■<^^ n^ o « o . '^ 0-^ ^..r :mUA^ "^^^'^^ "^1^°: ^^K'^ ./x ^ * o « -^ ^> J. -> ^oV" ^ UNIVERSITE DE LOUVAIN RECUEIL DE TRAVAUX PUBLIES PAR LES MEMBRES DES CONFERENCES D'HISTOIRE ET DE PHILOLOGIE sous LA DIRECTION DE MM. F. Bethune, A. Cauchie, G. Doutrepont, R. Maere, Ch. Moeller et E. Remy PROFESSEURS A LA FACULTe' DE PHILOSOPHIE ET LETTRES DEUXIEME SERIE 25me FASCICULE Religion in Neyv Netherland 1623-1664 By FREDERICK J. ZWIERLEIN, L. D. PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY AT ST. BERNARD'S SEMINARY ROCHESTER, N. Y. 1910 JOHN P. SMITH PRINTING COMPANY ROCHESTER, N. Y. ^•^,4li^'-i^^M.. ! t o ^ w r^-- :n' E D i: R /r'^ ^ L.i.ult vanB.iduua ^•"" C/U""'-- ^"^ 'Vl K2ilC','/.tl X O V . \ B K L G J C A) \\.. l!s I E U AV O I let. .CO. -x S Y E llr.viELAT. R 5- ;;g^w Y c K ■ I" ' , i' 7- r ■^■"- '^JL^r^ \vv.pl4pinecs 1 V , —~~J> ^^i .^^} ♦f'l . ff[ nt , [ '4 till ^?; -'^^ ^ € /f ■'< V '.*<' i^^ i#f^ Hi \n\ i ^ <-}'([ II.. rj ^ v^l 4 i«i *4 '^^T '^! K^ |9* ■; Y.il T**r ..I ;Mi rm- .Ul «> 'tff '» ^i '^: 4 X *»^.^ <* .^«^.t .;<^i .''^i ■> ■^t; u^ '>'"■ M' .< '^^t '*^- ^^*'' *^ g^ ;-< :< V \^' -itf. ;|«^ -l^f il^ M Iff u; jf .If- ijf 4ir f 7.^ @1# \m 9 t»ti i^t M ;€ -« M ;rii ^^ ^i •»? ;f{ Jf ^1 it(L ^4 «»f '^J ♦^ ♦f^Jp., ■'C "^i '•^i j'ti !*'■ "^ ;''^ v*''!. r V:ir V.»r '..f W»| ^; .^j;^ ^.-* «r' t>f. ^ *nf .|I6 Vf»i ;iJf }^l :f \< ■iifl :tt:- -ir^ if|| I r ifx ft- '■ Ml n ffi ill' ii 1 1'Sl- =« T»( /if •a' >4 •1/ fc OPUS QUOD INSCRIBITUR : Tijligion in New Netherlands a history of the development of the religious conditions in the Province of New Nether land (1623 -1664) BY F. J, ZWIERLEIN, EX AUCTORITATE EMINENTISSIMI ET REVEREN- DISSIMI CARDINALIS ARCHIEPISCOPI MECHLI- NIENSIS ET LEGUM ACADEMICARUM PR^- SCRIPTO RECOGNITUM, QUUM FIDEI AUT BONIS MORIBUS CONTRARIUM NIHIL CONTINERE VISUM FUERIT, IMPRIMI POTEST. P. LADEUZE, RECT. UNIV. Datum Lovanii, die ig Aprilis, A. D. igio Nihil Obstat J. F. GOGGIN, CENSOR LIBRORUM Imprimatur t THOMAS, EPISCOPUS ROFFENSIS Datum %offa, die XI Mali, MCMX pt •^c,«.«.m:^;«m ■4,: 4 ;1.,4 M i\ . . .^ j-^ J% • '!.;<.. 4 •* !»^. .!< ,)«^f.4.>Hi '*!• »*«. 'J* « .*!( «r 'ii?r \-{i:- Hi. f ;>f ■'< V ■'^- i^f :?<• -Jfj \^l :' ^i f^ r It fftg. ■ W hi: r*/ fit ;1 f ;# iff ha. "lii '% •If iK vi PREFACE in the Dutch Republic of the seventeenth century, has been the source of much error in many pubUcations deaUng with the beginnings of the State of New York. References to such histories, even when at varience with the main conclusions of this book, have been avoided as much as possible, as the author preferred to present the results of his work in a positive and not in a polemic light. Special thanks are due to the officials in the Hall of Records of Kings County, and in the Hall of Records of New York, to the library staffs of Cornell University, of the Long Island Historical Society, to Mr. D . Ver- steeg of the Holland Society Library, and to many friends, who were always ready to give advice and as- sistance. In conclusion the author wishes to express his deep sense of indebtedness to Mr. Leo Kelly, who kindly corrected the proof sheets of this book. St. 'Bernard's Seminary, Rochester, N. Y., Easter, igio ,f ,ft ,4, ,•(1 i»£ .!'.4, ;?. . . 1- ,.'• V< H ■«li •"< »«t 't >'' •' i» ■: ,^. v*f V \^: -ii/; .uf iiff i«i^ ti , '■«■'' ^.i!" la/' .;\- ^c *?^;. 36 61 ."^^ }^ € K . »f i*' .f- ~'^C 'if; *'a^' I m-' ^; ?«l .':^, tf, m K. ^iC '^^ . K < *<■' 1/' V- '^ii i i?C'€ '€ '*^t 'A m 1% -M N[ v*t ^1 i«l ^A M '^ ♦^^i? i*^! ;< v'4 M ii M^ :^ m -fif 'c^ ,'^ 1 H 4^ i»S '< ^«^ •* •^^t i* ^i.t ».« .4»"' «i'W (|f "^ J 'ill!- ; H/ fit' a ?if' ♦if ^ ' Vf 'iir ri&. >ir >M 2 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND the rule, that only the Reformed Religion should be exercised within your province." The policy of religious repression pursued in the Province of New Netherland on the outbreak of organ- ized dissent was not merely local in character. The colonial clergy, the natural custodians of the colony's orthodoxy, merited for their zeal in this regard the commendation of their ecclesiastical superiors in Hol- land, the Classis of Amsterdam, which insisted quite as vigorously with the Directors of the West India Com- pany in the Amsterdam Chamber on the repression of dissent in the colony, as the colonial clergy did with the civil authorities in the Province of New Netherland. The Director General did not fail to adopt all measures he judged necessary to fulfill the oath which bound him to maintain the exclusive worship of the Reformed Re- ligion, and the Directors in Holland did not at any time repudiate the policy of excluding all other worship, but they tried to persuade Stuyvesant to admit some con- nivance in regard to dissent, if this were possible, as they feared injury to the material interests of the Company, unless the policy of religious repression was tempered by some moderation. To insure this, all repressive ordinances were finally ordered to be submitted to the Directors before their promulgation in the province, but as late as the summer of 1663 one of the Directors plainly told the Quaker, John Bowne, that the religious liberty he demanded in New Netherland was not granted there. Religious conditions, however, were not uniform throughout the entire province, but were differentiated largely by the character of the local immigration. The f{ >!C ml ill »Hf .»*{ -!f :^ '»^' -wt^f "lilt \^i i^} 01 )4C ^'' ^'J^l i; ■■"1/ •■M 4 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND charter, and finally the inhabitants of the same town at the instigation of Tobias Feake appealed to the charter in their protest against Stuyvesant's prohibition to give entertainment to the Quakers, but not at any time nor in any place did a body of English colonists^ appeal to their charter to justify the organization of "unortho- dox" worship in public or in private conventicles. The religious conditions obtaining in the South, or Delaware, River country were closely dependent on the political changes effected in the course of its history. Occupied by a Dutch trading post and a few straggling settlers, it could not resist the intrusion of the Lutheran Swedes and the founding of New Sweden with the establishment of the Lutheran State Church. The admission of Dutch colonists from Utrecht with the privilege of exercising the Reformed worship attests for this region a greater degree of religious liberty than existed in any part of the Province of New Netherland. The conquest of New Sweden by the Dutch did not terminate Lutheran worship on the South River, as the outbreak of Indian hostilities necessitated the tolera- tion of .the Swedish worship with the ministration of one of their ministers. The expenses of this invasion put the Amsterdam Chamber of the West India Com- pany deeply in debt to the City of Amsterdam, which now in compensation for its loan acquired a tract of land on the South River, where the exclusive exercise of the Reformed worship was maintained, until the official orthodoxy had to give way to obtain colonists to * John Bowne appealed to the Flushing charter in his arguments with the Directors at Amsterdam, but they refused to admit the appeal, as the charter was granted before the arrival of Quakers in the colony. i4. '<. ^ 1 ■ 'v^' in? ilt )«(t .^^t ** ^ , \f(l til .■. lift- »f 7K' »s<'_;t 6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND this respect, but there is ample proof that the oath was administered to subordinates in the colonial government and to the officials of the patroon Kilian van Rensselaer. Officials of Rensselaerswyck swore to promote ' ' the true and pure service of God in conformity with the Christian Reformed Religion." The "Nine Select Men" , appointed by Stuyvesant in 1647 to represent the people, were also "to promote the honor of God and the welfare of our dear Fatherland to the best advantage of the Company and the prosperity of our good citizens, and to the preservation of the pure Reformed Religion." On the creation of a municipal court at New Amsterdam in 1653, the Burgomasters and Schepens were bound "under oath to help maintain the true Reformed Re- ligion and to suffer no other." The vice-directors, appointed on the conquest of New Sweden for that region, were sworn "to promote the Reformed Re- ligion," but Lutheran Swedes were also retained for inferior offices. Then on the erection of a small court of justice at Wiltwyck in 1661, the commissaries had also to swear that they would "maintain and exercise the Reformed Church service and no other." The judges were, therefore, to be "professors of the Re- formed Religion." Even the court-clerk had to prom- ise to promote "the glory of God and the pure service of His Word." There could hardly be any question of a religious qualification of this kind for office-holding in the towns settled almost entirely by English dissenters, but even here the Director General and Council did not fail to insist on a religious qualification when an op- portunity to do so was presented. "The English do not only enjoy the right of nominating their own magis- i Jtl -4 *«i *4 /^^l # **^^ !%;* f ifl >fi .^i u»£ ^t 'ff[ -Hi xHi '4 •»»! >^ *^f !«? . if ,f j[ :#i ,-4 M .«4 ^.*^. , . • ej '4. '.iS '4. ^ '4 >U- -. 1 ''^^ 4 X ttj; 1*1 j«l .;* ..»«i 14 !* < I iff' tl^ i»s 'If; < iif; > 1 K: K %i fit ■('( l»^C '4: ;*(: n{' ;?i! irf iir lO RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND The religious history of the Dutch RepubHc in this period is closely interwoven with the history of its struggle against the Spanish power. Dissatisfaction with the Spanish administration in the Netherlands had be- come so general towards the end of the sixteenth cen- tury, that all provinces united to obtain from their hered- itary sovereign the withdrawal of the Spanish soldiery and the recognition of their ancient charters and liber- ties. This national movement developed in spite of internal religious differences. In fact, a provisional settlement of the religious issue was effected in 1576 by the treaty of union known as the Pacification of Ghent. The fifteen Catholic provinces came to an agreement with the two Calvinist provinces and deferred the definitive regulation of the religious question in those places, where Calvinism had been established to the exclusion of the Catholic worship, until the convoca- tion of the States General after the successful expulsion of the Spanish soldiers and their adherents. These regions comprised the two provinces of Holland and Zealand with Bommel and allied territories. Mean- while, access to the Catholic and Calvinist provinces was to be free to the subjects and inhabitants of either side, provided nothing prejudicial to Catholic faith and wor- ship was attempted outside of Holland and Zealand and their allied territories. Every infraction of this pro- vision either by deed or word was punishable as a dis- turbance of the public peace. However, conditions were made quite tolerable for the Calvinists in the Catholic provinces, as all placards formerly published against heresy and all criminal ordinances of the Duke of Alva were suspended, except in a breach of the public "i- V'*! /t^ J:^l ■'^i J-'U. ^^^It .yia .,^.r 1^ vC 4 ^^i *4 •'" ^"^^ •'^r ♦% Aj^ A^^ :«^^^^ '^t .4.^- •»*; u«. •»•' ;»<;'• '^^ 'j^ " ^ '14 : • % )€ II >» ^ .^ ^^^ -if; .1^ .-it; •<' '; iff' ;if, ^ ;t V .If: '.ir- Til' hi •if ii^ i».i*: htk 12 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND refuse to yield to the demands of the States, and in the hope that the delay would bring about an infection of the Catholic provinces with Protestantism, which would furnish a pretext for the demand of the general tolera- tion of Calvinism in all the Netherlands. The Calvin- ists were destined to be disappointed. When Don John was fully persuaded that the Pacification of Ghent con- tained nothing contrary to the Catholic Religion and the authority of the King, he came to an agreement with the States General, which was confirmed in the Perpetual Edict of February 17, 1577. While the eleventh article recorded the pledge given by the States General at Luxemburg to maintain in everything and everywhere the Catholic Religion, the sixteenth article was careful to note that all the provisions of the Edict were subject to the articles of the Pacification of Ghent, which remained in full force. Before the ratification of this treaty, the States General had sent an embassy to the Prince of Orange to inform him of its contents and to explain that the pledge of the States General to maintain the Catholic Religion in everything and every- where had been taken at Luxemburg before the States of Holland and Zealand had joined the assembly of the States General at Brussels and consequently was binding only on the fifteen Catholic provinces.^ The Prince and the States of Holland and Zealand made some complaints, but offered to sign the treaty, if the States General promised first to have recourse to arms ^ This shows how erroneous is Blok's deduction: "The Catholic Religion was to be maintained everywhere (thus also in Holland and Zealand). This last stipulation was flagrantly at odds with the Pacification, etc." Blok, A History of the People of the Netherlands, iii. p. 114. l>fVAA-'^iM^nJr\.%,? 13 vJ' ^ii< yfv ixf . '>f L AVI ♦' ^< < /' /• itf- ^ Its' ♦s< ^ yiit ■?>( ^* jjr it- ,1/' V -'M 1 ijf iir 14 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND to come to the city to give advice in the crisis. He soon dominated the negotiations and frustrated the attempts at a reconciliation with Don John. The arrival of the Archduke Matthias complicated the situation. He had been invited by some of the nobles, under the leadership of the Duke of Arschot, to replace Don John and to prevent the elevation of the Prince of Orange to this position, but the Archduke soon fell under the influence of William of Orange, who was created his lieutenant general at the request of Queen Elizabeth of England. The Prince's power had already been increased by his nomination as Governor of Brabant, which had been obtained from the States of that province by the exertion of violent popular pressure under the influence of his partisans. About the same time, the Duke of Arschot had been elected Governor of Flanders, but in the course of the session of the States of Flanders at Ghent the Prince and his adherents fomented a revolt, which resulted in the imprisonment of the Duke and some other Catholic leaders. A reign of terror under Calvin- ist tyranny ensued in Ghent, during which churches and monasteries were pillaged, monks and friars burnt alive, and the Blood Councillor Hessels and the ex-Procurator Visch hanged without any previous trial. ^ Similar flagrant violations of the Pacification of Ghent also took place elsewhere. Bruges, Antwerp and Brussels were made the scenes of incredible excesses by fanatic Calvinists. Retaliation on the part of Catholics ensued, ^ The Rev, George Edmundson, M. A., writes: "William dis- claimed any share in this act of violence, but it is difficult altogether to exculpate him." The Cambridge Modem History, vol. iii. chap, vi. The Revolt of the Netherlands, p. 248. *fl 'ill H' '*H '^ V^ ii.r •iA -1^ 'uT jiJc n%^ ^4 4 X *♦?. «« ^^ ;^ '»V: t.*. H*'- siT ?1»(' % ^i^f ... -^ V*c hi >3^ Iff iir l6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND attempt to execute its provisions. Meanwhile, the con- tinuation of Calvinistic excesses made the Catholic party realize the necessity of united action. The Union of Arras was formed on January 6, 1 579, to main- tain the PacijEication of Ghent, the Catholic faith, the obedience to the king and the privileges of the nation. Although the Union of Arras professed to be based on the Pacification of Ghent, the clause suspending the placards against heresy was suppressed. The forma- tion of this Catholic league hastened the establishment of a Protestant league, already in process of formation, towards the end of the same month, the Union of Utrecht, also for the avowed purpose of strengthening the previous general union of the Pacification of Ghent. Nevertheless, according to this agreement, Holland and Zealand were free to act as they pleased in regard to religion, while the other provinces united in this league were to regulate themselves in accordance with the pro- visions of the Peace of Religion. While there was no straight line of cleavage produced between the North and South by the formation of these hostile leagues, the beginning was made that developed into the formation of two separate commonwealths. The southern cities of Ghent, Antwerp, Bruges, Ypres, Lierre and the Franc du Bruges gave their hearty support to the Union of Utrecht, but finally had to yield to the authority of the Duke of Parma, whom the Catholic Malcontents had recognized by the treaty of May 19. The conquests of Parma always entailed the restoration of the Catholic faith and of the placards against heresy, but capital punishment was no longer inflicted for heresy after 1597. Dissenters had the choice between reconciliation ifl i*lf U' '»il iC *i ••« , . |"X 4 t»fi Wf /'f -:«f.'*& '«>,V r Tfjf X .4' * "* i-^i ;«^ .** i' k 'Kl «£ 4 -4 »tt'^'<«*'>:.*fj. 'rv '^:* ..»'■ ^.»' .tjr ,sj, «i 'if *i . ■^i 23 ; ' ril- ?»(' f: .»fi mc IS' '»?' ,11 : 'i^ ftji tt! J4 >w .If; ".If; .; Irs '-^l .si" il? 24 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND the Jews had their synagogues, the Mahometans their meetings and all kinds of sects their conventicles; the Catholics alone were excluded from all participation in the toleration of Holland. There were many Catholics in Friesland,^ but they could worship with safety only in the castles of the nobles, of whom many still gave a tepid allegiance to the old faith. In Geldem^ and Zea- land, Catholics possessed little liberty and had to assemble secretly for worship, while in Stadt en Landen the adherents of the old faith suffered more active per- secution. However, the condition of the Catholics was more tolerable in some of the cities. Through the con- nivance of the magistracy, which in several places was open to a bribe, the Catholics obtained a great deal of liberty in the exercise of their faith in Harlem, Gouda, Ley den, Alckmaar and Hoom.^ for the baptism of their children and for the celebration of marriage. A fine of 50 pounds was also placed on the witnesses and a fine of 400 pounds on the persons instigating the act. The same penalties were decreed for attendance at papist conventicles. Wiltens-Scheltus, Kerkelyck Placaatboek, i. 526. ^ Persecution of Catholics was most violent in this province. Thousands of Catholics found safety in flight, and only a small num- ber of priests remained in the province in deep concealment. ' Here Catholics were numerous. The policy of the government was directed to paralyse their strength. In 1624 the States de- prived the clergy of the disposition of their revenues and declared null and void the sale, mortgaging, donation, exchange or any alien- ation of property on the part of "pretended" ecclesiastics or of papists in religious societies, sodalities and fraternities, etc. It was pleaded that many feared to adopt Calvinism and many returned to the old faith lest they might be disinherited. In 1640 the "klopjes" were declared incapable of receiving an inheritance. Finally measures were directed to the prevention of assemblies, that the Catholics attempted to facilitate by the removal of the walls between neighboring houses. For details cf. works of Knuttel and Hubert, with documents cited. 3 This was true to a certain extent at The Hague, where the legations of the Kings of France and Portugal and of the Republic of Venice had their chapels, which remained open also to the inhabi- tants of the city in spite of the frequent protests of the States of Hol- land at the instigation of The Hague consistory. vl =i$ nj f€ '4 ,€ !tf J«^ . m . I M 4 H '4 '4 '^ ♦'^^ !*»* .!« ■ V, 4 Mnii iHi .5< :.4 .<<(i .^« 'it'i u<. ^i*" (j^' .i(' '« 'tf.f Kt; 'ifr 25 Ml- i^- ^ *J11 iff ;^\ .'11 ♦^^ -r »s( ^ ^i hi' n 26 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND National Church Synod, but Oldenbamevelt feared lest the triumph of this party should lead to the domination of the Church over the State, and through his influence the proposals were rejected. To secure peace, the States of Holland, in January, 1 6 1 4, prohibited the dis- cussion of disputed questions by the preachers in the pulpits and enjoined moderation in such abstruse matters. Violent opposition to this measure arose in several important towns, also in Amsterdam, but Oldenbamevelt was determined to overcome all opposition. When Maurice, who had begun to dis- trust the Advocate, gave his support to the Counter-Remonstrants and encouraged their oppo- sition to the authority of the States, Oldenbame- velt succeeded in inducing the States of Holland, in December, 1616, to raise a force of four thousand men to be at the disposal of the magistrates for the enforcement of order. Although the two Stadtholders commanded the votes of four out of seven provinces in the States General, this assembly decreed the con- vocation of the National Synod by only a narrow majority. The States of Holland, in spite of a power- ful minority supported by Calvinist opinion through- out the province, refused to concur in the resolution of the States General. The seizure of a church at The Hague for the Counter-Remonstrants under the direction of Maurice led to the adoption of the "Scherpe Resolutie," proposed by the Advocate to the States of Holland, which refused to approve any convocation of a synod, national or provincial, infringing the sovereign rights and supremacy of the States in religious affairs. The city magistrates were directed to uphold the peace and to levy new [ >fi"A A i^i J^ M *«« ;«^f .5 '^Jk^.f' >(^^ 4 .< i»fi- i€ }/l M .'"fj .;•■ ■-' •• :i'" U; l>^ 'Hi "# ■••'■ Mf ;»?' ittf tlf f- 27 * ..At.- 28 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND and eighteen political commissioners representing the States. The Remonstrant minority was immediately put on trial for its teaching by the remainder of the Synod, from which they were finally ordered to with- draw after violent altercation. They then assembled in Rotterdam, where they denounced the tyranny of the dominant party, who condemned the Remonstrants as schismatics and heretics, and declared them unfit to hold any position in the churches, schools and univer- sities of the country. The former liberal movement in favor of a revision of the Creeds of the Dutch Reformed Church was definitely checked by the Synod's approval of the Netherland Confession and the Heidelberg Cate- chism without any change, as the orthodox Calvinist faith was thought to be briefly but completely set forth in these. Now the States General imposed the "Act of Cessation," on pain of banishment, which deprived the Remonstrants of the right to preach and reduced them to the condition of private individuals. Only one of the Remonstrant members of the Synod signed ; the remain- ing fourteen were forced to go into exile. In July, 1619, the States General prohibited the assemblies of the Remonstrants, but the ordinance was not enforced in the larger towns, as Amsterdam, Rotterdam and Gouda, although this connivance greatly annoyed the Calvinist zealots. In all about two hundred Remonstrant preachers were deposed and of these seventy signed the Act of Cessation, about forty finally accepted the articles of Dortdrecht, with restoration to the ministry as a reward, and about eighty went into exile. These last attacked the dominant party, "the Httle ministers of the new Holland inquisition, " with a mass of pam- ^4 4M 4 r»ff ..^t ii^f m ,;^. .f^ 4 A M ., . ,^ /^/'Ll^ \fi[ i*f[ if •I. /, K' ■'$<'" ^V ,' '»!? i< Iv, M .^^ \tf it i 30 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND rily in the lands of the RepubHc, under the penalty of being arrested and imprisoned as enemies of the State. A second offense on their part entailed punishment for disturbance of the public peace. Their hosts in the land were subject to a fine of one hundred pounds Flemish for the first offense, double the sum for the second offense, and to the penalty of corporal punish- ment and banishment for the third offense. The priests who previously had been authorized to reside in the Republic were bound to report their names and places of residence to the local magistrate, if they wished to continue the enjoyment of this privilege. All correspondence with foreign ecclesiastics was pro- hibited to the subjects of the Republic, and letters of this kind were to be surrendered to the magistrate on their receipt under a fine of fifty pounds for every infraction of the law. Catholic ceremonies were interdicted not only in the churches but also in private houses. The master of the house was subject to a fine of two hundred florins, each person present to a fine of twenty-five florins, and the officiatingpriest to the penalty of ban- ishment. The priests who preached disobedience to these laws were to be prosecuted for sedition and subjected to corporal punishment, "even unto death," according to the gravity of the offense. Attendance at foreign Jesuit schools was again forbidden, and parents were ordered to recall their children from such places under a fine of one hundred florins for each month of delay. The congregations of devout women, "klopjes," were to be dissolved at once. Protestant orphans were not to be confided to the care of Catholic guardians, but to the care of the magistrate, if they had no near relations of X «! "si '4 <'^ '«* ."^f J** -J"! 4 k ■^C'ftj'J j%-;'«?^^;*sj Hi. ri(' ' ^^ '^ '^. : ♦&][[ '«[ 'I /r ^rf; Jiff i '* K r in; ^*f ?K' n<' 'tJT .IT' H 32 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND able intervention of a stranger in the internal affairs of the Republic. A resolution was then passed by the States General to complete the penal legislation against Catholics on the plea that impunity to propagators of "Catholic superstitions" and the introduction of the papist hierarchy entailed undeniable dangers for public safety. The French plenipotentiary, Count d'Estrades, was not more successful in his attempt to have an article incorporated in the capitulation of the city of Hulst, granting the public exercise of the Catholic wor- ship. When Frederick Henry transmitted the petition to the States General, the assembly expressed their great astonishment at this pernicious proposition. In the following year, when the French and Dutch planned a joint attack on Antwerp, Cardinal Mazarin was able to obtain only the grudging consent of his Dutch allies to the concession of four churches for Catholic worship on the conquest of this city. The joint expedition never took place. The conclusion of the general peace of Miinster in 1648 brought to the Republic a recognition of its sov- ereignty by Spain. The Catholics, sorely harassed in the past by the oppressive measures of the States Gen- eral, which had often been anticipated and even rein- forced by the penal legislation of the provincial States and of the town councils, hoped for some relaxation of the persecution with the cessation of hostilities, but the Calvinist clergy was loud in its protestations against any concession to "Roman idolatry," which would surely bring upon the Republic the anger of God. In spite of the opposition of the States of Holland, some relaxation was ordered by the States General within the M 4^n[ ^4 »>^ *^t *# m ;«j C -Ni ;*{ ift '*r ■: ^^" .4,.%. Vft >^ .^li i^ _ . ;. .^ft-*^! ^^»f ^« ,^ M :«& ?^ /^t ;^ '< 4 X ^*^ ^«6 ^*^ .•'6 z*^ -^^t eyf «' K' -■ n' ?Jfcl '^ ; \^: 'sit I 'r{ ;-^ ■-. 1^, ni} 'n' .; h/ V- 34 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND lution adopted by the assembly, which decreed the main- tenance of the ordinances of the National Synod of Dortdrecht, the enforcement of the placards against the Catholics and the retention of other sects "in all good order and quiet." The execution of this decree fell far short of the desires of the Calvinist ministers, who continually assailed the civil authorities with their remonstrances, and Catholics and sometimes adherents of other persuasions had continually to fear the penalties that might be inflicted according to law by the magistrates under pressure of the ministers. Government circles were not so inimical to the consider- ations which De la Court advanced. He believed that self-interest should prevent the dominant Calvinists from the attempt to suppress people of other persua- sions, who were in the majority even in Holland, as per- secution might provoke their emigration, to the great loss of the country. He tells us that most of the "old in- habitants," peasants, moneyed men, and nobles in that province were still Catholics, while there were also many Protestants, but mostly Mennonites or Rijns- burgers. In spite of all past vexatious measures, Catholics still formed a large majority of the population in the Provinces of Utrecht, Gelderland and Overyssel, although many of the Reformed were to be found in some districts, as the Veluwe, since John of Nassau was able to throw his influence into the balance. De la Torre's report of 1656 gives a very small number of Catholics for the three northern provinces, and Blok in his history estimates the number of Catholics above the Meuse at about half a million. This geographical dis- tribution of the confessions represents the condition of 4»1 iiif UT lUi .«II A-l^ i'bi !9h. ««i v>t -n *^1 *•% '^/^^i i'^^f '^.^ ;■' 35 >4 -iif: : ^ ^^ ^ :'li ?«f Jit Jit ^l' '• hr fit m •j^' fsi^ ?r' H(- '^M -iif 'I' /H, i*,r). V- "iM;- W ^\[ it ;?f iir. .« CHAPTER II General Relations of Church and State IN New Netherland The successful organization of the Dutch East India Company in 1602 rendered feasible the formation of a West India Company to realize more effectually the humiliation of the power of Spain. Very early William Ussellinx, an ardent Calvinist and an enemy to "all heretics and erring spirits," advocated the organization of such a commercial company to prey on the Spanish possessions, from which their enemy drew the "sinews of war, ' ' and to plant there the saving faith and the gos- pel of Jesus Christ, whereby the heathen might be res- cued from the darkness of idolatry and be preserved from papistry.^ Although the plan became popular, it was opposed by the East India Company, which feared for its monopoly, and by Oldenbamevelt, who was anxious to avoid new complications with Spain. The successful negotiation of a truce in 1609 made any further effort on the part of Ussellinx fruitless. Never- theless, in the very same year, the discoveries of Henry Hudson on the North American coast, while employed by the Dutch East India Company in the search of a * Cf . O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland, i. 31; prospectus for W. I. Co., Arg. Gust. p. 51, Jameson, William Usselinx,A. H. A. Papers, ii. 39. (36) [ j»C X .« :^i AM^i^^J^ f&^^E^i [ K^tl -4 i?Ji *'4 «*^^ ^-^f *^f ♦^'?- ^ .fi .«([ ^4 .1^ .. . . . /. . €^-^C^ w !«; i«^ :^f >tfi .r ■ < ^ »lf[ ?f '.ili iff' i ^ fi^ ^«g -^ Jl 'it: "i^ 1; j^f ".ir- J \ • .5!- ilf ^' 1.' n/ V: 38 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND of the Elector Palatine Frederick, is said to have urged this scheme to promote the Protestant cause in the Bohemian war. During the discussion of the drafts of the charter of the West India Company, Ferdinand had become Emperor, the Elector Palatine, the nephew of Prince Maurice and Count Frederick, had been chosen King of Bohemia, and the combination had been formed for the overthrow of the latter. The cause of Protestantism in Bohemia and especially of the German Calvinists appealed to the sympathies of the party now ruling in the United Provinces, but in the end the controlling factor in shaping the new organiza- tion was the proximate expiration of the truce with Spain and the renewal of hostilities.^ The interests of the new company naturally centered in the Spanish seas about Brazil and the West Indies, while the Province of New Netherland received scant attention, although organized colonization began there almost as soon as the time for the subscriptions to the company terminated in 1623. When the question of religion presented itself in regard to the colony, the West India Company, the proprietor of the province, assumed the same authority which the civil power exercised in religious matters within the United Provinces. In addition, the right of patronage was claimed by the company over the colonial church. Usselinx had proposed in his plan the establishment of a council or college of theologians, who were to supply the company with godly ministers and teachers to instruct not only the colonists and their children, but ^ Jameson, William Usselinx, A. H. A. Papers if. 66-67. [M 'A A . ;^ A ^€. jA M.m '1^ -^ ^ i*i? 4. }*? 'iJ fS.J 1H ; v^f ':^ ' ?»' 'sC ^SlI ■'■ ':^ iff , .if.' il? i 42 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND copies of the minutes of these classes and of any docu- ments bearing on these matters. If any difficulties arose in regard to doctrine or church polity in the colo- nial churches, which could not be readily solved by the particular classis or synod, the advice of the synods of the land was to sought, unless there could be no delay, and then the facts of the case were to be communicated to them. The last article in this plan shows that the protesting synods wished to make it possible for persons under their jurisdiction to serve the colonial church. Those who manifested such a desire were to be held in good commendation by the classes in charge of such churches, provided they had the necessary qualifica- tions.^ Although the Synod of South Holland provis- ionally accepted these propositions, it gained the approval of other synods very slowly.^ By 1648 it was accepted by all the synods, except Utrecht, which finally also agreed to the plan two years later. ^ Thus the Classis of Amsterdam remained undisturbed in the direction and supervision of the colonial church of New Netherland. Ministers, Comforters of the Sick, and Schoolmasters had to qualify themselves for work in New Netherland before the Classis, who then presented them to the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber, and on their appointment gave them the necessary call, for which. a special formula had been adopted in 1636.* The 1 Synod of North Holland, Aug. 12, etc. Eccl. Recs. N. Y, i. 158-161. 2 Synod of North Holland, 1643, Ibid. 173-4, etc.; 1644, Aug. II, etc., Art. 28. Ibid. 183-4; 1645, Aug. 8, etc.. Art 20. Ibid. 190. 3 Synod of North Holland, 1648, Aug, 11, etc., Jbid.232; 1650, Aug. 6, etc., Ibid. 277-8. 4Cf. Ibid. 92-99. >ij4 „»c ,:«i M -*4 'tf M , «*i vflf JSi i«i '% •»t^ '* "5f ifl* '•• '<. « € w; i*i ,5< .■»^) .'<^i .)• iS: •«!■ ff"''»(|r .X '«, '«!'. HSli- 'Ifr iff, -Jf :* ■■•^' ■"?: -lit fiTf i«li 6; ?i^ ^J^ lit .% l^- lit }w^ 'iT ii ': Mi !«'.■ i •iS' f^' ?»:' ?«' '^sC \^ ^H' ?;ll ^*3 IV^ V W' iv '%{' i€ 44 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND ment of the Dutch Reformed Church in the charter of Privileges and Exemptions of 1640. At this time, the Classis of Amsterdam feared that an appeal on the part of the Lutherans for freedom of public worship might be allowed by the States General, but their fear was ground- less, and nothing was done to revoke the exclusive establishment of the Reformed Church of New Nether- land. Within the Province of New Netherland, the govern- ment was vested in the Director General, assisted by an advisory council, upon whom all other officials of the company in the colony were dependent for their authority.^ The Director, as supreme magistrate, retained the direct control of the colonial church even after the establishment of inferior local courts in vil- lages and in the city of New Amsterdam. The local courts had no jurisdiction over criminals and delin- quents guilty of blasphemy, violation of God's Holy Name and religion. Such cases were reserved to the judgment of the Provincial Court. ^ All measures rela- tive to the erection of churches and schools and the support of these institutions had to be confirmed, approved and commanded by the Director General and Council, except when there was question of churches established within patroonships, such as Rensselaers- wyck on the North River and New Amstel on the South River. ^ Comforters of the Sick, ministers and school- masters were usually appointed by the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber, commissioned by the Classis of * Cf. Osgood, The Am. Colonies in the 17th Century, ii. 100, sqc[* ' This is the reason why the town minutes of this period contain little information on the religious life of the people. 3 Cf. Col. Docs. N. Y., xiii. 198. ^ 'JL /«?i .r*i ;''i J" .?c >«e :% M .j% *!^ .. ^ -^j: t iir .i.r .^ \i( 'i/i it):. v8.' ?^v' A?f 11 ' W iifl -.si: V#^ t^; fcU^ i^^t- '^i '^- . . ■■■* ,«^ V f».^ '»t M {lit /if j?r nt ■?*( ^v ^*/;n ■**/' w >?r ^ir :« 46 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND ber of persons for the office, from which the Director General and Council selected a new church warden.^ The school, which was also a religious institution, was likewise under the direct control of the colonial government. The presumption of Jacob van Corlaer to teach in a school without the order of the Director General and Council brought a very clear assertion of the powers of the government, which then refused to grant the requisite permission even in spite of the hum- ble supplication of the Burghers and inhabitants and the intercession of the Burgomasters and some Schepens. Stuyvesant declared that "school teaching and the induction of a schoolmaster depends absolutely on the right of patronage."^ This principle found a good illustration in the petition of the'^magistrates of Bos- wyck, who requested the approval of their contract with Boudewyn Maenhout as reader and schoolmaster. The Director General and Council fulfilled the request on the condition that the schoolmaster be first exam- ined by the reverend clergy of New Amsterdam and declared fit for the performance of his duties.^ This regulation was probably due to the place of religion in the Dutch colonial school, where the principles and fun- damentals of the Christian religion were also to be incul- cated. One of the last ordinances of the Dutch provin- cial government ordered the two schoolmasters of New Amsterdam, Pietersen of the principal school and Van Hoboocken of the branch school in the Bouwery, to bring their children to the church on Wednesday to be ■^ Cf. Recs. New Amsterdam, vii. 142, 144, 175, 237, passim. ^ Ibidii. 348; Col. Docs. N.Y., xiv. 412, 413-14. ^Cotmcil minute, Dec. 28, 1662, Ibid 519. Iff ' f ■m <«i -1 '^i i*^« -■''■f ;*« ■I M 4 *€ '€ «l ':4 Ilk Ji i '€M :4 M M ;-< "'^i /'.yi 48 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND to the observance of general public morals. This was especially true of the directorship of Peter Stuyvesant. He published with much greater frequency than his predecessors days of public prayer and thanks- giving, which he ordered to be celebrated with sermons and prayers in the English as well as the Dutch churches of the province. This was done sometimes to placate divine wrath, outraged by the sins of the people, sometimes to avert the impending evil of an Indian war or of a pestilential disease, sometimes to preserve the purity of the Calvinist faith endan- gered by the growth of dissent ; in a word, to implore temporal and spiritual blessings for Church and State. ^ Wherever he noticed grave abuses in the religious and moral life of the people, he attempted to remedy the evil. Although there was an ordinance not to tap beer during divine service, as early as 1641, the conflict between the former minister of New Amsterdam, the Reverend Everardus Bogardus, and the former Di- rector General William Kieft, had trained the people to the violation of the Sabbath. Shortly after his arrival, Stuyvesant saw that "the disregard, nay contempt, of God's holy laws and ordinances, which command us to keep holy in His Honor His day of rest, the Sabbath, and forbid all bodily injury and murder," was due to the prevalence of drunkenness amongst the inhabitants. He, therefore, prohibited all brewers, tapsters and inn- keepers, on the Lord's day of rest, to "entertain people, tap or draw any wine, beer or strong waters of any kind and under any pretext before two o'clock in case there is no preaching, or else before four, except to a traveler ^ Passim in Col. Docs. N. Y., i, ii, iii, xii, xiii, xiv. Ji .4 *?5i 4 ^^ *^ .♦'^f ^ ;**i 49 ■f ivi :-K 't !*r•^ >|/' W- ' >?r fir 50 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND crafts and business, be it in houses, cellars, shops, ships, yachts, or on the streets and market places," were forbidden, "under the penalty of forfeiting all such wares, goods and merchandise and of redeem- ing them with the payment of twenty-five florins, to be applied until further orders for the support of the poor and the churches, besides a fine of one pound Flemish, payable by purchaser as well as seller, employee as well as employer, half of it going to the officer, the other half at the discretion of the court." Any person violating the Sabbath by ex- cessive drinking, ''to his disgrace and the offense of others," was subject to arrest by the Fiscal or any superior or inferior officer, and to arbitrary pun- ishment by the court/ Regulations were also made to restrict the number of taverns, and to punish the sale of liquor to the Indians. The ordinances for the observance of Sunday were not intended to be enforced only at New Amsterdam. As soon as the whole of the South River again came under the authority of the West India Company, in 1655, the vice-director, Jean Paul Jacquet, and his commissaries were instructed "to observe and have observed the placards and ordinances made and published heretofore against drinking on the Sabbath and the profanation of the same."^ The severity of the law was increased considerably in 1656. The Director General and Council forbade on the Lord's day of rest ' ' the usual work of plowing, sowing, ^ Ordinance, April 29, 1648. Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 9. 2 Provisional Instructions. Nov. 29, 1655. Col. Docs. N, Y., xii. Xif ^< -^ '^^ -i^i ;if vfj| ]ni mi \A ^ "^ >■ .», V- -., i^ j^( % ■jif; '.If- i; ^v(' *:.H 'tf 24; « .?f fir 'X 52 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND double as much for the second offense, "and four times double as much" for the third offense. The same penalties were decreed for the sale of liquor on Sunday, and the drunkard found on this day was to be conveyed to the guardhouse, where he was to remain at the discretion of the commissaries and in addition was to be fined one pound Flemish for the benefit of the oflEicer who arrested the prisoner/ In 1663, Stuy- vesant complained not only that the Sunday laws were not observed, but that they were "by some misinter- preted and misconstrued, as if the previously enacted placards referred to and applied to the maintenance and sanctification of only half the Sabbath." The Director General and Council, therefore, commanded the observ- ance not only of a part but of the whole Sabbath, and warned the people that, "pending the Sabbath, from the rising to the setting of the sun, no customary labor shall be performed, much less clubs kept." The Director General and Council also forbade ' ' all unusual exercises, such as games, boat, cart or wagon racing, fishing, fowling, running, sailing, nutting or picking strawberries, trafficking with the Indians or any like things, and amongst other things all dissolute and licen- tious plays, riots, calling children out to the streets and highways." The penalty for the violation of this ordi- nance was the forfeiture of the upper garment (het Oppercleet) or six guilders, according to the decision of the court, for the first offense, double for the second, and exemplary punishment for the third offense.^ The pla- ^ Ordinance, Nov. 18, 1661. Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, 415-16. 2 Ordinance, Sept. 10, 1663. Recs. New Amsterdam, iv. 301-2. IM tf '«! if J^ rf, "if iW 1 m '»?■ .??• /^: i< 'si ;5r i^ M U '^4 W Iff .IT .ft:- 54 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Some of the delinquents were then summoned before the Director General and Council to be tried and fined for contempt. Several behaved insolently to- wards the chief magistracy, and were committed by the Director General and Council to prison/ On the protest of the Burgomasters and Schepens, the Director General and Council informed them that the establish- ment of an inferior court of justice under the name Schout, Burgomasters, and Schepens or Commissaries in no way infringed or diminished "the power and authority of the Director General and Council to enact any ordi- nances or issue particular interdicts, especially those which tend to the glory of God, or the best interest of the inhabitants, or will prevent more sins, scandals, de- baucheries and crimes, and properly correct, fine and punish obstinate transgressors."^ When Cornelius van Tienhoven informed the Burgomasters and Schepens of the country-people's intention to ride the goose again in the following year, he was instructed, in response to his inquiry, "seasonably to declare the same to be illegal," as it had been forbidden by the Supreme Councillors.^ The prevalence of concubinage and irregularities in contracting matrimony, which occasioned the former, also called for Stuyvesant's intervention soon after his advent to the Province of New Netherland and repeatedly during the course of his administration. According to the laws of the Netherlands, and the ^ Stuyvesant to Schout, Burgomasters and Schepens. Feb. 26, 1654. Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 172; Col. Docs. N.Y., xiv. 249. 2 Stuyvesant to Schout, Burgomaster and Schepens. Feb. 26, 1654, Recs. New Amsterdam i. 173; Col. Docs. N. Y., xiv. 249. ^Court minute. Feb. 8, 1655. Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 286. t V ■^' -i^f^ 'l<^ 't«ii; H Mfti . < kill m ' ^1i i#^ 5lf[ lii- **?; .;^.' •: 'm ^^ ^ilT 't; ftt "*f MM. .If i< a v._ 'K M \Vt. 'ilf^ >ff '■ '^l ■■u" ' iff i«r 'X, 56 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND nance was issued that prohibited this practice and bound the contracting parties to prove that their bans had been published where they had resided for the previous year.^ This legislation had been occasioned especially by the illegal proceedings of the Court of Gravesend, which published the bans of matrimony between Johan van Beeck and Maria Verleth, residents of New Amsterdam, without the consent of Stuyvesant, who had been made the guardian of the bridegroom by the father in Holland. This breach of the correct practice of the ecclesiastical and civil order of New Amsterdam was thought to prepare ' ' a way whereby hereafter some sons and daughters, unwilling to obey parents and guardians, will, contrary to their wishes, secretly go and get married in such villages or else- where. "^ The magistrates of Gravesend contended that van Beeck was a freeman of their village and that the intervention of the Director General in this matter was a violation of their charter, but Stuyvesant retorted that he was also a freeman of New Amsterdam and of Amsterdam, that matrimony must be concluded according to divine and human laws, with the consent of parents, tutors or guardians, and that no infraction of the privileges of their charter was intended.^ On Feb- ruary 10, 1654, the court messenger was sent to Graves- end to renew the marriage ordinance of the Province of New Netherland, and to declare all marriages not con- cluded according to this statute, unlawful, "as contrary to all civil and political laws and ordinances, in force 1 O'Callaghan. Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch) i. p. 134. 2 Court minute, Jan. 26, 1654. Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 155. ^Stuyvesant to magistrates of Gravesend, Jan. 20, 1654, Col. Docs. N. Y., xiv. 243 ; Feb. 10, 1654, Ibid. 245-6. M, -A <'A »4 *'f '■'^ .'^f i"*" ■!"* W .1^ -*f tf6 t'4 ;.< A , . . . 'Ck^OijC MI'S. ?%,;■'•■■«:• ill 'It '1^! I* '»t« .:«s. 57 ^;,»- \./r- *:rii,'i ', iff iW- ^' ^ hi V. MM .s; i)^ M i*. 'i# W. l*?'^ Iv* \f/, i?r .«r '1 58 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND was put Up by Johan van Beeck in various places of the city that contained this resolution of the Burgomasters and Schepens, the difficulties opposed by Director Stuyvesant to his marriage at Gravesend and at New Amsterdam, and his reasons for leaving the neighbor- hood to seek a safe retreat elsewhere.^ Stuyvesant immediately demanded a copy of the resolution of the municipal court, which he reiterated again a week later, and sent a letter to all governors, deputy governors, magistrates and Christian neighbors, setting forth that Johan van Beeck and Maria Verleth had run off to New England to get married, and requesting them not to solemnize the marriage, but to send back the runa- ways.^ When Stuyvesant learned that Van Beeck had been married by an unauthorized countryman, named Goodman Crab, living at Greenwich, against the laudable customs and laws of the United Netherlands, contrary to the advice and command of his lawful guardian, the Honorable Director General, and with- out a previous publication of the bans, he declared the marriage unlawful, and condemned Johan van Beeck and Maria Verleth to live separately under the penalty of being punished according to law for living in con- cubinage.^ Nevertheless, two years later Maria Ver- leth, the widow of Johan van Beeck, in the lawsuit for a surrender of letters addressed to her husband, that had arrived after his death, received a favorable decis- ion from the Burgomasters and Schepens who based F ^ 1 Council minute. Feb. 27, 1654. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 135-136; Stuyvesant to Burgomasters, etc., March 2, 1654, Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 174. 2 O'Callaghan, Ibid. 3 Council minute. Sept. 14, 1654. Col. Docs. N. Y., xiv. 291. ji -4 iHi m .»»f ,^ .i^f <% ;i^ ii »»^ ^P-"')^' *l!|^ ^it^ ti^i M: 'iiv li r^ •.< V '.««'■ -i*i^ ;*f^ ri^ i^-; a4 59 *■ ^^ «*■ -v ■*- •Vf lit j^ jr ii^ M ^ic. '\4- \^ J ,xr it ' '• hi '\s' • i?f ^«T X 6o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND marriage, unless the parties had Hved at least a year and a half to two years in their district.^ There was, therefore, no lack of paternal legislation to uplift the tone of public morality and religion in the Province of New Netherland, at least during the directorship of Peter Stuyvesant. However, most of the measures adopted for this purpose found little response in the life of the people. The Dutch inhabi- tants were largely indifferent to religion; the professed members of the Dutch Reformed Church never ma- nifested great zeal in the practice of their faith ; and all attempts at the organization of dissenting worship were strictly prohibited by law, and did in fact entail persecution. 1 O'Callaghan. Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 215. .fg. M[ :4 }^M ^^ ^^., . . . tc^^ ^ k 1^ )/i 4 A M, ''11 i- *4ftv ••■ Wf "41: i t M Mi' n ''^ X 'fc^ fSJ H»; fU' "^sj' ''^( ■ ;if i< i-fi 'if ?j^ 'V' ' i^c "iu:- X ■if- ^-M "'C . Jl' ilSf ilt' vir, H \-^ {«*: {^. \t: W vir i;." 62 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND properly belonged to the ministerial office. This divine service was very simple. It consisted of prayer, singing of psalms, the reading of some chapters of the bible and of some sermon of an orthodox Reformed minister.^ This later became the model for the public worship allowed by the provincial authorities in the new settlements, English as well as Dutch, that could not be provided with an orthodox minister.^ In all gatherings of the people, the Comforters of the Sick led in prayer according to the nature of the occasion. In the community, they were to be the watchful custodians of the faith and of the moral law, who were to instruct the ignorant, admonish sinners to repentance and amendment of life, and encourage the weak to perse- verance in virtue. Accordingly on Sundays, Sebastian Jansz Crol and Jan Huyck read from the Scrip- tures and the commentaries to the commonalty that Minuit had concentrated on Manhattan Island. Mean- while, Franjois Molemacker was busily engaged in building a horsemill, over which was to be constructed a spacious room that would accommodate a large con- gregation. This structure was to be adorned with a tower, in which were to be hung the Spanish bells^cap- tured at Porto Rico by the Dutch fleet the preceeding year.^ ^ Cf . Instructions for the Comforters of the Sick, Adopted in Classis of Amsterdam, May 5, 1636, Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i, 96-97. 2 The same poHcy was also adopted in Brazil by the College of the XIX. "The smaller places shall be served by precentors, Com- forters of the Sick and schoolmasters, who shall offer up public prayers, read aloud from the Old and New Testament and from printed sermons; and tune the psalms." Proceedings of the College of the XIX. Ibid. 193. 3 Narratives of New Netherland. Wassenaer's Historical Ver- hael. p. 83-4, Dyer points out the fact that, while the wooden structure erected solely for church pixrposes by Wouter Van Twiller i€''AA:M:AMM,%n .i.r MjV ^.yr 'y^ .,r. «£; «fe-, ''if '% -^ ■ ^ ¥ A^ ft iy; Jlt If «iv' Ajfci.' «jft- '^ fii HI , W. "^^ 4 isr *s<' '^^ ■ • >#: if( i'rf ' '\M\ M: \- • \t. ^ \^ \tf it \ 64 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND as elder in the Dutch and French churches respectively in Wesel. In the place of one of these elders, a new one was to be chosen every year from a double number lawfully proposed to the congregation. The occupa- tion of all the members of the first consistory in public business with the exception of the minister made Michaelius fear the possibility of confusion and dis- order in ecclesiastical and civil matters. To avoid this danger, he requested precise instructions for the gov- ernors of the Province and the Synodal acts for himself, so that the relations of Church and State might be well regulated.^ It is generally asserted that there is no trace of any misunderstanding between Minuit and Michaelius, but the Van Rensselaer-Bowier Manu- scripts disprove this. When the Director General and the secretary, Jan Van Remund, came into conflict with each other, the minister is declared to have been "very energetic here stirring up the fire between them; he ought to be a mediator in God's Church and community but he seems to me to be the contrary."^ Kiliaen van Rensselaer in writing to Wouter van Twiller puts the blame on the colonial secretary, who had excited the minister against Minuit.^ The church organized at New Amsterdam com- prised the Walloons and French, as well as the Dutch, although the Sunday service was performed only in the language of the latter, which all but a few individuals could understand. There was, therefore, no necessity for any special service in French, but Michaelius did *Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 52-53. 2 Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS. ed. by A. S. Van Laer, 1908. p. 169. *Ibid. pp. 267-8. i*^" * j4 .;# ^'fe A, f. '^H' *«C '«^^^ /*;*^;^ \^ -m iir, ^^( **?/■ ^L k ••'I '«] )Vi '^if.li ^ ijf V 'r 'u/^ H(. 66 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND recognition of the Dutch Reformed Church in the Pro- vince of New Netherland. The slow progress made in the colonization of the country led the Company to grant to its members who should plant colonies there a charter of privileges and exemptions/ by which feudal rights were guaranteed to such patroons. At the same time, freedom of colonization with liberal privileges was also offered to private persons in the United Provinces, who should settle there either on their own account or in the service of their masters. According to the twenty-seventh article, "the Patroons and colonists shall in particular, and in the speediest manner endea- vor to find out ways and means, whereby they may support a Minister and schoolmaster, that thus the ser- vice of God and the zeal for religion may not grow cool and be neglected among them, and they shall from the first procure a Comforter of the Sick there y^ Thus the first charter granted for the colonization of New Netherland by the West India Company made the maintenance of the ministry of the Reformed Church obligatory on the part of the patroons and the colonists. The Dutch Reformed Church, therefore, obtained a legal recognition of its establishment in the Province as early as 1629. At the time of the negotiation of this charter, the West India Company was anxious to ap- pear in the light of the champion of the Dutch national ^ Col. Docs. N. Y. ii. 551-7. Laws and Ordinances ^^of New Netherland. 9. 2 The provision of the charter was not a piece of legislation adopted in particular for New Netherland, but is also found in the draft of the conditions for colonies in general by the College of the XIX, June 12, 1627 and November 22, 1628. Cf. Extract from Dutch Archives. U.S. Commission on Boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, ii, pp. 52, 63. \m if M m •% -^l ^nl '^r i^ ^€ A '^A ^4 '4 ^ ^^ i^i^i '. ^»'"' V ^M^ '^n^l' ># >^' # .'*3 ■9f "# V«^' -iill^ ;«l^ V|l| i«^ ^l 'if 'til .^ :*n- /»t ;«l m % ti^ : i^. it ■i3' fij' HJ' \fr i< it ■if i-K- "^^ jr i< iff •^r H/' '■■M" 68 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND characterized by De Vries as a "mean bam,"^ with a dwelUng house and stable adjoining for the use of the minister, the Reverend Bogardus. In the summer of the following year, the friendly relations between the Church and the Provincial author- ities were again disturbed.^ Although the occasion of the quarrel is unknown, Bogardus was accused of hav- ing sent a letter to Wouter Van Twiller, which was not dictated "by the spirit of the Lord," but "by a feeling unbecoming heathens, let alone Christians, much less a preacher of the Gospel. "# He is said to have described the Director as "a child of the devil, an incarnate vil- lain, whose buckgoats are better than he," and to have threatened him with "such a shake from the pulpit, on the following Sunday, as would make him shudder."^ Somewhat later the peace of the Church of New Amster- dam was again disturbed by the trouble arising between the minister and the Schout Fiscal of the Province, Lubertus van Dincklagen, who in 1636 was sent to Hol- land by the Director and deprived of his wages for three years for his censure of the bad administration of the Province. He claimed he had been excommunicated by the machinations of the Reverend Everardus Bogardus and driven into the wilderness to escape the persecution instituted against him, where for days he * Extracts from Voyages of David Pieterzen de Vries. N.Y. Hist. Soc. Col. 2d.Ser. iii, loi. 2 Kiliaen van Rensselaer also puts the blame for this upon the secretary, Jan van Remund.who had stirred up the minister against Wouter Van Twiller. The Governor was accused of running "out on the street after the minister with a naked sword;" of being "proud and puffed up, always drunk as long as there is any wine. . . lazy and careless, hostile to the minister and no defender of relig- ion, etc." Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS. pp. 267-8, 271. 'Summons of Bogardus before Council by Kieft. June 11, 1646. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv, 69. ;ff :s| 'ifil t^ i»f >■«€ .'4 j# ;% [ j«[ .«t :* m. /".f i 4 "* ■•«L *«. <€i v«5. .;«(t .'"ft .;%, 69 »> /.. ■< '■ ^ ill; tit 1(1 >ii 'f ;t^: L )*■, )< J* '' iif. ;K ill ^i^' ?Sl' Hf ?r 'jI' >V ■ i# i< t-ff •It '^4 'M iif iW .ft' f 'hi '-'ii' ■ yo RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND worthy pastor, the Reverend Everardus Bogardus," the ministers were determined to do justice towards LubbertusVan Dincklagen.^ The case was still pending in May, 1642, but the published documents of the Clas- sis fail to disclose its issue. A new impulse to colonization was given on July 19, 1640, by the publication of a new charter of Free- doms and Exemptions which was extended to all in friendly relations with the Netherlands. The West India Company took this occasion to establish still more formally the Dutch Reformed Church. ''And no other religion shall be publicly admitted in New Nether- land, except the Reformed, as it is at present preached and practiced by public authority in the United Netherlands; and for this purpose the Company shall provide and main- tain good and suitable preachers, schoolmasters and Com- forters of the Sick. "^ Although this clause was intended to strengthen the position of the Dutch Reformed Church in the Province of New Netherland, the privi- leges extended by the charter to foreigners became the occasion of a large growth of dissent with the conse- quence of an attempt to infringe upon the exclusive establishment of the Reformed Church, which led to persecution. Greater zeal for the Reformed Religion was also manifested after the publication of the new charter of Freedoms and Exemptions. The need of a new and more substantial church had been felt for some time. In 1640 the Director and Council appropriated a por- tion of the fines imposed by the court of justice to raise ^ Acts of Deputies, May 5, 1642. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i, 152. 2C0I.D0CS.N. Y.i, 123. M ;8! T«i m -n '^ .'•^f m ;«i k Vi .€ .*i m >A ,;4/ts .M '-»-•♦- ^ •*--^ ■^— ..-.' r./"^ .iV. k»{ W > AV it M .?5^ 111' W 76 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND visions for the maintenance of the minister, whose ser- vices were engaged for six years. ^ When the ship was about to sail, the Directors of the West India Company unexpectedly claimed the exclusive right to approve the appointment of the colonial clergy. There was no time to argue the case without delaying the departure of the vessel, and a compromise was allowed by the patroon, who consented to the approval of the minis- ter's commission by the Directors without any pre- judice to his rights as patroon of the colony.^ Kiliaen van Rensselaer did not limit the authority of Domine Megapolensis to ecclesiastical matters, but also made the minister the arbiter of all disputes arising between the chief official of the colony, Arent van Curler, and the next officer in rank, Adriaen van der Donck. He was instructed to "have an eye to the rights and advantages of the patroon, that the common welfare may not suffer from mis- understanding, contention and the like." The Domine 's decision was to stand unquestioned until the patroon himself could look into the matter at issue.' However, there is no evidence of friction between the minister and the officials. In fact, Arent van Curler O'Callaghan's Hist, of New Netherland. i, 449; Munsell's Annals of Albany, i, 21, 92. ^ Contract in O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland. i. 448-9. He was given free passage and board on ship for himself , wife and four children. If he should fall into the hands of the Dunkirkers, the patroon promised to ransom him and during his detention to give forty guilders monthly for his support. A parsonage was to be erected in the colony and a salary of one thousand and ten guilders yearly, with an increase of two hundred and fifty guilders yearly for the three following years, was stipulated. 2 Ibid. 449, also in Van Rensselaer-Bowier MSS. p. 606-8. Daites differ; here April 6, in O'Callaghan, March 6. 3 Memorandiun from Kiliaen van Rensselaer for Johannes Mega- polensis. June 3, 1642. Van Rensselaer-Bowier MSS. 618. lit tf'C.€,€ .l?C .'%,%■« fC.4 'iiO^ ''f/;^ .."^f •flr,i«t, fC :« ..« i^. K.,J?^J'i/'yL rf, "'jr :«r, if^' «?;'«•; i^j. i\i' HJ- IK' '^S<' 'l/ ';# ii( itr ■ W; \t H <; ^* ^( , \if- -^ i< 78 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND to debauch my people, exhausting them as long as they can find something to pay, and after that charging it to my account."^ He, therefore, also planned severe legislation to limit the importation of liquor into the col- ony according to the needs of each family, but to the exclusion of dissipation and drunkenness. Offenses of this kind were also to be punished by heayy fines, which were to be doubled, if the culprit proved to be an officer, "as wine and spirits are the cause of God's wrath, of the patroon's loss and of all evils. "^ On the outbreak of the Indian war, the Dutch min- ister at Manhattan, Everardus Bogardus, "many times in his sermons freely expressed himself against the hor- rible murders, covetousness, and other gross excesses."® On several occasions, the Dutch in their revolting cruelty even outraged the blunted moral sense of the Indian savage. The ravages of the war, which re- duced the Dutch settlers almost to the last extremity, made the government unpopular, and Kieft attempted to shift the responsibility for the war upon his advisors. One of these, Maryn Adriaesen, became so incensed at this treachery of the Director General, that he made a murderous but unsuccessful attack upon Kieft. The minister espoused the cause of the unfortunate man from the pulpit "in the most brutal manner." Later he again attacked Kieft. ^ "What are the great men of the country but receptacles of wrath, ^ Kiliaen van Rensselaer to William Kieft, June 8, 1642. Van Rensselaer-Bowier MSS. 622. 2 Redress of the abtises and faults in the colony of Rensselaers- wyck. Ibid. 3 Broad Advice. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. 2d. Ser. iii, (1857), 261-2. * Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv, 69-73. f5 # M m '.'1 .m w . » . «»# „ .'»( M ■'■([ .!<& .;■ .L t»f :# ■.*«'■ ijfi ;«! m ni m j 79 ■ vti ?^- «^ •ill' >5|' HV ■ '»^ H M i '.# if( \h: W i«: ■;«■'• 8o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND to realize that he could not continue in this course and attempted to obtain a reconciliation without compro- mising his dignity, but the minister had been too deeply outraged, and he naturally allied himself to the party, working for the removal of the incom- petent governor, whom he openly attacked, outside of the church in the gatherings of the people on the occa- sion of weddings and christenings, and in the church in the course of his sermons. The matter came to a crisis in the beginning of 1646, when Kieft called upon Bogardus to answer for his continual opposition to the government. "Inasmuch as your duty and oath im- periously demand the maintenance of the magistracy; and whereas your conduct stirs the people to mutiny and rebellion, when they are already too much divided, causes schism and abuses in the church and makes us a scorn and a laughing stock to our neighbors, all which cannot be tolerated in a country where justice is main- tained, therefore, our sacred duty imperiously requires us to prosecute you in a court of justice, and we have accordingly ordered a copy of these our deliberations to be delivered to you to answer in fourteen days." Bogardus, who had hitherto neglected to recognize any letter of the Director, was constrained to answer this bill of indictment, but his first reply was considered fu- tile and absurd, and his second answer slanderous. After some further correspondence, the minister refused to enter into "a deep discussion of this affair" and chal- lenged the competency of the Director and his council. The Director refused to allow that the matter trans- cended his powers, but, to obviate all pretext of slander, he declared his willingness to submit the case to the ' W ^:€ v*^- itt^ t«^ M H M.i» 8i !; 'n.k ■»I € ;h «: ^•' .'U' 82 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND shepherd errs, the sheep go astray."^ The congrega- tion numbered about one hundred and seventy mem- bers, most of whom were "very ignorant in regard to the true rehgion and very much given to drink." John Backerus, whose services had been engaged tem- porarily, beUeved that "the source of much evil and great offense would be removed," if the seventeen tap- houses were closed, with the exception of three or four. The vice of intemperance had obtained such sway that the minister despaired of being able to accomplish any- thing with many of the older people, who were "so far depraved that they are now ashamed to learn anything good. ' '^ His hope was with the children, who might be influenced by the pious example of a new pastor and of a good schoolmaster. The abuses that had developed during the strife between Kieft and Bogardus had retarded the growth of religion and education. The church, although begun in 1642, still remained uncom- pleted, no schoolhouse had as yet been erected, and Kieft had been accused of misappropriating the funds collected for both these purposes. As the resources of the Directors were too limited to allow any vast expen- diture, Stuyvesant now endeavored to obtain assis- tance from the people by the formation of a representa- tive board of "Nine Select Men," who, as good and faithful representatives of the commonalty, were "to promote the honor of God and the welfare of our dear fatherland to the best advantage of the Company and the prosperity of our good citizens, to the preservation ^ Directors to Stuyvesant, April 7, 1648. Col. Docs. N.Y. xiv, 84. 2 Backerus to Classis of Amsterdam, September 2, 1648. Eccl Recs. N. Y. i, 236. M tf 'C <€ -4. 'C J*^ . % ^1^ w i^ ^f^ 4 }^- A ^' '^f ^H'- % '^i .'^' ;^;% v*^: m ^^ ti^ i"^/ rt?t i' W] 84 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND New Amsterdam. Although the patroons of Rensse- laerswyck would gladly have seen Megapolensis con- tinue his residence in their colony, they were not willing to hold him there against his will. However, they requested him to make some arrangements before his departure for the continuation "of some form of wor- ship, such as the reading of some chapters of God's Word, or some good homily."^ When Megapolensis arrived at New Amsterdam, on his way to the father- land, Backerus had already left the town for Europe. His departure had been hastened by the measures adopted by Stuyvesant to repress any protest of the people against his autocratic government, which he feared might also be made the subject of this minister's discourse in the pulpit. At the same time, he protested that he did not wish to gain control of "ecclesiastical affairs which are left at the full disposal of said ministers and consistory," wherein the Director General offered all the aid and assistance that could lawfully be de- manded from the chief magistrate of the country. In regard to other things, the minister was personally instructed by the Director General ' ' not to read himself or have read by any of the church officers from the pul- pit or elsewhere in the church at the request of any of the inhabitants any writing, petition or proposal having relation to the municipal or general government," until such writing had been signed by the Director himself or by the secretary on the order of the Director and Council.' *Acts of Deputies. Classis of Amsterdam, March 29, 1649. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 249. 'Council Minute, May 8, 1649. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 114. l.J^i- .."^^^J"^-.-.:'^^^^^,^:^^ i*fi_ ru .y^'k '■■^.i .;:'i-.ir '^Vr * I k ^:^ i^: ill? i«? ii"^ i'^i **t,i iiif € '1^ 86 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND sources at present were too limited to allow the erection of buildings, which were not very necessary. They believed that the poor could be well cared for with the proceeds of voluntary offerings and the fines, that were given to the Deaconry, as it was able to loan the com- pany in New Amsterdam the sum of nine hundred to a thousand guilders/ The Remonstrance finally led to the incorporation of the city of New Amsterdam with a municipal court of Burgomasters and Schepens. The minutes of this court open on February 6, 1653, with a prayer, in which they thank God for his past blessings, beseech Him for strength and light in the administration of justice, so that they might be able to exercise the power entrusted to them "to the general good of the community and to the maintenance of the churchy^ Stu37'vesant had attempted in vain to obtain some financial assistance for the maintenance of the civil, ecclesiastical and mili- tary servants of the company.^ Finally, in the fall of this year, Stuyvesant granted the Burgomasters and Schepens the usual excise on wine and beer con- sumed in the city of New Amsterdam, which they were to farm out to the highest bidder, if in return they paid subsidies for the maintenance of the works of the city, and the salaries of its ecclesiastical and civil servants.* When a semi-annual payment became due, the minis- ters Megapolensis and Drisius applied to Stuyvesant, ^Representation of New Netherland (1650). Narratives of New Netherland, p. 327. Van Tienhoven's Answer. Ibid. p. 361-3. 2 Recs. New Amsterdam, i, 48-9. 8 Directors to Stuyvesant, June 26, 1653. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 206. * Court minute, November 29, 1653. Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 130. ■J w «: I- ^^ Jit I ^ K ^ 88 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND solely be to attend to orphans and minor children within the jurisdiction of the city and to administer their property in and out of the city and oversee such administration by others." The deacons retained the care of the poor, but such great demands were made upon them by the poor of other towns, that the deacons, on June ii, 1661, requested the Director General and Council to have the adjacent villages make weekly col- lections for their own poor.^ Such provisions were made by the ordinance of October. It speaks well for the good sense of the Dutch that goods and merchan- dise, belonging to the board of deacons and other chari- table institutions, were exempt from the fee for weigh- ing. The weigh-master was instructed to weigh these free and for God's sake.^ This was the only exemption allowed from such taxes. The question of exemption from the Burgher excise and a tax on slaughtered cattle in regard to the clergy was discussed in 1656 by the court of New Amsterdam, which finally decided that no person was to be exempt from such taxes, as the Director General himself offered to pay.^ Nevertheless, in 1 661 Alexander Carolus Curtius, the rector of the Latin school, contended that professors, preachers and rectors were exempt from excise taxes in Holland, but the court decided that the rector was to pay the excise.* After the departure of Megapolensis from Rensse- * Council minute, June ii, 1661, O'Callaghan. Cal. Hist. 226. MSS. (Dutch) i. Ordinance, October 22, 1661. Ibid. 230. 2 Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, April 11, i66i. p. 393- ' Court minute, October 2, 1656, October 26, October 30. Recs. New Amsterdam, ii, 179, 204. * Court minute. January 25, 166 1. Recs. New Amsterdam, iii, 253- vr: V 'i*i 89 -If 4 ^^ Mi/, ilt^ >f^ ^r .^i M\ AM. f W 1^ ' ^1j' it '^*^ 90 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND as the second minister at New Amsterdam.^ Stuyve- sant had recommended the case of this minister to the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber, but the Synod of North Holland had first to approve the reconciliation of Grasmeer/ which was done only in August, 1652, after a repentant acknowledgment of his sins.^ Meanwhile, the services of two ministers had been obtained for the colonial church, which apparently pre- cluded the return of William Grasmeer to the colony. Stuyvesant had urged the appointment of a min- ister with some ability to preach to the English, who had settled in New Amsterdam, and were members of the Reformed Church. At this time, disturbances in England led the Reverend Samuel Drisius to retreat to Holland, where he declared his willingness to the Clas- sis of Amsterdam to be employed in the ministry of New Netherland. Immediately the deputies of the Classis recommended his appointment as assistant to Domine Megapolensis in the church of New Amsterdam, as he was able to preach in both languages, English and Dutch, and if necessary even in French, and thus would prove "a great instrument for the propagation of God's Holy Word and glory."* The Directors readily con- ceded the request of the Classis. A few months later Gideon Schaats, schoolmaster at Beets, received a call to the church of Rensselaerswyck, for which he was or- ^ Acts of Classis of Amsterdam, February 12, 1652. Eccl. Recs. N.Y.i. 301. 2 Directors to Stuyvesant, April 4, 1652. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 174. ^ Synod of North Holland, August 12, et seq., 1652. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 312-13. ^Directors to Stuyvesant, April 4, 1652. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 173. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 303-6. 'a # .ff >'^l ''i "L »»i ■«■ '■*» » M tf ic c ^i ■^c k « m .>^ «/ *'^-^-.'^^^- ^.r^r^^r ■*>:..«- *-itv *■ 91 'KM' .** «?■ ■■' !?f !* >^ ■>i irfi i'i. ■ '^m I MM. . :.k; '^f it '! fir JH 7^1 if i^ t 92 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND in bets a ton of beer at twenty-three or twenty-four guilders, or some other liquor." The better class were too few to be able to make up any deficiency of his sal- ary. There was not even a house for the new minister, as the house that had been occupied by the former preacher was allotted to the new schout-fiscal/ and the congregation refused to build a new parsonage. The patroon of the colony only allowed the minister two hun- dred guilders for rent, while the rent of a decent domi- cile cost at least four hundred guilders. This forced the Rev. Gideon Schaats to come to some arrange- ment with the deaons of the church, from whom he obtained the use of the poor-house for his dwelling place, as there were then very few poor people in the colony. Meanwhile, a small new church had been erected in the heart of Beverwyck, which was then a village of about one hundred and twenty houses. Most of the inhabitants were in the employ of the West India Company, and when the second contract with patroon of the colony expired in 1657, van Rensselaer refused to pay any longer for services, which were mainly to the advantage of the servants of the com- pany.^ He was then reappointed "at the request of the inhabitants of Fort Orange and Beverwyck," by Stuyvesant at a salary of one hundred florins a month, which the company expected to be raised for the greater part by the congregation.' The labors of Gideon ^ Commission of Gerrit Swart. O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland, ii. 564. 2 Schaats to Domine Laurentius, Jiuie 27, 1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i 385-6. ^Directors to Stuyvesant, May 20, 1658. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. , 419- m € >C <€ -^4 '4 ^% ^ ^ ^^^- • y. ^i-'. Ji -.-.^ •'■■..' >.■.'. •".■'■. ...^5tC laff 'rft.. a^ y!'"ttr\l'>T «r-%] 93 f i \ y. ^v M € K. * /«f ,4, n^:: M J^. '■■^■- ii? M ' -ij- it "Vl 94 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND to become a parsonage and bam, as soon as the inhabi- tants collected more funds and the material necessary for a church. The erection of this edifice was confided to a commission, composed of the Reverend Megapolen- sis, Jan Snediger and Jan Strycker. On the erection of a parsonage and the grant of a parcel of land, Midwout felt too poor to bear further expenses alone^ and per- mission was granted to call upon the inhabitants of Breukelen and Amersfoort to cut and hew timber to be used in the construction of a building for the exercise of Divine Service.^ Poverty also made the support of the minister impossible for one single town, and Stuyvesant, on the petition of the magistrates, directed a collection to be taken up in the villages of Breukelen, Midwout and Amersfoort for the support of the minister, but Breukelen and the adjacent places agreed to contribute according to their means, only on the condition that Domine Polhemus would officiate alternately at Midwout and Breukelen, which the Director General and Council readily allowed.^ This arrangement met with serious objections from the people of Gravesend and Amersfoort, who were thus compelled every other Sunday to travel four hours each way, "all for one single sermon, which would be to some very troublesome and to others utterly impossible," while Midwout was only two hours walk from each town. A compromise was now effected according to which the Sunday sermon was to be delivered in the morning at Midwout, which was nearly equally distant from the ^ Council minute, June 15, 1655. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 337. 2 Council minute, February 9,1655. Ibid.311-12. 3 Letter to Director General and Cotmcil, February 25, 1656. Ibid. 338. m ^% . 'n :fiL .-m jjti ^'^t-.-j'^^j tS^mm ^HMI 96 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Amersfoort and Breukelen, of which the first town was to be assessed four hundred florins and the other two three hundred respectively. In the begin- ning of 1657, the court of Midwout, with the consent of Stuyvesant, levied a tax of ten florins upon each lot or parcel of land, of which there were about forty in the town.^ The same plan was also pursued in Amersfoort, which, with the voluntary contributions promised by Gravesend, thus hoped to realize the three hundred guilders, for which it was assessed for the support of the minister.^ Breukelen alone was not content. This community was too small and too impoverished to be able to satisfy the demands made upon its resources for a ministry, which had not been engaged by the town, but had intruded itself against the wishes of the inhabi- tants. Besides the service of Domine Polhemus had proved unsatisfactory, inasmuch as the minister gave them only ' ' a prayer instead of a sermon, that was fin- ished before they could collect their thoughts, so that he gives small edification to the congregation." The mag- istrates thought that it might be more profitable to the people, if one of their own number were appointed "to read a sermon from a book of homilies every Sunday." They did not dispute the good will of Polhemus, but they believed that his faculties had been weakened by old age. Nevertheless, if he should persist to minister as before to them, they would give some voluntary con- tribution, but the congregation refused to be bound to any fixed sum in spite of the former promise of the * Council minute, March 28, 1656. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 345. 2 Council minute, .January 15, 1657. Ibid. 378-9. fi,^,m. '''■' >^L r»l .^'^i J 4 4 'M! M. ii rp- %'^ m: ^if- ^i^^ ^^^ 'i# ■% •^?f ^:g v*^: -i^ 4 t€}*^-M-i* ^ ^ : ■■■' vlf ^€ '«tf 97 ■;•"«.. ^f"^^ 1^: K'M ^*(- 7lf ,i^ IT .r- 98 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND good, until the tithes became due, when further orders would be given. ^ Thus the company was almost entirely relieved of the support of religion in Midwout with the exception of occasional subsidies.^ The inhabitants of Breukelen were never quite recon- ciled to this arrangement of divine service on Long Island and in 1659, "on account of the fatigue of the journey from Breukelen to Midwout and the great age of Rev- erend J. Polhemus, to whom it proves burdensome," they requested a preacher for themselves for the promo- tion of religion and their own edification.' Accordingly the Classis of Amsterdam, on the recommendation of the West India Company, called the Reverend Henricus Selyns to the ministry of the Church of Breukelen, where upon his ordination he was commissioned "to preach the entire and saving Word of God ; to adminis- ter the Sacraments according to the institution of Christ ; to lead in public prayers of the congregation ; and in union with the officers of the church, to preserve discipline and order ; all in conformity with the Confes- sion of Faith of the Netherland Church and the Heidel- berg Catechism."* On the arrival of the Reverend Selyns, the peace negotiations with the Esopus Indians so preoccupied the Provincial government, that his in- stallation at Breukelen was delayed several months, during which the Company gave him an allowance for his support. Meanwhile, the magistrates of Breukelen ^ Council minute, January 29, 1658. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 410. 2 Four hundred fls. advanced by Company, Sept. 30, 1660. Council minute, Ibid 482-3. Acknowledgment of subsidy of four hundred, fifteen and ten fls. Council minute March 29, 1661. Ibid. 499. ^ Council minute, Sept. 3, r66o. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 479-80. * Call, February 16, 1660. Ibid. 466. ^tL.iM.. m. :-'t .M.j^'k^^--J^'^.£ -m %m ^m "^'Jl /,'i ■; ^ .^--^ --r '*- ,>• ■;-?(: ':« 'i**.' •*«?• ■ i«i- f' ■ttt lit! ' 'id id ul ;>.; •< .n? .^' /4 ;" ^r ^ % ' ^1j' (1^ >^ ■'hi '^U' ''itC lOO RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND dam.^ A year after the organization of a separate church in Breukelen, a schoolmaster, who was also sex- ton, chorister and precentor, was hired in the person of Carel De Beauvois.^ On the departure of Domine Selyns after the expiration of his time of service in the summer of 1664, the schoolmaster was commissioned to read prayers and a sermon from an approved author every Sunday in the church for the improvement of the congregation, until another minister could be found.' Selyns reported that during his ministry the church membership with God's help and grace had increased fourfold.* There was also another minister, who had come to the Province of New Netherland at the same time as Domine Selyns, but had been ordained to minister to the inhabitants of Esopus. This was the Reverend Hermanus Blom, who had before been in the country while yet a proponent, and at the invitation of Stuyve- santhad preached in several villages, to the great satis- faction of his hearers. After an opportunity was given by the Director General to the inhabitants of Esopus to hear Blom,^ they petitioned the provincial authorities to give him to them as their minister, and resolved to prepare a good Bouwery for his support, to which later settlers would also have to contribute proportionately to the obligations assumed by the present petition- ^ Letter to Classis of Amsterdam, October 4, 1660. Eccl. Recs. N.Y. i. 488. 2 Contract, July 6, 1661. Stiles, Hist, of Brooklyn, i. 429. 'Stiles, Ibid. 145. * Letter, June 9, 1664. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 548. ^Stuyvesant to Lourissen at Esopus, August 11, 1659. Col. Docs; N. Y. xiii' 102. ''■L ''I. » ^:;*&j»t I' ^■f- w .?f ' ^ir ^1^: '^y^ I02 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND ise and swear in the presence of the Almighty and Everpresent God that they would "maintain and exer- cise the Reformed Church service and no other." The judges were, therefore, to be "professors of the Re- formed Religion, as now preached in the United Netherland Churches in conformity with the Word of God and the order of the Synod of Dortdrecht." Even the court-clerk had to promise "to promote and help, as far as his position is concerned, the glory of God and the pure service of His Word."^ The church suffered a severe blow in 1663 from the hostilities of the Indians, who slew twenty-four persons, and carried off forty-five prisoners. The dead left behind them many intestate estates, which became the occasion of serious differences between the magis- trates and the minister with his consistory, between whom relations had already become somewhat strain- ed. The magistrates were accused of arrogating to themselves the disposition of what was collected in the community either for the church or for the poor, while Domine Blom and his consistory were accused of opposing the magistrates in the appoint- ment of administrators and in the inventory of estates left without any heirs or testamentary disposition. The minister claimed that he had only opposed the payment of the surplus of such estates in a particular case after the settlement of all liabilities to the magis- trates, until it had been ascertained whether the over- seers of the poor had any claim to the money, as the church had the care of the poor, who were then a * Council minute, Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 196, 398; Laws of New Netherland, 396. f^ M i^q ^^^ - .• * /■ *r. ^^ t€ m M fii' H? ^i ^ \( '.: /^f M n^^ M ji w i^. ^^ : -ir, .r ^ I04 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND only to preach but even to keep school." This soon led to his departure for Virginia,^ and the church of Haarlem was not supplied with a new minister in spite of Stuy- vesant's petition. The people of Bergen^' declared their willingness to raise a goodly sum for the support of a minister in their village, but as in the case of other villages of New Netherland this petition was also in vain. There were no ministers in Holland with suffi- cient zeal to prompt them to abandon their native country to labor in the struggling colonies of New Netherland, and the Company felt its resources too limited after its bankruptcy to assume additional bur- dens for the rich endowment of colonial churches, that would attract to them the young ministers or candi- dates to the ministry, at the beginning of their career.' The only minister, who was ordained and sent to New Netherland on the eve of the English conquest, at the instance of the West India Company, was Samuel Mega- polensis, the son of the old minister, who had recom- mended* him to the Classis of Amsterdam for this min- istry, as he was qualified through several years' attend- ance at the Academy of Cambridge in New England to preach to the English, who were in great want of preachers, and consequently open to the inroads of schism and heresy.^ In fact, Stuyvesant had asked the Directors to locate two English preachers in the English towns as early as 1659, but the Directors felt that it 1 Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August 5, 1664. Eccl. Recs. N.Y. i. 555. 2 Petition, November 1662. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii 232-3. 3 Cf . Classis of Amsterdam to Backerus, April 26, 1549. Eccl. Recs. N.Y. i, 250. * Letter, September 25, 1658. Ibid. 436. 5 Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, September 24, 1658. Ibid. 432-3- ■ •tie 'i«; 1 4*^^ ; •V J, 5«- J- "- ^i€ m Hi ■?j^ ^W ;^ ^^ 'M y- -. %w ■ ; ^ij" >t '^^ CHAPTER IV Religion in New Sweden before and after THE Dutch Conquest The Swedish immigration to territory claimed by the Dutch became an important factor in the development of the religious history of the Province of New Nether- land. The attention of the Crown of Sweden had been directed to American colonial enterprise by the original projector of the Dutch West India Company, the exiled Antwerp merchant, William Usselinx. After his de- parture from the Netherlands, he had been engaged by Gustavus Adolphus to assist in the establishment of a Swedish trading company to do business in Asia, Africa, America and Magellica, for which he received a commis- sion from the King, December 21, 1624/ Although Usselinx had been a champion of orthodox Calvinism, who could not even regard the Remonstrants but as free-thinkers, heretics, apostates from the Reformed Religion, and enemies of the State, he did not appar- ently scruple to work for the extension of the Swedish power and consequently of the Lutheran faith, whose bishops and ministers he endeavored especially to inter- est in the project, "the good means, which God has 1 Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 1-2. (106) 'ff #/€M 107 ink. I08 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Usselinx traveled extensively in the interests of the South Company of Sweden, little was accomplished to advance the realization of the colonial enterprise which was still more impeded in 1629 by the demand made by the King upon the vessels of the Ship and the South Companies, then united into one.^ Gustavus Adolphus had entered on his great war in Germany, that three years later led to his death on the field of battle. Meanwhile, Usselinx had proposed an enlargement of the company, which was to become a great inter- national Protestant association, but the amendment to the charter, drawn up to that effect on October 16, 1632, does not bear the signature of Gustavus Adolphus, whose death occurred three weeks later. The Mercu- rius Germaniae of William Usselinx was intended to set forth the advantages of this commercial project to the Germans, whose religious zeal he attempted to en- kindle by citing the example of the bishops and pastors in Sweden, where "a special prayer has been composed for this, and is read at public worship and hours of prayer."^ In the beginning of 1634, a charter was sanctioned, which in its amplified form also extended its privileges to the German Evangelical Nation. Usselinx now compiled the Argonautica Gustaviana to advocate this project, but the whole scheme collapsed, as far as Germany was concerned, with the defeat of Nordlingen. He now went to France, but failed in his endeavor to obtain the support of Louis XIII, to whom he represented the South Company as a great ^Jameson. Am. Hist. Papers ii. 165. 2 Ibid. «^ 'tit, ji^ ;^i .'€ »«r *^^£ %<"' Hi 1a j:r- i^^ .J^ ^r rv( ;^ =tvf ti^: ^^^ 112 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND tile demonstration against Spain, whose adherents were to be "boldly attacked" wherever found, whereas the Dutch and English residing in New Sweden were to be treated as friends. The enmity towards Spain is still more patent in certain instructions, that amount practi- cally to organized piracy against Spanish vessels in the waters of the West Indies.^ Minuit sailed from Gottenburg late in the fall. After stopping in the Dutch port of Medemblik, he directed his course to the South River, where he arrived early in 1638. The Director of New Sweden immediately purchased from the Indians a small piece of land at Paghahacking, upon which he later built a fort named Christina in honor of the young Queen of Sweden.^ Although the Dutch at Fort Nassau further up the river and the provincial authorities protested against the advent of these colonists as an intrusion into territory within the Province of New Netherland, the Swedes, according to the orders of the Directors in Holland, were to be permitted on the conquest of New Sweden to hold the land upon which Fort Christina stood, with a certain amount of garden land for the cul- tivation of tobacco, "as they seem to have bought it with the knowledge and consent of the Company. ' '^ Yet the Chamber of the West India Company at Enck- l ^ Sprinchorn. The Hist, of the Colony of New Sweden. Penna. Mag. of Hist, and Biogr. viii. 254, note i. Blommaert frequently included the capture of good Spanish prizes in West India waters in his projected instructions for Minuit and in his communications to the Swedish Chancellor. Cf. letters, ed. by Kemkamp in Bijdra- gen, etc. 29 Deel. pp. 122, 128-9, ^33' ^39- 2 Details in Blommaert's letters: September 4, 1638, Ibid, pp. 157-8, November 13, 1638. Ibid. 161-167, January 28, 1640. Ibid. 170-189. ^Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 90. ■^^' iftf m M I'^f •iti;*fci ;. .^- lit ^A •4 .i"ij "It- m I '-C -C J^ .«ti' ;^»; ■■^: ')€ '\^i hC f£l' H?' ^f. ;{•■ 7ir if. i ^r Vi/ H; 114 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND first colonization under Minuit was almost entirely- Dutch. Lieutenant Mans Kling, who was left in com- mand of the twenty- three men in Fort Christina, when Minuit^ sailed in the fall to the West Indies, is the only Swede expressly mentioned amongst the first colonists. This is probably the reason why no Swedish clergyman of the Lutheran faith accompanied the first expedition. The exclusive occupation of the colonists in the fur trade, which caused "about thirty thousand florins injury" to the Dutch West India Company in the first year, nearly proved the ruin of the colony. In the sec- ond spring, they found themselves under the necessity of choosing either to remain and perish, or to abandon New Sweden and seek relief with the Dutch. The authorities at Manhattan assured them a cordial welcome. This happy solution of the Swedish question for New Netherland was prevented by the timely arrival of a new Director in the person of Peter Hollander with a goodly number of colonists and fresh provisions. The new members of the colony were mainly Swedes, in consequence of the action of the Swedish government, which had ordered the deportation of Swedish married soldiers with their families, who had evaded service or were guilty of some offense, under promise to permit them to return in two years. The spiritual wants of the Swedish population found their provision in the ministration of the Lutheran clergyman, Reorus Torkil- ^ Minuit perished in a hurricane while visiting a Dutch captain in his ship Het Vliegende Hert. According to instructions, he was cruising for a rich Spanish prize. Blommaert to Oxenstiema November 13, 1638 and January 28, 1640, Bijdragen, pp. 161; 177-8. ta M !:f .« .4 "^c m i«i J** 115 Vi^- >*«. iif li M- K ;^ ■>i^ ^^- %. ^tj' !l^- 'i^ ;. M "^^ i hi '-U" 'It: Il6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND arrival of Mans Kling, further purchases were made, so that the Province extended "from the borders of the Sea to Cape Henlopen in returning southwest towards Godyn's Bay; thence towards the great South River, as far as the Minquaaskil, where Fort Christina is con- structed; and thence again towards South River, and the whole to a place which the savages call Sankikah," now Trenton Falls/ By this time the Dutch Swedish Combination, that had been organized for the purpose of trade and coloniza- tion on the American coast, not yet occupied by either the Dutch or the English, was transformed into a national trading company of Sweden. The first step towards the complete nationalization of the company was the permission granted to the old Ship and South Company of Sweden to embark its capital in this association in return for a monopoly of the tobacco trade in Sweden, Finland or Ingermanland.^ When the Dutch partners showed some opposition to the plans of trade and colonization, pursued by the Swedes, the government resolved to buy out the Holland part- ners, "since they are a hindrance." The Swedish resi- dent at The Hague was instructed to pay 18,000 guldens of the subsidies obtained from the States General to the Dutch associates, on the condition that they abandon all further claims.^ This marks the second period of the history of New Sweden. A new company was now formed under the name of 1 Col. Docs. N.Y. xii. 28 note. 2 January 12, 1641. Ibid. 21-22. 3 February 20, 1641. Kammararkivet. Odhner, o. c. Penna. Mag. History and Biography iii, 400. j >n[ ''li 'n *"a. ^'i^ ^"•t,'* ^c. ,r^*.. -if-. J 'if-, lit 1^ 'C t«^ i*€ : M MJ 4 it M y If n Re- ^ ' . ii.jk * J fit H M ^^ 1i'.' U ^5f "y '<«■ ^■- ;M' ;^' :■: %'^- , ^:^^^■ HI'. \; Il8 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND hold upon the South River by the erection of a strong fort of heavy hemlock logs, called New Gottenburg , on the Island Tinicum, about twelve miles below Philadel- phia, and later of another fort on the east shore of the bay near Salem Creek, sickness was weaken- ing the population. During the summer, seventeen of the male emigrants died, amongst whom was the first pastor of the colony, the Reverend Reorus Torkillus.* Thus the colonial ministry was again reduced to one Swedish minister. About this time, the chancellor Brahe wrote to Printz, hoping that he would " gain firm foothold there and be able to lay so good a foundation in tarn vasta terra septentrionali, that with God's gracious favor the whole North American Continent may in time be brought to the knowledge of His Son and become subject to the crown of Sweden." The Chancellor further gives expression to his fear that the Swedish colonists might be contaminated by the relig- ious ideas and practices of the English and Dutch. Therefore, says he, "adorn your little church and priest after the Swedish fashion, with the usual habiliments of the altar, in distinction from the Hollanders and English, shunning all leaven of Calvinism," as "the out- ward ceremonial will not the less move them than others to sentiments of piety and devotion. "^ The reply of the Governor to this letter reveals the measures adopted by the authorities for the public worship of God in the col- ony. "Divine service is performed here in the good old Swedish tongue, our priest clothed in the vestments of the Mass on high festivals, solemn prayer-days, Sundays, and ^Keen, 458. Narrative and Critical History of America. 12 ^Keen, Ibid. 459. t>t ':« \^ ins i«i fill 'i^ij^tn 119 ■ 1 / 1 ■ ■f ilfi '^. 4^ ^*1 ' f^' m: '4 # "^# 4 H V '^«' ■?;^ ^'i*! ''^ lil-^ "M^ '^^' ■ W if!' '^ ^€ ^^: >- ■'If "^u" --tr^ If Hr.. % 120 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND der, the son of Printz's sister, in the fall of the next year made it possible for the old minister to leave for the fatherland in the spring of 1648.^ Israel Fluviander (Holgh?) either died or left New Sweden early in the year, as Lock was then the only clergyman residing in the Province.^ Printz himself was anxious to be relieved from the burden of his office. He wrote to this effect to Peter Brahe in 1650, promising his successor as good a posi- tion in the colony as he could find in Sweden. ' ' I have taken possession of the best places, and still hold them. Notwithstanding repeated acts and protests of the Dutch, nothing whatever has been accomplished by them ; and where on several occasions, they attempted to build within our boundaries, I at once threw down their work ; so that, if the new governor brings enough people with him, they will very soon grow wear^^ and disgusted, like the Puritans, who were most violent at first, but now leave us entirely in peace. "^ The neces- sity of strengthening the authority of Sweden on the South River by new settlements of Swedes, who were still few in number, became most patent in the following year, when Stuyvesant, instructed to maintain ' ' the rights of the company," which was then contemplating a settlement of the boundary question between the two jurisdictions, invaded New Sweden with a force of one hundred and twenty men, who were joined at Fort Nassau by eleven sail. This post was dismantled and a new fort was erected on the west bank of the river, ^Sprinchorn, History of Colony of New Sweden, Penn. Mag. of History and Biography, viii. 22. 2 Ibid. p. 245. 3 Keen, Narrative and Critical History of America, iv. 466. wi ■?iC ''^^ '«( U -^f .tU 1^' JH 74 Hr ^)^ "^' ^- it ;i^ hi ^":^: Ul'- H(. ^If 122 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND had come "for action which it were culpable to neglect." The Dutch submitted without any show of resistance. The post was named anew Fort Trinity in honor of the feastday on which it was captured.^ The whole South River was now in the power of the Swedes. When the Directors of the Dutch West India Company in Amster- dam heard of the capitulation of Fort Casimir, they ordered Stuyvesant to invade New Sweden as soon as the ship De Waag, carrying thirty-six guns and two hundred men, arrived at New Amsterdam.' Upon its arrival, Stuyvesant had completed his preparations and on August 26, 1655, he sailed with a force of three hun- dred and seventeen soldiers^ for the South River, where the Swedes, barely numbering five hundred souls, after some resistance submitted to the Dutch.* The condition of the Reformed Church on the South River had never been satisfactory to the Dutch. The religious issue, presenting itself on the conquest of New Sweden, probably accounts for the presence of the Dutch minister Megapolensis in the expedition, which, according to Stuyvesant 's proclamation,^ was not only to promote the welfare of the Province of New Nether- land, and its good inhabitants, but also the Honor of God's Holy Name and the propagation of His Holy ^Keen, Narrative and Critical History of America, iv 472-3. 2 Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 88-89. 3 Cf . catalogue of Frederick Muller & Cie. Geographic- Voya- ages, 1910. Deux lettres originales concernant la prise de forte- resse Casimir au Zuydt Rivier (Deleware) par les Hollandais sur les Su^dois, en 1655, "Johannes Bogaert schrijver" d, Bontemantel, "den 28 augustij 1655 op de reede van de Menades" et "Int schip de Waegh den 31 October, 1655, "4 pp. in fol. O'Callaghan gives the number of soldiers at 600 to 700. ^Col. Docs. N.Y. xii. 98-106. *Ibid. 92. nr '^^ '<>y ■?4 >*^ '^^ W ft "^^f 1/ V -if •^/^ Hn Hr 124 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND sometimes appears at the most awkward moment."^ However, the interests of the Reformed Church were also safeguarded by the oath, which the Director Gen- eral imposed upon his vice-director on the South River, Jean Paul Jacquet. He had to promise and swear to maintain and advance as much as possible "the Re- formed Religion, as the same is preached here and in the Fatherland conformably to God's word and the Synod of Dort."^ The two ministers, Peter Hjort and Mat- thias Nertunius, who had been stationed at Fort Casi- mir and Fort Christina, were sent to New Amsterdam, and finally transported, with Governor Rising and others who refused to submit to Dutch authority, to Europe. Thus the Reverend Lars Carlson Lock was the only Lutheran clergyman, who remained to minister to the Swedes and Finns, of whom at least two hundred lived on the river above Fort Christina. The Dutch ministers of New Amsterdam do not give a very flatter- ing report of this man. "This Lutheran Preacher is a man of impious and scandalous habits, a wild, drunken, unmannerly clown, more inclined to look into the wine can than into the Bible. He would prefer drinking brandy two hours to preaching one . . . Last spring this preacher was tippling with a smith and while yet over their brandy, they came to fisticuffs and beat each others heads black and blue; yea, the smith tore all ^Col. Docs. N. Y.xii. 119." 2 Ibid. 117. This same oath'' (accidental changes of a word here and there) was taken by WilHam Beeckman, appointed Com- missary of the West India Company on the South River, July 30, 1658, by the Director General and Council. ■^iV ^i# \.ii i«}i /J 8' ft^- 'Mr '' t £ "V J. ^' ^' . W ^■^' >il' HV ^c H<: -i/' i^: X M M V '^i^ '^^ =\^' ri^. ^ W ^yf' /i^^ 126 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND the belongings left by Jacob Jongh, who was indebted to the company to the extent of two hundred and forty guilders/ but Lock appealed to Stuyvesant for pardon and a remission of the fine, as his offense was due to ignorance. His self -marriage had been performed with out any bad intention and he would have willingly sub- mitted to the usages of the Reformed Church, if they had been known to him.^ Acrelius states that Lock, who had been suspended from the exercise of his minis- try some time, finally obtained a confirmation of his di - vorce from Stuyvesant, who also approved his second marriage. He was then again permitted to exercise his ministerial office among the Swedes.' Another Lutheran minister came to the colony, a 3^ear after the conquest of the Province, in the ship Mercurius, which had sailed with eighty-eight emigrants from Gottenburg before the cessation of the Swedish rule.* Although Stuyvesant was unable to prevent the emigrants from disembarking, he had Herr Matthias returned to Sweden in the same ship.^ The vice-direc- tor did not allow his two sons, bom during his admin- istration on the South River, to be baptized by the Lutheran minister,' but he continually urged the appointment of a Dutch Reformed minister in that region as a means of promoting immigration thither. 1 Minutes of Court at Altona, April 14, 1662. Col. Decs N. Y. xii. 366. 2 Lock's petition to Stuyvesant, April 30, 1662. Ibed 367. 3 Acrelius, History of New Sweden. Historical Society of Penn- sylvania. Memoirs, xi. loo-ioi. * Sprinchom, History of the Colony of New Sweden, Pa. Mag. of History and Biography, viii. p. 145. ^ Acrelius, History of New Sweden. Historical Society of Penn- sylvania. Memoirs xi. p. 92. * Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 410. Beeckman to Stuyvesant. *^tl '-J^Ji .l'''^i ):^t .r'-L / ?f ■€ s^ m iH til t^rM.i^»l^ ^,- *:•>'' ^i,/r fit ;€ m H 1 ^ >^' HV ^€ ^: M ,4 :^ nf ^1/ ;«!■ ''%r ''5^ '^<' V '^u; :if; 128 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND debt to the City of Amsterdam. To liquidate this debt and at the same time to strengthen the southern boun- dary of the Province, the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber and the Burgomasters of the City carried on negotiations, which finally resulted in the cession of Fort Casimir and the territory on the west side of the river , from Christina Kill to the mouth of Delaware Bay, to the City of Amsterdam. The Burgomasters, in their draft of the conditions for the settlement, did not neglect to provide for religion. They proposed to erect, in the market-place or some other convenient spot of the colony ; a public building suitable for divine service, a house for the minister, and also a school, which might serve at the same time as the residence of the school- master, whose office included the duties of sexton and psalmsetter. The salaries of both were to be paid pro- visionally by the City, unless the Company decided otherwise.^ In a later draft, the City of Amsterdam only offered to send there a schoolmaster, who was also to read the Holy Scriptures and set the Psalms,^ but the States General, in its ratification of the report of its com- mittee on the conditions for this settlement, insisted on the installation of a preacher and consistory as soon as the colony should number about two hundred families.' By the spring of 1657, from one hundred and twenty-five to one hundred and eighty immigrants had settled at Fort Casimir, which now received the name of New Amstel . Here the vice-director of the City of Amsterdam Jacob Alrichs, took up his residence. iCol. Docs. N.Y.i. 620. 2 Ibid. 631. 3 Ibid. 637. <5^i it- m f 17^ ?^ .^-^t^' * ;^ l^. '^ m m ^t . Hf ^^ j«! ■?4 ^iC >^^ Hr '^^ '^ ,\^ it ;^ u/' uf. ^f 130 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND become backsliders, and those, who are still weak in the faith, may be further strengthened."^ Before this let- ter reached Holland, the Classis of Amsterdam had already called and ordained the Reverend Everardus Welius for this post.* On the arrival of the new clergyman at the South River, a church was organized with Alrichs and Jan Williams as elders and with two deacons, one of whom, Pietersen, also performed the duties of a precentor and Comforter of the Sick. Everar- dus Welius, to the sorrow and grief of the colony, only officiated a short period, as he died on December 9, 1659. During his ministration, the church, which formerly counted only nineteen members, had increased to the number of sixty. ^ A few months before this, the Com- missioners of the colony at Amsterdam had an oppor- tunity to make good their promise to repress dissenting worship in New Amstel. The Swedish parson had dared to preach there without permission. On August 22, 1659, they wrote to their vice-director, Alrichs, that he "must by proper means, put an end to or prevent such presumption on the part of other sectaries," "as yet no other religion but the Reformed can or may be tolerated there."* The official orthodoxy of the colony began to give way in 1662 to the urgent necessity of obtaining colon- ists to repel English encroachments from Maryland. A company of Mennonites projected a settlement within the jurisdiction of the City's colony at the Whorekillon ^Alrichs to Commissioners, April 13, 1657. Col. Docs. N. Y ii. 7. 2 Acts of Classis of Amsterdam. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 371. 3 Col. Docs. N. Y. ii. 111-112. < Ibid. 61. ^■-■j'^^..r^. ''^sd:'i£^^% :-d- -ttr :^^ 4fi^ m£ is^ m \m. i^% % ':t v^: -m m'm i^ mm. ■ ^€ K ;c y^ It ^ ^^ '# ti^' ^^ #■ ■^^ X '^^ ^' '^ti mi 1^' i< "^if- 11 K M M Hi M ''H^ .v' (4i ;*! uf- uf- nr 132 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND concluded by another hymn, after which the court was to assemble for the transaction of public business. Although the society was to be composed of persons of different creeds, each member of the community had to declare his religious persuasion, for "all intractable people, such as those in communion with the Roman See, usurious Jews, English stiff necked Quakers, Puri- tans, foolhardy believers in the millenium, and obsti- nate modem pretenders to revelation" were not admitted into the colony.^ In April, twenty-five Mennonite families declared their willingness to settle in the City's colony in New Netherland, if the City would loan each family two hundred guilders in addition to the passage money, for the repayment of which the whole body was to be bound. The authorities only granted each family a loan of one hundred guilders, including their passage money. ^ A few months later, the con- tract^ between the Burgomasters and Regents of the City of Amsterdam and Pieter Cornelius Plockhoy, the leader of the Mennonite settlers for the South River, was concluded for the tract of land at the Whorekill, which was to be exempt from all taxation for a term of twenty years. Twenty-five hundred guilders were raised by the City of Amsterdam and loaned to this association, which was also bound in its entirety for the repayment of this debt. In the summer of the same year, Hinyossa, the successor of Alrichs, who had died in 1659, offered * O'Callaghan, New Netherland, ii. 465-9. Kort Verhaal van Niewe Nederlandt, Gelegenthiet, Natuurlyke Voorrechten byzon- dere Bequaemheyt tur Vervolkingk, etc. 2Col. Docs.N. Y. ii. 176. ^ Ibid. 176-177. j-'-*^ ■:^ iW^ v«r v^ ?^ i^, £#^ ?r ^:t v^; -ittf iifif- iit|_ j^jsfej?^^, ICj^ >l|^ W '^i \ ^ st ":^' nf ^it^ 'M- 134 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Hadson, who had died on his passage to America, both of which manifest the condition of the orthodox faith on the South River at the time. The children had not been baptized since the death of the Reverend WeHus, five years ago, and there were many persons in this region with "abominable sentiments," " who speak dis- respectfully of the Holy Scriptures."^ Meanwhile, the Directors of the Company had conceeded to the Burgo- masters of Amsterdam all the territory on the west side of the river and a tract three miles wide along the entire east bank. Thus the friction that existed between the magistrates of the City's colony and the authorities of the Company's colony at Altona was happily terminated. Since the death of Alrichs, the whole policy of his succes- sor, Hinyossa, was to claim independence from the con- trol of the Company's authority. He refused to have the proclamations of thanksgiving days sent by Stuy- vesant published, and appointed days of thanksgiving in his own name instead.^ A settlement of the question became urgent. The cession of this territory was also made in the hope that thus a barrier would be placed to the encroachments of Maryland, by active coloniza- tion on the part of the City of Amsterdam as the Burgomasters were bound to transport four hundred settlers thither every year. Although the City had even thought of restoring to the Company the territory previously obtained, the Burgomasters now persuaded themselves to continue and even increase their colonial enterprise, as "there is now as good an opportunity as ^Selyns to Classis of Amsterdam. June o, 1664. Eccl. Recs. N.Y. 1.550. 2 Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 390. , ^m w.l- imt r^ nr' tS m % 'K ^^^ *5^ ^;^'i*^ ?r: :t 'i^i m i^ m H M-i^-. Mt^ M i ■^ ... V ,• ij* ^if^ ^^- w CHAPTER V The Religious Factors in the English Immigration A constant stream of English immigration into the Province of New Netherland began when the West India Company, under pressure from the States General surrendered, in the fall of 1638, its monopoly of the fur trade, opened to free competition also the other internal trade of New Netherland to colonists of the Province, and extended all these privileges not only to the inhabi- tants of the United Provinces, but also to their allies and friends who might be inclined to sail thither to engage in the cultivation of the land/ Although this English immigration was at first composed only of individual settlers from Virginia and New England, the Provincial government in the year following felt the necessity of assuring itself of their allegiance. The English settlers were, therefore, ordered to subscribe to an oath of fidelity "to their High Mightinesses the Lords States General, his Highness of Orange, and the Noble Director and Council of New Netherland ; to fol- low the Director or any of his Council, wherever they shall lead; to give instant warning of any treason, or ^ O'Callaghan, History of New Netherland, i. 200-3 (The proclamation is here printed in full.) Broadhead, History of New York, i, 288. (136) }(i "«ff V^ m '4 i?^ A '^ J^ . '.i^ "it sif- ' X ^; '-W ■!> •^•■oir- ^W ¥: '^€ #■ ?€. % '^^\ n < v^- «^ m '% '* ^f: "i^- M jn ;.M M >^^ f '\t' i^ »-^ ■^^ M ;^ , i!^ iW iif 4^ i .ui ^r H ul' >l(< ^If ' 138 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND ister of the Dutch Reformed Church.^ With the exten- sion of the rights of trade and property to foreigners, there might naturally be expected an increase of dis- sent. This may be the explanation of the more detailed religious legislation in the articles proposed by the West India Company, which recognized the importance of establishing the proper order for public worship in the first commencement and planting of the population according to the practice established by the govern- ment of the Netherlands. The decree which followed is of great interest, on account of the close resemblance of its phraseology to the decree drafted by Stuyvesant against the conventicles which later arose principally amongst the English settlers of Long Island. Al- though religion was to be taught and preached in the Province of New Netherland ''according to the confes- sion and formularies of unity . . . publicly accepted in the respective churches" of the fatherland, no person was thereby to be "in any wise constrained or ag- grieved in his conscience," but every person was to be "free to live in peace and all decorum, provided he take care not to frequent any forbidden assemblies or con- venticles, much less collect or get up any such ; and fur- ther abstain from all public scandals and offenses which the magistrate is charged to prevent by all fitting reproofs and admonitions, and if necessary to advise the Company from time to time of what may occur there herein, so that confusion and misunderstanding may be timely obviated and prevented." The Company ^Cf. Art. xxvii. The union of minister, schoolmaster and Comforter of the sick, evidently refers to the Dutch Reformed Church. Col. Docs. N. Y. ii. 551-7. : ^ M >ir \u % .ij- )€ ^'^ J- ■ -. "" ..." i>^ i- i«f- .H.i *•»• U?' ^if- uf 140 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Their deputies to the Assembly of the XIX were to urge free access to New Netherland for the Count of Solms and other inhabitants of those countries. They were also instructed to return with the conditions of such col- onization, which the West India Company had been ordered to enact. If the Company failed to submit the new charter for approval and ratification to the States General, their High Mightinesses threatened to grant such a charter independent of the Company through the plentitude of its own power. ^ Finally on July 19, 1640, the new charter of Freedoms and Exemptions was promulgated, of which "all good inhabitants of the Netherlands and all others inclined to plant any colon- ies in New Netherland" might take advantage. The provisions of this revised charter in regard to religion are much less liberal in tone than the articles that had been proposed before by the Company. The subjec- tion of the Church to the civil authority, which is expressed in all the Confessions of the Reformed Churches, also found its expression in this charter. It reserved to the Company the founding of churches, and to the Governor and Council the cognizance of all cases of religion.^ The decree renewing the establish- ment of the Dutch Reformed Church in a negative form emphasizes the hostile spirit of the new constitution of the country towards dissent. "And no other religion shall be publicly admitted in New Netherland except * Proceedings of States General, May 31, 1640, in Col. Docs. N.Y. i. 118. The house of Solms had a county of about four hundred square miles, situated on the banks of the Lahn, near Nassau, Hesse and Wetzlar. Cf Bouillet, iv. 319 Calvinism was preval- ent in that region. 2 Cf. two last Arts, of the Freedoms and Exemptions. Ibid. 123 i •^-.^T "--..<-: iW .«rf »3aT J#' :«¥^i *Afi> f :# v^: i^^ ^^ Mi^.Mj4 1 iJl aff •1 I. X- y. ^^ II 142 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND also many Puritans or Independents, and many athe- ists and various servants of Baal among the English under this government, who conceal themselves under the name of Christians; it would create still greater confusion, if the obstinate and immovable Jews came to settle here."^ It may be interesting to note that the religious situation remained practically the same even after the cessation of Dutch rule. Governor Andros reported in 1678 that there were "religions of all sorts, one Church of England, several Presbyterians and Independents, Quakers and Anabaptists, of several sects, some Jews, but Presbyterians and Independents most numerous and substantial."^ Eight years later Governor Dongan affords a still clearer insight into the diversity of belief and the prevalence of religious indif- ference. "Here be not many of the Church of Eng- land; few Roman Catholics; abundance of Quakers; preachers, men and women especially ; singing Quakers ; ranting Quakers ; Sabatarians ; Antisabatarians ; some Anabaptists; some Independents; some Jews; in short of all sorts of opinion there are some, and the most of none at all."^ This religious indifference was not merely a later development under English rule, but a part of the heritage received from the Dutch. The concession of the new charter of Freedoms and Exemptions for New Netherland coincided with the rise of a migratory movement in New England, where the poverty of the soil gave the settlers little inducement to remain. In the words of Winthrop, "many men began 1 Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 336. 2 Col Docs. N. Y. iii. 262. ^ Ibid. 415 fl . S^^J^i- >v^^ ..r^..f- --h.^ -^-^li-^ !J I ".* tC '' 4 MM s 'W -^^ ^ -t , "4 '^^' ;^f ^if; m ^4T .r J< 144 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Netherland about the conditions for a settlement of the English under Dutch jurisdiction. Kieft no doubt thought that settlements of Englishmen, bound by an oath of allegiance to the States General and to the West India Company, would prove a good barrier to further encroachments on the part of New England govern- ments. The English were, therefore, permitted to settle in Dutch territory on equal terms with the other colon- ies of the Province* in accordance with the provisions of the charter of 1640, which became the basis of all future grants from the Dutch to the English. This guaranteed them practically "the very same liberties, both ecclesiastical and civil, which they enjoyed in the Massachusetts."^ They were not granted, as some his- torians seem to think, freedom of religion, but freedom of their religion. The pronoun is essential and saves the "fair terms" to the English from being a violation of the colonial charter just promulgated by the West India Company. Both the Dutch of New Netherland and the English of New England felt that their religion did not differ "in fundamentals." Robinson himself, the founder of the "New England Way," had declared as early as 161 9 "before God and men, that we agree so entirely with the Reformed Dutch Churches in the mat- ter of religion, that we are ready to subscribe to all and every one of the articles of faith of those churches, as they are contained in the Harmony of Confessions of ^Journal of New Netherland (1641-1646). Col Docs, N. Y. i. 181; For the conditions of an English colony, Cf. Council minute, June 6, 1641, in Col, Docs. N. Y, xiii. 8. 2 Winthrop's Journal, ii. 35 (ed, Orig Narratives of Early Am. Hist.) ^. J^% ^"^.^^'^.^^^-.-^'^.^i^. 146 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND that the Westminister Assembly "had agreed upon a certain plan of church government, practically the same in most points as that of the Reformed Church of this country, and had laid the same before the Parliament of England ... for approval," they experienced great gladness and singular "satisfaction" in "the assurance that between the English Church and our Church there should be effected a similar form of government."^ Even the triumph of Independency over Presbyterian- ism in England did not change this friendly feeling of the Dutch towards the English Puritans. Upon the restoration, the States General of the United Provinces permitted ' ' all Christian people of tender conscience in England and elsewhere, oppressed, full liberty to erect a colony in the West Indies between New England and Virginia in America, .on the conditions and privileges granted by the committees of the respective chambers representing the Assembly of the XIX. .Therefore, if any of the English, good Christians . .shall be rationally disposed to transport themselves to the said place under the conduct of the United States, (they) shall have full liberty to live in the fear of the Lord."^ Thus both English Congregationalists and English Presbyterians found a welcome in New Netherland, although the authorities, civil and ecclesiastical, of the Province naturally favored the latter, whose agreement with the Reformed Church was not limited to "funda- mentals," but also extended to church polity in detail. When the Court of Massachusetts learned of the intention of these families in Lynn and Ipswich to set- ^ Synods of North and South Holland, Eccl Recs.JN. Y. i. 192. 2 Doc. Hist N Y.iii. 37-39. ■i^J-ffiSftH;'MlfflKSyf?T!Ji?i5?^^ 4^ .» « M rc. .^c ^^.^f- 1 H 1 5HL i^ , ^. J^ ■W. * i^t I, « U .% ¥ f ¥' '^■^'! 3 i< "ri^; i^ i '^^ M ^ W H ^^ ;^ W ^^ \^ W « •vjf^ 4.! v.; /n'l-i 4 * M M «^ ^^ ■/€ .^4 ^^^' M^ W H •i^f .n(. t ■ 'M M 'n 't ')fi, iff I50 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND enjoy the same privileges as other subjects and to freely exercise their religion." The Director General and Council, in virtue of the desires of the Company, granted the petitioners permission to settle in the County of Westchester, which was then known as "Vredeland" or "the land of Peace. "^ The following summer, the patent was issued for the territory that he and his companions had occupied, but it makes no men- tion of religion.^ Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, with Collins, her son-in-law, and all her family,also moved, in the sum- mer of 1642, into Dutch territory and settled only a few miles east of the Throgmorton settlement on Pelham Neck near New Rochelle. The memory of her resi- dence there is still preserved in the name of Hutchin- son's River, the small stream that separates the Neck from the town of East Chester. The New England authorities understood very well the signification of this secession. Winthrop tells us that "these people had cast off ordinances and churches, and now at last their own people, and for larger accommodations had sub- jected themselves to the Dutch. "^ The New England mind was inclined to see the hand of God in the calami- ties which the Indian war brought upon these settle- ments of wayward Englishmen. Kieft had provoked a general uprising of the Algon- quin tribes against the Dutch by the massacre of the River Indians, men, women and children, who had taken refuge at Vriesendael, Pavonia and Manhattan from the Mohawks in search of the tribute from these * Council minute, October 2, 1642. Col Docs. N. Y. xiii. 10. 2 Ibid. * Winthrop's Journal, ii. 138. 151 >^8. tm- if Col. m l^: Ml 'KM M 1^ .?^ M ^ ^^ lif \r ^ X i^: «t ,* i^ '^ 1 52 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND attributes not to Rev. Th. Welde, but to the pen of Governor Winthrop, with the exception of the introduction. "God's hand is the more apparently- seen herein, to pick out this woeful woman, to make her and those belonging to her an unheard-of heavy- example of their cruelty above others."^ The Indians then attacked Throgmorton's settlement and killed "such of Mr. Throgmorton's and Mr. Comhill's fami- lies as were at home ; in all sixteen, and put their cattle into their houses and there burnt them." Fortunately a boat touched at the settlement at the time of the Indian attack, to which some women and children fled and were saved, but two of the boatmen going up to the houses were shot and killed. The few settlers who escaped removed again to Rhode Island.^ The fate of Captain Daniel Patrick^ was'^ also con- sidered by Winthrop as a punishment from God. Patrick had been brought from Holland, where he was a common soldier of the Prince's guard, and given a Captain's commission by the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Although there was little religion or morality in the soldier, he was admitted a member of the church of Watertown and made a freeman. Pat- rick soon "grew proud and very vicious, for though he had a wife of his own, a good Dutch woman and comely, yet he despised her and followed after other women. ' '^ On the discovery of his evil life. Captain Patrick removed to Connecticut and, in company with Robert Feake, began in 1639 the settlement of Green- ^ Adams, Charles Francis, ed. Antinomianism in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1636-38. 2 Winthrop's Journal, ii. 138. 3 Ibid. 153. - ■ v^ ;^ ^ ^ 'M ii( \^i < ,^ M iWt' T^ M i^- Vi([ V -iC tit ^^ :i^ 1^ '^ ■- 'lit >iif "'I H \# \Hr : it "'^- '^^ t^, "^, ijf 154 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND "so he fell down dead and never spake." The mur- derer was imprisoned but escaped out of custody. "This was the fruit of (Captain Patrick's) wicked course and breach of covenant with his wife, with the church, and that state who had called him and main- tained him, and he found his death from that hand where he sought protection. It is observable that he was killed upon the Lord's day in the time of the after- noon exercise, (for he seldom went to public assem- blies.) "^ In the spring of 1644, another English colony of Presbyterians settled on Long Island under the Dutch jurisdiction. When the church of Wethersfield had been so rent by "contention and alienation of minds" that the two mediators, sent out by the parent church of Watertown, "could not bring them to any other accord than this, that the one party must remove to some other place, "^ the seceders obtained from New Haven the lands that the colony had bought from the Rippowan Indians, and founded the town of Stamford. Over thirty families were settled by the fall of 1 64 1. A feeling of dissatisfaction also developed in some inhabitants of this town, which led to a migration from Stamford to Long Island. This in all probability was occasioned by a change in the right of suffrage, necessitated by the incorporation of Stamford into the Colony of New Haven, which limited its right of suf- frage to church members. The Presbyterians, who had amongst their number two ministers of their persuasion, Richard Denton and Robert Fordham, sent a commit- * Winthrop's Jottmal, ii. 154. ■'Ibid. i. 307-8. ':t '^^^ -^^^ '# 155 ''^ '^ % mi iSl .i'!( M. M\ H ^ fir \# V -< '*^^: ^t .^••?: «"•;( •r*^: 156 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND the Reformed religion, which they profess,* with the ecclesiastical discipline thereunto belonging." It may be of interest to note that the name of Richard Denton is not found in the list of the patentees.^ The history of the early church of Hempstead reveals no polity of the church apart from the govern- ment of the town. This close union of things spiritual and temporal is well symbolized in the use of the same edifice both as a church and as a town-house for the transaction of public business. It also was manifested in an order issued by the General Court with the consent Sacra, so accurately considering the fourfold state of man, in his created purity, contracted deformity, restored beauty and celestial glory, that judicious persons, who have seen it, very much lament the churches being so much deprived of it. At length he got into Heaven beyond the clouds, and so beyond storms; waiting the return of the Lord Jesus Christ, in the clouds of Heaven, when he will have his reward among the saints." Magnalia Christi, i. 398. His epitaph also gives a flattering estimate : Hie jacet et fruitur Tranquilla sede Richardus Dentonius Cujus Fama perennis erit, Incola jam coeli velut Astra micantia fulget. Que multes Fidei Lumina Clara dedit. Flint, Early Long Island, 126. ^Patent, November 16, 1644, printed in Thompson, History of Long Island, ii. 5-6. 2 It would be of interest to have the question solved of the relation of the document on file in the Public Record Office, London, dated 1628, to the settlers of the village of Hempstead on Long Island The Lord Keeper Coventry has endorsed it: "this letter was set up on the church of Hamsted in County Hertford and deliv- ered by Mr Sanders of the Star Chamber." It is addressed, "Michael Mean- well to Matthew Mark- well at his house in Muse- much parish," from Little- worth, which is the name of a parish in Berks. The letter gives the reasons why the author and some others have decided to go to New England. The objections urged against the Established Church refer both to polity and doctrine. Ceremo- nies, that have no express warrant in the Word of God, may not be used in the worship of God without sin. On appeal to the works of Cartwright, Penry and Knox, exception is taken to the teaching, that God's predestination resulted from his foreknowledge of good and evil, that Christ died for all men, that all children baptized are saved, that a man may fall away from grace, and that the Sabbath is not a divine institution. N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg. 1. 398. 't '\^i M' ^4'''t- 157 4 'if.;C M M ^4 ■^€ ;4 M' :< W- M ■ >k| M' 'J 4 Iff Vf^ -uf: %ir ■■■: 158 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND its provisions against trespassers. This was no doubt done at the instance of the town authorities themselves. The united action of the town authorities and the Pro- vincial Government is also indicative of the sense of the union of the Church of the town with the Reformed Church of the Province. This is also shown by the mi- nistration of Richard Denton in the English Congregation, organized in the capital of the Province, which wor- shipped in the same church building within the fort as the Dutch and French Reformed. An hour was as- signed to them, that would not conflict with the use of the church by the Dutch congregation. The dis- tinction between English Church and Dutch Church is clearly drawn in an ancient book of records in the Briggs family. "Sarah Woolsey was born in New York, August y^ 3d, in y® year 1650, August 7, she was baptized in y^ English church by Mr. Denton, Capt. Newtown godfather, George Woolsey was born in New York, October 10, 1652 ; October 12 he was baptized in the Dutch church, Mrs. Newton godmother. Thomas Woolsey was bom at Hempstead, April 10, 1655, and there baptized by Mr. Denton. Rebeckar Woolsey was bom at New York February 13, 1659, February 16 she was baptized in the Dutch church, Mr. Bridges, god- father and her grandmother godmother." ^ This close communion with the provincial Church hardly admits any doubt in regard to the character of the Church of Hempstead, and its minister, who moreover is expressly designated by the Dutch clergyman as a " Presbyterian preacher, who is in agreement with our church in * Briggs, C. A., Puritanism in N. Y. Mag. of Am. Hist, xiii, 42. r^-i J*^-.'^ „. •^i^ ^ '*ii_-^V':V .,,. i-i il: '''it y.h I !< ^< '^^ l6o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND by their personal appearance.* The authorities of both town and Province were anxious to obtain ' ' an able and orthodox minister." In 1660, Stuyvesant took ad- vantage of the departure of a New England minister, Mr. William Leveretts (Leveridge) by boat from New Amsterdam to acquaint the Directors with the needs of the English, who had been deprived of religious instruc- tion for some time. In the spring of 1661, the Director General was informed that there were many unbaptized children in Hempstead in consequence of the long va- cancy in the ministry of the town. He promised to send as soon as possible one of the Dutch ministers to admin- ister the sacrament, "hoopinge and not doubtinge that yow will use all possible meanes that the towne may tymely be supplyed with an able and orthodox minister to the edification of God's glorie and your owne Salvation." A few weeks later, Samuel Drisius visited the town, preached a sermon, and baptized forty-one children and an aged woman. ^ Finally, the services of the Rev. Jonah Fordham, the son of the old minister Robert Fordham, who had removed to Southampton, were engaged by the town of Hempstead. The minister 's salary was fixed at seventy pounds sterling a year, which was to be raised by a rate levied on every man in town. When some refused ' ' to contribute to the Maintenancy of a Protes- tant Minister," the magistrates were empowered by the provincial council "not only to constrain those that are unwilling, but by further denyal to punish them as they ^ Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, October 2 2, 1657. Eccl Recs. N. Y. i. 410-11, 2 Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 497. Stuyvesant to Magistrates of Heemstede, March 25, 1661. H'-^pe-in; m '*€ }^ :4jA.j^ , ■« W. -iJf. ;#■ fj^. »% ♦it jWi pi "M ^ ''^^ ■•'-J^ \-J' ■'-L*? .4 W i?|T ' 1 62 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND this concession was found in ' ' the Custome and manner of Holland." The settlers of the town of Flushing were the first to receive this concession in their charter. A few months later Gravesend received a charter with the same provision. ' The Reverend Francis Doughty had returned to the colony of Mespath upon the termination of the Indian war. Now internal dissensions arrested the progress of the settlement. Doughty claimed the privileges of a patroon and demanded from the settlers payment of their lands and an annual quitrent.^ His associates, Richard and William Smith, opposed these proceedings because the minister was only one of a number of equal patentees.^ These contentions probably gave rise to a defamatory song concerning the minister and his daughter, for which William Gerritsen, on June 10,1645, was found guilty of libel and sentenced to stand bound to the May-pole in the fort with two rods around his neck and the libel over his head until the conclusion of the English sermon, and threatened to be flogged and banished, if he should dare to sing the song again.' Doughty was evidently then ministering to the English congregation of New Amsterdam, whither he had again returned after a half year's residence in the Mespath Colony. The case between Doughty and his associates was brought before the Provincial Court, and the Direc- tor General and Council decided that he had no control ^ Tienhoven's answer to the Remonstrance, July 28, 1649. Col. Docs. N. Y. i, 424-31. 2 Council minutes, February 7, March 7, 1646. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 107-8 3 Council minutes, June 10, 1645. Ibid. 95. IJ^iJ- i S;;CK3 iW, i^i '^. , i>l; i< 'iff 164 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND was thus assured a salary of six hundred guilders a year, to be raised from the voluntary contributions of the inhabitants of the town. Under these circum- stances, a conflict might be expected to develop in Flushing. In fact, differences soon manifested them- selves and many began to absent themselves from the sermon and refused to contribute their share to the maintenance of the minister.^ In spite of Stuyvesant's intervention, the salary remained unpaid.^ The differ- ences even became more pronounced and disturbed the peace and unanimity of the town, which seems to have been rent into two factions.' William Harck, the sheriff of Flushing and his associates with the represen- tatives of the opposite party : Thomas Sael, John Law- rence, and William Turner, presented their case to the Director General and Council with the request for a pious, learned and Reformed minister, who was to be supported by the contributions of each inhabitant ac- cording to his ability. The Director General and Coun- cil admitted the justice of their case and resolved to adopt the measures necessary to promote peace, union and tranquility in ecclesiastical and civil affairs. Doughty 's restive nature could not suffer this to pass in sation. O'Callaghan's insertion "of belief" after articles is mis- leading. Hist, of New Netherland. ii. 226. ^ Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August 5, 1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 397. In the letter of October 22, they accompany their request for two English preachers with the petition "that direction may be given to the magistracy that the money be paid by the English to the magistrate, and not to the preacher, which gives rise to dissatisfaction." 2 Mandeville, Flushing, Past and Present. When Doughty insti- tuted a suit for the payment of his salary, it was discovered that the contract had been destroyed, William Lawrence's wife having "put it under a pye." Cf. Flint, Early Long Island, p. 174. 3 Col. Docs N. Y.xiv. 82. i.«. M- y. 1 66 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND others ' * the bread in the form and manner in which the sacrament is usually celebrated and given." This was done without any authority, ecclesiastical or secular, contrary to the ecclesiastical rules of the Fatherland and especially to the placards of the Director General and Council, " expressly forbidding all such conventicles and gatherings, public or private, except the usual meet- ings, which are not only lawfully permitted, but also based on God's Word and ordered for the service of God, if they are held conformably to the Synod of Dort as in our Fatherland and in other churches of the Reformed Faith in Europe."^ As soon as information of these proceedings reached New Amsterdam, the Fiscal was despatched to Flushing to arrest the preacher and the sheriff. William Hallett was degraded from his office, fined fifty pounds Flemish for neglect of duty, and banished from the Province of New Netherland. A few days later, he petitioned for the remission of the sentence of banishment, which was granted on the pay- ment of the fine and the costs of the trial. ^ William Wickendam, in accordance with the provisions of the placard against conventicles, was condemned to a fine of one hundred pounds Flemish. After the payment of the fine and the costs incurred in his case, he was also to be banished from the Province, but as he was very poor, with a wife and children, and a cobbler by trade, his fine was remitted on the condition that, if he were caught within the province again, he was to pay the fine. No appeal was made to the charter of the town by ^ Col Docs. N. Y. xiv. 369-70 Megapolensis and Drisins to Classis of Amsterdam. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 396-7. 2 O'Callaghan, Calender of N. Y. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. p. 178. \m ''-m «''a *^ ^€ M i* i: rr ^^ ^' m ■'* M ;^AJ^. g^ lb: I M >f, ^l^ f'^ii' 'in', h i '^' mr ^u ^^c H H . '^4 U •?! ' - "M M '4 M W '4>?- ' ;^ 1i^- '^ M : >t '^' ^^ ;■< W, iF?: "^ l68 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND roof carried off by a high wind in 1646 without injury to any of the inmates.^ Lechford tells us that "the good Lady was almost undone by buying Master Humphries farme, Swampscot, which cost her nine or eleven hun- dred pounds."^ Towards the end of the year 1642, Lady Deborah Moody, Mrs. King, and the wife of John Tilton were presented at the Quarterly Court "for houlding that the baptism of infants is not ordained of God."^ The following year, she was also "dealt withal by many of the elders and others, and admonished by the church of Salem,whereof she was a member, but, per- sisting still and to avoid further trouble, " she removed "from under civil and church watch" to the Dutch on Long Island with many others likewise infected with Anabaptism.^ Under these circumstances, it is not strange that the inhabitants of Gravesend should also obtain a charter that granted them "the free libertie of conscience according to the costome and manner of Hol- land, without molestation or disturbance from any Madgistrate or Madgistrates or any other Ecclesiastical Minister that may ptend jurisdiction over them."^ The patentees received the power and authority to build a town or towns, which must have excluded any disquali- fication for the office of a magistrate on the ground of Anabaptism. Nevertheless, the Director General Stuy- vesant and his Council insisted on a religious qualifica- tion for office in their answer to the remonstrance, that 1 Win throp's Journal, ii. 289. 2 Lechford, Plaine Dealing, 98-99. 3 Lynn Recs. in Flint, Hist, of Early Long Island, 106, [notes 1-2. ^ Winthrop's Journal, ii. 126. 5 Doc. Hist N. Y.i. 411. I'L -m..J.*y^ ^^■■^■'^.d^. M 4 »€ M i*- 4ft-.^J%^ 'iff ^I •*>v '■^<- .vv ^::€ ^4 M i^ Vff: ^t ht H 'C ' W: '^if 'm- lii^ "^i 'M- ' lyo RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND organized ministry made them as ready to attack a "hireling" ministry, as the Quakers later became. On February 12, 1652, Megapolensis requested the Director and Council to restrain the Anabaptist Anna Smits "from using slanderous and calumniating expressions against God's Word and his servants."^ Meanwhile, the Quaker movement gained adherents in the town, who soon became the object of a religious persecution. Another party also arose in Gravesend, which appealed, on April 12, 1660, to the Provincial government for relief in their religious destitution. Ten of the inhabitants of the village, only two of whom were English, the sheriff Charles Morgan and Lieutenant Nicholas Stillwell, informed the Director General and Council that "the licentious mode of living, the desecration of the Sabbath, the confusion of reli- gious opinion prevalent in the village made many grow cold in the exercise of Christian virtue, and almost sur- pass the heathens, who have no knowledge of God and his commandments." They requested, therefore, that "a preacher be sent here, that the glory of God may be spread, the ignorant taught, the simple and innocent strengthened, and the licentious restrained." Stuyve- sant and his Council were well pleased with this remonstrance and promised to fulfill their request, as soon as possible, but the English put an end to the Dutch rule before the promise was realized.^ The old settlement of Mespath never recovered entirely from the calamities of the Indian war. Even after the reoccupation of the colony, the dissensions 1 Council minute. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 155-6. 2 Council minute, April 12, 1660. Ibid. 406. 4# # ^ : &f- "4 M *•• Vi- *v .f, ^V..iif/' /: V ■;^:: ^il :J '^^ 'M, ?i*f' '^' • 1^^ ;^^' "^i i^^; '^^ '^yf 1 ;i^ .r i^-. < '. uf^ Hf- ''^' 172 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND preacher, "some inhabitants and unqualified persons ventured to hold conventicles and gatherings and assumed to teach the Gospel." Megapolensis and Drisius, therefore, petitioned the Director General and Council, on January 15, 1656, to intervene and provide for the continuance of legitimate religious worship during the absence of Mr. Moore by the appointment of a suitable person to read the Bible and some other orthodox work on Sunday, until other provisions were made. Stuyvesant entrusted the choice of a suitable reader to the two ministers with the advice of the magistrates and the best informed inhabitants of New- town. At the same time, he expressed his decision to have placards issued against those persons who,without either ecclesiastical or secular authority, acted as teachers in interpreting and expounding God's Holy Word. ^ On February i , 1 6 5 6, all religious meetings, ex- cept the Reformed, were prohibited under severe penal- ties.^ Meanwhile, the wife of John Moore, with her seven or eight children, apparently continued to dwell in the town minister's house. In the beginning of the year 1657, information was lodged with Stuyvesant that some of the inhabitants had in fact given Mr. Moore this house for his private use. The Director General promptly insisted that this house had been built "for a public use and successively for the Ministrij," and ordered the magistrates to submit an explanation of this strange proceeding.^ Mr. Moore again returned to Newtown and doubtless took up again the work of the ^ Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 336-7. 2 Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 20-21; ii. 34-35- 3 Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 384. '■ 'HI '% V 'm W; '.«, «^fH '^i. i¥;^ ^It iJf, i:l^ .«r ?C. • 174 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND go to rack and ruin for want of repair, to the great injury of religion in the town, which would thus be deprived of these resources for the continuance of a public ministry. Stuyvesant again insisted that the house and land "beeinge with our know- ledge, Consent and helpe buildt for the publyck use of the ministry," could not be "given and transported for a private heerytadge." Francis Doughty was, therefore, commanded to give and grant peaceful possession of this house and land to the School- master Richard Mills, and the magistrates and the inhabitants of the town ordered on their part to give to the heirs of Mr. Moore what was their due.^ Stuyvesant evidently tried to be very just towards Francis Doughty. On April 20 of the same year, Richard Mills was ordered to deliver to Mr. Doughty, trees, etc., planted and left on the lot of the deceased Mr. Moore. ^ After the surren-^ der of the minister's house, the town thoroughly re- paired the building. In the following year, the Rever- end William Leverich removed from Huntington, where he had been pastor, to Newtown, which welcomed his advent. Measures were adopted by the town to raise a salary for the new minister. Later the town gave him two parcels of meadow "for his encouragement among them," to which were added twelve acres more at the east end of Long Traines Meadow. The inhabi- tants now felt the need of a more suitable place of wor- ship, and on January 9, 1663, voted to build a meeting- house, but the disturbances leading up to the surrender 1 Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 496. 2 Council minute, April 20, 1661. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS. N. Y. (Dutch), i. 223. '4 [^'■L- ' •! IM ;t 'i^ 'i il * f "! \i£ )M m ^;€ % 'M- ■ f ' '!/• i^': M m. W; ^t '^ M /M /^ ^ M- ^^i ^ )£[ nt H H ^M .jf M- : : » ^: '^^ m ^# Iff ^y- t "'^^ M H H V^ j ^'■•lif^ ?^( M. : Hf 'If ^ '^- 176 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND jurisdiction, which was terminated, on its annexation by Connecticut, in the fall of 1663. In 1656, colonists, mostly from Hempstead, who de- sired "a place to improve their labors," received land and leave to settle beyond the hills by the South Sea at Canarise. This was the beginning of the village of Jamaica, which was known to the Dutch by the name of Rustdorp. The new settlement enjoyed the usual privileges possessed by the villages of Middelburg, Breuckelen, Midwout and Amersfort/ Although Quaker dissent manifested itself in the town of Jamaica a month after the arrival of the Quakers in New Amster- dam, the town at large was of one way of thinking in religion, so that church affairs were considered and transacted at the town-meetings.^ Drastic measures were adopted by the Director General to stem the Quaker movement, which was also favored somewhat through the lack of an orthodox minister. It was in response to the urgent request of some of the townspeople, that Stuyvesant, in the beginning of 1 66 1, sent Domine Drisius to baptize their children. On this occasion, the Dutch minister preached twice in Jamaica and baptized eight children and two aged women. ^ The position of the orthodox faith was strengthened in the town by the appointment of new magistrates: Richard Everett, Nathaniel Denton, and Andrew Messenger. These men had been informers against the Quakers in town, and Stuyvesant felt that they could be trusted to promote the Protestant cause, ^ O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland, ii. 323 2 Onderdonck, H. Jr. Antiquities of the Parish Church, Jamaica. Am. Hist. Rec. i. 27. 3 Col Docs. N. Y. xiv. 489-90. vfft i« r "ill *»^.L. r*v. >'»JL iff V^: 5W[ ^^^ >C H r :^ M- ^C 178 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND house and land was to revert to the town upon paying for such labor, as he had expended upon it, but if the town was the cause of his departure, then he was to be paid for what the house was worth. In the case of his death, the town reserved to itself the right of pre-emp- tion, if his wife should decide to sell.^ These liberal conditions were no doubt intended to make more certain this minister's continuance among them. The town now felt the need of a separate meeting house, which was built the same year. It was again agreed at the town-meeting that all the inhabi- tants of the town should pay toward the maintenance of a minister according to what they possess.^ There may have been some growth of dissent with a consequent refusal on the part of the dissenters to submit to the church rates imposed by the town. Such a movement was favored by the disturbed condition of the Island on the encroachments of English authority. A very significant movement of emigration from New Haven began to manifest itself on the restoration of Charles II. This colony only grudgingly acknow- ledged the King and in consequence had good reason to fear that the plan of Connecticut to absorb New Haven might be realized, as the King moreover bore no friendly feeling to this colony on account of its readiness to shelter the regicides Goffe and Whalley from his vengeance. The incorporation of New Haven was easily obtained by Governor Winthrop in the new charter graciously conceeded to the colony of Connecti- * Thompson, History of Long Island, ii. 100. 2 Onderdonck, H. Jr. Antiquities of the Parish Church, Jamaica Town Recs. UMM,'^J%M -^''W'M ':^ .r Ht. . l8o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND urged the continuance of all love and friendship between the two colonies, especially because of "our ioynt prf ession of ourr ff aith in our Lord Jesus Christ not differing in fundamentalls."^ The same idea is ad- vanced in the course of the negotiations with the New Haven petitioners in still greater detail. Application was first made by John Stickland of Huntington in the name of a company of Englishmen for information whether the disposal of the land at Achter Kol was still free and whether encouragement would be given to these Englishmen, if they should persist in their project to settle there on an inspection of the locality.^ In the beginning of June, 1661, Stuyvesant requested the English to send some of their number to view the land, after which the conditions for such a settlement might be established.^ Every courtesy was shown to the English envoys. On their return to New Haven, a committee was empowered by the English to conclude the terms, under which they with their friends and pos- terity could gradually settle in New Netherland at Achter Kol "for the enlargement of the Kingdom of Christ in the Congregational way and all other means of comfort in subordination hereunto." They were in hopes that ' ' the glory of God and benefit and welfare of the Dutch nation in America and the honor of their principals in Europe" would be promoted in a larger measure by their plantation than by any other settle- ment under Dutch jurisdiction. As they were "true 1 Stuyvesant to Gov. Endicott. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 179. 2 John Stickland to Brian Newtown, April 29, 1661. Col. Docs, N. Y. xiii. 195. 3 June 2, 1661. Ibid. AjA. ^ M-. n. t M In- M H '^* )*. . ■■^ a?' ?iif^ .'^ " M >sl /^! i\(l 'vi( vyf: ; 1 82 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND "by common consent such orders according to scripture as may be requisite for the suppressing of hairesies, schismes and false worships and for the estabHshment of truth with peace in those EngHsh churches." They also demanded the Governor and courts of New Amster- dam to protect the English churches and Synods "from any that oppose them or be injurious to them." The realization of this projected colony was impeded by the demand for practical autonomy in civil affairs, which the new colonists wished to regulate without the right of appeal to the Provincial government, ' ' accord- ing to the fundamentalls receiued in New Haven Col- lonie," as far as it should suit "Christ's ends" and the conditions of the new settlement. Stuyvesant was ready to give the petitioners the usual privileges of the charter of 1640 in regard to the election of magistrates, the administration of justice and all civil affairs,^ but this apparently did not satisfy the demands of the New Haven people, who sent John Gregory in the following spring to New Amsterdam to negotiate more favorable terms. Stuyvesant was willing to make all possible concessions in regard to religion and he again adverted to the fact ' ' that there is noe at the least differency in the fundamentall points of religion, the differency in churches orders and government so small that wee doe not stick at it, therefore have left and leave still to the freedom off your owne consciences."^ In fact, Stuyvesant had before expressed the hope that even these differen- ces would be removed "by a neerer meetinge and con- ference ' ' between the Dutch and English ministers with *Col. Docs. N. Y.xiii. 210-11. 2 Ibid. 216, March II, 1662. :*.«■]■ lif: ifS ,^i^| lit l# ^, ■i< "M: M m, 'vif- iJT 184 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND of this colony should take advice with some English minister or churches within the Dutch Province, but he now demanded that the approbation and consent of the Governor and Council be obtained for the calling of a Synod.* He readily yielded, however, to their demand to restrict the right of suffrage to church members and granted them power to make laws, which would be con- firmed by the Director General and Council, if they proved not to be repugnant to the laws of the United Netherlands and the Province of New Netherland.^ All other demands were also granted. Negotiations now ceased for some time, as the English were waiting for the return of Mr. Winthrop in the hope of a settle- ment of the claims of the Dutch, disputed by Connecticut, and also as no further concessions could be made with- out the consent of the Directors in Holland.' Mean- while, Stuyvesant sent a report of these proceedings to the Directors, who warmly approved the plan of the English to settle under the Company's jurisdiction at Achter Kol, as they would serve as a strong outpost against the Raritan and Nevesink Indians. This was of such importance to the Dutch Province that the Company was ready even to make concessions in the matter of appeal in criminal and capital cases. There were grave reasons against the concessions, as the New Haven colonists punished with death adultery, fornica- tion, and similar offences according to the Law and Word of God, while the laws of the Netherlands were much more lenient in this regard. Nevertheless, the Company * May 30, 1662. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 221. 2 Ibid. 222. 'Robert Treatt to Stuyvesant, June 29, 1663 Ibid. 267. '^'■^MiM-M. if5. ;.sg; \?i,t K kl i^: ' 1 86 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND matter ended, doubtless on account of the rumors that were prevalent in the New England colonies at this time, that the Province of New Netherland was soon to be subjected to English authority. In spite of the con- quest of the Dutch Province, some of the New Haven people persisted in their design to settle in those parts on the presentation of a favorable opportunity. This occurred on the creation of the Province of New Jersey, which offered them permission to settle under a town constitution, limiting the franchise to communing church members. This settlement, under the leader- ship of Robert Treatt and the minister Abraham Pier- son, was established between the years 1665-67, with colonists from Guilford, Branford and Milford, on the Passaic River. The town first received the name of Milford, which was soon changed to Newark, the English home of its pastor.^ ^ Cf. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, ii. 12-15. itii .if| M ^vjI^^ i# 'iW- ^^ ■ r ■'«' n M :t- n H ■ - 74' ?i*f '^' w ijf 'i^" ' ^ 1^: % m i< W; iK; ^S 1 88 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND maintenance of the Reformed Religion than the eccle- siastical authorities, who, in obedience to the command of the Classis of Amsterdam, " employed all diligence to ward off the wolves from the tender lambs of Christ."^ On October 4, 1653, the Lutherans petitioned the Director General for permission to call a Lutheran min- ister from Holland and to organize a separate congre- gation for the public exercise of the Unaltered Augsburg Confession here in New Netherland. They had twice submitted a similar petition to the Governor, and had also addressed letters to the States of Holland and to the Directors of the West India Company to this effect.^ A twofold pretext was advanced in these letters' to Holland for their separation from the Reformed Church. They objected to the second question of the formula of baptism, used in the Dutch Church of New Amsterdam, in which, according to their statement, they were asked whether they acknowledged the dogma taught in the Christian Church "there" as the true doctrine. This was equivalent to a denial of their Lutheran Confession. Then they also objected to the strictness with which the Dutch ministers demanded the parents and sponsors to be present at the baptism of their children. As soon as the Lutheran petition came to the know- ledge of the Dutch ministers in New Amsterdam, they appealed to Stuyvesant, who "would rather relinquish his office than grant permission in this matter, since it is 1 Letter of Classis of Amsterdam to consistory in New Nether- land, May 26, 1656. in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 348-9. 2 Letter of Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, October 6, 1653, Ibid. 317-18. 3 Letter of the same to Director General and Council, August 23, 1658. Ibid. 428-30. t W-W^^i ^«{-; ««•?!,. ;%. 1^ liK l# m 'rf ^4^^ f "^il 'iM! s|| iff: IW' V# I ^¥' W HI ^i(- M- M- ; f -'C ^r ^H 'i^ t^^ ^^^ ;W "^^f '^^" ^^ 1^r '^4;" 'm WM '^r" ' "i€ "'W aC ^< \< iit ' "^il" '^1^^ >^( VIM «?t i!*V 190 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND cause of Christ. Under the influence of the Classis of Amsterdam, the Directors of the West India Company also classed with the Mennonites the English Inde- pendents amongst those who might urge claims for the freedom of religious worship upon the concession of such a privilege to the Lutherans. Some uneasiness was experienced in regard to the States of Holland, who might be inclined to grant the Lutheran petition, but these fears of the Classis were set at rest by the promise, by which the Directors of the West India Com- pany bound themselves to resist any such concession.* In this matter, the decision of the West India Company was pronounced finally on February 23, 1654, when the Directors resolved not to tolerate any Lutheran pastors there, nor any other public worship than the true Reformed. The Classis of Amsterdam was perfectly satisfied and did not doubt but that henceforth the Reformed Doctrine "would be maintained without being hindered by the Lutherans and other erring spirits."^ When the Directors of the Company an- nounced to Stuyvesant their absolute denial of the Lutheran petition, "pursuant to the customs hitherto observed by us and the East India Company," they recommended him to deny all similar petitions, but "in the most civil and least offensive way, and to em- ploy all possible but moderate means in order to induce them to listen, and finally join the Reformed Church, ^Classis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, February 23, 1654, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 322. 2 Classis of Amsterdam to Megapolensis and Drisius, February 26, 1654. Ibid. 323. J^iv.- ^■^*^.. '' ';ii" -ui- I. M W MM' W, \i^ '^^f m, Mr M,: ^ 192 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND wives to leave the Dutch Reformed Church and attend their conventicles. There was imminent danger, there- fore, of a large leakage in the membership of the Dutch Reformed Church of New Amsterdam. Thus the Lutheran movement "would prove a plan of Satan to smother this infant, rising congregation almost in its birth, or at least obstruct the march of truth in its pro- gress."^ The Lutheran issue entered a new phase on the suc- cessful termination of Stuyvesant's expedition of con- quest, to the South River. Here a commercial colony under the authority of a company, composed originally of Swedes and Dutch, had become nationalized to the exclusion of the latter element.^ As far as religion was concerned, this resulted in the establishment of the Lutheran Church on the Delaware, where divine service was to be " zealously performed according to the Unal- tered Augsburg Confession, the Council of Upsala, and the ceremonies of the Swedish Church."^ The out- ^ Remonstrance of Megapolensis and Drisius to Burgomasters and Schepens, July 6, 1657, in Eccl Recs. N. Y. i. 387-88. 2 Cf. Odhner, C. T., The founding of New Sweden, in Pennsyl- vania Magazine of History and Biography, iii. 1879. 3 The position of the Lutheran Church in Sweden is well sum- marized in the Church Act of 1686 under King Charles XI, that also reflects the conditions obtaining in the earlier period, in question here. "In our kingdom and in the countries belonging thereto, all persons shall profess solely and simply the Christian doctrine and the Christian faith, which is contained in the Holy Word of God, in the prophetical and apostolic scriptures of the Old and New Testa- ment, and which is comprehensively stated in the three chief sym- bols, the Apostolic, the Nicene, and the Athanasian, as well as in the Unaltered Augsburg Confession of the year 1530, adopted 1593 by the Council at Upsala and explained in the entire so-called Book of Concord. And all those who assume any office as teachers in the churches, academies, gymnasia or schools, shall at their ordination, or when they receive a degree under oath solemnly subscribe this doctrine and confession." Cf. John Nicum,The Confessional Histoiy f.*.^*t.» U\ imi «*?r '»€- /-"mL ■;'■*- ^r >- 4 • tit; J. it >« It ''M W' ^Wl l^-- 'i^t- ,4. ■ 'it U M. ] '< ■;-^ m- m. h ?3 - ;' '^ ^4^ ',W' m '?f ^^' ,?■ ^ l4i: '^.^^ ""^i W^M ^riv ' i4 "^^' M m, \f^ iV?: ' '^l/"'^ltf' ^J^ 194 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND assemble for the private exercise of their worship. Nevertheless, the proximate occasion for the decree against conventicles was not given at Amsterdam but at Middelburg (Newtown). The inhabitants of this town were mostly Independents, with a few Presbyter- ians. The latter could not be supplied with a Presby- terian preacher, but a Mr. John Moore, who claimed to have been licensed in New England to preach, but not authorized to administer the sacraments, attended to their spiritual needs. On the departure of Mr. Moore, "some inhabitants and unqualified persons ventured to hold conventicles and gatherings and assumed to teach the Gospel." Other places in New Netherland were as destitute of an authorized ministry and there was imminent danger in the minds of the preachers of New Amsterdam that this bad example would find imitation and result in quarrels, confusion and disorders in Church and commonalty. On the re- ceipt of a petition from the ministers of New Amster- dam for his intervention, Stuyvesant expressed his decision to have placards issued against those persons, who, without either ecclesiastical or secular authority, acted as teachers in interpreting and expounding God's Holy Word. Stuyvesant also felt that this was a viola- tion of the political and ecclesiastical rules of the fatherland, and an occasion for an outbreak of heresy and schism. Consequently, all such conventicles, both public and private, were prohibited by the Director Gen- eral and Council under heavy penalties in the ordinance of February i, 1656.* Persons presuming to ex- 1 Recs. of New Amsterdam, i. 20-21; ii. 34-35; Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 343-4- v-'y v-'r^ ex RX? .'v*ji'y*W*«P*flj i ^ U H la '^rf; 'm 1, vf?, T^ 'if 196 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND many other ardent Calvinists of his day, eagerly desired the close union of the various national Calvinist churches, which had found an early expression in the presence of delegates from these churches in the National Synod of Dortrecht (1618-19). He, there- fore, appealed to the religious service of the Reformed Church, conformably to the Synod of Dortrecht, practiced in the Fatherland and the other Reformed churches of Europe, as the rule which was to establish the character of divine worship in his province. Thus, even at this time, Stuyvesant was ready to grant patents to new colonists, conceived along the lines followed by Kieft in his patents to Mes- path, March 28, 1642,^ and to Hempstead, November 16, 1644,^ which assured the colonists the "exercise of the Reformed Religion, which they profess with the eccles- iastical discipline thereunto belonging." The mind of Stuyvesant on this point is clearly manifested later in his long correspondence with the Milford inhabitants, who intended to found a settlement under his jurisdic- tion, with freedom of worship, although they were not Presbyterians, as the Dutch, but Congregationalists.' Although the ordinance legislated for the repression of the freedom of religious worship in conventicles not within the pale of the Reformed Church, the Director General and Council were careful to include the more liberal provisions of the "Articles" that had been pro- posed by John de Laet in the name of the West India ^ Book of Patents GG. p. 49; cited in Riker, Annals of New- town, p. 413. 2 Thompson, History of Long Island, ii. 5-6. 3 Correspondence from April 29, 1661 to July 20, 1663. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 197, et passim. .* :4 if V"i^ ^c 198 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND ordinance was entrusted to the fiscal and inferior magistrates and schouts throughout New Netherland, and its presence in some of the town records shows the fideUty with which these orders were fulfilled.^ In this way, the Director General and Council believed that they had made ample provisions for "the glory of God, the promotion of the Reformed Religion and public peace, harmony, and welfare." Although the decree against conventicles did not affect the position of the public worship of the Lutheran faith in the conquered territory of New Sweden, the Lutherans of New Amsterdam understood at once that their religious assemblies did come under the prohibitive ordinance. They, therefore, discontinued the divine services, which they had been holding regularly, in private, during the past year.^ The West India Com- pany was also under the impression that this decree had been directly aimed at the Lutherans. Its Direct- ors resented Stuyvesant's methods of repression, which were so alien to the spirit of conciliation, with which they tried to inspire his policy towards Lutheran dis- sent, but, in point of fact, they did not revoke the decree^ and expressly conceded only that measure of religious liberty, that had already been granted by the Director General himself: the free exercise of their religion in 1 Niemant vermach heimlike of openbare conventiculen of ver- gaderinghe houden t'sij int lesen, singen, of prediken op de ver- beurte van 100 ponden vlaems, en voor te toehoorders van ghelike 25 ponden vlaems bij ijder een, wat Religie of Sec- ten het oock mochten sijn volgens den Placcat van den i February 1656. Corte aenwijsinghe van enighe placcaten over beganene uisusenetc. Het Bouk Van Het Durp Utrecht Ao 1657. 2 Petition of the Lutherans to the Director General and Council October 24, 1656, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 359; and O'Callaghan, His- tory of New Netherland, ii. 320. m i^L ini M- Mm "Vtf: '^4.ri lii: :M '^4 * i^ ^^i^ af 200 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND its deputies on Indian affairs to wait upon these Direct- ors and magistrates of Amsterdam and insist on the "injuriousness of the general permission of all sorts of persuasions," but they could only learn that the matter was still far removed from a settlement. ^ Meanwhile, the Lutherans at New Amsterdam had received word from fellow-believers in Holland that they had obtained a decree from the Directors of the West India Company, according to which the Unaltered Augsburg Confession was to "be tolerated in the West Indies and New Netherland under their jurisdiction in the same manner as in the fatherland under its praise- worthy government." They, therefore, petitioned^ the Director General and Council to allow them again to celebrate with prayer, reading and singing, until the arrival of a minister of their own persuasion, whom they expected to receive from the Fatherland next spring. Stuyvesant refused to alter his decree against conven- ticles and all public gatherings "except those for the divine service of the Reformed Church prevailing here," but he again declared that no one was to "suffer for this belief, nor be prevented each in his family from reading, thanksgiving, and singing according to their faith." If there were to be any changes in this legisla- tion, they were to be made by the Directors of the Com- pany, to whom the petition was finally sent. Thus the issue was again presented for settlement at Amsterdam, where the Classis instructed its deputies on Indian affairs "with all serious arguments ... to check, at the ^Classis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, vi. 39, i. 360 in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. November 7, 1656. 2 Petition of the Lutherans, October 24, Ibid. i. 656, 359. ri <*m '*?L . '^ ■'^ J^- H4^ ''.r '"^i^^ Ta / <«; iift .*t ^^l- ^^^L /'U , [%..,r^-. )t M J^l 202 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND force the consciences of men, and the ministers denied that this was the purpose of their intervention. Under these circumstances, the Classis, not feeling entirely at ease, resolved to encourage "the consistory in New Netherland to continue in their good zeal to check these evils in every possible way; diligence and labor are required to prevent false opinions and foul heresies from becoming prejudicial to the pure truth." This is also the burden of the letter,^ which the Classis of Amster- dam sent the consistory of New Netherland, to intro- duce the Rev. Everardus Welius, the first minister to the City's colony of New Amstel. The departure of a Lutheran minister, John Ernest Goed water, for New Netherland in the ship "DeMolen" on a mission from the Lutheran consistory was a new cause of anxiety to the Classis of Amsterdam. The Dutch ministers recognized the inconsistency of the concession of freedom of worship to the Swedish Lutherans on the South River and of its denial to the Dutch Lutherans on the North River at New Amster- dam. The Classis, therefore, resolved that the Directors were to be urged to correct this abuse in the territory of the West India Company and the Burgomasters requested to instruct their vice-director Alrichs to oppose the Lutherans and other sects in the district subject to the authority of the City of Amsterdam.' Both promised to be on their guard, and not permit, but rather endeavor to prevent the public exercise of the Lutheran worship.^ Stuyvesant, nevertheless, faith- lEccl.Recs.N. Y. i. 378. 2 Classis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, May 7, 1657, Ibid 377- ^ Acts of Classis of Amsterdam, Ibid. 382. M i# ^f- "tf 1tf ^M- >^ KM 204 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND enthusiasts.^ The Burgomasters and Schepens imme- diately summoned the Lutheran preacher to appear before them for examination. He frankly confessed that he had been sent by the Lutheran consistory of Amsterdam to occupy the position of preacher here, as far as it was now permissible, though he felt confident that the ship "Waag" would bring the news of the concession of freedom of worship, which the Directors of the West India Company had under consideration at the time of his departure from the fatherland. The Burgomasters and Schepens could not believe that the Directors would tolerate any other worship than the true Reformed in this place, as the oath, which they took on the assumption of their ofhce, "to help main- tain the true Reformed Religion and to suffer no other religion or sects," had received the approval of the Directors. They, therefore, forbade the Lutheran min- ister to hold either public or private conventicles, and also to deliver to the Lutheran body in the city the let- ters, that he had brought from the Amsterdam consistory, until further orders. Then, as the matter concerned not only the city but the whole Province, they reported^ these proceedings to the Director General and Council, who com- mended in every particular their action and or- dered the Burgomasters of this city and also all inferior courts strictly to enforce the ordinance of February i, 1656, against conventicles, as this was "necessary for the maintenance and conservation not * Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August 14, 1657, etc., Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 400. 2 Ibid. 389. m 'I m^ m i. M '^^' y^ nr. ^iF- 'm ■ 2o6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND was resolved to persevere with his adherents.^ Stuy- vesant became all the more determined in his demand, as the order of the Provincial Government had been treated with contempt. Goedwater was again com- manded, on October i6, 1657, to leave in one of the two ships about to sail,^ but he secretly carried off his books and bedding,^ and concealed himself in the house of Lawrence Noorman, a Lutheran farmer,* to whom the Lutherans gave six guilders a week during the whole winter for the minister's support.^ The Fiscal was again ordered to place him under arrest for transportation to Holland at the earliest opportunity. Meanwhile, the Lutherans informed the Director General that their preacher was sick and requested the privilege of bring- ing him to the city for the medical care that he required. Stuyvesant granted the petition, but, on the arrival of Goedwater, immediately put him under the surveillance of the Fiscal, who was empowered to send the Lutheran minister to Holland on his recovery. This was done in the spring on the ship "De Bruynvisch." The Dutch ministers soon had the satisfaction of seeing the leader in the separatist movement of the Lutherans a punctual attendant at the Reformed service in his pew near the pulpit.® Their joy was, however, soon marred by the ^ Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, September 10, 1659, i^ Eccl. Recs. N.Y. 449. 2 Director and Council to Goedwater, Ibid. 408. ^ Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, October 25. 1657, Ibid. 412. * Megapolensis and Drisius to Director General and Council, August 23, 1658, Ibid. 430. ^ Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, September 24, 1658, Ibid. 433- ^ Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, September 10, 1659, Ibid. 449. The statement of this letter, that Goedwater ■m'nj. 1/ itii .ill M.. I m- ^4. *^ ' U '^fc- ^^i "S. l^v' \# r«il- '•i^: 'i*^ 'M. M '^ 'm M w M 208 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND customs prevailing at the beginning of the Reformation, when circumstances also made it imperative for the Church to attract people of a different belief.^ The Directors, therefore, ordered that the old formula of bap- tism, being "more moderate and less objectionable to those of other denominations," be used in the churches of the Province, and the words "present here in the church" be entirely omitted.^ Stuyvesant gave a copy of this ordinance to the ministers, as soon as it came into his hands, and requested them to draw up "a full and correct view of the case."^ The ministers declared their willingness to follow the example of the apostolic churches, who, though they gave freedom for the sake of the weaker brethren in minor matters, would not yield one iota to the obsti- nate and perverse, who came to spy out the liberty of believers and to bring Christians into bondage. They knew that the Synod of The Hague in 1 591 (Art. 28) put the question, proposed to parents and sponsors in the form — "Whether they acknowledge the doctrine con- tained in the Old and New Testaments, and in the articles of the Christian faith, and taught in conformity therewith, to be the true and perfect doctrine of sal- vation ? ' ' They were also aware that the Synod of Middelburg in 1581 (Art. 21) made the use or omission of the clause — " the doctrine taught here" — optional. Nevertheless, they did not feel that they could change the formula of Baptism that had been used so long in ^ Directors to Stuyvesant, May 20, 1658, in Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 418. 2 Directors to Stuyvesant, June 7, 1658, Ibid. 421. 3 Director General and Council to ministers of New Amsterdam, August 19, 1658, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 427. 'WU H 2IO RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND " had prescribed the presence of the parents at the bap- tism of their children, these provisions were not strictly enforced. This practice had also moved the ministers at New Amsterdam to be lenient in regard to this point until they noticed that young persons, who could hardly carry the child, and who had scarcely more knowledge of religion, baptism, and the vows than the child itself, presented children for baptism. To correct this abuse, the ministers had urged from the pulpit that none could so well fulfill the promises made in regard to the children at baptism, as the parents, who were, in fact, bound to do this by the Word of God.^ They, therefore, directed that henceforth no half grown youths were to present children for baptism. The Ciassis of Amsterdam supported the ministers of the colony in their opposition, and begged them not to make any alterations in the customary forms, but the Directors persisted in their demands,^ and mani- fested so much displeasure, that the deputies of the Ciassis on Indian affairs delayed addressing them on the subject until further correspondence with the brethren in New Netherland.' The Directors were not satisfied with the fact, that the Lutherans were now again taking part in the divine service of the Reformed Church; they wished to exclude any possibility of another sep- aration, that might arise if they should continue to * Megapolensis and Drisius to Director General and Council, August 23, 1658, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 430. 2 Ciassis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, vi. 134; xix. 53. Ibid. i. 440; Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 429. Directors to Stuj^esant, February 13, 1659. 3 Acts of Ciassis of Amsterdam, February 24, 1659, vi. 135; xix. 54, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 442. » ^?t ^^- ,^% i - iff M ^^ 212 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND newly appointed preachers, Blom and Selyns, who, before their departure from Holland, had also promised the Directors to make use of it in the exercise of their clerical office.^ When Megapolensis and Drisius learned this, they also resolved to use the old formula, prescribed by the Directors, "with the design of avoid- ing any division in the churches of this country."^ At this time, a feeling of unrest was noticeable among some Lutherans at Fort Orange, who began to take up a subscription for the salary of a Lutheran preacher, but this movement soon subsided.^ Here some Luth- erans had already joined the Dutch Church, and others were gradually being led to it. The Classis of Amster- dam, after consulting the Directors, instructed the Rev- erend Gideon Schaats, the minister of Beverwyck at Fort Orange, freely to inform those good people, "that they may dismiss their newly conceived hopes, since they may find abundant edification and comfort of soul through the blessing of the Lord in the Reformed wor- ship, if they harken diligently and endeavor to walk before God and man with a good conscience."* This proved the end of the separatist movement of the Dutch Lutherans in New Netherland until the termina- tion of the Dutch rule. ^Directors to Stuyvesant, April i6, 1660, in Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 461. 2 Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, October 4, 1660, in Eccl Recs.N. Y.i. 486. 3 Gideon Schaats to Classis of Amsterdam, September 22, 1660, Ibid, 483. * classis of Amsterdam to Gideon Schaats, December 5, 1661, Ibid. 515. ''? .* M M •fli. >«i ,.% i Jf W -Ti If ^^ .^^ ■ tie w 'y.j'' \#' M t- 'ml n M M ^^^' ■;^- w ar 214 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND was about to visit the Province for the thankless use of temporal blessings, "permitting and allowing the Spirit of Error to scatter its injurious passion amongst us in spiritual matters here and there, rising up and propa- gating a new unheard of abominable heresy, called Quakers, seeking to seduce many, yea were it possible even the true believers — all signs of God's just judg- ment and certain forerunners of severe punishments."^ On August 6, 1657, a ship entered the harbor of New Amsterdam, that carried no flag to reveal its charac- ter and fired no salute before the fort to announce its ar- rival. The Fiscal, who went onboard, received no sign of respect, and the Director General was not more favored, when he received the visit of the master of the vessel, who "stood still with his hat firm on his head, as if a goat." Hardly a word could be gleaned in regard to conditions in Europe, but finally it was learned that the ship had Quakers on board. Although the Quakers reported that the Governor was "moderate in words and action," they departed the following morning as silently as they had come and sailed eastward towards Rhode Island, where the Dutch thought that they would settle, as the Quakers were not tolerated in any other place. However, several Quakers had secretly remained behind, and endeavored to disturb and excite the people by the testimony, to which they believed themselves moved by the Spirit. Two young women ^ Dorothy Waugh and May Witherhead," began to quake and go into a frenzy" in the middle of the street, crying out in a loud voice, that men should repent, for the day ^ Proclamation, January 21, 1658, in Recs. of New Amsterdam ii. 346-7. ^t 'tfe .!#. :m M '^li' af > ■:.#'•■ '•■.»* '*/!. v 2l6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Hodgson "pacing the orchard alone in quiet medita- tion," He was at once arrested and confined in the house of Richard Gildersleeve. While the justice of peace went to church, the Quaker attracted a large crowd of people before the house, "who staid and heard the truth declared." On his return, the magistrate, annoyed at being thus outwitted, committed the pris- oner to another house and immediately left for Man- hattan to inform Stuyvesant of the arrest. The Director General commended the zeal of the magistrate in suppressing the "Quaker heresy," and sent the Fiscal with a guard of twelve musketeers to bring Hodgson and those who had entertained him in their homes to the Fort in New Amsterdam. Meanwhile, Hodgson, had renewed his tactics of the morning. ''In the after- noon," he says, "many came to me, and even those that had been mine enemies, after they heard the truth, con- fessed it." On the arrival of the Fiscal and guard, Hodgson was searched and his papers and Bible seized. He was then bound with cords and remanded to prison. Mean- while, diligent search was made "for those two women who had entertained the stranger." As soon as they were found, they were placed under arrest, although one of them was burdened with a nursing infant. The two women were placed in a cart, to the tail of which Hodg- son was tied and thus dragged through the woods and over bad roads, "whereby he was much torn and abused." On their arrival at Amsterdam, the women were put in prison, but soon after they were again released and allowed to return to their homes. Hodg- son, however, was cast into a ' ' dungeon full of vermin "W vW 1^ .. ^-. . v.- -.^^ .J - ^r\ . : » ill t, I ^l^■ 's? M '■^- "'tf ^M' I Ik m %■ . \l % ^^ . 2l8 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND was again chained to the wheelbarrow and threatened with severer punishment, if he should dare to speak to any person. When he refused to keep silent, he was confined to his dungeon for several days, "two nights and one day and a half of which, without bread and water." Then he was taken to a room, where he was stripped to his waist and hung to the ceiling by his hands with a heavy log tied to his feet, "so that he could not turn his body." He was then scourged with rods by a negro slave until his flesh was cut into pieces after which he was kept in the solitary confinement of a loathsome dungeon for two days, when he was again made to undergo the same savage torture. Hodgson now felt as though he were about to die and asked that some English person might be allowed to come to him. An English woman was then allowed to bathe his wounds. She thought that he could not live until morning. When she told her husband of the horrible condition of the prisoner, he tried to bribe the Fiscal with the offer of a fat ox to obtain permission for Hodg- son's removal to his own house until he recovered. This was refused and the payment of the whole fine demanded. The Quaker would not consent to this and was kept "like a slave to hard work." Other persons also interested themselves in favor of the Quaker's release. An unknown person sent a letter to Stuy- vesant and counselled him to send the obstinate Quaker to Rhode Island, as his labor was hardly worth the cost . When Stuyvesant's sister Anna, widow of Nicholas Bayard, interceded earnestly in behalf of the prisoner, ■m rsH- W^ "M^- ^^^ )€ *^r^a^-^4«?- ^^t Ml ;^i iMk ,U'l i i 'i?' iw ^r M Ji^- 1?^ ^^• ^ ^^ f iw! '^'^^ ■ ' t H i^?t ii( ^ -4^ /€ M ; iA /*^ ■•«■%-. J%. r^. ^# ^% ^ i '^it Vff, 3^., < «:*_ iiif j*!S> 2 20 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND their approval and then presented to the Director Gen- eral and Council/ A town meeting was assembled in the house of Michael Milner, where the clerk read the remonstrance to the people of the town. Thirty-one signed this protest. They cannot condemn the Quakers nor can they stretch out their hands to punish, banish or persecute them, when they are bound by the law to do good unto all men, especially to those of the house- hold of faith. If the alternative is placed before them, to choose between God and man, their conscience will not allow them to hesitate in the choice, as "that which is of God will stand, and that which is of man will come to nothing." They further declare that "the law of love, peace and liberty in the state, extending to Jews, Turks and Egyptians, as they are considered the sons of Adam, which is the glory of the outward state of Hol- land, so love, peace and liberty, extending to all in Christ Jesus, condemns hatred, war and bondage." The Savior had pronounced woe unto those by whom scandal cometh ; their desire ' ' is not to offend one of his little ones in whatsoever forme, name or title hee ap- peares in, whether Presbyterian, Independent, Baptist or Quaker ; but shall be glad to see anything of God in any of them ; desiring to do unto all men as wee desire all men to do unto us, which is the true law both of Church and State." They, therefore, conclude, that, if any Quakers should come to them in love, they cannot in conscience lay violent hands upon them, but give them free ingress into their town and houses according to the 1 Cross-examination of Hart, Col. Docs., N. Y., xiv. 404-405; petition of Hart for pardon, January 23, 1658, Ibid. 409. ( M^: m V 'H 'm'M ^ -f W; M., j-^ •€ M m 1^. '^li '^^ (< :># M 222 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND ter." This had been their conclusion of a close study of the patent, which they called their charter, and if they were in the dark in this matter, they desired to be corrected, as they did not know the articles, which the Fiscal had called their charter. They also protested that they had put into execution to the full extent of their powers their ' ' Honners perticular wrting an order concerning y^ Quakers." If they were, therefore guilty of any offense, it was at most the result of ignorance, which they pleaded as the excuse for having signed a writing offensive to the Director General and Council, presented by Tobias Feake. Their fault was graciously forgiven and pardoned on the written acknowledgment of their error and promise to be more cautious in the future and on condition of paying the cost and mises of the law.^ The clerk, Edward Hart, also obtained liberal treatment at the hands of the authorities under the same conditions. His request for a pardon had been supported by several of the inhabitants of Flush- ing, where he always had been willing to serve his neighbors, whose circumstances he knew thoroughly, being one of the oldest inhabitants of the town. Finally, the Director General and Council pardoned him, as he had drawn up the remonstrance at the instigation of the schout, Tobias Feake, and as he had a large family dependent upon him for their support. Thus all the responsibility was thrown upon the schout of Flushing. Tobias Feake could not deny that he had received "an order from the Hon. Director Gen- eral not to admit, lodge^and entertain in the said village 1 Col. Docs N. Y. xiv."4o8, 409. 'ft..M-l^ '•tf W ^:§|' ■ 'iir lii;^ m ■\r ^rf '4- •il, -^M: '^^ ^ ^ W 'W : \li 'iff- "m 224 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND even dare to attend to the cases pending in the court without further orders.* When WilHam Lawrence, the oldest magistrate of the town, submitted a petition to this effect, it was resolved to suspend the meetings of the magistrates until the Director General and Coun- cil could personally visit the town or send a committee to give the orders, that were required by the conditions not only of Flushing, but also of the other neighbor- ing English villages. Meanwhile, any extraordinary matter, requiring immediate attention, was to be referr- ed to the Director General and Council.^ At the time of this visit, the inhabitants of Flushing peaceably sub- mitted to a modification of their municipal government, which Stuyvesant thought would prevent the disorders, "arising from town meetings." In the future, the sher- iff, who was to be "acquainted not only with the Eng- lish and Dutch language, but also with Dutch practical law," and the other magistrates were to consult in all cases a board "of seven of the most reasonable and respectable of the inhabitants, to be called tribunes and townsmen." The growth of Quaker influence was ascribed to the lack of an organized ministry in the English towns, and a tax of twelve stivers per morgen was^ imposed upon the inhabitants of Flushing "for the [support of an orthodox minister." Six weeks were^ granted for the signature of a written submission to^the provisions of this new charter. Upon the expira- tion of this term, recusants had the only alternative "to * January 20, 1658, Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 408. 2 January 22, 1658, Ibid. XL .-,.c/' "-C-. .a m M '^. 226 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND and of being implicated in the Flushing remonstrance. The accusation was made that he had gone, in the com- pany of the clerk of Flushing, to the house of Edward Farrington, whom he had persuaded to sign the remon- strance. John Townsend admitted, that he had been at Flushing, and visited Farrington as an old acquaint- ance, but he denied that he had persuaded the magis- trate to sign anything. He was also accused of having been in the company of a banished Quakeress at Gravesend. Although he also denied this charge, the suspicions of the court were not allayed. He was, therefore, given the choice either to go to prison, until the Fiscal could obtain more evidence on the friendly relations of the accused with the Quakers, or to give bail to the amount of twelve pounds sterling to ensure his appearance at the court on the summons of the Fiscal.^ On the same day, judgment was also pronounced in the case of John Tilton, formerly town clerk, who had been imprisoned on the charge of the Schout of Gravesend,^ that he had lodged a Quakeress, who had been banished from New Netherland, with some other persons of her adherents, belonging to that abominable sect. Tilton declared that the Quakeress had come to his house with other neighbors during his absence, but, in spite of his humble petition and former good conduct, he was fined "twelve pounds Flemish with the costs and mises of justice, to be applied, one-third in behalf of the Attorney General, one- third in behalf of the sheriff of Gravesend, and the rest as directed by law."^ The opposition to ^ Council minute, January lo, 1658. Col. Docs N. Y. xiv. 407. 2 Council minute, January 8, 1658. Ibid. 406. 3 Council minute, January 10, 1658. Ibid. ■' '■■"t '% K ;■■■ j.».?:-^ if.'\- ■■n.i, V«.f: "^i/i :]f.l' :'^S .m- ^"^ m W luf^ •C W /H; 228 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND sons Inhabiting In this Towne or y^ Limitts thereof shall duely resort and repaire to the Publique meetings, and Assemblies one the Lords dayes And one the Publique dayes of fastings and thanksgivings appointed by Publique Authority, both one the forenoones And Aftemoones." Persons, who absented them- selves "w'thout Just and Necessary Cause approved by the particular Court," were to "forfeict, for the first offence, five guilders, for yg second Offence, ten guilders And for y^ third Offence, twenty Guilders." Those who proved refractory, perverse and obstinate, were to be "Lyable to the further Censure of the Court, Eyther for the Agravation of the fine, or for Corporall punish- ment or Banishment." Finally, persons informing the magistrates or the particular Court about the neglect or contempt of this order, were to be re- warded by one-half of the fine, the other half of which was to be converted to public use.^ This ordi- nance, which had been passed by the General Court of Hempstead, September i6, 1650, was approved, ratified and confirmed, October 26,1657, by the Director General and Council of New Netherland, who authorized the magistrates of the village to execute promptly its provisions against trespassers. The authentication of the copy and its record in the Town books by John James, the clerk of Hempstead, bear the date of Janu- ary, 16, 1658. These facts show that the approved ordi- nance was returned to the town precisely at the time that the growth of the Quaker movement on Long Island claimed the strict attention of the authorities at New > Recs. of Towns of N. and S. Hempstead, Long Island, i. 56-57- '} .% :€ M f M M ':M 229 -i« ■ M i4 *4. m \^- M !i ■/ijij'l jSS if#-. ^ rif ^^ I hi m '^y . H Ij^ W ^' 'M '^m m 230 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND venticle or meeting in the woods, where there were two Quakers. The two women refused to admit them- selves guilty of any offence, as they had gone out to meet the people of God/ The opposition, which was early manifested in this way by the magistrates of the town towards the Quakers, was the policy pursued with- out alteration in Hempstead. When Thomas Terry and Samuel Bearing petitioned for leave to settle some families at Matinecock within the jurisdiction of Hemp- stead, the magistrates of the town drew up a contract, dated July 4, 1661, which bound the petitioners to observe the laws of Hempstead, to admit only inhabi- tants possessing letters of commendation and appro- bation from the magistrates, elders or selected towns- men of their former place of residence, and finally "to bring in no Quakers or any such like opinionists, but such as are approved by the inhabitants of Hemp- stead." This contract was confirmed and still more specified in some details as late as June 23, 1663.^ New measures were adopted by Stuyvesant for the repression of the Quaker movement on Long Island in January, 1661. Letters from Jamaica, Flushing and Middelburg (Newton) had informed him, that the Quakers had uncommonly free access to the house of Henry Townsend, who had, therefore, been placed under arrest. A good occasion to investigate the condition of religion in the towns known to be infected was offered, when some of the inhabitants of Jamaica earnestly requested one of the clergymen of New ^ Court minute, April 18, 1658. Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii, 12. 2 Recs. of the Towns of N. and S. Hempstead, i. 143-145; Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 528-529. ^■L. ,; «^. ,^ 'a^ -r ~i-. v>- MM J* IMMJW ./■■^•.r^^lgr I '-^^ 'm} M I m xif- ^W' si 'a- iW ^M- r tfl^- ^?f[ '^ if Bt: >^ ■ I .-i M. J^ J ^i£ ^^# W ■■•. 232 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND any equivocation to the charges of the pubHc prosecutor, who demanded that the prisoners be condemned to a fine of six hundred florins each, according to the ordinance violated.^ Henry Townsend finally acknowledged that he had lodged in his house some friends who are called Quakers, and that he had assembled a meeting at his house, at which one of them spoke, but he concluded with the protest, that, although they might squander and devour his estate and manacle his person, his soul was his God's and his opinions his own. He refused to pay the fine of twenty-five pounds to which he was sentenced on January 20th, and languished in prison, where he was daily supplied with food, which his nine- year-old daughter Rose passed to him through the gratings of the jail.^ Samuel Spicer was fined only twelve pounds. An order was also issued for the banishment of John Tilton of Gravesend and John Townsend of Jamaica. Mrs. Micah Spicer was also prosecuted for entertaining the Quaker, but she was acquitted, as she did not know that George Wilson was a member of that sect.^ Stuyvesant was now determined to enforce the ob- servance of the ordinance against private conventicles, especially in the village of Jamaica, where the move- ment of Quaker dissent was most prevalent at this time. Some of those who had been entrusted with authority had been so unfaithful to their office as to * Council minute, January 9, 1661, Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 491. 2 Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 292-3; 295. 3Cal. of Dutch MSS., ed. O'Callaghan, i. 220-1; Col. Docs. N. Y. 1. c, note. Thompson says, "The widow Spicer, mother of Samuel, was also arrested, accused and condemned in an amende fifteen pounds Flanders." jsf .C € M 'ft * -'* r^ '-^ ^^ :4 i* ■ tiif 'C ?% ^ j ^"^w 'in^ I ■"¥' '■* ^M'. :: f \lt i^ '4, 234 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND furnished with decent meat and victuals by those who still refused to concur in the desires of the government.* When these men remonstrated, they were informed that the soldiers would be withdrawn, as soon as they would sign the pledge to inform against the Quakers. Most of the recusants then sold out and removed to Oyster Bay beyond the jurisdiction of the Dutch government.^ In spite of all vigilance, the magistrates of Jamaica had to report, in August of the following year, to the Director General, that the majority of the inhabitants of the village were adherents of the abominable sect called Quakers. They themselves could do nothing to stop the increase of this sect, as the townspeople did not assemble in forbidden conventicles within their jurisdiction, but in a large meeting held every Sunday at the house of John Bowne in Flushing, where the dissenters gathered from the whole neighborhood.' Stuyvesant then ordered all the magistrates and inhabi- tants of the English towns in the jurisdiction of New Netherland to assist the sheriff. Resolved Waldron, to imprison all persons, found in a prohibited or an unlaw- ful meeting.^ John Bowne^ first visited Flushing on the fifteenth of June, 1 65 1, in company with his brother-in-law, Ed- ward Farrington. There he was married to Hannah ^ Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 493 2 Onderdonck, H., Jr., Amer. Hist. Rec. i, 210. 3 Council minute, August 24, 1662; Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 515. * Council minute, September 9, 1662, Ibid. 516. ^ For biographical data cf. Mandeville, Flushing Past and Present, p. 96, etc.; Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 285-6; 388; Watkins, Some Early New York Settlers from New England, in N. E. Hist, and Geneol. Reg., Iv. 300 (1901); Henry Onderdonck, Jr., Amer. Hist. Rec, i. 8, note i. 49-50 (1872). ' -4 -^4 ^4 • I?;- llff ii! {i S M M ;^i ' M: llf .'If ft III :iif,. i^ : ^a-^ x# ^ti;;-- . I M li'! W ^ !r^ 'm- M 'iC ; -lil^ tl|l r^. i if "iii^' ^-iL ^iC ^ '^a' >€' ?4' ; ii! M W H. 1# 'W "'^f^ ''* 236 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND he decided to leave the prisoner under guard till next day. Meanwhile, Resolved Waldron went to the town and in the evening returned with the Schout of Flushing. Bowne then demanded the order of his arrest from the sheriff, who at. first refused, but then handed it to him. When John Bowne saw that it was not a special war- rant, but the general commission of Stuyvesant, which authorized Waldron to arrest any person found in an unlawful assembly, he refused to go on foot to New Amsterdam in virtue of that order, as the sheriff had found him in no assembly of any kind, but the sheriff threatened to carry him off bound hand and foot. The next day he was transported thither in a boat and imprisoned in the courthouse. He attempted to obtain a few words with the Director General, whom he saw mounting his horse, but Stuyvesant gave the sergeant to understand that he would speak with Bowne only on the condition, that he would put off his hat and stand bareheaded in his presence, which Bowne declared he could not do. Stuyvesant anticipated the same refusal on the following day, when Bowne was brought for trial to the court room. As soon as he heard the approach of the prisoner, even before he came into view, the Director General bade him to take off his hat, but, before John Bowne could refuse, he commanded the Schout to give him the necessary assistance to comply with the demand. Stuyvesant himself read the ordi- nance against conventicles to the prisoner, but Bowne denied that he had kept meetings of "heretics, deceivers and seducers", as he could not admit the servants of the Lord to be such. Stuyvesant refused to argue and bluntly asked if he would deny that he had kept con- ■»f '4 >tf- '4 :^ ,:*t ;'# '^ wJ li;- .^ ^^^ :^ ^ 'ij'' i#' ^'if- '■ M- M ^ i : V--.,/' '-■■•J. '- .,.ir tr iff- ^ni m^ M M ^iC ^' i- 'iif^- life M i M ^c % i "M >€' ■■'4- -N ^if: ■#' f^f- >l ■,ri' -iif' ^M" jx. 238 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND and told him that he must remain until the fine was paid. The next day official notice of the fine was served on the prisoner, but he refused to pay anything on that account.^ At Gravesend, John Tilton and Mary, his wife, were also taken prisoners and transported to New Amsterdam to be tried for having attended meetings and for having lodged persons of the abominable sect of the Quakers.^ Goody Tilton was furthermore charged with "having, like a sorceress, gone from door to door to lure even young girls to join the Quakers."^ Two days after these complaints were made before the court, the Director General and Council issued an ordinance which interdicted under severe penalties the public exercise of any but the Reformed Religion, "either in houses, bams, ships or yachts, in the woods or fields, the provi- sion of heretics, vagabonds or strollers with accommo- dations, and the introduction and distribution of all seditious or seducing books, papers or letters." The ordinance also required the registration of all persons arriving in the province,within six weeks of their advent, at the secretary's office, where they were also then to take the oath of allegiance. The execution of the ordinance was to be ensured by the provision, that all magistrates conniving at the violation of this statute were to be deposed from their office and declared incompetent to hold any public trust in the future.* Two weeks after the proclamation of this ordinance, 1 Journal of John Bowne, Amer. Hist. Rec. i. 4-8 2 Council minute, September 19, 1662. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i.240. ^Thompson, Hist, for Long Island, ii. 295. * O'Callaghan, Hist of New Netherland, ii. 454-5. mm n\ ^4' ^^' /^' of 240 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND cause before the court, but Stuyvesant refused to grant this request of the prisoner and insisted that he either pay the fine or go into exile, but he allowed him to go home for a chest and clothes. Later William Leveridge was authorized to tell Bowne, that, if he would promise to go out of the Dutch jurisdiction within three months, he would be set free the next day, but John Bowne refused to give any answer to this proposition, except to the Director General in person. William Leveridge neglected to deliver the message to Stuyvesant, who now had the prisoner kept more closely than before in his place of confinement. On the last day of December, John Bowne was offered the liberty to visit, for the first days of the new year, his wife and friends, on the condition that he would promise to return to New Amsterdam on the evening of the third day. The Schout also told him that the Director General was still willing to set him free, if he would promise to remove with his family out of his jurisdiction within a month, but John Bowne refused to entertain this profi:er of Stuyvesant. Faithful to his promise, Bowne returned to New Amsterdam before the expiration of his leave of absence, and then was allowed the freedom of the town. He could learn nothing of the intentions of the authorities, although his chest, clothes, and bedding were still retained in prison. When a ship was about to sail, Bowne met Resolved Waldron. Upon the enquiries of the Quaker, the Schout saw the Director General, and then told Bowne to bring his things from prison and to transfer them to the boat. John Bowne now succeeded in obtaining an interview with Stuyvesant, who was very moderate in if' im mi m 1M^ WM i 242 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND should fail to deter these sectarians from further contempt of authority in Church and State. ^ When the Directors at Amsterdam received Stuy- vesant's letter, they felt that it was time again to restrain the religious zeal of the Director General within the limits which they thought would not injure the interests of their colony. While they were also heartily desirous of seeing the Province free from Quakers and other sectarians, their zeal for the re- ligious unity of the Province was tempered by the fear that a too rigorous policy might diminish the popula- tion and stop immigration, which had to be favored at this early stage of the development of the colony. Stuyvesant was, therefore, told, in the letter' of the Directors of April i6, 1663, that he might shut his eyes to the presence of dissent in New Netherland, or at least that he was not to force the conscience, but to allow everyone to have his own belief, as long as he behaved quietly and legally, gave no offence to his neighbors, and did not oppose the government. The Directors referred Stuyvesant to the moderation, prac- ticed towards all forms of dissent in the City of Amster- dam, which made it the asylum of the persecuted and oppressed from every country, with the result of a large increase of its population. The same blessing would follow an imitation of this policy of moderation in the colony of New Netherland. The letter of the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber has generally been inter- preted in the light of an edict of toleration extended to the Province of New Netherland, with which all per- 1 O'Callaghan, Hist of New Netherland, ii. 456-7; Brodhead, Hist, of New York, i. 706. 2 Col. Docs. N. Y xiv. 526. 5-r .^'llf i-^tl - "-ti I MM M €MMJ 244 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND erates the command given repeatedly by the Directors in previous letters on similar occasions, at least to admit freedom of conscience, to allow every inhabitant of the Province to have his own belief. A more liberal interpretation of the letter also makes the conduct of the Directors towards John Bowne unintelligible.^ When John Bowne arrived in Amsterdam, he went to the West India House and submitted a petition to the Directors, which they referred to a special com- mittee. The festivities of the season delayed a hearing of the case for two weeks, after which Bowne, with a companion, William Caton, was summoned to appear before the members of this committee, who, at the time, were very moderate towards the Quaker, not speaking one word in approval of Stuyvesant's persecution. Nevertheless, when John Bowne demanded the revoca- tion of the sentence of the Provincial Court, the com- mittee declared that they had not the power to fulfill his request, but that they would refer the matter to the Company. New difficulties arose, when John Bowne attempted to obtain his personal effects from the ware- house of the West India Company. His petition to this effect had been granted by the committee, but the keeper of the warehouse with his subordinate officials, refused to deliver his goods, unless he paid for his pas- sage from New Netherland, for which they received the approval of the Company. Bowne also made an attempt to engage a passage back to New Netherland, and the merchant consented ^ Journal of John Bowne, Amer. Hist. Rec. i. 4-8. The Journal substitutes numbers for the names of the month and begins the year in March, which is, therefore, the first month of the year in Bowne's system of chronology. : ?yi W ?€ 1^ ■ 'M ^.. m ^nr- W- '■€• :ri 246 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND justice from the Directors of the Company, but only beheld additional oppression. Although his perse- cutors had thus mocked at the oppression of the oppressed, and added afflictions to the afflicted, he still prayed that the Lord would not lay this to their charge, but give them eyes to see and hearts to do justice, that they may find mercy with the Lord in the day of judg- ment. As late as the ninth of June, he complained in his letter ^ to his wife, that the Company detained his goods and denied him a passage home except on conditions, so gross and unreasonable, that he chose to suffer want of the dear company of his wife and chil- dren, imprisonment of his person, the ruin of his estate in his absence there, and the loss of his goods here, rather than to yield or consent to such injustice. At length, Bowne did become quite free of the Directors, and he tells us inhis journal that he again arrived at New Amsterdam early in the year 1664. He immediately proceeded to his home in Flushing, which was the first house he entered in the country. It is said that John Bowne again met the old Governor after the establishment of the English rule, as a private citizen, who then seemed ashamed of what he had done, and glad to see the Quaker safe home again. ^ ^ Letter printed in full in Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 386-7. 2 Basse, Sufferings of the Quakers, ii. 237, Besse's account, of the Bowne case is inaccurate. ■■i - I M M.. Si 4 ^# ^^ ibf ^.ff M' % ..-,;.'■ 'IV,., iy. ";V ..x,-. iV_ ■ M ^^" ^.. i^ i?| i4 IW; it '^r* -vv MM. \ifi[ U- W[ ■ !0 M 1i^ ^' 248 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Brazil, who, with the zealous support of the Classis of Amsterdam, had forced the civil authorities, in 1638, to forbid the free exercise of the Jewish religion in public, that had been guaranteed them on the conquest of the country by the Dutch. ^ Stuyvesant's opposition to the Jews was not prompted merely by inborn prejudice. It was doubt- lessly influenced by his unfortunate experience with the Jewish colony, established in 1652 on the island of Curagoa, which, with the adjoining islands of Aruba and Bonaire, was subject to his authority under a vice- director. The Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber had entertained the thought of abandoning the island of Curagoa, which yielded no satisfactory revenue,* when a new opportunity to develop the resources of the island was presented in its colonization with Jews. Jan de Ulan, a Jew, was made a patroon of a colony on making known to the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber his intention to transport a good number of colonists of his own nation there to settle and cultivate the land. Although the Directors suspected that he and his associates were planning to trade from Curagoa to the West Indies and the Main, they were willing to make the experiment and time would show whether they could succeed with this nation, characterized by them as "crafty and generally treacherous."' Stuy- vesant, far from being hostile to this enterprise, ex- 1 Netscher, Les Hollandais au Bresil, 94-95; for the action of the Classis of Amsterdam, cf. Eccl. Recs. N.Y. i. 196; 204; 206. In both reference is also made to the persecution suffered by Catholics. 2 Directors to Stuyvesant, March 21, 1651. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 135. 'Directors to Stuvyesant, April 4, 1652, Ibid. 172; also letter cited above. MJ \ '.m s^i ^'si^ 'f MM ' : -f ;< ^C i ^^ '"0 m %^ ^1^ Tit M J: 250 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Christian worship or giving any offense to the Christian conscience/ In spite of these liberal conditions of their charter, the Jewish colony proved rather detrimental than profit- able to the Company, which had been deceived both in regard to the resources of the projectors of this Jewish colonization and also in regard to the inten- tions of the patroon himself and his associates. Jan de Ulan was deep in debt for the horses furnished him by the Company for his colony, where there was nothing which might be seized as security for its payment. The Directors also then learned that his partners in Holland possessed nothing. The Company owed him about 3,000 guilders for flour and clothing, which he had delivered to its servants, but even after the deduction Faith: "The Company shall appoint in the aforesaid Colony a Schout for the maintenance of Justice and Police, provided the state of the colony be such as shall justify the appointment of a Governing Council, in which case the patroon or patroons shall nominate two of the most able persons living in the Colony being Dutch Christians of the Reformed Religion, through whom the Schout, as representative of the Company, raay have supreme con- trol in the country." This charter was modelled on the privileges granted the year previous by the Zealand Chamber to the people of the Hebrew Nation that had gone to the Wild Coast. The Eger- ton MSS. No. 2395, Fol. 46 in the British Museum, discovered by Mr. Lucien Wolfe of London, has been rightly identified by Oppenheim as a translation of the grant of the Zealand Chamber to the Jews, which was sent by some agent, probably to Thurloe. It is men- tioned by Charles Longland in his letter from Leghorn to Crom- well's secretary, John Thurloe. Cf. An Early Jewish Colony in Western Guiana. Supplemental data, by Samuel Oppenheim. Pubs. Amer. Jewish Hist. Soc, No. 17, p. 54. Pubs. Amer. Jewish Hist. Soc, No. 16; Oppenheim, Early Jewish Colony in Western Guiana. (The appendix contains important documents.) Cf. also Report of U. S. Commission on Venezuela-British Guiana Boundary. 1 Cone, G. Herbert, The Jews in Curagoa, Pubs. Amer. Jewish Hist. Soc, No 10, pp. 148; Van der Kemp, Ms. Translation, Dutch Recs. N. Y. viii. 34; O'Callaghan, Cal. N. Y. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 329. M -'€ )€ ■^ "'Mi- af H ' iff m- jU' 252 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND at an exorbitant price. They were selling old curtains and other shreds at three times the price for which they might have been obtained in Holland. Jan de Illan in fact had asked the vice-director to credit the Indian chief with one hundred and fifty R. Dall., which he claimed to have delivered him in goods. On enquiry , it was learned that the value of the goods delivered would not exceed the sum of fl.25.17 in the fatherland. This was merely an example of a practise common among the Jews. However, the vice-director hoped to put a stop to such extortion, as Jan de Illan would lose the privileges of his patroonship because of his failure to fulfil its stipulations, which amongst other things bound him to have fifty settlers in his colony within four years. There were then not more than ten or twelve, and these wished to leave him and become planters under the direct jurisdiction of the Company.^ When the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber received a report of the conditions existing in the Jewish colony, they decided to furnish the vice-director goods, with which he might be able to supply the colonists at a reasonable price and thus put an end to the extortion of the Jews. However, they refused to permit the colonists to leave the settlement of Jan de Illan until the expiration of the time of their service, when they would be free to go.^ Two years later the vice-direc- tor Beck wrote Stuyvesant that three or four Jews solicited permission to leave the island, to which he readily consented, as their presence was more injurious ^ Vice-Director Rodenburch to Directors, April 2, 1654 Van der Kemp, 1. c, viii. 107, in Cone, 1. c, 152. 2 Directors to Vice-Director Rodenburch, July 7, 1654, Van der Kemp, 1. c, viii. cited in Cone, 1. c, 152-3. ^%, v%_ m H i€ :s*1,i I'^t: *?li , Trf- IM Iff ■ ^ J- lif M 'f ■i- Mr ^^ /^ ' M M 3* ,! ■ ! ^€- ;# .^*|. ..f III: M ^' |. 5C M: M J M. ill ^^ i \.€. -^aff li,^ 254 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND expiration of this time, de la Motthe was authorized, in case of non-payment within four days, to have the goods of the two greatest debtors, Abraham Israel and Judicq de Mereda, sold at public auction, and if the sum thus realized proved insufficient, he was further- more authorized to proceed in like manner with the other Jewish passengers until the full acquittance of the debt.* When the sale of these goods still left a balance, the Court, at the request of the master of the vessel, placed under civil arrest two Jews as principals, David Israel and Moses Ambrosius, who were held for the payment of the balance.^ The sailors now brought a suit against Asser Levy, from whom they demanded the payment of fl.io6 still remaining due, but the Court upheld its previous decision, that the two Jews, who had been taken as principals, were to be held for the payment of the balance. Asser Levy had made the plea that he was no longer bound to pay, as he had offered to do so on the condition that his goods should not be sold.^ This plea did not save him from condemnation, when Rycke Nounes tried to recover fl.105.18 from Asser Levy, as her goods had been sold by auction to pay his freight over and above her own debt.* The Court ordered him to satisfy her claims within fourteen days. When the sailors promised to wait for the payment of the balance of the freight of the Jews until the arrival of ships from the fatherland, ^ Court minutes, September 10, 1654, Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 241. 2 Court minutes, September 16, 1654. Ibid. 244. * Court minutes, October 5, 1654. Ibid. 349. * Court minutes, October 19, 1654. Ibid. 254. 'Mf- ''•#'■■ '-'mi' -I ,1. . ,,, .V.,- jy « '^*^' 'Mk %M. I* ..^^..j''-.^-^^}^^ il :■ Mli.' iff:- ■n 256 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND and passports to the Portuguese Jews to travel and to go to reside in New Netherland." The Jewish mer- chants of Amsterdam protested against this injury to their nation, which would also turn out to the disad- vantage of the Company itself. The Jews, who in Brazil had risked their possessions and their blood in the defense of the country, were now dispersed here and there in great poverty and could only retrieve their shattered fortunes in some Dutch colony under the protection of the Company, as opportunities were not sufficient for all in Holland, and they could not go to Spain or Portugal on account of the Inquisition. There were powerful reasons urged in favor of a Jewish immi- gration to New Netherland by these Portuguese mer- chants. A Jewish immigration to New Netherland would increase the number of loyal subjects in the colony and result in an increase of its revenues. Then there were many Jews amongst the principal share- holders of the West India Company, who had always worked for its best interests and had even lost immense sums of money in its shares and obligations. The plea was successful, although the Directors confessed to Stuyvesant their desire to fulfill his request.^ Formal permission was now given to the Jews to travel, reside and traffic in New Netherland, "provided they shall not become a charge upon the deaconry or the Com- pany."^ The following spring began the new immi- 1 Directors to Stuyvesant, April 26, 1655. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 315; Petition of the Jewish Nation, January 1655, MS. in the Library of the Hist. Soc. of Pa., printed by Oppenheim, Early Hist of the Jews in New York, pp. 9-13. 2 This was done on February 22, 1655. Cf. Council minutes, March 14,1656, vi, 321. 0'Callaghan,Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 162, Directors to Stuyvesant, June 14, 1656. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 1 J^C '*?t- /««£■ 'If '4' fit '^ :, 'm ^m *^^ . ^ ;i:; m l-v Ii '^^ "* M. I? -^^ # >c 258 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND in the spring of this year, were to prepare to leave at once. When the Burgomasters and Schepens took cognizance of this resolution, they had no objection to urge, but decided that the resolution "should take its course." They had just begun the trial of a Jew, Abraham de Lucena, charged with the double offense of keeping open his store during the sermon and selling by retail, for which the Schout of the City demanded the Jew to be deprived of his trade and condemned to a fine of six hundred guilders.^ The Directors foresaw the same difficulties from Jewish residents in New Netherland as Stuyvesant did, and "would have liked to effectuate and fulfill" his wishes, but they felt unable to approve his pohcy in this respect, which they con- sidered somewhat unreasonable and unfair, as the Jews had suffered considerable loss from the reconquest of Brazil by the Portuguese, and as they also still had large sums of money invested in the shares of the West India Company, of which it stood sorely in need in its present bankrupt condition.^ They were, therefore, determined to regulate their conduct towards the Jews in New Netherland according to the concessions made by the Company on February 22, 1655, "provided the poor among them shall not become a burden to the Company or the community, but be supported by their own Nation." The Jews now endeavored to obtain several conces- sions from the provincial government . On July 2 7 , 1655, ^ Recs. of New Amsterdam, i. 290-291. 2 Directors to Stuyvesant, April 26, 1655. Col Docs. N. Y. xiv. 315. Revised version in Oppenheim, Early Hist, of Jews in New York, p. 8. Manasseh Ben Israel in his Humble Address to Cromwell: "The Jews were enjoying a good part of the (Dutch) East and West India Companies." m Ht i% .♦^c ,^'k::''^-.r^.4^''^.r^^ f % y^'if-m- 'tf '^^ /«i M ^ :^m M' M. i* j*-^«w^1 '.ifr m m ^ ■\« M K- 1 ;i: m; ;* M. j4# i^'^W t I'' ^^li af M: i ''*^ >t )4 :l^ %^i6'. -Wf: l^iff 26o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND council of the citizens was authorized to carry into effect this legislation and to collect the tax once every month and, in case of refusal, to institute legal process for its payment/ Jacob Barsimson and Asser Levy then petitioned for leave to stand guard like other Burghers of New Amsterdam or to be relieved from the tax paid by the Jews, as "they must earn their living by manual labor." "The Director General and Council persist in the resolution passed, yet as the petitioners are of opinion that the result of this will be injurious to them, consent is hereby given to them to depart when- ever and whither it pleases them."^ A little later the Jewish merchants submitted a petition for permission to travel and trade on the South River, at Fort Orange and other places, situated within the jurisdiction of the Dutch government of New Netherland, in accordance with the concessions, that they had received from the West India Company in Amsterdam. The council adopted the suggestion of Cornelius van Tienhoven, who was of the opinion, that the concession of trading privileges on the South River and at Fort Orange to the Jews would be very injurious to the population residing in these districts. He, therefore, advised that the petition be denied for the coming winter and that a full report of the matter be submitted to the Directors in the fatherland. Meanwhile, these Jewish merchants were allowed to dispatch one or two persons to the South River to dispose of the goods that they had sent there, without thereby establishing a precedent, to ^ Council minute, August 28, 1655. Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 96. 2 Council minute, Novemlaer 5, 1655, O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS. N. Y. (Dutch) i. 155. N. Y. Col. MSS. vi. 147. in Oppenheim, Early Hist, of Jews in New York. '-'**£ ■?# 'M- n M . /'Iff Isii liif- ' If: M: ;€ ;€ ^^: '^^ « m. ■ w, l^fr "m \ Ui ^¥' If M; : ''a!: ^ 1^ -v 262 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND A few months previous to this, Abraham de Lucena, Jacob Cohen Henricus, Salvador D'Andrada, Joseph D'Acosta and David Frera had requested the same rights in matters of trade and in the acquisition of real estate as the other citizens of the province on the plea that these privileges were included in the grant received from the Company and that they and their co-religion- ists were assessed the same as other citizens/ One of these Jews, Salvador D'Andrada, had purchased a house in New Amsterdam at a public auction, but the sale was cancelled on the contention that the Jews were not allowed to hold real estate.^ The authorities of New Netherland refused to grant the requested right of property to the Jews and awaited further instruc- tions from Holland.^ Although the Directors did order Stuyvesant to give the Jews the rights of trade and property, they did not give them full civil liberty, inasmuch as the Jews were not allowed to exercise any handicraft which they were prohibited to do in Amsterdam, and were not allowed to have open retail shops. Meanwhile, the religious privileges granted the Jews were not greater nor less than those granted to other forms of dissent in the Colony. They were allowed to exercise in all tranquillity their religion in their houses, which were, therefore, to be built ''close 1 Council minute, March 14, 1656. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch) i. 162. 2 Council minutes, December 17, 1655; December 23, 1655; January 15, 1656; March 14, 1656, O'Callaghan, Ibid. pp. 156, 157, 162. 3 "Ambachten op te stellen" wrongly translated by Berthold Fernow as shall not "be employed in any public service." O'Callaghan, Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, N. Y. p. 194, rightly translates "to exercise any handicraft, " and also Oppenheim, Early Hist, of Jews in New York, p. 35, "to estab- ish themselves as mechanics." 1 M f^ -^'^-/^^;^r^fi-^%€^'^ r ^M& 'Ht 'M:^ f M Kf ./€ M l^ % n if >4^: ;'C Mf, 264 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND permission "to bake and sell bread within the city as other bakers, but with closed door," he was informed that the request was directly contrary to the privileges of the Burghery of this City and to the orders of the Directors of the Company/ The Jews now realized the necessity of obtaining the Burgher right to enable them to continue in business, Asser Levy appeared before the Court of the Burgomasters and Schepens and requested to be admitted a Burgher. The request was refused and the petitioner referred to the Director General and Council,^ to whom the Jews Salvador D'Andrada, Jacob Cohen Henricus, Abraham de Lucena and Joseph D'Acosta now appealed. They established their right to be admitted to citizenship on the grounds, that this privilege had been guaranteed them in the concessions of the Company, that the Jews possessed the right of citizenship in the City of Amsterdam, where certificates of citizenship were issued to them, and finally that the Jews, from the beginning of their resi- dence in the Province of New Netherland, had borne their share with others in every burden of the citizens and continued to do so even then.^ The appeal was successful. The Burgomasters of the city were author- ized and commanded to admit the remonstrants with their Nation among the citizens of New Netherland. Stuyvesant evidently no longer dared to antagonize the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber who were favor- able to the Jews. Although he still called the Jews * Court minute, April 11, 1657. Recs. of New Amsterdam, vii. 154. 2 Ibid. ^ Council minute, April 20, 1657. Van der Kemp, Translations of Dutch MSS. viii. 531. Revised Translation, in Oppenheim, Early Hist, of Jews, p. 36. 265 • J.TvT.}- II .rs£ <-^l ^ W ^^ M: ^€- i^:: Si€ !' CHAPTER IX Indian Missions in New Netherland I. — MISSIONARY LABORS OF THE DUTCH The conversion of the American Indian usually received at least some mention in the colonial projects formed by Europeans in the seventeenth century. Usselinx, in his plan for the organization of the West India Company, used the missionary opportunities offered in America as an argument to further the project. "In the course of time the saving faith and gospel of Jesus Christ might be planted there, whereby the heathen would be rescued from the darkness of idola- try."^ The plans of William Usselinx were rejected and the charter finally drawn up for the West India Company made no mention of any design to convert the Indians. However, the first Minister of the Pro- vince of New Netherland, Jonas Michaelius, on his arrival in 1628, gave some thought to this matter, but the difficulties of the task so impressed him, that no results were attained during his ministry. He found the natives "entirely savage and wild, proficient in all wickedness and godlesness, thievish, treacherous* ^ O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland. i. 31 ; Brodhead. Hist, of State of New York. i. 23. (266) '■iff '# f# '^ .*^J^.j, ^i.,^?■•'^,..r ji- ill m y JJ«M If u n W, v^ .I- Jif ^if ^t iridic M \^f '^^' '^■^ i^ ,l,lf, *;?|- ill^ :;e! r M: H M ^: '^.^ "^% '^ii; ' ^^i# af vrf; .. .1^ if^-. M ^^ :§ M ^^ ^^ 268 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND the Company did not direct its efforts to the coloniza- tion of the province. On the estabHshment of the patroonships, the Company was even accused of trying to paralyse the efforts of the patroons to populate their colonies by its attempts to minimize the Freedoms and Exemptions granted in the charter of 1629. Kiliaen van Rensselaer in 1633 submitted a protest to the Assembly of the XIX and petitioned the deputies of the States General on this board for an extension of privileges, by which would be promoted "above all things the diffusion of the Christian Reformed Religion in those regions."^ He felt that this ought to bring God's blessing on his undertaking.^ In 1640, he in- structed Arent van Curler to seize the opportunity, offered by the presentation of some gifts to several Indian chiefs from the patroon, to acquaint them with God, "who each day lets his bountiful gifts come to man through the fruitfulness, which he gives to the products of the earth and to man's sinful body."^ Two years later, at the instance of the patroon, John Megapolensis was called by the Classis of Amsterdam to "perform the duty of the Gospel to the advancement of God's Holy Name and the conversion of many poor blind men" in the colony.^ For the patroon did not merely look "to the profits of his investment, but had in especial view, by means of the settling of the country and the practice of godliness, to have the Christian ^Memorial. November 25, 1633. Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS. p. 249. 2 Letter of Kiliaen Van Rensselaer to Planck, April 24, 1635. Ibid. p. 314. 8 Letter. July 2, 1641. Ibid. 508-9. * Commission of Megapolensis from Classis, March 22, 1642. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 149. ^% ^^ M ., 'f M m % ill- >l| 14 J .r 'm w ''■' ? m f: M ■% '"M; w '\^- ~^i -^^ ''' W 1u^ M 270 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND New Netherland had come to these EngHsh from the Indians, and the Dutch, who "Hved so barbarously in these respects and without punishment," were severely and angrily censured by their Puritan neighbors.^ This evil had also become so bad in Rensselaerswyck that the patroon found it necessary to promulgate a placard against the sinful intercourse between the Dutch and the heathen women and girls. The first offense was punished by a fine of twenty-five guilders, which was increased to fifty guilders, if the woman became pregnant, and to one hundred guilders, if the woman gave birth to a child. ^ Habitual illicit inter- course entailed a yearly fine of fifty guilders and, "accord- ing to the circumstances," banishment from the colony. One third of the fines was to go to the officer, one- third to the commander at Rensselaers-Steyn, and the remainder to the patroon himself for the building of the church.^ The execution of this placard must have been somewhat neglected, as the new minister, some- time after his arrival in the colony, stated that the "Dutchmen run . . . very much" after the Indian 1 Letter of De Rasieres, 1627. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. 2nd Ser. ii. (1849) p. 352. Narratives of New Netherlands, ed. Jameson, p. 112. 2 It is hard to see how the increase of the fine in these last two instances would not have led to race-suicide, if the ordinance could have been enforced. Mrs. Schuyler van Rensselaer intimates that this was the case. "The Dutch Records assert that, especially in the early days of traffic and incipient colonization, many traders lived with Indian women, yet they mention few half-breeds, and no visible tinge of dark blood survived in the veins of the New Netherlanders." Hist, of the City of New York. i. 56. ^ Redress of the abuses and faults in the colony of Rensselaers- wyck. September 5, 1643. Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS. p. 694. Cf . Letters of Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Johannes Megapolensis. March 13, 1643 and to Arent van Curler. May 13, 1639. Ibid. 442; 645-46. ■■M '4 # '^ .r w^ ^tf iMi J^-. w tlf ^-' i^: W * "^^ " '^lif^ >i^:^ jtf; 272 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND "to receive a water of great importance which effaces all stains and impurities from our soul." The Iroquois immediately exclaimed, "Ah! the Dutch have often given me of that water of importance ; I drank so much of it as to be so drunk, that they had to bind my feet and hands, lest I should do harm to some one."^ The outbreak of hostilities on the part of the Indians was precisely often the baneful result of the sale of liquor to the savages by the Dutch, who, through this and through the trade in firearms, often sought to acquire wealth without labor. On the organization of the church after the arrival of the new minister in Rensselaerswyck, divine service awakened some curiosity among the Indians, and ten or twelve of their number attended it with long tobacco pipes in their mouths. They could not understand why the minister talked so much, while no one else in the congregation had a word to say. When they were informed later by the minister, that he told the Christians not to steal, or drink or commit adultery, or murder, and that they also ought not to be guilty of these crimes, the Indians only replied: "Why do so many Christians do these things?"^ Although Megapo- lensis, on this occasion, promised the Indians to come to their country to teach them, when he understood their language better, the Dutch Reformed Church of New Netherland could only produce one Indian con- vert, who was "firm in his religious profession."^ Indian ^Jesuit Rel. xxix. 152. 2 Megapolensis. Tract on the Mohawks. Narratives of New Netherland, p. 178. ^ Van der Donck. A Description of New Netherland. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. 2nd Ser. vol. i. 214. & ■^- -.siC '-ii w m *i '» " W M '* V- t|| ^0:. ilf; M^ ;^ M' '^ r M: ■■# >i| , i '# 4fe ^tf ^" '^i;' lit '^tf ., \l^ M 1^ JiS ^ %^i. ^'^^c ^iM \ 274 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND they are subdued by the numbers and power of our people, and reduced to some sort of civilization, and also unless our people set them a better example than they have done heretofore."^ Van der Donck, the only lawyer in the province of New Netherland, also saw no hope of the conversion of the savages under the conditions obtaining in the country. He 'advocated the establishment of good schools in convenient places for the instruction of the children, as the Indians themselves declared that they were "very desirous to have their children instructed in our language and religion."^ However, this could not be done without some trouble and expense to the government. In fact, the commonalty of New Netherland in the remon- strance, which it addressed to the States General on July 28, 1649, ^^^ urged the conversion of the heathen, and the remonstrance received this favorable comment in that assembly: "The English and French have, each in their way, already done their duty in this regard. Nevertheless, we are older than they in that country, and, therefore, ought also begin. Praestat sero quam nunquam."^ The patroon of Rensselaerswyck bound his new minister the Reverend Gideon Schaets "to use all Christian zeal there to bring up both the heathen and their children in the Christian religion" and promised to indemnify him "in case his Reverence should take any of the heathen children there to board and edu- * Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam . August 5 , 1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 398-99. ^ Van der Donck. o. c. N.Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. 2d Ser.i.pp. 214-215. ^ Additional Observations on the Petition of the Commonalty of New Netherland to the States General, preceding the Remon- strance of July 28, 1649. Col. Docs. N. Y. i. 270. IM- imi W§i Vi; J'- 'mm ic W-- M 'M- '^ M. in.. , '# m^^ j4|f , 276 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND II. THE DUTCH AND THE JESUIT MISSIONS AMONG THE IROQUOIS While the Dutch failed to take an active interest in the conversion of the savages within the province, they used their influence with their Indian allies to obtain the liberation of the Jesuit missionaries, who fell into the hands of these inveterate enemies of the French. In 1642, the Mohawks during a raid into French ter- ritory intercepted an expedition of Hurons, mostly Christians, accompanied by Father Jogues and two lay assistants Rene Goupil and William Couture, with sup- plies for the distant mission of Ste. Marie. During the long journey to the Mohawk country, the Christian prisoners suffered the painful tortures and mutilations which savage cruelty suggested. On their arrival, Father Jogues sent word of their capture to the Dutch.* Soon after this, Crol, the commandant of Fort Orange, received an order from the Director General of the province, William Kieft, to effect the ransom of these prisoners,^ but the Indians were not willing to accept any ransom. On the eighth of September, Arent van Curler, the commissary of Rensselaerswyck, who had gone into the Mohawk country with Labbadie and Jacob Jansen, assembled all the chiefs of the three castles and proposed the release of the Frenchmen. The Indians professed all friendship for their Dutch allies, but refused to discuss this question on the plea that the French burned the Mohawks, who fell into ^ Letter. January 14, 1644, of Bartholomew Vimont, with details obtained from Father Jogues. Jes. Rel. xxv. 71. 2 Letter. September 11, 1642 of Kieft to Kiliaen van Rensse- laer. Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS. p. 625. "4. , ,^^~- 'V-.,,*,- '^V-^T" r'-fc?" ; j^- ■x,''^>, i^'ii f|i-J8 V'^ |%ryi^"ii|^ M M' M M. ■•ife :^ i€ ;S tit '^ .!ft-.'^^ ivMM, ft . ;■ .tip ^^^ /€ I U H M- ^ M ■* '^^^ : W ■#■ >i: 278 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND and confirmed by the teaching of the Dutch, from whom the Indians had learned that the sign of the cross was a "veritable superstition," equally hateful to their European neighbors.^ When the old Indian witnessed the action of Rene Goupil, he ordered a young man of his cabin, about to leave for the war, to kill the Chris- tian sorcerer, as the sign of the cross would cause some harm to the child. The execution of the command was not long delayed. One day Rene Goupil and Father Jogues had withdrawn outside the village to perform their devotions with greater liberty. Their prayers were soon interrupted by two young men, who com- manded them to return, but, at the entrance to the village, one of them drew a hatchet and struck down Rene Goupil, who fell half dead, invoking the Holy Name of Jesus. Jogues expected the same fate, but the Indian, after making sure of the death of his victim, told the Jesuit that his life was in the hands of another family. Somewhat later Jogues was called to eat in the cabin of the old Indian. When the Jesuit made the sign of the cross before the meal, the old man said to ^ Letter of Father Bressani from Isle de RhS, Nov. 16, 1644. Jes. Rels. xxxix. 85-87. "Our Faith is accused of killing all who profess it . . they also accused the Faith of the French of being responsible for all the ills with which the whole people or individual persons seem to be afflicted. That is what an Apostate tried to make those Barbarians believe, naming the Dutch as his authority for what he said. He asserted that the children of the Iroquois died two years after their Baptism, and that the Christians either fractured their legs or wounded their feet with thorns or became consumptive, or vomited their souls with their blood, or were assailed by some great mis- fortune." Preaching of the Faith to the Cayugas by Chau- monot and Menard. Relation. 1656-57. Jes. Rels. xliii. 313-315. "The Dutch, they (some Huron apostates) say, have preserved the Iroquois by allowing them to live in their own fashion, just as the black Gowns have ruined the Hurons by preaching the faith to them." Jes. Rels. xliv. 291. l^jr ■-^>.-•#■ i.^'l- s'.«t ''■s*^ -"> ;^ W M ^*' ^' m M '"^^ ^*^ i« ;< i-^ . M \i|: 'i^' "^ '^ ^ '^^ « H. > : '^^ If ¥: .^ ^, il^ tf> ^'.^ 28o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND dition against Fort Richelieu. A Huron Indian, adopted by the Iroquois, previous to his departure, had demanded a letter from Jogues, who hastened to take the opportunity to inform the French governor of the plot in spite of the risk of his life. Thus the Iroquois were incensed against the Jesuit, upon whom they placed all the responsibility for their misfortunes in the expedition.^ The Captain of the Dutch settlement, knowing the evil designs of the savages, suggested some means of escape, especially as the French Governor M. le Chevalier de Montmagny had prevented the savages of New France from coming to kill some Dutch. ^ To the astonishment of the Captain, Father Jogues deferred his decision until the next day. The Jesuit missionary had, in fact, resolved to spend the remainder of his days in captivity for the salvation of the Iroquois and their captives, of whom he had been able to baptize seventy in the past year. Now, however, the certainty of death if he remained and the hope of a return to the Mohawks under more favorable circumstances led him to consent to escape with the help of the Dutch. On the next day, Father Jogues told the Dutch Captain his intention to take advantage of his proffered assistance. A ship happened to be in the river at that time and the sailors, on the representations of the Captain, pledged their word that, if the Jesuit could once set foot on their vessel, they would make his place of refuge secure and would not have him leave the ship until he reached ^ Letter of Jogues from Rensselaerswyck. August 30, 1643. Jes. Rels. xxv. 47. 2 Ibid. 49. Charlevoix states that an order to obtain the deliverance of Father Jogues had been sent to all the commandants in New Belgium by the States General of Holland, from whom the Queen Regent of France had urgently requested this. ■^ tw k|' tc ;i| 111 M « i. It W '# . ■^1^ lift TC iif iif ^iC ifC '^ ■vsr i-t^ *-»j, ,"»t ■ ^^# If' ^4i ,^ 282 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND plentiful provisions were sent for his consumption, the old miser barely gave him "as much as was necessary not to live, but not to die." Then the frequent visits of the Indians for purposes of trade to the room next to the garret, separated from it by planks with large intervening cracks, compelled Jogues to crouch behind casks, to avoid discovery, but at the price of great pain in the members of his body. Finally, gangrene began to manifest itself in the wound inflicted by the dog on his leg, but the kind ministration of the surgeon of the settlement saved his life also from this danger. Meanwhile, the Director General of the province had learned that Father Jogues was not very much at ease in the vicinity of the Mohawks, who were induced by the Dutch towards the middle of September finally to accept some presents to the amount of three hundred livres. Then in accordance with the instructions of William Kieft, Father Jogues was taken by boat to New Amsterdam. The Dutch minister, who had shown him much kindness accompanied him down the Hudson River. "He was supplied with a number of bottles, which he dealt out lavishly, — especially on coming to an Island, to which he wished that my name should be given with the noise of cannon and of bottles." Jogues quaintly and naively remarks that "each one manifests his love in his own fashion." On his arrival at New Amsterdam, the Director General received him very humanely and furnished him with good raiment, of which he stood sorely in need. The inhabitants of the town gave the Jesuit missionary every token of regard and esteem. A Lutheran Pole, meeting him in a retired spot, fell at his feet, kissed his mutilated hands ' m *# ^4 ^k -^^ >€ -M M iff M w.- s U '»5|' 'f , ;.; 1I|V rit /^ ;^ ^# m^ ^^ ^ :'^^# If- w:^ \4^. W^- %ift i 284 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND body/ Finally, all the savages clamored for his death by fire, but an old woman, to whom he had been given in the place of her grandfather, killed some time before in an encounter with the Hurons, ransomed the mis- sionary with a belt of wampum, worth about thirty-five livres. He was received into her cabin, but her daughters could not bear the sight of him on account of the horrible appearance of his mangled body.^ Meanwhile, the Dutch gave him good reason to hope for his ransom, which was finally effected without much difficulty, as the Indians held him in little esteem, because of his want of skill for everything, and because they believed that he would never get well of his ailments.^ The old woman ordered her son to take him to the Dutch and to deliver him into their hands after receiving some presents in return. The Dutch received the Jesuit, naked and with his fingers maimed and bleeding, in great kindness and satisfied the Indian with presents to the amount of about two hundred livres.* He was clothed, placed under the care of the surgeon, and almost daily fed at the table of the Dutch minister.^ After he had been restored to health, he was brought to New Amster- dam, where he was finally placed on a ship, manned by Huguenots, sailing for Europe. He carried with him this letter of safe-conduct: "We, William Kieft, Director General, and the Council of New Netherland, ^ Details given by Bressani himself in his Relation of 1653. Jes. Rels. xxxix. 2 Rel. 1643-44 by Vimont. Jes. Rels. xxvi. 49. 3 Letter of Bressani from New Amsterdam. August 31, 1644, Jes. Rels. xxxix. 77. * Ibid. p. 78-79 with note 8. ^ Letter of Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam. Sept. 28, 1658. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 437. '.■ .«t| fst .'Sit , ■f ^^1 .t^ ^ 286 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND step into the canoe on this dangerous mission, they warned him not to speak in the beginning of the faith which was so repulsive to the Iroquois, as it seemed to exterminate everything that men held most dear. They also advised him to wear shorter apparel, as the long robe preached as well as the lips, and the warning was heeded.* On his arrival in the Mohawk country, his efforts to have the peace ratified by the Indians were successful. However, some savages with distrustful minds did not look with favor on a little box, which the Father left as a pledge of his return to the country, as they imagined that it enclosed some disastrous mis- fortune. Father Jogues opened the chest and showed these Indians that it contained no other mystery than some small necessaries, for which he might have use on his return.^ This conclusion of a peace with the fierce Mohawks raised in the hearts of the Jesuits great hopes oi their final conversion. In the following sum- mer, Father Jogues was,in fact, appointed to begin among these Indians a new mission under the patronage of the Holy Martyrs. He planned to spend the winter in the Mohawk country to begin with solidity the instruction of those infidels.^ Meanwhile, superstition had again poisoned the minds of the savages against the mission- ary in spite of all their former professions of undying friendship. Upon his arrival on the 1 7th of October, 1646, Father Jogues was stripped naked, loaded with blows and threatened with death on the following day. The savages kept their promise in spite of the opposition ^ Rel. 1645-6 by Lalemant in Jes. Rels. xxix. 47, 49. 2 Rel. 1645-6 by Lalemant in Jes. Rels. xxix 55, 57. ^ Bressani's Relation of 1653. Jes. Rels. xxxix. 235-36. ;7^^ i'fj^ «*l^^ ^*y, r-- 1if % /€ ■= - '^^ '^^ ^ ^ ■ W af M; / 288 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND have never been repaid, so that we think that, when complaints reach France, they will take care of their countrymen."^ Two years later on August 20, 1653, a band of marauding Iroquois, during an incursion into Canada, captured Father Joseph Poncet and another French- man, Maturin Franchetot, while the Jesuit was speaking to the latter in his field to induce him to garner the little harvest of a poor French widow. On the arrival of these Indians in the Mohawk country, their prisoners were stripped of their clothing and compelled to run the gauntlet under a shower of blows. Later in the day , Father Poncet lost the first finger of his left hand, which was cut off by a child at the bidding of a savage in response to the request of an Indian woman. Mean- while, the Mohawks, who were besieging Three Rivers, met with greater resistance than they had anticipated, and began to sue for peace, but the French refused to begin any negotiations, unless the Jesuit Father and his fellow-prisoner were restored. 'The Indian chief pleaded ignorance of the capture of these Frenchmen and immediately ordered two canoes to return to the Mohawk country to prevent any harm from being done to the prisoners, and to procure their release if still alive. ^ Franchetot had already been burned to death on the eighth of September, while the life of Father Poncet had been saved through his adoption by a good old woman in the place of a brother, killed or captured some time before. The Indian, who brought the mes- ^ Letter of Directors to Stuyvesant. March 21, 165 1. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 28. 2 Relation. 1652-53. Jes. Rels. xl. 171. f '4 ?i| ■% m s'f&i «^ 'W If '^tf ..^ .■3,ilf W^iJ' •«■»>:■ -"f:'i *^4;?7, -V^/': '^ifV 1 apo RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND promise them to return the next summer.^ Meanwhile, the Indian Councils gathered the presents and selected the embassy for the solemn conclusion of peace with the French. Father Poncet with his conductor and the other Iroquois finally arrived at Montreal on October 24th, and on the sixth of November the great affair of peace, so ardently desired, was brought to a close in Quebec' The Mohawks left four of their number as hostages with the French, while two young soldiers volunteered to go to the Mohawk country in the same capacity at the request of the savages. In the calcu- lation of the Mohawks, the peace was only a preliminary step to obtain the removal of the Hurons to their own country, which had been secretly proposed to the latter at the very time that they were discussing the con- clusion of the peace with the French.^ During the winter of 1654, the Onondagas came to Quebec to strengthen the peace that they had already negotiated in the preceding fall. They also made the same secret proposals to the Hurons, who did not dare to refuse in their anxiety for peace, but demanded first a dwelling for the black robes, their teachers, whom they would * The Relation of 1656-7 gives a curious fact, which may be mentioned here in its own words. "A woman, who was very ill at Onontagh6, had dreamed that she required a black gown to effect her cure. But, as the recent cruel massacre of our Fathers by those Barbarians deprived them of all hope of being able to ob- tain one from us, they applied to the Dutch, who sold them at a very high price the wretched cassock of Father Poncet, who had shortly before been despoiled of it by the Annienhronnons. The woman attributed her cure to it, and wished to keep it all her life as a precious relic." Jes. Rels xliii. 273. ^Relation of 1652-53. Jes. Rels. xl. 119-157. ^Relation of 1653-54. Jes. Rels. xli. 47-49. ' tM& he 'Mi: : '-;i '# Mi -^ %§ :'M: M '^ 292 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Mohawks were disappointed by the fact that they had been forestalled by the Onondagas. The chief in a clever speech made their complaint known to the French. "Ought not one to enter a house by the door, and not by the chimney or roof of the cabin, unless he be a thief, and wish to take the inmates by surprise? We, the five Iroquois Nations, compose but one cabin; we maintain but one fire ; and we have, from time im- memorial, dwelt under one and the same roof. Well, then, will you not enter the cabin by the door, which is at the ground floor of the house? It is with us Mohawks, that you should begin; whereas you, by beginning with the Onondagas, try to enter by the roof and through the chimney. Have you no fear that the smoke may blind you, our fire not being extinguished and that you may fall from the top to the bottom, having nothing solid on which to plant your feet?" The French Governor assured the Mohawks that Father Le Moyne would also go to their country and gave him letters to deliver to the Jesuit missionary to inform him to that effect, but the Father had gained such a start that the Mohawk chief could not overtake him.^ Father Le Moyne, on his arrival in the Onondaga country, received every evidence of good will on the part of the savages, who at this time had great fear of the issue of an impending war with the powerful Erie tribes or the Cat Nation. The chief of the Onondagas, speaking in the name of the Five Iroquois Nations, again told Father Le Moyne that it was their wish to acknowledge Him of whom he had told them, who is the master of their lives, and who was unknown to them, ^Relation. 1653-54. Jes. Rels. xli. 87-89. M' M A 'u ■V '*-^^^-=^ vti^ '^M '^^ '?^i| n ^^# M ¥;■ ;^ ^1^ m^ w H 294 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND he was trying to discover the presence of the enemy for the sake of the Christian savages at work in the fields, whom he wished to warn. Persons were killed and taken captive on either side. Finally, the Mohawks, weary of the war, brought back the French captives and requested the restoration of their own Indians. They agreed not to attack the French any longer, nor to bear arms below Three Rivers, but they refused to discon- tinue the war against the Algonquins and Hurons, whom they might find above that village on the river of St. Lawrence. Father Le Moyne was now sent to the Mohawks to take back the prisoners, captured by the French, and "also to cement that peace, as well as it can be cemented with the Infidels who are allied to Heretics."^ The Jesuit left Montreal on this mission, August 17, 1655, with twelve Iroquois and two Frenchmen. A month later the party reached their des- tination, where the Father was received with "extraor- dinary cordiality." A council was held, which passed in many exchanges of courtesy. Le Moyne then pushed on to the Dutch settlement where he was also received ''with great demonstration of affection by the Dutch," from whom he learned of the attack of the River Indians upon New Amsterdam. On his return to the Mohawks, he almost met death at the hands of a a madman, who finally was calmed by a quickwitted Indian squaw's suggestion to kill her dog in the place of the missionary. However, a Huron Christian had his head split without ceremony upon a mere suspicion that he had revealed to the Father some of the designs, ^ Introduction to Copies of two Letters sent from New France. 1656. Jes. Rel. xli. 201-223. 295 ::l| ill r MM - - , ■ 7il ^«- * J M W M ,t •^^^ 'm^ '?i|: ^■ ■^# af >tr ..' t.M3CM: 296 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND were not content. In a solemn council, on the 29th of February, the Savages told the Fathers, that they were tired of any further postponement of the French settle- ment, for which they had been waiting from year to year. In the event of further delay, they threatened to break the peace, which they had concluded with the French under this condition. A few days later, Father Dablon, realizing the urgency of the matter, set out for Canada with some Indian guides, and, after a weary journey through snow, ice and rain, arrived at Montreal on the 30th of March. All preparations for the new set- tlement were completed on the 1 7th of May. A band of about fifty Frenchmen, with Father Francis le Mercier, Father Rene Menard and Father Jacques Fremin, and Brothers Ambroise Broar and Joseph Boursier, accompanied Father Dablon back to Onon- daga, where they arrived on the eleventh of July. News of this French settlement at Onondaga soon reached the Dutch Province. Although the Jesuits believed that the Dutch were glad that they dwelt in these places, and reported that the Dutch were even willing to bring them horses and other commodities,^ the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber, informed by Stuyvesant of a French settlement among the Senecas, expressed their dissatisfaction, as the matter could only be to the disadvantage of the Province of New Nether- land and its inhabitants. There is no doubt that their suspicions were well founded, for the Jesuits back from Kebec without greater esteem and affection for our mysteries, and without a desire to be instructed and to embrace the Faith; they say that they experience quite different feeUngs when they return from the Dutch settlements." Jes. Rels. xliv. 45. 1 Relation of 1656-57. Jes. Rels. xliii. 185. ^1" j%,i^ ■ ^^i^ W "^tf '^ t U- M ^^, ■ "^W- U %df > ^# M 1# ?^' 298 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Cat Nation. A number of murders committed by the Iroquois at Montreal confirmed the fears of the French^ and resulted in the arrest of all the Iroquois found in Montreal, Three Rivers and Quebec.^ War was inevit- able. The destruction of the French settlers had already been determined, when they escaped in a body, while the savages were overcome by sleep after a generous feast given by the French. After a perilous journey, they reached Montreal on the 3d of April, but three Frenchmen had lost their lives in the rapids of the St. Lawrence.^ The Onondaga settlement had been the source of much jealousy to the Mohawks. However, a Huron clan had also been forced to settle in the Mohawk country, in the spring of 1655, to obtain the peace, for which the Hurons sued, after their enemies had surprised their village on the Isle of Orleans. On his visit to the Mohawks in the summer. Father LeMoyne found these Hurons reduced to a state of slavery. "The husband was separated from the wife, and the children from their parents; in short they were serving those Bar- barians as beasts of burden." As in the preceding year the missionary's labors were mainly claimed by this suffering flock among the heathen Mohawks. Like a good shepherd, ' 'he consoled the afflicted ; he taught the ignorant; he heard the confessions of those who came to him; he baptized the children; he made all pray to God ; he exhorted all to persevere in the Faith and in avoiding sin." Little success followed his efforts with the Mohawks themselves. Nevertheless, he never 1 Rel. 1657-58. Jes. Rel. xliv. 155-6. 2 Letter of Paul Raguenau. Ibid. 175-183. WM MM 'IS--,,,- ^.isr ■^^ ■« 'm,^ p ■ ^i^ M ^€ ;^ 300 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND taught the Indians anything more than to make the sign of the Cross and such Hke superstitions."^ The missionary told the minister that he wanted only to chat. He informed him of the existence of wonderful mineral springs in the western part of the country inha- bited by the Iroquois. There was a spring of salt water from which he had obtained excellent salt by boiling the water; there was an oil spring, which the Indians used to anoint their hair ; and there was another spring of hot sulphurous water, in which paper and dry materials became ignited. The minister could not decide, whether all this was true, or whether it was a mere Jesuit lie, and so he mentioned the whole matter on the authority of the Jesuit to his ecclesiastical su- periors in Holland.^ 1 The Dutch seem to have been under the impression that the conversion of the Indians to Christianity wrought by the Jesuits was superficial. Thus while Van der Donck admits that "the Jesuits have taken great pains and trouble in Canada to convert the Indians to the Roman Church," he believes that the Indians profess that religion only "outwardly," and so "inasmuch as they are not well instructed in its fundamental principles, they fall off lightly and make sport of the subject and its doctrine." Van der Donck's au- thority for this statement is the alleged experience of a Dutch mer- chant on a trading trip to Canada in 1639, who plied an Indian chief with liquor, loosening his tongue and imagiantion. "After he had drank two or three glasses of wine, . . . the chief said that he had been instructed so far that he often said mass among the Indians, and that on a certain occasion the place where the altar stood caught fire by accident, and our people made preparations to put out the fire, which he forbade them to do, saying that God who stands there is almighty, and he will put out the fire himself; and we waited with great attention, but the fire continued till all was burned up, with your Almighty God himself and with all the fine things about him. Since that time I have never held to that re- ligion, but regard the sun and the moon much more, as being better than all your Gods are ; for they warm the earth and cause the fruits to grow, when your lovely Gods cannot preserve themselves from the fire." Van der Donck. A Description of New Netherland. N. Y. Hist. Society Coll. 2nd. Ser. i. (1841), p. 214. 2 "The Springs, which are as numerous as they are wonderful, are nearly all minerals. Our little lake (Onondaga) which is only /iv'^^i.^ ' ."iivtr -^i-^C' Tui'-C 'ViBjti i r 111 1^ iu, f^- iM ^1^ m M '^^ % *^:- 302 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND French Governor, who immediately took counsel with the principal inhabitants of Canada in regard to this matter. There was no objection raised to the com- merce of the Dutch with Canada, as the Dutch had long been received in French ports as friends and allies of the Crown. The French Governor only stipulated that their ships were to observe the same customs, as the French vessels, which excluded all participation in the Indian trade and the public exercise on land of any religion that was opposed to the Roman faith. ^ Father Le Moyne communicated this reply to the Dutch from Fort Orange on April 7,1658, and expressed regret that he was unable to accompany the first ship to Quebec, as he had planned to do, inasmuch as he would have with him, on his journey to Canada, "his sailors of the woods. "^ The Mohawks, in their negotia- tions for the release of the prisoners held by the French, had promised to bring back Father Le Moyne to Canada in the spring. They stopped at Fort Orange previous to their departure and the Jesuit took the opportunity to send a long letter to the Dutch minister, who had been a Catholic until his twenty-third year, when he had left the Church of Rome to become a follower of John Calvin. To win back the minister to identified. There are several magnesian springs, but not located as in the text. I think it was one of the common springs, highly- charged with sulphate of lime. John Bartram saw one of these in 1743, at Onondaga; but it was not oderous, being above the gypsum rocks. Cf . allusions to the mineral springs of that region, in Robert Munro's Description of the Genesee Country (N. Y. 1804; reprinted in N. Y. Doc. Hist. ii. 679-689.") — W. M. Beauchamp. Note 21. Jes. Rels. xliii. 326. ^ Letter of Governor D'Aillebout to Father Le Moyne, Quebec. February 18, 1658. O'Callaghan. Hist, of New Netherland. ii. p. 364. 2 Letter. Ibid. ,lf .^il.M: ' -M: "* '■•:;■ ^5f. MM .M- ;€ ' W 'fit 'tif ^M' ^^?: ,i#. i# m ^^ :| '^i^-- iif ^ :a|' ■il^ m ii# .#: I"-..,' ■".:.,.(,' t.^v %'X; 332 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Colonial History. New York State Library Bulletin, 56. Bibliography 24, 1901. Keen, G. B., Critical Essay on the Sources of Information (for the History of New Sweden or the Swedes on the Dela- ware), in Narrative and Critical History of America, ed. Justin Winsor, vol. iv. 468-502, 1884. Onderdonck, H., Jr., Bibliography of Long Island, in Furman, Antiquities of Long Island, ed. by F. Moore, New York, 1875. New York Public Library Bulletin : Check List of American County and State Histories in the New York Public Library, vol. v, 11. Works Relating to the State of New York in the New York Public Library, vol. iv. 5-6. Check List of the Works Relating to the History of Brook- lyn and other places on Long Island now included in the City of New York, in the New York Public Library, vol. vi 3. List of Works Relating to New York City History in the New York Public Library, vol. v. 3. Religious Bowerman. A Selected Bibliography of the Religious Denomi- nations of the United States, New York, 1896. - Hurst, J F., Literature of Theology (with a bibliography of American Church History), New York, 1896. Jackson, S. M. Bibliography of American Church History, 1820-1893, in vol xii. of American Church History Series, New York, 1908. New York Public Library Bulletin. List on the Churches and the Ecclesiastical History of New York in the New York Pub- lic Library, vol. v. 5. (ii) Guides to Manuscript Materials Andrews, C. M. Davenport, Frances. Guide to Manuscript Materials for the History of the United States to 1783 in the British Museum, in Minor London Archives and in the librar- ies of Oxford and Cambridge, Washington, 1908. Annotated List of the Principal Manuscripts in the New York State Library. State Library Bulletin. History 3, Albany, 1899. Brodhead, J. Romeyn. Calendar to the Holland Documents in the Office of the Secretary of State at Albany, Transcribed from the originals in the Royal Archives at The Hague and the Archives of the City of Amsterdam in New York Papers. Final Report to the Governor, February 12, 1845. Senate Document 47, Albany, 1845. Catalogue of Historical Papers and Parchments received from the Office of the Secretary of State and deposited in the New York State Library, Albany, 1849. Check List of the Municipal and other Documents Relating to 334 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Dutch Patents. Book GG. 1636-1649. BookHH. 1654-1664. (Manuscript Index: "Index; Account of Dutch Records; Alphabetical Index of the Two Dutch Books of Provincial Patents GG and HH." List of Patents in GG and HH, in O'Callaghan's Cal. Hist. MSS. vol. i, pp. 36 4-387. Translations of Book GG, vol. xxvi. 1642-1649, 514 pp. F. byD. Westbrook, July 23, 1841 — "on whole satisfactory and reliable." Contents: Patents of July 12, 1630 — September 20, 1651, in GG. Deed of Maryn Andriesen to Jan Jansen Damen, September 20, 1642 (N. Y. Col. MSS. ii, 53). Commissions to Martin Crieger and Cornelis van Ruyven, September 22, 23, 1659 (N. Y. Col. MSS.xvii.68). Translations of Dutch patents and transports, 1652-1674, 86 pp. F. by James Van Ingen. — "carefully prepared." Contents: Parti, of Book HH. Patents of September 5, 1652 — October 15, 1653. Translations of Dutch Patents, 1654-1655, 171, pp. F. by James Van Ingen — "Correct and satisfactory." Contents: Part 2 of HH. Patents of February 26, 1655 — April 5, 1664. Translation of "Index" of Dutch Patents, 1 63 0-166 1. 49 pp. F. Index of Names to the Translations — "not implicity to be relied upon." Albany County Clerk's Office Court minutes of Fort Orange: Vol. i. 1652-1656, 321 pp. F. Contents: Minutes of April 15, 1652 — December 12, 1656, MS. Cal. by B. Fernow (Fort Orange Recs of October 4, 1656 — December II, 1657 are in N. Y. Col. MSS. vol. xvi. Part 2, pp. I. 124. Vol. ii. 1658-1660; Mortgage No. I, 1652-1660, 447 pp F. Contents: Title on front page: "Fort Orange Proceedings, deeds, Indian treaties, bills of sale, etc., bonds, etc., powers of attorney, January, 1652 — November, 1660." 211 pp. Min- utes of the Court of Fort Orange, Januarys, 1658 — Decem- ber 2, 1659, calendared by O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS. vol. i. (Dutch), pp. 317-322. Mortgages, etc., calendared in MS. Cal. in County Clerk's Office. (Fort Orange Recs. of January 13, December 30, 1660 in N. Y. Col. MSS. vol. xvi. part "3, pp. 133-232.) Notarial Papers of Beverwyck, Vol. i. 616 pp. F. 1660-1676. Contents: Contracts, leases, inventories, bonds, indentures of apprenticeship, powers of attorney, etc., acknowledged before Dirck Van Schelluyne and Adriaen Van Ylpendam, i ''\i\^% ^m^fSk 1 :.#/- 1*r .'VilT M JC^ ^% 336 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND vi. Burgomasters and Schepens, 1662-1664. viii. Burgomasters and Schepens, 1657-1661. Two Additional Volumes: Vol. i. Original records of Burgomasters and Orphanmasters, Surrogates. ii . Record of deeds , bonds etc . , of New Orange , 1671-74. (Translations by O'Callaghan in MS.) Vol. I. Mortgages of lots and pieces of land in the City of New Amsterdam, 1654-1660. vol. ii. of original. 2. Deeds and conveyances of real estate in City of New Amsterdam, 1659-1665, 380 pp. Contents of iii. and parts of v. and vi. of original. 3. Deeds and conveyances of real estate in City of New Amsterdam, 1654- 163 8, 311 pp. Contents of iii. and parts of v. and vi. of original. 4. Register of Salomon Lachair, notary public of New Amsterdam, 1662-1664, 432 pp. vols. iv. and viii. and part of Orphan's Court Records of orig- inal. 5. Register of Waleyn van der Veen, notary public of New Amsterdam, 1662-1664, 115 pp. vol. vi., in part, of original. 6. Deeds and Mortgages of lots and tracts of land in the City of New York and New Orange, 166 4- 1675, 233 pp. vol. ii. of Additional Volumes and a part of vol. V. of original. 7. Powers of attorney, acknowledgments, indentures of apprenticeship, inventories, deeds, etc., 1651-1656. 185 pp.: vol. i. of original, in part. 8. Minutes of the Orphans' Court of New Amsterdam, 1656-1668, 399 pp. vol. i. of Additional Volumes. Printed by B. Fernow, "Minutes of Orphan Mas- ters' Court of New Amsterdam, 1656-1663; Minutes of the Executive Boards of the Burgomasters of New Amsterdam ; and Records of Waleyn Van der Veen, Notary Public, 1662-1664, New York, 1907. Hall of Records, Kings County, Brooklyn Gravesend Records (wholly in English). Vol. i. Town Records, 1646-1653. Town Records, 1653-1669. Town Records, 1656-1844. Town Records, 1662-1699. 1. Town Records, 1645-1701. (There is hardly a remark of a religious nature in these books except in the town charter) . New Utrecht Record (wholly Dutch) . Vol. i. Town Records 1657. The Dutch title: Het Bouk Van Het Durp Utrecht. Ao 1657. The book is prefaced by two religious poems of Nicasius de Sille: "Het Aerdt-Rijck spreeckt tot sijne opquekers," and M^'M .til- # /4., ^'% Svf V--i1 *?iS, ^f«l [ 'if ^4| jtfi * .|;i- Wi M '^^ ^ ! -.-■' •V-..^r' ^./V •VV,-i'. 338 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND India Company, on expeditions to Delaware; commissions and instructions for officers of the colony ; letters and re- ports of governors; other colonial records, diplomatic inter- course with foreign nations. __ (The Correspondence between Oxenstierna and Blommaert has been edited in the original by G. W. Kernkamp, Brieven van Samuel Blommaert aan den Zweedsche Rijkskanselier Axel Oxenstierna, 1635-1641. in Bijdragen en Medeelingen van het Historisch Genootschap (Utecht). 29 dell, Amsterdam, 1908. Library of the new York Historical Society New Netherland Papers. Dutch Manuscripts. Lenox Library, New York New Netherland Papers: 1636-1660. Contents : Letters of governors, petitions, extracts from letters and other papers in the colony, accounts kept with the home government, list of houses and various other colonial docu- ments, about thirty items, mostly contemporary or early copies, with some modern transcripts. Unbound. From the Brevoort collection. Cf. Catalogue of the Moore Library, pt. 2. no. 1791. Holland Society Library, New York Minutes of the Consistory of Brooklyn, Sept. 5, 1660 — July 30, 1664. (MS. Translation by D. Versteeg.) Sage Library, New Brunswick, N. J. Ecclesiastical Records of the Dutch Reformed Church in New Netherland, obtained from Holland Archives: Classis of Amsterdam, Synod of North Holland in Amsterdam, Gen- eral Synod at The Hague. 1. Original. 2. Transcripts. (Nearly all of these printed in the Ecclesiastical Records of New York. Vol. i. Cf. Introduction to this work for a classi- fication of this material). (C) PRINTED DOCUMENTS AND SOURCES Provincial Aitzema, L. van, Saken, van Staet en Oorlogh in ende omtrent de Vereenigde Nederlanden. 15 vols. The Hague, 1657- 1671; 7 vols. 1669-72. (Extracts relating to New Netherland Transl. in New York Historical Society Collections. 2d. Series, vol. ii. 1849.) Breeden Raedt aende Vereenichte Nederlandsche Provintien r'hi'M ul M ''€ ..^^ ^^r ?4 j# .Hg. , :.^- to: 'ii^ M A^ 340 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Murphy, Henry C. NietiwNederlandt's Anthologie. Anthology of New Netherland; or Translations from the early Dutch poets of New York, with memoirs of their lives, New York. 1865. Bradford Club. O'Callaghan, E. B. Laws and Ordinances of New Nether- land, 1638-1674. Albany, 1868. O'Callaghan, E. B. Documentary History of New York; arranged under the Secretary of State. 4 vols. Albany, 1849- 51- Vertoogh van Nieu-Neder-Land, Weghens de Ghelegentheydt, Vruchtbaerheydt, en Soberen Staet desselfs. The Hague, (The manuscript, which is a little different from the printed tract, transl. as "Remonstrance of New Netherland," 1856, in New York Colonial Documents, i. 271-316, reprinted in Pennsylvania Archives, 2d. Series, v. 124-170. The printed tract transl. by Henry C. Murphy in New York Historical Society Collections, 2d. Series, ii. 251-329. 1849; by Mr. James Lenox in a separate pamphlet, also containing the Breeden Raedt; finally a revised version of this by A. Clinton Crowell in Narratives of New Netherland. ed. J. Franklin Jameson, pp. 293-354.) Vries, David Pieterz de, Korte historiael ende journaels aenteyckeninge van verscheyden voyagiens in de vier deelen des wereldts-ronde als Europa, Africa, Asia ende Amerika gedaen, etc. Alckmaer, 1655. (Extracts relating to Newfoundland, New Netherland and Virginia, transl. by Henry C. Murphy in New York Historical Society Collections. 2d. Series, iii. 1-129. Separate print by James Lenox, 1853. Extracts relating to New Netherland, 1 633-1 643 in a revised version of Mr. Murphy's translation, in Narratives of New Netherland, ed. J. Franklin Jameson, New York, 1909). United States Commission on Boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana. Report of, vol. ii. Extracts from Dutch Archives. Also Senate Document No. 91, 55th Con- gress, 2d Session (1898). Wassenaer. N. van. Historisch Verhael alder ghedenck- weerdichste Geschiedenissen die hier en daer in Europa etc., voorgevallen syn. 21 vols. Amsterdam, 162 2-1635. (Partsr elating to New Netherland transl. as "Description and First Settlement of New Netherland," in Documentary History of New York iii. 27-48, in New York Historical Society Proceedings, 1858, and finally a revised translation ed. by J. Franklin Jameson in his Narratives of New Nether- land, pp. 61-69, 1909.) Regional Patroonship of Rensselaerswyck Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, Being the Letters of n ^ if >ir j%f j4 "i 1# Bi: 1 342 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND (Reprint in Marquad's Tractatus. ii. 542-52.) Kernkamp, G. W. Brieven van Samuel Blommaert aan den Zweedischen Rijkskanseleir Axel Oxenstiema, 163 5-1 641. Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van het Historisc Genootschap. (Utrecht). 29 Deel., Amsterdam, 1908. Kurtzer Extract der vornemsten Haupt-Puncten, so biszher weitlauffig und griindlich erwiesen, und nochmals, jeder- manniglich, unwiedersprechlich ftir Augen gestellet sollen werden. In Sachend er neuen Suder-Compagnie. Gedruckt zu Heylbrunn bey Christoph Krausen, Anno, 1633. Mens. Aprili. (Reprint in Marquad's Tractatus. ii. 541-2.) Manifest und Vertragbrieff, der Australischen Companey im Konigreich Scweden aufifgerichtet. Im Jahr MDCXXIV. (Reprint in the Auszfiihrlicher Bericht iiber den Manifest.) Marquadus, Johannes. Tractatus Politico-Juridicus de Jure Mercatorum et Commerciorum Singular i. 2 vols. Frankfort, 1662. Navorscher, De. Two letters from Johannes Bogaert, "Schrijver," to Bontemantel, Director of Dutch West India Company. August 28 and October 31, 1655, N. S. in regard to the arrival of the ship De Waag at New Amsterdam with some details on the conquest of New Sweden, not elsewhere noted. Amsterdam, 1858. (Translation by Henry C. Murphy in Hist. Mag. ii. 257et seq. New York, 1858.) Octroy eller Privilegier, som then Storm agtigste Hogborne Furste och Herre, Herr Gustaf Adolph, Sweriges, Gothes och Wendes Konung, etc. Det Swenska nysz uprattade Sodra Compagniet nadigst hafwer bebrefwat. Dat. Stockholm, d. 14 Junii, 1626. (Cited in Acrelius). Octroy und Privilegium so der Allerdurchlauchtigste Grosz- machtigste Piirst und Herr, Her Gustavus Adolphus, der Schweden, Gothen und Wenden Konig, Grosz-Fiirst in Finn- land, Hertzog zu Ehesten und Carelen, Herr zu Ingerman- land, etc. Der im Konigreich Schweden jiingsthin auffge- richteten Siider-Compagnie allergnadigst gegeben und ver- liehen. Stockholm, gedruckt bey Ignatio Meurern. Im Jahr, 1626. (Reprint in Marquad's Tractatus. ii. 545-52. Translation in Col. Doc. N. Y. xii. 7 et seq.) Octroy ofte Privilegie soo by den alderdoorluchtigsten Groot- machtigen Vorst ende Heer, Heer Gustaef Adolph, der Sweden Gothen ende Wenden Koningh, Grootvorst in Fin- land, Hertogh tot Ehesten ende Carelen, Heer tot Inger- manland, etc., aen de nieuw opgerichte Zuyder Compagnie in't Koningrijck Sweden onlangs genadigst gegeben ende ver- leend is, Mitsgaders een naerder Bericht over 't selve Octroy ende Verdragh -brief door Willem Usselinx. In's Graven- hage, By Aert Meuris, Boeckverkooper in de Papestraat in den Bybel, anno 1627. It also contains Usselinx's Utforligh I Forklaring. 344 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLA ND Orr. Charles: History of the Pequot war, etc., Cleveland, 1897. Winthrop, John. History of New England. In Original Nar- ratives of Early America, ed. by J. Kendall Hosmer as Winthrop's Journal. 2 Vols., 1908. Municipal Fernow, Berthold, ed. Records of New Amsterdam from 1653 to 1674 Minutes of the Court of Burgomasters and Schepens 1653-1674, Administrative Minutes, 1657-1661. 7 Vols. New York, 1897. (The administrative minutes from February 11, 1 66 1 , May 20, 1664, were not printed. These valuable records were dis- covered among the personal effects of the late Lieutenant B. E. Fernow, and returned by Dr. Burrage, the State historian of Maine, to the librarian of the City of New York.) Munsell, Joel. Annals of Albany. 10 vols. Albany, 1850-9. Munsell, Joel. Collections on the history of Albany from its discovery to the present time. 4 vols. Albany, 1865-71. Pearson, Jonothan. Early Records of the City and County of Albany and Colony of Rensselaerswyck, 1656-1675. Albany, 1869-1872. (Reprinted with a "Key to the names of persons," "Contribu- tions for the geneologies of the first settlers of Albany," and "Diagram of the home lots of the village of Beverwyck," in Munsell's Collections, etc. vols. iii. 1-224; iv. 84-510.) Records of the Towns of North Hempstead. 8 vols. 1896. Valentine, David Thomas, comp. Manual of the corporation of the City of New York, N. Y., 1842-70. Historical index to Manuals, 1841-70. New York, 1900. (No volume issued for 1867. New series beginning in 1868 is less valuable from a historical point of view, than the pre- ceeding issues to 1850, which contain important historical materials : extracts from early records of the city, Dutch and English, etc.) Religious Bowne, John. Journal of, partly printed by Onderdonck, H. Jr. in the American Historical Record, i. 4-8, Jan. 1872. "Persecution of an early friend or quaker copied from his journal." Manuscript copy by the same author in Long Island Historical Society Library, Brooklyn, preceded by a copy of Bowne's Account book. Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York. 6 Vols. Albany, 1 901- 190 5. (Vol. i. covers Dutch period. Published by the State under the supervision of Hugh Hastings, State Historian. Docu- ments compiled and edited by E. T. Corwin.) Fernow, B. ed. Minutes of Orphan Masters' Court of New Amsterdam, 1656-1663; Minutes of the Executive Boards of the Burgomasters of New Amsterdam; and Records of 346 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND 1659. Lalemant. Lettres en voices de la Nouvelle-France, 1659. Paris, Cramoisy, 1660. Jes. Rels. xlv. Journal des J^suites, Janvier a D^cembre, 1659. Jes. Rels. xlv. 1659-1660. Relaton de la Nouvelle-France, 1659-1660. Paris, Cramoisy, 1661. Jes. Rels. xlv. 1660. Journal des Jdsuites, Janvier a D^cembre, 1660. Jes. Rels. xlv. 1660-1661. Le Jeune, Relation de la Nouvelle-France, 1660- 1661. Paris, Cramoisy, 1662. Jes. Rels. xlvi. xlvii. 1 66 1. Chaumonot. Lettre du P. J. M. Chaumonot. Quebec, 20 Octobre, 1661. Jes. Rels. xlvi. 1661-1662 Lalemant. Relation de la Nou veil-France, 1661- 1662. Paris, Cramoisy, 1663. Jes. Rels. xlvii. 1662. Journal des J^suites, Janvier h D^cembre, 1662. Jes. Rels. xlvii. 1663. Journal des Jdsuites, Janvier k D^cembre, 1663. Jes. Rels. xlvii. Megapolensis, John. Een kort Ontwerp vande Makvase Indi- aenen, haer Landt, Tale, Statuere, Dracht, Godes-Dienst ende Magistrature, aldus beschreven ende nu kortelijck den 26 Augusti, 1644 opgesonden uyt Nieuwe Neder-Landt, door Johannem Megapolensem juniorem, Predikant aldaer. Alkmaer. No date. (Printed in 165 1. Amsterdam by Joost Hartgers in his "Be- schrijvinghe van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, etc." Translation by Ebenezer Hazard in "Historical Collections, i. 517-526. 1792. Revised version by J. R. Brodhead in N. Y. Historical Society Collections. 2d Series, iii. 137-160. A more revised version in Narratives of New Netherland. ed. J. Franklin Jameson, pp. 168-180.) Megapolensis, Reverend Johannis, Reply of to a Letter of Father Simon Le Moyne, a French Jesuit Missionary of Canada, 1658. Collegiate Church, New York, 1907. Versteeg, Dingman. Manhattan in 1628, as described in the recently discovered Autograph Letter of Jonas Michaelius, written from the settlement on the 8th of August of that year and now first published. New York, 1904. (Letter to Joannes Foreest of Horn and Director of the West India Company. Found in the sale of Manuscripts in Amsterdam, 1902.) (D) SECONDARY WORKS General Histories Hart, A. B. ed. The American Nation. A History from Original Sources by Associated Scholars New York, 1904. Doyle, J. A. The English Colonies in America. 5 vols. New York, 1889-1907. If he % hc * M « M J' m. Ml. m ill. M '^m Mil rfl"- '?I0- ^if \# V^ M '^. M M: 348 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Ferris, Benjamin. A History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware. Wilmington, 1846. Keen, Gregory B. The Dutch and Swedish Colonies on the Delaware. Delaware County Historical Society, vol. i. Chester, Pa., 1902. Keen, Gregory B. New Sweden, or the Swedes on the Dela- ware. In Justin Winsor's Critical and Narrative History of America, vol. iv. 442-488. Odhner, Professor Clases Theodor. Sveriges Inre Historia under Drottning Christinas Formyndare. Stockholm, 1865. (Parts transl. by Keen:" C. T. Odhner's account of Willem Usselinx and the South, Ship, and West India Companies of Sweden. The report of Governor Johan Printz of New Sweden for 1647, and the reply of Count Axel Oxenstiema, Chancellor of Sweden," in Pennsylvania Mag. of Hist. vol. vii.) Odhner, C. T. Kolonien. Nya Sveriges Grundlaggung, 1637- 1642, in Historiskt Bibliotek, Ny Foljd. i. Stockholm. 1876. (Translation by Keen. Pennsylvania Mag. of Hist. iii. 269, etc., 395, etc., 469 etc., Philadelphia, 1879. Sprinchorn, Carl. K. S. Kolonien Nya Sveriges Historia. in Historisk Bibliotek, 1879. (Transl. by Keen. Pennsylvania Mag. of Hist, and Biogr. vii. viii.) English Settlements on Long Island Bergen, Teunis. Early History of Kings County. Flint, Martha Bock^e. Early Long Island. A Colonial Study. New York, 1896. Furman, Gabriel. Antiquities of Long Island with a Bib- liography by Henry Onderdonk, Jr., 1875. Onderdonk, H. Jr. Queens County in Olden Times, in Ameri- can Historical Record i. 1872. Thompson, B. J. History of Long Island, including also a particular account of the Different Churches and Ministers. 3 Vols. 1843. Municipal Innes, J. H. New Amsterdam and Its People. New York, 1902. Mandeville, Henry G. Flushing, Past and Present. Flushing, L. I. i860. Moore, Charles B. Early Hempstead. Hempstead. 1870. Onderdonk, Henry, Jr. Annals of Hempstead. Hempstead, 1878. Onderdonck, Henry, Jr. Antiquities of Hempstead, 1878. Ostrander. A History of the City of Brooklyn and Kings County, 1894. Riker, James. Annals of Newtown, 1852. Stiles, Henry R. History of Brooklyn including the Old Town and Village of Brooklyn, the Town of Bushwyck, etc. 3 Vols. Brooklyn, 1867. 3 so RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND Onderdonck. H., Jr. Antiquities of the Church of Jamaica. 1880. Onderdonk, Henry, Jr. Antiquites of the Parish Church of Hempstead, including Oysterbay and the Churches in Suf- folk County. Illustrated from Letters of the Missionaries and other Authentic Documents, 1880. Oppenheim, Samuel. The Early History of the Jews in New York, 1654-1664. New York, 1909. Also in Am. Jew. Hist. Soc. Pubis. No. 18. 1909. Thomas, Allen C, and Richard H. The Society of Friends. Am. Church Hist. Ser. vol. xii. 1908. Thompson, Robert Ellis. Presbyterians, Am. Church. Hist. Ser. vol. vi. New York, 1902. Walker, Williston. Congregationalists, Am. Church Hist. Ser. vol. ii. New York, 1903. Whittemore, Henry. History of the First Reformed Protest- ant Dutch Church of Breuckelen, 1896. (F) BIOGRAPHY Kapp, Friedrich. Peter Minuit aus Wesel. In Von Sybel's Hist. Zeitschrift. xv. 225 et seq. Jameson, J. F. Willem Usselinx. In Am. Hist. Assoc. Reports. vol. ii. Separate Ed. New York, 1887. Mickley, Jos. J. Some Account of William Usselinx and Peter Minuit. Wilmington, 1881. Tuckerman, Bayard. Life of Peter Stuyvesant. New York, 1905- (G) AUXILIARY INFORMATION Brakel, Dr. S. van. De HoUandsche Handelscompagnieen der Zeventiende Eeuw. Hun Onstaan — Hunne Inrichting. Blok, Petrus J. A History of the People of the Netherlands. 4 vols. New York, 1907. Cambridge Modern History., vol. iii. The Wars of Religion. New York, 1905. De Schrevel, H. C. Remi Drieux, ^v^que de Bruges et les troubles des Pays Bas. Revue d'Histoire Eccl^siastique. ii. 828-839; iii. 36-65, 349-369, 644-688; iv. 645-678. Hubert, Eugene. Les Pays-Bas Espagnols et La R^publique des Provinces Unis Depuis ■ La Paix de Munster Jusqu'au Traict6 D' Utrecht, 1648-17 13 La Question Religeuse et Les Relations Diplomatiques. Bruxelles, 1907. Knuttel, W. P. C. De toestand der Nederl. Katholieken ten tijde der Republiek. 2 vols. The Hague. 1892-4. Laspeyres. Geschichte d. volkswirthschaftlichen Anschauungen d. Niederlander z. Zeit d. Republik. No. xi. Preischriften d. Fiirstlich Jablonowski Gesellschaft v. Leipzig. Mather, Cotton. Magnalia Christi Americana; or The eccle- siastical History of New England, 1620-98. London, 1702. mM'MM :i^ pf;' m^ 1^- H ^ '^tfl; '^i '^ SI '^d w 'y -■ y€ -^^ 'f /If ;^: % #• fif ^c .1^' Tw ■ ill 1CM.^<. ■'*;-^.J- ^-.-o*; .^.*ii- "■^:^i .,; -^-;.^7'"- %. a»f 'V..;, t:,'s 354 INDEX Blom, Hermanus, Dutch Reformed minister in New Netherland, loo, lOI, 102, 103, 212 Blommaert, Samuel, 109, no, in, 112, 113 Bogaerdt, Joost van, 115 Bogardus, Everardus Wilhelmus, Dutch Reformed minister in New Netherland, 48, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 269 Bohemia, 38 Bois-le-Duc, 31 Bombay Hook, 199 Bommel, 10 Bonaire, 248, 251 Bordeaux, 281 Boswyck, 46 Boursier, Joseph, Jesuit Brother,296 Bouwery, 46, 99, 105 Bowne, John, 4, 234, 235, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 244, 245, 246 Brabant, 14, 107 Brahe, Peter, Chancellor of Sweden, 118, 120 Branford, 186 Brazil, 38, 39, 62, 93,247,248,256,258 Bressani, Francis Joseph, S. J. missionary, 283, 284, 285 Breukelen, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105, 176 Bridges, 158 Briggs, 158 Brill, 19 Bristol, N. Y., 301 Bristol Channel, 81 Broar, Ambroise, Jesuit Brother,296 Bruges, 14, 16 Brussels, 12, 13, 14, 21 De Bruynvisch (ship), 206 Calvin, John, 302, 303, 304 Calvinism: in Europe, 196; in Neth- erlands, ID, II, 12, 13, 15, 16, 106; in Dutch Republic, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 28, 29, 32, 34; in Geldern, 24; in Holland, 10, 13, 26; in Zealand, 10, 13, 19; in Antwerp, 14; in Bruges, 14; in Brussels, 14; in Ghent, 14; in Ger- many, 38; in New Sweden, 118; cf . Dutch Reformed Church Cambridge, Academy of, 104, 177 Canada, 271, 276, 291, 293, 295, 296' 297, 300, 301, 302, 304, 308, 309 Canarise, 176 Cape Henlopen, 116 Carleton, (Sir Dudley) Lord Dor- chester, 23 Carribean Is., 251 Cartwright, 156 Cat Nation (Eries), 292, 298, 301 Catechism; of Heidelberg, 28, 98; of Luther (in Lenni-Lenape), 119 Catherine de Medici, Queen Regent of France, 31 Catholicism, in Brazil, 248; in Neth- erlands, 10, II, 12, 13, 14, 15, i6,i7;in Dutch Republic, 19, 22, 23. 32, 34; in Brabant, 22; in Drenthe, 21 ; in Friesland, 24; in Geldern, 24, 34; in Holland, 10, 15, 17, 24, 34; in Overyssel, 34; in Stadt en Landen, 21; in Utrecht, 34; in Zealand, 10, 15, 17, 24; in Alckmaar, 24; in Gouda, 24; in Haarlem, 24; in Hoorn, 24; in Leyden, 24; in The Hague, 24; in Koevorden, 21; in New Netherland, 97, 141 , 257 , 261, 283, 289, 299, 303; in New York, 142; on South River, 132; cf. Jesuit Missions Caton, William, 244 Cayenne, 249, 265 Cayugas of Iroquois Cessation, Act of, 28 Charles I., King of England, 143, 147- 153 Charles II., King of England, 178 Charles XL, King of Sweden, 192 Charles River, 113 Chaumont, Joseph S. J., mission- ary, 295 Christina, Queen of Sweden, 112, 115, 117, 128 Christina Kill, 199 Church — Reformed, 166, 196, 208, 211, 269; in Dutch Republic, 18, 19, 20, 23, 25, 29, 31, 33, 41, 61, 67, 71, 146; in Drenthe, 21; in Gelderland,34; inHoUand, 17; in Overyssel, 34; in Stadt en Landen, 21 ; in Utrecht, 34; in New Neth- erland, I, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 43, 45, ^«L- :'^- .*^. .?'^i.. .;'m:- J^^'^i..J^^...ryi':^"^e,: 355 f - ti| W W 1« I li K 1i f' ill ,'^. ^..^ .,„ \M:. :€ M.. M. i 356 INDEX Drenthe, 21 Drisius, Samuel, Dutch Reformed minister in New Netherland, 55, 86, 90, 155, 159, 160, 165, 169, 171, 172, 176, 189, 191, 194, 203, 205, 206, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 231,247, 273 Drueilletes, Gabriel, S. J. mission- ary, 311 Drunkenness in New Netherland, 48, 77, 82, 271, 272, 273 Duke of Anjou, 17, 18 Duke of Arschot, Governor of Flan- ders, 14 Duke of Parma, cf. Farnese Dunkirk, 76 Du Perron, Francis, S. J. mission- ary, 297 Dutch Republic, 10, 17, 20, 30, 32, 33.34,38,39-41- 58,66, 73-91- 136, 146, 184, 195 Dutch in New Sweden, 120 Dutch Swedish Company, I ID, iii Dyckman, Commissary, command- ant of Fort Orange, 289 East Chester, 150 East India Company, Dutch, 36, 37, 190 East Indies, 37, 41 East Phalia, 135 Egyptians, 220 England, 57, 90, 105, 145, 146, 159, 175- 179-253-283 English: in America, 71, no, 116, 145, 269; in England, 179; in New England, 3, 153, 270; in New Netherland, 4, 35, 47, 48, 62, 63, 71, 90, 104, 105, 135, 136, 138, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 151, 153- 155- 158, 162, 163, 167, 169, 170, 173, 175, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 203, 215, 217, 224, 227, 234, 257, 275; in New Swe- den, 5, 112, 118, 130; in Rhode Island, 149 Elizabeth, Queen of England, 14, 18, 19, 21 Elsland, Claes van, 53 Enckhuysen, 112, 113 Eries cf. Cat Nation Esopus, 100, loi Esopus Indians, 98 d'Estrades, Godefroi, Count, 32 Everett, Richard, 7, 176, 231, 233 Exemptions, tax, 88 Europe, 84, 107, 124, 166, 180, 183, 196, 214, 266, 277, 284 Fairfield, 175 Farnese,Alexander, Duke of Parma, 16 Farrett, 143 Farrington, Edward, 221, 223, 226, 234 Feake, Robert, 152 Feake, Tobias, 4, 219, 221, 222 Ferdinand, Emperor of Germany, 38 Ferry, 99 Ffen, Benjamin, 181 Field, Hannah, 235 Finland, 116 Finns in New Sweden, 115, 124, 133 Flanders, 14, 107 Fleming, Claes, Swedish Admiral, no. III Flemish Bastard, 291 Florida, in, 113 Flushing (Holland), 19 Flushing (New Netherland), 3, 4, 55, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 197, 219, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 230, 234, 235, 236, 245 Fluviander, Israel (Holgh?) Swed- ish Lutheran minister in New Sweden, 119, 120 Fonseca, Joseph, 249 Fordham, Jonah, English Presby- terian minister in New Nether- land, 160 Fordham, Robert, English Presby- terian minister in New Nether- land, 45, 154, 155, 159, 160 Fort Amsterdam, 285 Fort Casimir, 121,122, 123, 124,128 Fort Christina, 112, 114, 115, xi6, 117, 121, 124, 193 Fort Elfsburg, 121 Fort Nassau, 112, 120 Fort Orange, 59, 63, 77, 92, 205, 212, 260, 261, 276, 289, 291, 295, 297, 302, 306 Fort Richelieu (Canada), 280 Fort Trinity, 122 ff . \ii m m ■m^ 'M' "Hf lif/^ w Iff Ji^; !i|^ ryfi- Iff^ im- *«f' M If Vi"' :# M iiC M' -^^ M 'if :M ^01 W; ,n 358 INDEX Hopton, 167 Holy Martyrs, Mission of, 286 Hubbard, Benjamin, 233 Hudson, Henry, i, 36 Hudson River Country, 3 Huguenots: in France, 22, 107; in New Netherland, 284, cf. Wal- loons Hulst, 32 Humphries, Master, 168 Huntington, 174, 180 Hurons, 276, 278, 280, 283, 284, 290, 291, 293, 294, 297, 298, 307, 308, 309, 314 Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 150, 151 Hutchinson River, 150 Huyck, Jan, 61, 62 Huyghens, Jan, 63 de Ulan, Jan, 248, 249, 252 Immigration, English, into New Netherland, 136-186 Immorality in New Netherland, 77, 91, 269, 270, 271 Independents, 105, 142, 146, 147, I59> 17I1 I75> 189, 190, 194, 220, 257 Indians, 4, 48, 50, 52, 72, 78, loi, 102, III, 112, 115, 123, 135, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 161, 162, 167, 170. 175. 193. 266-316, cf. Algonquins, Eries, Esopus In- dians, Hurons, Iroquois, Mis- ions, Mohegans, Nevesink In- dians, Raritan Indians, Rip- powan Indians, River Indians Ingermanland, 116 Inquisition: in Holland, 28, 33; in Portugal, 256; in Spain, 256 Intolerance cf. persecution Ipswich, 143, 145, 146 Irish Catholic in New Amsterdam, 283 Iroquois, 271, 272, 276, 278, 280, 283. 285. 286. 287. 288. 289. 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299, 300, 305, 308, 309, 310, 311, 313, 314, 316; Cayugas, 301, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314; Mo- hawks, 150, 273, 276, 277, 280, 282. 285. 286. 287. 288. 290. 292, 293, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299, 302, 305. 306, 307, 308, 310, 313; On- eidas, 290, 305, 307, 308, 309, 310, 313; Onondagas, 290, 291, 292, 293, 295, 296, 297, 298, 300, 301, 302, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315; Senecas, 296, 297. 301.310. 311. 313 Isle de Sable, in Isle d'Orleans, 298 Isle de Rh^, 285 Isabella of Austria, Archduke, 21 ; 22 Israel, Abraham, 254 Israel, David, 254 Isreal, Manasseh Ben, 258 Itamarca, (Brazil), 93 Jacquet, Jean Paul, vice-director of West India Company on the South River, 124, 125 James, John, 228 Jansen, Jacob, 276 Jansen, Peter, 209 Jamaica, 7, 176, 215, 219, 225, 230, 231, 232, 234 Jesuits: in Dutch Republic, 29, 30, 33; in New Netherland, 141, 276, cf. Missions Jeannin, President, 22 Jews: in Dutch Republic, 24, 33; in New Netherland, 5, 132, 141, 142, 189, 220, 247-265; in New York, 142 Joanna, Popess, 303 Jogues, Isaac, S. J. missionary, 141, 276, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 285, 286, 287, 303 John of Austria, Don, Governor General of the Netherlands, 11, 12, 13, 14 John of Nassau, 34 Jongh, Jacob, 125, 126 Kalmer, Nyckel (ship), no Kieft, William, Director General of New Netherland, 48, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 78, 79, 80 ,81, 82, 85, 141, 143, 144, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 161, 162, 163, 196, 197, 245, 276, 282, 284 Kling, Mans, 114, 115, 116 Klopjes: in Dutch Republic, 30; in Geldern, 24 mi wsi -1^ M m- M.. M:MM: 36o INDEX Menard, Rene, S. J. missionary, 296 Mennonites, 5, 31, 34- 130, 132, HL 169, 189, 190, 257 Meuse, 34 Mercier, Francis le, S. J. missionary, 296 Mercurius Germaniae, 180 Mercurius (ship), 126 de Mereda, Judicq, 254 Mespath, 148, 149, 151, 155, 162, 170, 196 Messenger, Andrew, 7, 176, 233 Michaelius, Jonas Johannes, Dutch Reformed minister in New Neth- erland, 40, 63, 64, 65, 67, 138, 266, 267, 269 Middelburg cf. Newtown Midwout, 47, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97> 98, 99, 176, 243 Milford, N. E., 181, 186, 196 Milner, Michael, 220 Mills, Richard, 173, 174 Minuit, Peter, Director General of New Netherland, 61, 62, 63, 64, 109, no. III, 112, 113, 114 Minquaaskil, 116 Missions among Indians: Dutch, 36, 39, 75, 91, 266-275; English, 269, 274; Scotch, 269; French Jesuit, 269, 274, 276-316; Swed- ish, 107, 115, 117, 118, 119 Mohegans, 305 Mohawks cf. Iroquois Molemacker, Frangois, 62 De Molen (ship), 202 Montezuma, N. Y., 301 Montmagny, le Chevalier, de, 280 Montreal, 290, 293, 294, 296, 297, 298, 299, 307, 308, 309, 311, 313, 315 Moody, Lady Deborah, 167, 168 Moore, John, English Independent minister in New Netherland, 171, 172,173,174, 194 Morals, Public, in New Netherland, 48-60 Morgan, Charles, 170, 2^ Morillon, 13 Motthe, Jacques de la, 253, 254, 255 Miinster, 31 Nassy, David, 249, 265 Namur, 13 Nertunius, Matthias, Swedish Luth- eran minister in New Sweden, 121, 123 Netherlands, 10, 12, 19, 83, 106, 107, 138, 145, i69,i84,259;cf. Dutch Republic New Amersfoort, 99 New Amstel, 44, 47, 128, 129, 130,. 132, 133. 134. 199-202 New Amsterdam, 6, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48,49.50,53. 55.56:57.58,63,64, 69, 71, 72, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 93. 99. 122, 123, 124, 151, 155. 158, 160, 162, 163, 166, 169, 171, 175, 176, 187, 188, 192, 193, 194, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203, 211, 211,214,215,216,221,229, 231, 235,236,238,239,243,246, 253, 259, 260, 262,263, 265, 269, 273, 282, 283, 284, 294, 299, 301, 304 New Ark, 186 New Castle, 121 New England, 3, 58, 105, 136, 142, 144, 146, 147, 150, 151, 153, 155, 156, 160, 161, 167, 171, 173, 179, 181, 186, 194, 269 New France, 280, 311 New Gottenburg, 118, 119, 121 New Haarlem, 103 New Haven, 7, 154, 178, 179, 180, 182, 184, 186 New Jersey, 186 New Netherland Company, 37, 145 New Plymouth, 269 New Rochelle, 150 New Sweden, 4, 6, 106-136, 192, 193, 203, 259 Newtown, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 194, 230 Newtown, Captain, 158 New Utrecht, 103 New York, 158 Nevesink Indians, 184 Nicolaes, the Frenchman, 97 Nine Select Men, 6, 82 Noble, William, 221, 223 Noorman, Lawrence, 206 Nordlingen, 108 North River, 44, 103, 143 North Sea, 311 m. M M- MM^. 'M- M.;w M '# '■i^f k's^C '(sir 'slT 'itii :'.M^ 5#f IMI 361 v| ^if" :'^ Ij^ ,'?^ k --rK.. ^%. J%. 'i% ^€ w M; .^1 ^* if- f4| jilt M.i- 362 INDEX Qualifications, religious, for office: in Cayenne, 249-250; in Dutch Republic, 29; in Gelderland, 29; in Holland, 29; in Overyssel, 29; in New Netherland, 5-7, 102, 127, 168, 169, 179, 187, 189, 204 Quebec, 290. 291, 295, 296, 297, 298, 302, 307 Raguenau, Paul, S. J. missionary, 297. 313 Rammekens, 19 Raritan Indians, 184 Rasieres, Isaac de, 269 Remonstrants, 25, 28, 29, 31, 106 Remund, Jan Van, 64, 68 Rensselaer, John van, 91, 92, 271 Rensselaer, Kiliaen van, 6, 64, 68, 74-75.76,77.268 Rensselaers-Steyn, 77, 270 Rensselaerswyck, 3, 6, 43, 44, 47, 72, 74, 83, 84, 90, 91, 270, 271, 272, 274, 276 Rhode Is., 148, 149, 152, 165, 214, 215, 218 Rijnsburgers, 34 Rippowan Indians, 154 Rising, John Claesen, Governor of New Sweden, 121, 124 River Indians, 294 Robinson, 144, 145 Rochelle, 135, 280 Rodenburch, vice-director of Cu- ra9oa, etc., 251, 252 Roelandsen, Adam, 67 Rome, 299, 302, 303 Rotterdam, 27 Rovenius, Vicar Apostolic in Dutch Republic, 23 Rustdorp cf. Jamaica Sabatarians, 142 Sabbath regulations, 48, 49-53, 157, 170, 227-228 Sael, Thomas, 164 Salem, 145, 167, 168 Salem Creek, 118 Sanders, 156 Sankikah, 116 Schaats, Gideon, Dutch Reformed minister in New Netherland, 90, 91. 92, 93. 95. 212,274 School in Dutch Republic, 23; in New Netherland, 20, 43, 44, 46-47, 66, 67, 70, 82, 83, 91, 100, loi, 104, 129, 133, 141, 192, 195, 274 Schoorel, 75 Schott, Joseph, 229 Schrick, Paulus, 191 Schultetus, Dutch Reformed min- ister, 73 Schuylkill, 121 Scotch, 269, 289 Sects cf. Dissent Selyns, Henricus, Dutch Reformed minister in New Netherland, 98, 99, 100, 103, 105, 133, 212 Senecas cf. Iroquois Ship Company of Sweden, 108 Ship and South Company of Swe- den, 116 Sille, Nicasius de, 99, 221, 259 Siperius (Zyperius), Michael, Dutch Reformed minister in New Netherland, 103 Sixt, Abraham, 37 Slave trade regulations in Cayenne, 265 Sluys, Andries van der, loi Smith, Joan, 55 Smith, Richard, 55, 148, 162 Smith, William, 162 Smits, Anna, 170 Snediger, Jan, 94, 95 Socinianism, 25 Solidarity, religious, of New Neth- erland and New England, 144- 146, 151, 158, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183 Solms, Count of, 139, 140 Solms, County of, 139 Sonnontouan, cf. Seneca South Company of Sweden, 108, 109 South & Ship Company of Sweden, no Southampton, 143, 160, 161 South River, 4, 5, 44, 50, in, 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 131, 132, 133. 134. 135. 192, 199. 202, 260, 261 South Sea, 176 mm M M « ;■«■ v«if- s*,?,, ,<■»?,; .^-« ■ M ii| -M 5il ■if W- M Hf J-^ 364 INDEX Truce, Twelve Years' (1609), 22, 23. 29. 36, 37, 38 Turks, 220 Turner, William, 164 Twiller, Wouter van. Director Gen- eral of New Netherland, 64, 67, 68, 69 Underhill, Capt. John, 3, 137, 153. 163, 165 Union of Arras, 16 Union of Brussels (First), 11; (Sec- ond), 15 Union of Utrecht, 16, 29 United Provinces cf. Dutch Re- public Upsala, Council of , 117, 192 Utrecht, 4, 19, 27, 33, 34 Usselinx, William, 36, 37, 38, 106 , 107, 108, 109, no, 115, 247, 266 Varleth, Judith, 185 Veluwe, 34 Venice, Republic of, 24 Verleth, Maria, 56, 57, 58 Verhulst, William, Director of New Netherland, 61 Vestensz, William, 83 Virginia, 104, 136, 146, 159, 165, 269, 283 Visch, Procurator, 14 Vliegende Hert, Het (ship), 114 Vredeland, cf. Westchester Vries, David P. de, 68, 71, 72 Vriesendael, 150 Vrydach, Andrew, 51 De Waag (ship), 122, 204, 205 Waldenses, 135 Waldron, Resolved, 231, 234, 235, 236, 240 Walker, Zacharia, English minister, 177 Wallabout, 99 Walloons, 61, 63, 64, 65, 107, 289 Watertown, 152, 153, 154 Waugh, Dorothy, 214, 215 Weather sfield, 155 Weeks, Francis, 229 Welde, Rev. Th., 152 " Welius, Everardus, Dutch Re- formed minister in New Nether- land, 130, 134, 202 Wesel, 64 Westchester County, 150, 151, 175 West India Company, i, 2, 6, 36, 37- 38, 39-47. 50, 66,67, 70, 71. 82, 85, 92, 104, 106, III, 112, 113. 114, 133, 136, 137, 138, 140, 145, 150, 153, 163, 179, 195, 197, 247, 256, 258, 259, 266, 267, 268; College of the XIX., 37, 39, 62, 66, 67, 140, 146, 268; Amster- dam Chamber, i, 2, 4, 5, 7, 39, 42,43, 44-45. 76, 81, 82, 83, 85, 90,93,101,103,105,112,113, 122, 123, 128, 134, 139, 140, 141, 144, 160, 184, 185, 188, 189, 190, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 205, 207, 208, 210, 211, 212, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 255, 257, 258, 260, 261, 262, 264, 265, 275, 287, 296, 297; Enck- huysen Chamber, 112, 113; Zealand Chamber, 249, 250 West India, America or New Swe- den Company, 117 West Indies, 38, 41, 112, 114,200, 248. 253 West Phaha, 135 Westminster Assembly, 146 Weather sfield, 154 Whally, 178 Whorekill, 130, 132 Wickendam, William, 165, 166 Wild Coast, 250 Willemeyntje, 55 Williams, Jan, 130 William Lewis of Nassau, Stadt- holder of Friesland, 20, 21 William, Prince of Orange, 11, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18 Williams, Roger, 149 Wilson, George, 231, 232 Wiltwyck, 6, 10 1 Winthrop, John, Governor of Mas- sachusetts, 143, 150, 151, 152 Winthrop, John, Jr., Governor of Connecticut, 179, 184 Witchcraft, 185 Witherhead, May, 214, 215 Woeler (Wheeler?), 127 Woolsey, George, 158 ^C *C -'4 € .'*6i M- ;# 'tl ;* !| M |C >l :M i€ MM i«l 365 3, 17. 19. sh Luth- Sweden, f m M :^ :^il M .^i| ri r W- M ^- M ■ ^#' « M M- m '^'..J: ■■-'■.«•-■ ^-»-..V?. ■-■•_,^,- ■ ^■•■,{r 4T^-^ \m^ >-^i-^ ^df If vtf^' :m[ .^f • ill M M ^* ^if • M M' M M • i*^ 'i* W m ■ H 99 78 f :*^' j^,.^ jM:.. [ tf[ t^ M it: s» tt j# * J '\L„ ^f'-'i .= '"^i- ■- vi' ■'■- ^^ * f. ■'- -4-' 'fr -f . :. »S ■-■.■■ . ■':' d .11 •.■.-: ;:'H 3-^lt ..**■ !«|''| ^ A ^^^9^ -^' e ^ 'fyf '*|i'" '^^- 'fi^ ^^>^' ^- i .-^' ^vrxi^' ^ CM If M i»^ \.l sS r,4i£'- «i/f .«»-.'!' 5^