeat it. Sir, w^e must fight ! An appeal to arms and the God of hosts is all that is left us ! " The Convention next took notice of the internal state of the province. To remedy the wants, which the people would suffer from the cessation of imports, it was proposed to devise a plan for the encourage- ment of arts and manufactures. Washington was likewise on the committee for digesting and preparing this plan. Various articles were enumerated, most essential for use, which it was believed might be man- ufactured in the colony, and methods were indicated for accomplishing so desirable an end. The people were advised to form themselves into societies and committees for mutual intelligence and aid, to offer premiums, and to promote the culture of wool, cotton, flax, and hemp. The members of the Convention agreed, that they would use home manufactures in preference to any others, and recommended this patri- otic practise to their constituents. The former delegates were rechosen to represent Virginia in the next Continental Congress. On the day this choice was made, Washington wrote to his brother, approving his zeal in training an independent company, and adding; "I shall very cheerfully ac- ^^g LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. cept the honor of commanding it, if occasion require it to be drawn out, as it is my full intention to devote my life and fortune in the cause we are engaged m, it needful." The time of need soon arrived. -.Et. 43.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 119 CHAPTEH XII. Meeting of the second Congress.— Washington chosen Commander-in-chief of the Continental Army.— Repairs to Cambridge, and talces the Command.— State of the Army.— His Ictercourse with Congress.— Nuiuei'ous Affairs de- volve oa hixxu "When the second Congress assembled, on the 10th of May, 1775, the relations between the colonies and Great Britain had assumed an aspect no longer doubt- ful. The petition of the former Congress, though received by the King, had been treated with silent neglect, and had produced no change of measures or purpose. The tone of the ministry and proceedings of Parliament indicated a fixed determination to per- severe in their oppressive demands, and to achieve by force what they could not effect by the menaces of power, or the terror of the civil arm. Hostilities .had in fact commenced. The tragical day at Lexington and Concord had occurred. The inexcusable rashness of General Gage, in sending troops into the country on an errand of plunder and bloodshed, had roused the indignation of the inhabitants ; and the yeomanry of New England were flying to arms and rallying around the standard of AmiCrican liberty. An army, respectable for numbers, strong in spirit and the jus- tice of their cause, had collected in the vicinity of Boston, prepared for combat, and resolved to resist any further encroachments of the now declared enemaes to their country. Such was the crisis, which presented itself to the Congress when they met, and which called for the ex- ercise of all their wisdom and firmness. Notwith- 120 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. standing the hope, perhaps belief, entertained by many, that a reconciliation would still take place on honorable and satisfactory terms, yet all perceived the necessity of prompt and decided action. To shrink at this moment, to temporize and delay, would be a con- fession of weakness, an evidence of irresolution, which might prove of incalculable injury, both by damping the ardor of the Americans, and by strengthening the confidence of their foes. Whatever difference of opin- ion there might be on other points, every member felt, that the hour of preparation was come, and that an organized system must be instituted, which would draw out and concentrate the military resources of the coun- try. While Congress were deliberating on this subject, Washington wrote a letter to a friend in England, in which, after speaking of the battle of Lexington, he says ; " This may serve to convince Lord Sandwich, and others of the same sentiment, that Americans will fight for their liberties and property, however pusil- lanimous in his Lordship's eyes they may appear in other respects. Unhappy it is, though, to reflect, that a brother's sword has been sheathed in a brother's breast, and that the once happy and peaceful plains of America are either to be drenched in blood, or in- habited by slaves. Sad alternative ! But can a virtu- ou?s man hesitate in his choice ? " Congress first proceeded to consider the state of the country, and to provide for defense. Committees were appointed to prepare reports, and it is a proof of the estimation in which the practical talents and experience of Washington were held, that he was chairman of all these committees ; first, for recommending what posts should ba occupied in the province of Xew York ; secondly, for devising vvays and means of procuring ammunition and military stores ; thirdly, for making JET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 121 an estimate of money necessary to be raised ; fourthly, for preparing rules and regulations for the government of the army. By voting unanimously, that "these colonies be immediately put into a state of defense," Congress virtually assumed a control over the military operations of the whole, and the basis of their plans was laid accordingly. From that time the forces under the direction of Congress were called the Continental Army. They also resolved to raise ten companies of riflemen in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, which were to march and join the army near Boston as soon as possible, and to be paid by the continent. These preliminary arrangements being finished, the next thing was to appoint a Commander-in-chief of the American armies. This was a task of more deli- cacy and difficulty than might at first be supposed. Many considerations were to be weighed, besides the personal qualifications of any individual for that high station, either as to character, abilities, or military skill. In the first place, it was essential that he should be ac- ceptable to all the colonies, and particularly to such, as, from their position or extent, would be compelled to take the largest share in the war. Otherwise local jealousies and discontents might spring up, which would defeat the best laid schemes, and possibly ruin the cause. ]N^ext, there were officers in the country, older in years than Colonel Washington, who had ac- quired a reputation in the last war, and whose services would be necessary. To pass over such, as should be thought by themselves or their friends to have higher claims, on the score of former rank and standing, a point on which military men are always so sensitive, might be a hazardous experiment. Besides, the troops already in the field were wholly from the "New Eng- land provinces, and it was uncertain how far they would be reconciled to a commander from the south, 122 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. with whom no one among them had a personal ac- quaintance, and who could not be supposed to under- stand their habits, feelings, and prepossessions. Gen- eral Ward, who had hitherto been at the head of the army by the appointment of Massachusetts, and whose command was cheerfully acquiesced in by the other ]Mew England colonies, w^as an officer of experience and ability, and it was questionable in what light an at- tempt to supersede him might be viewed. These difficulties were deeply felt by the members of Congress, and examined in all their bearings. Nor had they come together without previously pondering the subject, and ascertaining, as far as they could, the views of men of influence in different places. From the first Congress they had gone home with most favorable impressions of the character and talents of Colonel Washington. All the world acknowledged his military accomplishments, intellectual resources, cour- age, coolness, and control over the minds of others. Five years' experience, in a responsible and arduous service, had afforded ample proofs of these qualities. It was fortunate, also, that political motives conspired to fix the choice on him in preference to any other per- son. Virginia was powerful in wealth and numbers, and doubly so in its men of brilliant parts, who had espoused the cause of the continent with a spirit and resolution, v/hich had nowhere else been surpassed. To take the commander of the American armies from that province was a dictate of policy, which the wise and prudent would not overlook, and none but the narrow-minded could disapprove. It should be said, to the credit of the New England delegates, that they were among the foremost to ])ro- pose, and the most zealous to promote, the appoint- ment of Colonel Washington. As the contest had be- gim in MassachusettSj the inhabitants of which had Me. 4S.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 123 been the chief sufferers, and as the existing army was mostly raised there, it could not have been thought an extravagant assumption, had that colony aspired to the honor of furnishing a Coraraander-in-chief. But, happily for America, the patriots of that day rose far above the sordid aims of selfishness and party rival- ships. While the discussions were going on in Congress respecting military preparations, Mr. John Adams, one of the delegates from Massachusetts, moved that the army, then besieging the British troops in Boston, should be adopted by Congress as a Continental army ; and, in the course of his observations enforcing this motion, he said it was his intention to propose for the office of Commander-in-chief a gentleman from Yir- ginia, who was at that time a member of their own body. His remarks were so pointed, that all present perceived them to apply to Colonel Washington, who, upon hearing this reference to himself, retired from his seat and withdrew. When the day for the appoint- ment arrived, the nomination was made by Mr. Thomas Johnson, of Maryland. The choice was by ballot, and, on inspecting the votes, it was found that Colonel Washington was unanimously elected. As soon as the result was ascertained, the House ad- journed. On the convening of Congress the next morning, the president communicated to him ofHcially the notice of his appointment, and he rose in his place and signified his acceptance in a brief and appropriate reply. After expressing bis thanks for the signal honor done him by Congress, and his concern, "from the consciousness that his abilities and military experience might not be equal to the extensive and important trust," he added ; " Lest son'ie unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation,! beg it may be 124 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177& remembered by every gentleman in the room, tbat I this day declare with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with." Before the election it had been voted, that five hundred dollars a month should be allowed for the pay and expenses of the general. On this point he said, " I beg leave to assure the Congress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. Those, I doubt not, they will discharge ; and that is all I desire." The appointment was made on the 15th of June. Four days afterwards he received his commission from the president of Congress, in which he was declared to be Commander-in-chief of all the forces then raised, or that should be raised, in the united colonies, or that should voluntarily offer their service for the defense of American Liberty. The members of Congress pledged themselves by a unanimous resolve, to maintain, assist, and adhere to him, with their lives and fortunes, in the same cause. Four major-generals and eight brigadiers were likewise appointed for the Continental army. To the former rank were chosen Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuyler, and Israel Putnam ; to the latter, Seth Pomroy, Kichard Montgomery, David Wooster, William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and JSTathanael Greene. To these was added Horatio Gates, as adjutant-general, with the rank of brigadier. The situation of affairs required the commander's presence as soon as possible at Cambridge, where the army was stationed. Every necessary arrangement with Congress was in a short time completed, and he left Philadelphia on the 21st of June, accompanied by ^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 125 General Lee and General Schuyier, and escorted by a volunteer troop of light-horse from the city, which con- tinued with him to New York. He had reviewed in Philadelphia, at the request of the officers, several militia companies of infantry, rangers, riflemen, and light-horse. "Wherever he appeared, the people mani- fe'sted great enthusiasm, and eagerness to show him all the respect to which his new rank entitled him. The Provincial Congress of New York was then sitting ; and, w^hen it was known that General Washington was on the road, a committee from that body was deputed to meet him at Newark, and attend him across Hud- son's Kiver. On his arrival, addresses of congratula- tion and civility passed between him and the New York Congress. The particulars of the battle of Bunker's Hill reached him there, and increased his anxiety to hasten forward to the army. General Schuyler w^as to remain in New York, as commander of the military operations in that quarter. This was a delicate position, as the British Governor Tryon was then in the city, a ship of w^ar in the harbor keeping the inhabitants in awe, and through- out the province were many powerful and avowed friends of the royal cause. But great confidence was placed in the fidelity, discretion, and firmness of Gen- eral Schuyler. After giving him instructions suitable to the exigencies of the case, General Washington again pursued his journey, escorted by volunteer military companies. In this manner he traveled to Springfield, where he was met by a committee from the Massa- chusetts Provincial Congress, w^ho were instructed to provide escorts, and to attend him in person, through the remainder of the route. He arrived in Cambridge on the 2d of July, and took command of the army the next day. . . His first care was to ascertain the numbers, position, 226 1-13^ ^^ WASHINGTON. pTTBw and arratigeTnents of the troops, to inspect the posts they occupied, and to gain a knowledge of the strength and plans of the enemy. The British general was him- self stationed in Boston, with the light-horse and a few other troops ; the bulk of his army lay on Bunker's Hill, busy in throwing up intrenchraents ; and the re- mainder w^ere on the neck of land between Boston and Eoxbary, which had been strongly fortified. The Americans were so posted as to form a complete line of siege around Boston and Charlestown, extending nearly twelve miles from Mystic Kiver to Dorchester. Intrenchments and redoubts had been begun at different points in this line, a,nd these works were still in prog- ress. The regiments from Tsew Hampshire, Ehode Island, and part of those from Connecticut, occupied Winter Hill and Prospect Hill ; several of the Massa- chusetts regiments were at Cambridge, and others from Connecticut and Massachusetts covered the high grounds in Eoxburj^ Having acquainted himself with this state of affairs. General Washington convened a council of war. It was the opinion of the council, that, according to the best information that could be obtained, the enemy's available force in Boston amounted to eleven thousand five hundred m.en, including the regular troops, Tories, and such sailors as might be spared from the fleet. It was also advised, without a dissenting voice, that the posts now occupied should be held and defended, and that twenty-two thousand men were necessary to give proper security to so long an extent of lines. A place of rendezvous, in case the army should be attacked and routed, was likewise agreed upon. The difficulty was perceived of sustaining posts so widely separated, almost under the guns of the enemy, and exposed at many points to sudden assaults; and the question of removing further into the country to a Mr. 48,] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1^ stronger position vrrs discussed. But this was thought to be neither politic in itself, nor without hazard in the execution. It would discourage the men, elate the enemy, and have an ill effect upon the minds of the people. This consideration, added to the uncertainty of finding a better place at which to make a stand, and to the great labor and charge already bestowed on the works for defense, was regarded as conclusive against a change. The American army, including the sick and absent, amounted to about seventeen thousand men ; but the number present, fit for duty, was only fourteen thou- sand five hundred. This was so far short of the number wanted, that the council recommended an immediate application to the Isew England governments to make up the deficiency by new recruits. It will easily be supposed, that an army, collected as this had been on the spur of the moment from different provinces and under different regulations, would be defective in many essential parts. There were few tents and stores, no supply of clothing, no military chest, no general organization. The regiments acted under their respective commanders, who were united only by mutual consent, bound together by no military law, and, except those from Massachusetts, yielding obedience to General Ward rather from courtesy and the necessity of the case, than from any recognition of his superior authority. The troops of each province were regulated by their own militia laws. These were various and discordant ; and hence no general system could prevail. Discipline was lax; disorders frequent. But the most alarming want was that of ammunition, respecting which the officers themselves seem to have been deceived, till General Washington discovered, to his great astonishment, that there was not powder enough in the whole camp for nine cartridges to a man. 128 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. (1775. Out of these materials, and in the midst of these embarrassments, it was General Washington's first task to form, commission, and systematize an arnn^ Another circumstance caused great perplexity from the beginning. The appointment of general officers by Congress had given much dissatisfaction. The pretensions to rank, on the score of former services, had not been well adjusted. The subordinate officers and private soldiers mingled their sympathies and complaints, and threatened to leave the army unless these grievances should be redressed. Symptoms of discontent appeared in every quarter, and threatened to destroy the little that remained of method and dis- cipline. The ferment was gradually allayed by the prudence of Washington, who referred the matter to Congress, and proceeded steadily to mature his plans. He arranged the arm}^ into six brigades, of six regi- ments each, in such a manner, that the troops from the same colony should be brought together, as far as practicable, and act under a commander from that colony. Of the whole he made three grand divisions, each consisting of two brigades or twelve regiments, The division forming the left wing was stationed at Winter Hill, and commanded by Major-Gen eral Lee ; the center division was at Cambridge, under Major- General Putnam ; and the right wing at Eoxbury, under Major-General Ward. The headquarters of the Commander-in-chief were with the center at Cam- bridge. Thus was planted the original germ of the Conti- nental army, to foster the growth and strength of which required the utmost care and address. All the officers were commissioned anew by Congress, although no changes of rank were attempted, and no appoint- ments made, except of the major and brigadier-gen- erals. By degrees the system worked itself into a ^T. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 129 tolerable method ; but, after all, it was full of imper- fections, which no art or skill could remedy. The soldiers had been enlisted by their respective govern- ments for a definite time and object, and they looked upon this contract as one which they were bound to fulfil, but not such as could put them under any other power. Each individual regarded himself as a party concerned, and claimed his rights as a citizen. Hence, when the rules and regulations of the Conti- nental army, which had been prescribed by Congress, were presented to them, many would not accede, be- cause they did not enlist on such terms, and they were apprehensive some nevf obligations might devolve on them by giving their assent. Having left their homes to fight for liberty, they chose to assert it first in their own behalf. However repugnant this temper was to the existence of an army, the commander yielded to his good sense, and resorted to no other force than that of argument and facts, judiciously set forth from time to time in the general orders ; tenacious of his author- ity no further than the public good exacted, and for- bearing to oppose prejudices, which could not be softened by persuasion nor subdued by severity. He left it optional v/ith the men to subscribe the articles or not, making it a necessary condition only with the new recruits, who enlisted into the Continental ranks. In addition to the management and direction of the armies in the field, which is all that is usually expected from a commander-in-chief, a most responsible service of a different kind was thrown upon General Wash- ington. Congress, as the civil head of the confederacy, was as yet feeble in its powers, imperfectly organized, distrustful of its control over the public will, and wholly unversed in military concerns, l^or did una- nimity reign among its members. On the great point of resistance, till wrongs should be redressed, there 9 ISO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1T75. was bufc one Yoice. As to the ineans of attaining this end, a wide difference prevailed. Some were timid, fixing their hopes upon a speedy reconciliation ; others doubted the ability of the country to sustain a contest ; others were influenced by local interests ; while others again were resolute, and allowed all thoughts of future consequences to bo swallowed up in the single consid- eration of the justice of their cause. The majority were of this last description. Yet even these men, dauntless in spirit, and willing to risk everything on their own account, were haunted by a specter, which gave them great uneasiness. History had told them of the danger of military power, the ambition of aspir- ing leaders, and the chains that had been forged and riveted on an unsuspicious people by standing armies. These lessons made a deep impression, and infused a dis- trust incompatible with enlarged schemes or energetic action. Thus it was, that the same ardor of patriotism, which impelled them to encounter every hazard, oper- ated as a check to the only measures by which their object could be gained. These misgivings were early discovered by "Wash- ington. He respected the motive, although he could not but lament its eiiects. Conscious, on his own part, of the highest purity of purpose, and harboring no latent thought, which was not directed to the best good of his country-, if ho felt vv'ounded at this suspicion, he did not suffer it to appear in his conduct, nor to alter his opinion of the v/atchful guardians of the people's liberty. Example, he wisely thought, would oe more regarded than complaint, more persuasive than words. If ability and courage are necessary in a commander, he soon saw, that, in his case at least, patience, forbearance, and fortitude were not less so. A regular army and a military system were to be created, and on such principles as would insure their Mt. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 131 stability and continuance. This great work was to be executed mainly by the Commander-in-chief. Congress might approve, sanction, and aid ; but it was his task to invent, combine, organize, establish, and sustain. To this end he kept up an unremitted correspondence with Congress during the whole war. His letters were read to the House in full session, and almost every im- portant resolution respecting the army was adopted on his suggestion or recommendation, and emanated from his mind. He was thus literally the center of motion to this immense and complicated machine, not more in directing its operations, than in providing for its existence, and preserving from derangement and ruin its various parts. His perplexities were often increased by the distance at vvhich he was stationed from Con- gress, the tardy movements of that body, and the long time it took to obtain the results of their delibera^tions. By a constant watchfulness and forethought, and by anticipating the future in his communications, he con- trived to lessen this inconvenience as far as it could be done. Besides his unceasing intercourse with Congress, he was obliged to correspond with the heads of the pro- vincial governments, and afterwards with the governors and legislatures of the States, with conventions, com- mittees, and civil magistrates. In these were really vested the executive powers of the confederated gov- ernment. Congress recommended, advised, resolved; they voted men and supplies, assigning due proportions to the respective States ; here their authority ceased^ The rest v/as left to the will of the people, exercised through their representatives in the State legislatures. These bodies required the perpetual promptings of the Commander-in-chief, with forcible representations of the weakness and wants of the army, and appeals to all the motives which could stimulate ^triotism or ^32 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. touch the springs of interest. One advantage, how- ever, attended these harassing relations, which might compensate for so extraordinary a weight of care and responsibility. They brought him into more direct contact with the sources of power, and enabled him to extend his influence, and the fruits of his wisdom, into channels where they were most needed, and would produce the best effects ; thus enlarging the compass of his own consideration, and promoting public har- mony and union. He had not been long in camp, when he was called upon to exercise his firmness in a manner, that for a moment threatened disagreeable consequences. The enemy's armed vessels were hovering on the coast, seizing small craft, and menacing towns on the sea- board. The inhabitants were alarmed, and claimed protection. The legislature of Massachusetts and the governor of Connecticut applied to Washington with a formal request, that he would detach troops from the army for that purpose. To refuse this request was delicate ; to grant it, dangerous. In the former case, it would excite the clamors of the people and the dis- satisfaction of their rulers; in the latter, it would weaken the army so maich, as to leave the camp ex- posed to a successful assault, and the country around Boston to insult and ravage. The army itself might be dispersed, and the hopes of the continent blighted in the bud. He did not hesitate. He declined, and stated his reasons in language so judicious and forcible, as to avoid giving offense, and to blunt the edge of disappointment. This precedent was followed through- out the war. It was established as a rule, that attacks of the enemy at isolated points along the coast must be repelled by the militia in the vicinity, except when the Continental army was in a condition to make de- tachments without jeoparding the general cause. ^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 133 CHAPTEK XIIL Correspondence with General Gage. — Councils of War respecting an Assault on Boston. — Organization of a newContinental Army.— Difficulties in procur- ing Recruits.— Militia called out.— ?.Iaritime Affairs.— Armed Vessels.— General Howe takes Command of the British Army. — Condition of the American Army at the End of the Year.— Washington's Arrangement of his private Affairs. General Gage commanded the British troops in Boston. Prisoners had fallen into his hands on the eventful day at Bunker's Hill, and he had seized other persons accused of disaffection to the King. These he had thrown indiscriminately into prison, no dis- tinction being made between officers, soldiers, and citi- zens. The report went abroad that they w^ere treated wath great severity. Justice to his country, and the calls of humanity, made it incumbent on Washington to remonstrate against such conduct. He wrote to the British general. The occasion awakened recol- lections of more than common interest. Just twenty years had elapsed since he and Gage fought side by side on the bloody battle-field of the Monongahela. An intimacy then subsisted between them, which w^as cherished afterwards by a friendly correspondence. Far different was the relation in which they now stood to each other, at the head of contending armies ; the one obeying the commands of his sovereign, the other upholding the cause of an oppressed people. Their letters were significant of the change. The remonstrance of Washington, clothed in dignified but pointed language, represented the impolicy as well as cruelty of ill-treatment to prisoners, since it would impose upon him the necessity of retaliating, and there 134 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. pTTBL. would be no end to the horrors of war, if such a system were pursued. General Gage denied the charge of harsh usage, and took credit to himself for his cleni'. ency in sparing persons, ''whose lives by the law of the land were destined to the cord." As to difference of rank, he professed not to know any, which was not derived from the King. These principles set at nought all the rules of honor- able warfare, and indicated that the highest officers in the American army, if captured, would be treated as culprits. The only apparent remedy was retaliation. The prisoners in Washington's possession were im- mediately ordered into the country, and he gave directions that they should receive in every respect the same treatment as was known to be practised on the unfortunate sufferers in Boston. Such was his first impulse ; but, however justified by the laws of war, he could not reconcile to himself an act, which should inflict punishment on innocent men for the folly or obduracy of a commander. The order was countermanded, while the prisoners w^ere on the road to Northampton, the place of their destination ; and Colonel Reed, one of his aides de-camp, wrote to the committee of the town, directing that the prisoners should be at liberty to go abroad on their parole. He added : '' The General further requests, that every other indulgence and civility consistent with their security may be shown to them, as long as they demean themselves with decency and good manners. As they have committed no hostility against the people of this country, they have a just claim to mild treatment ; and the General does not doubt, that your conduct towards them will be such, as to compel their grateful acknowledgments, that Americans are as merciful as they are brave." In replying to General Gagd's letter, Washingtoa JET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1S5 said : " You affect, Sir, to despise all rank not derived from the same source as your own. I cannot conceive one more honorable, than that which flows from th© uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power. Far from making it a plea for cruelty, a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas would apprehend and respect it." The indiscretion and weakness of the British general's conduct admit of no defense; 3^et it should be remembered, that he was taught by his superiors to look upon the asserters of liberty in America as rebels, and to treat tbcni as such. Little can be said, however, in praise of his political sagacity, knowledge of human nature, or enlargement of mind. The army was soon augmented by the companies of riflemen from Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, which had been raised in compliance with a resolution of the Continental Congress. The companies were j511ed up with surprising quickness, and on their arrival in camp the numbers of several of them exceeded the prescribed limit. "Within two months from the time the orders were sent out, they had been enlisted and equipped, and had marched from four to seven hun- dred miles to the army at Cambridge. General Washington had the satisfaction to find, also, that the reinforcements of militia, which he had requested from the I^ew England governments to strengthen his camp, came in as expeditiously as could be desired. The deficiency of powder in the camp at Cambridge continued to be a cause of extreme anxiety to Y/ashing- ton. Small quantities were collected, but in no pro- portion to the demand. What added to his concern was, that the enemy m.ight discover his weakness on this account, and march out to attack him. In such an event, the whole army must inevitably be routed 136 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. and dispersed. Secrecy was indispensable; and con- sequently the people at large were as ignorant of his condition, as the enemy v/ithin their lines. Murmurs began to be audible that the army was inactive, and that a superiorit}^ of numbers might justif}^ an attempt against the town. The subject was referred to a council of general ofiicers, who unanimously opposed such an experiment. A report next gained creditj that tenderness for the inhabitants of the town, and reluctance to burn their houses and property, were motives for this forbearance. Congress, either partici- pating this sentiment, or willing to hazard the con- sequences, hinted their wishes to the general by sug. gesting, that, *4f he thought it practicable to defeat the enemy and gain possession of the town, it would be advisable to make the attack upon the first favorable occasion, and before the arrival of reinforcements, which Congress apprehended might soon be expected." Another council was called, a month after the above, to consider this suggestion, and again there w^as a unanimous voice against it. Whatever Washington's own opinion may have been, he was constrained to acquiesce in silence ; for it would have been highly imprudent to undertake such an enterprise, while all the officers were opposed to it, and his actual condition demanded concealment from the public. Occasional cannonades and skirmishes took place at the advanced points on the lines, but the enemy showed no disposition to leave their intrenchments. In fact, they never meditated an attack, unless reinforcements should arrive. General Gage wrote to Lord Dart- mouth, that such an attempt, if successful, would be fruitless, as there were neither horses nor carriages for transportation, and no other end could be answered than to drive the Americans from one stronghold to another. Mt. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I37 The time yras drawing near when it would be neces- sary to form a new army. The Connecticut and Rhode Island troops w^ere engaged to serve only till the beginning of December, and none beyond the end of that month. The attention of Congress had been called to the subject, and a committee of three mem- bers was appointed to repair to the camp, and meet delegates from the New England colonies, for the pur- pose of devising the most effectual means of continuing, regulating, and supporting the Continental army, Franklin, Lynch, and Harrison were the committee, and they joined the delegates at Washington's head- quarters on the 18th of October. As the persons constituting this convention were unskilled in military affairs, the plan proposed by General Washington, which had been discussed and matured by a council of officers, was in the main adopted. It was conceived, that, to give proper secu- rity, the American army ought to be numerically twice as large as that of the enemy in Boston. Twenty-six regiments, therefore, were assigned for the new organ- ization, besides riflemen and artillery, each regiment being divided into eight companies. The whole num- ber of men would then by estimate amount to twenty thousand three hundred and seventy-two. Many of those already on the ground, whose term of service was soon to expire, it was hoped would re-enlist, and the deficiency was to be supplied by recruits from the country. The delegates supposed that thirty-two thousand men might be raised in the four New Eng- land colonies for one year, the period fixed by Congress for all the enlistments. After the convention was dissolved, the committee from Congress continued to sit, and took various other subjects into consideration. The articles of war under- went a revision, and several changes were introduced. 138 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. which experience had proved to be necessary. Regu- lations for disposing of prizes captured at sea, for the exchange of prisoners, the employment of Indians, and many local details relating to the army, came under notice, and certain definite rules were agreed upon. "When the committee returned to Congress, their pro- ceedings were approved and confirmed. This conference was of great service to the Com- mander-in-chief. It afforded an opportunity of express- ing his sentiments with more freedom and fulness than he could do by written communications. A system was likewise formed for future operations in which he could confide, as both Congress and the eastern colonies were bound to support the measures agreed upon by their representatives. The next step was to organize the army according to the new arrangement, to appoint the colonels and inferior officers of the several regiments, and issue recruiting orders. This was an affair of great delicacy and embarrassment. It was in the highest degree im- portant to retain as many of the men as possible, who were now in the ranks ; and it was soon discovered, that very few vv'ould remain, unless they could know beforehand what officers they were to serve under, and could have all their partialities gratified. Local considerations threw many obstacles in the way. Care must be taken that each colony should have its due proportion of officers, according to the number of men it was expected to furnish ; and that their rank should be so adjusted as to suit the caprices of some, and tiie extravagant claims of others. The task was formi- dable, but it was at last accomplished, and the recruiting began. In addition to the concerns of the army, "Washington was obliged to bestow much time and attention on maritime affairs. 'No public vessels as yet belonged to ^T. 43.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 139 the continent, nor had Congress made any provision for a naval warfare. While the British troops and the inhabitants of Boston were shut up within the limits of that town, and excluded from a direct intercourse with the country, it was necessary that all their sup- plies should come to them by water ; and the large number of vessels employed in this service suggested the idea of fitting out cruisers in the ports along the coast to capture them. Having no instructions to this efPect, yet believing it compatible with the general design of annoying and distressing the enem}^, Wash- ington took on himself the responsibility of equipping and sending out armed vessels. Agents were employed in Salem, Beverly, Marblehead, and Plymouth, to pro- cure and fit them out, and they w^ere manned by ofBcers and sailors from the army. His instructions to the captains were precise and guarded ; and, that he might seem to act under the authority of his com- mission, he ordered them to " take command of a detachment of the army, with which they were to pro- ceed on board, cruise against such vessels as were found in the service of the enemy, and seize all such as were laden with soldiers, arms, ammunition, or pro- visions.'* In a few weeks six armed schooners were under sail, cruising in the waters of Massachusetts Bay. Several captures were made, and particularly a valuable one by Captain Manly, consisting of munitions of war. But, on the whole, the first enterprises were not crowned with signal success. Some of the officers proved incom- petent, the men mutinied, and the management of tho business in its details caused infinite trouble. The system was improved by degrees, other vessels Tvere fitted out, and Congress provided prize-courts and regulations, which resulted at length in the establish- ment of a Continental Kavy. But General Washing- 140 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. ton was not relieved from this charge, till after the enemy evacuated Boston. One incident illustrative of his character should be here mentioned. Two armed vessels were despatched to the river St. Lawrence, with orders to intercept two brigantines, which it had been understood were to sail from England to Quebec with arms and ammunition. Failing in this object, the captains made a descent upon the Island of St. John's, pillaged the inhabitants, and brought some of them away prisoners. Whether this act was consistent or not with the customary rules of warfare, it was severely reprimanded by Washington, who immediately set the prisoners at liberty, treated them with the greatest kindness, restored all the prop- erty that had been taken, and provided the best means in his power to send them back to their homes. The burning of Falmouth, an act of personal malice and cruel wantonness on the part of a British naval officer, and the threats of the enemy that the same fate should fall upon other seaport towns, produced con- sternation, and the most pressing requests to General Washington for assistance in powder, arms and troops. Again he was compelled, by the necessities of his own situation, to withhold the relief so strenuously solicited. His sympathies were keenly affected by their sufferings, and his popularity was jeoparded by the refusal ; yet in this case, as in all others, a stern sense of duty sub- dued his private feelings and fortified his judgment. When the news of the battle of Bunker's Hill reached the British cabinet, General Gage was recalled, '' in order to give his Majesty exact information of every thing, and suggest such matters as his knowledge and experience of the service enabled him to furnish." In the dearly bought victory at Bunker's Hill he had made a discovery, which seems to have been not less astonishing to himself than mortifying to the minis- JET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 141 ters. " The trials we have had," said he, in a letter to Lord Dartmouth, *'sho\v the rebels are not the despi- cable rabble too many have supposed them to be." In the opinion of the ministers this intelligence showed, likewise, that General Gage had been duped by ill ad- visers or his own ignorance, and that, either from obstinacy, want of address, or incapacity, he was not competent to the station he occupied. On the 1st of October he was superseded in the command by Gen- eral Howe. The abilities of this oflBcer were perhaps superior to those of his predecessor, but they did not grow by ex- perience in the public estimation. He possessed the advantage, however, of not having mingled in the ex- citing events, in which General Gage had acted such a part as to bring down upon him the iD will and reproaches of the people. General Howe was a brother of Lord Howe, who had been slain at Ticonderoga in the last war, and whose memory was ever cherished with warm affection by the colonists. Hence he had nothing to contend against but the physical force, determined spirit, and political skill of the Americans. Prejudices were in his favor, and no antipathies existed. Unluck- ily he imbibed the idea, that he was quelling a rebellion, and that a scrupulous regard to the rules of honorable warfare was not exacted in such a contest. It would be hard to blame him, perhaps, on this score, since he was only conforming to the spirit of his instructions; yet a little more discernment in penetrating the actual state of things around him, a little more discretion and sagacity in adapting his conduct to circumstances, would have shown his character in a better light with- out diminishing the value of his services in the cause he was set to maintain. The enlistments in the new army went on slowly. The dissatisfaction and cabals of the officers, the exact, 142 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. ing temper and undisciplined habits of the men, oc- casioned endless perplexities. General Washington felt intense anxiety. His patience and fortitude were tried in the severest manner. A month's experiment had obtained only live thousand recruits. At one time he "v?as flattered with promises, at another almost every gleam of hope was extinguished, till at length, when the term of service of the Connecticut troops was about to expire, it was ascertained that they would go off in a bod}'' and leave a fearful blank in an army already deficient in numbers, and weakened by internal disor- ders. He appealed to every motive which could stim- ulate their patriotism, pride, or sense of honor, but all in vain ; and it was with the greatest diflaculty, that he could persuade them to stay ten days longer, till the militia could be assembled to supply their place. Orders were issued for calling in the militia. By a prudent foresight he had suggested to Congress the necessity of being intrusted with this authority, and it was granted in general terms. But here again a new trouble arose. The same specter of military domina^. tion, which had from the first struck so much dread into the minds of many persons, and had limited the existence of the present array to one year, was still busy in spreading its terrors, and tormenting itsadver* saries. If the Commander-in-chief could call out the whole force of the country at his option, where would be the bounds of his power, where the checks to soar* ing ambition, where the safeguard of the people^s lib- erties ? Such questions were asked in a tone of tvu umphant confidence, implying that they could not be answered. Happily Congress put an end to them by a simple expedient. They amended their resolve by making it incumbent on the Commander-in-chief to gain the consent of th© executive authority of each col- jEt. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 143 ony before he summoned its militia. In fact he had hitherto proceeded in this way, and probably always would have done so; bat this form of the resolve allayed the fears of the alarmists, and was equally effectual. When General "Washington complained to Governor Trumbull of the extraordinary conduct of the Connec- ticut troops, the latter replied : " There is great diffi- culty to support liberty, to exercise government, and maintain subordination, and at the same time to pre- vent the operation of licentious and leveling principles, which many very easily imbibe. The pulse of a Kew England man beats high for liberty ; his engagement in the service he thinks purely voluntary ; therefore, when the time of enlistment is out, he thinks himself not holden without further engagement. This was the case in the last war. I greatly fear its operation amongst the soldiers of the other colonies, as I am sensible this is the genius and spirit of our people." Another consideration had great weight, perhaps greater than all the rest. The men expected a bounty, A soldier's pay did not satisfy them, as they could ob- tain better wages in other employments, without the fatigue and privations of a camp. Congress had de* clared against bounties, and they could not be offered, unless the colonies should choose to do it individually on their own account. At the end of the year, when the old array was dis- solved, the whole number of the new establishment was nine thousand six hundred and fifty. More than a thousand of these men were absent on furloughs, which it had been necessary to grant as a condition of regnlistment* This result was peculiarly discouraging. ** It is easier to conceive than describe," said General Washington, " the situation of my mind for some time past, and my feelings under our present circumstances. 144 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. Searcli the volumes of history through, and I much question whether a case similar to ours is to be found ; namely, to maintain a post against the flower of the British troops for six months together, without powder, and then to have one army disbanded and another to be raised within the same distance of a reinforced enemy." His immediate safety, however, was secured by the addition of five thousand militia, who soon came in, and were to remain till the middle of January. And the advanced state of the season rendered it im^ probable that the enemy would undertake sudden enterprises. When General Washington accepted the appoint- ment of Congress, he supposed it would be in his power to visit his family in the winter, and attend for a short space to his private affairs. This was found impracti- cable, or at least inconsistent with the duties of his charge ; and Mrs. Washington joined him at bead- quarters in December, where she remained till the next spring. This was her practise during the war. She passed the winters with her husband in camp, and returned at the opening of the camj)aigns to Mount Yernon. His large estates were consigned to the care of a superintendent, Mr. Lund Washington, in whom he had confidence, and who executed the trust with dill- gerice and fidelity. I^otwithstanding the multitude of public concerns, which at all times pressed heavily, and which he never neglected, the thoughts of General Washington constantly reverted to his farms. In the midst of the most stirring and eventful scenes of the war, he kept up an unremitted correspondence with his manager, in which he entered into details, gave minute instructions, and exacted in return frequent and full reports of the particulars relating to the cul- ture of his lands, their products, the condition of the ^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 145 laborers, and every transaction of business. From the beginning to tlie end of tlie Revolution, Lund "Wash- ino'ton wrote to the General as often at least as two or three times a month, and commonly every week, detailing minutely all the events that occurred on tha plantations, his purchases, sales, and payments of money, the kinds and quantity of produce, occupations of the laborers, and whatever else could tend to ex- plain the precise condition and progress of the business in his hands. These letters were regularly answered by the General, even when the weight and embarrass- ment of public duties pressed most heavily upon him, and full instructions were returned for regulating the plans and conduct of the manager. Hardly any copies of this description of letters were recorded, if retained, and the originals have been lost or destroyed. But Lund Washington's letters are preserved, and they give evidence of the extraordinary attention bestowed by the Commander-in-chief on his domestic affairs, though several hundred miles from home, and bearing a burden of public cares, which alone was enough to distract and exhaust the firmest mind. An extract from one of his letters on these topics will show a trait of character, and the footing on which he left his household at Mount Yernon. '^ " Let the hospitality of the house, with respect to the poor, be kept up. Let no one go hungry away. If any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in idleness ; and I have no objection to your giv- ing my money in charity, to the amount of forty or fifty pounds a 3^ear, when you think it well bestowed. What I mean by having no objection is, that it is my desire that it should be done. You are to consider, that neither myself nor wife is now in the way to do these good offices. In all other respects, I recommend 10 146 LIFE OF WASHI:NGT0N. D'?75, it to you, and have no doubt of your observing the greatest economy and frugality ; as I suppose you know, that I. do^not get a farthing for my services here, more than my expenses. It becomes necessary, therefore, for me to be saving at home.'' iBT. 43.} LIFE OF WASHINGTON. U7 CHAPTEE XIY. Plans for an Attack on Boston.-Condltion of the Army. -Dorchester Height! fortined.— Evacuation of Boston.— Troops march to New York.— Washing- ton repairs to Congress.— His Views in Regard to the State of the Country. —Machinations of the Tories, and Measures taken to defeat them.- Declara- tion of Independence. Towards the end of December it was ascertained, that General Howe was fitting out a part of his fleet in the harbor of Boston for some secret enterprise. Its destination could only be conjectured ; but the sea- son of the year and other circumstances induced a be- lief, that an operation at the south was in view. Fears were entertained for New York, then in a defenseless condition, feeble from the timid counsels of its pro- vincial Congress, awed by a British man-of-war, and distracted by the artifices of Governor Tryon, whose presence and address had kept together on Long Isk\nd a formidable body of Tories, some concealed, others undisguised. No efforts were to be spared to prevent the enemy from gaining possession of so important a post as New York, which, with Hudson's Eiver, opened a direct channel to Canada, through which an invading army might pass, to the great injury of the interior country, if not to the discomfiture of the army in the northern department. In the present state of General Wash- ington's forces, he could not send a detachment from camp. As the most promising scheme that offered, General Lee was despatched, with instructions from the Commander-in-chief to raise volunteers in Con- necticut, hasten forward to New York, call^ to his aid other troops from New Jersey, put the city in the best 148 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. posture of defense which his means would permit, dis- arm the Tories and other persons inimical to the rights and liberties of America, and guard the fortifications on Hudson's Eiver. Meantime General Washington became more and more impatient to make an attack on Boston. He summoned a council of officers on the 16th of January, to whom with strong arguments he urged the necessitj of such an attempt before the enemy should be rein- forced, and requested their opinion. They agreed that the attack ought not to be deferred a moment after there should be a fair hope of its succeeding ; but, with the force then in the field, they believed it impracticable. That his feelings were keenly affected by his situation, is apparent from the tone of a letter written at the time, " Could I have foreseen the diffi- culties," said he, " which have come upon us ; could I have known that such backwardness would have been discovered by the old soldiers to the service, all the generals upon earth should not have convinced me of the propriety of delaying an attack upon Boston till this time." He alludes here to the soldiers of the first army, who had refused to enlist, and gone home, in much greater numbers than he had anticipated. The new regiments were increasing very tardily. The time for which the five thousand militia engaged to serve had expired, and a few only could be prevailed upon to stay longer. Another call for militia was in- dispensabl-e. Seven regiments were apportioned to Massachusetts, four to Connecticut, and two to New Hampshire. By the time these should come in, it was hoped the ice on the waters around Boston would be frozen hard enough to facilitate an assault on the town. Besides the want of povrder, which had at no time been supplied in any adequate quantity, the deficiency of arms threatened serious consequences. There were Mt. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I49 nearly two thousand men in camp without firelocks. Every expedient was tried to procure them, but with little effect. The Kew England governments had none to furnish. The militia, reluctant to part with their arms, carried them away when they returned home. Officers were sent into the country with money to purchase them. A few were obtained in this way, but not enough to arm all the men. Despondency was seldom known, perhaps never, to unsettle the constancy or self-command of Washington. He seemed to gather new strength by resisting the pressure of difficulties thickening around him. Borne up by a conscious integrity, weighing well every act of his life, convinced of the justice of his cause, and habitually trusting in the direction of an overruling Providence, his far-reaching mind looked steadily to the end, and he went onward, resolute in purpose, strong in hope. The events of the last six months, however, and the position in which he was now placed, could not but awaken anxious forebodings, and touch his sensibility. He saw his own reputation and the vital interests of his country in jeopardy. The means of rescuing the one from unmerited censure, and secur- ing the other on a solid basis, were feeble, remote, uncertain. The following is his language on the occasion, contained in a letter to a friend. " I know the unhappy predicament in vrhich I stand ; I know that much is expected of me ; I know, that, without men, without arms, without ammunition, with- out anything fit for the accommodation of a soldier, little is to be done ; and, what is mortifying, I know that I cannot stand justified to the world without ex- posing my own weakness, and injuring the cause, by declaring my w^ants, which I am determined not tp do, further than unavoidable necessity brings every man acquainted with them. My situation is so irksome to 150 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [ir?e. me at times, that, if I did not consult the public good more than my own tranquillity, I should long ere this have put everything on the cast of a die. So far from my having an army of twenty thousand men vrell armed, I have been here with less than half that num- ber, including sick, furloughed, and on command, and those neither armed nor clothed as they should be. In short, my situation has been such, that I have been obliged to use art to conceal it from my own officers." As a contrast to this representation, proving the buoyancy of his mind and his determined spirit under the heaviest depression, another passage is here quoted from the same letter. " With respect to myself, I have never entertained an idea of an accommodation, since I heard of the meas- ures, which were adopted in consequence of the Bunker's Hill fight. The King's speech has confirmed the sentiments I entertained upon the news of that affair ; and, if every man vras of my mind, the ministers of Great Britain should know, in a few words, upon what issue the cause should be put. I would not be deceived by artful declarations, nor specious pretenses ; nor would I be amused by unmeaning propositions ; but, in open, undisguised, and manl}^ terms, proclaim our wrongs, and our resolution to be redressed.^ I would tell them that we had borne much, that we i^ad long and ardently sought for reconciliation upon honor- able terms, that it had been denied us, that all our atteinpts after peace had proved abortive, and had been grossly misrepresented, that we had done every- thing which could be expected from the best of subjects, that the spirit of freedom rises too hi^h in us to submit to slavery. This I would tell them not under covert, but in words as clear as the sun in its meridian bright- ness." By degrees the affairs of the army assumed a more JET, 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153^ favorable aspect. Owing to the mildness of the winter, little ice Avas formed till the middle of February, when it was sufficiently strong to enable the troops to march over it from Eoxbury and Dorchester. The Command- er-in-chief proposed to take advantage of this opportu- nity, and make an immediate assault on Boston. His opinion was overruled by a council of officers, much to his disappointment and chagrin. " Though we had been waiting all the year," said he, " for this favorable event, the enterprise was thought too dangerous. Per- haps it was ; perhaps the irksomeness of my situation led me to undertake more than could be warranted by prudence. I did not think so, and I am sure yet, that the enterprise, if it had been undertaken with resolu- tion, must have succeeded ; without it, any would fail." It was resolved, however, that active operations should commence, and that possession should be taken of Dorchester Heights, which might possibly bring out the enemy to an engagement in that quarter, and thus by dividing the forces in Boston, lead to a general attack. Speedy arrangements were made for executing this plan, and the essential part of it was effected by a body of troops, vrho marched in the night under the com- mand of General Thomas, gained the summit of the Heights without being discovered, and by great activity erected before morning such works, as would secure them against the enemy's shot. To divert the attention of General Howe, an incessant cannonade and bom- bardment upon the town had been kept up the two preceding nights, and during the same night, from Lechmere's Point, Cobble Hill, and Eoxbury. As Dorchester Heights commanded the harbor, and also Kook's Hill, from which the town could easily be annoyed by cannon and mortars, it was expected that the enemy v^ould attempt to dislodge the American 152 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. detachment, and that the scenes of Bunker's Hill Tvould again be acted over. In anticipation of such an event, "Washington prepared to assault the town at the same time on the opposite side. For this service four thou- sand chosen men were set apart, and put in two divi- sions, one under General Sullivan, the other under General Greene, the whole being commanded by Gen- eral Putnam. At a concerted signal they were to embark in boats, near the mouth of Charles River, at- tended by three floating batteries, under the fire of which they were to land in the town, and then act according to circumstances and instructions given by signals. In the event there was no occasion for this attempt. It was not the policy of General Howe, nor consistent with his designs, to bring on a general engagement. He remained in Boston at hisow^n discretion, it having been recommended to him by the ministry, several months before, to leave that place and repair to a southern port. Although he thought there were solid reasons against such a step, yet he did not choose to sacrifice his men, or run hazards, while so much rested on his responsibility. But when the admiral told him, that, unless the Americans ^vere dislodged from Dor- chester Heights, the King's ships could not remain in the harbor, he consented to detach three thousand men under Lord Percy for that purpose. The execution of the plan w^as defeated by a furious storm, which came on wdiile the troops were embarking. The next day he determined to suspend offensive operations and to evacuate the town. "Washington had regarded this result as probable ; and, having no other motive for tempting General Howe to an engagement, than that of forcing him from the town, it was of course accordant with Lis principles and his wishes, that it should be done ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153 without bloodshed. His only aim, therefore, was to ke'^p his post strongly guarded, and his troops ready for action. Humanity and policy required, also, that the town should be saved, if possible, from the ravage and destruction to which it must inevitably be exposed by an assault. Apprehending such an issue, after the Americans had planted themselves on Dorchester Heights, the inhabitants obtained from General Howe a declaration, that the town should not be destroyed, unless the King's troops were molested during their embarkation. An informal message to this effect was forwarded to Washington by the selectmen of the town, but he declined taking any notice of it, as not being authenticated by the name of the British com- mander. This proceeding was enough, however, to produce a tacit understanding between the parties, and the troops were allowed to depart without molesta- tion. The town was left uninjured, except from the natural effects of having been so long occupied by sol- diers, and the disorders attending so hasty an embarka. tion. Boston was evacuated on the ITth of March, and several regiments commanded by General Putnam im- mediately entered it, and took possession of all the posts. It was found to be very strongly fortified. General Washington himself went into the town the next day, and was received vrith enthusiasm by the inhabitants. The legislature of Massachusetts took an early opportunity to present to him an address, ex- pressive of their respect and attachment, their obliga- tions for the great services he had rendered to his country, and their thanks for the deference he had invariably shown to the civil authorities. Congress were not backward in rendering a due tribute to their Commander-in-chief. A unanimous vote of thanks was conveyed to him in a letter, drafted 154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. by a committee expressly appointed for the occasion, and signed by the President. A gold medal was ordered to be struck, commemorative of the evacua- tion of Boston, and as an honorable token of the public approbation of his conduct. General Howe, with his army in seventy-eight ships and transports, sailed for Halifax. His effective force, including seamen, was about eleven thousand men. More than a thousand refugees left Boston in his fleet. By the adjutant's return, "Washington's army, officers and men, amounted to twenty -one thousand eight hun- dred, of which number two thousand seven hundred were sick. The enlistments had been more successful latterly than at first. There were also six thousand eight hundred militia, most of whom had been suddenly called in from the neighboring towns, to strengthen the lines in case of an attack on Boston. It was reported, while the troops were preparing to embark, that they were destined for Halifax ; but, suspecting this to be given out by the British com- mander, as a feint to cover his real designs, and anxious for the safety of Xew York, General Washington called for two thousand militia from Connecticut, and one thousand from 'New Jersey, to be thrown into that city without delay, which, added to the force already on the spot, might oppose the landing of the enemy till his own troops could arrive. The da}^ after the evacu- ation, he ordered five Continental regiments, the bat- talion of riflemen, and two companies of artillery to march under General Heath. They went by land to Norwich, and thence by water through the Sound. The whole army, except five regiments detained for the defense of Boston under General AVard, followed in divisions, pursuing the same route. Putnam was sent forward to take the command in New York ; Lee hav- ing been appointed by Congress to the southern de- ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, I55 partment, and having hastened thither to watch the motions of General Clinton, who it was expected would make a descent somewhere on the coast at the south. The British fleet lingered ten days in Nantaslcet Road, and Washington could not venture to leave his post, nor indeed to order away all his army, till assured that the fleet had actually put to sea. "When this was ascertained, he set off for Kew York, passing through Providence, ]S^orwich, and 'New London. At Norwich he had an interview with Governor Trumbull, who came there to meet him. On the 13th of April he ar- rived in New York. The divisions of the army, mov- ing more slowly, did not unite in that place till some days later. It was soon evident, that General Howe had gone in another direction, and that no immediate danger was to be apprehended from the enemy. The British armed vessels, hitherto remaining in the harbor, retired down to Sandy Hook, twenty-five miles from the city. The militia from Connecticut and New Jersey were discharged. The first task of the Commander was to inspect the works begun by General Lee, direct their completion, and prepare other means of defense. The presence of General Washington being thought essential at Congress, for the purpose of advising with them on the state of affairs, and concerting arrange- ments for the campaign, he repaired to Philadelphia, leaving the army in the command of General Putnam. On his way he examined Staten Island and the op- posite Jersey shore, with the view of determining the proper places for works of defense. He was absent fifteen days. He seems to have been disappointed and concerned at discovering divisions in Congress, which portended no good to the common cause. It was known, from the late proceedings in Parliament, that commissioners were coming out with proposals of ac- 156 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. commodation. In a letter to his brother, written at Philadelphia, he speaks as follows : " I am very glad to find, that the Virginia Conven- tion have passed so noble a vote, and with so much unanimity. Things have come to such a pass now, as to convince us, that we have nothing more to expect from the justice of Great Britain ; also, that she is capable of the most delusive arts ; for I am satisfied, that no commissioners were ever designed, except Hessians and other foreigners ; and that the idea was only to deceive and throw us off our guard. The first has been too effectually accomplished, as many mem- bers of Congress, in short, the representation of whole provinces, are still feeding themselves upon the dainty food of reconciliation ; and, though they will not allow, that the expectation of it has any influence upon their judgment with respect to their preparations for de- fense, it is but too obvious, that it has an operation upon every part of their conduct, and is a clog to their proceedings. It is not in the nature of things to be otherwise; for no man, that entertains a hope of seeing this dispute speedily and equitably adjusted by com- missioners, will go to the same expense and run the same hazards to prepare for the worst event, as he who believes, that he must conquer, or submit to uncondi- tional terms, and the concomitants, such as confisca- tion, hanging, and the like." The allusion, at the beginning of this paragraph, is to a recent vote of the Virginia Convention, recom- mending to Congress to declare the United Colonies free and independent States, The opinion, that it was time for this decisive step to be taken, had been firmly rooted in the mind of Washington ever since he first saw the King's speech at the opening of Parliament, and understood from it the temper with which the British government was determined, at all events, to ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 157 push its claims upon the colonies. From that moment his last hope of reconciliation vanished. He was con- vinced, that submission on terms too humiliating to be admitted, or a hard struggle, was the only alternative. From that moment, therefore, he believed the colonies ought to stand on the broad ground of independence. They could lose nothing by assuming such a position ; they had been driven to it by their adversaries ; whether from weak counsels, obstinacy, or wilful op- pression, it was useless to inquire ; and, if they must yield at last, it was better to fall nobly contending for freedom and justice, than to sink back into servitude, branded with the reproach of degrading concessions. Such being his sentiments, he w^as rejoiced at the spirit manifested in so powerful a colony as Virginia, setting an example which others were ready to follow, and leading to a union which would fix the thoughts and hearts of the people on a single object, encourage the desponding, strengthen the military arm, and give a new impulse to the whole country. Notwithstanding the hesitancy of some of the mem- bers of Congress, there was still a large majority for vigorous action ; and, while he was there, they resolved to reinforce the arm}^ at Isew York with thirteen thousand eight hundred militia, drawn from Massachu- setts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey ; and a living camp, of ten thousand more, from Pennsyl- vania, Maryland, and Delaware. On his return to New York, he lost no time in mak- ing preparations to receive the enemy, whose fleet was now expected soon to approach the coast. Besides the burden of his command, he was harassed with other difficulties. Long Island, Staten Island, many parts of the interior, and even the city itself, swarmed with disaffected persons, or Tories, who were plotting clan- destine and dangerous schemes. Governor Tryon, the 158 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. center of motion to this fraternity, continued on board a vessel at the Hook, and had his emissaries abroad in every direction. The Provincial Congress, either dis- trustful of its powers, or too much contaminated with the leaven of disaffection in some of its members, was tardy to propose, and more tardy to execute, anv plans for eradicating the mischief. AVashington expostu- lated, reasoned, urged, till at length a secret commit- tee was appointed to take up and examine suspected 'persons. Aware of the delicacy of this subject. Congress early passed a resolution, by which the power of appre- hending Tories was put into the hands of the civil authority of each colony. This was a wise and politic ree:ulation. Much abuse and iniustice mio^ht have followed, if the Continental officers had been permitted to arrest persons upon suspicion ; whereas the local civil authorities, with a full knowledge of characters and circumstances, might proceed with proper dis- crimination, and avoid confounding the innocent with tlie guilty. That there might not be a want of power to execute this business effectually, the conventions, assemblies, and committees were authorized to employ a military force from the Continental army, which, in such cases, was bound to act under their orders. Many Tories were apprehended in [N'ew York and on Long Island ; some were imprisoned, others disarmed. A deep plot, originating with Governor Tryon, was defeated by a timely and fortunate discovery. His agents were found enlistino;' men in the American camp, and enticing them with rewards. The infection spread to a considerable extent, and even reached the General's guard, some of whom enlisted. A soldier of the guard was proved guilty by a court-martial, and executed. It was a part of the plot to seize General Washington and convey him to the enemy. Mt. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. l59 On the 28th of June, a part of the British fleet from Halifax arrived at the Hook. The remainder followed wit'jin a week, and General Howe established his head- quarters at Staten Island. An immediate attack was expected ; but such was not the purpose of General Howe. A fleet from England was on its way to join him, under the command of his brother, Lord Howe, the bearer of proposals from the ministry for an accommodation, the effect of which was to be tried before hostilities should be renewed. Whilst the enemy was thus gathering strength at the door of 'New York, and in sight of the American troops, General Washington received from Congress the Declaration of Independence. At six o'clock in the evening, the regiments were paraded, and the Dec- laration was read aloud in the hearing of them all. It was greeted with the most hearty demonstrations of joy and applause. " The General hopes," said the orders of the day, "that this important event will serve as a fresh incentive to every officer and soldier to act with fidelity and courage, as knowing, that now the peace and safety of his country depend, under God, solely on the success of our arras, and that he is now in the service of a state possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit, and advance him to the highest honors of a free country." The United Colonies of North America were declared to be Free and Inde- 'pendent States, and from that day the word colonies is not knowm in their history. As the Americans had no armed vessels in the har- bor. General Howe ventured upon the experiment of sending two ships, one of forty and the other of twenty guns, with three tenders, up Hudson's Kiver. Taking advantage of a brisk and favorable breeze, they passed the batteries at New York and Paulus Hook without being checked, or apparently injured, the men 160 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl776. on the decks being protected by ramparts of sand-bags. The vessels ascended to a part of the river, called Tappan Sea, where the breadth of the water secured them against molestation from the land. General George Clinton then had command of the 'New York militia. He called out three regiments, and stationed them at different points on the banks of the river, par- ticularly in the Highlands, to defend those passes, and prevent the enemy from penetrating beyond them. But in reality the British general's only objects were, to cut off the communication by water between Wash- ington's army and Canada, and between the city and country, thereby obstructing supplies ; to give coun- tenance to the Tories ; and to take soundings in the riv^er. The vessels were absent from the fleet five weeks, during which time one of the tenders was burnt by a fire-ship sent among them by a party of Amer- leans. jBt. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 161 CHAPTER XT. Arrival of Lord Howe, with Proposals for a Reconciliation with the Colonies. —Mode of addressing Letters to Washington attempted by the British Admiral and General. — Strength and Condition of the two Armies. — Battle of Long Island.— Remarks on the Battle. Lord Howe joined his brother at Staten Island be- fore the middle of July. While at sea, he had written a circular letter to the late royal governors in the colonies, presuming them to be still in power, accom- panied by a Declaration setting forth his authority as commissioner from the King, and the terms pro- posed for a reconciliation. These papers were put on shore by a flag at Amboy, whence they came to the hands of General Washington, Avho enclosed them to the President of Congress. The terms amounted to nothing more than a promise of pardon and favor to those who should return to their allegiance and assist in restoring public tranquillity. The papers were ordered to be published by Congress, that the people might know, as stated in the order, Avhat they had to expect from the court of Great Britain, and " be convinced that the valor alone of their country was to save its liberties." Lord Howe's arrival at so late a day, being after the declaration of independence, was regarded by him as a circumstance unfavorable to the success of his mission ; but the truth is, the propo- sition he brought out would not at any time have been listened to, as affording a reasonable ground of recon- ciliation. It left untouched aU the original causes of complaint. To suppose the ministry had any other hope of this measure than what was derived from the prowess of their formidable army and fleet, would be XI 162 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. a severe reflection upon their common intelligence and wisdom. The Americans believed it to be an attempt to amuse, deceive, and disunite them ; and, by a nat- ural reaction, it tended to increase their efforts and bind them more closely together. The day before the above papers were landed at Amboy, Lord Howe despatched a letter to General Washington by a flag, which was detained in the harbor by the guard-boats, till the General's orders should be known. He had previously determined to decline re- ceiving any letter from the British commanders not directed to him in his public character. Colonel Reed, adjutant-general of the army, went down to meet the flag, with instructions to that effect. The officer, who had charge of the flag, showed him a letter directed " To George Washington, Esq.,^^ which he said was from Lord Howe. It was, of course, declined. The officer expressed regret, said the letter was important, and rather of a civil than military nature, and at last inquired in what manner Mr. Washington chose to be addressed. Colonel Reed replied, that his station was well known, and that no doubts could properly exist on that point. They separated, and the flag returned with the letter to the fleet. In mentioning this inci- dent to Congress, Washington said, *' I would not upon any occasion sacrifice essentials to punctilio ; but in this instance, the opinion of others concurring with my own, I deemed it a duty to my country and my appointment, to insist upon that respect, which, in any other than a public view, I would willingly have waived." The course he had taken was highly ap- proved by Congress, and a resolve was passed, that in future no letters should be received from the enemy, by commanders in the American army, which should not be directed to them in the characters they sus. tained. iET. 44.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1G3 As occasional intercourse between the chiefs of the two armies was necessary, for the purpose of treating about the exchange of prisoners and other matters, General Howe wrote to Washington a few days after- wards, repeating the same superscription. This letter was likewise refused. He then sent Colonel Paterson, adjutant-general of the British army, who was ad- mitted to an interview with the American commander, and produced a letter directed " To George Washington, Esq. <&G. <&G. d;c.^^ Colonel Paterson used the title of " Excellenc}^ " in addressing him, and said, " that Gen- eral Howe much regretted the difficulties which had arisen respecting the address of the letter to General Washington ; that it was deemed consistent with pro- priety, and founded upon precedents of the like nature by ambassadors and plenipotentiaries, Avhen disputes or difficulties of rank had arisen ; that Lord Howe and General Howe did not mean to deroo'ate from the respect or rank of General Washington ; and that they held his person and character in the highest esteem." Washington replied, " that a letter directed to a per- son in a public character should have some description or indication of it, otherwise it would appear a mere private letter ; and that he should absolutely decline any letter directed to him as a private person, when it related to his public station." After a good deal of conversation on this subject, and also on the particu- lars supposed to be contained in the letter. Colonel Pa,terson was introduced to several of the general officers of the American army, and then took his leave. In giving an account of this conference to the ministry. General Howe observed, "The interview was more polite than interesting; however, it induced me to change my superscription for the attainment of an end so desirable ; and in this view I flatter myself it will not be disapproved." From that time all letters 164 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. addressed by the British commanders to General "Washington bore his proper titles. General Howe remained two months at Staten Island, waiting for reinforcements, before he com- menced the operations of the campaign. This period was employed by "Washington in strengthening his works on New York Island. A fort was begun at the north part of the island, on a hill not far from the east banlc of the Hudson, which w^as called Fort Washing- ton ; and another nearly opposite to it on the other side of the river, in New Jersey, at first called Fort Constitution, and afterwards Fort Lee. Between these forts the river's channel was obstructed by hulks of vessels and chevaux-de-frise. Batteries were erected on the margins of the North and East Eivers, redoubts were thrown np at different places, the grounds near Kingsbridge were fortified, and the wliole island was put in as good a state of defense as the time and cir- cumstances would permit. Plans were concerted for attacking the enemy on Staten Island by parties fi^om the Jersey shore ; but the want of boats, and other ob- stacles, rendered these plans abortive. A general at- tack was thought unadvisable, as putting too much at hazard, w^hile the enemy occupied an island protected on every side by their fleet. By the middle of August the British reinforcements had all arrived. General Howe's strength then consisted of his own army from Halifax, additional troops from England, Hessians, several regiments from the West Indies and the Floridas, a detachment on board Sir Peter Parker's squadron, under Clinton and Cornwal- lis, returned from their signal repulse at Sullivan's Island, and such men as Lord Dunmore had brought with him from Virginia. The aggregate of these forces was probably somewhat above twenty-four thousand men. It has been estimated as high as thirty thou- ^T. 41.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1(55 sand. The fleet was numerous and well equipped ; and the whole armament, for both the land and sea service, was supplied with all kinds of military stores. To meet these formidable preparations, General Washington's army, according to a return made out on the 3d of August, including officers and men of every description, amounted nominally to twenty thousand five hundred and thirt^^-seven. Of these, three thou- sand six hundred and sixty-eight were sick, ninety- seven absent on furlough, and two thousand nine hun- dred and forty-six on command, leaving only eleven thousand one hundred, besides officers, present fit for duty. Many of these were militia, suddenly called from their homes, unaccustomed to arms and to the exposure and hardships of a camp. The season of the year and the Avant of tents occasioned much sickness. Even this small army was greatly divided, being sta- tioned at many points, from Brooklyn to Kingsbridge, over a space of more than fifteen miles in extent. An attack from the enemy was daily expected. As the waters around New York were accessible to the fleet and small craft, General Howe could land at such places as he chose, and every point was there- fore to be guarded. Meantime the American army grad- ually gained strength. The Convention of New York called out the militia of four counties. About three thousand assembled, and formed an encampment under General George Clinton near Kingsbridge. Three thousand came from Connecticut. Two battalions of riflemen from Pennsylvania, one from Maryland, and a regiment from Delaware, likewise joined the army. Intelligence at length arrived, that the British troops were landing on Long Island, between the Narrows and Sandy Hook. It was then apparent, that they de- signed to approach the city across Long Island, and not to attempt an immediate bombard m en t, Antici- 166 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. pating this movement, "Washington had at an early day posted a body of troops at Brooklyn, on a part of Long Island opposite to the city of New York, and separated from it by the East Eiver. This position was well secured on the land side by a chain of in- trenchments and redoubts, running along the high grounds from Wallabout Bay to Gowan's Cove ; these works having been constructed under the eye of General Greene. It was defended on the water side by bat- teries at Eed Hook, Governor's Island, and other points. Between Brooklyn and the place where the enemy landed, was a range of hills covered with a thick wood, and crossed by three roads. The precaution had been taken to throw up breastworks at the principal passes on these hills, where three or four regiments were stationed. General Greene at first commanded on Long Island, but falling ill with a fever, he was suc- ceeded for a short time by General Sullivan. The command at length devolved on General Putnam. The British array occupied the plain on the other side of the hills, extending in a line from the Narrows to Flatbush. General Grant commanded the left wing- near the coast, De Heister the center, composed of Hessians, and Clinton the right. About three o'clock in the morning, on the 27th of August, a report was brought to the camp, that the British were in motion on the road leading along the coast to the Narrows. A detachment under Lord Stirling was immediately ordered out to meet them. General Sullivan was sent to the heights above Flatbush, on the middle road. One regiment only was at this post ; and a little to the north of it, on the Bedford road, were two others. Meantime General Clinton, with Earl Percy and Corn- wallis, led the right wing of the British army by a cir- cuit into the Jamaica road, which was not guarded, and gained the rear of the Americans under Sullivan. ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 167 Before this was accomplished, reinforcements had been sent from the camp to support both Sullivan and Stir- ling. The attack was begun at an early hour by Grant and De Heister, but was kept up with little spirit, as they were not to advance till Clinton should reach the left flank or rear of the Americans. As soon as it was known, by the sound of the guns, that this was effected, they pushed vigorously forward, and the action became general and warm in every part. The troops under Lord Stirling, consisting of the Pennsylvania, Mary- land and Delaware regiments, fought with signal bra- very, contesting every foot of ground against a greatly superior force, till Lord Cornwallis, with a detachment from Clinton's division, came upon their rear, brought them between two fires and compelled them to retreat within their lines across a creek and marsh near Cow- an's Cove. General Sullivan, with the regiments on the heights above Flatbush, being attacked by De Heister on one side and Clinton on the other, after making an obstinate resistance for three hours, was obliged to surrender. As the grounds were broken and covered Avith wood, the action in this part was conducted by a succession of skirmishes, and many of the troops forced their way through the enemy and re- turned to Brooklyn. After the battle was over, Gen- eral Howe encamped his army in front of the American lines, intending to carry them by regular approaches with the co-operation of his fleet. The issue of the day was disastrous to the Amer- icans. Their loss was between eleven and twelve hundred men, more than a thousand of whom were captured. General Sullivan and Lord Stirling were among the prisoners. The whole number engaged was about five thousand, who were opposed by at least fifteen thousand of the enemy, well provided with artillery. That so many escaped, was owing to the 168 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. nature of the ground, and to the action having been fought in detached parties, some of which were several miles distant from each other. The courage and good conduct of the troops, particularly those under Lord Stirling, were universally acknowledged. During the action General Washington crossed over to Brooklyn. He is said to have witnessed the rout and slaughter of his troops with the keenest an- guish, as it was impossible to detach others to their relief without exposing the camp to imminent danger. A heavy rain the next day kept the main body of the enemy in their tents. Light parties came out, and there was occasional skirmishing near the lines. A strong head wind prevented the ships from ascending the harbor. The loss sustained in the late action, the injury which the arms and ammunition had received by the rains, the great force of the enemy, and the probability that the ships would take advantage of the first favorable wind, sail into the East River, and thus cut off the only channel of retreat, rendered it obvious, that any further attempt to maintain the post at Brooklyn would be hazardous in the extreme. It was known, also, that some of the British ships had passed round Long Island, and were now in Flushing Bay ; and there were indications, that it was General Howe's design to transport a part of his army across the Sound, and form an encampment above Kingsbridge. This would put 'New York Island in jeopardy, and the forces at Brooklyn would be essential for its defense. A council of war was called. No time was lost in deliberation. It was resolved to withdraw the troops from Long Island. Boats were collected and other preparations were made without delay. On the morn- ing of the 30th, the whole army, amounting to nine thousand men, the military stores, nearly all th© pro- yisions, and the artillery, except a few heavy cannon. uEt. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 169 were safely laodecl in "New York. "With such secrecy, silence, and order, was everything conducted, that the last boat was crossing the river, before the retreat was discovered by the enemy, although parties were stationed within six hundred yards of the lines. This retreat, in its plan, execution, and success, has been regarded as one of the most remarkable military events in history, and as reflecting the highest credit on the talents and skill of the commander. So intense was the anxiety of Washington, so unceasing his exer- tions, that for forty-eight hours he did not close his eyes, and rarely dismounted from his horse. There have been various strictures on this battle, both in regard to the action itself, and to the policy of Washington in attempting to oppose the enemy at all on Long Island. The strange oversight in leaving the Jamaica road unguarded, and the neglect in procuring early and constant intelligence of the movements of the British army, were the immediate causes of the deplorable events of the day. These faults, however, such as they were, rested with the oflBlcers on the Island. General Washington had given express in- structions, that the strictest vigilance should be ob- served in every part of the outer lines. It was unfor- tunate that the illness of General Greene deprived the commander on the spot of his counsel, he being thor- oughly acquainted with the grounds and the roads ; whereas General Putnam took the command only four days before the action, and of course had not been able from personal inspection to gain the requisite knowledge. The want of vedettes was another unfor- tunate circumstance. To communicate intelligence with sufficient celerity over so wide a space, without light- horse, was impracticable. At this time, however, not a single company of cavalry had been attached to the American army. 170 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. As to the other point, the propriety of maintaining a stand on Long Island, it must be considered, that the enemy was to be met somewhere, that the works of Brooklyn offered a fair prospect of defense for a con- siderable time at least, that the abandonment of the Island would open a free passage to General Howe to the very borders of New York, separated only by the East Eiver, and that to retreat, without even a show of resistance, as the first operation of the campaign, would be unsatisfactory to Congress, the country, and the army. Besides, it was not the purpose of Washington to entice the enemy to a general action, or allow him- self to be drawn into one, if it could possibly be avoided. Such an experiment, with his raw troops and militia, against a force superior in numbers, and still more so in experience and discipline, aided by a pow- erful fleet, he Avell knew Avould be the height of rash- ness, and might end in the total ruin of the American cause. Wisdom and prudence dictated a different course. To wear away the campaign by keeping the enemy employed in small encounters, dividing their attention, and interposing obstacles to their progress, was all that could be done or undertaken with any reasonable hope of success. Such a system would di- minish the resources of the enemy, habituate his own soldiers to the practises of war, give the country an opportunity to gather strength by union and time, and thus prepare the way for more decisive efforts at a future day. This policy, so sound in its principles, and so triumphant in its final results, was not relished by the short-sighted multitude, eager to hear of battles and victories, and ready to ascribe the disappointment of their wishes to the fault of the General. The murmurs and complaints of such persons, though so loudly and widely expressed that they might be taken as denoting the public sentiment, were borne with fortitude by ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I71 Washington ; nor did he suffer himself to be turned by them from what he believed to be his duty in watching over the vital interests of his country. By the last returns, the number of troops fit for duty was less than twenty thousand, and many had since deserted. One thousand men were immediately ordered to join him from the Flying Camp, then in Kew Jersey under General Mercer. A bounty of ten dol- lars had been offered to each soldier, that would enlist into the Continental service ; but this produced little effect, as the bounty to the militia was in some in- stances double that amount. " Till of late," he ob- serves, *' I had no doubt of defending 'Ne^y York ; nor should I have yet, if the men would do their duty ; but this I despair of. It is painful to give such unfavor- able accounts ; but it would be criminal to conceal the truth at so critical a juncture. Every power I possess shall be exerted to serve the cause ; and my first wish is, that, whatever may be the event, the Congress will do me the justice to think so." In such a situation a more gloomy or discouraging prospect could hardly be imagined. Xo trials, however, in a good cause, could depress the mind or unnerve the energy of Washington, 172 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. CHAPTEE XYI. New York evacuated, and the British take Possession of the City. — The Amer- ican Army posted at Harlem Heights and Fort Washington.— Situation and Prospects o£ the Army.— Its new Organization.— The British land in West- chester County, and march into the Country. When General Howe had taken possession of Long Island, his plans began to be unfolded. The fleet came into the harbor, and an armed vessel passed up the East Eiver ; but there were no indications of an attack on the city. It was obvious, indeed, that he designed to take New York by encompassing it on the land side, and to refrain from a cannonade and bombardment, by which the city might be injured, and rendered less fit for the accommodation of his troops in the winter, and less valuable as a place to be held during the war. Such being clearly the aim of the British commander, the attention of Washington w^as next drawn to the best mode of evacuating the city. As a preparatory step he removed be3^ond Kings- bridge the stores and baggage least wanted. In a council of general officers there was a difference of opinion as to a total evacuation. All agreed, that the town would not be tenable, if it should be bombarded ; and it was manifest, that this might be done at any moment. Some were for destroying the city at once, and leaving it a waste, from which the enemy could derive no benefit. As an argument for this procedure, it was said two-thirds of the property belonged to Tories. Others thought the position should be main, tained at every hazard, till the army was absolutely driven out. A middle course was taken. It was re- Mt. 44.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 173 solved so to dispose the troops, as to be prepared to resist any attack on the upper parts of the Island, and retreat with the remainder whenever it should become necessary. Nine thousand men were to be stationed at Mount Washington, Kingsbridge, and the smaller posts in the vicinity of those places, five thousand to continue in the city, and the residue to occupy the in- termediate space, ready to support either of these divi- sions. The sick, amounting to one-quarter of the whole army, were to be removed to the Jersey side of the Hudson. "While these arrangements were in progress, the enemy were not idle, although probably less active- than they would otherwise have been, in consequence of an interview between Lord Howe and a committee of Congress at Staten Island, solicited by the former in the hope of suggesting some plan of reconciliation conformable to the terms of his commission. This attempt proving abortive, the operations commenced in earnest. Four ships sailed into the East River, and anchored about a mile above the city. The next day six others followed. Parties of British troops landed on Buchanan's Island, and a cannonade was opened upon a battery at Horen's Hook. On the 15th of September, in the morning, three men-of-war ascended Hudson's River as high as Bloom- ingdale, with the view of dividing the attention of the Americans by making a feint on that side. At the same time General Howe embarked a strong division of his army, commanded by General Clinton, consisting of British and Hessians, at the head of Newtown Bay on Long Island. About eleven o'clock, these troops, having come into the East River, began to land at Kip's Bay, under the fire of two forty -gun ships and three frigates. Batteries had been erected there ; but the men were driven from them by the firing from the 174 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. ships. General Washington was now at Harlem ^Yhithe^ he had gone the night before, on account of the movements of the enemy at Montresor's Island ; and, hearing the sound of the guns, he hastened with all despatch to the place of landing. To his inex- pressible chagrin he found the troops, that had been posted on the lines, precipitately retreating without firing a shot, although not more than sixty or seventy of the enemy were in sight ; and also two brigades, which had been ordered to their support, flying in the greatest confusion, in spite of every effort of their officers to rally and form them. It is said, that no in- cident of the war caused Washington to be so much excited, as he appeared on this occasion. He rode hastily towards the enemy, till his own person was in danger, hoping to encourage the men by his example, or rouse them to a sense of shame for their cowardice. But all his exertions were fruitless. The troops, being eight regiments in all, fled to the main body on Harlem Plains. The division in 'New York, under the command of General Putnam, retreated with difficulty, and with considerable loss. Fifteen men only were known to be killed, but more than three hundred were taken prisoners. Nearly all the heavy cannon, and a con- siderable quantity of baggage, stores, and provisions, were left behind. A prompt and judicious maneuver on the part of the British general, by stretching his arm}^ across the island from Kip's Bay to Hudson's Piver, would have cut off the rear of the retreating division. But this was not effected, nor were the Ameri- cans pursued with much vigor in their retreat. General Washington drew all his forces together within the lines on the Heights of Harlem, where they encamped the same night. Headquarters were fixed at Morris's House, a mile and a half south from Mount Washing- .^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 175 ton, on which was situate the fort of that name. After sending a small detachment to take possession of the city, General Howe encamped with the larger part of his array near the American lines, his right resting on the East Eiver, and his left on the Hudson, sup- ported at each extreme by the ships in those rivers. The next morning. Colonel Knowlton went out with a party of rangers, volunteers from the 'New England regiments, and advanced through the woods towards the enemy's lines. When he was discovered. General Howe detached two battalions of light infantry, and a regiment of Highlanders, to meet and drive him back. To these were afterwards added a battalion of Hessian grenadiers, a compan}^ of chasseurs, and two field- pieces. On the appearance of these troops in the open grounds between the two camps. General Washington rode to the outposts, that he might be at hand to make such arrangements as circumstances should require. He had hardly reached the lines, when he heard a firing which proceeded from an encounter between Colonel Knowlton and one of the British parties. The rangers returned, and said that the body of the enemy, as they thought, amounted to three hundred men. Knowlton was immediately reinforced by three com- panies from Weedon's Virginia regiment under Major Leitch, and ordered to gain their rear, while their attention was diverted by making a disposition to attack them in front. The plan was successful. As the party approached in front, the enemy rushed down the hill to take advantage of a fence and bushes, and commenced firing, but at too great a distance to be effectual. Meantime Colonel Knowlton made an attack on the other side, though rather in the flank than rear, and advanced with spirit. A sharp conflict ensued. Major Leitch, who led the attack, was carried off mortally wounded, 176 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. three balls having been shot through his body ; and in a short time Colonel Knowlton fell. The action was resolutely kept up by the remaining officers and the men, till other detachments arrived to their sup- port ; and they charged the enemy with such firmness and intrepidity, as to drive them from the wood to the plain, when General Washington ordered a retreat, apprehending, what proved to be the case, that a large body was on its way from the British camp. The engagement, from first to last, continued four hours, although the sharp fighting was of short du- ration. General Howe reported eight officers and seventy privates wounded, and fourteen men killed. The American loss was fifteen killed, and about forty- five wounded. Colonel Knowlton was a gallant and meritorious officer, and his death was much lamented. The events of the day were important, not so much on account of their magnitude as of their influence on the army. The retreating, flying, and discomfitures, which had happened since the British landed on Long Island, contributed greatly to dispirit the troops, and to de- stroy their confidence in themselves and in their officers. The good conduct and success of this day were a proof, on the one hand, that the enemy was not invincible, and on the other, that the courage, so nobly exhibited at Lexington and Bunker's Hill the year before, still existed in the American ranks. The lines were too formidable on Harlem Heights to tempt the British commander to try the experi- ment of an assault. His army lay inactive on the plains below more than three weeks. General Wash- ington employed the time in strengthening his works, and preparing at all points for defense. His lines in front extended from Harlem Eiver to the Hudson, quite across the Island, which at this place is some- Mt, 44.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 177 what more than a mile wide. General Green* com- manded on the Jersey side, with his headquarters at Fort Lee ; and General Heath at Kingsbridge, beyond which, on a hill towards the Hudson, a fort was erected, called Fort Independence. The subject, which now engaged the most anxious thoughts of Washington, was the situation and pros- pects of the army. We have seen that the establish- ment formed at Cambridge was to continue for one year, and the time of its dissolution was near at hand. He had often called the attention of Congress to this important subject, and pressed upon them the necessity of some radical alterations in the system hitherto pur- sued. By the experience of the past year all his first impressions had been confirmed, and all his fears real- ized, in regard to the mischievous policy of short enlistments, and of relying on militia to act against veteran troops. Disobedience of orders, shameful desertions, running away from the enemy, plundering, and every kind of irregularity in the camp, had been the fatal consequences. '' To bring men to a proper degree of subordination," said he, " is not the work of a day, a month, or even a year ; and, unha])pily for us and the cause we are engaged in, the little discipline I have been laboring to establish in the army under my immediate command is in a manner done away, by having such a mixture of troops as have been called together within these few months. Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regula- tions of war are for the government of an army, the militia (those properly so called, for of these we have two sorts, the six-montiis' men, and those sent in as a temporary aid), do not think themselves subject to them, and therefore take liberties, which the soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy ; jealousy begets dissatisfaction ; and this by degrees ripens into mu- 13 178 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. tiny, keeping the whole army in a confused and dis- ordered state, rendering the time of those who wish to see regularity and good order prevail more unhappy than words can describe. Besides this, such repeated changes take place that all arrangement is set at nought, and the constant fluctuation of things de- ranges every plan as fast as it is adopted." At the close of the long and able letter to Congress, from which this extract is taken, his feelings under the trials he suffered, and in contemplating the future, are impressively described. " There is no situation upon earth less enviable, or more distressing than that person's who is at the head of troops regardless of order and discipline, and un- provided with almost every necessary. In a word, the difficulties, which have for ever surrounded me since I have been in the service, and kept my mind constantly upon the stretch ; the wounds Avhich my feelings as an officer have received by a thousand things that have happened contrary to my expectations and wishes; the effect of my own conduct, and present appearance of things, so little pleasing to myself, as to render it a matter of no surprise to me if I should stand capitally censured by Congress; a«lJed to a consciousness of my inability to govern an army composed of such dis- cordant parts, and under such a variety of intricate and perplexing circumstances ; — induce not only a belief, but a thorough conviction in my mind, that it will be impossible, unless there is a thorough change in our military system, for me to conduct matters in such a manner as to give satisfaction to the public, which is all the recompense I aim at, or ever wished for." Moved by his representations and appeals, as well as by their own sense of the necessity of the case, Con- gress determined to re-organize the army on a piau ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 179 conformable in its essential features to the suggestions of the Commander-in-chief. :N'ot that the jealousy of a standing army had subsided, but the declaration of independence had put the war upon a footmg differ- ent from that on which it was before supposed to stand ; and they, who for a long time cherished a lino-erino- hope of reconciliation, were at length con- vin'ced that the struggle would not soon terminate, and that it must be met by all the means which the wis- dom, patriotism, and resources of the country could supply. As it was a contest of strength, a military force^ coherent in its parts and durable in its character, was the first requisite. To the resolute and discermng this had been obvious from the moment the sword was drawn. The events of a year had impressed it on the minds of all. • v^ i. <. The new army was to consist of eighty-eight bat» talions, apportioned in quotas to the several States according to their ability. The largest quota was fif- teen battalions, which number was assigned respectively to Yiro'iiiia and Massachusetts. The men were to serve during the war, this great point being at last gained To encourage enlistments, a bounty ot twenty dollars and one hundred acres of land was offered to each non-commissioned officer and private; and lands in certain quantities and proportions were likewise promised to the commissioned officers. The business of enlisting the troops to fill up the quotas, and of pro- vidino- them with arms and clothing, devolved upon the several States to which they belonged. The ex- pense of clothing was to be deducted from the soldier s pay. Colonels and all lower officers were to be ap- pointed by the States, but commissioned by Congress. The rules for the government and discipline of the army were at the same time revised and greatly amended. IgO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. Thus matnred, the plan was sent to the Commander- in-chief, and was soon followed by a committee from Conoress, instructed to inquire into the state of the army. From this committee the views of Congress were more fully ascertained ; but General Washington perceived defects in the scheme, which he feared would retard, if not defeat, its operation. The pay of the officers had not been increased ; and he was persuaded, that officers of character could not be induced to retain their commissions on the old pay. The mode of ap- pointing them was defective, it being left to the State governments, which would act slowly, without adequate knowledge, and often under influences not salutary to the interests of the army. The pay of the privates was also insufficient. Congress partially remedied these defects in conformity to his advice, by raising the officers' pay, giving a suit of clothes annually to each private, and requesting the States to send com- missioners to the army, with full powers to arrange with the Commander-in-chief the appointment of all the officers. "With the jealousy of Sta,te sovereignty, and the fear of a standing array, this was all that could be obtained from the representatives of the States. And perhaps it was enough, considering their want of power to execute their resolves, and the necessity of being cautious to pass such only as the people would approve and obey. The above plan was modified be- fore it went into effect, by allowing men to enlist for three years ; these men not receiving the bounty in land. Hence the army from that time was composed of two kinds of troops, those engaged for the war, and those for three years. At length, also, the States being negligent and tardy in providing for the appointment of officers. Congress authorized General Washington to fill up the vacancies. A circular letter was written by the President of ^)T. 44.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 181 Congress to the States, urging them to complete their quotas ^Yithout delay. The proper steps were imme- diately taken ; but an evil soon crept into the system, which produced much mischief throughout the war. To hasten enlistments, some of the States offered bounties in addition to those given by Congress ; and in many cases the towns, to which quotas were as- signed by the State governments, raised the bounties still higher, differing from each other in the amount. Again, Avhen the militia were called out on a sudden emergency, it was usual to offer them extraordinary rewards for a short term of service. This practise was injurious on many accounts. It kept back men from enlisting by the hope of higher bounties ; and, when they were brought together in the field, although the Continental pay was uniform, yet many were re- ceiving more from incidental bounties, and in various proportions, which created murmurings and jealousies between individuals, companies, and regiments. l\ov was there the salutary check of interest to operate as a restraint upon the States. The war was a common charge, and, when money or credit could be applied to meet the present exigency, it was a small sacrifice to be bountiful in accumulating a debt, which the conti- nent was pledged to pay. There could be no other remedy than a supreme power in Congress, which did not exist ; and the evil was at all times a source of irregularities in the military arrangements, and of vexation to the Commander-in-chief. The arduous duties of General Washington's imme- diate command were now increased by the task of organizing a new army, and holding conferences with commissioners from the States for the appointment of officers, in the midst of an active campaign, while the enemy were pressing upon him with a force vastly superior in discipline, at times superior in numbers, 182 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. and abundantly supplied with provisions, clothing, tents, and ail the munitions of war. Sir William Howe was soon in motion. Having prepared his plans for gaining the rear of the American army, by Avhich he hoped either to cut oiT its commu- nication with the country, or bring on a general action, he first sent two ships, a frigate, and tenders up the Hudson. These vessels passed the batteries, and ran through the obstructions in the river, without receiving any apparent damage ; and thus secured a free passage to the Highlands, thereby preventing any sujiplies from coming to the American army by water. This experi- ment having succeeded even better than be had ex- pected, the British commander, on the 12Lh of October, embarked his troops on the East Eiver on board flat- boats, sloops, and schooners, passed through Hell Gate into the Sound, and landed the same day at Frog's Point. Two brigades of British troops, and one of Hessians, amounting to five thousand men, were left under Earl Percy at Harlem to cover the city of Kew York. General Howe remained five days at Frog's Point, waiting, as he says, for stores, provisions, and three battalions from Staten Island ; but, according to the American accounts, the strong defenses, guarded by detachments from Washington's arm}^, and the de- struction of the causeway connecting the Point Avith the main land, discouraged him from attempting to march into the country at that place. He re-embarked, landed again at Pell's Point, and advanced to the high grounds between East Chester and ISTew Eochelle. Four days later he was joined by General Knyphausen with the second division of Hessians, and a regiment of Waldeckers, just arrived from Europe. Mr, 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 183 CHAPTEE XYII. Washfn^on advances to White Plains and forms an Encampment.— Battle of Chatterton's Hill.— Part of the American Army crosses the Hudson.— Ca{>- ture of Fort Washington and Fort Lee.— General Washington retreats through New Jersey, and crosses the Delaware at Trenton.— Conduct and Character of General Lee. — Reduced State of the Army. General "Washington took measures to counteract these movements and the designs of them. He ar- ranged his army in four divisions, commanded respect- ively by Major-Generals Lee, Heath, Sullivan, and Lincoln. The last was not a Continental officer, but had recently come forward with a . body of Massa- chusetts militia. It was decided in a council of war, that the army should leave New York Island, and be extended into the country, so as to outflank General Howe's columns. At the same time it was agreed, " that Fort Washington should be retained as long as possible." Two thousand men were left for that object. One of the four divisions crossed Kingsbridge, and threw up breastworks at Valentine's Hill. The others followed, and formed a line of detached camps, with intrenchments, on the heights stretching along the w^est side of the River Brunx, from Valentine's Hill to White Plains. This disposition was necessary in order to protect the baggage, stores, and cannon, which w^ere removed with great difficulty for the want of wagons and horses. General Washington proceeded with the advanced division to White Plains, where he fortified a camp in such a manner, as to afford security to the whole army, and where he intended to hazard a general engagement, if pushed by the enemy. The camp w^as 184: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. on elevated ground, defended in front by two lines of intrenchments nearly parallel to each other, and be- tween four and five hundred yards apart. The right ■wing rested on the Brunx, which, by making a short bend, encompassed the flank and part of the rear. The left wing reached to a pond, or a small lake, of some extent, by which it was eifectually secured. As Sir William Howe marched his army directly forward in solid columns, without detaching any con- siderable parties towards New York and the Hudson, it was evident he intended to seek an opportunity to force a general action. As soon as the baggage and stores were brought up, therefore, Washington drew all his troops into the camp at White Plains. In the interim, parties of Americans attacked the enemy's outposts at different points, and spirited skirmishes took place. Before noon, on the 28th of October, the British army came in view, and displayed itself on the sides of the hills in front of Washington's lines, and w^ithin two miles of his camp. A commanding height, called Chatterton's Hill, stood half a mile to the south of the American right flank, and was separated from it by the Brunx and low, marshy ground. A militia regi- ment had been posted there, which was joined in the morning by Colonel Haslet, with his Delaware regi- ment, and afterwards by a battalion of Maryland troops, and others, mostly militia, to the number of about sixteen hundred, the whole being under the command of General McDougall. The British com- mander made it his first object to dislodge these troops. For this purpose a battalion of Hessians, a brigade of British commanded by General Leslie, and the Hes- sian grenadiers under Colonel Donop, were ordered to cross the Brunx and attack in front ; while Colonel Bahl, with another brigade of Hessians, should crosfs ^T. 44. J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 185 further down the river and advance by a circuitous inarch upon the American right flank. They forded the Brunx, and formed in good order on the other side under the fire of their cannon, though not without being galled by the troops at the summit of the hill. They then ascended the heights, and, after a short but severe action, drove the Americans from their works ; but, contented with gaining the post, and fearing they might be cut off by venturing too far from the main body, they desisted from pursuit. The American loss has been variously represented. According to a re- turn made by General Howe himself, the prisoners were four officers and thirty-five privates. The num- ber killed was not known. It was expected that this advantage would be fol- lowed by an immediate attack on the camp. Such in- deed was the first intention of General Howe, and his troops lay on their arms all that night. Nothing more occurred, however, the next day, than slight skirmishes between the advanced parties. On reconnoitering the camp. General Howe thought it too strong for an as- sault, and resolved to wait for a reinforcement from Earl Percy, then at Harlem. This arrived in two days, and the 31st of October was fixed on for the at- tack ; but a heavy rain caused it again to be deferred. The same night General Washington drew all his troops to another position on the hills in his rear, which the delays of his opponent had allowed him time to fortify, and which could be more easily de- fended than his first camp. So judiciously was this movement planned and conducted, that it was carried into effect without loss or molestation, and even with- out being discovered by the British army. The idea of a battle was now abandoned by General Howe ; he despaired of being able to dislodge the Americans from this strong position j and it was §oon ascertained^ Igg LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. that he was withdrawing his army towards the Hud- son and Kingsbridge. As this might be a feint to entice the American forces from the hilly countr}^ "Washington remained in his new camp for a few days, till it was found that the enemy were actually retracing their steps. It was then foreseen, that their first grand maneuver would be to invest Fort Washington ; and their next to pass the Hudson, and carry the war into New Jersey, and perhaps make a push for Philadelphia. To meet these changes in the best manner he could, he ordered all the troops belonging to the States w^est of the Hudson, five thousand in number, to cross the River at King's Ferry, all the crossing places below being obstructed by British vessels. The rest of the army, composed of New York and eastern troops, was separated into two divisions. One of these, under General Heath, was stationed on both sides of the river in the Highlands, to defend those passes. The other, amounting to about four thousand men, of whom many were militia, whose times of service w^ere soon to expire, was left in the camp near White Plains, commanded by General Lee, w4th discretionary instructions to continue on that side of the Hudson, or to follow the Commander-in- chief into New Jersey, as he should judge expedient when the designs of the enemy were unfolded. Hav- ing given these orders. General Washington inspected the posts at the Highlands, and then repaired to Hack- ensack, at which place the troops that had crossed the river assembled, after a circuitous march of more than sixty miles. General Howe moved his w^hole army to the neigh- borhood of Kingsbridge. At his approach the Ameri- cans retired from Fort Independence, destroyed the bridge over Harlem River, and withdrew to the lines near Fort Washington. Thirty flat-boats had passed Mt, 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 187 Up the Hudson undiscovered in the night, and entered Harlem Eiver, which, joined to others brought in from the East River, afforded ample means to the British army for crossing to New York Island. • It was re- solved to make the assault on the fort from four dif- ferent points. The British adjutant-general was sent to Colonel Magaw, the commander in the fort, with a summons to surrender, which Colonel Magaw rejected, saying he would defend himself to the last extremity. ' The next morning, l^ovember 16th, General Knyph- ausen advanced w^ith a body of Hessians to the north of the fort, and commenced the attack. Earl Percy nearly at the same time assailed the outer lines on the south ; and two parties landed at some distance from each other, after crossing Harlem Kiver, and forced their way up the steep and rugged ascents on that side. The lines in every part Avere defended with great resolution and obstinacy ; but, after a resistance of four or five hours, the men were driven into the fort, and Colonel Magaw was compelled to surrender the whole garrison prisoners of war. The American loss was about fifty killed, and two thousand, eight hundred and eighteen prisoners, including officers and privates. The number of men originally left with Colonel Ma- gaw w^as only two thousand ; but when the attack was threatened. General Greene sent over reinforcements from Fort Lee. This was the severest blow which the American arms had yet sustained, and it happened at a most un- propitious time. That there was a great fault some- w^here, has never been disputed. To whom it belongs, has been made a question. The project of holding the post, after the British began to retreat from White Plains, was General Greene's ; and, as he had com- manded at the station several weeks, he was presumed to be perfectly acquainted with the condition of the 188 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. garrison and its means of defense, and deference was paid to his judgment. Eight days before the attack, Washington wrote to General Greene : " If we cannot prevent vessels from passing up, and the enemy are possessed of the surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer to attempt to hold a post, from which the expected benefit cannot be had ? 1 am therefore inclined to think, that it will not be prudent to hazard the stores and men at Mount Washington ; but, as you are on the spot, I leave it to you to give such orders, as to evacuating Mount Washington, as you may judge best." Nothing more decisive could be said, without giving a positive order, which he was al- ways reluctant to do, when he had confidence in an officer on a separate command. His opinion, that the troops ought to be withdrawn, is clearly intimated. General Greene replied : " I cannot help thinking the garrison is of advantage ; and I cannot conceive it to be in any great danger. The men can be brought off at any time, but the stores may not be so easily re- moved. Yet I think they may be got off, if matters grow desperate." To this opinion General Greene ad- hered to the last. The evening before the assault, General Washington went from Hackensack to Fort Lee ; and while crossing the river, with the view of visiting the garrison, he met Generals Greene and Put- nam returning, who told him " the troops were in high spirits, and would make a good defense." He went back with them to Fort Lee. The summons to sur- render had already been received by Colonel Magaw ; the attack was expected the next morning, and it was now too late to withdraw the troops. In a letter to his brother, written from Hackensack three days after the surrender, General Washington said : " This post, after the last ships went past it was held contrary to my wishes and opinion, as I conceived ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 189 it to be a hazardous one ; but, it having been deter- mined on bj a full council of general officers, and a resolution of Congress having been received, strongly expressive of their desire, that the channel of the river which we had been laboring to stop for a long time at that place, might be obstructed, if possible, and know- ing that this could not be done, unless there were bat- teries to protect the obstruction, I did not care to give an absolute order for withdrawing the garison till I could get round and see the situation of things, and then it became too late, as the fort was invested. Upon the passing of the last ships, I had given it as my opinion to General Greene, under whose care it was, that it would be best to evacuate the place ; but, as the order was discretionary, and his opinion differed from mine, it unhappily was delayed too long," From these facts it seems plain, that the loss of the garrison, in the manner it occurred, was the conse- quence of an erroneous judgment on the part of Gen- eral Greene. How far the Commander-in-chief should have overruled his opinion, or w^hether, under the cir- cumstances of the case, he ought to have given a per- emptory order, it may perhaps be less easy to decide. Sir William Howe followed up his successes. A de- tachment of six thousand men, led by Earl Cornwallis, landed on the Jersey side, six or seven miles above Fort Lee, gained the high grounds with artillery, and marched down between the Hudson and Hackensack rivers. The whole body of troops with Washington not being equal to this force, he withdrew the garrison from Fort Lee to the main army at Hackensack, leaving behind the heavy cannon, many tents, and a large quantity of baggage, provision, and other stores, which the rapid advance of the enemy made it impossible to secure. Being now in a level country, where defense was difficult, pent up between rivers, and pressed by a 190 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. force double bis own, no resource remained but a rapid retreat. The Jersey shore, from New York to Bruns- wick, was open to the British vessels, and a landing might be effected at any place without opposition. It was necessary, therefore, that he should move towards the Delaware, pursuing a rout near the Earitan River, that he might be in the way to prevent General Howe from throwino: a strono: detachment between him and Philadelphia. ' While on the march, he wrote earnest letters to the governor of New Jersey and to Congress, describing his situation, and requesting the support of all the mi- litia from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, that could be called into the service. When he arrived at Brunswick, the army then with him amounted to less than four thousand. He was closely pursued by Cornwallis ; but the retreat was effected, without loss, to Trenton, where he crossed the Delaware, and took a stand on the western side of that river, securing the boats, and guarding the crossing-places from Coryell's Ferry to Bristol. At this time the number of his men, fit for duty, was about three thousand. The enemy did not attempt to pass the river. For the present, General Howe was contented with having overrun ]^e\Y Jersey ; and he covered his acquisition by a chain of canton- ments, at Pennington, Trenton, Bordentown, and Bur- lington. In these positions, the two armies continued with little change for nearly three weeks. The troops, constituting the Flying Camp heretofore mentioned, were all enlisted in the middle States, and engaged for a year. Their term of service expired during the march, and none, except a small pai't of those from Pennsylvania, could be prevailed on to stay longer. The Board of War suggested a plan for enlisting^ prisoners, and appealed to the example of the enemy. General Washington opposed the measure, as Mr. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I9I not accordant with the rules of honorable warfare, and said he should remonstrate on the subject to Sir William Howe. He moreover thought it impolitic. In times of danger, such recruits would always be the mo;^t backward, fearing the punishment they would receive if captured, and communicating their fears to the other soldiers. Prisoners would likewise be tempted to enlist with the intention to desert and carry intelligence to the enemy, for which they would be largely rewarded. Under no circumstances, there- fore, could confidence be placed in such men ; and the chance was, that they would do much harm. From the time the army separated at White Plains, General Lee had acted a very extraordinary part. Washington requested him, in a letter written at Hackensack, to lead his division into New Jersey, and join the army on its march. This was soon followed by a positive order, which was often repeated. Gen- eral Lee sent back various excuses, lingered on the east side of the Hudson, endeavored to draw away two thousand of General Heath's men from the Highlands, contrary to the instructions given by General Wash- ington to the latter ; and, after crossing with apparent reluctance into Jersey, his progress was so slow, that, in three weeks from the time he first received orders to march, he had only reached Morristown. The truth is, that he had schemes of his own, which he was dis- posed to efl'ect at the hazard of disobeying the Com- mander-in-chief. In the first place, he hoped to make a brilliant stroke upon J^ew York, when it should be exhausted of troops for the expedition towards the Delaware ; and next, after crossing the Hudson, he still fostered the design of performing some signal ex- ploit by attacking the enemy in their rear. But his ambitious projects and hopes were suddenly cut short. While on his march, not far from Baskingridge, he 192 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. lodged one night at a private house three miles from his army, with a small guard. A Tory in the neigh- borhood gave notice of his situation to the enemy, and early in the morning the house was surrounded by a part}^ of light-horse, commanded by Colonel Harcourt, who took him prisoner, and bore him off in triumph to the British camp. This event created a strong sensation of surprise and regret throughout the countr}^ The military talents, experience, and activity of General Lee had inspired universal confidence, and raised high expectations in the minds of the people. He had served in America during the last war, and afterwards wath distinguished reputation in different parts of Europe. His recent enterprise and successes at the south had confirmed the good opinion before entertained of his abilities and skill. His capture, therefore, considering the circum- stances, appeared inexplicable. Public sentiment, ever prone to extremes, took a direction unfavorable to his character. As no plausible reason could be as- signed for his conduct in exposing himself so incau- tiously, it was surmised that he was a voluntary prisoner, and sought this method of joining the enemy without incurring the odium of desertion. But there was no just ground for such a suspicion. As a soldier, he w^as true to the interests of his adopted country ; as a friend to American freedom, his sincerity may be questioned. Harboring the most bitter resentment against the British King and ministry, for reasons not fully understood, he wished to see them humbled ; and this motive alone would have impelled him to embrace any cause tending to such a result. Yiolent in his temper, hasty in his resolves, reckless in adventure, possessing an inordinate self-confidence and unbounded ambition, he looked upon the Ameri- can war as presenting an opportunity for gratifying at Mr. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 193 the same time his animosity and his passion for glory. He entered heartily into the measures of opposition to the British arms, and in the first year of the contest rendered important services ; but, believing himself superior to every other officer in the American ranks, impatient of control even by Congress or the Com- mander-in-chief, and always pressing on the verge of disobedience, his arrogance had risen to a pitch, that must soon have led to mischievous consequences to himself, and perhaps to the country, if he had escaped the misfortune of captivity. He Avas a man of genius, well educated, and a skilful writer ; but eccentric in his habits, unsettled in his principles, often offensive in his manners, showing little deference to the opin- ions and feelings of others, and little regard to the usages of society. The command of Lee's division devolved on General Sullivan, who marched with it as soon as possible to the main army. Four regiments under General Gates also arrived from Ticonderoga, being relieved at that place by the retreat of General Carleton to Canada for winter quarters. These were all the regular forces, which General Washington could draw to his support. Heath was ordered to advance with a part of his division from the Highlands ; but the taking of Ehode Island by the British, and the threatening appearance of the enemy's vessels in the Sound, made it imprudent to weaken that post, or to call away any of the eastern troops, and the order was countermanded. Three regiments on their march from Ticonderoga were ordered to halt at Morristown, that, in conjunction with a body of militia there assembled, they might in- spirit the inhabitants and protect the country in that quarter. As soon as the ice should become sufficiently strong, it was expected the enemy would pass the Delaware, 13 194 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. and bring all their force to bear upon Philadelphia. Anticipating this event, Congress adjourned to Balti- more. General Putnam took the command of the militia in Philadelphia, being instructed to throw up a line of intrenchments and redoubts from the Delaware to the Schuylkill, and prepare for an obstinate defense. MAP OF THE BATTLE OF TRENTON. Mt. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 195 CHAPTER XYIII. General Washington invested with extraordinary Powers by Congress.— His Manner of using them.— He recrosses the Delaware.— Battle of Trenton.— Battle of Princeton.— The Army goe into Winter Quarters at Morristown.— Remarks on these events. This was the gloomiest period of the war. The campaign had been little else than a series of disasters and retreats. The enemy had gained possession of Rhode Island, Long Island, the city of 'New York, Staten Island, and nearly the whole of the Jerseys, and seemed on the point of extending their conquests into Pennsylvania. By the fatal scheme of short en- listments, and by sickness, the effective force with General Washington had dwindled away, till it hardly deserved the name of an army. A proclamation was published jointly by Lord Howe and General Howe, offering pardon in the King's name to all, who should take the oath of allegiance, and come under his pro- tection within sixty days. Many persons, among whom were men of wealth and consideration, accepted these terms, and went over to the enemy. Others, especially in New Jersey, took the oath, but remained at their homes. In short, so great was the panic and so dark the prospect, that a general despondency per- vaded the Continent. In the midst of these scenes of trial and discourage- ment, Washington stood firm. Whatever his appre- hensions may have been, no misgivings were manifest in his conduct or his counsels. From his letters, writ- ten at this time on the western bank of the Delaware, it does not appear that he yielded for a moment to a 196 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. sense of immediate danger, or to a doubt of ultiraat* success. On the contrary, they breathe the same de- termined spirit, and are marked by the same confidence, calmness, and forethought, which distinguish them on all other occasions. When asked what he would do, if Philadelphia should be taken, he is reported to have said : " We will retreat beyond the Susquehanna River ; and thence, if necessary, to the Alleghany Mountains." Knowing, as he did, the temper of the people, the deep- rooted cause of the controversy, and the actual re sources of the confederacy, he was not disheartened by temporary misfortunes, being persuaded that per- severance would at last overcome every obstacle. While even the shadow of an army could be kept in the field, the war must be carried on at an enor- mous expense by the British government, which the wealthiest nation could not long sustain. Deeply impressed with this conviction, and making it both the groundwork of his policy and his rule of action, he applied all his energies to a renovation of the army, boldly exposing to Congress the errors of their former systems, and earnestly exhorting them to a more effectual exercise of their authority in giving support and vigor to the military establishment. His representations had their due effect. Notwithstanding the extreme sensitiveness hitherto shown by Congress, in regard to a military ascendency, the present crisis was such, as to silence the opposition, if not to change the sentiments, of the members who had looked with distrust upon every measure tending to strengthen the military arm. General Washington was at once in- vested with extraordinary powers. By a formal resolve he was authorized to raise sixteen battalions of in- fantry, in addition to the eighty-eight already voted by Congress, and appoint the officers ; to raise and equip three thousand light-horse, three regiments of artillery. ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I97 and a corps of engineers ; to call upon any of the States for such aids of militia as he should judge necessary ; to form magazines of provisions ; to displace and ap- point all officers under the rank of brigadiers, and fill up vacancies in every part of the army ; to take whatever he should want for the use of the army, allowing the inhabitants a reasonable price for the same ; and to arrest and confine persons, who refused to receive the Continental currency, or who were other wise disaffected to the American cause, and to report them for trial to the States of which they were citizens. These powers constituted him in all respects a military Dictator. They were to continue six months ; and in his exercise of them he fully justified the confidence of Congress, as expressed in the preamble to the resolve, in which it is said they were granted in consequence of a perfect reliance on his wisdom, vigor, and upright- ness. In this case, as in all others where power was in- trusted to him, whether acting in a military or civil capacity, he was cautious to exercise it no further than to effect the single end for which it was designed. Fearless in the discharge of duty, and never shrinking from responsibility, he was at the same time free from the vanity, which too often besets men in high sta- tionsj of gaining personal consequence by making him- self felt as the center and moving spring of the opera- tions over which he had control. JSTo man was more vigilant in seeing that everything was properly done ; but he was willing that others should be the agents, or the contrivers, and that ever}^ one should have the credit and the praise of his worthy deeds. In the present instance, therefore, when Congress or the gov- ernments of the States voluntarily relieved him from a part of his task, which they sometimes did while he possessed the dictatorship, so far was he from thinking 198 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. it an encroachment on his authority or an inter- ference, that he expressed saticif action and thanks. To the main point, however, of reforming and re- cruiting the army, he gave his immediate and earnest attention. In advancing this object, he employed the powers with which he was invested to their fullest ex- tent. The mode of appointing officers was one of the most serious defects in the system recently established by Congress. Some of the States had neglected to com- plete their appointments; and generally these Avere made with so little judgment, and with such a disre- gard of military rules, that officers without worth or experience had been put over the heads of those, who were accustomed to service, and had given proofs of their valor and ability. By his power to displace and to fill up vacancies, AYashington rectified these errors as far as prudence would permit. The appointments for the sixteen additional battalions of infantry, and the new regiments of light-horse, artillery, and engineers, being wholly in his hands, he took care to provide for meritorious officers, who had been overlooked by the States ; thus removing their disgust, securing a valu- able accession to the army, and inducing many privates to re-enlist, who had participated in the dissatisfaction of their officers. Before these measures for arranging the army were matured, other events of great importance occurred, which o-ave a new face to affairs. From the moment o Washington crossed the Delaware, his thoughts were turned upon devising some method to retrieve his losses, or at least to impede the progress and derange the plans of the enemy. For several days he was un- certain what course General Howe would pursue. The river continued free from ice longer than was expected. He kept his detachments cantoned at the places where they had first been lodged, the strongest p ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 199 being at Brunswick, ready to move in any direction at a short notice. Meantime the American force had gained accessions by Lee's division, the regiments from Ticonderoga, and the militia from Philadelphia and the eastern parts of Pennsylvania, who turned out with spirit and in considerable numbers. These latter troops were in two bodies, one at Bristol under General Cadwalader, the other nearly opposite the town of Trenton, commanded by General Ewing. The Con- tinental regiments were still retained in their original position higher up the river. At length General Washington resolved to hazard the bold experiment of recrossing the Delaware, and attacking the enemy on their own ground. At Tren- ton were three regiments of Hessians, amounting to about fifteen hundred men, and a troop of British light- horse. Small detachments were stationed at Borden- town, Burlington, Black Horse, and Mount Holly. These latter posts were to be assaulted by Cadwalader, who was to cross near Bristol, while Washington should cross above Trenton, and Ewing a little below, and unite in the attack upon the Hessians in that place. The night of the 25th of December was fixed on for making the attempt. At dusk, the Continental troops selected for the service, and commanded by General Washington in person, amounting to two thousand four hundred men, with twenty pieces of artillery, began to cross at Mc- Konkey's Ferry, nine miles above Trenton, and it was supposed they would all be passed over by twelve o'clock; but the floating ice retarded the boats so much, that it was almost four o'clock in the morning before the whole body, with the artillery, was landed on the opposite bank of the river ready to march. The troops were then formed in two divisions. One of these, commanded by General Sullivan, marched in the road 200 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1"6. near the river ; and the other, led by General Greene, Zled do^vn a road further to the left, called the Pen- Xlton road. General Washington ^vas with this divfs on The roads entered the town at different tints and as the distance by each was nearly the sa^e it was intended that the attacks should begin Staneously. At eight o'clock the left division fell rS t iTeSei^y's adt^anced guard, and almost at the same instant a firing was heard on the right, whi h showed that the other division had arrived They both pushed forward into the town, meeting with little oppo ition, except from two or three pieces of artillery, S were soon taken. The Hessians, being driveri from the town and hard pressed, made a show of re- treating towards Princeton, but were checked by a body of tiUp« sent to intercept them. F.ndmg themselves surrounded, and seeing no oths. way of escape, they all surrendered prisoners of war. The nu>«ber of prisoners was twenty-three officers and ei-ht hundred and eighty-six privates Others tvere found concealed in houses, making m the whole Tbont a thousand. The British light-horse, and four or five hundred Hessians, escaped at the beginning of the action over the bridge across the_ Assunpink and flld to Bordentown. Six brass fieldpieces and a thou- iiKl :tandof arms were the trophies of victory. Colo- nel Eahl, the Hessian commander, and a gallant ier, wLs mortally wounded. Six other officers and between twenty and t^^ty men were ki led. The \merican loss was two privates killed and two others tZTlo death. Captain William Washmgton, dis- tin'ulhed as an ofiicer of cavalry at a later period of hew, and Lieutenant Monroe, afterwards President of the United States, were wounded ma brave and successful assault upon the enemy s a-tiUerj ilae fact, that two men died by suffermg from cold, is a ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 201 proof of the intense severity of the weather. It snowed and hailed during the whole march. The ice had formed so fast in the river below Tren- ton, that it was impracticable for the troops under Cadwalader and Ewing to pass over at the times agreed upon. Cadwalader succeeded in landing a battalion of infantry ; but the ice on the margin of the stream was in such a condition, as to render it impossible to land the artillery, and they all returned. If Ewing bad crossed, as was proposed, and taken possession of RAHL'S HEADQUAKTERS, TRENTON. the bridge on the south side of the town, the party that fled would have been intercepted and captured. And there was the fairest prospect that Cadwalader would have been equally fortunate against the detachments below, or have driven them towards Trenton, where they Avould have met a victorious army. This part of the plan having failed, and the enemy being in force at Princeton and Brunswick, it was thought advisable by General Washington not to hazard anything further, especially as his men were exhausted with fatigue. He recrossed the Delaware with his prisoners the same day, and gained his encampment on the other side. The British and Hessian troops posted at Borden- 202 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. town, and in the vicinity of that place immediately retreated to Princeton, so that the whole line of the enemy's cantonments along the Delaware was broken up and driven back. As soon as his troops were re- freshed, General Washington again passed over the Delaware, and took up his quarters at Trenton, re- solved to pursue the enemy, or adopt such other measures as his situation would justify. Meanwhile General Cadwalader succeeded in crossing over with eighteen hundred Pennsylvania militia, who were followed by as many more under General Mifflin, all of whom formed a junction with the main army at Trenton. At this critical moment the term of service of sev- eral regiments expired, the dissolution of the old army occurring on the last day of the year ; and, worn down with the extraordinary hardships of the campaign, the men seemed at first determined to go off in a body, and return to their homes. By much persuasion, how- ever, and the exertions of their officers, seconded by a bounty of ten dollars to each man, more than half of them agreed to remain six weeks longer. It was not presumed that Sir William Howe would lon g per mit the Americans quietly to possess the ad- vantages^trrer^iad gained, or delay to retaliate for the disasters his army had suffered. lie was now in Isew York ; and, when the intelligence of the late events ^^ached that city, he ordered Lord Cornwallis, then on S-^e ev'^^of embarking for Europe, to suspend his de- parture, and take command in the Jerseys. This officer hastened to Princeton, followed by additional forces from Brunswick. In the morning of the 2d of January, it was ascertained that the enemy's battalions were marching towards Trenton, and General Wash- ington prepared to meet an attack. To harass them on their march, and retard their progress, he sent out ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 203 strong parties on the road to Princeton, with orderi to skirmish at every advantageous position. These orders were faithfully obeyed, and the head of the enemy's columns did not reach Trenton till four o'clock in the afternoon. The American army then retired to the high ground beyond the Assunpink. The bridge was defended by artillery, and a sharp cannonade was kept up, particularly at that point, and at the fords above the bridge, which the enemy at- tempted to pass. At dusk the firing ceased, and Lord Cornwallis encamped his troops near the village, in- tending to renew the combat in the morning, w^hen his reinforcements should arrive. The Americans en- camped on the ground they occupied after crossing the Assunpink, and the fires kindled by the two armies were in full view of each other. To all appearance a general action must be fought the next day, and this with fearful odds, as the Brit- ish were superior in numbers, and immeasurably so in the discipline and experience of their men ; for more than half of the American army consisted of militia, who had never seen a battle, and had been but a few days in the service. At the beginning of the evening General Washington assembled his officers in council, and a bold resolution was adopted. From the number of Lord Cornwallis's troops it was rightly conjectured that he could not have left many in the rear ; and it was decided to move by a concealed march on the east side of the Assunpink to Princeton. If no -obstacles were met with on the way, it was possible that the army might push onward to Brunswick, sur- prise the enemy there, and capture the stores before Lord Cornwallis could return. To secure his baggage and prevent it from encumbering the army, General Washington ordered it to be silently removed to Bur- lington, and at twelve o'clock at night commenced his 204 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. march. That the suspicion of the enemy might not be awakened, the fires were kept burning, and the guards were ordered to remain at the bridge and the fords till the approach of daylight, when they were to follow. Men were employed during the night digging an intrenchment so near the enemy's sentries, that they could be heard at their work. Pursuing a circuitous route. General Washington reached Princeton a little after sunrise. Three Brit- ish regiments were found there, being the seventeenth, fortieth, and fifty-fifth, commanded by Colonel Maw- hood, two of which were designed to reinforce Lord Cornwallis that morning at Trenton. These two were already on their march. The American vanguard first engaged the seventeenth, and a short but very severe conflict ensued. The regiment was thrown into dis- order, and the fragments dispersed. Some accounts say that they broke through the American ranks ; others, that they fled. At any rate, after a brave resistance, they escaped from the field, and regained the road to Trenton, The rencounter was likewise sustained with spirit by the fift3^-fifth regiment, which finally retreated towards Brunswick, as did also the fortieth, which took little part in the action. The British loss was more than one hundred killed and about three hundred prisoners. But the victory was by no means a bloodless one to the Americans. General Mercer was mortally wounded; and Colonel Haslet, Colonel Potter, and other officers of subordinate rank were killed. Gen- eral Mercer was a Scotchman by birth, and in his youth had been in the battle of CuUoden. He served in America with distinction during the last French war, and afterwards settled in Yirginia. He was a brave and worthy man, an intimate friend of the Commander-in-chief, much respected for his talents, ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 205 military character and private worth, and his death was deeply lamented. Colonel Haslet had distin- guished himself for bravery and good conduct in the battles of Long Island and Chatterton's Hill, and in several hazardous enterprises. Throughout the action, General Washington exposed his person in the hottest parts of the combat, giving orders and animating the troops. At the request of the prisoners. Captain Leslie, a British officer much beloved by them, and killed in the action, was buried with military honors in the American camp. "When daylight appeared, and it was discovered that the Americans were gone, Lord Cornwallis easily pene- trated the plans of Washington, and his conjecture was confirmed by the firing heard in the direction of Prince- ton. Alarmed for the safety of Brunswick, he immedi- ately retreated, and his van had almost reached Prince- ton when the rear of the American army left it. Washington pursued the two fugitive regiments as far as Kingston, where he turned short to the left and arrived the same evening at Pluckemin, having twice crossed the Millstone Piver, and caused the bridge at Kingston to be taken up, in order to retard the march of the enemy. Considering the exhausted state of his men, who had not slept for thirty-six hours, and the near approach of Cornwallis with a superior army of fresh troops, he thought it prudent to abandon his de- sign upon Brunswick, contenting himself with his suc- cess at Princeton, and with having drawn the enemy from all their posts on the Delaware. At Pluckemin he remained no longer than to give his troops rest and refreshment, and then advanced to Morristown, where his winter quarters were finall}^ estab- lished. This was not in all respects so favorable a situ- ation as he desired : but it was in a mountainous reirion, difficult of access to the enemy, and surrounded by a 206 LIFE OF WxlSHINGTON. [1776. fertile country affording abundant supplies. He did not sit down idle, however, nor trust to the barriers of nature for his protection. Unprovided as his men were with almost everything necessary for a winter cam- paign, he sent out detachments to assail and harass General Howe's troops ; and with such vigor and ad- dress were these expeditions conducted, that in a short time not a single British or Hessian regiment remained in the Jerseys, except at Brunswick and Amboy, be- tween which places and ]^ew York was an open com- munication by water. Such were the splendid results of General "Washing- ton's plans and operations from the time he determined to recross the Delaware. When his army was thought to be on the verge of annihilation, and the whole world regarded American liberty as struggling in the last stage of its existence, he commenced and pursued an offensive warfare against a hitherto victorious army, strong in numbers and confident in its strength, and, within the brief space of three weeks dislodged it from every post it had taken along the Delaware Eiver, re- lieved Philadelphia from danger, and recovered almost the whole province of JSTew Jersey. The glory of these achievements was rendered doubly conspicuous by their immediate effects. The despondency which had Aveighed heavily upon the minds of the people, was dispelled as by a charm, the martial spirit was re- vived, and a new animation infused into the public counsels. ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 207 CHAPTER XIX. General "Washington's Proclamation.— His Preparations for the next Cam- paign.— Exchange of Prisoners.— Condition of the American Prisoners in New York.— Military Operations in New Jersey.— The Army crosses the Del- aware and encamps near Germantown.— Washington's first Interview with Lafayette. Headquarters being at Morristown, the central or main division of the army was encamped for the win- ter near that place in huts temporarily constructed for the purpose. Cantonments were likewise established at various points from Princeton on the right, where General Putnam commanded, to the Highlands on the left, which post continued under the charge of General Heath. Skirmishes often happened between the Amer- can advanced troops and the enemy's foraging parties. For six months, however, no enterprise of magnitude was undertaken on either side. Sir William Howe's proclamation, as we have seen, had produced considerable effect in the Jerseys. Not only the disaffected, but many well disposed citizens, finding themselves in the power of the enemy, had sought protection for their families and their property by taking an oath of allegiance to the King. Their hopes had been fatally disappointed. With such li- cense had the British and Hessian troops overrun the country, that they plundered, burnt, and destroyed whatever came in their way, and in some instances committed the greatest outrages upon the inhabitants, without discriminating between friends and foes. In one respect this conduct was serviceable to the cause of the patriots. It roused the indignation of the 208 Life of WaSHIMUTON. [1777. people, and, goaded by the deep feeling of their wrongs, the militia flew to arms with an alacrity and deter- mination not surpassed on any former occasion. A large nmnber of substantial farmers, however, more pacific in their dispositions, who had taken advantage of the proclamation, professed scruples in regard to their oath. They looked upon their pledge as binding them at least to a passive neutrality. To remove this difficulty, and draw a proper line of distinction between friends" and enemies, General Washington issued a counter proclamation, command- ing all persons, who had received protection from the British commissioners, to repair to headquarters or to some general officer of the army, to deliver up such protections, and take an oath of allegiance to the United States ; " nevertheless granting full liberty to all such, as preferred the interest and protection of Great Britain to the freedom and happiness of their country, forthwith to withdraw themselves and their families within the enemy's lines." Thirty days were allowed for complying with this order, at the end of which period, those, who had neglected or refused to comply, were to be deemed as adherents to the King of Great Britain, and treated as enemies to the American States. Strange as it may be thought, the publishing of this proclamation was considered an undue exercise of power. Even in Congress it was censured by some of the members. The legislature of New Jersey more than hinted, that it was an encroachment on their pre- rogatives. An oath of allegiance to the United States was said to be absurd before the confederation was formed, and the power of requiring such an oath was claimed exclusively for each State. Hence the opposi- tion arose, not from an impartial view of the abstract merits of the act, but from the jealousy of State Mt. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 209 sovereignty. Fully convinced, however, of the neces- sity, reasonableness, and equity of the measure, Wash- ington adhered to it, and instructed his oiRcers accordingly, willing, as in all other cases, to risk his own popularity in promoting the public interests. His first care, after putting the troops in winter- quarters, was drawn to the completion of the army for the next campaign ; and he wrote circular letters to the governors of the middle and eastern States, urging them in the strongest terms to adopt prompt and effectual methods for raising recruits and filling up their regiments. His efiicient strength through the winter was so small, that prudence required him to use the expedient, to which he was often driv^en, of magni- fying his numbers to the public, lest the enemy, be- coming acquainted with his weakness, should make a sudden and rapid movement upon him, and obtain an easy victory. This deception, so essential to his safety, operated unfavorably ; since it gave the impression that his army was much larger than it really was, and diminished the efforts of the States to ])rovide season- able reinforcements. It was only in the midst of a campaign, when the enemy were in motion, that the people thought of danger ; and then it was often too late to make proper exertions for increasing the army. To stimulate the activity of the States, by forcible and reiterated representations to the governors and legislatures, by argument, persuasion, and appeals to every motive of pride, honor, and patriotism, was the task which he was obliged to repeat every winter ; and this was a source of unceasing anxiety from the time the troops went into quarters, till they again took the field to combat the enemy. Congress, embarrassed by the novelty of their duties and the indefinite nature of their powers, deliberated with caution, and were sel- dom ready to act in military affairs, till incited by th© 14 210 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. counsels or earnest entreaties of the Commander-in- chief. For several months he had urged upon them the necessity of a larger number of general officers in the army, and in February five additional major- generals and ten brigadiers were appointed. On this subject he al\va3'S spoke with delicacy in his letters, rarely expressing an opinion as to the qualifi- cations of individuals, and avoiding equally the appear- ance of partiality and of a wish to interfere in any de- gree with the appointing power. Various consider- ations produced delays and sometimes contentions in Congress respecting military appointments. Local predilections interposed the chief obstacles. The claims of the respective States were to be regarded, according to which the general officers were to be taken from each in proportion to the number of troops it furnished. By this rule the best officers in the country could not be selected, if it happened that more than one or two resided in the same State. Moreover there were frequent disagreements among the delegates of a particular State, in regard to the comparative merits of the candidates of such State, especially when the pretensions of each were supported by the influence of friends or parties. This mode of appointing officers not only brought some into the service, who were in- competent to their high station, but created dissensions in the army about rank, and added to the many trou- bles that harassed the Commander-in-chief. Soon after General Howe arrived at Staten Island from Halifax, a correspondence was opened between him and General Washington respecting the exchange of prisoners; and it was mutually agreed, that offi- cers should be given for officers of equal rank, soldier for soldier, and citizen for citizen. Exchanges were effected upon this basis till the capture of General Lee. The British commander chose to consider that ^T. 45. j LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 211 officer in the light of a deserter from the King's serv- iy con- dition, become tired of the war, and compel their lead. Mt. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 271 ers to seek an accommodation. The effect was directly the contrary in every instance. The people Vnew their rights, and had the common feelings of humanity ; and, when the former were wantonly invaded and the latter outraged, it was natural tliat their passions should be inflamed, and that they who were at first pacifically inclined should be roused to resistance and retaliation. If the British cabinet had aimed to defeat its own ob- jects, and to consolidate the American people into a united phalanx of opposition, it could not have chosen or pursued more effectual methods. The campaign being closed, General Washington prepared to put the army into winter quarters. 'Nine brigades were stationed on the west side of Hudson's Kiver, exclusive of the garrison at West Point. One of these was near Smith's Clove, where it could serve as a reinforcement to Y/est Point, should this be nec- essary ; one at Elizabethtown ; and the other seven at Middlebrook, which place was likevvise selected for headquarters. Six brigades were cantoned on the east side of the Hudson and at West Point as follows : one at West Point, two at the Continental Yillage, a post between Fishkill and West Point, and three in the vicinity of Danbur}^ in Connecticut. The artillery was at Pluckemin. A line of cantonments was thus formed around New York from Long Island Sound to the Delaware, so disposed as to afford security to the country, and to reinforce each other in case of an ex- cursion of the enemy to any particular point. The other important objects intended by this disposition were the comfort, discipline, and easy subsistence of the troops. General Putnam com.manded at Danbury, and General McDouo^all in the Hio-blands. In the expectation that the British detachments, which sailed from New York, might act in the winter against South Carolina and Georgia, General Lincoln was sent by 272 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177a. order of Congress to take the command of the southern department. The four regiments of cavalry were widely sepa- rated ; one being at Winchester in Virginia, another at Frederic in Maryland, a third at Lancaster in Penn- sylvania, and a fourth at Durham in Connecticut. These cantonments were chosen apparently with a view to the convenience of procuring forage. The exchange of prisoners continued to be a trouble- some and perplexing subject. Arrangements had been made with Sir William HoAve, before he left Philadel- phia, by which exchanges to a certain extent had been effected. But new difficulties arose in regard to what were called the Convention Troops. Although Con- gress had ratified the convention of Saratoga, yet for various reasons they did not permit Burgoync's army to embark for Europe according to the terms of that convention. Washington had no concern with this affair, except to execute the orders of Congress. These troops being thus retained in the country, it was finally agreed, on the part of the British commander, that they should be exchanged for American prisoners in his hands. But the conditions prescribed by Congress were such, that it was a long time before the object was attained. They proposed that officers of equal rank should first be exchanged ; next, superior officers for an equivalent number of inferior ; and if, after all the officers of the enemy should be exchanged, there should still be a surplus of American officers among the prisoners, they were to be exchanged for an equiv- alent number of privates of the convention troops. This principle was objected to by Sir Henry Clinton on two grounds ; first, it separated the officers from the corps to which the}'' were attached ; and, secondly,, it gave an advantage to the Americans, inasmuch as their officers could go immediately into active service, ^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 278 Avhereas the British oflficers must remain idle till the privates constituting the corps to which they belonged should be released. Congress did not choose to relax from their resolves, and the business of exchange was a perpetual source of vexation. In short, the interests of the two parties were so much at variance, that it was not easy to reconcile them. The difficulty of pro- curing soldiers in Europe, and the great expense of bringing them over and maintaining them, rendered every man of vastly more importance to the British army, than in the American ranks, which could be filled up with militia when the occasion required. Hence the British general was always extremely so- licitous to procure the exchange of his private soldiers, and Congress equally averse to gratifying him in this point. There was another reason, which operated with considerable weight on both sides. The British prison- ers were mostly German troops, who had no affection for the cause in which they were engaged, and who, while in the country under a loose system of military discipline, had many facilities and temptations to desert. There w^as another cause of anxiety in the breast of "Washington, which began now to be felt more seri- ously than at any former period of the war. The men of talents and influence, who had taken the lead and combined their strength in raising the standard of in- dependence, had gradually withdrawn from Congress, till that body was left small in number, and compara- tively feeble in counsels and resource. For the year past, the number of delegates present had seldom averaged over thirty, and sometimes it was under twenty-five. "Whole States were frequently unrepre- sented ; and indeed it was seldom, that every State was so fully represented as to entitle it to a vote. And at no time were private jealousies and party feuds i8 274 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. more rife or mischievous in their effects. These symp- toms were alarming to every true friend of his coun- try, who reflected on their tendency, and they filled the mind of Washington with deep concern. To those, in whom he had confidence, he laid open his fears, and endeavored to awaken a sense of the public danger. The conquest of Canada was always a favorite proj- ect with Congress ; and at this time, when the British forces were divided by being employed against the French in the West Indies, it was thought that a good opportunity offered itself for turning the arms of the United States against that province. After the termination of the affair at Long Island, the Marquis de Lafayette went to Philadelphia, and obtained a furlough from Congress, with the intention of return- ing to France on a short visit. In concert with him a plan was formed of an attack on Canada, which was to be the principal object of the ensuing campaign, and the basis of which was a cooperation with a French fleet and army. Lafayette was to have full instruc- tions for arranging the matter with the court of Yer- sailles, aided by the counsel and support of Dr. Frank- lin, then the American plenipotentiary in France. The plan Avas on a very large scale. Attacks were to be made by the American army at three points far dis- tant from each other, namely, Detroit, I^iagara, and by way of the Connecticut Eiver, wiiile a French fleet should ascend the St. Lawrence, with four or five thousand troops, and act against Quebec. The scheme was discussed, matured, and approved with much unanimity in Congress, and then sent to Washington with the request that he would communicate his senti- ments. He replied in a long despatch, entering minutely into the subject, and showing that the plan was impracticable ; that it required resources in troops and money, which were not to be had ; that it would Mt. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 275 involve Congress in engagements to their ally, which it would be impossible to fulfil ; and that it was in itself so extensive and complicated, as to hold out no reasonable hope of success, even with all the requisite means of pursuing it. Such was his opinion in a military view. But the subject presented itself to him in another aspect, in which he thought it deserved special consideration. Canada formerly belonged to France, and had been severed from her in a manner, which, if not humiliat- ing to her pride, contributed nothing to her glory. TVould she not be eager to recover this lost province ? If it should be conquered with her aid, would she not claim it at the peace as rightfully belonging to her, and be able to advance plausible reasons for such a demand ? Would not the acquisition itself hold out a strong temptation ? The territory abounded in sup- plies for the use of her Islands, it opened a wide field of commerce Avith the Indian nations, it would give her the command of posts on this continent independ- ent of the precarious good will of an ally, it would put her in a condition to engross the whole trade of Newfoundland, and above all, it would afford her facilities for awing and controlling the United States, " the natural and most formidable rival of every mari- time power in Europe." He added, " France, acknowl- edged for some time past the most powerful monarchy in Europe by land, able now to dispute the empire of the sea with Great Britain, and, if joined with Spain, I may say, certainly superior, possessed of New Or- leans on our right, Canada on our left, and seconded by the numerous tribes of Indians in our rear from one extremity to the other, a people so generally friendly to her, and whom she knows so well how to conciliate, would, it is much to be apprehended, have it in her power to give la,w to these States," 276 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. These sentiments, he said, did not grow out of any distrust of the good faith of France in the alliance she had formed. On the contrary, he was willing to en- tertain and cherish the most favorable impressions, in regard to her motives and aims. " But," he added again, " it is a maxim founded on the universal ex- perience of mankind, that no nation is to be trusted further than it is bound by its interest; and no prudent statesman or politician will venture to depart from it. In our circumstances we ought to be particularly cau- tious : for we have not vet attained sufficient victor and maturity to recover from the shock of any false step, into which we may unwarily fall. If France should even engage in the scheme, in the first in- stance, with the purest intentions, there is the greatest danger, that, in the progress of the business, invited to it by circumstances, and perhaps urged on by the solicitations and wishes of the Canadians, she would alter her views." In short, allowing all his apprehen- sions to be unfounded, he was still reluctant to multiply national obligations or to give to any foreign power claims of merit for services performed beyond what was absolutely indispensable. The observations and reasonings of the Commander- in-chief were so far operative on Congress, as to induce them at once to narrow their scheme, though not en- tirely to give it up. They participated in the general opinion, that the war with France would necessaril}^ employ the British fleet and troops in other parts of the world, and that they would soon evacuate the towns on the seacoast of the United States. In this event, they thought an expedition against Canada should still be the object of the campaign, and that preparations should accordingly be made. They requested General Washington to write to Dr. Franklin, and to the Marquis de Lafayette, who was then at Boston, ready ^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2YT to depart for Europe, and state to them sucli details as might be laid before the French court, in order that eventual measures might be taken for cooperation in case an armament should be sent to Quebec from France. The plan in this shape, however, was not more satisfactory to him, than in its original form. He saw no reason for supposing the British would evacuate the States, and he believed a system of opera- tions built upon that basis would fail. At any rate he Tvas not prepared to hazard the responsibility of draw- ing the French government into a measure so full of un'certainty, and depending on so many contingencies. The army being now in winter quarters, and his presence with it not being essential, he suggested the expediency of a personal interview with the members of Congress, in which his sentiments could be more fully explained than by writing. This proposition was approved. He arrived in Philadephia on the 24:th of December, and, after several discussions between him and a committee of Congress, the Canada scheme was wholly laid aside. It is a remarkable fact, as connected with the above suspicions on political grounds, that the French gov- ernment was decidedly opposed to an expedition against Canada. The French minister in the United States was instructed, before he left France, not to favor any projects of conquest ; and it was the policy of the court of Versailles, that Canada and ^N'ova Scotia should remain in the power of Great Britain. The reasons for this policy may not be obvious ; but the fact is unquestionable. It is to be considered, however, that France had by treaty pledged herself to carry on the war, till the independence of the United States should be secured ; but she had not engaged to fight for conquests, nor for the extension of the terri- tories of the United St>ates beyond their original limits, 278 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. Such an engagement would have bound her to con- tinue the war indefinitely, with no other object than to gratify the ambition or enmity of her ally, while every motive of interest and of national honor might prompt her to seek for peace. It was evident, too, that the pride of England, humbled by conceding the inde- pendence of her revolted colonies, would never brook the severance of her other provinces by the direct agency of France. All conquests thus made, therefore, would perplex the negotiations for peace, and might involve France in a protracted war, without the least prospect of advantage to herself. Hence she resolved to adhere strictly to her pledge in the treaty of alliance. But although the French minister in America was in- structed not to hold out encouragement of cooperation in plans of conquest, yet he was at the same time di- rected not to throw any obstacles in the way ; thus leaving the United States to decide and act for them- selves. Should they gain conquests by their own strength, these might reasonably be claimed by them in a treaty of peace, without embarrassing the relations betweeen France and England. Mt, 46.) LIFE OF WASHINOTOlCe 279 CHAPTER XXy. Conferences with a Committee of Congress, and Plans for the next Cam- paign.— Sullivan's expedition against the Indians.—The Enemy commences a predatory Warfare.—The Burning of New Haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk.— Stoney Point stormed and taken.— Successful Enter rise against Paulus Hook— "Washington's Interviews with the French Minister.— Plans proposed for cooperating with Count d' Estaing. — The Army goes into Winter Quar- ters.— Depreciation of the Currency, and its Effects. General Washington remained in Philadelphia about five weeks, holding conferences with a committee of Congress, and making arrangements for the cam- paign of 1779. He suggested three plans, with re- marks on the mode of executing them, and the prob- able result of each. The first plan had in view an attempt to drive the enemy from their posts on the seacoast; the second, an attack on Niagara, and an offensive position in that quarter ; and, by the third, it was proposed to hold the army entirely on the defen- sive, except such operations as would be necessary to chastise the Indians, who had committed depredations on the frontiers during the past year, and who, em- boldened by success, might be expected to repeat their ravages. After mature deliberation, and taking into the ac- count the exhausted state of the country in regard both to pecuniary resources and supplies for an army, it was decided to adopt the third plan as the best suited to circumstances, the least expensive, and perhaps the most beneficial in its ultimate effects. It would afford an opportunity to retrench the heavy charges of the war, and to pursue a system of economy imperiously demanded by the financial embarrassments in which 280 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. Congress had become involved, and thus enable them to do something for the relief of public credit, and for restoring the value of the currency, which was fast sink- ing into disrepute, unsettling prices, and threatening ruin to almost every branch of industry. It would also give repose to the country, and, by leaving a large number of laborers to cultivate the soil, contribute to increase the supplies so much wanted for the comfort of the people, as well as for the subsistence of the army. Having completed all the necessary arrangements with Congress, he returned to headquarters at Middle- brook. The infantry of the Continental army w^as organized for the campaign in eighty-eight battalions, apportioned to the several States, according to the ratio hitherto assumed. There were four regiments of cavalry and forty-nine companies of artiller3\ The objects of the campaign not requiring so large a number of men in the field as on former occasions, it w^as intended to bestow the more attention upon their discipline and practical skilL Baron Steuben, trained in the w^ars and under the eye of Frederic the Great, had been appointed inspector-general of the army the year before. He w^rote a system of tactics, w^hich was published, adopted, and put in practise. His services w^ere of great importance, both as an ex- perienced officer, and as a successful teacher of his system, by w^hich the discipline of the army w^as much improved, and the discordant exercises and evolutions of the troops from different States were reduced to method and uniformity. The winter and the spring passed away without the occurrence of any remarkable event. The British re- mained within their lines at New York, showing no disposition for hazardous adventures, and apparently making no preparation for any important expedition into the country. ^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2Sl General Washington in the meantime turned his thoughts to the fitting out of an expedition against the Indians. The confederated Indians of the Six Nations, except the Oneidas and a few of the Mohawks, influ- enced by Sir John Johnson and British agents from Canada, became hostile to the United States, although at first they pretended to a sort of neutrality. Joined by a band of Tories, and persons of abandoned princi- ples collected from various parts, they fell upon the frontier settlements, and waged the most cruel and destructive war against the defenseless and unoffending inhabitants. The massacres at Cherr}^ Valley and Wyoming had filled every breast with horror, and humanity cried aloud for vengeance on the perpetrators of such deeds of atrocity. To break up these hordes of banditti, or at all events to drive them back and lay waste their territories, was the object of the expedi- tion. Four thousand Continental troops were detached for the purpose, who were joined by militia from the State of New York and independent companies from Penn- sylvania. The command of the whole was given to General Sullivan. Three thousand men rendezvoused at Wyoming, where General Sullivan first established his headquarters, and from which place he proceeded up the Susquehanna River into the Indian country. At the same time General James Clinton advanced with another division from the Mohawk River, by way of Otsego Lake and the east branch of the Susque- hanna, and formed a junction with Sullivan near the fork, where the two main branches of the river unite. The army, then amounting to about five thousand men, inclading militia, marched into the wilderness towards the Indian settlements. It was met and opposed by a body of Tories and Indians, who were soon routed and driven back. There was no other encounter, except 282 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. slight skirmishes with small parties. Sullivan pursued a circuitous route as far as the Genesee River, des- troying all the villages, houses, corn, and provisions, which fell in his way. Every habitation was deserted, the Indians having retired with their families to the neighborhood of Niagara, where they were protected and supplied by a British garrison. The purpose of the expedition being attained, the army retraced its steps down the Susquehanna, to Wyoming, and ar- . rived there after an absence of a little more than two months. Sir Henry Clinton early in the spring sent a detach- ment of two thousand five hundred men to Virginia, commanded by General Matthews. They landed at Portsmouth, sacked the town, marched to Suffolk, des- troyed a magazine of provisions in that place, burnt the village and several detached private houses, and seized large quantities of tobacco. Many vessels were likewise captured, others were burnt and sunk, and much plunder was taken. With this booty they re- turned to JSTew York. The enterprise was executed in conformity with orders from the ministr}^, who, after the ill success of their commissioners, had adopted the policy of a predatory warfare on the seacoast, with the design of destroying the towns, ships, and maga- zines, conceiving, as expressed b\^ Lord George Ger- main, " that a war of this sort, carried on with spirit and humanity, would probably induce the rebellious provinces to return to their allegiance, or at least pre- vent their sending out that swarm of privateers, the success of which had encouraged them to persevere in their revolt." When the squadron returned from Yirginia, it was immediately joined by other vessels having on board a large body of troops, all of which sailed up Hudson's Kiver. This expedition was conducted by Sir Henry Mr. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 283 Clinton in person, and his first object was to take the posts at Stony .Point and Yerplanck's Point, situate on op]"'Osite sides of the Hudson, Avhere the Americans had thrown up works to protect King's Ferry, the raain channel of communication between the eastern and middle States. Should circumstances favor so bold an experiment, he intended next to endeavor to force his way into the Highlands, make himself master of the fortifications and strong passes, and thus secure the command of the Hudson. Being informed of the preparations in New York, and penetrating the designs of the British commander^ "Washington was at hand in time to prevent the exe- cution of the second part of the scheme. By rapid marches he drew his troops from their cantonments in 'New Jersey, and placed them in such positions as to discourage Sir Henry Clinton from attempting any- thing further, than the capture of the tvv^o posts above mentioned, which were in no condition to resist a formidable fleet and an army of more than six thou- sand men. After this event, which happened on the 1st of June, Clinton withdrew his forces down the river, and at length to New York, leaving a strong garrison at each of the posts, with orders to extend and complete the works begun by the Americans ; and also directing such a number of armed vessels and boats to remain there, as would be necessary to furnish supplies and contribute to their defense. General Washington removed his headquarters to New "Windsor, a few miles above West Point, dis- tributing his army chiefly in and near the Highlands, but stationing a force on each side of the river below, sufiicient to check any sudden incursion of the enemy. The system of devastation and plunder was vigor- ously pursued. About the beginning of July a detach- ment of two thousand six hundred men, under Gov- 284 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. ernor Tryon, sailed from New York into Long Island Sound. They first landed at New Haven, plundered the inhabitants indiscriminately, and burnt the stores on the wharfs. This being done, they embarked, and landed at Fairfield and Nor walk, which towns were reduced to ashes. Dwelling-houses, shops, churches, schoolhouses, and the shipping in the harbors, were destroyed. The soldiers pillaged without restraint, committing acts of violence, and exhibiting the horrors of war in some of their most revolting forms. It does not appear that there were troops, magazines, or pub- lic property in either of the towns. The waste and distress fell on individuals, who were pursuing the ordinary occupations of life. The people rallied in self-defense, and a few were killed ; but the enemy retired to their vessels before the militia could assemble in large numbers. The British commander hoped that this invasion of Connecticut would draw away the American arm}^ from the Highlands to a position where he might bring on an engagement under favorable circumstances. Washington's habitual caution guarded him against allowing such an advantage. On the contrary, while the enemy's forces were thus divided, he resolved to attack the strong post at Stony Point. " The neces- sity of doing something to satisfy the expectations of the people and i^econcile them to the defensive plan, which he was obliged to pursue, the value of the acquisition in itself, with respect to the men, artillery, and stores, which composed the garrison, the effect it would have upon the successive operations of the campaign, and the check it would give to the depreda- tions of the enemy," were, as he said, the motives which prompted him to this undertaking. He recon- noitered the post himself, and instructed Major Henry Lee, who was stationed near it with a party of cav- ^T. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ggg alrj, to gain all tbe information in his power as to the condition of the works and the strength of the garrison. The enterprise was intrusted to General Wayne, who commanded a body of light infantry in advance of tbe main army, where he was placed to watch the movements of the enemy, to prevent their landing, and to attack separate parties whenever opportunities should offer. Having procured all the requisite in- formation, and determined to make the assault, Wash- ington communicated general instructions to Wayne in writing and conversation, leaving the rest to the well tried bravery and skill of that gallant olBBcer. The night of tbe 15th of July was fixed on for the attack. After a march of fourteen miles during the afternoon, the party arrived within a mile and a half of the enemy at eight o'clock in the evening. The works were then reconnoitered by the commander and the principal officers, and at half-past eleven the whole moved forward in two columns to the assault. The van of tbe right column consisted of one hundred and fifty volunteers with unloaded muskets and fixed bayo- nets, preceded by twenty picked men to remove the abatis and other obstructions. One hundred volunteers, preceded likewise by twenty men, composed the van of the left. Positive orders were given not to fire, but to rely wholly on the baj^onet, which orders were faith- fully obeyed. A deep morass in front of the enemy's works, and a double row of ahatis, retarded their prog- ress ; but these obstacles were soon overcome by the ardor of tbe troops, and the assault began about twenty minutes after twelve. From that time they pushed forward in the face of a tremendous fire of musketry and of cannon loaded with grapeshot, and both columns met in the center of the enemy's works, each arriving nearly at the same instant. General 286 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. "Wayne, who advanced with the right column, received a slight wound in the head, and Was supported into the works by his aides-de-camp. The assault was successful in all its parts. The number of prisoners was five hundred and forty-three, and the number killed on the side of the enemy was sixty-three. Of the assailing party fifteen were killed, and eighty-three wounded. Several cannons and mortars of various sizes, a larg'e number of muskets, shells, shot, and tents, and a proportional quantity of stores, were taken. The action, is allowed to have been one of the most brilliant of the Eevolution. Congress passed resolves complimentary to the officers and pri- vates, granting specific rewards, and directing the value of all the military stores taken in the garrison to be divided among the troops in proportion to the pay of the officers and men. Three different medals were ordered to be struck, emblematical of the action, and awarded respectively fo General Wayne, Colonel Fleury, and Colonel Stewart. Congress also passed a vote of thanks to Gennr^d Washington "for the vigil- ance, wisdom, and magnanimity, with which ho had conducted the military operations of the States," and especially as manife^tc?d in his orders for the late attack. It was his first intention, if the storming of Stony Point should prove successful, to make an immediate attempt against Yerplanck's Point, on the opposite side of the river. For thf fs purpose he had requested Gen- eral Wayne to forward the intelligence to headquarters through the hands of General McDougall, who com- manded at West Point, and who would be in readiness to send down a detachment by the way of Peekskill to attack YerplaBck^ Point on the land side, Avhile it was cannonaded from Stony Point across the river. By some misunderstanding, the messenger neglected to Mt. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 287 call at West Point, and thus several hours were lost before General McDougall received the intelligence. To this delay has been ascribed the failure of the undertaking against Yerplanck's Point. From the letters of General McDougall and other officers written at the time, however, it is evident that the want of horses and conveniences for the transportation of artillery was such, as to render it impossible in any event to arrive at Yerplanck's Point with the adequate means of assault, before the enemy had assembled a sufficient force to give entire security to the garrison. When Washington examined Stony Point after the capture, he resolved to evacuate the post, remove the cannon and stores, and destroy the works. Being ac- cessible by the enemy's vessels of war, a larger number of men would be required for the defense than could properly be spared from the main army ; and at the same time it might be necessary to hazard a general action, which was by no means to be desired on such terms as would be imposed, and for such an object. Everything was brought off, except one heavy cannon. The enemy afterwards reoccupied the post, and re- paired the works. About a month after the storming of Stony Point, another enterprise imilar in its character, and net less daring was executed by Major Henry Lee. At the head of three hundred men, and a troop of dismounted dragoons, he surprised the enemy's post at Paulus Hook, opposite to JSTew York, and took one hundred and fifty-nine prisoners, having two only of his party killed and three wounded. The plan originated wath Major Lee, and great praise was bestowed upon him for the address and bravery with which it was executed. A medal of gold, commemorative of the event, was or- dered by Congress to be struck and presented to him. No other events of much importance happened in 288 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. the array under Washington's immediate command during the campaign. The British troops remained in- active at New York, and the Americans held their ground in the Highlands. In the course of this year the works at West Point and in its vicinity were chiefl\^ constructed. A part of the time two thousand five hundred men Avere on fatigue duty every day. Before the end of July the headquarters of the Commander- in-chief were removed to Wist Point, where he con- tinued for the rest of the season. As a few incidents of a personal nature intervene to vary the monotony of military operations, and of the great public afi'airs which occupied the thoughts of Washington, it may not be amiss to insert here a letter inviting a friend to dine with him at headquarters. It gives an idea of the manner in which he lived, and shows that he could sometimes be playful even when oppressed with public cares, and in the midst of the harassing duties of his command. The letter is ad- dressed to Dr. Cochran, surgeon-general in the army, and dated at West Point on the IGth of August. " Dear Doctor, " I have asked Mrs. Cochran and Mrs. Livingston to dine with me to-morrow ; but am I not in honor bound to apprize them of their fare? As I hate deception, even where the imagination only is concerned, I will. It is needless to premise that my table is large enough to hold the ladies. Of this they had ocular proof yes- terday. To say how it is usually covered, is rather more essential ; and this shall be the purport of my letter. " Since our arrival at this happy spot, we have had a ham, sometimes a shoulder of bacon, to grace the head of the table ; a piece of roast beef adorns the foot ; and a dish of beans, or greens^ almost imperceptible, ^T. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2S0 decorates the center. When the cook has a mind to cut a figure, which I presume will be the case to- morrow, we have two beefsteak pies, or dishes of crabs, in addition, one on each side of the center dish, divid- ing the space and reducing the distance between dish and dish to about six feet, which without them would be nearly twelve feet apart. Of late he has had the surprising sagacity to discover that apples will make pies ; and it is a question, if, in the violence of hi;^ efforts we do not get one of apples, instead of having both of beefsteaks. If the ladies can put up with such entertainment, and will submit to partake of it on plates, once tin but now iron (not become so by the labor of scouring), I shall be happy to see them ; and am, dear Doctor, yours." Sir Henry Clinton, disappointed in not receiving ad- ditions to his army from Europe, began to be weary of his situation, and to despair of effecting anything that would either redound to the glory of the British arms, or answer the expectations of his employers. On the 21st of August he said, in a letter to Lord George Germain, " I now find myself obliged by many cogent reasons to abandon every view of making an effort in this quarter. The precautions, which General "Washington has had leisure to take, make me hope- less of bringing him to a general action, and the season dissuades me strongly from losing time in the attempt." He informs the minister, that his thoughts are turned to the south, that he shall put ]^ew York in a complete state of defense,withdraw his troops on the posts on the Hudson, and sail for South Carolina with a large part of his army as soon as the season will permit him to act in that climate. After Count d'Estaing left the harbor of Boston, he proceeded to the West Indies, where he operated during ^9 290 LIFE OF V/ASHINGTON. [1779. the winter, took St. Vincent and Grenada, and had a naval engagement with Admiral Byron's fleet. It was expected that he would return to the United States in the course of the summer, and M. Gerard, the French minister in Philadelphia, held several conferences with a committee of Congress respecting a concerted plan of action between the French squadron and the Amer- ican forces. For the same object M. Gerard vfent to camp, and held interviews v»^ith the Commander-in- chief, to whom Congress delegated the power of ar- ranging and executing the whole business in such a manner as his judgment and prudence should dictate. Various plans Avere suggested and partly matured ; but, as the unfortunate repulse of the French and American troops in their assault on Savannah, and the subsequent departure of Count d'Estaing from the coast, prevented their being carried into execution, they need not be explained in this place. The intercourse with AVashington on this occasion left favorable impressions on the mind of the French minister. In a letter to Count de Vergennes, written from camp, he said : " I have had many conversations with General Washington, some of which have contin- ued for three hours. It is impossible for me briefly to communicate the fund of intelligence, which I have derived from him ; but I shall do it in my letters as occasions shall present themselves. I will now say only, that I have formed as high an opinion of the powers of his mind, his moderation, his patriotism, and his virtues, as I had before from common report conceived of his military talents, and of the incalcu- lable services he has rendered to his country." The same sentiments were often repeated by the successor of M. Gerard, and contributed to establish the un- bounded confidence, which the French government placed in the American commander dviring the war. .^T. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 291 Although the plans of co-operation failed, yet the}^ were serviceable in embarrassing the schemes of the enemy. As soon as it was known that Count d'Estaine: had arrived in Georgia, Sir Henry Clinton naturall}^ supposed that he would proceed northward, and unite with Washington in a combined attack on New York. Alarmed for his safety in such an event, he caused Rhode Island to be evcicuated, and drew to Kew York the garrison, which had been stationed nearly three years at that place, consisting at times of about six thousand men. Stony Point and Yerplanck's Point were likewise evacuated. The appearance of Count d'Estaing's fleet on the coast retarded Sir Henry Clinton's southern expedition till near the end of De- cember, when, having received reinforcements from Europe, he embarked about seven thousand troops, and sailed for South Carolina, under the convo3^of Admiral Arbuthnot. The campaign being now at an end, the army was again put into winter quarters, the main body in the neighborhood of Morristown, strong detachments at "West Point and other posts near the Hudson, and the cavalry in Connecticut. The headquarters were at Morristown. The ill success of the allied arms at Savannah, and the indications of Sir Henry Clinton's designs against South Carolina, were reasons for send- ing more troops to General Lincoln's army ; and, be- fore the middle of December, two of the North Caro- lina regiments and the Avhole of the Yirginia line marched to the south. A descent upon Staten Island by a party under Lord Stirling, a retaliatory incursion of the enemy into ISTew Jersey at Elizabethtown, and a skirmish near White Plains, were the only military events during the winter. The army for the campaign in 1780 was nominally 292 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. fixed by Congress at thirty-five thousand two hundred and eleven men. Each State was required to furnish its quota by the 1st day of April. No definite plan was adopted for the campaign, as the operations must depend on circumstances and the strength and condi- tion of the enemy. iTI^ WASHINGTON'S CAMP CHEST. One of the greatest evils, which now afflicted the country, and which threatened the most alarming con- sequences, was the depreciation of the currency. Destitute of pecuniary resources, and without the power of imposing direct taxes, Congress had, early in the war, resorted to the expedient of paper money. 1 Washington's camp chest, an old fashioned hair trunk, twenty-one inches in length, fifteen in width, and ten in depth, filled with the table furniture used by the chief during the war. The compartments are so ingeniously ar- ranged, that they contain a gridiron ; a coffee and tea pot ; three tin sauce- pans (one movable handle being used for all) ; five glass flasks, used for honej', salt, coffee, port wine, and vinegar ; three large tin meat dishes ; sixteen plates ; two knives and five forks ; a candlestick and tinder-box ; tin boxes for tea and sugar, and five small bottles for pepper and other materials for making soup. Such composed the appointments for the table of the Com- mander-in-chief of the American armies, while battling for independence, and laying the corner-stone of our republic. ^T. 47. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 293 For a time, while the quantity was comparatively small, its credit was good ; but in March, 1780, the enormous amount of two hundred millions of dollars had been issued, no part of which had been redeemed. At this time forty paper dollars were worth only one in specie. Prices rose as the money sank in value, and every branch of trade was unsettled and deranged. The effect was peculiarly oppressive on the troops, and was a principal reason for the exorbitant bounties allowed to them in the latter years of the war. The separate States likewise issued paper money, which in- creased the evil, without affording any adequate relief. The only remedy was taxation; but this was seldom pursued with vigor, owing, in part, to the distracted state of the times and the exhausted condition of the country, and in part also to State jealousy. As each State felt its burdens to be heavy, it was cautious how it added to them in a greater proportion than its neighbors ; and thus all were reluctant to act, till impelled by the pressure of necessity. So low had the credit of the currency fallen, that the commissaries found it extremely difficult, and in some cases impossible, to purchase supplies for the army. Congress adopted a new method, by requiring each State to furnish a certain quantity of beef, pork, flour, corn, forage, and other articles, which were to be deposited in such places as the Commander-in-chief should determine. The States were to be credited for the amount at a fixed valuation in specie. The system turned out to be impracticable. The multitude of hands into which the business was thrown, the want of proper authority to compel its prompt execution, the distance of several of the States from the army, and the consequent difficulties of transportation, all conspired to make it the most expensive, the most un- certain, and the least effectual method that could be 294 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. devised. It added greatly to the embarrassments of the military affairs, and to the labor and perplexities of the Commander-in-chief, till it was abandoned. To keep up the credit of the currency. Congress recommended to the States to pass laws making paper money a legal tender at its nominal value for the dis- charge of debts, which had been contracted to be paid in gold or silver. Such laws were enacted, and many debtors took advantage of them. When the army was at Morristown, a man of respectable standing lived in the neighborhood, who was assiduous in his civilities to Washington, which were kindly received and recip- rocated. Unluckily this man paid his debts in the depreciated currency. Some time afterwards he called at headquarters, and was introduced as usual to the GeneraUs apartment, where he was then conversing with some of his officers. He bestowed very little at- tention upon the visitor. The same thing occurred a second time, when he was more reserved than before. This was so different from his customary manner, that Lafayette, who was present on both occasions, could not help remarking it, and he said, after the man was gone ; " General, this man seems to be much devoted to you, and yet you have scarcely noticed him." Washington replied, smiling; " I know I have not been cordial ; I tried hard to be civil, and attempted to speak to him two or three times, but that Continental money stopped my mouth." He considered these laws unjust in principle, and iniquitous in their effects. He was himself a loser to a considerable amount by their oper- ation. At the beginning of April, when the States were to have completed their quotas of troops, the whole number under Washington's immediate command was no more than ten thousand four hundred rank and file. This number was soon diminished by sending the remain- JLt. 48]. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 295 der of the Maryland line and the Delaware regiment to the southern array. The British force at New York amounted to seventeen thousand three hundred effect- ive men. From that time the army of the north con- sisted of such troops only, as were raised in the New England States, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- vania. To hasten and give effect to the arrangements for the campaign, and draw more expeditiously from the States their quotas of soldiers and supplies, Gen- eral Washington requested a committee of Congress to attend the army, with power to act in the name of that body for definite objects. The committee remained in camp between two and three months. General Schuy- ler, then a member of Congress, was one of the com- mittee, and his experience, sound judgment, and energetic character, enabled him to render essential services in that capacity. 296 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. CHAPTEE XXYI. Arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, with the Intelligence that a French Armament was on its Way to the United States.~The Army Takes a Position near Hudson's River.— The French Squadron arrives at Newport. — Count de Rochambeau's Instructions.— French Fleet blockaded.— Interview be- tween General Washington and the French Commander at Hartford.— The Treason of Arnold.— Plans for Attacking New York. Befoee the end of April, the Marquis de Lafayette arrived at Boston from France, with the cheering intel- ligence that the French government had fitted out an armament of naval and land forces, which might soon be expected in the United States. He proceeded im- mediately to Washington's headquarters, and thence to Congress. Although many of the Americans had hoped that their arms would be strengthened by the troops of their allies, yet no indications had hitherto been given, w^hich encouraged them to believe that any aid of this sort would be rendered. The experiment was also thought by some to be hazardous. The preju- dice against French soldiers, which had been implanted and nurtured by the colonial wars, it was feared might lead to serious consequences, if Irench troops should be landed in the United States, and brought to act in concert with the American army. So strongly was Count de Yergennes influenced by this apprehension, that he opposed the sending of troops to America, and advised that the efforts of France in succoring her ally should be expended in naval equipments, which he be- lieved would be more effectual in annoying and weak- ening the common enemy. In this opinion, however, the other members of the cabinet did not concur, and it was resolved to send out a fleet with a body of uEt. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 297 troops to operate on land. Lafayette was principall/ instrumental in effecting this decision. It was a point upon which he had set his heart before he left Amer- ica, and it may be presumed that he previously ascer- tained the sentiments of Washington. At any rate, his observation while in the country had convinced him, that French troops would be well received ; and he had the address to bring the majority of the minis- try to the same way of thinking. In the month of June, General Knyphausen crossed over Avith such a force as he could spare from JSTew York, and made an incursion into New Jersey. He w^as met by detachments from the American army, and some smart skirmishing ensued, particularly at Springfield, where the encounter lasted several hours. The enemy were driven back, and they retired to Staten Island. The object of this adventure could not easily be ascertained. General Washington at first supposed it to be a feint to amuse him in that quarter, while a more formidable force should be suddenly pushed up the Hudson to attack the posts in the Highlands. This opinion was countenanced by the aiTival, just at that time, of Sir Henry Clinton from his successful expedi- tion against Charleston. JSTo such attempt being made, how^ever, the only effect was to draw General Wash- ington's army nearer the Hudson, wdiere he took a position in vv^iich he could act in defense of E^ew Jersey or the Highlands, as occasion might require. Kews at length came, that the French fleet had entered the harbor of ]N^ewport, in Ehode Island, on the 10th of July. The armament consisted of seven or eight ships of the line, two frigates, tw^o bombs, and upwards of five thousand troops. The fleet w^as com- manded by the Chevalier de Ternay, and the army by the Count de Eochambeau. This was called the first 298 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. division. Another, being detained for the want of transports, was left at Brest almost ready to sail, which it was said would soon follow. The instructions from the ministry to Count de Rochambeau, were extremely judicious, and contrived in every part to secure harmony between the American and French armies. The general and the troops were to be in all cases under the command of General Wash- ino-ton. V/hen the two armies were united, the French troops were to be considered as auxiliaries, and to yield precedence by taking the left. American officers were to command French officers of equal rank, and hoUling commissions of the same dates ; and, in all military acts and capitulations, the American generals were to be named first and to sio-n first. These instruc- tions, expressed in clear and positive terms, were made known to General Washington by Lai'a3^ette before the troops landed. A copy in detail was likewise sent to him by Count de Eochambeau. They produced alV the happy effects, which could been anticipated. Per- fect harmony subsisted not only between the armies, but between the people and the French troops, from their first arrival in the country till their final depar- ture. The Continental officers, by the recommendation of General Washington, wore cockades of black and white intermixed, as a compliment to the French troops, and a symbol of friendship ; the former color being that of the American cockade, and the latter that of the French. A plan of combined operations against the enemy in New York was drawn up by General Washington, and forwarded to Count de Rochambeau by the hands of Lafaj^ette, who went to Newport for the purpose of making explanations, and concerting arrangements with the French general and admiral. This plan had for its basis the naval superiority of the French over Mt. 4S.] life of WASHINGTON. 299 the English, by which the fleet of the latter might be attacked to advantage, or at least blocked up in the harbor of Kew York. At the present time, however, this was not the case. The arrival of Admiral Graves, with six ships of the line, had increased the British naval force considerably beyond that of the Chevalier de Ternay ; and it was agreed that nothing could be done, till he should be reinforced by the second division from France, or b}^ the squadron of the Count de Guichen, which was expected from the West Indies. Forewarned by the British ministry of the destina- tion of the French armament. Sir Henry Clinton made seasonable preparations to meet it, and requested Ad- miral Arbuthnot to be ready with his fleet. After con- siderable delay he embarked six thousand troops at Frog's Neck, intending to proceed through the Sound and co-operate with the fleet in an attack on the French at Newport. In the meantime Count de Rochambeau, aided by General Heath, then present wath the French army, called in the militia of the neighboring country, and increased the force at Newport so much, that Sir Flenry Clinton, despairing of success, landed his men at Whitestone, on Long Island, and returned to New York, without effecting any part of his object. An- other reason for his sudden return was, that Washing- ton had drawn his army across the Hudson, and taken a position on the east side of that river, from which he might attack the city during the absence of so large a portion of the troops. It was Sir Henry Clinton's first hope, that, by the aid of the fleet, he should be able to complete his expedition against Newport, and come back to New York before Washington could assume an attitude which would menace the city ; but in this he was disappointed. Having a decided naval superiority, however. Ad- miral Arbuthnot blockaded the French squadron in 300 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17S0. the harbor of JSTewport, and Count de Eochambeau's army was obliged to remain there for its protection. This state of things continued through the season, and no military enterprise was undertaken. The second French division was blockaded at Brest, and never came to America ; and the Count de Guichen sailed from the West Indies to France without touching in any part of the United States. Both parties, there- fore, stood on the defensive, watching each other's motions, and depending on the operations of the British and French fleets. General AYashington re- crossed the Hudson, and encamped below Orange- town, or Tappan, on the borders of New Jersey, which station he held till winter. In this interval of leisure, a conference between the commanders of the two allied armies was suggested by Count de Rochambeau, and readily assented to by General Washington. They met at Hartford in Con- necticut, on the 21st of September. During the ab- sence of General Washington, the army was left under the command of General Greene. The interview was more interesting and serviceable in cementing a per- sonal friendship, and promoting amicable relations between the parties, than important in establishing an ulterior system of action. ISTothing indeed could be positively agreed upon, since a naval superiority was absolutely essential to any enterprise by land, and this superiority did not exist. All the plans that were brought into view, therefore, rested on contingencies, and in the end these were unfavorable to a combined operation. At this time General Arnold held the command at West Point and otlier fortified posts in the High- lands. IN'o officer in the American army had acquired higher renown for military talents, activity, and courage. He had signalized himself at the taking of ^T. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 301 Ticonderoga, by liis expedition through the wilder- ness to Quebec, in a naval engagement on Lake Cham- plain, in a rencontre with the enemy at Danbury, and above all in the decisive action at Saratoga. When the British evacuated Philadelphia, he was appointed to the command in that city, being disabled by his wounds for immediate active service. Arrogant, fond of display, and extravagant in his style of living, he was soon involved in difficulties, which led to his ruin. His debts accumulated, and, to relieve himself from embarrassment and indulge his passion for parade, he resorted to practises discreditable to him as an officer and a man. Heavy charges were exhibited against him by the President and Council of Pennsyl- vania, which were referred to a court-martial. After a thorough investigation, the court sentenced him to receive a public reprimand from the Commander-in- chief. He had previously presented to Congress large claims against the United States on account of money, which he said he had expended for the public service in Canada. These claims were examined, and in part disallowed. In the opinion of many, they were such as to authorize a suspicion of his integrity, if not to afford evidence of deliberate fraud. These censures, added to the desperate state of his private affairs, were more than the pride of Arnold could bear. At once to take revenge, and to retrieve his fortunes, he resolved to become a traitor to his country, and seek employment in the ranks of the enemy. This purpose was so far fixed in his mind fifteen months before its consummation, that he then began, and con- tinued afterwards, a secret correspondence with Major Andre, adjutant-general of the British army. The more easily to effect his designs, he sought and ob- tained the command at West Point, where he arrived the first week in August. From that time it was his 302 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. aim, by a plan concerted with the British general, to deliver West Point and the other posts of the High- lands into the hands of the enemy. The absence of Washington from the army, on his visit to Hartford, v^^as thought to afford a fit occasion for bringing the affair to a crisis. The Yultiire sloop of war ascended the Hudson, and anchored in Haver- straw Bay, six or seven miles below King's Ferry. It was contrived that a meeting should take place be- tween Arnold and Andre, for the purpose of making arrangements. Andre went ashore from the Vulture in the night on the west side of the river, where Arnold was waiting to receive him. They remained together in that place till the dawn of day, when, their business not being finished, Arnold persuaded him to go to the house of Joshua H. Smith, at some distance from the river, where he was concealed during the day. Arnold left him in the morning and went to West Point. It was Andre's expectation and wish to return to the Yulture ; but, this not being practicable, he left Smith's house in the dusk of the evening on horseback, and crossed the river at King's Ferry with a written pass signed by Arnold, in which the bearer was called John Anderson. Before leaving Smith's house, he exchanged his regimentals for a citizen's dress, over which he wore a dark, loose great-coat. The next day while riding alone towards ]^ew York, he was suddenly stopped in the road by three armed militiamen, Paulding, Williams, and Yan Wart, about half a mile north of Tarrytown. They searched him, and found papers secreted in his boots. From this dis- covery they inferred that he was a spy ; and, taking him back to the nearest American outpost at Korth Castle, they delivered him over to Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, who was stationed there with a party of dragoons. Jameson examined the papers, and knew JET. 48.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 303 them to be in the handwriting of Arnold. They were of a very extraordinary character, containing an exact account of the state of things at West Point, and of the strength of the garrison, with remarks on the dif- ferent works, and a report of a council of war recently held at the headquarters of the army. Jameson was amazed and bewildered. He sent a messenger to Arnold with a letter, stating that a prisoner, who called himself John Anderson, had been brought to him and was then in custody, and that papers had been found upon his person, which seemed to him of a dan- gerous tendency. At the same time he despatched an express to General Washington, then supposed to be on the road returning from Hartford. This express was the bearer of the papers, which had been taken from Andre's boots. The next morning Andre was sent, under the charge of Major Tallmadge, to Colonel Sheldon's quarters at IN'ew Salem for greater security. Being now con- vinced that there was no hope of escape, he wrote a letter to General Washington revealing his name and true character. Till this time no one about him knew who he was, or that he held a military rank. He sub- mitted the letter to Major Tallmadge and other officers, who read it with astonishment. Having finished his interview with the French com- manders, Washington returned from Hartford by the upper route through Fishkill. Consequently the ex- press, who was sent with the papers, and who took the lower route, by which Washington had gone to Hart- ford, did not meet him, but came back to North Castle. In the mean time Washington pursued his journey by the way of Fishkill to West Point. Two or three hours before he reached Arnold's house, which was on the side of the river opposite to West Point and at a considerable distance below, the messenger arrived 304 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. there with the letter from Jameson, by which Arnold was informed of the capture of Andre. He read it with some degree of agitation, and, pretending that he was suddenly called to West Point, mounted a horse standing at the door, rode to the river, entered his barge, and ordered the men to row down the stream. When the barge approached King's Ferry, he held up a white handkerchief, and the officer who commanded at Verplanck's Point, supposing it to be a flag-boat, allowed it to pass without inspection. Arnold pro- ceeded directly to the Yulture, which was still at an- chor in the river near the place where Andre had left it. Washington arrived at Arnold's house, and went over to West Point, without hearing anything of Arnold. On his return, however, in the afternoon he received the above-mentioned letter from Andr6, and the papers found in his boots, which had been for- warded from ISTorth Castle. The plot w^as now un- raveled. The first thing to be done was to secure the posts. Orders were immediately despatched to all the principal officers, and every precaution was taken. Andre was first removed to West Point, and thence to the headquarters of the army at Tappan. A board of officers was summoned, and directed to inquire into the case of Major Andre, report the facts, and give their opinion, both in regard to the nature of his of- fense, and to the punishment that ought to be awarded. Yarious papers were laid before the board, and Andre himself was questioned, and desired to make such statements and explanations as he chose. After a full investigation the board reported, that the prisoner came on shore in the night, to hold a private and secret interview with General Arnold ; that he changed his dress within the American lines, and passed the guards in a disguised habit and under a feigned name ; that he was taken in the same disguised habit, having in his ^T. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOX. 305 possession several papers, which contained intelligence for the enemy ; and that he ought to be considered as a spy, and, according to the law and usage of nations, to suffer death. General Washington approved this decision ; and Major Andre was executed at Tappan on the 2d of October. 3^ PLACE OF EXECUTION. "While Andre's case was pending, Sir Henry Clinton used every effort in his power to rescue him from his fate. He wrote to General Washington, and en- deavored to show, that he could not be regarded as a spy, inasmuch as he came on shore at the request of an American general, and afterwards acted by his direc- tion. Connected with all the circumstances, this argu- ment could have no weight. That he was drawn into a snare by a traitor did not make him the less a spy. As the guilt of Arnold was the cause of all the evils 20 306 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. that followed, an exchange of him for Andre would have been accepted ; but no such proposal was inti- mated by the British general ; and perhaps it could not be done consistently with honor and the course already pursued. From the moment of his capture till that of his execution, the conduct of Andre was marked with a candor, self-possession, and dignity, which betokened a brave and noble spirit. There was no stronger trait in the character of Washington than humanity ; the misfortunes and sufferings of others touched him keenly ; and his feelings were deeply moved at the part he was compelled to act in consenting to the death of Andre ; yet justice to the office he held, and to the cause for which his countrymen were shedding then^ blood, left him no alternative.* While these operations were going on at the north, all the intelligence from the south gave evidence, that affairs in that quarter were assuming a gloomy as- pect. The British forces, with Lord Cornwallis at then^ head were overrunning the Carolinas, and preparations were' making in New York to detach a squadron with troops to fall upon Yirginia. The defeat of General Gates near Camden, in South Carolina, was a heavy blow upon the Americans, and left them m a state from which it was feared they would not soon re- cover. Congress requested General Washington to ap- point* an officer to succeed Gates in the command of the southern army. With his usual determination and judgment he selected General Greene, who repaired to the theater of action, in which he was so eminently distinguished during the subsequent years of the war. Gaining an increased confidence in the Commander- in-chief, which a long experience of his wisdom and disinterestedness authorized, Congress at length * A full and detailed account of the particulars relating to this subject Is continued in Sparks' s it/e and Treason of Arnold. iET. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 307 adopted the important measures, in regard to the army, which he had earnestly and repeatedly advised and en- forced. They decreed that all the troops, thencefor- ward to be raised, should be enlisted to serve during the war ; and that all the officers, who continued in the service to the end of the war, should be entitled to half-pay for life. Washington ever believed, that, if this system had been pursued from the beginning, it would have shortened the war, or at least have caused a great diminution in the expense. Unfortunately the States did not comply with the former part of the re- quisition, but adhered to the old method of filling up their quotas with men raised for three years and for shorter terms. The extreme difficulty of procuring recruits was the reason assigned for persevering in this practice. Lafayette commanded six battalions of light infantry, stationed in advance of the main army. He projected a descent upon Staten Island, but was prevented from executing it by the want of boats. A plan was like- wise formed for a general attack on the north part of New York Island. The enemy's posts were recon- noitered, extensive preparations were made, and a large foraging party was sent into Westchester County to mask the design, and draw the attention of the enemy that way. But the sudden appearance of several armed vessels in the river caused the enterprise to be deferred and finally abandoned. The foraging expedi- tion, conducted by General Stark, was successful. The army went into winter quarters at the end of November ; the Pennsylvania line near Morristown, the New Jersey regiments at Pompton, and the east- ern troops in the Highlands. The head quarters of the Commander-in-chief were at New Windsor. The French army remained at Newport, except the Duke do Laiizun's legion^ which was cantoned at Lebanon in Connecticut, 308 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. CHAPTER XXYIL Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Troops —Agency of Washington in procuring Supplies from France. — Opei-ations of the Eueniy in the Chesa- peake.— Detachment to Virginia under Lafayette.— General Washington visits Count de Rochambeau at Newport.— Condition of the Army.— Inter- view between the American and French Commanders at Weathersfield.— Plan of Operations.— A Combined Attack on New York proposed. The year 1781 opened with an event, Avhich filled the country with alarm, and threatened dangerous con- sequences. On the 1st of January a mutiny broke out among the Pennsylvania troops, stationed near Morris- town, and about thirteen hundred men paraded under arms, refused obedience to their officers, killed one captain, mortally wounded another, and committed various outrages. The mutineers marched in a body towards Princeton with six fieldpieces, avowing their intention to proceed to Philadelphia, and demand from Congress a redress of their grievances. They com- plained that their pay was in arrears, that tbey were obliged to receive it in a depreciated currency, that many of the soldiers were detained beyonath trees and shrubs. To this interesting branch of hus- bandry he had devoted, considerable attention before the war, and during that period he had endeavored to carry out his phins of improvement. In some of his letters from camp, he gave minute directions to his manager for removing and planting trees ; but want of skill and other causes prevented these directions from being complied with, except in a very imperfect manner. The first year after the war, he applied him- self mainly to farming operations, with the view of restoring his neglected fields and commencing a regular system of practical agriculture. He graduall}^ aban- doned the cultivation of tobacco, which exhausted his lands, and substituted wheat and grass, as better suited to the soil, and in the aggregate more profitable. He began a new method of rotation of crops, in which he studied the particular qualities of the soil in the dif- ferent parts of his farms, causing wheat, maize, potatoes, oats, grass, and other crops to succeed each other in the same field at stated times. So exact was he in this method, that he drew out a scheme in which all his fields were numbered, and the crops assigned to them for several years in advance. It proved so suc- cessful, that he pursued it to the end of his life, with occasional slight deviations by way of experiment. JEn:, 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3G9 Having thus arranged and systematized his agricul- tural operations, he now set himself at work in earnest to execute his purpose of planting and adorning the grounds around the mansion-house. In the direction of the left wing, and at a considerable distance, was a vegetable garden ; and on the right, at an equal dis- tance, was another garden for ornamental shrubs, plants, and flowers. Between these gardens, in front of the house, was a spacious lawn, surrounded by serpentine walks. Beyond tlie gardens and lawn were the orchards. Yery early in the spring he began with the lawn, selecting the choicest trees from the woods on his estates, and transferring them to the borders of the serpentine walks, arranging them in such a manner as to produce symmetry and beauty in the general effect, intermingling in just proportions forest trees, evergreens, and flowering shrubs. Tie attended person- ally to the selection, removal, and planting of every tree ; and his Diary, which is very particular from day to day through the whole process, proves that he en- gaged in it with intense interest, and anxiously Avatched each tree and shoot till it showed signs of renewed growth. Such trees as were not found on his own lands, he obtained from other parts of the country, and at length his design was completed according to his wishes. The orchards, gardens, and greenhouses were next replenished with all the varieties of rare fruit-trees, vegetables, shrubs, and flowering plants, which he could procure. This was less easily accomplished ; but, horticulture being with him a favorite pursuit, he con- tinued during his life to make new accessions of fruits and plants, both native and exotic. Pruning trees was one of his amusements ; and in the proper season he might be seen almost daily in his grounds and gardens with a pruning-hook or other horticultural implements 370 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [It'sS. in his hands. Skilful gardeners were sought by him from Europe, whose knowledge and experience enabled him to execute his plans. Although relieved from public cares, he soon discov- ered, that the prospect, which he had so fondly cher- ished, of enjoying the repose of retirement, was much brighter than the reality. Writing to General Knox, he said, " It is not the letters from my friends, which give me trouble, or add aught to my perplexity. It is references to old matters, with which I have nothing to do ; applications which oftentimes cannot be com- plied with ; inquiries which w^ould require the pen of an historian to satisfy ; letters of compliment, as unmean- ing perhaps as they are troublesome, but which must be attended to; and the commonplace business, which em- ploys my pen and my time, often disagreeably. In- deed these, with company, deprive me of exercise, and, unless I can obtain relief, must be productive of dis- agreeable consequences." The applications, of which he complains, were chiefly from officers or other per- sons, who had been connected with the army, and who wished to obtain from him certificates of character, or of services rendered during the war, or some other statement from his pen, for the purpose of substantiat- ing claims upon the government. His real attachment to all who had served faithfully in the army, as well as his humanity, prompted him to comply with these re- quests ; but in many cases they were unreasonable, and in all troublesome, as they required an examination of his voluminous papers, and a recurrence to facts which often could not be easily ascertained. And then his correspondence on topics of public interest, friendship, and civility, with persons in Europe and America, was very extensive. Add to this, his private affairs, the keeping of accounts, and his letters of businesSv For more than two yea.rs after the close of the war he ha4 JET. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 371 no clerk or secretary, and he was therefore incessantly employed in writing. At length this labor was in some degree lessened by the aid of Mr. Lear, who be- came his secretary, and resided in his family many years on terms of intimate friendship. The multitude of visitors at Mount Yernon increased. They came from the Old World and the ^New. Among them were foreigners of distinction, particularly from T'rance and other countries on thecontinent of Europe, bringing letters of introduction from the Marquis de Lafayette, Count de Rochambeau, Count d'Estaing, and some of the other general officers, Avho had served in America. The celebrated authoress and champion of liberty, Catherine Macaulay Graham, professed to have crossed the Atlantic for the sole purpose of testi- fying in person her admiration of the character and deeds of Washington. His own countrymen, in every part of the Union, as may well be supposed, were not less earnest in their good will, or less ready to prove their respect and attachment. Some came to keep alive friendship, some to ask counsel on public affairs, and many to gratify a natural and ardent curiosity. This throng of visitors necessarily demanded much of his time ; but in other respects the task of receiving them was made easy by the admirable economy of the household under the management of Mrs. Washing- ton. His habits were uniform, and nearly the same as they had been previously to the war. He rose before the sun, and employed himself in his study, writing letters or reading, till the hour of breakfast. When breakfast was over, his horse was ready at the door, and he rode to his farms and gave directions for the day to the managers and laborers. Horses were like- wise prepared for his guests, whenever they chose to ^cconapany him, or to aniuse theroselve? by excursiop^ 0T2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1785. into the country. Eeturning from his fields, and des- patching such business as happened to be on hand, he went again to his study, and continued there till three o'clock, when he was summoned to dinner. The re- mainder of the day and the evening were devoted to company, or to recreation in the family circle. At ten he retired to rest. From these habits he seldom de- viated, unless compelled to do so by particular circum- stances. The State of Virginia having resolved to erect a statue in honor of General Washington, the governor was authorized to employ an artist in Europe to exe- cute it. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson, then in Paris, were commissioned to select the artist and make the contract. They chose M. Houdon, who was accounted one of the first statuaries of his time. It Avas the in- tention, that the statue should bear an exact resem- blance to ihe original. M. Houdon engaged in the undertaking with great enthusiasm, and came to Amer- ica in the same vessel, that conveyed Dr. Franklin home from his long and brilliant mission to France. He was at Mount Yernon three weeks, in the month of October, 1785, and modeled a bust of General AVash- ington, as exact in all its lineaments as his skill could make it. The statue is a precise copy of the model, and is undoubtedly the best representation of the original that exists. However much Washington was devoted to his private pursuits, so congenial to his taste and so exact- ing in their claims on his attention, yet neither hkzeal for the public good, nor the importunity of his corre- spondents, would allow his thoughts to be withdrawn from the political condition of his country. His opin- ions were asked and his advice was sought by the patriotic leaders in the public councils, and by such eminent persons as had been his coadjutors in the great ^T. 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 373 work of independence; who now looked with concern upon the system of national government, which was confessedly inadequate to stand by its own strength, much less to sustain the Union of the States. This union had hitherto been preserved by the pressure of war. It was rather the last resort of a stern neces- sity, than the spontaneous choice of all the thirteen republics. Peace had taken away its main props, and was fast dissolving the slender bands by which it was bound together. Congress was its center of action ; and this body, imperfectly organized, possessing little real authority, never confident in what it possessed, and often distracted by party discords, had become almost powerless. The confederation had proved itself to be defective in many points absolutely essential to the prosperity of a national government, if not to its very existence. The most remarkable of these defects was the want of power to regulate commerce, and to provide for the payment of debts contracted by the confederacy. Without such power it was impossible to execute trea- ties, fulfil foreign engagements, or cause the nation to be respected abroad ; and equally so, to render justice to public creditors at home, and to appease the clamor of discontent and disaffection, which so glaring a breach of public faith would naturally raise. It was evident to all, that an alarming crisis was near at hand, scarcely less to be dreaded than the war from which the country had just emerged, unless a timely and effectual remedy could be provided. Wash- ington's sentiments were often, freely, and feelingly expressed. " That we have it in our power," said he, " to become one of the most respectable nations upon earth, admits, in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we would but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy to- wards one another, and keep good faith with the rest of 374 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. th© world. That our resources are ample and increas- ing, none can deny ; but, while they are grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital stab to public faith, and shall sink, in the eyes of Europe, into contempt. It has long been a speculative question among philosophers and wise men, whether foreign commerce is of real advantage to any country ; that is, whether the luxury, effeminacy, and corruptions, which are introduced along with it, are counterbalanced by the convenience and wealth which it brings. But the decision of this question is of very little importance to us. We have abundant reason to be convinced, that the spirit of trade, which pervades these States, is not to be restrained. It behoves us then to establish just principles ; and this cannot, any more than other mat- ters of national concern, be done by thirteen heads, differently constructed and organized. The necessity, therefore, of a controlling power is obvious ; and why it should be withheld is beyond my comprehen- sion." In short, the embarrassments growing out of the weakness of the confederacy, the utter inability of Congress to collect the means for paying the public debts or to provide for their security, the jealousies of the States, and the factious spirit of individuals, filled the mind of every true friend to his country with gloom and despondency. Congress had recommended an impost, or rate of duties, which was to be uniform in all the States, and the proceeds of which were to be appropriated to relieve the national wants. The States came tardily into this measure, as it seemed to be yielding a power which was claimed as a special pre- rogative of State sovereignty. The States in which commerce chiefly centered were influenced by another motive. A larger amount would be drawn from the revenue in such States than in others of equal or .^T. 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 375 greater extent, population, and internal wealth. Th© tact was overlooked or disregarded, that the consumers, wherever they resided, actually paid the impost, and that the commercial States, by controlling the imposts in their own ports, enjoyed advantages which the others did not possess. New York never acceded to the recommendation of Congress in such a manner as to make it operative ; and, as the success of the meas- ure everywhere depended on the caprice of the legisla- tures, and a rigid system of collection faithfully administered, there was but little hope of its answering the important end of supplying the national treasury. A dissolution of the Union, or an earl}^ and thor- ough reform, was inevitable. The mode of effecting the latter, and saving the republic, was a theme upon which Washington dwelt with deep solicitude in his correspondence and conversations with his friends. By a concurrence of favorable circumstances his advice and personal efforts were made available at the begin- ning of the train of events, which ended in the achieve- ment of the constitution. "To form a compact relative to the navigation of the rivers Potomac and Pocomoke, and of part of the bay of Chesapeake, com- missioners were appointed by the legislatures of Virginia and Maryland, who assembled at Alexandria, in March, 1TS5. "While at Mount Yernon on a visit, they agreed to propose to their respective governments the appointment of other commissioners, with power to make conjoint arrangements, to which the assent of Congress was to be solicited, for maintaining a naval force in the Chesapeake, and to establish a tariff of duties on imports, to which the laws of both States should conform. When these propositions received the assent of the legislature of Yirginia, an additional resolution was passed, directing that which respected the duties on imports to be communicated to all the 376 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. States in the Union, which were invited to send dep- uties to the meeting." * Accordingly, in January following, the Assembly of Virginia appointed commissioneis, who were instructed to meet such as should be appointed by the other States, " to take into consideration the trade of the United States, to examine the relative situation and trade of the said States, to consider how far a uniform system in their commercial relations may be necessary to their common interest and their permanent har- mony, and to report to the several States such an act relative to this great object, as, Avhen unanimously rati- fied by them, will enable the United States in Congress assembled effectually to provide for the same." The commissioners met at Annapolis, in September, 1786. Five States only sent deputies, and some of these came with such limited powers, tha.t it was soon ascertained that nothing could be done towards effecting the object for which they had come together. Their delibera- tions ended in a report to their respective States, in which they represented the defects of the federal system, and the necessity of a revision. They likewise recommended another convention of deputies from all the States, furnished with requisite powers, who should meet at Philadelphia on the second day of May. At the same time they sent a letter to Congress accom- panied with a copy of their report to the States. ♦ Marshall's Life of Washington^ 2d edition, Vol. II. p. 103. ^T. o4.j LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 377 CIIAPTEK XXXIL. Proposal for a {general Convention, and Washington appointed a delegate from Virginia.— His Reasons for wishing to decline.— Society of the Ciu- ein:;ati.— Washington accepts the Appointment as Delegate.— Attends the Convention, is chosen its President, and affixes his Name to the New Con- stitution.— His Opinion of the Constitution.— It adopted by the People. —Washington chosen the first President of the United States. When the legislature of Yirginia assembled, the re- port of the deputies was taken into consideration, and it Avas resolved to appoint seven delegates to meet those from the other States in a general convention. Washington's name was put at the head of the list, and he was chosen by a unanimous vote of the representa- tives. The intelligence was first communicated to him by M^. Madison, then a member of the assembly, and afterwards oflicially by the governor. He was not a little embarrassed with this choice ; for, although he heartily approved the measure, yet he thought there were reasons of a personal nature, which made it inexpedient, if not improper, for him to take any part in it. He did not absolutely decline, but suggested his difficulties, and expressed a hope, that some other person would be appointed in his place. As the weight of his name and the wisdom of his coun- sels were felt to be extremely important, in giving dignity and success to the proceedings of the conven- tion, and as several months would intervene before the meeting, neither the governor nor his other friends pressed him to a hasty decision, trusting that time and reflection would remove his doubts. His objections were frankly stated, and they are among the many evidences of his scrupulous regard to directness and consistency in every act of his life» " It 378 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. is not only inconvenient for me to leave home," said h« to the governor, '* but there will be, I apprehend, too much cause to charge my conduct with inconsistency in again appearing on a public theater, after a public declaration to the contrary ; and it will, I fear, have a tendency to sweep me back into the tide of public affairs, when retirement and ease are so much desired by me, and so essentially necessarj^" There can be no doubt, that, when he resigned his commission in the army, he firmly believed nothing could again occur to draw him from the retirement, to which he returned with such unfeigned satisfaction, and which no other consideration than the superior claims of his country could induce him to forego. On the present occasion he was not convinced, that his services would be more valuable than those of other citizens, whose ability and knowledge of public affairs, as his modesty would per- suade him, better qualified them for the task of devising and maturing a system of civil government. There was another objection, also, which seemed to bear with considerable weight on his mind. At the close of the war, some of the officers had formed them- selves into an association, called the Society of the Cincm?iati, the object of which was to establish a bond of union and fellowship between the oincers, who had served together during the war, and were then about to be separated, and particularly to raise a permanent fund for the relief of unfortunate members, their widows, and orphans. Although AVashington was not concerned in forming the society, yet he was well pleased with its benevolent design, and consented to be its president. Unexpectedly to him, however, and to all others connected with it, a very general dissatis- faction arose throughout the country, in regard to some of the principles upon which the society was founded. It was to be hereditary in the families of the members; it had a badge, or order, offensive in republican eyes. ^T, 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 379 as imitating the European orders of knighthood ; it ad- mitted foreign officers, who had served in America, and their descendants ; it provided for an indefinite ac- cumulation of funds, which were to be disposed of at the discretion of the members. Discontents grew into clamorous censures. Pamphlets were written against the society, and it was denounced as anti-republican, and a dangerous political engine. At the first general meeting, which was held at Philadelphia in May, 1784, Washington exerted himself successfully to have the most objectionable features altered, and the articles of association were now modeled conformably to his suggestions. After these changes the alarmists were less vehement in their attacks ; but they were not silenced, and the society continued to be looked upon with jealousy and disapprobation. A second general meeting was to take place in Phil- adelphia at the time appointed for the assembling of the convention. Before receiving notice that he was chosen a delegate, Washington had written a circular letter to the branches of the Society in the different States, declaring his intention to resign the presidency, and giving reasons why it would be inconvenient for him to attend the general meeting. He thought him- self thus placed in a delicate situation. Were he to be present at the convention, the members of the Cin- cinnati Society might suppose they had just grounds for suspecting his sincerity, or even of charging him with having deserted the officers, who had so nobly supported him during the war, and always manifested towards him uncommon respect and attachment. Having a grateful sense of their affection, and recipro- cating in reality all their kind feelings, he was reluctant to put himself in a condition, by which their favorable sentiments would be altered, or their sensibility in any degree wounded. 380 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. Again, some of his friends in various parts of the country expressed themselves doubtingly in their let- ters, as to the propriety of his going to the convention, and some advised against it. Many thought the scheme illegal, since there was no provision in the articles of the confederation for such a mode of re- vision, and it had not been proposed by Congress. It was feared, therefore, that the doings of the conven- tion would end in a failure, and perhaps in the disgrace of the delegates. They, who were perplexed with apprehensions of this sort, were unwilling that the brilliant reputation of Washington should be put to the hazard of being tarnished by an abortive experiment, and believed the interests of the country required it to be held in reserve for a more fitting opportunity. These obstacles, formidable for a time, were at last removed. Congress took the subject into considera- tion, and recommended to the States to send delegates to the convention for the purposes mentioned in the Annapolis report. Thus the measure Avas sanctioned by law. Congress likewise appointed the second Mon- day in May as the day for the delegates to assemble at Philadelphia. The time was fixed with reference to the meeting of the Cincinnati, which was to be a week earlier, whereby General Washington would be enabled to join his brethren of that fraternit}^, should he think proper, and explain his motives for declining to be again elected president. After these proceedings, and after it was found that the more enlightened part of the community very gen- erally approved the scheme of the convention, his friends everywhere urged him to accept the appoint- ment as one of the delegates from Virginia, and he acceded to their wishes. Another circumstance had much influence in bringing him to this decision. It began to be whispered that the persons opposed to the Mt. 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3S1 convention were at heart monarchists, and that they were glad to see the distractions of the country in- creasing, till the people should be weary of them, and discover their only hope of security to consist in a strong government, as it was generally called, or, in other words, a constitutional monarchy ; for no one was ever supposed to dream of a despotic power in America. It has been said and believed that a small party, in despair of better things, actually meditated such a project, and turned their eyes to some of the royal families in Europe for a sovereign suited to con- trol the jarring elements of republicanism in the United States. However this may be, it is certain that no imag- ined remedy could have been more severely reprobated by "Washington. We have seen with what a stern re- buke the proposal to be a king was met by him, even when he literally had the power of the nation in his hands. From the beginning of the Revolution to the end of his life he was an uncompromising advocate for a republican system. In the abstract he regarded it as the best ; and he had faith enough in the virtue of the people, and in the efficacy of their former habits, to convince him that it might be successfully established. At all events he was for having the experiment thor- oughly tried ; and his whole conduct proves that, in regard to himself, he was ready to risk his reputation, his property, and his life, if necessary, in a cause so momentous to the welfare of his country and to the social progress of mankind. ^ He did not go to the convention unprepared for the great work there to be undertaken. His knowledge of the institutions of his own country and of its politi- cal forms, both in their general character and minute and affiliated relations, gained by inquiry and long ex- perience, was probably as complete as that of any other man. But he was not satisfied with this alone. 332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1787. He read the history and examined the principles of the ancient and modern confederacies. There is a paper in his handwriting, which contains an ab- stract of each, and in which are noted, in a methodical order, their chief characteristics, the kinds of authority they possessed, their modes of operation, and their defects. The confederacies analyzed in this paper are the Lycian, Amphictyonic, Achaean, Helvetic, Belgic, and Germanic. He also read the standard works on general politics and the science of government, abridg- ing parts of them, according to his usual practise, that he might impress the essential points more deeply on his mind. He was apprehensive that the delegates might come together fettered with instructions which would embarrass and retard, if not defeat, the salutary end proposed. " My wish is," said he, " that the con- vention may adopt no temporizing expedients, but probe the defects of the constitution to the bottom, and provide a radical cure, whether they are agreed to or not. A conduct of this kind will stamp wisdom and dignity on their proceedings, and hold up a light, which sooner or later will have its influence." Such were the preparations, and such the sentiments, with which he went to the convention. / His arrival at Philadelphia was attended with public honors. At Chester he Avas met by General Mifflin, Speaker of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and several officers and gentlemen of distinction, who proceeded with him from that place. At Gray's Ferry a com- pany of light-horse took charge of him and escorted him into the city. His first visit was to Dr. Franklin, at that time President of Pennsylvania. All the States were represented in the convention, except Rhode Island ; and, when the body was organized for busi- ness, General Washington wsle, elected by a unanimous f ot§ to the president's chair^ The convention "ly^s iu ^T. oo.] LIFE OF AVASHINGTON. 383 session four months, and the diligence of the membei^ is proved by the fact, that they sat from five to seven hours a day. The result was the Constitution of the United States, which was proposed to be substituted for the Articles of Confederation. On the ITth of September, 1787, the constitution was signed by all the members present, except three, and forwarded with a letter to Congress. By that assembly it was sent to the State legislatures, for the purpose of being submitted in each State to a convention of delegates chosen by the people, in conformity w4th a resolve of the general convention. The constitut'on, as it came from the hands of its framers, was r warded by no one as theoretically per- fect. To forn 'I compact, which should unite thirteen independent i-- publics into a consolidated government possessing ••. ontrol over the whole, was not a work of easy achievement, even if there had been a uniformity in the previously established systems of the several States. The difficulty was increased by the wide dif- ferences in their situation, extent, habits, wealth, and particular interests. Eights and privileges were to be surrendered, not always in proportion to the advantages which seemed to be promised as an equivalent. In short, the constitution was an amicable compromise, the result of mutual deference and concession. Dr. Franklin said, in a short speech near the close of the convention : " I consent to this constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good." And Washington wrote not long afterwards : " There are some things in the new form, I w^ill readily acknowledge, which never did, and I am persuaded never will, obtain my cordial approbation ; but I did then conceive, and do now jnost firml^y belieyej, that in the aggregate it i>. the 384 LIFE OF "WASHINGTON. [1788. - best constitution, that can be obtained at this epoch, and that this, or a dissolution, awaits our choice, and is the only alternative." Again : " It appears to me little short of a miracle, that the delegates from so many States, diiferent from each other in their man- ners, circumstances, and prejudices, should unite in forming a system of national government, so little liable to well-fonnded objections. Nor am I 3^et such an enthusiastic, partial, or undiscriminating admirer of it, as not to perceive it is tinctured with some real though not radical defects." Similar sentiments were doubtless entertained by all the prominent friends to the constitution. Faulty as it was, they looked upon it as the best that could be made, in the existing state of things, and as such they wished it to be fairly tried. It was moreover remark- able, that what one called a defect, another thought its most valuable part, so that in detail it was almost wholly condemned and approved. This Avas a proof, that there was nothing in it essentially bad, and it ap- proached very nearly to a just medium. If Ave judge from the tenor of Yv^ashington's letters, after it was sent out to the world, he watched its fate Avith anxious solicitude, and Avas animated Avith joy at the favor it gradually gained Avith the public and its ultimate triumph. It was universally agreed, that his name affixed to the constitution carried with it a most effec- tive influence on the minds of the people. The legislatures of all the States, which had been represented in the general convention, directed State conventions to be assembled, consisting of delegates chosen by the people for the express purpose of de- ciding on the adoption of the constitution. The ratifi- cation of nine States was necessary to give it validity and effect. The conventions in the several States met at different times, and it Avas nearly a year before the ^T. 56.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3S5 requisite number had passed a decision. In the mean time, both the friends and opponents of the constitution were extremely active. The weight of opinion, how- ever, was found everywhere to preponderate on the side of the constitution. In some of the States it was adopted unanimously, and in nearly all of them the majority was much larger tban its most zealous ad- vocates had ventured to hope. Amendments were recommended in some instances, but in none was the ratification clogged by positive conditions of this sort. The same spirit of compromise and mutual concession seemed to prevail, that had been manifested in the general convention. In fine, though the opposition was strong, and upheld by a few of the ablest and best men in the country, yet the popular voice was so de- cidedly expressed on the other side, as to afford the most encouraging presages of the successful operation of the new form of government. Each State convention transmitted to Congress a testimonial of its ratification, signed by all its mem- bers. When these testimonials had been received from the requisite number of States, an act was passed by Congress appointing a day for the people throughout the Union, to choose electors of a President of the United States, according to the constitution, and an- other day for the electors to meet and vote for the person of their choice. The former election was to take place on the first Wednesday in February, 1789, and the latter on the first Wednesday in March fol- lowing. It was no sooner ascertained, that the constitution would probably be adopted, than the eyes of the nation were turned upon Washington, as the individual to be selected for that oflBce, the highest, most honorable, and most responsible, that could be conferred by the suffrages of a free people. His reluctance to being 386 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1788 farther engaged in public life was well known, but every one knew also, that he never refused to obey the call of his country, or to make personal sacrifices for the public good. This was a ground of hope and of confidence. In him the whole people would be united. As to other candidates, there would be differences of opinion, rivalships, and, it was feared, unhappy divis- ions, that might mar the work so successfully begun, and perhaps end in its overthrow and ruin. The in- terest felt in the "subject, therefore, was intense; and at no period, even during the struggle of the Eevolu- tion, was the strong support of Washington more necessary, than at this crisis. The public sentiment was too openly and loudly pro- claimed to be concealed from him. Indeed those of his compatriots and associates, whose intimacy entitled them to use such a freedom, began early to prepare him for the result, by such arguments and advice, as they knew would be candidly considered, and be the best suited to act upon his mind. Some time before the election, in reply to a letter in which the subject had been brought pointedly before him by a gentleman then a member of Congress, he wrote as follows. " Should the contingency you suggest take place, and should my unfeigned reluctance to accept the office be overcome by a deference to the reasons and opinions of my friends, might I not, after the declara- tions I have made, (and Heaven knows they were made in the sincerity of my heart,) in the judgment of the impartial world and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not with rashness and am- bition? Nay, farther, would there not be some appa- rent foundation for the two former charges ? JSTow justice to myself and tranquillity of conscience require, that I should act a part, if not above imputation, at least capable of vindication. Nor will you conceive Mr, 56.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 387 me to be too solicitous for reputation. Though T prize as I ought the good opinion of mj fellow citizens, yet, if I kno\v myself, I would not ceek or retain popularity at the expense of one social duty or moral virtue. " While doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it respected my God, my country, and myself, I could despise all the party clamor and unjust cen- sure, which might be expected from some, whose per- sonal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility to the government. I am conscious, that I fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach. And certain I am, whensoever I shall be convinced the good of my country requires my reputation to be put in risk, regard for my own fame will not come in competition with an object of so much magnitude. If I declined the task, it would lie upon quite another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my in- creasing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided predilection for the character of a private citizen, yet it would be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance ; but a belief, that some other person, who had less pre- tence, and less inclination, to be excused, could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself." Sufiice it to say, that his scruples yielded to the earnest solicitations of his friends, to mature reflection, and to the counsels of his unerring judgment. The day of election came, and George Washington was chosen by the unanimous vote of the electors, and probably without a dissenting voice in the whole nation, the first President of the United States. ass LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. * CHAPTER XXXIY. He receives official Notice of being chosen President.— His Journey to the Seat of Government at New York.— His Oath of Office and Inaugural Speech.— Acquaints himself with the State of Public Affairs.— His Attention to his private Pursuits.— His Manner of receiving Visits and entertaining Com- pany.— Afflicted with a severe Illness.— Death of his Mother.— Economy of his Household.— Executive Departments formed. It being known that the choice of the people had fallen on General Washington for President, he made preparations to begin the duties of the office as soon as his election should be notified to him by the proper authority. The 4th of March was assigned as the day for the meeting of Congress, but a quorum did not come together till a month later. The votes of the electors were then opened and counted ; and a special messenger was despatched to Mount Yernon with a let- ter from the President of the Senate to General AVash- ington, conveying official intelligence of his election. John Adams was at the same time declared to be chosen Vice-President of the United States. Two days after receiving the notification, Washington left home for Xew York, which was then the seat of Congress. His feelings on this occasion are indicated in the fol- lowing extract from his Diary, Avritten on the day of his departure. " About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Yernon, to private life, and to domestic felic- ity; and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for Xew York in company with Mr. Thompson and Colonel Humphreys, with the best disposition to render service to ray country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." ^T. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 389 The whole journey was a kind of triumphal procession. He had hardly left his own house, when he was met by a company of gentlemen from Alexandria, who pro- ceeded with him to that town, where an entertainment was provided for him, and where he received and an- swered a public address. The people gathered to see him as he passed along the road. When he approached the several towns, the most respectable citizens came out to meet and welcome him ; he was escorted from place to place by companies of militia ; and in the prin- cipal cities his presence was announced by the firing of cannon, ringing of bells, and military display. A committee of Congress, consisting of three mem- bers of the Senate and five of the Kouse of Eepresent- atives, was appointed to meet him in ]^ew Jersey and attend him to the city of Isew York. To Elizabeth- town Point came many other persons of distinction, and the heads of the several departments of government. He was there received in a barge, splendidly fitted up for the occasion, and rowed by thirteen pilots in white uniforms. This was followed by vessels and boats, fancifully decorated, and crowded with spectators. When the President's barge came near to the city, a salute of thirteen guns was fired from the vessels in the harbor, and from the Battery. At the landing he was again saluted by a discharge of artillery, and was joined by the governor and other officers of the State, and the corporation of the city. A procession was then formed, headed by a long military train, which was followed by the principal officers of the State and city, the clergy, foreign ministers, and a great concourse of citizens. The procession advanced to the house pre- pared for the reception of the President. The day was passed in festivity and joy, and in the evening the city was brilliantly illuminated. The first public act of the President was that of 390 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. taldng the oath of office. It was decided by Congress, that this should be done with some ceremony. In the morniDg of the day appointed, April 30th, at nine o'clock, religious services suited to the occasion were performed in all the churches of the city. At twelve the troops paraded before the President's door, and soon afterwards came the committees of Congress and the heads of departments in carriages, to attend him to the Federal Ilall, where the the two houses of Con- gress were assembled. The procession moved forward with the troops in front, next the committees and heads of departments, then the President in a coach alone, followed by the foreign ministers, civil officers of the State, and citizens. Arrived at the Hall, he ascended to the senate-chamber, and passed thence to a balcony in front of the house, Avhere the oath was administered to him in presence of the people by Chancellor Livingston. The President returned to the senate-chamber, in the midst of loud acclamations from the surrounding throng of spectators, and delivered to the two branches of Congress his Inaugural Speech. He then went on foot to St. Paul's Church, where prayei's were read by the bishop, and the ceremonies were closed. Tokens of joy were everywhere exhibited, as on the day of his arrival, and at night there was a display of illuminations and firevv^orks. Under auspices thus favorable, Washington entered again upon the career of public life, surrounded and sustained by the eminent leaders, who had acted with him in establishing the liberties of his country, and cheered with the conviction of having received the voluntary suffrage and possessing the good wishes of every American citizen. Yet he was aware, that the task lie had undertaken was one of no coiiimon re- sponsibility or easy executpn. The hopes and ex- pectations of his countrymd!% he knew, were in pro- ^T. 67.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 391 portion to the unanimity with which they had crowned him with honors, and laid the burden of their public cares on his shoulders. A new system of government was to be put in action, upon which depended the destiny of his country, and with the good or ill suc- cess of which his future reputation would be identi- fied. In his inauo^ural speech, after expressing his deep sense of the magnitude of the trust confided to him, the struggles his mind had undergone in deciding to accept it, and a consciousness of his deficiencies, he added ; " In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect ray duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is, that, if in accepting this task I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former in- stances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this tran- scendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity, as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error w411 be palliated b}^ the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partial- ity in which they originated." With these sentiments, and with fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, whose guidance and overruling Providence he ac- knowledged in all the events of his life, he commenced the arduous duties of chief magistrate of the nation. In conformity with the rule to which he had hitherto adhered, he gave notice to Congress, that he should accept no other compensation for his services, than such as Avould be necessary to defray the expenses of his household and other charges incident to his public station. As the various departments of government under 392 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. (1789. the new system could not be instituted, till Congress had passed laws for their organization and support, the business belonging to these departments continued to be transacted by the officers, who had previously been charged with it. Mr. Jay acted as secretary of foreign affairs, and General Knox as secretary of war. The treasury was under the control of a board of commissioners. The President requested from each of them an elaborate report, that he might become acquainted with the actual state of the government in all its foreign and domestic relations. These re- ports he read and condensed with his own hand, par- ticularly that from the treasury board, till he made himself master of their contents. In regard to foreign affairs, he pursued a still more laborious process. AVith pen in hand he perused from beginning to end the official correspondence, deposited in the public archives, from the date of the treaty of peace at the termination of the war till the time he entered upon the Presidency. These voluminous papers he abridged and studied, according to his usual practise, with the view of fixing in his mind every important point that had been discussed, as well as the history of what had been done. Among the private reasons, which had disinclined him to leave his retirement at Mount Yernon, were his growing attachment to agriculture, and his desire to pursue the system adopted for the cultivation of his farms. Since the war he had devoted himself with equal delight and constancy to this pursuit, and brought his plans into a train, which promised the most satisfactory results. He had procured from Europe the works of the best writers on the subject, which he read with dilig-ence and reflection, drawino^ from them such scientific principles and practical hints, as he could advantageously use in improving Mt. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 303 his modes of agriculture. He was resolved to mature his designs, and in the intervals of public duties to bestow a part of his leisure upon that object. With his chief manager at Mount Yernon he left full and minute directions in writing, and exacted from him a weekly report, in which were registered the transactions of each day on all the farms, such as the number of laborers employed, their health or sick- ness, the kind and quantity of work executed, the progress in planting, sowing, or harvesting the fields, the appearance of the crops at various stages of their growth, the effects of the weather on them, and the condition of the horses, cattle, and other live stock. By these details he was made perfectly acquainted with all that was done, and could give his orders with almost as much precision as if he had been on the spot. Once a week regularly, and sometimes twice, he wrote to the manager, remarking on his report of the preceding week, and adding new directions. These letters frequently extended to two or three sheets, and were always written with his own hand. Such was his laborious exactness, that the letter he sent away was usually transcribed from a rough draft. A press copy was taken of the transcript, which was carefully filed with the manager's report for his future inspec- tion. In this habit he persevered with unabated dili- gence through the whole eight years of his Presidency, except during the short visits he occasionally made to Mount Yernon, at the close of the sessions of Congress, when his presence could be dispensed with at the seat of government. He moreover maintained a large correspondence on agriculture with gentlemen in Eu- rope and x\merica. His letters to Sir John Sinclair, Arthur Young, and Dr. Anderson, have been published, and are well known. Indeed his thoughts never seemed 394 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. to flow more freely, nor his pen to move more easily, than when he was writing on agriculture, extolling it as a most attractive pursuit, and describing the pleasure he derived from it and its superior claims not only on the practical economist, but on the statesman and phi- lanthropist. The President had not been long in !N"ew York, before he found it necessary to establish rules for receiving visitors and entertaining company. There being no precedent to serve as a guide, this was an affair of considerable delicacy and difficulty. In the first place, it was essential to maintain the dignity of the office by such forms as would inspire deference and respect ; and, at the same time, the nature of repub- lican institutions and the habits of the people required the chief magistrate to be accessible to every citizen on proper occasions and for reasonable purposes. A just line was therefore to be drawn between too much pomp and ceremony on the one hand, and an extreme of familiarity on the other. Regard was also to be had to the President's time and convenience. After a short experiment of leaving the matter to the discretion of the public, it was proved, that without some fixed rule he would never have an hour at his disposal. From breakfast till dinner his door was besieged with persons calling to pa}^ their respects, or to consult him on affairs of little moment. His sense of duty to the claims of his office, and to himself, convinced him that this practise could not be endured. The Vice-Presi- dent, Mr. Jay, Mr. Madison, Mr. Hamilton, and other gentlemen, concurred in this opinion, and by their advice a different mode was adopted. Every Tuesday, between the hours of three and four, he was prepared to receive such persons as chose to call. Foreign ministers, strangers of distinction, and citizens, came and went without ceremony. The hour ^T. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 395 was passed in free conversation on promiscuous topics, in which the President joined. Every Friday after- noon the rooms were opened in like manner for visits to Mrs. Washington, which were on a still more socia- ble footing, and at which General Washington was always present. These assemblages ^vere of the nature of public levees, and they did not preclude such visits of civility and friendship, between the President's family and others, as is customary in society. On ajffairs of business by appointment, whether wdth public officers or private citizens, the President was always ready to bestow his time and attention. He accepted no invitations to dinner, but invited to his own table foreign ministers, officers of the government, and strangers, in such number at once as his domestic establishment would accommodate. On these occasions there was neither ostentation nor restraint, but the same simplicity and ease with which his guests had been entertained at Mount Yernon. No visits were received on Sundays. In the morn- ins he uniformly attended church, and in the afternoon he retired to his private apartment. The evening was spent with his family, and then an intimate friend w^ould sometimes call, but promiscuous company was not admitted. Having laid down these general rules, which soon became known to the public, he found relief from a heavy tax upon his time, and more leisure for a faith- ful discharge of his duties. In the course of the sum- mer, however, he was seized with a violent malady, ^yhich reduced him very low, and which for a few days was thought to endanger his life. He was con- fined six weeks to his bed, and it was more than twelve before his strength was restored. A constitution natu- rally strong, and the attendance of Dr. Bard, a physi- sician equally eminent for the excellence of his S96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. character and skill in his profession, enabled him to rise from an illness the most painful and trying that he had ever endured. From the effects of it he never entirel}^ recovered. He had hardly gained strength to go abroad, when he heard of the death of his mother, who died in August, at the age of eighty-two. Writing to his sister on this occasion he said : " Awful and affecting as the death of a parent is, there is consolation in knowing that Heaven has spared ours to an age beyond which few attain, and favored her with the full enjoy- ment of her mental faculties, and as much bodily strength as usually falls to the lot of fourscore. Under these considerations, and a hope that she is translated to a happier place, it is the duty of her relatives to yield due submission to the decrees of the Creator." A short time before he left Mount Yernon for J^ew York, he made a visit to his mother at Fredericksburg, the place of her residence. She Avas then sinking under a disease, which he foresaw would prove fatal ; and he took an affecting and final leave of her, con- vinced he should never see her again. She had been a widow forty-six years. Through life she was remark- able for vigor of mind and body, simplicity of manners, and uprightness of character. She must have felt a mother's joy at the success and renown of her son, but they caused no change in her deportment or style of living. Whenever he visited her at her dwell- ing, even in the height of his greatness, he literally returned to the scenes and domestic habits of his boy- hood. Neither pride nor vanity mingled with the feelings excited by the attentions she received as the mother of Washington. She listened to his praises and was silent, or added only that he had been a good son, and she believed he had done his duty as a man. As soon as he was established in his office, Washing- Mt. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 397 ton introduced strict habits of economy into his house* hold, which were preserved without essential change to the end of his public life. The whole w^as under the care of a steward, to whom he gave general directions. All other persons connected with the establishment w^ere accountable to the steward, but each of them was required to keep an exact record of the purchases and expenditures made by him, specifying every particular. These accounts, with tradesmen's bills and other Touchers, were presented once a week to "Washington, who inspected them minutely, and certified with his own signature that they were approved. By this method he was enabled to ascertain at any moment the precise state of his pecuniary affairs, and to guard against extravagance and waste. He might say with Seneca : " I keep an account of my expenses ; I cannot affirm that I lose nothing, but I can tell you what I lose, and why, and in what manner." The salary of the President, as fixed by law, was twenty-five thou- sand dollars a 3^ear. But with the most rigid econom}'', his expenses w^ere seklom within this limit, and he was of course obliged to draw on his private fortune to make up the deficiency. Congress continued in session till near the end of September, when they adjourned for three months. They had been mostly occupied in passing laws for the organization of the government, the administration of justice, and the raising of a revenue. Mercantile regu- lations were established, imposing duties on tonnage and imported goods. Amendments to the constitution were framed, and recommended to the States for adoption. Three executive departments were formed, at the head of each of which was to be a secretary, namely, the department of foreign affairs, of the treasury, and of war. The first was afterwards called the department of state, and included both foreign and 398 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789.- domestic affairs. So large a portion of the administra- tion of government is effected by the executives of the several States, that a separate department for internal affairs was not thought necessary. The navy too was at this time so small, as not to require a distinct department. It was mainly in the charge of the secretary of war. JET. 57.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 399 CHAPTER XXXY. Officers of the Executive Departments appointed.— Judiciary System organ- ized. — His Rule in Appointments to Ofiice.— His Journey tlirough tlie East- ern States. — System of Funding tlie i*ublic Debts.— Place for the permanent Seat of Government agreed upon. The requisite laws being passed, it next devolved on the President to select proper persons to fill the several offices. In regard to the executive departments, this was of very great importance, inasmuch as the secre- taries were not only to discharge the duties assigned to them by the constitution and law^s, but were to be his cabinet, or council of state. On the wisdom of his choice, therefore, would in a great degree depend the character and success of his ad.rainistration. So much time had elapsed in the session of congress, that he had been able to take a full survey of the subject, and to decide with deliberation. Long experience in public affairs, a high political standing, and acknowledged talents, pointed out Thomas Jefferson as eminently qualified for the state de- partment. He was about to return from France, w^here he had filled the office of minister plenipotentiary, as successor to Dr. Franklin, with much credit to himself and his country. Alexander Hamilton was appointed to the head of the treasury. His transcendent abilities, integrity, firmness, and patriotism were well known to "Washington, after a thorough trial and familiar ac- quaintance in the Revolution ; and they were scarcely less known or less appreciated by his countrymen at large. In the convention, Hamilton disapproved and opposed some of the principal articles of the constitu- 400 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. tion ; and the more praise is due to him, that, after it was candied by a majority, and was proved to be the best that could be hoped for in the circumstances of the times, he gave up his predilections, joined heartily with its friends, and put into their scale the whole weight of his great powers of eloquence and argument, both in debate and by the use of his pen. Henry Knox was continued secretary of war, which station he had held under the confederation. As an officer, a man, and a friend, he was esteemed by Washington ; and his steady principles and public services had gained for him a general confidence. The post of attorney-gen- eral was conferred on Edmund Eandolph, a gentleman distinguished by success in his profession at the bar, and by having been governor of Virginia, and a con- spicuous member of the convention that framed the constitution. Such were the heads of the executive departments, and such the composition of the council, on which the President was mainly to rely for advice and support. No part of the President's duties gave him more anxiety, than that of distributing the offices in his gift. Applications innumerable flowed in upon him even before he left Mount Yernon, many of them from his personal friends, and others supported by the rec- ommendations of his friends ; nor did they cease as long as any vacancies remained. lie early prescribed to himself a rule, however, from which he never swerved, which w^as to give no pledges or encouragement to any applicant. He answered them all civilly, but avowed his determination to suspend a decision till the time of making the appointments should arrive, and then, without favor or bias, to select such individuals as in his judgment were best qualified to execute with faith- fulness and ability the trust reposed in them. His sentiments and motives are well explained in a letter .^T. 57.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 401 written to a gentleman, who bad solicited an office for another person. " From the moment when the necessity had become more apparent," said he, " and as it were inevitable, I anticipated, with a heart filled with distress, the ten thousand embarrassments, perplexities, and troubles, to which I must again be exposed in the evening of a life already nearly consumed in public cares. Among all these anxieties, 1 will not conceal from you, I antici- pated, none greater, than those that were likely to be produced by applications for appointments to the dif- ferent offices, which Avoiild be created under the new government. ISTor will I conceal, that my apprehen- sions have already been but too well justified. Scarce- ly a day passes, in which applications of one kind or another do not arrive ; insomuch that, had I not early adopted some general principles, I should before this time have been wholly occupied in this business. As it is, I have found the number of answers, which I have been necessitated to give in my own hand, an almost insupportable burden to me. " The points in which all these answers have agreed in substance are, that, should it be my lot to go again into public oliice, I would go w^ithout being under any possible engagements of any nature whatsoever ; that, so far as I knew my own heart, I would not be in the remotest degree influenced, in making nominations, by motives arising from the ties of family or blood ; and that, on the other hand, three things, in my opinion, ought principally to be regarded, namely, the fitness of characters to fill offices, the comparative claims from the former merits and sufferings in service of the dif- ferent candidates, and the distribution of appointments in as equal a proportion as might be to persons be- longing to the different States in the Union. Without precautions of this kind, I clearly foresaw the endless 402 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. jealousies, and possibly the fatal consequences, to which a government, depending altogether on the good- will of the people for its establishment, would certainly be exposed in its early stages. Besides, I thought, what- ever the effect might be in pleasing or displeasing any individuals at the present moment, a due concern for my own reputation, not less decisively than a sacred regard to the interests of the community, required, that I should hold myself absolutely at liberty to act, while in office, with a sole reference to justice and the public good." . In practise he verified these declarations, acting in every case with perfect independence, looking first to the national interests, and next to the best means of promoting them, and admitting no other ground of preference between candidates, whose ])retensions were in other respects equal, than that of former efforts or sacrifices in serving their country. For some time it had been the President's intention in the recess of Congress to make a tour through the eastern States, as well for the re-establishment of his health, as for observing the condition of the people, and the general disposition in regard to the new form of government. lie anticipated pleasure also in re- viewing the scenes of his first militar}^ campaign as Commander-in-chief, and in meeting the associates who had contributed to lessen his toils and invigorate his spirit in times of peril and despondency. About the middle of October he left Kew York, accompanied by his two secretaries, Mr. Lear and Mr. Jackson, and he was absent a month. He traveled in his own carriage and proceeded by way of New Haven, Hartford, "Worcester, Boston, Salem, and Newburyport, as far as Portsmouth in Kew Hampshire. He returned by a different route through the interior of the country to Hartford, and thence to New York. ^T. 57.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 403 Such was the enthusiasm which was now felt by all classes of the community in regard to Washington, an enthusiasm inspired by his virtues and his fame, that it was impossible for him to move in any direction without drawing around him thousands of spectators, eager to gratify their eyes with a sight of his person, to greet him with acclamations of joy, and to exhibit testimonies of their respect and veneration. Men, women, and children, people of all ranks, ages, and oc- cupations, assembled from far and near at the crossings of the roads and other public places, where it was known he would pass. Military escorts attended him on the way, and at the principal towns he was received and entertained by the civil authorities. Addresses were as usual presented to him by corporate bodies, religious societies, and literary institutions, to which he returned appropriate answers. This journey was in all respects satisfactory to him, not more as furnishing proofs of the strong attachment of the people, than as convincing him of the growing prosperity of the country, and of the favor which the constitution and the administration of government were gaining in the public mind. He Avas happy to see, that the effects of the war had almost disappeared, that agriculture was pursued with activity, that the harvests were abundant, manufactures increasing, the towns flourishing, and commerce becoming daily more extended and profitable. The condition of society, the progress of improvements, the success of industri- ous enterprise, all gave tokens of order, peace, and contentment, and a most cheering promise for the future. The time for the adjournment of Congress having expired, the two houses reassembled in the first week of January. The President met them in the senate- chamber, and delivered bis speech at the opening of tha 404 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. session. Such was the custom during Washington's administration; but it was afterwards changed, and the President communicated with Congress only by written message. This was likewise Washington's practise, except at the beginning of the session, when he addressed the two houses in person. These ad- dresses were called speeches^ and other communications were designated as messages. At this time, after con- gratulating Congress on the prosperous condition of the country, and the favor with which their previous doings had been received, he recommended several sub- jects as claiming their attention, particularly a provi- sion for the common defense; laws for naturalizing foreigners ; a uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures; the encouragement of agriculture, com- merce, and manufactures ; the promotion of science and literature ; and an effective system for the support of public credit. To the difficulties involved in this last subject may indeed be traced the primary causes of the constitution and it had already attracted the notice of the national legislature. The former session had necessarily been consumed in framing laws for putting the new govern- ment in operation ; but, a few days before its close, a resolution was passed by the House of Eepresentatives, in which it w^as declared that an adequate provision for the support of public credit was essential to the national honor and prosperity, and the Secretary of the Treasury was directed to prepare a plan for the purpose, and report it to the House at the next ses- sion. The national debt had its origin chiefly in the devolution. It was of two kinds, foreign and domes- tic. The foreign debt amounted to nearly twelve mil- lions of dollars, and was due to France, the Holland- ers, and a very small part to Spain. The domestic debt, due to individuals in the United States for loans to the ^T. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 405 government and supplies furnished to the array, was about forty-two millions. These debts had been con- tracted by Congress, and were acknowledged to be a national charge. There was another description of debts, amounting by estimate to about twent\^-five millions of dollars, which rested on a different footing. The States individually had constructed works of de- fense within their respective limits, advanced pay and bounties to Continental troops and militia, and sup- plied provisions, clothing, and munitions of war. The Secretary proposed, that all the domestic debts, includ- ing those of the particular States, should be funded, and that the nation should become responsible for their payment to the full amount. The report was able, perspicuous, and comprehensive, embracing a complete view of the subject, and contain- ing arguments of great cogency in support of the plan suggested. As to the foreign debt, there was no question in the mind of any one, that it ought to be discharged according to the strict letter of the con- tracts, but in regard to the domestic debts a difference of opinion prevailed. The secretary endeavored to prove, that no distinction should be admitted, that the expenditures had all been made for national objects, and that in equity the public faith was solemnly pledged for their reimbursement. The obligation was increased by their being " the price of liberty," without which the nation itself could never have attained an in- dependent existence. He argued that the policy of the measure was not less obvious than its justice, that public credit was essential to the support of government under any form, and that this could be maintained only by good faith in all transactions, and by honorably fulfilling engagements. AVho would confide in a gov- ernment, that had refused to pay its debts, or respect a nation that had shown a disregard to the principles^ 406 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. which constitute the cement of every well ordered community ? When the report was considered in Congress, it gave rise to warm and practical debates. The opponents of the secretary's plan were not without plausible reasons. As to the debt contracted by Congress, it was said that the usual maxims could not properly be applied. The evidences of this debt consisted in a paper currency and certificates, which, as there was no gold or silver, the creditors were from the necessity of the case obliged to take. This paper had in most cases passed through many hands, and was immensely depreciated below its normal value. The original creditors, there- fore, and the subsequent holders, had lost in proportion to the scale of depreciation. Hence the proposal to assume the whole debt, as it stood on the face of the paper, and pay it to the present holders, was said to be inequitable, inasmuch as these had purchased it at the depreciated value, and had no claim to be remunerated for the losses of the previous hold- ers. Mr. Madison proposed a discrimination, by which the purchaser should be paid a certain portion, and the original holders the remainder. This was objected to as unjust and impracticable. By the form and tenor of the certificates, the debt was made payable to the original creditor or bearer. On these terms they had been sold, and the sellers had relinquished all their claims to the purchasers for what was deemed an equivalent. When the transfers were made, it was understood by both parties to be on this principle, and the purchaser took the risk of eventual payment. It was clear, also, that it would be impossible to make the discrimination, except to a limited extent and in a partial manner, since "the numerous transfers of the original creditors could not be ascertained and ex- ^T. 58.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 407 amined ; and even at best no provision was offered for the losses of the intermediate holders by the gradual depreciation. After a long debate in the House of Representatives this scheme was rejected. Next came up the State debts ; and the proposition to assume them created still greater divisions and heats in Congress, and much excitement abroad. It brought into action all the local prejudices and high-toned doctrines of State rights and State sovereignty, which had been so heavy a stumbling-block in the way of union and concord from the beginning of the Revolu- tion. The debts of the respective States were very unequal in amount. This led to an investigation of tho services rendered by each, and to invidious comparisons. The project was opposed as unconstitutional and unjust. Congress, it was said, had no power to take this burden upon the nation. Such an assumption of power was moreover an encroachment upon the sovereignty of the States, tending to diminish their importance, and lead to a consolidation destructive of the republican system. Each State was responsible for the debts it had con- tracted, and there was no reason for taxing those States, which owed little, to pa}^ a portion of the large debt of others. It was argued in reply, that, as the expenditures had all been for the common cause of the nation, they came strictly within the legitimate control of Congress ; and also, as the constitution had transferred to the national legislature the entire power of raising fuods from duties on imports and the sales of public lands, the principal sources of revenue, it was just that the debts should be paid out of these funds. The States could pay them only by excise duties, or direct taxes, which would be odious to the jDCople and difficult to collect. In any event there must be long delays, and much un- certainty as to the result. The creditors had a right i08 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. to claim more prompt payment, and better securitj from the nation. At last the secretary's plan for funding all the do- mestic debts was carried by a small majority in both houses of Congress. In regard to the State debts, however, the original proposition was modified. The specific sum of twenty-one millions and a half of dol- lars was assumed, and apportioned among the States in a proximate ratio to the amount of the debts of each. An act was passed by which the whole of the domestic debt became a loan to the nation. It was made redeemable at various times, and at various rates of interest. One of the principal arguments for funding the debt, in addition to that of its equity, was the advantage that would be derived from it as an active capital for immediate use. Sustained by the credit of the nation, bearing interest and redeemable at certain times, the paper securities of the government would have a per- manent value in the market, and thus be a spur to en- terprise, and increase the prosperity of the country in its agriculture, manufactures and commerce. All that was anticipated from the funding system, in these re- spects, was realized. Politically considered, however, it had an unhappy influence. It widened the breach of parties, produced irritations, and excited animosities. ]S[or v^as it to be expected that the adversaries of the plan, and these a large minority, would readily change their opinion after the strenuous opposition they had shown, or cease from their hostility. The President expressed no sentiments on the subject while it was under debate in Congress, but he approved the act for funding the public debt, and was undoubtedly, from conviction, a decided friend to the measure. Another important point, upon which Congress under the old Confederation bad been for a long time ^Et. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 409 divided, was settled in the course of this session. Local interests, and other considerations, made it diiBcult to agree on the place for the permanent seat of govern- ment. It was at length determined, that it should be removed for ten years to Philadelphia, and then be established at some place on the Potomac River. Ulti- mately the position was selected, Avhich has since been called the District of Columbia ; and the territory was surveyed, the citj^ planned, and the public buildings commenced under the direction of Washington, this duty devolving on him as President. For three or four years it occupied a great deal of his attention ; and, in compliance with the laws, he appointed commissioners for managing the business, with whom he carried on a voluminous correspondence, giving personal directions, and requiring exact accounts of all proceedings. 4:10 UFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. CHAPTEK XXXYL The Prssident visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon.— Foreign Relations of the United States. — France, England, Spain.— Indian War.— Washington's Policy respecting the Indians.— Congress meets at Philadelphia.— A National Bank established. — Tax on distilled Spirits.— The President's Tour through the Southern States. — Apportionment Bill. Rhode Island having adopted the constitution, and acceded to the Union, the President made a visit to that State immediately after the session of Congress. In his eastern tour he had avoided going to Rhode Island, because it had not then joined the Union under the new government. Another severe disease, and constant application to business, had much impaired his health ; and he deter, mined to take advantage of the recess of Congress, throw off for a brief space the burden of public cares, and seek repose and recreation in his own quiet home at Mount Yernon. He always returned to that spot with delight ; and it was now doubly dear to him, as it promised rest from labor, refreshment to his weary spirit and debilitated body, and a few days of leisure to ride over his farms, view his gardens, orchards, and fields, and observe the progress of his agricultural operations. The foreign relations of the United States, at the beginning of the new government, though not com- plicated, were nevertheless in an unsettled condition. With France there was a good understanding, the treaties of alliance and commerce having been scrupu- lously fulfilled on both sides. The revolutionary disorders, however, soon broke out, and produced disagreements, alienation, and trouble. Ml, 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 411 "With Morocco a sort of informal treaty existed, and "Washington wrote two letters to the Emperor, who had received American vessels into his ports, and promised his aid to conciliate the Barbary powers. This promise was unavailing. The Algerines had seized vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, and held the officers and sailors in bondage for several years. The government stood in a more delicate relation to England, than to any other power. The old feuds and bitter feelings of the war subsided slowl}^ All attempts to bring about a treaty of commerce between the two countries had failed. The British cabinet, probably dis- trusting the stability of the Union under the old Con- federation had shown no disposition to enter into a treaty of this sort, and had never sent a minister to the United States. The military posts on the frontiers had not been given up, as was stipulated in the treaty of peace. The reason assigned, that some of the States had refused to pay the debts due to British subjects, which they were likewise bound to do by the treaty, was plausible, and perhaps well founded. Congress had but a limited power to enforce a compliance with treaties ; and it was natural in such a case, that other nations should be tardy in making them. This state of things being altered by the constitution, President Washington thought it desirable to ascertain the views and intentions of the British government, in regard to complying with the treaty of peace, and to future intercourse. To attain this end he commissioned Gouverneur Morris as a private agent to hold conver- sations with the British ministers, deeming it of great importance, as he said, that errors should be avoided in the system of policy respecting Great Britain. Affairs with Spain were yet more unpromising. At the outset of the Kevolution, his Catholic Majesty, 4l0 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1700. yielding to the solicitations of France, seemed to abet the American cause ; but he soon changed his mind, refused to join with France in acknowledging the in- dependence of the United States, even when he declared war against England, and gave his sanction to the treaty of peace with no good will. He feared the effect, and not without reason, which t^he example of the northern republicans might have upon his colonies in South America. A negotiation had been going on, tedious as it was unprofitable, down to the time of Washington's election to the Presidency, but no ap- parent progress had been made. The Floridas and Louisiana belonged to Spain. The navigation of the Mississippi was the great point of controversy. This was essential to the settlers in the West, and was be- coming every day more and more so on account of the rapid increase of the population. Spain persisted in withholding all rights and privileges in that navigation from citizens of the United States. There were various grounds of policy for this refusal, but probably the most operative was a secret hope, that the western in- habitants, weary of these obstacles to their commerce, and dissatisfied with the national government for not removing them, might sooner or later dissever them- selves from the Union, and form a separate republic, which would easily fall under the control of Spain. Other circumstances, growing out of the relations with England and Spain, were extremely injurious to the interests of the country. During the war, the Indians on the borders of the United States had al- most everywhere been allied with the enemy. When peace came, it found them in the attitude of hostility, their savage spirit roused, and their vindictive tem- pers eager for slaughter and revenge ; and the United States were left to appease and conciliate them as they could. In any case this would have been an ^T. 59.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 413 arduous task, but the difficulty was soon perceived to be increased by a foreign influence, keeping alive their enmity, and stimulating them to acts of outrage, British agents and traders on the northern frontier furnished the Indians with arms, ammunition, and clothing. In Florida the Spaniards tampered with the Creeks and other Southern Indians, and kept them at variance with their white neighbors. These acts were not acknowledged, possibly not authorized, by the English and Spanish governments, but they were cer- tainly not restrained, and they were repeated long after full representations had been made. The effect was a protracted and expensive war. Washington's policy in regard to the Indians was al- ways pacific and huinane. He considered them as children, who should be treated with tenderness and forbearance. He aimed to conciliate them by good usage, to obtain their lands by fair purchase and punc- tual payments, to make treaties with them on terms of equity and reciprocal advantage, and strictly to re- deem every pledge. In these respects he looked upon the Indian tribes as holding the same rank and the same rights as civilized nations. Bat their faithless- ness, ravages, and murders were not to be tolerated, from whatever causes they arose. After failing in every attempt at a pacification, he was convinced that war was the only alternative. It continued four or five 3'ears, with many vicissitudes of misfortune and disaster, the defeats of Harraar and St. Clair, unsuc- cessful campaigns, and much waste of blood and treas- ure, till General Wayne put an end to it, first by a battle, and then by a treaty of peace. ' This war lasted through a large part of Washington's administration. It was a source of regret and pain to him, on account both of its cause, the necessity of subduing by force the turbulence of an ignoraiit and deluded race of men, 414 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1791. and of the heavy charge it imposed on the nation for maintaining an army. Congress commenced their third session at Phila- delphia, and the President returned from Mount Ver- non to that city, where he afterwards resided till the term of his office expired. The debates of this session were scarcely less vehement, or less deeply tinged with party antipathies, than those of the preceding. Two important measures were brought forward, discussed, and adopted; a national bank, and a tax on ardent spirits distilled in the United States. The President had fixed on the next recess of Congress for a tour through the southern States. He set off about the middle of March, and was gone three months, performing in that time a journey of eighteen hundred and eighty-seven miles with the same horses. His route was through Richmond, Wil- mington, and Charleston, as far as Savannah ; whence he returned by way of Augusta, Columbia, and the in- terior of North Carolina and Yirginia. Before leaving home, he had ascertained with great accuracy the dis- tances between one place and another, settled the precise day upon which he should arrive at each, and the length of time he should stop. Not a single acci- dent occurred ; and with such exactness and method had his calculations been made, that his original plan was executed in every particular, except that he stayed one day more in one place than he intended, and one day less in another. He every^vhere received the same proofs of respect and attachment, which had been manifested in his travels through the middle and east- ern States. The principal laws passed at the next session were those for apportioning the representatives, establishing a uniform militia system, and increasing the army. The constitution had prescribed that the representav JLt. 59.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 415 lives in the national legislature should be apportioned among the several States according to the respective numbers of their population, but that the whole num- ber of representatives should not exceed one for every thirty thousand. When the new apportionment bill was proposed, it was found that no ratio could be chosen which would not leave large fractions to some of the States. For instance, if thirty thousand were taken as the ratio, there would be an unrepresented surplus of fifteen or twenty thousand, more or less, in some of the States. To remedy this imperfection, a bill was intro- duced and passed, which fixed the ratio at thirty thousand. The total population was divided by this ratio, w^hich gave one hundred and twenty as the w^hole number of representatives. But this included the sum of all the fractions ; and, after apportioning to each State one representative for every thirty thou- sand, the residuary members, to make the whole number of one hundred and twenty, were distributed among the States in which the fractions were the largest. The President decided that this bill did not conform to the constitution, it being obvious that the ratio was meant to apply to the States individually, and not to the aggregate amount of population in them all. He therefore returned the bill to Congress, with his reasons for not affixing his signature. A new bill was then framed and approved, fixing the ratio at thirty-three thousand, and throwing out the fractions. 416 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. CHAPTEE XXXYII. Washington is elected President for a Second Term. — Takes the Oath of Office —Relations between the United States and France. — Opinions of the Cabi- net. — Proclamations of Neutrality. — Party Divisions and Excitements. — Genet received as Minister from France.— His extraordinary Conduct. — Meeting of Congress. — The President recommends Measures of Defense. — • Commercial Affairs.— Mr. Madison's Commercial Resolutions. — Mr. Jay appointed Envoy Extraordinary to negotiate a Treaty with England.— Mili- tary Preparations. When the President's terra of office, as prescribed by the Constitution, was drawing to a close, no little anxiety w^as felt and expressed as to his willingness again to receive the suffrages of the people. The reluctance with which he had consented to the first election was so great that it was feared he could not be prevailed upon to remain longer in public life. From his friends in different parts of the country he received early communications on the subject, urging him not to decide hastily, and, if possible, to reconcile himself to a second election. Three members of the cabinet, Jefferson, Hamilton, and Handolph, each wrote to him a long letter, containing reasons why it was of the utmost importance to his own reputation and to the public interests, that, for the present at least, he should not retire. Each of these gentlemen drew a picture of the con- dition of the country, its future prospects, and the state of parties ; and, although they differed radically con- cerning some of the principal measures of the adminis- tration, they agreed in opinion, that the character, influence, and steady hand of Washington were neces- sary to secure the stability of government, if not to preserve the nation from anarchy. ^T. 60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 417 These sentiments, uttered by his confidential advis- ers, whose political opinions he knew were at variance with each other, could not fail to make a deep impres- sion, and the more so as they were reiterated from every quarter. He seems to have resolved at one time to follow his inclination, and retire at the end of his first term of service. This is evident from his having prepared a farewell address to the people, designed for the occasion of his taking leave of them. But he never made a public declaration to that effect, and he was finally chosen for a second period of four years by the unanimous vote of the electors. On the 4:tli of March, 1793, he took the oath of office in the senate- chamber, in presence of the members of the cabinet, various public officers, foreign ministers, and such other persons as could be accommodated. In addition to the Indian war, the contests of parties, and other internal troubles with w^hich the administra- tion was embarrassed, the foreign relations of the United States were every day becoming peculiarly delicate and inauspicious. Scarcely had the President entered upon his new term of office, when the intelligence was received that France had declared war against England and Holland. The French revolution, in its earliest stages, was hailed by almost ever}^ one in the United States as a joyful event, and as affording a presage of the happiest results to the cause of freedom and the welfare of mankind. Such would naturally be the first impulse of a people who had recently been engaged in a similar struggle, encouraged by the good wishes and strengthened by the assistance of the French nation. Yv'ashington partook of this general sentiment. Gouverneur Morris had been sent to France as minister plenipotentiary from the United States. A friendly intercourse had been kept up between the two countries, on the basis of the treaties of alliance and 418 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798, commerce ; but, after the downfall of the King, and amidst the distractions succeeding that event, the minister's situation was embarrassing. It was the opinion of Washington, in which his cabinet agreed with him, that every nation had aright to govern itself as it chose, and that other nations were bound to recognize and respect the existing authority, whatever form it might assume. Mr. Morris Vv^as furnished with instructions according to this view of the subject. But the diiRculty for a time consisted in ascertaining whether there was any actual government resting on the will of the nation. His prudence in this respect, and his caution not to commit his country rashly, gave umbrage to the nominal rulers, or rather the leaders of the contending factions, who complained and expressed dissatisfaction, that the United States manifested so little sympathy with their earliest friends and allies, the vindicators of liberty and the rights of man. Such was the state of things when war was declared against England. It was perceived, that this aspect of affairs would have a direct influence on the foreign relations of the United States, and that it would require the greatest circumspection to prevent the country from being em- broiled with the belligerent powers, particularly Eng- land and France. When the President first heard the news of the declaration of war, he Avas at Mount Yernon ; and he wrote immediately to the Secretary of State, avowing his determination to maintain a strict neutrality between the hostile parties. Vessels in the ports of the United States were understood to be already designated as privateers, and he desired that measures to put a stop to all such proceedings should be adopted without delay. On his return to Philadelphia, he summoned a meet- ing of the cabinet, submitting to each member at the Mr, 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 419 same time a series of questions, which he requested might be considered as preparatory to the meeting. The substance of these questions was, whether a proc- lamation of neutrality should be issued ; whether a minister from the French republic should be received, and, if so, whether it should be absolutely or with qualifications; whether, in the present condition of France, the United States were bound by good faith to execute the treaties between the two nations, or whether these ought to be suspended till the govern- ment should be established ; and whether the guarantee in the treaty of alliance was applicable to a defensive war only, or to a war either defensive or offensive. These points envolved very important considerations. If the treaty was binding in the case of an offensive war, then a state of neutrality could not be assumed in regard to France ; and, if it was applicable to a de- fensive war only, the intricate question was still to be settled, whether the war on the part of the French was offensive or defensive, or of a mixed and equivocal character, and how far the guarantee ought to be applied under such circumstances. The cabinet decided unanimously, that a proclama- tion should be issued, " forbidding the citizens of the United States to take part in any hostilities on the seas, either with or against the belligerent powers, and warning them against carrying to any such powers any of those articles deemed contraband according to the modern usages of nations, and enjoining them from all acts and proceedings inconsistent with the duties of a friendly nation towards those at war." It was also agreed, with the same unanimity, that a minister from the French republic should be received. On the sub- ject of qualifying his reception, the members of the cabinet were divided in opinion, Jefferson and Ran- dolph being opposed to any qualification implying that 420 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. the relations between the two countries were changed, and Hamilton and Knox being in favor of it, because they believed there was in reality no fixed government in France, and they feared that a recognition of the existing authority might involve the United States in difficulties with that nation and with other powers. The proclamation of neutrality was signed on the 22d April, and immediately published. This measure, in regard both to its character and its consequences, was one of the most important of Washington's ad- ministrations. It was the basis of a system, by which the intercourse with foreign nations Avas regulated, and which was rigidly adhered to. In fact it was the only step, that could have saved the United States from being drawn into the vortex of the European w^ars, which raged with so much violence for a long time afterwards. Its wisdom and its good effects are now so obvious, on a calm review of past events, that one is astonished at the opposition it met with, and the strifes it kindled, even after making due allowance for the passions and prejudices, which had hitherto been at work in producing discord and divisions. Washington for a time was allowed to keep aloof from the contest. His character, revered by the people, shielded by their affections, and equally above reproach and suspicion, was too elevated a mark for the shafts of malevolence. Eut a crisis had now ar- rived, when the sacredness of virtue, and the services of a life spent in promoting the public weal, could no longer secure him from the assaults of party animosity. The enemies of the administration perceived, that the attempt to execute their plans Avould be vain, unless they could first weaken his influence by diminishing his popularity. The task was hard and repelling ; and it may reasonably be presumed, that a supposed political necessity, rather than cordial good will, led JET. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 421 them to engage in so ungrateful a work. It was pur- sued with a perseverance, and sometimes with an acrimony, for which the best of causes could hardly afford an apology ; but, however much it might disturb his repose or embarrass his public measures, it could neither shake his firmness, nor turn him from his steady purpose of sacrificing every other consideration to the interests of his country. In the midst of these ferments, M. Genet came to the United States as minister from the French repub- lic. He landed at Charleston, in South Carolina, and traveled thence through the country to Philadelphia. He was received everywhere with such enthusiasm and extravagant marks of attention, as to deceive him into a belief that the great body of the American people heartily espoused the cause of the French revolution, and was ready to join the citizens of the new republic in carrying the banner of liberty and equality to the ends of the earth. Being of an ardent temperament, and emboldened by these indications, the citizen minister, as he was called, at once commenced a career, as unjustifiable as it was extraordinary. Even before he left Charleston he gave orders for fitting out and arm- ing vessels in that port to cruise as privateers, and commit hostilities on the commerce of nations at peace with the United States. ITotwithstanding this act of presumption and rashness, which was known before he reached Philadelphia, he was received by the President with frankness, and with all the respect due to the representative of a foreign power. Genet declared that his government was strongly attached to the United States, and had no desire to engage them in the Avar ; but his secret instructions, which he afterwards pulDlished, were of a different complexion, and proved very clearly that the designs of his employers were contrary to the professions of 422 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl783. their minister. Indeed his whole conduct, from begin- ning to end, could have no other tendency than to bring the United States into an immediate conflict with all the powers at war with France. The priva- teers commissioned by him came into the American ports with prizes. This produced remonstrances from the British minister, and a demand of restitution. The subject accordingly came before the cabinet. In regard to the lawfulness of the seizures, there was but one opinion. It was decided that siuce every nation had exclusive jurisdiction within its own terri- tory, the act of fitting out armed vessels under the authority of a foreign power was an encroachment on national sovereignty, and a violation of neutral rights, which the government was bound to prevent. A declaration was accordingl}^ made that no priva- teers fitted out in this manner should find an asylum in the ports of the United States ; and the customhouse olficers were instructed to keep a careful watch, and report every vessel which contravened the laws of neutrality. The question of restitution involved intri- cate points of maritime law, and opinions on this sub- ject varied. It was unanimously agreed, however, that the original owners might justly claim indemnifi- cation, and that, if the property was not restored by the captors, the value of it ought to be paid by the government. The French minister protested against these decisions, became angry and violent, wrote offensive letters to the Secretary of State, and seemed to forget alike the dignity of his station and his character as a man. He still continued to encourage armed vessels to sail from American ports under the French flag. By the firm- ness of the executive r. check^vacputto this effrontery. Measures were taken to prevent by force the departure of such vessels. The madness of the minister was ^T. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 423 increased by the obstacles he encountered. Finding himself baffled in all his schemes, he resorted to menaces, accused the President of having usurped the powers of Congress, and more than insinuated that he would appeal to the people for redress. This insult, aggravated by his previous conduct, could neither be tolerated nor passed over in silence. It was obvious, indeed, that nothing could be hoped from any further intercourse with so wrongheaded a man. A statement of the particulars was drawn up, and forwarded to the French government, with a request that he might be recalled. A more remarkable chapter can hardly be found in the history of diplomacy than might be fur- nished from the records of this mission of Genet. It is a memorable instance of the infatuation to which a man of respectable talents and private character may be driven by political frenzy. AVhen Congress assembled, the state of affairs, both external and internal, was largely explained in the Presi- dent's speech, and in a separate message accompanied with many documents. In these were comprised the reasons for the course he had pursued, respecting foreign powers, and suggestions for additional legislative enact- ments to protect the rights of American citizens, and maintain the dignity of the country. While he sought peace, and urged a faithful discharge of every duty towards others, he recommended that prompt measures should be taken, not only for defense, but for enforcing just claims. " There is a rank due to the United States among nations/' said he, " which will be withheld^ if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insultc we must be able to repel it ; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our prosperity, it must be known that we are at all times read}" for war." These communi- cations were well received by the two houses. Indeed 424 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. both parties in Congress found so much to condemn in the conduct of the belligerent powers towards neutrals, that on this point they seemed for a moment to forget their dissensions ; and, although the proclamation of neutralit}^ continued to be made a theme of declamation and abuse by violent partisans and the presses hostile to the administration, it met with no marks of disap- probation from Congress. Kear the beginning of the session an important report was made by the Secretary of State, respecting the commercial intercourse of the United States with other nations, particularly in regard to its privileges and restrictions, and the means for improving commerce and navigation. The report was able, elaborate, and com- prehensive, presenting a view of the trade between the United States and the principal countries of Europe. Two methods Avere suggested by the secretary for modifying or removing restrictions ; first, by amicable arrangements with foreign powers ; secondly, by coun- tervailing acts of the legislature. He preferred the former, if it should be found practicable, and gave his reasons. The subject of navigation was also discussed, and a system of maritime defense recommended. Shortly after making this report, Mr. Jefferson re- tired from the office of Secretary of State, in conform- ity with an intimation he had given some months be- fore ; having been prevailed upon by the President, apparently against his own inclination, to remain till the end of the year. He was succeeded by Edmund Randolph, whose place as Attorney-General was sup- plied by William Bradford of Pennsylvania. The secretary's report gave rise to Mr. Madison's celebrated commercial resolutions, which were long debated in the House of Representatives with a degree of animation, and even of asperity, that had not been exceeded since the adoption of the funding system. ^T. 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 425 These resolutions embraced the general principles of the report, but they aimed at a discrimination in the commercial intercourse with foreign countries, which was viewed in very different lights by the two parties in Congress. They imposed restrictions and additional duties on the manufactures and navigation of nations, which had no commercial treaties with the United States, and a reduction of duties on the tonnage of vessels belonging to nations with which such treaties existed. In this scheme the friends of the administra- tion saw, or imagined they saw, hostility to England and undue favor to France, neither warranted by policy, nor consistent with neutrality ; while the other party regarded it as equitable in itself, and as absolutely necessary to protect the commerce of the country from insulting aggression and plunder. Mr. Madison's plan was modified in its progress ; but a resolution, retaining the principles of commercial restrictions, finally passed the House of Eepresentatives. It was rejected in the Senate by the casting vote of the Yice-President. While these discussions were going on with much heat in Congress, a measure was resorted to by the President, which produced considerable effect on the results. Advices from the American minister in Lon- don rendered it probable, that the British cabinet were disposed to settle the differences between the two countries on amicable terms. At all events the indica- tions were such, that Washington, firm to his purpose of neutrality and peace, resolved to make the experi- ment. Accordingly, on the 16th of April, he nomi- nated Mr. Jay to the Senate, as an envoy extraordinary to the court of Great Britain. " My objects are," said he, in a letter to the Secretary of State, " to prevent a war, if justice can be obtained by fair and strono: rep- resentations of the injuries, which this country has sustained from Great Britain in various ways, to put it 4-26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. in a complete state of military defense, and to provide eventually for the execution of such measures as seem to be now pending in Congress, if negotiation in a rea- sonable time proves unsuccessful." The nomination was confirmed in the Senate by a majority of more than two to one ; but it was strenuously opposed by the principal members of the democratic party, par- ticularly Mr. Monroe, and was disapproved by the same party in the House of Representatives. As a war seemed inevitable, if Mr. Jay's mission should terminate unfavorably, Congress passed acts for putting the country in a state of defense. The princi- pal harbors were to be fortified, and eighty thousand militia to be held in readiness for immediate service. The importation of arms was permitted free of duty, and the President was authorized to purchase gal- leys, and lay an embargo, if he should think the public interests required it. Additional taxes were levied to meet the expense. Congress adjourned, after a long and boisterous ses- sion, which had contributed not a little to increase the acrimony of parties, multiply the causes of dissension, and inflame the minds of the people. The administra- tion, however, stood firm ; and neither the policy nor the opinions of Washington were in any degree changed. In fact, having no personal objects to gain, thinking and acting only for his country, divested of partiality and prejudice as far as it was possible for any man to be, and invariably taking counsel of his conscience and judgment, he stood aloof from the commotions of party and the contagious influence of party spirit. Justice to all nations, peace with all, and a preparation for war as the best safeguard of peace, were the rules of his policy, and his constant ainu ^T. 63.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 427 CHAPTER XXXYHI. Insurrection in Pennsylvania.— Measures adopted by the President for supj- pressing it.— Plan for redeeming the Public Debt.— The British Treaty rati- fied by the Senate. — Popular Excitement respecting it.— The Treaty con- firmed by the Signature of the President.— Resignation of Mr, Randolph.— Circumstances attending it. In the course of the preceding winter, M. Fauchet arrived in the United States as minister from France. At the request of the French government, Mr. Morris was recalled, and James Monroe was appointed as his successor. This selection afforded a strong proof of the impartiality of the President, and of his ardent desire to conciliate differences at home, and preserve amity with foreign nations. Mr. Monroe, being a leader among the opponents to the administration, had shown himself a zealous advocate for France. Soon after Congress adjourned, the President's at- tention was called to another subject, of very serious import, both as it regarded the authority of the laws, and the stability of the Union. The act of Congress imposing a tax on distilled spirits had, from its first operation excited much uneasiness in various parts of the country, and in some districts it had been evaded and openly resisted. The inspectors of the revenue appointed by the government were insulted, threat- ened, and even prevented by force from discharging their duty. To so great a length had these outrages gone in some places, as early as September, 1792, that a proclamation was published by the President, ad- monishing all persons to refrain from combinations and proceedings, which obstructed the execution of the laws, and requiring the magistrates and courts to 42S LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl794. exert the powers vested in them for bringing to justice the offenders. Bills of indictment were found against some of these persons, and the marshal attempted to serve the processes issued by the court. He was met by a body of armed men, seized, detained, and harshly treated. The malcontents proceeded from one degree of excess to another, holding seditious meetings, arm- ing themselves, abusing the officers of the government, and bidding defiance to the laws, till they assumed the attitude of an insurrection, and prepared for an organ- ized resistance. The moderation and forbearance, which, according to his usual practise, the President had exercised to- wards these deluded people for more than two years, served only to increase their violence, and encou rage their determined spirit of hostility. He could no longer hes- itate, as to the course he ought to pursue. He resolved to employ the means intrusted to him by the laws, and suppress the insurrection by military force. As a pre- paratory step, he issued a proclamation, dated on the 7th of August, in which, after briefly narrating the criminal transactions of the insurgents, and what had been done by the government to allay their discon- tents and turn them from their treasonable practises, he declared his determination to execute the laws by calling the militia to his aid, and commanded the in- surgents and all persons concerned in abetting their acts to disperse and retire peaceably to their abodes before the first day of September. Having sent out this proclamation, as a preliminary measure exacted by the laws, he next made a requisi- tion for militia on the governors of New Jersey, Penn- sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. The insurgents chiefly resided in the western counties of Pennsylvania. It was supposed there were among them about sixteen thousand men capable of bearing arms, ff^d that they ^T, 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 429 could bring at least seven thousand men into active service. The number of militia at first ordered out was twelve thousand, and it was subsequently increased to fifteen thousand. The Governors of Pennsylvania and Kew Jersey took the field at the head of the troops from their respective States, and the command of the whole was conferred on Governor Lee of Yirginia. The place of rendezvous for the Pennsj^lvania and New Jersey troops was Bedford. Those from Yirginia and Maryland assembled at Cumberland, the site of Old Fort Cumberland, at the junction of Will's Creek with the Potomac River. From every quarter the militia came forward with alacrity, and the best disposition was shown by officers and privates to execute the orders of the government. The President, accompanied by the Secretary of War, inspected the army at the two places of rendez- vous. He went, by way of Harrisburg and Carlisle, first to Cumberland, and thence to Bedford, these places being about thirty miles apart. He gave direc- tions for each division to march across the Alleghany Mountains, meet on the other side, and act against the insurgents as circumstances should require. Ascertain- ing from personal examination that everything was in readiness, and leaving written instructions with General Lee, he returned to Philadelphia. Congress was soon to meet, and it was important for him to be there at that time. He was absent four weeks. When he left home he intended to cross the moun- tains and lead the army in person, if this should seem expedient ; but the intelligence he received on the way, and the spirit which animated the troops, convinced him that the insurgents would make no formidable re- sistance to such a force, and that his further attendance on the expedition was not necessary. The Secretary of War went on with the army to Pittsburg. The 430 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. result was even more fortunate than could have been expected. Iso resistance was attempted, and no blood was shed. To preserve quiet, and secure what had been gained, a body of troops continued for some time in the disaffected country, under the command of General Morgan. In the President's speech to Congress, after mention- ing somewhat in detail the course he had taken to sup- press the insurrection, he recommended further provi- sions for defense, particularly a reform of the militia sys- tem, and also advised that some plan should be adopted for redeeming the public debt, which now amounted to about seventy-six millions of dollars. While this last subject was under discussion in Congress, the Secretary of the Treasury reported a scheme, which he had matured on the basis of the laws previously enacted for regulating the fiscal operations of the government. A sinking fund had already been established by setting apart for that purpose a portion of certain specified taxes ; and he proposed that this fund should be en- larged by increasing the duties on imports, tonnage, and distilled spirits, by the money accruing from the sales of public lands, and dividends on bank stock, and the surplus revenue remaining after the annual appro- priations had been expended, and that the fund, thus increased, should be applied to the redemption of the debt. This report occasioned much debate, but the secretary's plan was substantially approved, and an act conformable to it was passed. Before the end of the session, Hamilton resigned the office of Secretary of the Treasury. The vacancy was filled by Oliver Walcott, who was strongly recom- mended by Hamilton, and whose character was well known and highly respected by the President. Gen- eral Knox likewise retired from the war department, and was succeeded by Timothy Pickering, at that time ^T. G2.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 431 Postmaster-general, whose services in Revolution th© had qualiiied him in an eminent degree for executing the duties of Secretary of "War. The treaty with Great Britain, negotiated by Mr. Jay, arrived at the seat of government in March, short- ly after the session of Congress was closed. The Con- stitution had provided, that all treaties should be rati- fied by the Senate, and the President summoned that body to meet in June for the purpose of consider- ing it. In the interval, he examined and studied the treaty with the closest attention. It was not altogether such as he wished, perhaps not such as he had hoped. Points Yfere left untouched, which he would gladly have seen introduced and definitely settled; others w^ere so ar- ranged, that he feared they would not prove a sufficient guard against future difficulties between the two nations. But he had perfect confidence in the ability, knowledge, and patriotism of Mr. Jay. He Avas con- vinced, that more favorable terms could not be ob- tained, and that the only alternative was this treaty or none. Some valuable privileges were secured, nothing had been sacrificed, the national honor was maintained, and a pledge of amity was held out. If the treaty w^as rejected, a war w^ould certainly follow, the calamities of which, in the actual state of Europe, would be incalculable, and no one could predict when they would end, or to what they w^ould lead. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, and believing peace the greatest blessing his country could possess, he re- solved, in case the treaty should be approved by the Senate, to affix to it his signature. The Senate assembled in June, and after two Aveeks' discussion, advised the ratification. One article, how- ever, was excepted. By this article it was stipulated, that a direct trade between the United States and the 432 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. British West India Islands should be allowed to Ameri- can vessels not exceeding the burden of seventy tons, laden with the produce of the States or of the Islands; bat that molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, and cotton should not be transported in American vessels, either from the United States or the Islands, to any part of world. As cotton was then becoming a product of much importance in the southern States and had be- gun to be exported, this restriction was deemed inad- missible ; and the ratitication of the Senate was to be valid only on condition that an article should be intro- duced, canceling the one in which the restriction was contained. JSTor was there a unanimity even Avith this limitation. A bare constitutional majority, that is, exactly two-thirds of the members, voted in favor of the treaty. As this was a novel case, the President was some- what at a loss to determine how to dispose of it. Whether the act of the Senate could be regarded as a ratification of the treaty, before this new article should be approved by the British government, and w^hether his signature could properly be affixed to it previously to that event, were questions which he took time to consider. A new obstacle was thrown in the way by intelligence from Europe, that the British cabinet had renewed the order for seizing provisions in vessels bound to French ports. As this order might imply a construction of the treaty, which could never be ad- mitted in the United States, it was necessary still further to suspend his decision. Viewing the subject in all its relations, however, he inclined to the opinion, that it was best to ratify the treaty with the condition prescribed by the Senate, and at the same time to accompany it with a memorial or remonstrance to the British government against the provision order. Meantime the treaty was published. At first an im* ^T. 63.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 433 perfect abstract only appeared ; but a complete copy- was soon after furnished by a member of the Senate to the editor of a newspaper. It thus came clandes- tinely before the public, without the authority of the executive, and without any of the official documents and correspondence, by which the objects and reasons of the negotiators could be explained. It was dissected, criticised, and condemned, in a tone of passionate and violent declamation, which could scarcely have been exceeded, if the instrument had reduced the United States to their former colonial dependence on England. The merits of the treaty were studiously kept out of sight, and all its objectionable parts were thrust for- ward, exaggerated, and censured as disgraceful and. humiliating to the nation. It was impossible that a clamor so loud and so universal should not produce a strong impression upon every class of the community. The friends of the administration rallied in its defense, but they used the weapons of reason and argument ; they talked of moderation and peace, of consistency and good faith. They found few patient listeners, and fewer impartial judges. The torrent was neither to be stemmed, nor diverted from its course. Public meetings were held ; and resolutions and addresses, condemning the treaty, and designed to have a popular effect, and to intimidate the executive, were voted, published, and widely circulated among the people. The first resolves of this sort proceeded from a meeting in Boston. They were forwarded by an express to the President, with a letter from the select- men of the town. He received them at Baltimore, while on his way to Mount Vernon. Ten days after- wards, having carefully reviewed the subject, and ascertained the sentiments of the cabinet, he answered the letter. It had been his aim, he said, in every act of his administration, to seek the happiness of his feL 434 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. low-citizens, to discard personal, local, and partial con- siderations, to look upon the United States as one nation, and to consult only their substantial and per- manent interests. " Without a predilection for my own judgment," he added, " I have weighed with at- tention every argument, which has at any time been brought into view. But the Constitution is the guide, which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless supposed, that these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend ; that they ought not to substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well informed investigation. Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of executing the duty before me. To the high responsibility attached to it, I freely submit ; and you, Gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known as the grounds of my procedure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country, I cannot otherwise deserve it, than by obeying the dictates of my conscience." To these sentiments he steadily adhered, and he answered many of the addresses sent to him in nearly the same language. From the excitement that prevailed, however, and from the resolves of meetings in all parts of the country, he soon perceived that a formidable attempt was making to stir up the people, with a view of oper- ating on the executive. To defeat this purpose, and to put an end to the disorders hourly increasing by the combined action of overheated zeal, artifice, and party spirit, he returned to Philadelphia, summoned the ^T. 63.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 435 cabinet, and submitted the proposition for immediately ratifying the treaty. It was approved by all the mem- bers except the Secretary of State, who, although he had before been in favor of it, now thought the step premature, till the provision order should be revoked, and the war between England and France should cease. This opinion had no effect on the President. He signed the treaty, the order was in due time re- pealed, and the ratification, on the terms advised by the Senate, was reciprocated by the British govern- ment. The day following that on which the President affixed his name to the treaty, Mr. Randolph resigned the office of Secretary of State. The circumstances are these. While Washington was at Mount Yernon, the British minister, Mr. Hammond, put into the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury a letter from M. Fauchet to the French government, which had been intercepted at sea, whence it found its way to the British cabinet, and was forwarded to Mr. Ham- mond. The letter was translated by Mr. Pickering, and shown to the President when he arrived in Phila- delphia. Its contents were such as to excite suspicions of Mr. Randolph's conduct. It appeared that his political relations with the French minister had been more intimate and confidential than was compatible with the office he held in the administration. At all events, it seemed a fair inference from the language of the letter that M. Fauchet valued his services as having been useful to the French interests, and calculated on them for the future. In the presence of the other members of the cabinet the President handed this letter to Mr. Randolph and asked an explanation. He had not before heard of it ; and, although he read it without emotion, he expressed jnuch displeasure at the President's manner of bringing 436 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. it to his notice, and complained that he did not first converse with him on the subject privately. He said that he wished more leisure to examine the letter, be- fore making any detailed remarks on its contents, but added that, considering the treatment he had received, he could not think of remaining in his office a moment longer. Accordingly he sent in his resignation the same day. Mr. Kandolph published a pamphlet vindicating his conduct, and explaining such parts of the intercepted letter as related to him. From M. Fauchet, who was then on the point of leaving the country, he also ob- tained a certificate, in which that minister declared that in his letter he had no intention to say anything to the disadvantage of Mr. Randolph's character. The statements presented by Mr. Randolph, in proof of his innocence, were not such as to produce entire convic- tion ; but the nature of his task rendered it difficult, if not impossible, for him to adduce positive evidence. He moreover allowed himself to be betrayed into a warmth of temper, and bitterness of feeling, not alto- gether favorable to his candor. After all that has been made known, the particulars of his conversations with Fauchet, and his designs, are still matters of con- jecture. One fact connected with this affair should be men- tioned, as being highly creditable to Washington. In preparing his vindication, Mr. Randolph applied for a certain letter, and intimated that papers were withheld. "Washington said, in reply : " That you may have no cause to complain of the withholding of any paper, however private and confidential, which you shall think necessary in a case of so serious a nature, I have directed that you should have the inspection of my let- ter agreeably to your request, and you are at full lib- erty to publish without reserve any and every private Mt. 63]. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 437 and confidential letter I ever wrote to you ; nay, more, every v^ord I ever uttered to you, or in your hearing, from whence you can derive any advantage in your vindication." When it is remembered, that Mr. Kan- dolph had been in the cabinet from the beginning of the administration, the liberty here given affords a striking proof of the consciousness felt by Washington of the perfect rectitude of his own proceedings. Mr. Pickering was transferred from the war depart- ment to the oifice of Secretary of State, and James McHenry of Maryland was appointed Secretary of War. Mr. Bradford, the Attorney-general had recently died. He was succeeded by Charles Lee of Virginia. 438 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. £1795. CHAPTER XXXIX. The President refuses to furnish Papers to the House of Representatives in relation to the British Treaty.— Captivity of Lafayette, and Means used by Washington to procure his Liberation.— Difficulties with France in regard to the British Treaty.— Recall of Mr. Monroe.— Washington's Farewell Ad- dress.— His last Speech to Congress.— Inauguration of his Successor.— Testi- mony of Respect shown to him by the Citizens of Pliiladelphia. — He retires to Mount Vernon. — Review of his Administration, The foreign relations of the United States had begun to put on a more favorable aspect. Treaties were ne- gotiated with Spain and Algiers, by which the prison- ers who had been in bondage for many years under the latter power, were released, and the difficulties with the former, respecting boundaries and the navigation of the Mississippi, were amicably adjusted. The vic- tory of General 'Wa3^ne had also smoothed the Avay to a treaty with the Indians. On this state of aifairs the President congratulated both houses of Congress, when he met them at the opening of the session. But the British treaty was destined to be a cause of still further agitation. Great exertions had been made throughout the country to obtain signatures to peti- tions against it, which were to be presented to the House of Eepresentatives. And, when the treaty was submitted to Congress, as having been ratified by his Britannic Majesty, the members opposed to it indicated a determined purpose to defeat its operation by refus- ing to pass the laws necessary for carrying it into ef- fect. The warfare was commenced by a resolution, to which a large majority assented, requesting the Presi- dent to lay before the House the instructions to Mr. Jay, and the correspondence and other documents relating to the negotiation. Mt. 64.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 439 This request imposed a delicate task on the President. In his opiLion, the power to form treaties rested wholly with the chief magistrate and the Senate, and he be- lieved that the House of Representatives had no right to make a demand, which would imply an encroach- ment on this power, nor in any manner to interfere with the negotiation of treaties. Yet, in the present excited state of public feeling, a refusal of the request woj.ld expose him to the charge of showing disrespect to the representatives of the people, raise suspicions of his motives, and probably furnish a pretext for insinu- ations, that he had personal reasons for concealment. From the line of duty, however, he was never known to deviate ; and in this case it was too plain to be mis- taken. In his answer to the communication from the house, he refused a compliance with the request, and gave his reasons. He said it was clear to his mind, that the power of making treaties was vested by the Constitution exclusively in the President, with the ad- vice and consent of the Senate ; that, having been a member of the convention, he knew this was the un- derstanding of the framers of the Constitution ; that the subject was fully discussed ; that there were reasons for believing the State conventions understood it in the same way ; that this construction had hitherto been acquiesced in by the House of Representatives ; and that a just regard to the Constitution, and to the duty of his office, required him to resist the principle con- tended for by the house. H allowed to be put in prac- tise, it would destroy the confidence of foreign powers in the executive, derange the government, and lead to the most mischievous consequences, when it would be too late to apply a remedy. The members who voted for the resolution, were not prepared for this refusal ; nor did they conceal their disappointment and dissatisfaction. The message gave 440 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. rise to a debate, which continued for many days, and in which the merits of the treaty, and the constitu- tional powers of the several departments of the govern- ment, AT ere elaborately discussed. Passion, party zeal, eloquence, and argument were all brought to bear on the subject ; and the speeches show, that both sides of the question were maintained w^ith unusual ability and force of reasoning. In the end, a majority of the mem- bers who were opposed to the treaty yielded to the exigency of the case, and, probably more from expe- diency than conviction, united in passing the laws necessary for its fulfilment. Among the events, w^hich contributed to harass the mind and weigh upon the spirits of Washington, none affected him more keenly than the captivity of La- fayette. Gratitude for the services rendered by Lafayette to the United States in times of distress and peril, a respect for his character, founded on a long and intimate acquaintance, and a knowledge of his pure and disinterested principles, had created an ardent attachment, of which many proofs have been exhibited in thir narrative, and many others might be added. In proportion to the strength of this attachment w^as his affliction at the sufferings of his friend. After receiving the intelligence of his capture, Wash- ington wrote letters to the Marchioness de Lafayette, expressive of his S3aiipathy, and affording all the con- solation in his power. His regret was the greater, be- cause, being at the head of the nation, the famil}^ of Lafayette, and the friends of humanity in Europe, expected much from his aid ; while in reality he could do nothing more, except by his personal influence, than any other individual. Lafayette was a prisoner, first in the Prussian dominions, and next in the Austrian. There was no diplomatic intercourse between those countries and the United States. Hence the American ^T. 64.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Ul government, without authority to make a demand or power to enforce it, either directly or through the agency of other governments, could take no decisive steps for his release. Instructions were sent, and often repeated, to the American ministers at foreign courts, directing them to use all their efforts in his favor. These instructions were faithfully obeyed. Nothing more could be done. The mediation of the British cabinet was sought, but not obtained. That he might leave no means untried, Washington at last wrote a letter to the Emperor of Germany, stating his friendship for Lafayette, suggest- ing in delicate terms that his sufferings had perhaps been as great as the nature of his case demanded, and requesting that he might be permitted to come to the United States under such restrictions as his Majesty, the Emperor, might think it expedient to prescribe. What influence this letter may have had on the mmd of the Emperor, or on the fate of Lafayette, is not known When restored to liberty, he was dehvered over, by order of the Austrian government, to the American consul at Hamburg. ^ i .. When the wife and daughters of Lafayette lett France, to join him in the prison of Olmutz, his son Georo-e Washington Lafayette, came to the United States. He was affectionately received into the family of President Washington, where he resided nearly two years, till he returned to Europe on hearing of the liberation of his father. ^ Not lono- after the treaty was conditionally ratitiecl by the Semate, acopY of it was furnished to the French minister, M. xVdet, the successor of M. Fauchet He objected to some parts of it, as at variance with the treaty subsisting between France and the United States His objections were answered by the Secretary of State, and such explanations were given as showed, 442 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. p79S. that the treaty could in no degree injure the interests of France, and that the government of the United States was resolved faithfully to fulfil their compact with that nation, according to the strict principles of neutrality, which it was bound to observe in regard to the belligerent powers of Europe. But the rulers of the French republic had viewed with jealousy Mr. Jay's negotiation, as diminishing their hope of a war between Great Britain and the United States ; and it is not surprising, that they should be quick to find out points in the treaty, which, by their construction, might be turned to the disadvantage of France. Foreseeing this result, and anxious to remove every ground of dissatis- faction, Washington caused very full instructions to be sent to Mr. Monroe, that he might be able to explain the articles of the treaty, as understood by the Amer- ican government, and also their designs and conduct in making it. From the tenor of Mr. Monroe's letters, and from the proceedings of the French Directory, the President was led to believe, that the minister had been back- ward in using his instructions, and in furnishing the required explanations. It was known, likewise, that he was hostile to the treaty ; and of course, with the best disposition to do his duty, he could hardly enter into the views of the government with the zeal, and represent them with the force of conviction, which the importance of the occasion demanded. The only remedy was to send out another minister. It was re- solved, therefore, to recall Mr. Monroe, and make a new appointment. This resolution was unanimously approved by the cabinet. Mr. Monroe was accord- ingly recalled, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was sent to supply his place. Some months previously, Mr. Thomas Pinckney had been permitted to return home, having discharged the ^T. 64.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 443 duties of his office in England, and on a mission for negotiating a treaty at Madrid, to the entire satisfac- tion of the executive and of his country. Eufus King, who had been a senator from the beginning of the new government, was appointed as his successor at the court of Great Britain. When the second period of four years, for which Washington had been elected to the Presidency, was approaching its termination, many of his friends, con- cerned at the present state of the country, and fearing the consequences of the heats and divisions that would arise in choosing his successor, pressed him earnestly to make a still further sacrifice of his inclination to the public good. But his purpose was fixed, and not to be changed. He believed that he had done enough, and that he might now, without any dereliction of duty, resign the helm of government into other hands. Hav- ing determined to retire, he thought proper to make this determination known in a formal manner, and at so early a day, as to enable his fellow-citizens to turn their thoughts to other candidates, and prepare for a new election. Accordingly his Farewell Address to the people of the United States was published on the 15th of Sep- tember, nearly six months before his term of office expired. In this paper are embodied the results of his long experience in public affairs, and a system of policy, which in his opinion was the best suited to insure to his country the blessings of the union, peace, and pros- perity, and the respect of other nations. For the vigor of its language, the soundness of its maxims, the wis- dom of its counsels, and its pure and elevated senti- ments, this performance is unrivaled ; and the lapse of forty years has rather increased than diminished the admiration with which it was universally received. The sensation, which it produced in every class of the 44:4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. community, was as strong as it lias been permanent. Even the fierce spirit of party could not resist the impulse, nor weaken its force. The State legislatures, when they assembled, and other public bodies, voted addresses and thanks to the President, expressing a cordial approbation of his conduct during the eight years in which he had filled the office of chief magis- trate, and their deep regret that the nation was to be deprived of his services. In some of the States, the Farewell Address was printed and published with the laws, by order of the legislatures, as an evidence of the value they attached to its political precepts, and of their affection for its author. The two houses of Congress came together in Decem- ber, and Washington met them for the last time. As he had usually done in his former speeches, he first presented a clear and comprehensive view of the con- dition of the country, and the executive proceedings Avithin the last year, and then recommended to their consideration certain measures, which he deemed im- portant. Among these were the gradual increase of the navy, a provision for the encouragement of agri- culture and manufactures, the establishment of a national university, and the institution of a military academy. The relations with France were made the subject of a separate message. At the end of his speech he said : " The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government com- menced ; and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country, on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign Arbiter of ISTa- tions, that his providential care may still be extended Mt, 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 445 to the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved ; and that the government, which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties, may be perpetual." Little was done during the session. Public atten- tion was engrossed with the pending election. The votes of the electors were returned to Congress, and in February they were opened and counted in the pres- ence of both houses. It appeared that John Adams was chosen President, and Thomas Jefferson Yice- President, the former having the highest number of votes, and the latter the next highest. The strength of the parties was tried in this contest. Mr. Adams was supported by the friends of the administration, or the federal party, and Mr. Jefferson by its opponents, or the democratic party. On the 4th of March the President elect took the oath of office and assumed its duties. The ceremony was performed in the hall of the House of Kepresenta- tives, and in the same manner as had been practised on former occasions. Washington was present as a spectator, happy in resigning the burden of his office, and gratified to see it confided to one, whose long and patriotic services in the cause of his country rendered him worthy of so high a trust. The citizens of Philadelphia celebrated the day by a testimony of respect for the man, whom they, in com- mon with the whole nation, loved and revered. A splendid entertainment was prepared, which was de- signed for him as the principal guest, and to which were invited foreign ministers, the heads of the depart- ments, officers of rank, and other distinguished per- sons. A spacious rotunda was fitted up for the occa- sion, in which were elegant decorations, emblematical paintings, fanciful devices, and a landscape represent- ing Mount Yernon and the scenery around it, all con- 446 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. spiring to revive associations connected with the life of Washington. The following anecdote was communicated by the late Bishop White. " On the day before President Washington retired from office, a large company dined with him. Among them were the foreign ministers and their ladies, Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Mr. Jefferson, and other conspicuous persons of both sexes. During the dinner much hilarity prevailed ; but, on the re- moval of the cloth, it was put an end to by the Presi« dent, certainly without design. Having filled his glass, he addressed the company, with a smile, as nearly as can be recollected in the following w^ords : ' Ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time I shall drink your health as a public man. I do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness.' There was an end of all pleasantry. He, who gives this relation, accidentally directed his e^^e to the lady of the British minister, Mrs. Liston, and tears were running down her cheeks." Being once more a private citizen, and having already made preparation for his departure, he proceeded im- mediately with his family to Mount Yernon. In pass- ing along the road he was welcomed with the same hearty demonstrations of attachment, as Avhen clothed with the dignity and power of office. Before he reached Baltimore, he was met by a military escort and a large concourse of the inhabitants, who accompanied him into the city ; and it was not till he had actually arrived at his own mansion, in the tranquil retreat of Mount Yernon, that he could say he was no longer a public man. In reviewing the administration of Washington, now that the effervescence of party is subsided, and in trac- ing its effects on the formation and progress of the government, there can hardly be a difference of opinion. JTo one can doubt its wisdom or its success. Whether Mt. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 447 another sjstem, more conformable to the views of those who opposed his principal measures, might not have operated equally well, is not a question which needs to be discussed. When a great and permanent good has been done, with the purest motives on the part of the actor, it is not necessary, in forming a just estimate of this good, to inquire by what other means the same end might have been attained. IsTotwithstanding the innumerable embarrassments, which attended the first operations of the new govern- ment, the nation was never more prosperous than while Washington was at its head. Credit was re- stored, and established on a sound basis ; the public debt was secured, and its ultimate payment provided for; commerce had increased beyond any former example ; the amount of tonnage in the ports of the United States had nearly doubled ; the imports and exports had aug- mented in a considerable larger ratio ; and the revenue was much more abundant than had been expected. The war with the Indians was conducted to a success- ful issue ; and a peace was concluded, which promised quiet to the frontier inhabitants, and advantages to the uncivilized tribes. Treaties had been made with for- eign powers, in which long standing disputes were amicably settled, contending claims adjusted, and im- portant privileges gained to the United States. The relations with France alone remained in a state of in- certitude and perplexity ; and this was owing to the condition of affairs in Europe, and not to anything that had grown out of the acts or policy of the Ameri- can government. 448 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. CHAPTER XL. Washington devotes himself to his private Affairs. — Troubles between France and the United States.— Preparations for War.— Washington appointed Comraander-in-chief of the Provisional Array of the United States.— Organ- ization and Arrangement of the Army.— Disputes with France adjusted.— His last Illness and Death,— His Character. Eeing established again at Mount Vernon, and freed from public toils and cares, Washington re- turned to the same habits of life, and the same pur- suits, which he had always practised at that place. It required neither time nor new incitements to revive a taste for occupations, which had ever afforded him more real enjoyment than any others. Although he had been able to exercise a partial supervision over his private affairs, yet he found, that, after an absence of eight years, much was to be done to repair his houses, restore his farms to the condition in which he had left them, and complete his favorite system of agriculture. To these employments he devoted him- self with as lively an interest, as if nothing had oc- cured to interrupt them. In writing to a friend, a few weeks after he arrived at Mount Yernon, he said that he began his daily course with the rising of the sun, and first made prep- arations for the business of the day. " By the time I have accomplished these matters," he adds, "break- fast is ready. This being over, I mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which I rarely miss to see strange faces come as they say out of respect to me. And how different is this from having a few social friends at a cheerful board. The usual time of sitting Mt. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 449 at table, a walk, and tea, bring me within the dawn of candlelight ; previous to which, if not prevented by company, I resolve, that, as soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great luminary, I will retire to my writing-table, and acknowledge the letters I have received. Having given you this history of a day, it will serve for a year." And in this manner a year passed away, and with no other variety than that of the change of visitors, who came from all parts to pay their respects or gratify their curiosity. But, in the midst of these scenes, it once more be- came his duty to yield to the claim of his country. The French Directory had rejected the overtures for a reconciliation, and committed outrages and insults against the United States, which no independent nation could bear. Mr. Pinckney, the American plenipotentiary, had been treated with indignity, first by a refusal to receive him as minister, and next by an order to leave the territories of the Eepublic. At the same time, depredations were made upon Ameri- can commerce by French cruisers, in violation of the treaty which had subsisted between the two nations. President Adams summoned Congress, submitted the subject to them, and recommended preparations for military defense. That no method might be left un- attempted for bringing about a reconciliation and in- suring peace, two envoys extraordinary, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry, were sent out to join Mr. Pinck- ney. The three envoys proceeded to Paris, but their mission was unsuccessful. It seems that the rulers of France had been deceived into a belief, that the people of the United States would not sustain their government in a war against that country. The opposition shown to the British treaty had contributed to foster this delusion ; and in- deed the conduct of the French ministers in the 450 I-IFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798. United States, from the time Gen^t arrived at Charles- ton had clearly indicated a design to separate the people from the government. Such was the confi- dence of the Executive Directory in this hope, and such their ignorance of the American character, that they had the effrontery to demand money of the envoys as a preliminary to any negotiation for settling the dif- ferences between the two nations. This demand was made under the pretense of a redress of grievances, in consequence, as it was alleged, of the unfavorable operation of the British treaty, and of the system of neutrality adopted by the American government. So degrading a proposal could not of course be regarded in any other light than as an insult. I^othing now remained to be done but to prepare for war. Congress authorized the President to enlist ten thousand men, as a provisional army, and to call them into actual service, if war should be declared against the United States, or whenever in his opinion there should be danger of an invasion. As soon as it was foreseen that a resort to arms might be necessary, all eyes were turned upon Wash- ington as the individual to be placed at the head of the army. The weight of his name was of the utmost im- portance to produce unanimity in the leaders, and se- cure the confidence and support of the people. " You ought to be aware," said Hamilton, in writing to him, " that, in the event of an open rupture with France, the public voice will again call you to command the armies of your country ; and, though all who are at- tached to you will from attachment, as well as public considerations, deplore an occasion, which should once more tear you from that repose to which you have so good a right, yet it is the opinion of all those with whom I converse, that you w^ill be compelled to make the sacrifice. All your past labors may demand, to ^T. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 451 give them efficacy, this further, this very great sacri- fice." The President also wrote to him : " We must have your name, if you will permit us to use it. There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." This letter was written before any appointments had been made. The following is an extract from Wash- ington's reply : " From a view of the past and the present, and from the prospect of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to act. In case of actual in^ vasion by a formidable force, I certainly should not intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it. And, if there be good cause, which must be better known to the government than to private citizens, to expect such an event, delay in preparing for it might be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence. The uncertainty, how- ever, of the event, in my mind, creates my embarrass- ment ; for I cannot fairly bring it to believe, regardless as the French are of treaties and of the laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to be of any spe- cies of despotism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country, after such a uniform and un- equivocal expression of the sense of the people in all parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes." Before receiving this reply, the President had nomi- nated him to the Senate as Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. The nomination was unanimously confirmed on the 3d of July, the day after it was made. The Secretary of War was des- patched in person to Mount Yernon, as the bearer of the commission. Washington accepted the appoint- ment, with two reservations ; first, that the principal officers should be such as he approved ; secondly, that he 452 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798. should not be called into the field, till the army was in a condition to require his presence, or till it became necessary by the urgency of circumstances. He added, however, that he did not mean to withhold any assist- ance he could afford in arranging and organizing the arm}^ ; and, in conformity with the rule he had always followed, he declined receiving any part of the emolu- ments annexed to his appointment, until he should be in a situation to incur expense. There was much embarrassment in appointing the principal officers. Some of those, who had served in the Kevolution, were prominent candidates for appoint- ments in the new army. It became a question whether their former rank should be taken into account. If this were decided in the affirmative, it would deprive the army of the services of men, whose talents, activity, and influence were of the greatest moment, but who would not accept subordinate places. It was the opinion of Washington, that, since the old army had long been disbanded, and a new one was now to be formed upon different principles and for a different object, no regard ought to be paid to former rank, but that the best men should be selected, and so arranged as most effectually to promote the public good. This opinion prevailed. The inspector-general was to be the second in com- mand, and there were to be likewise two major-generals. For these offices Washington proposed Alexander Hamilton, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Henry Knox, who were to rank in the order in which their names here stand. They were thus appointed. The President was not satisfied with the arrangement. His choice for the inspector-general rested upon Knox, but he acquiesced in the decision of Washington. Unfortunately General Knox was displeased with the arrangement, and declined accepting his commission. ^T. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 453 He believed that his former services gave him higher claims than could be advanced for the two younger officers who were placed over him. From this time to the end of his life a great part of Washington's attention was taken up with the affairs of the new army. His correspondence with the Secre- tary of War, the major-generals, and other officers, was unremitted and very full, entering into details and communicating instructions, which derived value from his long experience and perfect knowledge of the sub- ject. His letters during this period, if not the most interesting to many readers, will ever be regarded as models of their kind, and as affording evidence that the vigor and fertility of his mind had not decreased with declining years. He passed a month at Phila- delphia, where he was assiduously employed with Generals Hamilton and Pinckney in making arrange- ments for raising and organizing the army. After the plan was finished, he applied himself, with all the ardor of his younger days, to effect its execution. He never seriously believed that the French would go to the extremity of invading the United States. But it had always been a maxim with him, that a timely preparation for war afforded the surest means of preserving peace ; and on this occasion he acted with as much promptitude and energy, as if the in- vaders had been actually on the coast. His opinion proved to be correct, and his prediction was verified. When it was discovered, that a war with the United States would not be against the government alone, but that the whole people would rise to resist aggression and maintain their rights and dignity as a nation, the French rulers relaxed into a more pacific temper. In- timations were given by them of a willingness to co-operate in effecting a friendly and equitable adjust- ment of existing differences. Listening to these oveiv 4:54 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1799. tures, the President again appointed three envoys extraordinary, and invested them with full powers to negotiate with the French government. When they arrived in Paris, they found Bonaparte at the head of affairs, who, having taken no part in the preceding disputes, and perceiving no advantage in continuing them, readily assented to an accommodation. Xo event was more desired by Washington, but he did not live to participate in the joy with which the intelli- gence was received bj^ his countrymen. Since his retirement from the Presidency, his health had been remarkably good ; and, although age had not come without its infirmities, yet he was able to endure fatigue and make exertions of body and mind with scarcely less ease and activity, than he had done in the prime of his strength. On the 12th of December he spent several hours on horseback, riding to his farms, and giving directions to his managers. He returned late in the afternoon, wet and chilled with the rain and sleet, to which he had been exposed while riding home. The water had penetrated to his neck, and snow was lodged in the locks of his hair. A heavy fall of snow the next day prevented his going abroad, except for a short time near his house. A sore throat and hoarseness convinced him, that he had taken cold ; but he seemed to apprehend no danger from it. He passed the evening with the family, read the news- papers, and conversed cheerfully till his usual hour for going to rest. In the night he had an ague, and before the dawn of day the next morning, which was Saturday, the 14th, the soreness in his throat had become so severe, that he breathed and spoke with diflBculty. At his request he was bled by one of his overseers, and in the meantime a messenger went for Dr. Craik, who lived nine miles off, at Alexandria. As no relief was ob Mt. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 455 tained by Heeding, and the symptoms were such as to alarm the family, another messenger was despatched for Dr. Brown, who resided nearer Mount Yernon. These physicians arrived in the morning, and Dr. Dick in the course of the day. All the remedies, which their united counsel could devise, were used without effect. His suffering was acute and unabated through the day, but he bore it with perfect composure and resigna- tion. Towards evening he said to Dr. Craik ; " I die hard, but I am not afraid to die. I believed from my first attack, that I should not survive it. My breath cannot last long." From that time he said little, ex- cept to thank the physicians for their kindness, and request they would give themselves no more trouble, but let him die quietly. Nothing further was done, and he sank gradually till between ten and eleven o'clock at night, when he expired, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, and in the full possession of his mental faculties ; exhibiting in this short and painful illness, and in his death, the same example of patience, forti- tude, and submission to the Divine will, which he had shown in all the acts of his life. On Wednesday, the 18th of December, his remains were deposited in the family tomb at Mount Yernon. Congress was at this time in session in Philadelphia ; and, when the news of the melancholy event arrived at the seat of government, both houses immediately adjourned for the remainder of the day. The next morning, as soon as the House of Representatives had convened, Mr. Marshall, afterwards Chief Justice, rose in his place, and addressed the Speaker in an eloquent and pathetic speech, briefly recounting the public acts of Washington. He then offered three resolutions, pre- viously prepared by General Henry Lee, which were ac- cepted. By these it was proposed, that the house sh ould 456 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. in a body wait on the President to express their condo* lence ; that the Speaker's chair should be shrouded in black, and the members and oificers of the house be dressed in black, during the session ; and that a com- mittee,in conjunction with a committee from the Senate, should be appointed " to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honor to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens." ■WASmUGTON'S NEW FAMILY VAULT. The Senate testified their respect and sorrow by similar proceedings. A joint committee of the two houses was appointed, who reported resolutions recom- mending, that a marble monument should be erected to commemorate the great events in the military and political life of Washington ; that an oration, suited to the occasion, should be pronounced in the presence of both houses of Congress ; that the people of the United States should wear crape on the left arm thirty days ^T. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 457 as a badge of mourning ; and that the President, in the name of Congress, should be requested to write a letter of condolence to Mrs. Washington. These resolutions were unanimously adopted. The funeral ceremonies were appropriate and solemn. A discourse was de- livered on the occasion by General Lee, then a repre- sentative in Congress. But no formal act of the national legislature was required to stir up the hearts of the people, or to re- mind them of the loss the}'' had sustained in the death of a man, whom they had so long been accustomed to love and revere, and the remembrance of whose deeds and virtues was so closely connected with that of their former perils, and of the causes of their present pros- perity and happiness. The mourning was universal. It was manifested by every token, Avhich could indicate the public sentiment and feeling. Orators, divines, journalists, and writers of every class, responded to the general voice in all parts of the country, and employed their talents to solemnize the event, and to honor the memory of him, who, more than any other man, of ancient or modern renown, may claim to be called The Father of his Country. The person of Washington was commanding, grace- ful, and fitly proportioned ; his stature six feet, his chest broad and full, his limbs long and somewhat slender, but well shaped and muscular. His features Avere regular and symmetrical, his eyes of a light blue color, and his whole countenance, in its quiet state, was grave, placid, and benignant. When alone, or not engaged in conversation, he appeared sedate and thoughtful ; but, when his attention was excited, his eyes kindled quickly and his face beamed with anima- tion and intelligence. He was not fluent in speech, but what he said was apposite, and listened to with the more interest as being known to come from the 4:58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. heart. He seldom attempted sallies of wit or humor, but no man received more pleasure from an exhibition of them by others ; and, although contented in se- clusion, he sought his chief happiness in society, and participated with delight in all its rational and inno- cent amusements. Without austerity on the one hand, or an appearance of condescending familiarity on the other, he was affable, courteous, and cheerful ; but it has often been remarked, that there was a dignity in his person and manner, not easy to be defined, which impressed every one that saw him for the first time with an instinctive deference and awe. This may have arisen in part from a conviction of his superiority, as well as from the effect produced by his external form and deportment. The character of his mind was unfolded in the public and private acts of his life ; and the proofs of his great- ness are seen almost as much in the one as the other. The same qualities, which raised him to the ascendency he possessed over the will of a nation as the commander of armies and chief magistrate, caused him to be loved and respected as an individual. Wisdom, judgment, prudence, and firmness were his predominant traits. No man ever saw more clearly the relative importance of things and actions, or divested himself more entirely of the bias of personal interest, partiality, and preju- dice, in discriminating between the true and the false, the right and the wrong, in all questions and subjects that were presented to him. He deliberated slowly, but decided surely ; and, when his decision was once formed, he seldom reversed it, and never relaxed from the execution of a measure till it was completed. Courage, physical and moral, was a part of his nature ; and, whether in battle or in the midst of popular excite- ment, he was fearless of danger and regardless of con- sequences to himself. ^T. 67.] LIFE OF "WASHINGTON. 459 His ambition was of that noble kind, which aims to excel in whatever it undertakes, and to acquire a power over the hearts of men by promoting their hap- piness and winning their affections. Sensitive to the approbation of others and solicitous to deserve it, he made no concessions to gain their applause, either by flattering their vanity or yielding to their caprices. Cautious without timidity, bold without rashness, cool in counsel, deliberate but firm in action, clear in fore- sight, patient under reverses, steady, persevering, and self-possessed, he met and conquered every obstacle that obstructed his path to honor, renown, and suc- cess. More confident in the uprightness of his inten- tions, than in his resources, he sought knowledge and advice from other men. He chose his counselors with unerring sagacity ; and his quick perception of the soundness of an opinion, and of the strong points in an argument, enabled him to draw to his aid the best fruits of their talents, and the light of their collected wisdom. His moral qualities were in perfect harmony with those of his intellect. Duty was the ruling principle of his conduct ; and the rare endowments of his understanding were not more constantly tasked to de- vise the best methods of effecting an object, than they were to guard the sanctity of conscience. No instance can be adduced, in which he was actuated by a sinis- ter motive, or endeavored to attain an end by un- worthy means. Truth, integrity, and justice were deeply rooted in his mind ; and nothing could rouse his indignation so soon, or so utterly destroy his con- fidence, as the discovery of the want of these virtues in any one whom he had trusted. Weaknesses, follies, indiscretions, he could forgive ; but subterfuge and dishonesty he never forgot, rarely pardoned. He was candid and sincere, true to his friends, and faithful to 460 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. all, neither practising dissimulation, descending to artifice, nor holding out expectations which he did not intend should be realized. His passions were strong, and sometimes they broke out with vehemence, but he had the power of checking them in an instant. Perhaps self-control was the most remarkable trait of his character. It was in part the effect of discipline ; yet he seems by nature to have possessed this power to a degree which has been denied to other men. A Christian in faith and practise, he was habitually devout. His reverence for religion is seen in his ex- ample, his public communications, and his private writings. He uniformly ascribed his successes to the beneficent agency of the Supreme Being. Charitable and humane, he was liberal to the poor, and kind to those in distress. As a husband, son, and brother, he was tender and affectionate. Without vanity, osten- tation, or pride, he never spoke of himself or his actions, unless required by circumstances which con- cerned the public interests. As he was free from envy, so he had the good fortune to escape the envy of others, by standing on an elevation which none could hope to attain. If he had one passion more strong than another, it was love of his country. The purity and ardor of his patriotism were commensurate with the greatness of its object. Love of country in him was invested with the sacred obligation of a duty ; and from the faithful discharge of this duty he never swerved for a moment, either in thought or deed, through the whole period of his eventful career. Such are some of the traits in the character of "Washington, which have acquired for him the love and veneration of mankind. If they are not marked with the brilliancy, extravagance, and eccentricity, which in other men have excited the astonishment of the world, so neither are they tarnished by the follies ^T. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 461 nor disgraced by the crimes of tliose men. It is the happy combination of rare talents and qualities, the harmonious union of the intellectual and moral powers, rather than the dazzling splendor of any one trait, which constitute the grandeur of his character. It the title of a great man ought to be reserved for him, who cannot be charged with an indiscretion or a vice, who spent his life in establishing the independence, the dory, and durable prosperity of his country, who tucceeded in all that he undertook, and whose successes were never won at the expense of honor, justice, inteo-rity, or by the sacrifice of a smgle principle, this title°will not be denied to Washington. THE END. k QQ - ^^.« « .4 :^ ^X^ A i^\/ . 0- '. ^^..♦^ .* V^' V .«^'"-^. V *• 4.*"""^^ -.W^.- .^^-^^^ .*« \ > tP^*. -; > v?^^ •' .0 i"''-. - .<.-.^!^->:k>^< .X-^: ■>-. • HECKMAN BINDERY INC. |S €|^JUN 89 W N. MANCHESTER, ^ INDIANA 46962 -OK ■%o« • 4 O^ * ^