c^O^ 
 
 
EMPI-^E STATE 
 
 Bu~r 
 
 PRE MlUi CLASS S 
 
 
J A OAR FIELD 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 Gen. James A. Garfield. 
 
 BY 
 
 •V 
 
 J? M: BUNDY. 
 
 iijILjXjst:e=l..^' 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 A. S. BARNKS & \ZC5, 
 
 III & 113 William Street. 
 [880. 
 
CO 
 
 5 
 
 o 
 
 > 
 
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 Copyrighted, A. S. BARNES & CO , 1880. 
 
00]:^TEKTS. 
 
 • •- 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Garfield's Noble Ancestry 1 
 
 CHAPEER IT. 
 " Four Young Saplings " in the Woods of Orange 8 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 At Geauga Seminary 20 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Garfield at Hiram. 
 
 2:5 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Garfield at Williams 31 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Professor, President, and State Senator 45 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 Garfield, tlie Citizen Soldier 53 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 Garfield in Congress 07 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 The Currency Question 78 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 Garfield and tlie Tariff 103 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 Committee Work 121 
 
iv CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 The Extra Session of 1879 135 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 The Louisiana Count and Other Matters 156 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 Occasional Speeches ■ 161 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 Garfield's Career as a Lawyer 170 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 Education 187 
 
 CHAPTER XV 11. 
 Civil Service Reform 193 
 
 CHAPTER XVlll. 
 By way of Review 198 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 Home Life at Washington and Mentor 217 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 Cond usion .• -^28 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Garfield's Chicago Convention Speech 233 
 
 Garfield's Informal Acceptance 236 
 
 Garfield in the Light of Phrenology 237 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 OP 
 
 GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 CHAPTER T. 
 Garfield's noble ancestky. 
 
 " Tn this world all is relative. Character itself is the result of innumerable 
 influences, from without and from within, which act unceasingly through life. 
 Who shall estimate the effect of those latent forces enfolded in the spirit of a 
 new-born child— forces that may date back centuries and find their origin in the 
 life and thought and deeds of remote ancestors— forces, the germs of which, en- 
 veloped in the awful mystery of life, have been transmitted silently from gener- 
 ation to generation, and never perish ! All-cherishing nature, provident and 
 unforgetting, gathers up all these fragments, that nothing may be lost, but that 
 all may ultimately reappear in new combinations. Each new life is thus the 
 ' heir of all the ages,' the possessor of qualities which only the events of life can 
 \mfom:'—Ga7jield's Eulogy 0)1 General George II. Thmnas. 
 
 James Abraham Garfield is the natural and worthy heir of 
 a noble lineage. It is true that his ancestors, so far as traceable, 
 have been people of moderate, and generally lowly, position 
 and circumstances. Their names have not been found in Court 
 Chronicles or books of the Peerage, across the water ; nor have 
 they, with a few exceptions, figured conspicuously in American 
 records, fleeting or permanent. But if virtue, courage, adven- 
 turousness of spirit, independence, and loyalty to God, truth, 
 and country, constitute nobility of character, and prove nobility 
 of blood, the men and women whose strong characteristics have 
 descended to the greatest of the Garfields were people of a 
 
2 THE LIFE OF GE^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 " rare strain of blood," to use the expressive language of the 
 turf, where only actual qualities of race are considered. There 
 is nothing " lucky" or " accidental " about either the charac- 
 ter or the career of the next President of the United States. 
 The most wonderfully developed specimen of American man- 
 liood in this country has come to his present commanding posi- 
 tion as legitimately, by the help of as favorable influences, and 
 by virtue of as inexorable laws, as the big pines of the Yo- 
 semite. 
 
 Let us look into this as far and us clearly as dim or scanty 
 records and traditions will enable us to see. 
 
 It is tolerably certain that the male ancestor of the American 
 Garfields was one of that picked company of men, -VN^omen, and 
 children, who came over in the ship which bore Governor Win- 
 throp to the Massachusetts shores, and it is absolutely certain 
 that this ancestor, Edward Garfield, was one of the one hun- 
 dred and six proprietors of Watertown, now a lovely suburb of 
 Boston, for he is so recorded in 1G35. It is undoubtedly true 
 — for all the circumstances prove it — that Edward Garfield was 
 one of those men whose religion was so heroic and practical that 
 they coolly and patiently encountered the dangers and priva- 
 tions and sufferings tliat would have appalled nine tenths of 
 Norman William's adventurous, freebooting founders of the 
 nobility of conquered England, and with notions as much 
 liigher than those of the Norman robbers as the heavens are 
 liiglier than the earth. But in Massachusetts, in the seven- 
 teenth century, a quiet and sustained heroism was so common 
 that individual heroes rarely got special mention. So, all that 
 is known of Edward Garfield is that he lived to be ninety-seven 
 years old, thereby, according to Carlyle's maxim, showing much 
 virtue, and setting an example to his descendants which has 
 been well observed. 
 
 Going backward from Edward Garfield, authentic history 
 finds little to stand on, in the pursuit of his ancestry, and 
 speculation has been wild and vague. There is a controversy as 
 to whether the Garfields were of Saxon origin, coming over 
 
THE LIFE OF GEJ^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 3 
 
 from Germany to England, or whether they are pure Welsh. 
 General Garfield himself is a strong evidence of the former 
 theory. When he talks German, as he does fluently and well, 
 no stranger would doubt his being a pure-blooded German. 
 He has the fair Saxon complexion and the Saxon temperament 
 and j[}hy8ique. But this is not conclusive, though strongly pre- 
 sumptive. Among the few ancestral facts, however, that are 
 on record in England, are those found in the " Herald's Visita- 
 tion to Middlesex, " about the middle of the seventeenth century, 
 in which are recorded the family arms and crest of the Gar. 
 fields of Middlesex, one of whom had the name of Abraham, 
 which has kept reappearing in the family in this country, though 
 sometimes shortened to Abram. This Middlesex settlement of 
 the Garfields is pretty strong confirmation of the theory of their 
 Saxon origin. 
 
 Returning to Edward Garfield, he had a son Edward, who 
 had a son Benjamin, who had a son Thomas. Benjamin showed 
 the warlike spirit that has been natural to the race, as well as 
 civil ability. He was a captain in the Indian wars and a repre- 
 sentative from Watertown, in the " Great and General Court of 
 Massachusetts," probably a big-hearted and big-brained man. 
 Doubtless more of this stock were of the same sort, though 
 recordless. At all events, five generations of the Garfields, in- 
 cluding the first Edward, are buried in and around Watertown. 
 " Their record is on high." 
 
 The sixth Garfield in line of descent was Solomon, the 
 great-grandfather of General Garfield, of whom more presently. 
 His brother Abraham had his chance to show Garfield blood, 
 by risking the loss of it in the fight at Concord Bridge, which 
 was the Sumter tocsin of our Revolutionary ancestors, and 
 afterward was one of the signers of the curiously framed but 
 tremendously suggestive affidavits sent to the Continental 
 Congress, to prove that these cool-blooded heroes acted on the 
 defensive. Of Abraham Garfield we hear no more. Solomon 
 Garfield was, however, destined to make history. As one of the 
 self-crowned "sovereigns" who wanted to carve his sover- 
 
4 THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 eignty out of the then wikl and " Western" forest beyond 
 the Hudson, he " moved " with his family into what was then 
 known as " The Wilderness" of New York, and helped to 
 " settle" what is now known as the town of Worcester, in this 
 State. This was as heroic and manhood-developing a business 
 as killing Indians or fighting " red-coats." 
 
 Solomon had there in his "clearing" a son named Thomas, 
 from whom and his wife, Asenath Hill, was begotten, in De- 
 cember, lT99,Abram, or Abraham, Garfield, the father of General 
 Garfield. The father spelled his ("hristian name sometimes in 
 one way and sometimes in the other. He never disgraced 
 either phase of that patriarch. 1 name. So much for the male 
 line of the family. 
 
 The ascent through the lineage of General Garfield's heroic 
 mother, Eliza Garfield, will show an equally noble " strain of 
 blood " and greater distinction. Eliza Ballon, as she was be- 
 fore she married Abram, or Abraham, Garfield, came of that 
 purest, highest, most intelligent and enduring race of involun- 
 tary colonists who were ever expelled for their religion from 
 France— the Huguenot fugitives from the inconceivably foolish 
 " Edict of Nantes." It seems as though God had determined 
 that the Old World should send to America the very choicest of 
 seed for the propagation of a nation. Among these Huguenot 
 "settlers" was Maturin Ballon, the founder of the American 
 family of Ballous. Coming here for religious liberty, he and 
 his associates were naturally drawn to Rhode Island, the home 
 of the man who had made the greatest pronunciamento of 
 religious liberty up to that time — Roger Williams. Maturin 
 Ballon " settled " in Woonsocket, in Rhode Island, and he and 
 his descendants, for several generations, enjoyed there to per- 
 fection the liberty they crossed the seas to find. James Bal- 
 lon, the father of General Garfield's mother, also enjoyed the 
 bold and adventurous spirit of his race, being taken up as a boy 
 into the wilderness of New Hampshire, where his father cut out 
 for his family a home in the forest, in Richmond, just north of 
 the Massachusetts line. By marriage in New Hampshire this 
 
THE LIFE OF GEl^. JAMES A. GARFIELB. 5 
 
 branch of the Ballous became " connected " with the large 
 Ingalls family, of which General Rufus Ingalls is an able repre- 
 sentative. From James Ballou and Mehitabel Ingalls was 
 born Eliza Ballou, General Garfield's mother. 
 
 She was born in Richmond, Chester County, New Hamp- 
 shire, on the 21st of September, 1801, in the same town where 
 Hosea Ballou, the founder of Universalism in this country, and 
 a relative, was born. The Ballous, according to all traditions, 
 have been small in stature, and have been called a " French 
 pony breed " — which means compactness and toughness of fibre, 
 moral, intellectual, and physical ; great nervous energy, com- 
 bined with endurance, and a fine texture of organization 
 throughout. Eloquence and the gift of poetry came naturally 
 to the family. Silas Ballou, a brother of General Garfield's 
 grandfather James, was the author of over a score of hymns in 
 the Universalist " collection" of his time. It will be seen that 
 the General came honestly by his oratorical powers, imagination, 
 and finer sentiments, from his mother's side of the family, while 
 he inherits the great physical development and strength, and 
 the accompanying good-nature, generosity, and sense of humor 
 that have characterized the Garfields. General Garfield's 
 father was a man of prodigious strength. He was famous as a 
 wrestler, and never met his match, though men would come for 
 miles from all around to wrestle with " Abe Garfield," as they 
 called him. His grandfather, Solomon Garfield, was offered a 
 grindstone weighing five hundred pounds if he would carry it 
 home. He put it on his shoulders and carried it home, a mile's 
 distance, without even availing himself of the privilege of lean- 
 ing against a fence. This feat was performed in Worcester, 
 N. Y., and while I was at Mentor a Worcester born man called 
 who gave the tradition as being fresh to this day. All other 
 stories about the Garfields confirm the accepted theory that thej 
 have been distinguished for their physical strength and for 
 their generosity, warm-heartedness, and dashing courage, but 
 without much tendency to intellectual feats. General Garfield 
 believes that he is the second Garfield who ever graduated from 
 
6 THE LIFE OF GEN-. JAMES A. GARFtELD. 
 
 a college. The dynamic forces that were to take him out of 
 the range of all previous Garfields lay coiled up in the fine, 
 sensitive, religious, intellectual nature of his mother, who was 
 most fortunately situated for the development of whatever was 
 purest, best, and noblest in her, and prepared for the great mis- 
 sion she was to fulfil— a mission which she is far from believ- 
 ing to be ended. 
 
 When Eliza Garfield was eight years old, in the wild New 
 Hampshire " clearing," her father died, and her mother taught 
 her a lesson of heroic faitli and vigor by taking the four little 
 children and moving into the newly settled community at 
 Worcester, New York, where Heaven had ordained that the 
 destinies of the Garfields and Ballous should form a junction. 
 Among her playmates for five years was Abram Garfield, her 
 future lover and husband. But her eldest brother James, after 
 whom the General was named, had had his ideas enlarged and 
 his adventurous spirit quickened by service in the war of 1812, 
 and so, when the war closed, he was wild with the notion of 
 moving to " the new West," as forest-covered Ohio was then 
 called. He induced his mother to take her children there, and 
 they all went fearlessly out, to conquer a new home. It was in 
 1814, and their destination was Muskingum County, near 
 Zanesville, in Central Ohio. The tedious journey took six long 
 weeks. 
 
 Now for Abram Garfield, an orphan, and bereft of the little 
 Ballou girl, his playmate. He was " bound out " to service with 
 a Mr. James Stone, who brought him up, but he broke his fet- 
 ters at eighteen, and, keeping the Ballou girl in his heart all the 
 while, he set out for the Ohio wilderness, found his " better 
 half," and made her legally such by proper ceremony, when he 
 was nineteen and she a year younger. The building of the Ohio 
 Canal by the State gave a fine chance for the enterprising young 
 giant, whose willpower, energy, and decision were as strong as 
 his tremendous muscles. A born master of men, "smart," 
 active, and keen-witted, he found a place as superintendent on 
 the canal work, and soon got to taking contracts, which for 
 
THE LIFE OF GEIT. JAMES A. GAKFIELD. ^ 
 
 some time were profitable. A sudden rise of prices broke him, 
 but he paid in full, and struck out for the wilderness of Orange, 
 fifteen miles from Mentor, taking a half-brother with him. 
 There was but one house within seven miles of them. They 
 erected a log-cabin and both lived in it until another was built, 
 and then went to work to cut a hole in the forest. There, on 
 the 19th of November, 1831, James A. Garfield, the youngest of 
 four children^ was born. 
 
CHAPTER n. 
 
 "four young saplings" in the woods of orange. 
 
 Judged by mere outward appearances, the advent of this 
 robust, big-e^'ed, Saxon man-child, in a little log-cabin, in a 
 small hole in the dense forest of Orange, Ohio, was not a par- 
 ticularly fortunate entrance into the world. But if my readers 
 have sympathized with the views briefly outlined in the pre- 
 
 EIRTHPLACE OF JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 ceding chapter, they will agree with me that such a birth, 
 amid precisely such surroundings, was of great good omen to 
 the child, who was to bear all the burdens and sorrows and 
 struggles of that hand-to-hand fight for existence and develop- 
 ment which is the blessed fate of nine tenths of the boys and 
 men who make the Republic what it is. But this is only a 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 9 
 
 negative view. Positively, the being born of such a father and 
 such a mother, in the Orange woods, at that time, was a most 
 auspicious ordering of destin5\ Not only was the daily fight 
 for a living heroically and joyously borne by the father, but 
 with religious cheerfulness by the mother. The whole atmos- 
 phere of life in that little " clearing" was pure, noble, and in- 
 spiring. 
 
 But when the bright young boy was but eighteen months old 
 this little home of happy labor and hope was darkened by a 
 sudden, unexpected, and, in fact, needless, calamity, which 
 seemed to cloud all its future. A fire broke out in the woods. 
 which was approaching Abram GarfiekVs " clearing," near his 
 wheat. With all his tremendous physical energy he fought 
 that fire all day long, by ditching, clearing away the leaves, 
 or other methods. By doing the work of ten ordinary men he 
 saved his crop and diverted the fire. He came in at night, 
 heated and exhausted, and got suddenly chilled. For a day or 
 two he suffered intensely, when a quack doctor came along and 
 said, " You are in danger, Gaflfleld," and put a blister around 
 his throat, which drew every particle of inflammation in his body 
 into Garfield's throat, and the glorious man choked to death at 
 thirty-three, in the fulness of his magnificent strength. He had 
 fought fire like a Viking. He died like one. Immediately 
 before his death he got up and walked across the room, looked 
 out at his oxen and called them by name, went back and sat 
 down on the bed, and said, " Eliza, I have brought you four 
 young saplings into these woods. Take care of them." And 
 he died, sitting up against the head of his bed. That is the 
 sort of stock that James A. Garfield comes from. But events 
 were to prove that the Ballou stock was of a sort even more 
 heroic, because of a finer and higher " strain." 
 
 Widow GarfiekVs situation and that of her "four saplings" 
 seemed well nigh hopeless to the neighbors. Not so to her, 
 however. Her mother had taken four fatherless children out 
 into the wilderness of New York. She would maintain for her 
 four children what the giant force of her husband had cut out 
 
10 THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 of the Orange woods. She would not " put her children out," 
 as the neighbors insisted. No one else should raise that brood 
 but herself. She was entitled by law to $120, as a "year's 
 support," which she could hold as against any creditor. 
 But even in her desperate situation she scorned to take this 
 entirely just advantage. She paid off all the debts, sold fifty 
 acres of land, which was mortgaged for imrchase-money, and 
 saved thirty acres on which to support herself and her children. 
 Thus she began to wrestle with life, with four children to take 
 care of— Mehitabel, aged seven ; Thomas, a boy of nine years ; 
 Mary, seven years old ; and James, then, as I have said, eigh- 
 teen months old. 
 
 Only those who have lived in new settlements can comprenend 
 how the Widow- Garfield got along. A few incidents, out of a 
 multitude, must illustrate. Abram Garfield had "got in" a 
 good crop of wheat, all secured by fences except about a hun- 
 dred rails. There were, in readiness for splitting into rails, 
 great chestnut " cuts," and a few days after the funeral Widow 
 Garfield took her son Thomas out to the pile of " cuts" and 
 with his help sjDlit the needed rails herself — the plucky little 
 woman. She was a first-rate seamstress, and w^ould go to the 
 shoemaker's and make clothes for his children, while he, in 
 return, would make shoes for her children. By the time that 
 Thomas got to be a lad of ten or twelve he w^as able to ride a 
 horse to plough corn, and earned twenty or twenty-five cents a 
 day, paid in wheat or any other " produce." He was a true 
 " father's boy," and seemed inspired with an idea of self-sacri- 
 ficing labor, that gave him almost the spirit of a mature man 
 and the sense of responsibility for the support of the family. 
 The sisters also were helpful, in all ways. The widow had a 
 few sheep. She and her daughters carded the wool, wove the 
 cloth, and made all the garments that could be made of wool. 
 So, in all sort of ways the busy little household managed not 
 only to exist, but to live well, as they thought. 
 
 But this did not satisfy the Widow Garfield. She wanted 
 mental and spiritual nurture for her children ; so, when a log 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN^. JAMES A. GAKFIELD. 11 
 
 school-house was to be put up she tendered a little corner of her 
 farm for a site, and so got what she desired within easy dis- 
 tance for young James, who, at the early age of three, went to 
 school in that little log hut, not because he was sent, but be- 
 cause of his own longings. At the end of the first term he 
 received a New Testament as a prize for being the best reader in 
 his class of little boys. The school-house was plain and rough 
 enough. The scholars sat on split logs, hewed a little on the 
 top, four pegs put on the round side and supporting the benches. 
 At first the teacher was very ordinary, but Eastern school- 
 masters or " school-ma'ams" came along and did better. Little 
 James went to school summers and winters, loving all his 
 studies, and working hard. Text-books were few and of all 
 sorts, but faithfully learned, which was the main thing. James, 
 for instance, whose prodigious memory developed early, learned 
 Webster's spelling-book almost by heart by the time he was 
 eight years old. In fact, up to that time the main things he 
 had learned were reading, spelling and writing — learning the 
 language at the natural period for learning it. 
 
 Even when James, with his rapid growth, at the age of ten, 
 had become able to work, his fatherly brother Thomas insisted 
 on the former going to school. The mother, with her intense 
 New England spirit, was, of course, glad to see James " getting 
 along in his books" as rapidly as possible. In fact, the feel- 
 ing of the whole family seemed to be, " Whatever else hap- 
 pens, James must go to school ;" and as for James, it is the 
 common local tradition that even if he knew that study would 
 never prove useful to him he would have pursued it for the 
 love of it. In fact, he was seeking in all directions for books 
 to read. Of course there were few to be had in the scattered 
 homes of Orange, but these he got at and devoured. The old 
 " English Reader" filled him with delight, and he can now 
 quote from it, from memory, by the page. 
 
 Simultaneously with this tropical growth of intellect, under 
 circumstances not so unfavorable as might be thought, was the 
 growth of religious faith and sensibilities, under the teaching. 
 
1^ THE LIFE OF GEi^". JAMES A. GARFlELt). 
 
 influence, and direction of his mother, who was what is called 
 a '* Campbellite." And this requires a brief digression. It is 
 not creditable to the people of other sects that they know so 
 little of the real character of the class of Christians known as 
 " Disciples," who number nearly three quarters of a million of 
 good people, principally in Ohio, Indiana and the South, and 
 are called " Campbellites." They are mostly plain and unedu- 
 cated people, but their creed is one to which other Christians 
 seem quite generally tending. Briefly, it is merely a protest 
 against imposing, as a condition of church membership, any 
 human formula of divine truth. The belief in the New Testa- 
 ment and in the divine character of Christ and his atonement, 
 and in immersion as the proper mode of baptism, is all there is 
 of the so-called " Campbellite" faith. In practice they are 
 very simple and apostolic. Laymen can preach, and preaching 
 is not regarded as an isolated and peculiar profession. As for 
 Alexander Campbell, the founder of this sect — for it is as secta- 
 rian as any "denomination," and bigoted on the subject of 
 baptism — he was one of the few recent great "Fathers of the 
 Church" who have left their impress on vast numbers of people. 
 A prodigy of learning and polemical power ; distinguished for 
 the rare combination of a subtle metaphysical brain with keen 
 practicality which seems peculiar to the Scottish thinkers ; 
 bold, independent, and masterly in all ways — his grip on his 
 large army of followers is as strong as Theodore Parker once 
 said that of Calvin was on New England orthodoxy. But it is 
 not " a cold clutch." It is that of a beloved and full-blooded 
 master. The influence of this grand and powerful nature on Gar- 
 field's early career was strong and educational. It began when he 
 was very young, coming first through his mother, who, with her 
 husband, had been converted to the " Disciples" faith shortly 
 before James was born— converted by the preaching of a man 
 named Bentley, who had built a mill and a store two or three 
 miles from the Garfield homestead. He preached all through 
 that country, and kept his business going all the time. There 
 was something very primitive, plain, powerful, and convincing 
 
THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 13 
 
 about the utterances of these unordained " Campbellite" 
 preachers. 
 
 The Widow Garfield was a great Bible reader, and taught her 
 children to read it. She regularly walked to her " Disciples" 
 meeting-house, three miles away, every Sunday for years, and 
 took the children with her. Later a church was organized in 
 the little school-house on her land. In all ways she impressed 
 religious truth on her children, and kept them not only from 
 bad habits but from bad thoughts. Anything that approached 
 impurity of life and speech, in any degree, was hateful to her 
 beyond expression. In that household there was a sort of flam- 
 ing sword swinging constantly against all forms of indecency 
 and immorality. Yet the Widow Garfield was the farthest 
 possible from what might be called the sanctimoniousness of 
 religion. She did not bring any of its forbidding aspects into 
 the family. She was not merely a cheerful, but a jolly woman, 
 a woman of great " heartiness," an exquisite singer, and had a 
 memory almost marvellous. It is General Garfield's belief that 
 she could have sung for forty-eight hours consecutively, from 
 her large repertory, if her strength could have held out that 
 long. She knew an infinite variety of songs — hymns, ballads, 
 and the war-songs of 1812, such as those describing the fight of 
 the Guerriere and the Wasp . and Hornet, and all those naval 
 engagements. Whenever the children were depressed or dull 
 she would sing and fill their hearts with vigor and cheer. She 
 was full of life and of a cheerfnl and robust morality that knew 
 no taint. 
 
 But to return to James, who kej^t on going to school and de- 
 vouring what story-books he could pick up. He and his cousin, 
 Harriet Boynton, read " Robinson Crusoe" over and over again. 
 He read and mastered " Josej)hus" when he was about twelve, 
 and was wild over a story of the adventures of a man travelling 
 down the Mississippi. When he was about fourteen he read 
 Goodrich's " History of the United States," and so thoroughly 
 were all its facts impressed on his plastic mind that he can now 
 quote freely its statistics of the American and British losses in 
 
14 
 
 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 most of the battles recorded. Having so few books, the study 
 of them was intensified. Even a so-called poetical " History of 
 the United States," by a fellow named Eggleston, was commit- 
 ted to memory. But the exciting romance of " Jack Hall- 
 yard " set the boy's imagination on fire and enkindled the pas- 
 sion for the sea that was to be worked out on the tow-path of 
 a canal, and the story of " Alonzo and Melissa" captivated his 
 
 GARFIELD AT 14 TEAR3 (FROSI A MINIATURE). 
 
 imagination. Most of this reading was done at night, afte\ 
 his mother had retired, and with her permission. 
 
 But all this did not interfere with rapid and thorough work 
 in school. By the time James was fourteen he had completed 
 Pike's Arithmetic and got into Kirkham's Grammar. Then 
 came Denham's Arithmetic, wliich he mastered, and about that 
 time he began " declamations" at school. All this while, too. 
 
THE LIFE OF GE>T. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 15 
 
 hs made himself useful at home, not only by doing '' chores," 
 but by work on the farm of all sorts, including mowing. At 
 fifteen he was a large boy, strong and athletic, inspired, too, by 
 the traditions of his father's wrestling. He was too thoroughly 
 good-natured to be quarrelsome, but he had imbibed the notion, 
 not that it was a disgrace to be an orphan, but that other boys 
 who had fathers and "big brothers" had, somehow, an ad- 
 vantage over him and were inclined to " run over" him, and 
 every sign of this he resented, and fought instantly and " to 
 hurt," no matter against what odds of strength or numbers, 
 until he got the name of being " a fighting boy," which was a 
 great grief to his mother. 
 
 By the time he was fifteen he had absorbed a large amount of 
 peculiar literature. Two sorts of books had a special fascina- 
 tion for him — those that had accounts of wars, especially Amer- 
 ican, and those that described sea life in any form. About 
 that period he began to " work out" aw^ay from home, espe- 
 cially in summer. When he was fourteen or fifteen he worked 
 at boiling "black salts," from the ashes of burned logs. He 
 got nine dollars a month and was boarded. Then he worked 
 in "haying" a season, and took a two-year-old colt for pay 
 — money being rarely paid. All he earned went into the com- 
 mon stock. It was the pride and joy of all the children to get 
 " Mother" something, if they could, but it was not much that 
 she would suffer them to do in this way. She was very simple 
 in her tastes and attire, although she always had the " knack" 
 of putting on things that would look well. 
 
 In the summer when James was sixteen he worked at haying 
 at "full men's rates," a dollar a day, which was the largest 
 pay he ever got for his manual labor. When the haying was 
 over he went to Newburgh, now a part of Cleveland, and found 
 that his father's brother Thomas w^anted some wood chopped, 
 James took the contract to chop a hundred cords, four-foot 
 wood, at twenty-five cents a cord, a formidable undertaking 
 for the most resolute boy. He stuck to it manfully until the 
 last cord was chopped. He could " put up" readily two cords 
 
16 THE LIFE OP GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD.' 
 
 a day, so that he cleared about half a dollar a day, as he was 
 boarded. This long and hard job was done near Newburgh, 
 on a height whence he could see the fascinating blue waters of 
 Lake Erie, and, in his intervals of rest, as he would straighten 
 ujD, he could see that blue segment of the lake, and occasionally 
 a steamer, and all his wild notions of seafaring life that the 
 books had enkindled set his fancy on fire. His wood-chopping 
 seemed dreadfully dull and prosaic, but he had a feeling that 
 it was disgraceful to back out of anything he had undertaken, 
 and he stuck to his task. 
 
 As soon as it was done, however, he went to Cleveland, bent 
 on shipping as a hand before the mast. He boarded a vessel, 
 found some drunken sailors, and a captain who looked a 
 drunken beast ; was shocked, and turned away and walked off 
 -- partly disillusionized, not wholly. He happened to meet a 
 cousin whom he knew merely by sight, and who was running a 
 canal-boat. The cousin asked liim if he did not want to drive 
 horses for him. The offer was accepted, for it flashed on young 
 Garfield's quick mind that he could make the canal Avork a 
 primary school, the lake the academy, and the ocean the 
 college. So began his canal-boat experience, which has been 
 sufficiently and in some cases extravagantly exploited. It 
 came along naturally, without accident or any merely wild 
 notion of adventure, and James went through it rough and 
 tumble, like the brave and lusty youth he was, for three 
 months, when he got paid ten dollars a month and board. Not 
 through any fault of his own, he had several fights, and invari- 
 ably came off better than his antagonist. The one feature of this 
 singular experience which was of special value to him after- 
 ward, was his learning to steer, and something about the navi- 
 gation of the Ohio River — an experience that served him in the 
 army, when he saved his command in eastern Kentucky from 
 starving, by piloting a boat sent for supplies, when no profes- 
 sional on hand would undertake the perilous duty. He 
 stood at the wheel for forty-four hours out of forty-eight, 
 and saved his boat from being wrecked. When he re- 
 
THE LIFE OF GE^-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 17 
 
 turned to his command with a load of supplies his men were 
 eating their last crackers. Until this time his wise and devoted 
 wife was never able to understand why Providence had put her 
 James through his canal experience. Then she said — as though 
 everything in his life ought to have some great significance — 
 "I see what your life on the canal meant, now." With which 
 wise wifely view all sensible people who realize Garfield's great 
 mission will agree. 
 
 Providence having quite other ends for young Garfield to 
 achieve than could be accomplished even on the ocean, that had 
 been his ultimate conception of an arena for his energies, his 
 canal experiment resulted in an attack of fever. He was carried 
 home to his mother almost delirious, and there, for five months of 
 illness, her wise and long-reaching love began to mould his 
 destiny, by gentle and insidious, but holy, craft, to higher 
 uses than he had dreamed of. She knew well enough that it 
 would not do for her to stand right in front of that strong will 
 of his. She did far better. She had no word or look of reproof 
 for his having gone off and incurred a serious illness, in gratify- 
 ing what she regarded as a foolish and wicked love of adven- 
 ture. She was merely the incomparable nurse — quiet, patient, 
 loving. As soon as James got able to read she scoured the 
 neighborhood for books that would lead his mind into whole- 
 some channels. She got a school-teacher by the name of Bates, 
 now a prominent preacher, to come over and see him, and the 
 teacher would instruct him in the new problems in arithmetic, 
 and so occupy his mind. Bates became an intellectual stimulus 
 to the sick boy that long winter. The mother had conspired 
 with Bates to get him to want to go to the Geauga Seminary, 
 not far away, and both worked artfully together to that end. 
 Finally, as the opening of the school term drew near, tlie astute 
 mother said, " James, you are not fit to go back to the lake 
 now. You health is too much broken. You Avill break right 
 down again. Thomas and I have talked it over, and we have 
 raised seventeen dollars, which will be pretty nearly enough to 
 pay the necessary money expenses of your going over to Chester 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 10 
 
 to school." She had also arranged with her sister to have two 
 of her boys go, so as to have the three " chib together" and board 
 themselves with the supplies they could take. "But," she 
 adroitly added, " if you feel still determined to go on the lake, 
 why, go over there to school this year, and by that time I hope 
 your health will be restored. Then, if you go to work in haying 
 or carpentering" — for James had already learned the latter in 
 building a house for his mother — "you will make enough to 
 go in the fall term, and then I think you can teach district 
 school ; and, if you want to, you can sail on the lake summers, 
 and when the lake is frozen over you can teach school." 
 
 She knew how to guide her young Viking without showing 
 her purpose. The idea of earning something and being some- 
 body came in on him like a passion, for he had felt bitterly his 
 dependence, and all his hard earnings had gone to pay doctors' 
 bills, even his colt. Against this penniless dependence his w^hole 
 soul revolted. And so the mother conquered, and the destiny 
 of the son, from that date to now, has been rapidly upward. To 
 Geauga Seminary he would go, and " Mother" Garfield's heart 
 w^as full of joy. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 AT GEAUGA SEMIKAKY. 
 
 Thus, in the spring of liis eighteenth year, March, 1849, 
 James and his two cousins, well ijrovisioned, went ten miles 
 over to Chester, to get all they could out of tlie Geauga Semi- 
 nary, an institution founded and suijported by the " Free Will 
 Baptists." They rented a room with a cook-stove and two beds, 
 in a cheap old house, j^artly tenanted by a poor widow, who 
 contracted to do their cooking and washing at very low rates. 
 The academy itself was considerable of an institution for the 
 time and place, and was enriched by the possession of a library 
 of about one hundred and fifty volumes, which latter fact startled 
 and delighted young Garfield. But he soon made another dis- 
 covery in the school, the imj^ortance of which dawned on him 
 only very gradually, and which turned out to be the greatest 
 discovery of his life-time. He found there a modest, studious, 
 somewhat reserved girl, of about his own age, named Lucretia 
 Rudolph. He only met her, however, in recitations, and as 
 he felt " green" and awkward, and she was absorbed mostly in 
 her studies, the acquaintance w^as, for some time, without oj)- 
 portunities or provocations for anything more. 
 
 When the term closed James went to w^ork haying, and took 
 a job with a carpenter. There was a house to be built in Ches- 
 ter, and he got the job of cutting out the siding at two cents 
 a board. He went back to the fall term and fought his w^ay 
 through to the end of the year, paying all his expenses, and 
 having a few dollars left. He then presented himself for exam- 
 ination, to get a certificate to teach school, which he readily 
 obtained, and taught his first district school, beginning two 
 weeks before he was eighteen. He received twelve dollars a 
 month and " boarded around." 
 
THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. ^1 
 
 He had some tough customers to manage in tliis school. 
 There were several boys in it with more brawn than brains, who 
 conceived it to be their chief duty and pleasure to bully the 
 schoolmaster. He labored under the special disadvantage of 
 teaching in the school district next to where he had been born 
 and brought up, and where everybody knew him as " Jim" Gar- 
 field. The winter before the teacher had been turned out by 
 the boys — that is, his position was made so hot that he was glad 
 to leave. There was constant skirmishing between the "big- 
 boys" and young Garfield for about a fortnight, until one of 
 them flatly refused to obey, and Garfield wiiipped him. As the 
 mutineer was returning to his seat he caught a heavy billet of 
 wood, and turned, without Garfield's knowledge, w^hen the 
 latter heard a shriek from the scholars, looked around, and saw 
 the big club, held in both hands, falling on his head, with 
 a force that might well have proved fatal, had not Garfield 
 thrown up his arm and warded it off. His arm was nearly 
 broken, but with the other he threw the mutineer so that he 
 fell on his back ; then jerked him on his feet, seized and threw 
 him, put his knee on his breast and hand on his throat, and 
 said, "Now, sir, I shall whip you until one of two things 
 occurs : either till you die or until you absolutely submit to the 
 order." Then he gave the scholar a series of heavy blows until 
 he surrendered. And as there were several large boys who 
 seemed to be in conspiracy with the flogged ringleader, Gar- 
 field added, " K there is any scholar here who expects, at any 
 time, to make any sort of disturbance, come on now and settle 
 here." The school was quiet and orderly for the rest of the 
 winter. It was " Jim" Garfield no longer, but " the master." 
 
 During that winter Garfield did a good deal of reading. 
 Pollock's " Course of Time" impressed him very much, and he 
 learned it nearly all by heart. It was during that winter that 
 he fell under the influence of a "Disciples" preacher who 
 held forth in the little school-house. The preacher was a good 
 solid old man, the incarnation of good sense, and had something 
 about him that touched the young school-master._^ JgoiLSome 
 
 'J" 
 
22 THE LIFE OF GEZST. JAMES A. GAKFIELD. 
 
 years previous the latter had been somewhat " offish" on the 
 subject of religion ; felt the Irksomeness of its pressure, and 
 absented himself from church. A strange feeling came over 
 him that this plain old preacher had come to get hold of a life 
 that was likely to run to waste. The preacher touched his 
 sympathies and moved his heart. He " came out," made a 
 profession of religion, and was baptized in the faith of his 
 mother. He was then a few months past eighteen. To use the 
 General's own language : " Of course, that settled canal, and 
 lake, and sea, and everything." A new life, with new thoughts 
 and ambitions, dawned on him. He resolved at once that he 
 would have the best education that it was in the power of 
 work to give. "With this high purjwse he went back to Chester 
 and began his new life. He remained there during the spring 
 and next fall, making four terms at Chester, and taught again 
 the next winter, getting $10 a month. 
 
 By that time the institution at Hiram, which was the product, 
 mainly, of the educational zeal and liberality of the " Disciples," 
 was being started, and the fresh enthusiasm it called out drew 
 Garfield to it, as, later on, the Republican Party, in its fresh 
 enthusiasms, called him to it. 
 
CHAPTER lY. 
 
 GARFIELD AT niKAM. 
 
 Hiram, and the institution which has been known under the 
 successive names of the " Hiram Eclectic Institute" and 
 " Hiram College," deserves a separate chapter. The spontane- 
 ous outgrowth from a community that w^as exceptionally 
 devoted to every attainable means of intellectual and religious 
 culture, it also largely owed its inspiration to that great-minded 
 teacher and apostle, Alexander Campbell, who was not only an 
 educational zealot, but whose original and powerful mind im- 
 pressed itself on all his more enlightened followers as no other 
 mind, in recent times, that I know of, has impressed itself. 
 Hiram, from the beginning, was more a hive of busy, earnest, 
 and co-operative workers after knowledge than a mere " insti- 
 tute," or " college." To Garfield it offered opportunities and 
 incitements to development of both brain and heart such as no 
 other place would have given. He could there be both pupil 
 and teacher. An atmosphere of wholesome and cheerful relio-- 
 ious enthusiasm and of pure domestic life pervaded the place. 
 There, too, he came to know thoroughly the hard-working and 
 proficient student wiio was to be his wife. 
 
 He had studied Latin two terms — that is, he had gone pain- 
 fully through the paradigms of the grammar and the rules, 
 which he had mastered, but had not gone into any reading book. 
 He had gone through algebra, natural philosophy, and botany, 
 and had collected a fine herbarium. He had also pursued 
 other studies, including a term of Greek, 
 
 When young Garfield first went to Hiram, lie had studied 
 Latin grammar so far that he understood the conjugations and 
 declensions, but had not learned the construction of sentences. 
 He had his option between entering a primary class and going 
 
24 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 over the work which he had ah'cady done, or of going into an 
 advanced class, which would compel him at once to begin the 
 translation of Caesar's Gaul. Quite naturally, he chose the more 
 difficult task. But when he looked over the first lesson of 
 translation, about six lines, he realized for the first time what 
 an unknown quantity the work of translation was. But he sat 
 down to face this difficulty with that quiet, bull-dog tenacity 
 and purpose which has so often pulled him through. Imme- 
 diately after supper he took a candle and his text-book and 
 went up to the recitation room in an upper story, so as to wres- 
 tle alone with this new task. He had four room-mates in the 
 room Avhich he occupied, in the basement. Sitting down in 
 front of a table with his Coesar, he began his attack by getting 
 from a glossary the signification of each word. But this did 
 not solve the problem. So he wrote out each word on a sepa- 
 rate piece of paper, and arranged and rearranged these slips 
 very much as he might work any other puzzle. Finding that 
 one signification would not answer, he wrote down all the 
 various significations of each word, which, of course, increased 
 his difficulties in something like a geometrical ratio. But he 
 kei^t sullenly and determinedly at it, and worked away hour 
 after hour without moving or looking away from his task, 
 until, about midnight, it was accomplished. Then for the first 
 time he came back to self-consciousness. He found that he did 
 not know where he was or how he had come there. His candle 
 Avas making its last expiring flickers. But one by one recollec- 
 tions of his home, of his journey to Orange, and of his coming 
 to Hiram, came back to him, and he then realized that he was 
 a student at Hiram, and that he had conquered the most appal- 
 ling task of his life. 
 
 It has been said that " there are some women whom to know 
 well is a liberal education." The truth of this has been illus- 
 trated in the biographies of many great men. It is known by 
 every man who has had any considerable acquaintance with men 
 of decided force and elevation of character. When this sort of 
 " liberal education" comes at the plastic and forming period of 
 
THE LIFE OF GEK". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 25 
 
 ihe life of an ingenuous young man whose nature is receptive 
 and impressionable, and whose energies and ambitions are en- 
 kindled by the pure tuition of a noble and religious woman, of 
 great brains and attainments, the results are such as can bi- 
 attained through no other process. 
 
 It was Garfield's good fortune to have such a woman as 
 teacher, counsellor, fellow-student, and friend at the most criti- 
 cal and forming period of his life. She was so much his senior 
 in years, had such elevation and decision of character, and was 
 so resolute of purpose to maintain the " maiden widowhood " 
 occasioned by the death of her affianced before marriage, that 
 the closest intimacy of friendship with young Garfield could not 
 be in the slightest degree misunderstood, even by the gossips. 
 This woman, Miss Aimed a A. Booth, achieved a jiosition in 
 the "Western Reserve" something like that which was held 
 by Margaret Fuller in New England, so far as regards multifa- 
 riousness of intellectual acquisitions, decision of character, and 
 influence over intellectual men. 
 
 The range of her studies and the zeal with which she pursued 
 so many branches of knowledge were fully as notable as Marga- 
 ret Fuller displayed. The divergence in their paths was favor- 
 able to the peace and usefulness of Miss Booth, whose religious 
 faith never wavered nor ceased to sustain her, and who found 
 happiness in the profession of teacher, to which she consecrated 
 her whole life, without reserve, doubts, or weariness. 
 
 A few of the more ambitious and hard-working students at 
 Hiram found themselves drawn by this noble teacher into an 
 intimacy with Miss Booth which was in the highest degree 
 honorable and fruitful of good to both parties. Chief among 
 them was Garfield, whose touching and heartfelt tribute to his 
 friend of friends — delivered at Hiram College, on the 22d of 
 June, 1876, and covering forty pamphlet pages — is a worthy 
 memorial, eloquent in the sincerity of its sadness, in its por- 
 trayal of a finished career, and in its allusions to his own indebt- 
 edness to the dej)arted. The very " dedication" on the front 
 
26 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 leaf of the pamphlet tells the whole story so suggestively that 1 
 give it in full, viz. : 
 
 To tlie thousands of noble men and women, whose generous 
 ambition was awakened, whose early culture was guided, 
 and whose lives have been made nobler by the thorough- 
 ness of her instruction, by the wisdom of her 
 counsel, by the faithfulness of her friendship, 
 and the purity of her life, this tribute to 
 the memory of 
 ALMEDA A. BOOTH 
 is affectionately dedicated. 
 
 Garfield came to the "Eclectic," as a student, in the Yale 
 Term of 1851. He was then nineteen years of age — large and 
 stalwart of form, an athlete in proportions, and consumed by a 
 general ambition to learn everything that could be learned. But 
 he describes his own appearance, at that time, by the words 
 " pulpy," and " green." In his eulogy on Miss Booth, describ- 
 ing his own feelings, he says : 
 
 " I had never seen a Geometry ; and, regarding both teacher 
 and class, with a feeling of reverential awe for the intellectual 
 height to which they had climbed, I studied their faces so 
 closely, that I seem to see them now, as distinctly as I saw them 
 then. And it has been my good fortune, since that time, to 
 claim them all as intimate friends." 
 
 In the Spring Term of 1852, Garfield and a fellow-student 
 were appointed to aid Miss Booth in writing a rolloquy for the 
 j)ublic exercises at the end of the school year. Miss Booth at 
 once directed the work, gave all sorts of suggestive hints, criti- 
 cised the parts, trained the speakers, and put it on the stage, so 
 that its success was marked. Saj^s he, of this work : 
 
 " My admiration of her knowledge and ability was unbound- 
 ed. And even now, after the glowing picture painted upon my 
 memory in the strong colors of youthful enthusiasm has been 
 shaded down by the colder and more sombre tints w^hich a 
 quarter of a century had added, I still regard her work on that 
 occasion as possessing great merit." 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 27 
 
 Other dramatic co-operative efforts naturally followed this 
 success, and disciplined, enlivened, and cultivated the amateur 
 dramatists. In the Fall Term of 1852 Miss Booth and Garfield 
 were members of a class in Xenophon's Anabasis, but near the 
 close of this term both Miss Booth and himself became teachers, 
 and could only keep up their studies outside of class hours. 
 "In mathematics and the physical sciences," says Garfield's 
 euloo-y " I was far behind her ; but we were nearly at the same 
 place in Greek and Latin, each having studied it about three 
 times She had made her home at President Hayden's almost 
 from the first, and I became a member of his family at the begm- 
 nino- of the Winter Term of 1852-3. Thereafter, for nearly two 
 years, she and I studied together and recited in the same classes 
 (frequently without other associates) till we had nearly com- 
 pleted the classical course." 
 
 From a diary which Garfield kept, he was able to state what 
 Miss Booth accomplished in the classics, in the two years re- 
 ferred to above, in. his eulogy. As they pursued their studies 
 too-ether his statement of her achievements is a faithful record 
 of\is own. In the Winter and Spring Terms of 1853 they read 
 Xenophon's Memorabilia entire. So zealous were some of these 
 Hiram students that a dozen of them— of course including Miss 
 Booth and Garfield-hired a professor for a month of the sum- 
 mer vacation, and a " Literary Society" was formed. Bearing 
 in mind that Garfield is giving the list of his own studies at 
 this period, we quote from his euolgy, as follows : 
 
 ''Miss Booth read thoroughly, and for the first time the 
 ' Pastorals ' of Virgil-that is, the Georgics and Bucolics entire^ 
 and' the first six books of Homer's Iliad, accompamed by a 
 thorough drill in the Latin or Greek grammar at each recita^ 
 t on I am sure that none of those who recited with her would 
 say she was behind the foremost in the thoroughness of her 
 Avork or the elegance of her translation. , -, -, 
 
 - Durino- the Fall Term of 1853, she read one hundred pages 
 of Herodotus, and about the same amount of Livy. During that 
 term also? Prifs. Dunshee and Hull, and Miss Booth and I, met, 
 at her room, two evenings of each week, to make a joint trans- 
 
28 THE LIFE OF GEI^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 lation of the Book of Romans. Prof. Dunshee contributed his 
 studies of the German Commentators, De Wette and ThoUick ; 
 and each of the transkitors made some special study for each 
 meeting. How nearly we completed the translation I do not 
 remember ; but I do remember that the contributions and criti- 
 cisms of Miss Booth were remarkable for suggestiveness and 
 sound judgment. Our work was more thorough than rapid, for 
 I find this entry in my diary for December 15, 1853 : ' Transla- 
 tion Society sat three liours at Miss Booth's room, and agreed 
 upon the translation of nine verses.' 
 
 " During the Winter Term of 1853-54, she continued to read 
 Livy, and also read the whole of ' Demosthenes on the Crown.' 
 Tlie"^ members of the class in Demosthenes were Miss Booth, A. 
 Hull, C. C. Foote, and myself. 
 
 " During the Spring Term of 1854, she read the ' Germania 
 and Agricola ' of Tacitus, and a portion of Hesiod." 
 
 It was under the peculiar circumstances existing at Hiram 
 that Garfield came to become what is called a " preacher." 
 Teachers and pupils were nearly all "Disciples." They held 
 what were called "social meetings," at which some of the 
 "elders" or leaders of the churcli would open with prayer, 
 and call on the young men who were church-members to speak. 
 They early recognized in young Garfield a sort of vigor and 
 force of expression and facility of speech, and naturally called 
 on him, so that it finally came to be understood that he was 
 expected to speak on every occasion. But at first he did so 
 with great diffidence. He felt awkward, and felt a sense of his 
 inferiority in culture to many of those around him, but he per- 
 severed, and, what with his practice in debating societies, 
 gradually got to think freely on his legs, and developed such 
 power that often, when the preacher at church did not feel like 
 speaking, he would call on " Brother Garfield." This, among 
 the " Disciples," was entirely natural. It did not signify or 
 imply any intention to recognize him even as an incipient 
 " preacher," in the common ecclesiastical sense. 
 
 To review the tremendous work done by Garfield at Hiram, 
 before going to college. He began at Hiram in the fall of 
 1851. with but twenty-four weeks of Latin and twelve weeks of 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 29 
 
 Greek. He taught for two winters in the district school. 
 After the first term he taught constantly from three to six, 
 and later, the whole six classes, so that he could only study 
 nights and mornings. In June, 1854— less than three years after 
 he went to Hiram— he not only had fitted himself to enter 
 college, hut had completed two years of the college course, so 
 as to be admitted in the junior class in Williams, in full and 
 good standing. He not only paid his way as he went, and sup- 
 ported himself, but had " saved up" about $350. K there is 
 any precedent for such achievements I never saw or heard of it. 
 It is impossible to overestimate the forming character of the 
 studies thus athletically pursued, at such a period of Garfield's 
 life, with such singular enthusiasm and in such inspiring and 
 elevating and refining companionship. Such a combination of 
 circumstances, influences, and associations was far more valua- 
 ble to the formation of the tastes, tendencies, aspirations, senti- 
 ments, and principles of the future soldier and statesman than 
 the most famous universities of the world could have supplied. 
 Mind and heart were simultaneously quickened and developed. 
 The whole man was made more manly by submitting to the in- 
 fluence and instruction of a noble woman. 
 
 It is to GarfiekVs high credit that he grows more and more 
 proud of the education which this woman filled with her own 
 spirit. Of her and her influence he speaks as unreservedly as 
 did John Stuart Mill of that of his wife, as to which, in his 
 eulogy of Miss Booth, Garfield says : 
 
 " I should reject his opinion on that subject as a delusion, did 
 I not know, from my own experience as well as that of hundreds 
 of Hiram students, how great a power Miss Booth exercised over 
 the culture and opinions of her friends." 
 
 Note.— Certainly it was not one of the least important of the experiences of 
 Garfield a8 professor at Hiram that there came to him just such a pupil as Burke 
 A. Hinsdale, who was to become hi;? jyrolkje and intimate friend. Jlr. Hinsdale 
 thus describes the first acquaintance : 
 
 " To me, General Garfield is no more than he was before his nomination at 
 Chicago. My acquaintance with him l)egan in November, 1853. Then it was 
 that, a gawky boy, the smell of the furrow upon my garments. I first appeared in 
 
30 THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 Hiram. He soon made the capture of my heart. At that time the leading 
 Hiram men were called Philoraatheans. from the society to which they belonged. 
 In an address delivered in 1875, speaking of the old Hiram days, I said : ' Henry 
 James (an old Hiram man) speaks of the Philomathesians as " wonderful men," 
 mentions those that he thought the " master spirits," and adds : "Then began 
 to grow up in me an admiration and love for Garfield that has never abated, and 
 the like of which I have never known. A bow of recognition, or a single word 
 from him, was to me an inspiration." The exact parallel of my own experience. 
 Garfield, you have taught me more than any other man, living or dead ; and 
 when I recall those early days, when I remember that James and I were not the 
 last of the boys, proud as I am of j'our record as a soldier and statesman, I can 
 hardly forgive you for abandoning the academy for the field and the forum ! ' 
 And the cheers with which the old chapel rung as I read the paragraph showed 
 that a heart chord had been struck.*' 
 
 The half brotherly and half fatherly affection of Garfield for Hinsdale grew 
 with the years, and no inthcr could have taken a more constant and affectionate 
 interest in Hinsdale's whole subsequent life then Garfield did. But this implied 
 no lack of independence on Hinsdale's part, for it is equally creditable to both 
 that he felt free to criticise Garfield at all times, and that Garfield rather en- 
 couraged the criticisms that came from a younger man, who was not only abso- 
 lutely loyal to him, but to truth and conscience. To no other human being, save 
 his wife, has Garfield written so long, so frequently, with such absolute freedom 
 and with such fulness. Mr. Hinsdale— or President Hinsdale, I should say, for 
 he is Garfield's worthy successor in the presidency of Hiram College — has pro- 
 served every scrap of pai)er he has received from his great friend. To his great 
 liberality, confidence, and devotion to Garfield, I am indebted for the absolutely 
 unrestrained use of his whole collection of letters from Garfield, about 400 in all. 
 They include a correspondence lasting from 18.57 to the eve of the Chicago Con- 
 vention. Most of them Hinsdale had not looked at for many years. That he 
 should fearlessly submit them to the scrutiny and use of a stranger is an ultimate 
 proof of the absolute knowledge he had that there was nothing in the most 
 hasty and confidential notes of Garfield that would not bear inspection and the 
 light. How many of our jxiblic men would be willing to have such a correspond- 
 vnice exi)osed to even a private view ? 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 GARFIELD AT WILLIAMS. 
 
 In selecting a college wherein to pursue the last half of the 
 usual curriculum, Garfield, as usual, acted with great care and 
 judgment. He would naturally have drifted to Bethany, the 
 college in Western Virginia founded by Alexander Campbell, 
 and sustained by the "Disciples," if he had been a drifter; 
 the exact reverse of which he was, as is shown by the follow- 
 ing letter, written about that time by Garfield, which I find in 
 Whitelaw Reid's " Ohio in the AVar," viz. : 
 
 "There are three reasons why I have decided not to go to Bethany: 1st. 
 The course of study is not so extensive or thorough as in Eastern colleges. 2d. 
 Bethany leans too heavily toward slavery. 3d. I am the son of Disciple parents, 
 am one myself, and have had but little acquaintance with people of other views ; 
 and, having always lived in the West, I think it will make me more liberal, both 
 in my religious and general views and sentiments, to go into a new circle, where 
 I shall be under new influences. These considerations led me to conclude to go 
 to some New England college. I therefore wrote to the Presidents of Brown 
 University, Yale, and Williams, setting forth the amount of study I had done, 
 and asking how long it would take rae to finish their course. 
 
 "These answers are now before me. All tell me 1 can graduate in two 
 years. They are all brief business notes, but President Hopkins concludes with 
 this sentence : ' If you come here, we shall be glad to do what we can for you." 
 Other things being so nearly equal, this sentence, which seems to be a kind of 
 friendly grasp of the hand, has settled the question for me. I shall start for 
 Williams next week." 
 
 It was a wise choice. First, because Williams was a small 
 rural college, where a poor young man could get along and be 
 respected, but mainly because its whole spirit was that of the 
 great man who was then its President, Mark Hopkins, who was 
 in the full vigor of his powers — a man unique in college history 
 for the union of philosophic breadth, wide attainments, gener- 
 ous manhood, and capacity to communicate. He was quick to 
 
33 THE LIFE OF GE?T. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 recognize "the making" of a great man in the awkward 
 3'Oung Western giant who came to Ins care, and there sj^rang up 
 between teacher and pupil a friendship tliat lias grown to this 
 day. 
 
 In preparing this chaj^ter in regard to Garfield's Williams 
 experience I gratefully availed myself of the kind offer of 
 Colonel A. F. Rockwell, an able and accomplished officer in the 
 Quartermaster's Department of the United States Army, who 
 was a classmate of Garfield at Williams, and has ever since been 
 an intimate friend and correspondent. Colonel Rockwell pro- 
 posed to send, and did send, a circular letter to each of the sur- 
 viving members of the class, asking for such reminiscences as 
 might be interesting and appropriate for this book. The let- 
 ters which follow, fiom Garfield's classmates, all came in re- 
 sponse to Colonel Rockwell's letter. Afterward, knowing the 
 intimate personal relations between Cyrus W. Field Esq., and 
 both ex-President Ho]ikins and President Chadbourne, I asked 
 Mr. Field to write to both for such letters as they might choose 
 to send me. 
 
 These letters, taken together, present such a complete i)icture 
 of Garfield, as a Williams student, that they need very little, if 
 any, connection or comment. I give first the letters of Dr. 
 Hopkins and President Chadbourne, as follows : 
 
 REMINISCENCES BY EX-PRESIDENT HOPKINS. 
 
 Williams College, July 17, 1880. 
 Ma.toh Bundy. 
 
 Bear Sir: You ask some account of the college life of Gen. Garfield. I re- 
 member no incidents worthy of note, but some characteristics may be given. 
 Anything that may aid the people in forming a judgment of his fitness for the 
 office to which he is nominated they have a right to. 
 
 My first remark, then, is that General Garfield was not sent to college. He 
 came. This often marks a distinction between college students. To some, col- 
 lege is chiefly a place of aimless transition through the perilous period between 
 boyhood and manhood. Without fixed principles, and with no definite aim, with 
 an aversion to study rather than a love of it, they seek to get along with the least 
 possible effort. Between the whole attitude and bearing of such, and of one 
 who comex^ the contrast is like that between mechanical and vital force. In 
 what Gen. Garfield did there was nothing mechanical. He not only came, but 
 
THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 33 
 
 made sacrifices to come. His work was from a vital force, and so was without 
 fret or worry. He came with a high aim, aud pursued it steadily. 
 
 A i^econd remarli is that the studies of Gen. Garfield had breadth. As 
 every student should, he made it his first business to master the studies of the 
 class-room. This he did, but the college furnishes facilit es, and is intended, 
 especially in the latter pait of its course, to furnish opportunity for gaining gen- 
 eral knowledge, and for self-directed culture. To many, the most valuable re- 
 sult of their college course is from these. What they have affinity for they find, 
 and often make most valuable acquisitions in general literature, in history, in 
 natural science, and in politics. Of these facilities and of this opportunity Gen. 
 Garfield availed himself largely. Of his tendency toward politics in these days 
 we have an illustration in a poem entitled " Sam," which he delivered while in 
 college, and in which he satirized the Know-Nothing Party. He manifested 
 while in college the same tendency toward breadth which he has since, for it is 
 well known that he has been a general scholar and a statesman rather than a 
 mere politician. 
 
 And as Gen. Garfield was broad in his scholarship, so was he in his sympa- 
 thies. No one thought of him as a recluse, or as bookish. Not given to athletic 
 sports, he was fond of them. His mind was open lo the impression of natural 
 scenery, and, as his constitution was vigorous, he knew well the fine points on 
 the mountains around us. He was also social in his disposition, both giving 
 and inspiring confidence. So true is this of his intercourse with the officers of 
 the college as well as with others, that he was never even suspected of anything 
 low or tiickish ; and hence, in part, the confidence I have always felt in his in- 
 tegrity. He had a quick eye for anything that turned up with a ludicrous side 
 to'it, and celebrated a trick the Freshmen played on the Sophomores by a clever 
 parody of Tennyson's " Charge of the Light Brigade," published in the College 
 Quarterly. Respectmg always the individuality of others, and commanding 
 without exacting their respect, he was a general favorite with his associates. 
 
 A further point in Gen. Garfield's course of study worthy of remark was its 
 evenness. There was nothing startling at any one time, and no special prefer- 
 ence for any one study. There was a large general capacity applicable to any 
 subject, and sound sense. As he was more mature than most, he naturally had 
 a readier and firmer grasp of tlie higher studies. Hence his appointment to the 
 metaphysical oration, then one of tlie high honors of the class. What he did 
 was done with facility, but by honest and avowed work. There was no pre- 
 tence of genius, or alternation of spasmodic effort and of rest, but a satisfactory 
 accomplishment in all directions of what was undertaken. Hence there was a 
 steady, healthful, onward and upward progress, such as has characterized his 
 course since his graduation. If that course should still be upward, it would add 
 another to the grand illustrations we have already of the spirit of our free insti- 
 tutions. * * * 
 
 PRESIDENT CHADBOURNE'S LETTER. 
 
 W^iLLiAMS College, Williamstown, Mass., July 9, 1880. 
 General Garfield graduated from Williams College in 1856. He evidently 
 came to college for a purpose, and nothing turned him from that purpose. He 
 
34 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 recognized the fact that the professors were placed over the college to instruct 
 and govern the students. He gained from them all the good he could, and those 
 now living remember him as a noble man even as a student. He then gave 
 promise of what he has since become— that is, a man equal to any emergency, a 
 man of strong convictions of duty and unflinching courage. There are no stories 
 to be told of him of insubordination to law, neglect of work, or indulgence in stale 
 college tricks— those things he left to other men. Hard work, a genial nature, 
 and manly spirit gave promise of that growth of character and constantly in- 
 creasing influence which all have witnessed since Gen. Garfield became promi- 
 nent in public life. It is pleasant for Instructors to see their pupils come to 
 honor, but when, as in this case, the honors seem to be so natural a result of 
 wise, energetic action begun in college days, they are in duty bound to present 
 such examples to those just beginning life. Few can have the opportunities for 
 the kind of success achieved by Gen. Garfield, but had no political honor ever 
 have come to him, he would have been a power for good in the world. 
 
 P. A. Chadbotjrne. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE HON. C. H. HILL. 
 
 33 School Street, Boston, June 23, 1880. 
 
 I think at that time he was paying great attention to German, and devoted 
 all his leisure time to that language. In his studies, his taste was rather for 
 metaphysical and philosophical studies than for history and biography, which 
 were the studies most to my liking, but he read besides a good deal of poetry 
 and general literature. Tennyson was then and has ever been since one of his 
 favorite authors, and I remember, too, when Hiawatha was published, how 
 greatly he admired it, and how he would quote almost pages of it in our walks 
 together. He was also greatly interested in Charles Kingsley's writings, particu- 
 larly in Alton Locke and Yeast. I first, I think, introduced him to Dickens and 
 gave him Oliver Twist to read, and he roared with laughter over Mr. Bumble. 
 
 We belonged to the Philologian Society, one of the two great literary 
 societies of the college, and it was at his suggestion that I attended its weekly 
 meetings regularly, and almost always took part in the debate. I think he was 
 considered our best debater, although we had several who were very good. 
 Garfield had always been a Whig of the Seward and Wade school, and until the 
 organization of the Republican Party, in 1856, men with his opinions, during our 
 college days, Avere in a sort of political limbo, for he would have nothing to do 
 with the Know-Nothing Party, which then seemed to be carrying everything 
 before it, and attracted large numbers of young men, but whose principles he 
 strongly condemned, and he had no liking, of course, for the Democracy. The 
 great political questions of the day— the treatment of Kansas, the dangers from 
 the influx of foreigners and from the Roman Catholic Church, the constitution- 
 ality of Personal Liberty Bills, the Crimean war, and the desirability of an 
 elective judiciary— were eagerly debated in the Philologian, and he invariably 
 took part, except during the period when he was President of the society. 
 Two members of the Convention at Chicago which nominated him for Presi- 
 dent were active members of the society, Mr. W. S. B. Hopkins, of Worces- 
 ter, Massachusetts, and our classmate, General Ferris Jacobs, of Delhi, N. Y. 
 
th:g life of gej^. ja^ees a. gareield. 35 
 
 other prominent debaters were the lamented Dr. Diramock, of Adams Academy, 
 Quincy ; ex-Senator Hitchcock, of Nebraska ; E. L. Lincoln (now deceased) ; 
 S. B. Forbes, and Charles Marsh, of the Class of 1855, and Charles S. Halsey, 
 Edward Clarence Smith, C. D. Wilber, and others whom I do not now recall, 
 of our own class. In all these debates, I should say that he was distinguished 
 for moderation— not always, perhaps, in expression, but in opinion. His in- 
 stincts were conservative. I remember distinctly that he was, when he came to 
 college, a fervent supporter of an elective judiciary, but in preparing himself to 
 take part in a debate on that subject, he studied himself over to the opposite 
 side of the question, and began his speech by frankly admitting that he had 
 within a week entirely changed his opinions on this subject. 
 
 In 1870, 1 was appointed Assistant Attorney-General of the United States, 
 and for five winters my rooms were in the same street with Garfield's house at 
 Washington, and but a few doors from It, and either at his house, or at the 
 Capitol, I saw him almost daily. I think, in college, he looked forward rather 
 to a professional and judicial career than to a political one, but I perceived that 
 his intellectual growth since he left college had been a steady and consistent 
 expansion of what he was as a young man. His political opinions, as they 
 showed themselves in our conversations, were what they appear, I think, in his 
 speeches— broad and conservative— those of a party man who, however, looks 
 beyond party, and of a practical statesman who deals with existing facts, and 
 does the best with them, rather than those of a political doctrinaire. His con- 
 sistent and unflinching support of honest money, and constant enforcement of 
 the duty of maintaining the national honor by paying the creditor according to 
 his contract, reminds me of one trait in his character. Although a poor boy, and 
 a very poor man in college, and although he has been comparatively poor ever 
 since, I never perceived in him the slightest tincture of bitterness or envy 
 toward those who were better ofl" than he was, or of dislike for the rich 
 because they are rich. In my long intimate companionship with him, I am cer- 
 tain he would more than once have betrayed some such feeliug had he enter- 
 tained it, and I know I should have noticed and remembered it. At Washington, 
 he was always delighted to see old college friends, and talk over college days, 
 about which his memory is wonderfully retentive. Two other members of our 
 class, Mr. Gilfillan, Treasurer of the United States, and Colonel Rockwell, 
 resided in Washington at the time, and formed a nucleus for class meetings 
 whenever an old classmate turned up. Toward Williams College he has always 
 entertained a most filial affection, and ever speaks with deep feeling of the bene- 
 fits which he derived from his two years' residence there, and especially from the 
 instruction and influence of Dr. Hopkins, the President, who during his thirty 
 years' tenure of that office impressed himself as strongly upon the young men 
 under his charge as any college instructor the country has ever seen, and who 
 has old pupils on the Supreme Bench of the United States, in both Houses of 
 Congress, and in other positions of trust and influence throughout the land. 
 I remain your obedient servant, 
 
 Clement Hugh Hiu.. 
 J. M. BuNDY, Esq. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEH. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE REV. JAMES K. HAZEN. 
 
 Pkesbtteriax Committee of Publication, ) 
 
 1001 Main Street, V 
 
 Richmond, Ya., June 22, 1880. ) 
 
 The warm personal regard and affection I have for Garfield lead me to 
 respond with alacrity, though I fear I can furnish you little that will be valua- 
 ble for the purpose which you have in view. 
 
 We expected much of Garfield when in college, and predicted for him a seat 
 in Congress within less than ten years of his graduation (he reached it in seven), 
 but, so far as I know, our class prophecies did not point to a Presidential candi- 
 dacy ; if they had, our memoranda would doubtless have been very full. 
 
 It was my privilege to board at the same table with Garfield during our 
 Senior year, and I have a very vivid recollection of our daily conversations upon 
 the various subjects of study that engaged our attention, but particularly upon 
 the Shorter Catechism. 
 
 It was the custom then, and perhaps is still, in old Williams, for the 
 Senior Class to devote Saturday morning to an exercise in that time-honored 
 standard of the Calvinistic failh, under the instructions of President Hopkins, 
 and, though holding a different type of theology, none of our class entered into 
 the study more heartily than Garfield. It suited his metaphysical turn of mind. 
 In the discussions that followed, as we went from the class-room to our din- 
 ner-table, I was always impressed with the keenness of his criticisms, though 
 my faith in the old Catechism and its doctrines was not shaken, and with the 
 straightforward fairness and the hearty respect which he accorded to views 
 which he utterly refused to accept. It occurs to me that in this we have a char- 
 acteristic feature of the man, which has more than once been prominently mani- 
 fested in his political career. 
 
 The occurrences of the last few days have recalled to my mind very vividly 
 the beginning of the campaign of 1856, twenty-four years ago. The first Presi- 
 dential candidate of the Republican Party, John C. Fremont, was nominated 
 shortly before our graduation. A college ratification meeting was held, on 
 receipt of the news, and, among others of the Senior Class, Garfield spoke. 
 Probably this was his first Republican speech, aud I can testify that it was 
 enthusiastic and eloquent. 
 
 He had turned his attention to politics before this somewhat, having de- 
 livered, on the occasion of the Adelphic Union Exhibition, 1855, a poem, entitled 
 "Sam," which may be foimd in Vol. III., Ko. 1, page 25, of the Williams 
 Quarterly. 
 
 Of the heartiness and cheeriness of his manner as a friend and companion, I 
 have the pleasantest recollections, and I can recall nothing whatever that in the 
 slightest degree mars this impression. 
 
 Strong, however, as was my attachment to Garfield during our college life, it 
 has been greatly strengthened by incidents that have since occurred. 
 
 It was my fortune to be the only one of my classmates on the losing side in 
 the late war. Going South very soon after graduation, it has been my home 
 ever since. In 1871 or 1872, some fifteen years from the time we graduated, 
 business called me to Washington, and I found there several of my classmates 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. S7 
 
 and college acquaintances occupyino; various positions of honor and responsi- 
 bility, but none of them recognized me as I met them, and I was under tlie 
 necessity of introducing myself. Not so, however, with Garfield. On the morn, 
 ing of my arrival a friend had given me a seat on the floor of the House at the 
 opening of the session. Shortly afterward Garfield came in from the opposite 
 side of'the hall, and approaching his desk, which happened to be just before tlie 
 one I occupied, he recognized me the moment he entered and greeted me at 
 once with my old college nickname, "Rtx." I mention this as indicating the 
 possession of one of those faculties which men of high position have found it 
 necessary to cultivate. Bat what I designed to mention especially in connection 
 with this was the warm welcome I received to his home, and tiie many kind- 
 nesses experienced then and on subsequent occasions, many of them prompted,, 
 as I am disposed to think, by the very fact that I was regarded in the light of 
 *' an erring brother." Yours, very truly, 
 
 Jas. K. Hazen. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE REV. JOHN TATLOCK. 
 
 HoosicK Falls, N. Y., June 25, 1880. 
 
 Mr. Garfield displayed in college tliat perfect self-possession, that entire 
 command of his powers and of his mental resources, which afterward made 
 him successful in the field and a ready and powerful debater in Congress. 
 
 Of his boldness and facility in turning to account vague scraps of informa- 
 tion, which more timid men would fear to use, and which less able men could 
 not use, I recall an illustration : 
 
 In his Junior year he was engaged in a public debate between representa- 
 tives of the two literary societies. The speaker who preceded him on the oppo- 
 site side produced an elaborate illustration from " Don Quixote." Garfield, in 
 reply, raised a laugh against his opponent by comparing him to the knight at- 
 tacking the windmill. " Or rather," said he, " it would be more appropriate to 
 say that the gentleman resembles the wvidmUl attacking the knight." 
 
 At the supper following the debate Garfield was rallied on his extensive ac- 
 quaintance with the classics. He laughingly replied that he had never read 
 '• Don Quixote," and had heard only an allusion to the mad knighfs assault upon 
 tlie flying arms of the innocent mill. . . . 
 
 To this I will only add that he was a man of a sweet, large and wholesome 
 nature, and endeared himself the most to those who knew him best. 
 Yours truly, John Tatlock, 
 
 Classmate of Gen. Garfield, and Co-Editor with him. 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. SILAS P. HUBBELL. ^ 
 
 CuAMPLAiN, Clinton County, N. Y., June 38, 1880. 
 Garfield entered our Junior Class in fall of '54. He brought with him from 
 Ohio another student, Charles D. Wilbur, who joined our class at same time, 
 and between them there seemed to be a strong attachment. They roomed to- 
 gether in South College, and, as we termed it, were college rhnms. ^Y^^U)ur,unf()r- 
 tunately was lame and limped badly, and required th^jiM^^fJ^i^j^^fV^J^S. 
 
 (library 
 
38 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GAEFIELD. 
 
 stout cane. They were always together, and Garfield's kindness to his crippled 
 chum was very noticeable. The pair in their daily walks to and from the reci- 
 tation-rooms and about the college grounds excited the eager gaze and curiosity 
 of their fellow-students, from their quaint and odd appearance and evident uu- 
 familiarity with college ways and doings. 
 
 Besides, the contrast in the appearance of the couple was very striking— Gar- 
 field of large frame, looming up six feet high, strong and healthy, and looking 
 like a backwoodsman, and Wilbur, with a pale, intellectual cast of countenance 
 limping along beside him. 
 
 They made no attempt to conform to the ways and peculiarities of college 
 life, or to ingratiate themselves with the students. They both seemed to be in 
 dead earnest, striving to get an education, and to be entirely engrossed in their 
 studies and college duties. 
 
 Their position at first was a very isolated and peculiar one. and which 
 was somewhat enhanced by a whisper that soon circulated among the 
 students that they were Campbellites. Now, what that meant, or what tenets the 
 sect held, nobody seemed to know, but it was supposed to mean something 
 very awful. But they continued on pursuing the even tenor of their way, un- 
 moved by the stares and criticisms of their companions. After a time this feel- 
 ing passed away, and Garfield, by his successful attainments and straightforward, 
 manly course, commanded the respect and admiration of his class and of the 
 whole college. 
 
 College life, as everybody knows, is a world in miniature ; we had our elec- 
 tions, our debates, our caucuses, our anxieties and ambitious desires. There 
 were two large debating societies in the college, one the Philologians, the other 
 the Philotechnians, and a strong rivalry existed between the two societies. Gar- 
 field joined the Philologian Society, and took great interest in its welfare. 
 He very soon took prominence as a debater, and by his ready wit and 
 intimate Ivuowledge of the subject discussed generally won his side of the 
 case. He was a very hard student, and he never would speak or enter into the 
 debate unless he had thoroughly mastered tlie subject beforehand. The subjects 
 discussed in these meetings were of a varied character, but he always spoke on 
 the side of right and freedom, and in behalf of the people and against oppression 
 of ill! kinds. In October, 1855, in the public debate between the two societies 
 hold in the college chapel, he was one of the persons elected to represent his 
 society in the debate. The subject for discussion was, "Was the Feudal System 
 Beneficial ?" The negative was supported by Garfield, and by his animated, ear 
 nest, and convincing arguments, and enthusiastic denunciations of the oppres- 
 sions of the system, he won the hearty applause of his auditory. At the begin- 
 ning of the Senior year he was elected President of the Philologian Society by a 
 large majority, and won the admiration of all by his knowledge of parliamen- 
 tary tactics, and the ease and grace with which he presided over the assembly. 
 
 At the commencement of Senior year Garfiekrwas elected one of the editors 
 of the Williams Quarterly, a periodical conducted by the students, and won an 
 honorable distinction in our literary world by his contributions to the magazine. 
 Some of his essays at the time were very noticeable, one in particular I now 
 remember, entitled "The Province of History," which showed a depth of re- 
 
THE LIFE OE GEJT. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 39 
 
 search and broad, far-reaching views as to the province of history which was not 
 expected of an undergraduate at college. This article appeared in the number 
 for June, 1856, and placed Garfield at the front in regard to literary attainments. 
 
 Garfield early joined the Mills Theological Society, which re])resented 
 gome of the best men in college. They held meetings every week, had a very 
 fine library, embraced among their members a great deal of the best culture and 
 talent in the college. It was unsectariau in character, and wielded a powerful 
 influence for good over the whole college. 
 
 Garfield successively filled the offices of Librarian and President of the so- 
 ciety, and by his urbanity, innate kindii::ess of nature, and good sound judgment 
 in the management of its aflairs, won the respect and esteem of all its members. 
 Garfield was quiet and undemonstrative in his religious habits. There was no 
 cant about him. But he impressed all with his deep sincerity and honesty of 
 purpose. He lived the life of a true Christian. 
 
 I well remember commencement day at " Old Williams,'" when our class 
 graduated. Garfield took one of 1 he highest honors of his class, called the meta- 
 physical oration. The subject of his orati(m was "Matter and Spirit." The 
 audience were wonderfully impressed with his oratory, and at the close there 
 was a wild tumult of applause, and a showering down upon him of beautiful 
 bouquets of flowers by the ladies, a most fitting end to his arduous, self-denying 
 college course and a bright augury for the future. 
 
 1 remain respectfully yours, Silas P. Hubbell. 
 
 LETTER FRO:\I MR. LAVALETTE WILSON. 
 
 Haverstraw, N. Y., June 28, 1880. 
 
 Mr. Garfield even then showed that magnetic power which he now exhibits 
 in a remarkable degree in public life, of surrounding himself with men of vari- 
 ous talents, and of employing each to the best advantage iu his sphere. When 
 questions for discussion arose in the college societies, Garfield would give each 
 of his allies a point to investigate ; books and documents from all the libraries 
 would be overhauled, and the mass of facts thus obtained being brought to- 
 gether, Garfield would analyze the whole, assign each of his associates his part, 
 and they would go into the battle to conquer. He was always in earnest and 
 persistent in carrying his point, often against apparently insurmountable ob- 
 stacles, and in college election contests (which are often more intense than 
 national elections) he was always successful. 
 
 He showed perfect uprightness of character, was religious without cant or 
 austerity,and his influence for good was widely felt. I never heard an angry word 
 or a hasty expression, or a sentence which needed to be recalled. He possessed 
 equanimity of temper, self-possession, and self-control in the highest degree. 
 What is more, I never heard a profane or improper word or an indelicate al- 
 lusion from his lips. He was in habits, speech, and example a pure man. 
 
 Arising, some may say from his own early struggles, but as I believe from 
 his native nobility of character, was his sympathy for the suffonng or depressed 
 or humble. He would find out their wishes and desires, their best points, 
 and where their ability lay, and encourage them to advancement and success. 
 Not even now has he any of that inapproachability and hauteur which too 
 
40 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 often accompany great talents and high position. He is a democrat in the high- 
 est sense of the word ; no matter how humble a position a person may hold, how 
 nnfashionably dressed, how countrified in appearance, or lacking in knowledge 
 of the usages of polite society, he will feel at ease in Mr. Garfield's presence, 
 and receive the same courtesy and probably greater attention than would the 
 Prince of Wales. 
 
 On entering Williams College, Mr. Garfield was uncommitted in national 
 politics ; perhaps his first lesson came from John Z. Goodrich, who at that 
 time represented in Congress the western district of Massachusetts. In the fall 
 of 185.5 Mr. (Toodrich delivered a political address in Williamstown on the 
 history of the Kansas-Nebraska struggle, and the efforts of the handful of Re- 
 publicans then in Congress to defeat the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 
 As Mr. Goodrich spoke, I sat at Garfield's side, and saw him drink in every 
 word. He said as we passed ont, " This subject is entirely new to me. I am go- 
 ing to know all about it." He sent for documents, studied them till he became 
 perfectly familiar with the history of the anti-slavery struggle, and from that 
 hour has been the thorough Republican, the champion of right against injustice, 
 that he is at this hour. Laa'alette Wilson. 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. ELIJAH CUTTER. 
 
 Boston, June 30, 1S80. 
 
 He had a robust physique and an open countenance. There was no stint in 
 his make-up, and no "style," no assumed gentility, but much of " nature's 
 nobleman" about him. 
 
 He wag a little in advance of the average class age, and had an exuberant 
 growth of hair, while his maturity of thought and expression, not unmixed with 
 " Westeriiisms," challenged our attention. Yet in all youthful feelings and im- 
 pulses he was as truly a boy as any in the class. His unstudied and often unskil- 
 ful handling of himself was always accompanied by real delicacy of feeling and 
 mental adroitness and aptitudes. Garfield's greatness was to our young eyes enig- 
 matical, but it was real. There was a good deal of him— hody, soul and spirit. 
 Nature had not defaulted in his make-up, and his talents were of the popular 
 order. 
 
 That a serious purpose brought Garfield to college, and how bent he was on 
 accomplishing it, none who knew him in daily life could doubt. He accomplished 
 much and aspired to more, not alone in class studies, but in other and varied 
 acquirements. He read much of history and poetry. He was passionately fond 
 of Shakespeare, and gave to debates and other optional literary exercises 
 much attention. 
 
 I think most if not all of our class will remember Garfield pleasantly for his 
 companionable traits. Not in the ordinary sense a " hail fellow^ well met," he 
 had that genial temperament which readily drew others about him. Who 
 among the men of 1856 does not recall among the picturesque memories of East 
 College, that of Garfield sitting on the fence or rolling at full length on the cam- 
 pus, convulsed with some newly fledged joke, or apt nickname, or droll persona- 
 tion, or college yam ? There were a few fine specimens of nimble wits in the 
 class, of which Garfield might not be reckoned one, but none more ready to ap- 
 
THE IJFE OF GEN. JAMES A. C4ARFIELD. 41 
 
 predate and perpetuate the college humor than he, and in all that goes to main- 
 tain the recreative and sporting life among young men he was prominent. 
 
 I should like to speak of Garfield in his religious nature, and of those high 
 moral convictions which rendered him conspicuous in college, not less than 
 in his public career since, and of some deep struggles he went through while 
 weighing the question of entering upon politics as a profession. Some of tliese 
 experiences would exhibit Garfield in a true light, if the boy is but the father of 
 the man. But I fear I should trespass both upon his confidence and your space- 
 I am,- sir, yours very respectfully, 
 
 Elijah Cutter. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE REV. E. N. MANLEY. 
 
 Camden, N. Y., July 8, 1880. 
 
 Garfield played chess with interest and success. The game becoming fas- 
 cinating, threatening study hours, and finally carrying him once or twice near 
 to, if not over into, the small hours of night, he said, "This won't do," and 
 stopped short off. 
 
 We used to have an annual holiday called "Mountain-Day."' At the close 
 of one, a Fourth of July evening, on the summit of old '■ Greylock,"' seven 
 miles from college, there was a goodly gathering of students about their camp- 
 fire, when Garfield, the recognized leader, taking a copy of the New Testament 
 from his pocket, said, "Boys, I am accustomed to read a chapter with my absent 
 mother every night ; shall I read aloud ?" All assenting, he read to us the chap- 
 ter his mother in Ohio was then reading, and called on a classmate to pray. 
 
 I think it was at the breaking-np meeting of the class, at graduation, that, 
 being called up for a speech, he said, " yap is a Greek proposition meaning for. 
 Gar-field, for-the-field. That is what I suppose I am." 
 
 E. N. Manley, Pastor Presbyterian Church. 
 
 I have saved for the last a remarkable letter from the Ecv. 
 Edward Clarence Smith, of Philadelphia, a graduate of the Law 
 as well as of the Divinity school, and an especial favorite with 
 the class of 1856. As will be seen, it was written to Colonel 
 Rockwell, and without the slightest notion that it would ever 
 be wanted for publication. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE REV. EDWARD CLARENCE SMITH. 
 
 501 N. Eighteenth St., Philadelphia, June 15, 1880. 
 To Colonel A. F. Rockwell, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. 
 
 My Dear Old Friend and Classmate : I thank you for your kind letter of the 
 10th inst. I joy and rejoice with you. I am glad to hear from one who so thor- 
 oughly appreciates the great power and worth of our honored and beloved Gar- 
 field. What you say of his mental growth and maturing powers I fully endorse. 
 In sheer force and reach of faculty, in breadth of thought and culture, I believe 
 he is the peer of the best man in America to-day. But what seems grander to 
 
42 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 me is his unswerving loj'alty to conecience, to truth, and to his country's good ; 
 in a word, his magnificent manliness. 
 
 I sincerely believe that there are times in the history of such countries as 
 ours when God malies ^^pecial use of such men. In this scientific age. persons 
 do not lilie to hear the word Providence. But there seem to be certain super- 
 human arrangements and adjustments that philosophy cannot explain, and that 
 worlv out righteous results. Human ingenuity does not devise them ; human 
 wisdom does not foresee them. I call it the insertion of a Divine factor in his- 
 tory. It does not compel the human will ; it does not destroy personal free- 
 dom, but it does achieve its results with resistless might, and with infallible cer- 
 tainty. What think you of a theolorjico-phUosophicO'inathemalical formula like 
 this? ax b^c, in which "a" is man's freedom, intact, but finite; "b" a divine- 
 ly inserted factor, unlimited ; " c"' the providential plan of God in the issue of 
 things. Thus freedom is saved, and the ends of eternal rightness achieved. But, 
 mathematics and uu-ta])hysics aside, it seems to me that our friend has often 
 come near that holy place, where Providt-uce touches the machinery which 
 weaves out the plans of history, and, doubtless often, without being personally 
 conscious of it. 
 
 There are but few sincere souls that are deemed worthy of such honor: 
 "■Paucl quos cequus amavit Juinter, aut ardens enexit ad celhera virf-us.'" They 
 are never self-seekers. They work where they are placed. Like ^Eneas, in the 
 fable, they are often covered with a cloud w^oven by divine fingers, and the 
 mass do not see them. But, when they are needed, the cloud breaks away ; they 
 are known of nun, and are summoned to do God's work, sometimes against 
 their will. Washington was such a man, Lincoln was another, and I sincerely be- 
 lieve Garfield is a third. Such men can be known by their utter unselfishness, 
 their inherent nobility of character, and always by their unconsciousness of 
 themselves. Such men invariably impress their generation with a sense of their 
 persotudity. To how many millions is Lincoln thoroughly known, though few 
 have ever seen him? The great heart of humanity recognizes such men, when 
 they pass, by a kind of divinely implanted instinct. 
 
 I have long felt that Gen. Garfield was divinely intended to supply impor- 
 tant links in the chain of our country's history. I have therefore anticipated, 
 with you, his election to the Presidency. One of my friends reminded me to- 
 day that just one year ago I showed him the photograph of Gen. Garfield as 
 that of the next President. I have little doubt of bis success. You have seen 
 a storm-cloud move over the eaitli, and gather all the electric forces along its 
 course into affinity with it so that the lightning of the earth runs to meet the 
 lightning of the cloud : so iu case of a divinely chosen man ; he carries in hia 
 great heart all the instincts, hopes and aspirations of an age. When he ap- 
 pears and comes near to men, the love and acclaim of a nation run to meet him. 
 There is in my opinion no doubt of our honored friend's success. He cannot 
 api)ear, but the people will know him. Did you observe this at Chicago ? The 
 machinery was well forged, riveted, and clamped, air-tight and fire-proof. But 
 the popular will burst the bonds, as though withes of straw. To change the 
 figure, it seemed to be a case of spontaneous combustion. The party engines 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 43 
 
 played, but the fires would burst through chink and crevice. Finally the gal- 
 leries caught tire, and everything went. 
 
 Wasn't it grand to see our friend stand by Sherman, with heroic loyalty, to 
 the last, protesting against the use of his name, and fearing nothing so much as 
 disloyalty to manliness and friendship ? A few words of prophecy : The gal- 
 leries at Chicago caught fire, as we know. I foresee that the flames will sweep 
 like a prairie fire over the continent ; burning to the very edge of the St. Law- 
 rence ; to the surges that break upon Plymouth Rock ; and even to the melan- 
 choly murmurs of the great western sea. 
 
 . . . God bless you, my dear fellow. Remember me aftectionately to our 
 honored and loved friend, when you see him ; and, though lie may never hear 
 from me again, inasmuch as he is now likely to swing out of my horizon, yet tell 
 him I glory in his achievemeuts for good, and shall ever wish him God-speed! 
 Cordially and affectionately yours, 
 
 Edward Clauence Smith. 
 
 With all the cross-lights that are thrown on Garfield's char- 
 acter and career at Williams, by those men who knew him best 
 under circumstances when character is most perfectly develop- 
 ed, it is needless to say much in addition. No college man 
 needs to be told that his most critical judges are his classmates, 
 who are the last to bow before any fictitious or unworthily won 
 success in after life. Other letters from Garfield's classmates 
 — not used because more or less repetitions of those already in 
 type— show, as those printed above all show, an enthusiasm of 
 admiration such as I never before even heard or read of being 
 displayed by old classmates toward one of their number, no 
 matter how high distinction or power he may have attained. 
 The secret is to be found in the perfect integrity, warm- 
 heartedness, great-heartedness, and magnetic power of the man, 
 which has made all the sons of Williams, older and younger, 
 proud of him, jealous of his honor, and indignantly impatient 
 of the scandals that he frankly met, manfully exposed, and fully 
 answered, to the satisfaction of every fair-minded and intelli- 
 gent man who has read his answers. If such stanch Democrats 
 among the alumni of Williams— who have known Garfield 
 long and well— as Justice Field, late Democratic candidate for 
 the Presidency, and as the Hon. David Dudley Field, will give 
 the slightest countenance to these exploded scandals, I shall feel 
 that there is some sort of provocation for attempting the not 
 
44 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 difficult task of satisfying any reasonable and unprejudiced man 
 that partisan malignity never pursued an eminent public man 
 with less shadow of pretext than exists for ringing the varia- 
 tions on the scandals that have been perfectly answered by 
 James A. Garfield. 
 
 {Garfield fo Col. A. F. NocJcwell, U. S. A.) 
 
 Hiram, Ohio, August 13, 1866. 
 3[)j Dear Jam's: My vii^il to Williams has washed out the footprints of 
 ten years and made me a boy ayain. Strolling on the shore of life it is with re- 
 luctance that I plunge back again into the noisy haunts of men. The noble re- 
 union has wedded my heart more than ever to the class and to old Williams. 
 Let us not hereafter cease to pay that reverence which is due to youth. I mean 
 to go back to Williams as often as I can. The place and its associations shall be to 
 me a fountain of peri)etual youth. If wrinkles must be written upon our brows, 
 let them not be written upon the heart. Tlie spirit should not grow old, 
 
 (Garfield fo B. A. inmdale.) 
 
 WASHiNfiTOX, June 30, 1872. 
 
 After spending all the day Monday on the law case in Cleveland, I took the 
 train for Williarastown, which I reached in the evening ; stayed throughout the 
 examination and until Friday morning. The exercises were very solemn and 
 impressive. The resignation of Dr. Hopkins was a noble act, and the final speech 
 in which he delivered up the keys to his successor was one of the rarest grand- 
 eur and simplicity. His first paragraph was this : "Why do I resign? First, 
 that I may not be asked why I do not resign. Second, because I believe in the 
 law of averages, and the average man of seventy is not able to bear the burdens 
 of this Presidency. And yet I can now bear it. Many of my friends think I 
 should continue to bear it. I think it safer to test the law of averages." 
 
 I stayed with Dr. Hopkins as his guest, and it was very touching when the 
 old President bade me good-by, saying, " You will observe that I reserved for 
 the concluding and final act of my official life, before laying down the office, 
 the conferring upon you the degree of LL.D. I was glad to have my work thus 
 associated with your name." 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PROFESSOR, PRESIDENT, AND STATE SENATOR. 
 
 On graduating from Williams with high honors, with the 
 highest college popularity, and with the unreserved confidence 
 and admiration of President Hopkins and all the faculty, Gar- 
 field naturally returned to Hiram for the beginning of his life- 
 work as a trained and cultured man. There were his most 
 intimate and enduring associations. There the roots of his 
 vigorous nature had taken strong and deep hold in all direc- 
 tions. Above all, there lived Miss Lucretia Rudolph, whose 
 family had removed to Hiram some years before, to enjoy its 
 educational advantages. The acquaintance begun at Chestd^, 
 many years previous, when both were students at the Geauga 
 Seminary, had ripened into congenial companionship in the 
 studies and reading pursued together at Hiram, where he found 
 her living near the Institute. She became Garfield's pupil, 
 some time afterward, and recited to him in Latin, Greek, and 
 geometry, as well as in some other branches of study. She was 
 a remarkably fine scholar, with keen perceptions, quick in- 
 tuitions, and high ambitions. She sympathized w^ith all of 
 Garfield's strenuous struggles for a college education. She was 
 his complement and better self. Their union was inevitable, 
 and they were engaged in 18.")4, just as Garfield was about to 
 set out for Williams. But with this sensible understanding, 
 that the marriage should not occur until he was in such financial 
 condition that he would run no risk. It was one of those 
 deliberate purposes whose fulfilment the lovers put far enough 
 ahead to be prepared for it. They were married on the 11th 
 of November, I808, by the Rev. Dr. Hitchcock, President of 
 the Western Reserve College at Hudson, and a happier mar- 
 riage, in all respects, was never consummated, or one more 
 
46 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 calculated to keep the strong current of Garfield's forceful and 
 active life pure, sweet, uncontaminated, and within limits. 
 
 Garfield became Professor of Latin and Greek in 185G. The 
 institution was poor and his pay was small. But, as usual, his 
 activities burst out in all sorts of channels. He not only taught 
 with all his might, but delivered scientific lectures, learning 
 his science as he went along, and got considerable pecuniary 
 returns therefrom. It was a place and time for " plain living 
 and high thinking." lie was used to both, and revelled in the 
 play of his manifold powers. lie put new life into the " Insti- 
 tute," or " College," as it was successively called. He easily 
 rose to be its President. Between his college duties, lecturing, 
 reading of all sorts, occasional "preaching" for the "Dis- 
 ciples " around Hiram, and j)olitical speeches and orations, he 
 " threw" off, without fatigue or fretting, work enough to wear 
 down and out half a dozen ordinarily strong men. The im- 
 pulses set in motion by his enthusiastic and varied activities 
 were felt all over the "Western Reserve. The people there 
 recognized a new moral and intellectual force in the young and 
 masterful College President, whose upward growth was the 
 rising subject of talk. With all, he was so frank, ingenuous, 
 communicative, manly, and unconscious of his own swift self- 
 promotion that all the " plain jieople" took him to their hearts. 
 He never "condescended to jieople of low estate." Conde- 
 scension was a manifestation of jn-ide or vanity which was 
 utterly impossible to his nature. For every reason — and es- 
 pecially because Garfield had shown his equality to the new 
 and startling issues of slavery and freedom, of secession and the 
 Union, in public speeches of extraordinary intellectual grip, 
 clear perception of constitutional and of " the higher" law, 
 and oratorical power — it was inevitable that the people should 
 call him into the public service, at a period when so many of 
 the old leaders were faint, false, blind, or living in the Past. 
 
 He was elected, in 1859, by the people of Summit and Portage 
 Counties, as State Senator. His majority was large and attested 
 the strength of his popularity. Although only twenty-eight 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 4« 
 
 years of age, and new to legislation, or any otlier otlicial experi- 
 ence, he speedily took rank as one of the readiest and best 
 informed debaters in a body containing many experienced and 
 able men. Realizing the nature of the " irrepressible conflict'' 
 that was breaking up parties and confounding the wisdom 
 of old leaders, he was not long in arraying himself alongside of 
 Senator Jacob D. Cox— since General, Governor of Ohio, and 
 Secretary of the Interior— and Senator Monroe, an Obcrlin Pro- 
 fessor, and the trio were recognized as the " Radical Senators." 
 The first report which Garfield made as a member of a com- 
 mittee in the State Senate, Avas on the revival and completion of 
 the geological survey of the State. In such subjects as this his 
 enthusiasms have always been easy to be moved, and it would 
 be difficult for him even now to write a document of a dozen 
 pages, which could more comprehensively and interestingly 
 awaken the people of Ohio to the importance of a thorough 
 geological survey of their State. His faculty for grouping 
 statistics and making them eloquent and practical was well il- 
 lustrated in this effective presentation of the vast resources ^ of 
 his State. A shorter report on the subject of the education 
 of the neglected, destitute, and pauper children, was a fitting 
 prelude to the large and more important efforts in the cause of 
 education, as to which no one of our public men has developed 
 such a combination of philosophical thinking, ap])lied to a vast 
 mass of statistics. 
 
 Another report, on the subject of weights and measures, is a 
 brief but comprehensive presentation of the history of English 
 and American systems, and of the progress that has been made 
 in approximating scientific standards. 
 
 In the last part of Garfield's service as State Senator the fore- 
 shadowings of civil war found him ready in his place to take 
 measures of precaution worthy of a great and a border State. 
 His speech on the 24th of January, 1861, in behalf of a militia 
 bill, for raising and equipping 6000 militia, is full of prevision 
 of the coming struggle, and of the spirit which took him to the 
 front when the storm burst. In reply to a reminder that at the 
 
48 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 preceding session he had opposed the bill as unnecessary, ho 
 frankly avowed that the change in the times had changed his 
 attitude, and that the prevailing reason with him for tlie pas- 
 sage of the hill was the disturbing and threatening aspect of 
 national affairs. And he met the issue with characteristic 
 courage and frankness as to the protest against coercion, which, 
 at that time, it will be remembered, was very prevalent at the 
 North. He said : " If by coercion it is meant that the Federal 
 Government sliall declare and wage war against a State, then I 
 have yet to see any man, Democrat or Republican, who is a 
 coercionist. But, if by the term it is meant that the General 
 Government shall enforce the laws, by whomsoever violated, 
 shall protect the property and flag of the Union, shall punish 
 traitors to the Constitution, be they ten men or ten thousand, 
 then I am a coercionist. Every member of the Senate, by his 
 vote on the eighth resolution, is a coercionist. Nine tenths of 
 the people of Ohio are coerciouists. Every man is a coercionist 
 or a traitor." 
 
 In accordance with this speech was his report of a l)ill for the 
 punishment of treason, which was a brief but lawyer-like pre- 
 sentation of the reasons for such a bill at such a time, with the 
 frank avowal that " it is high time for Ohio to enact a law to 
 meet treachery when it shall take the form of an overt act ; to 
 provide that when her soldiers go forth to maintain tlie Union, 
 there shall be no treacherous fire in the rear." 
 
 Doubtless his own instincts told him that he was sure to be 
 in the front when the hour of conflict came, and like a good 
 soldier, as well as a true patriot, his first act was to j^i'otcct that 
 rear. 
 
 It is perhaps impossible to give a better illustration of the 
 manner in which Garfield's mind, from the period of his young 
 manhood down to the present, has worked out in all directions 
 in order to obtain its results, than is afforded by an incident of 
 his service in the Ohio State Senate. He had heard from a dis- 
 tinguished and veteran lawyer that the true way to study the 
 law, in his judgment, was for a student in any State to begin 
 
THE LIFE OF GEIT. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 49 
 
 with a thorough reading of the statutes of the State. The 
 beginner should familiarize himself with every effort to formu- 
 late the will of the State into law, and obtain his knowledge of 
 legal principles from these individual illustrations of the attempt 
 to applv principles of law to actual practice. This suggestion 
 fell on' Garfield^s mind with great force ; and as in his case 
 there is seldom any long interval between receiving a decided 
 impression and acting on it, he determined, not to study all 
 the statutes of Ohio, but to go through the statutes in search of 
 some definite information with regard to a particular subject, 
 so that he could string his acquisitions on something and have 
 some definite limitations of inquiry. It finally occurred to him 
 that he would take up a single dollar and follow it on its travels 
 through all the avenues of taxation into the treasury, and of 
 expenditure out of it until it finally returned to the pocket of 
 the taxpayer, from which it started. In the pursuit of the for- 
 tunes and adventures of this peculiar sort of a hero he found 
 out just how the law of taxation was adjusted, through what 
 officers it was attained, what were the powers of those officers 
 with regard to taxation, what were their means of enforcing it, 
 and how the money was expended, for what purposes, by what 
 officers, exercising what authorities, and finally by virtue of 
 what legislation, for what object, and through what means it 
 returned to the source of its origin. In the course of this highly 
 original method of studying law he came upon the startling 
 discovery that, through the negligence of the framers of an 
 amending act of legislation, the State for some few years pre- 
 ceding had been actually without any legal method of ascer- 
 taining legal weights and measures. So that the first result of 
 his law studies in this direction was the necessity of repairing a 
 very serious legislative blunder. The mental grasp and vigor 
 and the comprehensive sweep of inquiry revealed in this single 
 illustration shows one of the strongest and most peculiar char- 
 acteristics of Garfield's intellectual methods, and reveals the 
 secret of his constant preparedness for great emergencies, and of 
 the athletic vigor and rich and abounding fulness of his mind. 
 
50 THE LIFE OF CtE;N". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 But this is not all. Having thus, iu the most unexpected 
 manner, discovered the necessity for legislation to repair the 
 results of legislative carelessness, he developed the same 
 thoroughness in the discharge of his duty as legislator. He at 
 once moved the appointment of a " select committee of one," 
 wliich was the ordinary j^roceeding in such cases in the Ohio 
 Legislature at that time, to examine and report on the whole 
 system of weights and measures. The motion passed, and Gar- 
 field was appointed for that duty ; and this report then sub- 
 mitted and published remains to this day the most exhaustive 
 legislative report on the subject ever made in his State. 
 
 {Garfiehl to B. A. H.nsdale.) 
 
 Hiram, May 3, 1858. 
 To B. A. Hinsdale, C. P. Bowler, H. M. James, Elizabeth Woodward, 
 
 CORDIE TiLDEN, etC. 
 
 Bear Fiiends: Your very kind request that, I should continue my lectures 
 is received. I receive it as a pleasing testimonial of your confidence and re- 
 spect, and would willingly accede to your request were it possible. For the 
 present it is not possible, but I will endeavor to present a few more lectures on 
 those topics before the close of the term, if circumstances will at all permit. 
 
 (Garfield to B. A. ninsdale.) 
 
 Hiram, January 10, 1859. 
 
 The Sunday after the debate I spoke in Solon on " Geology and Religion,'' 
 and had an immense audience. Many Spiritualists were out. . . . The re- 
 ports I hear from the debate are much more decisive than 1 expected to hear. I 
 received a letter from Bro. Collins, of Chagrin, in which he says : " Since the 
 smoke of the battle has partially cleared away, we begin to see more clearly the 
 victory we have gained." I have yet to see the first man who claims that Denton 
 explains his position ; but they are jubilant over his attack on the Bible. What 
 you suggest ought to be done I am about to undertake. I go there next Friday 
 or Saturday evening and remain over Sunday. I am bound to carry the war into 
 Carthage and pursue that miserable atheism to its ho/e. 
 
 Bro. Collins says that a few Christians are quite unsettled because Denton 
 said, and I admitted, that the world had existed millions of years. I am aston- 
 ished at the ignorance of the masses on these subjects. Hugh Miller has it right 
 when he says that " the battle of the evidences must now be fought on the field 
 of the natural sciences." 
 
 (Oarfleld to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Columbus, January 15, 18fil. 
 My heart and thoughts are full almost every moment with the terrible reality 
 of our country's coudltion. We have learned so long to look upon the convul- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEi^". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 51 
 
 sions of European States as things wholly impossible here, that the people are 
 slow in coming to the belief that, there may be any breaking up of our institu- 
 tions, but stern, awful certainty is fastening upon the hearts of men. I do not 
 see any way, outside a miracle of God, which can avoid civil war with all its at- 
 tendant horrors. Peaceable dissolution is utterly impossible. Indeed, I cannot 
 say that I would wish it possible. To make the concessions demanded by the 
 South would be hypocritical and sinful ; they would neither be O^ieyed nor re- 
 spected, I am inclined to believe that the sin of slavery is one of which it may 
 be said that without the shedding of blood there is no remission. All that ia 
 left us as a State, or say as a company of Northern States, is to arm and prepare 
 to defend ourselves and the Federal C overnment. 1 believe the doom of slavery 
 is drawing near. Let war come, and the slaves will get the vague notion that it 
 is waged for them, and a magazine will be lighted whose explosion will shake 
 the whole fabric of slavery. Even if all this happen, I cannot yet abandon the 
 belief that one government will ruie this continent, and its people be one people. 
 
 Meantime, what will be the influence of the times on individuals ? Your 
 question is very interesting and suggestive. The doubt that hangs over the 
 whole issue bears touching also. It may be the duty of our young men to join 
 the army, or they may be drafted without their own consent. If neither of these 
 things happen, there will be a period when old men and young will be electrified 
 by the spirit of the times, and one result will be to make every individuality 
 more marked and their opinions more decisive. I believe the times will be even 
 more favorable than calm ones for the formation of strong and forcible char- 
 acters. 
 
 Just at this time (have you observed the fact ?) we have no man who has 
 power to ride upon the storm and direct it. The hour has come, but not the man. 
 The crisis will make many such. But I do not love to speculate on so painful a 
 theme. ... I am chosen to respond to a toast on the Union at the State 
 Printers' Festival here next Thursday evening. It is a sad and difficult theme at 
 this time. 
 
 {Garjiekl to B. A. Einsckde.) 
 
 Columbus, February 16, 186L 
 Mr. Lincoln has come and gone. The rush of people to see him at every 
 point on the route is astonishing. The reception here was plain and republican, 
 but very impressive. He has been raising a respectable pair of dark-brown 
 whiskers, which decidedly improve his looks, but no appendage can ever render 
 him remarkable for beauty. On the whole, I am greatly pleased with him. He 
 clearly shows his want of culture, and the marks of Western life ; but there is no 
 touch of affectation in him, and he has a peculiar power of impressing you that 
 he is frank, direct, and thoroughly honest. His remarkable good sense, simple 
 and condensed style of expression, and evident marks of indomitable will, give 
 me great hopes for the country. And. after the long, dreary period of Buchanan's 
 weakness and cowardly imbecility, the people will hail a strong and vigorous 
 leader. 
 
 I have never brought my mind to consent to the dissolution peaceably. I 
 know it may be asked, Is it not better to dissolve before war than after ? But I 
 
52 THE LIFE OF GE^-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 ask, Is it not better to fight before dissolution than after ? If the North and 
 South cannot live in the Union without war, how can they live and expand as 
 dissevered nations without it ? May it not be an economy of bloodshed to tell 
 the South tliat disunion is war, and that the United States Government will pro- 
 tect its property and execute its laws at all hazards ? 
 
 I confess the great weight of the thought in your letter of the Plymouth and 
 Jamestown ideas, and their vital and utter antagonism. This conflict may yet 
 break the vase by the lustiness of its growth and strength, but the history of 
 other nations gives me hope. Every government has periods when its strengtli and 
 unity are tested. England has passed through the Wars of the Roses and the 
 days of Cromwell. A monarchy is more easily overtlirown than a republic, be- 
 cause its sovereignty is concentrated, and a single blow, if it be powerful enough, 
 will crush it. 
 
 Burke, this is really a great time to live in, if any of us can only catch the 
 cue of it. I am glad you write on the.se subjects, and you must blame yourself 
 for having made me inflict on you the longest letter I have written to any one in 
 more than a year. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Cleveland, June 14, 1861. 
 The Lieutenftnt-Colonelcy of the Twenty-fourth Regiment has been tendered 
 to me, and the Governor urges me to accept. I am greatly perplexed on the 
 question of duty. I shall decide by Monday next. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Hiram, July 12, 1861. 
 I hardly knew myself, till the trial came, how much of a struggle it would 
 cost me to give up going into the army. I found I had so fully interested myself 
 in the War tliat I hardly felt it possible for me not to be a i)art of the movement- 
 But the consideration that there were so many who could fill the oflice tendered 
 to me and would covet the place, more than could do my work here perhaps, that 
 T could not but feel it would be to some extent a reckless disregard of the good 
 of others to accept. If there had been a scarcity of volunteers I should have ac- 
 cepted. The time may yet come when I sluill feel it right and necessary to go ; 
 but I thought, on the whole, that time had not yet come. 
 
CHAPTER YII. 
 
 GARFIELD, THE CITIZEN SOLDIER. 
 
 General Garfield's military record covers only a little over 
 two years, but it was so full of peculiar incidents and achieve- 
 ments that it might well form the sole tlieme of a volume by 
 some such accomplished military student and writer as General 
 J Watts DePeyster-" Anchor^-whose thorough appreciation 
 of Thomas would qualify him largely for writing of a man who 
 was after Thomas's own heart, as a soldier and as a man. But 
 the plan and limits of this book forbid anything like a detailed 
 account of Garfield, the soldier. The truth is, that there is so 
 much of him that the faithful biographer is dismayed at the im- 
 possibility of even the most condensed review of his manifold 
 and diverse achievements, in a single volume. For this reason 
 I rejoice at the multiplicity of his biographers. There is 
 material enough for each of them to work up into a valuable 
 and interesting " Life." ^ ^ , ^ 
 
 But Garfield was only a soldier, as fifteen hundred thousand 
 other patriotic citizens were soldiers. He was a living, and the 
 ablest, representative of the class whom Quincy Ward has so 
 nobly tvpified in enduring bronze, in the " Seventh Regiment 
 monuinent that adorns Central Park- the citizen soldier of 
 ability culture, enlightened patriotism, and readmess for any 
 duty required by the State ; who does not love nor follow fight- 
 ing as a profession and for a livelihood, but who promptly 
 ad'opts fig^iting as a duty, when the State can only be saved by 
 the self-sacrifice of its citizens. Of this class Garfield was a great 
 representative, in many respects. He was a splendid specimen 
 of stalwart manhood ; he had wonderful capacity to master any 
 new science ; he had won mastery over men and the art of com- 
 manding them, through purely intellectual and^ moral methods ; 
 
54 THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELt>. 
 
 he bad come to fill a large place of beneficent influence among 
 his fellows, with widening opportunities daily opening before 
 him in the parallel paths of duty and ambition, at home, and 
 had much to sacrifice in seeking another field of action ; his 
 very success as a teacher and as a public man had so put him 
 under bonds that he could not lightly accept even a field officer's 
 commission, without that cool, deliberate, solemn sense of over- 
 powering duty which ennobled and dignified the sacrifice he final- 
 ly made, without a lingering qualm or compunction. At first he 
 was inclined to refuse the commission offered him by Governor 
 Dennison, who knew his powers and capacities, and had in- 
 trusted him with an important mission to the Governor of 
 Indiana, from whom he obtained the loan of 5000 stand of arms 
 for the swarming crowds of Ohio volunteers. But it Avas inevi- 
 table from the nature of the man that he should finally take the 
 position where service involved the greatest danger and respon- 
 sibility. 
 
 He set about raising recruits for the Forty-second Ohio Vol- 
 initeers among the men who had been inspired by his patriotic 
 appeals ; among his students and constituents. It w^as mainly by 
 his efi'ortsthat tlie regiment was filled up ; to a good degree, by 
 "Disciples," whose patriotism was consecrated by religious 
 zeal. He was first commissioned, in August, 1801, as Lieuten- 
 ant-Colonel, and soon promoted to be Colonel, to the universal 
 satisfaction of his men." On the 17th of December, 1861, he 
 took his well-drilled regiment from Camp Chase to the front. 
 In the short time allowed him he had gained as much military 
 knowledge as most of our volunteer colonels would have been 
 able to acquire in years. Throwing the whole energy of his in- 
 comparable working powers into his new profession, he forgot 
 everything but the one duty of transforming a mass of untrained 
 patriots into a military machine. His success was as marvellous 
 as it was natural. When he reported to General Buell, in Louis- 
 ville, that able soldier and keen judge of men at once saw that 
 his new reinforcement meant more than a fresh regiment of raw 
 troops ; it was the acquisition of a great brain, inspired with 
 
COLONEL aARPIELD. 
 
56 THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 the highest moral courage and resolve, and sustained by the 
 body of an athlete, Tlie new colonel was not to be put on 
 guard duty and subject to the drill and instructions of a West 
 Point martinet ; he was to have free scope for his resources in 
 an independent command, and to be given a task not laid down 
 in the books, nor taught at West Point, that of clearing out of 
 Eastern Kentucky a large force of rebels, who outnumbered his 
 own command, from a vast tract of wild, difficult, and naturally 
 defensible country. Nor did Buell tell him how to do this 
 tremendous job. He asked Garfield to make liis own plans, and 
 when they were made and reported Buell saw at a glance that 
 he had not mistaken Garfield's genius for fighting. 
 
 Let us take a brief glance at the big job which Buell in- 
 trusted to a fresh volunteer colonel, both in the planning and 
 in the execution. Humphrey ^Marshall, obese but able, had 
 invaded Eastern Kentucky with 5000 men ; had fortified a 
 natural stronghold at Paintville, and was overrunning the whole 
 region with small detachments, recruiting for the rebel forces, 
 discouraging, persecuting, and robbing Union men. The area 
 of his operations was larger than that of Massachusetts ; inliab- 
 ited by about 100,000 jwor and ignorant white men and a few 
 thousand negroes. IMarshall was acting more as a politician 
 than as a soldier. His scattered but effective operations were 
 part of a general plan to wrest Kentucky from the Union. To 
 Garfield was assigned the formidable task of defeating a pro- 
 ject that would have been well-nigh fatal to the Union cause, 
 had it succeeded. To accomplish it he had only four regi- 
 ments of infantry and 600 cavalry— in all about 2500 men — di- 
 vided by large stretches of mountain country that was harried 
 by guerillas and full of disloyal people. He had to send com- 
 munications to his scattered forces, to insure a co-operative 
 movement, and then run the risk of being defeated in detail 
 before his troo23s could be massed ; and, after all that was safely 
 accomplished, he had to attack twice his own force, strongly 
 intrenched in commanding positions. 
 
 He succeeded in getting his dispatches carried to his sepa- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 57 
 
 rate forces, through his judgment in selecting a " native" 
 scout, John Jordan, whose adventures, expedients, and hair- 
 breadth escapes in getting through the guerilla bands have 
 been the subject of a most romantic story. After a ride of a 
 hundred miles, the fearless and keen-witted scout took to Col- 
 onel Cranor, at Paris, at midnight, an order to move his com- 
 mand, the 40th Ohio, 800 strong, to Prestonburg, and to trans- 
 mit an order to Lieutenant-Colonel Wool ford, at Stamford, to 
 join him with three hundred cavalry. The scout encountered 
 like perils on his return, but got safely to Garfield's tent, on the 
 6th of January, at midnight. So far all went well. 
 
 Garfield at once prepared to move liis own column of 1400 
 men on Marshall's intrenched 5000 — known to be that number 
 from an intercepted letter which Garfield had in his pocket, and 
 prudently kept secret. Before this Garfield had sent false 
 scouts into Marshall's camp, who made him believe that the 
 Union force was many times its actual size. There were three 
 roads to Marshall's position. Garfield manoeuvred so as to 
 deceive the enemy as to his real line of attack, drove in Mar- 
 shall's pickets along the river, and lured Marshall into detach- 
 ing 1000 infantry and a battery to resist a supposed attack on 
 Paintville. Then he is led to apprehend danger from another 
 quarter, and transfers these troops to the western road. Two 
 hours later the picket line on the centre is driven in, Mar- 
 shall is confused, and Paintville abandoned. 
 
 On the 8th of January Marshall learns from a spy that Cra- 
 nor, with 8300 men (!), is within half a day's march to the 
 westward. On this the statesman-soldier gets utterly discour- 
 aged, breaks up his camp, abandons most of his supplies, and 
 seeks safety in summary retreat. When Cranor's command ar- 
 rives, it is utterly exhausted and unfit to move. But Garfield 
 is full of fight, takes 1100 volunteers, 400 of them from Cranor's 
 command, and on the 9th moves toward Prestonburg, sending 
 his cavalry to harass the retreating enemy. Near Prestonburg 
 he hears of Marshall three miles further up the stream, and sends 
 back to Lieutenant-Colonel Sheldon, at raintville, to bring up 
 
58 THE LIFE OF GEif. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 all the available men for a fight the next morning. All night 
 long he is getting full knowledge of Marshall's positions and 
 of the topography. Again he sends John Jordan into the 
 enemy's camp, to learn his exact position. Breaking camp at 4 
 A.M. he skirmishes aggressively and successfully till noon, when 
 he reaches the main line, and then fiercely charges 5000 men, 
 with twelve jDieces of artillery, finely placed on a steep and 
 rocky hill, wnth his 1100 heroes, all animated by his own spirit, 
 but unprovided with a single cannon. It was a desperate hand- 
 to-hand fight for five hours, with charges and repulses, and 
 fresh charges, till at sunset the 5000 are about ready to swoop 
 down on, envelop, and destroy the heroic 1100, or what was 
 left of them. It w^as a straining crisis for Garfield, who was 
 praying for Cranor and Sheldon, as Wellington prayed for 
 " night or Blucher." At the same time a rebel major, from a 
 high elevation, saw the advancing blue-coats, and turned rap- 
 idly and gave the w^ord. In a moment Marshall's demoralized 
 force Avas wdiirling away, in full retreat, and Garfield was the 
 victor in the most important small engagement of the ^vnr. 
 Pursuit of the fiying foe was instant, and the cheers of the 
 "Boys in Blue" made the valley ring. Soon the reports of 
 the brief and brilliant campaign cheered loyal hearts that had 
 not felt the solace of victory since the disaster at Big Bethel. 
 
 Within ten days Thomas had routed ZollikofTer, and Kentucky 
 Avas saved to the Union. 
 
 But'll had ^virtually made Garfield a Brigadier, by giving him 
 a brigade to command, and had given him an independence of 
 planning and execution such as many corps commanders never 
 enjoyed. Lincoln gave him a Brigadier's commission, dated 
 on the day of the fight I have briefly sketched. But the fight- 
 ing was the smallest part of his achievement. (See note.) 
 
 Note.— General Buell recognized both the brilliancy and importance of Gar- 
 field's operations in a general order, which contained the following : 
 
 " They have overcome formidable difficulties in the character of the country, 
 Ihe condition of the roads, and the inclemency of the season ; and, without ar- 
 tillery, have in several engagements, terminating in the battle of Middle Creek 
 on the 10th inst. (January), driven the enemy from his intrenched positions and 
 
THE LIFE OE GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 59 
 
 Having cleared out Humphrey Marshall's forces, Garfield 
 moved his command to Piketon, one hundred and twenty miles 
 above the mouth of the Big Sandy, from which place he cov- 
 ered the whole region about w4th expeditions, breaking up 
 rebel camps and perfecting his work. Finally, in that poor 
 and wretched country, his supplies gave out, and, as usual, 
 taking care of the most important matter himself, he went to 
 the Ohio River for supplies, got them, seized a steamer, and 
 loaded it. But there was an un])recedented freshet, navigation 
 was very perilous, and no captain or pilot could be induced to 
 take charge of the boat. Garfield at once availed himself of 
 his canal-boat experience, took charge of the boat, stood at the 
 helm for forty out of forty-eight hours, piloted the steamer 
 through an untried channel full of dangerous eddies and wild 
 currents, and saved his command from starvation. 
 
 In the middle of March he made the famous Pound Gap ex- 
 pedition, which deserves a separate chapter. Briefly, Marshall 
 had retired to this narrow pass in the Cumberland Mountains, 
 easily made impregnable, and a most admirable position from 
 which to swoop down, with plundering parties, into Kentucky. 
 No direct attack could have dislodged the 500 rebels left con- 
 stantly on guard in the Gap, defended by breastworks and 
 quartered in log huts. So Garfield made a sudden forced march 
 of two days, reached the foot of the Gap at night, and the next 
 morning made the rebels believe that he meant a direct attack, 
 while he marched the most of his command through a narrow 
 and tortuous mountain path, led by a faithful guide in a blind- 
 ing snow storm, and suddenly pounced down on the astonished 
 rebels in the rear of their fortifications. The surprise and the 
 victory were complete ; the nest and stronghold of the plun- 
 derers was captured, a large number of them were killed, 
 wounded, or taken prisoners, and Marshall's campaign was 
 
 forced him back into the mountains with the loss of a large amount of baggage 
 and stores, and many of his men killed and captured. These services have called 
 into action the highest qualities of a soldier— fortitude, perseverance, and cour- 
 age." 
 
60 THE LIFE OF GElsr. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 brouglit to a ridiculous close, whereupon Garfield marched back 
 his command to Piketon, which he reached in four days from 
 his departure, having taken his command about a hundred miles 
 over a rough and difficult country. On his return he was ordered 
 to report to Buell in person. The latter was moving to join 
 Grant at Savannah, but Garfield overtook the army, was assign- 
 ed to the command of a brigade, and took part in the second 
 day's fight at Shiloh. He was in all the operations in front 
 of Corinth, rebuilt and guarded the bridges on the Memphis 
 and Charleston Railroad, and did his share in erecting fortifi- 
 cations. He fell a victim to the malariousness of that region and 
 was prostrated during the months of July and August. When 
 he became convalescent he was ordered to Washington, where 
 his then recognized ability M-as needed on the Fitz John Porter 
 court-martial, the most impartially constituted, ablest, and 
 fairest court of the sort ever organized in this country. On its 
 adjournment, in January, 1863, he was sent to Rosecrans, who 
 was at first somewhat prejudiced against Garfield, regarding 
 him as a " political preacher.'" But a few days of intercourse 
 revealed the absurdity of this apprehension ; Rosecrans saw the 
 prodigious resources and frank manliness of Garfield, and made 
 him " Chief of StafiP," in the full European sense of the word, 
 the first appointment of that sort made in our army. It was a 
 high, responsible, difficult position, only second to that of the 
 commander of the Army of the Cumberland. Such rapid pro- 
 motion, won without pressure or influence, proceeding from 
 the recognition of demonstrated qualities by two such able sol- 
 diers as Buell and Rosecrans, the very opposites in temperament 
 and natural predilections, shows that Garfield only needed time 
 and opportunity to have become one of the great commanders 
 of the Union Army. 
 
 Acting as the counsellor, adviser and executive officer of 
 Rosecrans, Garfield's vigorous nature found active employment 
 in all the operations in Middle Tennessee. He was everywhere 
 felt. He grew daily in the confidence of Rosecrans. The crown- 
 ing epoch of his service as Chief of Staff came with the great 
 
THE LIFE OF GEI^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 61 
 
 battle of Chickamauga. The test of his moral courage and 
 individuality had come before. Rosecrans, with liis jjassion for 
 completing all details, had delayed the advance which Stanton 
 was impatiently urging. Finally Rosecrans asked the written 
 opinions of his seventeen generals as to the advisability of an 
 advance. Every one was opposed to it. But Garfield prepared 
 a masterly paper, reviewing all the written opinions, analyzing 
 their objections and answering them. His argument was irre- 
 sistible. With such a paper on file Rosecrans could no longer 
 delay, and the army moved, but it was commanded, for the 
 most part, by ofiicers who felt mortified over the powerlessness 
 of their jDrotests. One of them, General Crittenden, said to Gar- 
 field, as the army began to move : 
 
 "It is understood, sir, by the general ofiicers of this army, that 
 this movemeni is your work. 1 wish you to understand that it is 
 a rash and fatal move, for wliichyou will be held responsible." 
 
 Garfield resolutely took the responsibility that was thrown on 
 him. Then followed the fight for the objective point of the 
 advance, Chickamauga. That the battle was not a great and 
 decisive Union victory, the best military critics now agree, was 
 due to the misunderstanding of a hastily written order to Gen- 
 eral Wood, commanding the right wing. All the other orders 
 were written by Garfield. This was written by Rosecrans him- 
 self. Obeying this fatal order too literally. Wood opened a gap 
 in our line which the rebels quickly saw and. entered, breaking 
 the right from the centre and sweeping Rosecrans and his chief 
 of staff with a mass of demoralized troops toward Chattanooga. 
 Rosecrans thought that all was lost. Brave to desperation, so 
 far as his own life was concerned, he was easily " stampeded " 
 when his command seemed broken. But Garfield's resources 
 rose with the emergency. He implored Rosecrans to let him 
 seek the centre and make it a rallying i)oint from which to pre- 
 vent utter rout, by well-directed fighting. His instinct told him 
 that Thomas, commanding the centre, w^as holding his own 
 with stubborn sturdiness. With the help of " The Rock of 
 
62 THE LIFE OF CtE^-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 Chickamauga, " the proud name won by Thomas on that trying 
 day, he could prevent defeat from becoming utter rout and 
 destruction. Rosecrans bid Garfield God-speed and has- 
 tened back to tlie river, to prepare for throwing up works at 
 Chattanooga, behind which to save the swarming fugitives from 
 the front. 
 
 Garfield, wdth a few orderlies, set out on the perilous ride, 
 which was far more momentous and trying than Phil. Sheridan's 
 famous "Ride to Winchester." Through tlie forest and over hills ; 
 not knowing where the rebels picket lines miglit be ; an orderly 
 wounded near him and liis own horse shot under him ; with chaos 
 in his rear and the unknown in front — rode Garfield, carrying in 
 his head all the plans of battle and the latest news from the 
 doubled-up right. His arrival at Thomas's headquarters was 
 like the reinforcement of a corps. He aided Thomas by his in- 
 telligence and advice, and supplemented the old veteran's 
 stanchness by a fresh and aggressive enthusiam. He won noljly 
 that day a Major-General's commission, and, what he valued f;ir 
 more, the heart of " Old Pap Thomas." 
 
 After Chickamauga, Garfield was sent to Washington, to 
 reconcile the differences between Rosecrans and Stanton, and to 
 state to Mr. Lincoln the condition and needs of the Army of the 
 Cumberland, which he did with such clearness and vigor that 
 Mr. Lincoln told him he had never before understood so per- 
 fectly the actual situation of any army in the field. In Decem- 
 ber, 18G3, Garfield, very reluctantly, resigned his commission, 
 in order to perform the duties to which his constituents had 
 called him, nearly fifteen months before. 
 
 During all of his phenomenally active military career he had 
 constantly kept up his literary culture. He took with him 
 several small volumes of HarjDcr's edition of the classics, and 
 read them whenever he could steal a few moments of leisure. 
 He read a little Latin every day. He rather settled down on 
 Horace as his favorite, regarding him as " the most philoso2)hic 
 of the pagans." He also kept up his interest in all home mat- 
 ters, wrote often to his wife and to his friend Hinsdale, and in 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 03 
 
 all ways did what he could to nourish his affections, to retain 
 his culture, and to keep up a realizing sense of his citizenship, in 
 the broadest and highest sense of that noble word. 
 
 In his official report of operations in Middle Tennessee, General Rosecrans 
 pays Garlifld the following high but des^erved tribute : 
 
 " m my da f Merited my warm approbaliou for ability, zeal, and devotion 
 to duty : hut lam sure they tvill not consider itimidious if I especially vieniion 
 Brigadier-General Garfield, ever active, prudent and sagacious. 1 feel much 
 indebted to him for both counsel and assistance in the administration of this 
 army. He possesses the energy and the imtinct of a great commander.'' 
 
 General Rosccrans has lately given his opinion of General Garfield to a 
 
 California reporter. He said : "Garfield was a member of my military family 
 
 during the early part of the war. When he came to my headquarters I must 
 
 confess that I had a prejudice against hitn, as I understood he was a preacher 
 
 who had «one into politics, and a man of that cast I was naturally opposed to. 
 
 The more°I saw of him the better I liked him, and finally I gave him his choice 
 
 of a brigade, or to become my chief of staff. He cliose the latter. His views 
 
 were large, and he was possessed of a thoroughly comprehensive mind. Late m 
 
 the summer of 18()3 he came to me one day, and said that he liad been asked to 
 
 accept the Republican nomination for Congress from the Ashtabula (O.) district, 
 
 and asked my advice as to ivlielher he ought to accept it, and whether he could 
 
 do so honorably. J replied that I not mly thought he could accept it tnth honor, 
 
 hnt that J deemed it to be his duty to do so. ' The war is not yet over,' I said, 
 
 • nor will it be for some time to come. There will be many questions arising in 
 
 Congress which require not alone statesmanlike treatment, but the advice of 
 
 men"havin<^ an acquaintance with military affairs will be needful ; and for that 
 
 and several other reasons, you would, I believe, do equally as good service to 
 
 this country in Congress as in the field.' I consider Garfield head and shoulders 
 
 above any of the men named before the convention, and far superior to anv of 
 
 the political managers upon the floor." 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Ilinsdnle.) 
 
 MuRFREESBOHOUGH, Tenn., Feb. 16, 1863. 
 My horses and part of my staff were delayed on the Cumberland by the 
 attack on Fort Donelson, and did not reach here until a few days ago. I have 
 been the guest of Gen. Rosecrans since my arrival, and I have never been more 
 acquainted with the interior life of any man in the same length of time m my 
 life. He wants me to stay with him as chief of staff instead of taking com- 
 mand of a division. I am greatly in doubt which to choose. He is one of the 
 few men in this war who enters upon all his duties with a deeply devout religious 
 feeling, and looks to God as the disposer of the victory. His very able report of 
 the late battle here ends with this fine sentence from the CatholicChurchser- 
 vice, which he does not (luote with any cant or affectation : Vjj^'"* "i TiJ?wT Jj'^'^^ 
 ne, non nobis, sed tuo nomine da gloriam.'^ Jl^<^^ '^^/T^ 
 
 «^V OF AI*£«1CA -^ 
 
 L I B R /^ R ^, 
 
64 THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GAftFIELl>. 
 
 (Oarfleld to B. A. Hinadale.) 
 Headquarters, Department op the Cumberland, 
 MuKFKEESBoROUGH, May 26, 1863. 
 
 Tell all those copperhead students for me that, were I there in charge of the 
 school, 1 would not only dishonorably dismiss them from the school, but. If 
 they remained in the place and persisted in their cowardly treason, I would apply 
 to Gen. Burnside to enforceGeneral Order No. 38 in their cases. . . . 
 
 If these young traitors are in earnest they should go to the Southern Con- 
 federacy, where they can receive full sympathy. Tell them all that I will furnish 
 them passes through our lines, where they can join Vallandighani and their other 
 friends till such time as they can destroy us and come back home as conquerors 
 of their own people, or can learn wisdom and obedience. 
 
 I know this apparently is a small matter, but it is only apparently small. We 
 do not know what the developments of a month may bring forth, and, if such 
 things be permitted at Hiram, they may anywhere. The Rebels catch up all 
 Buch facts as sweet morsels of comfort, and every such influence lengthens the 
 war and adds to the bloodshed. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 GARFIELD IN CONGRESS. 
 
 While it was clear to himself and to his inilitary superiors 
 that he had probably before him a brilliant military career, the 
 Union men of the Nineteenth Congressional District of Ohio, 
 without the slightest solicitation, effort, or co-operation on his 
 part, nominated him to" represent them in Congress, Such a 
 nomination, from such a source, Avas the highest honor which any 
 man, under the circumstances, could have received. It would 
 have been a high compliment for any man, however long in the 
 public service, to represent the constituency which had kept 
 Joshua R. Giddings continuously in Congress for nearly a quarter 
 of a century, while he was in the forefront of the fight against 
 human slavery. To Garfield, then less than thirty-one years of 
 age, it was an especially distinguished tribute. It came from 
 those who knew him from tlie beginning — all his hardships, 
 privations, struggles, conquests and characteristics. The " old 
 Nineteenth" — hardest of all districts to please — took him to its 
 heart, draped him with the mantle of Giddings, and adopted 
 him as its leader. 
 
 Note.— In considering Garfield's Congressional career, amid the compara- 
 tively few home struggles it brought hira, it is all important to realize what sort 
 of constituency it has been that has nine times successively placed him in the 
 seat of Joshua R. Giddings. To represent the tenement-house districts of New 
 York for seventeen years is one thing. To represent a keenly intelligent, moral 
 and independent rural constituency in New England or New York for a long series 
 of years, is quite another thing. Such a constituency as the latter has honored 
 Garfield with its continuous verdicts of " Well done, good and faithful servant," 
 with these essential differences, viz.: First, the "Western Reserve" in" 
 Northern Ohio, was settled by the manliest, most enterprising, vigorous and m- 
 dependent sons of New England and New York. They were the " picked men 
 of peoples," as were the original settlers of the Eastern States, Bluflfold "Ben" 
 Wade once talked about a characteristic " Western Reserve" constituent, who. 
 
68 THE LIFE OF GEIST. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 And yet the acceptance of this proud position cost him many 
 severe struggles between contending convictions of duty. He 
 would not have left the army under any consideration, had he 
 not, like most of our soldiers and statesmen at that time, 
 firmly believed that the rebellion would be virtually subdued 
 within the fifteen months that would elapse between that time 
 and the opening of the Thirty-eighth Congress, for 1\ hich he 
 was nominated. 
 
 Even after he went into Congress, as the war was still 
 doubtful, his impulse to resign and go back into the army was 
 very strong. After the removal of Rosecrans, his former com- 
 mander. General Thomas, who was a dear friend of Garfield, 
 was very anxious to have him come back into the army, and 
 tendered him in a private letter the command of an army corps 
 if he would go there. Thomas had become the head of the 
 whole Army of the Cumberland, and with such an invitation 
 
 *' after he had thought and praj^ed over a political question for twenty-four hours, 
 was pretty sure to be right, and could not he moved." It is needless to say that 
 this old supporter of Wade is equally true and faithful to Garfield. All that 
 sort of men in " the Reserve''' are, so far as heard from. Then the " Western 
 Reserve" has been the niui^^eiy of more free and independent political thinking 
 and action than any other equal section of the Union. Political leaders are no- 
 where else held to such strict accountability. Even Giddings, when he grew 
 careless, lost his grip and was supplanted. The average "Western Reserve" 
 Republican makes his official representatives feel that the term " public servants" 
 is full of meaning. He "keeps the run" of all they do and say. If they are 
 scandalized he wants the object of scandal to clear his skirts completely. He 
 has no use for tainted men. They must purge themselves wholl}'-, or go back to 
 private life. On the whole, the "Western Reserve" is a section by itself, and 
 seems to deserve to be more generally uiulerslood, as to its geographical limits. 
 For this reason 1 have had the accompanying map prepared. In that region of 
 universal intelligence, high morality, intense political activity and searching in- 
 quiry, James A. Garfield was born, and has always had his residence. In the 
 most critical part of that region is his Congressional district, which completely 
 and thoroughly overhauled all the scandals that now survive on the lips of the in- 
 telligently malicious and in the darkened brains of the ignorant. His constit- 
 uents tried him and pronounced the verdict, " Not guilty." That verdict has 
 been repeated again and again, with increasing emphasis, and there is hardly an 
 intelligent and honest boy in the whole *' Reserve" who would not resent the 
 slightest imputation on the man whom the "Reserve'' almost idolizes and trusts 
 to the uttermost, James A. Garfield. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 69 
 
 Garfield's impulse to go back was almost irresistible. But on 
 going to Mr. Lincoln with the matter, the President made a 
 personal point with him. " In the first place," said he, " the 
 Republican majority in Congress is very small, and there is 
 great doubt whether or not we can carry our measures ; and in 
 the next place, we are greatly lacking in men of military ex- 
 perience in the House to regulate the legislation about the 
 army. ' ' 
 
 Fresh from active service in the army, whose duties, dangers, 
 excitements and friendships he left with many pangs of sincer- 
 est and manliest regret. General Garfield began what proved to 
 be a long career of honorable, industrious, and patriotic service 
 of his country in Congress, at the opening of the Winter 
 session, in 1863. 
 
 In looking over the debates and proceedings in the Congress 
 sional Globe for that important session we seem to be reading 
 ancient history, so many men, then prominent and powerful in 
 one or the other branch of Congress, have gone to join the silent 
 majority. If we measure time by great national developments, 
 changes, and revolutions, more than two ordinary generations 
 have passed while General Garfield, in the House, has been 
 gaining the few frosted hairs that tell the story of constant 
 work, amid great and trying energies. 
 
 In order that younger readers may bring to mind the sur- 
 roundings of the young and brilliant Major-General, as he first 
 undertook the duties of statesmanship in the national councils, 
 it may be well to revive, by the mention of their names, some 
 at least of the strong men who left their impress on the legisla- 
 tion of the country. 
 
 Beginning with the Senate, and in the north-eastern corner 
 of the Republic, Maine was strongly represented by William 
 Pitt Fessenden and Lot M. Morrill — the former preternatural ly 
 acute and dialectically vigorous ; the latter sound, broad, strong, 
 and sometimes eloquent. The humorist of the Senate, John P. 
 Hale, of New Hampshire, was somewhat in his decadence. 
 Vermont, fortunate, because judicious and faithful, in her 
 
70 THE LIFE OF GEN^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 choice of Senators, was represented by Solomon Foot and Jacob 
 Collamer, both veterans, but both vigorous and formidable, 
 especially on questions of law and of the Constitution. Charles 
 Sumner and Henry Wilson were great powers, but in different 
 ways, the former in debate, the latter in upholding the army 
 as chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs. Anthony 
 was even then Rhode Island's elegant and scholarly represen- 
 tative in the Senate, as he has been ever since. James Dixon 
 and La Fayette S. Foster worthily upheld the influence of Con- 
 necticut. The ablest Southern Senator was Reverdy Johnson, of 
 Maryland, who under Mr. Seward's instructions afterward 
 laid the foundations for the Treaty of Washington, and never 
 got due credit therefor. New York was represen ted by two 
 non-speech-making Senators— War Governor E. D. Morgan, 
 who did more to sustain the war in the Senate than many more 
 talkative members, and the amiable and learned Judge Ira D. 
 Harris. Cowan and Buckalew, of Pennsylvania, were great 
 powers in their day, but are forgotten. Ohio was strongly 
 represented by the intense and combative individuality of 
 " Ben" Wade, and by John Sherman, already a veteran in the 
 succession of honors won in the House and added to in the 
 Senate ; as courageous as his great soldier brother and almost as 
 ready in debate as Fessenden. From the West were such 
 strong Senators as the venerable but fearless Henry S. Lane, 
 of Indiana ; Zachariah Chandler, of Michigan ; Trumbull, of 
 Illinois ; Howe and Doolittle, of Wisconsin ; Ramsey, of Min- 
 nesota, and Grimes, of Iowa. Many of these men belonged to 
 the past, and did not know it. Some were the predestined 
 victims of party divisions, and did not dream of their fate. 
 
 The House had in it, naturally, far more of the Present and 
 the Future. Its then most fortunate and promising member was 
 Schuyler Colfax, the universally popular Speaker. But there 
 were three young members who were destined to a more lasting 
 prominence. The senior of these, who had enjoyed previous 
 service in the House, was Roscoe Conkling, already recognized 
 by Congress and the country as a magnificent and convincing 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 71 
 
 speaker. The other two of the triumvirate that was never 
 formed were James G. Blaine and James A. Garfield. Only a 
 year the senior of Garfield, Blaine was about to begin a career 
 as brilliant as that of Henry Clay and the acquisition of a 
 popularity unique in our political history. But in this Congress 
 there were many members whose power was far greater than 
 that of either of the trio, who may yet be as much compared as 
 Clay, Webster, and Calhoun were in former days. In the first 
 place there was Elihu B. Washburne, "the watch-dog of the 
 treasury," the "father of the House"— courageous, practical, 
 direct, and aggressive. Then there was Thaddeus Stevens, who 
 was one of the very few men capable of driving his party asso- 
 ciates — a character as unique as and far stronger than John 
 Randolph ; General Robert C. Schenck, fresh from the army, 
 but a veteran in Congress, one of the ablest of practical states- 
 men ; ex-Governor Boutwell, of Massachusetts ; ex-Governor 
 Fenton, of New York, a very influential member, especially on 
 financial questions ; Henry Winter Davis, the brilliant orator, 
 of Maryland ; Wm. B. Allison, since one of the soundest and 
 most useful of Iowa's Senators ; Henry L. Dawes, who fairly 
 earned his promotion to the Senate, but who accomplished so 
 much in the House that his best friends regret the transfer ; 
 John A. Bingham, one of the most famous speakers of his 
 time ; James E. English, of Connecticut, who did valiant and 
 patriotic service as a War Democrat ; George H. Pendleton, now 
 Senator from Ohio and a most accomplished statesman, even in 
 his early service in the House ; Henry G. Stebbius, who was to 
 make a speech sustaining Mr. Chase's financial policy that was 
 unequalled for its salutary effect on public opinion ; Samuel J. 
 Randall, now Speaker ; John A. Griswold, who was cheated 
 out of the Governorship of New York by Tammany frauds ; 
 William Windom, one of the silent members who has grown 
 steadily in power ; James F. Wilson, who was destined to de- 
 cline three successive offers of Cabinet positions by President 
 Grrant ; Daniel W. Voorhees,of Indiana, now Senator ; John A. 
 ^asson, of Iowa, long our minister to Austria jjJi>**^TOiT^^'^"*'^ 
 
 y^K^ OF AiitBICA '>-> 
 
 {l I B R A R "^ 
 
72 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 Pomeroy, of New York, afterward acting Speaker for a brief 
 period ; Wm. R. Morrison, of Illinois, since a Democratic can- 
 didate for the Presidency ; Wm. B. Holman and George W. 
 Julian, of Indiana, both able men, and Fernando Wood — these 
 were all prominent members of the House. It will be seen that 
 the House was a more trying arena for a young member like 
 Garfield than the Senate would have been ; for the contests of 
 the former — unsubdued and unmitigated by " the courtesy of 
 the Senate" — were conducted by as ready and able a corps of 
 debaters as ever sat in that body. 
 
 In looking over the debates of the opening session of this 
 Congress the subjects of discussion and the arguments seem as 
 remote from the present as the reports of the House of Com- 
 mons in the days preceding the repeal of the Corn Laws would 
 appear to the Englishman of the present. It is interesting to 
 see in what spirit the representative of " the boys at the front," 
 as Garfield was regarded by his associates, met the various and 
 exciting questions which were growing out of the rebellion and 
 of the war for its suppression. Naturally enough, we find that 
 the first motion made by General Garfield in the House, on the 
 13th of January, 1864, was one askmg unanimous consent for a 
 resolution authorizing the printing of ten thousand extra copies 
 of the ofl[icial reports of his former chief, ;Major-General Rose- 
 crans. On the next day, for the first time he took part in the 
 debates, although his experience as State Senator in Ohio had 
 been a sufiicient preparation for the ordinary exigencies of de- 
 bate and parliamentary discussion in the House. But neither 
 at the beginning nor at any period during the whole of his 
 career in Congress has he ever shown the slightest disposition 
 to create artificial occasions for the display of speech-making in 
 the Globe and Record reports. This particular debate, which 
 took place on the 14th of January, was on a subject which 
 naturally interested a man who, in the midst of active service 
 in the field, had been revolving the great problems of dealing 
 with the rebellion and rebels. His antagonist was one of the 
 most formidable and readiest in the House, no less than Mr. 
 
THE LIFE OE GEI^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 73 
 
 Samuel S. Cox, then hailing from Ohio, and inclined to mitigate 
 the pains and penalties of rebellion as much as possible. The 
 discussion was on a joint resolution in regard to the seizure and 
 confiscation of the property of rebels. After considerable spar- 
 ring, Mr. Cox asked General Garfield if he would break the 
 Constitution to aggravate the punishment of the traitor, or to 
 punish the innocent children of the rebels, to which artful 
 question Garfield replied with his usual frank and manly in- 
 genuousness and sincerity. Said he : "I would not break the 
 Constitution at all, unless it should become necessary to over- 
 leap its barriers to save the Government and the Union." 
 " But," added he, "I do not see that in this bill we do break 
 the Constitution ;" and then said, in language which gives the 
 key-note of his whole Congressional career up to the close of 
 the last session, " If the gentleman can show me that it over- 
 leaps the Constitution I will vote against it with him, even 
 though every member of my party votes for it ; that makes no 
 difference to me." 
 
 General Garfield was not in haste to make what is called a 
 " set speech." It required an actual occasion to call him out, 
 as was the case when he spoke at some length, on the 31st of 
 March, 1864. 
 
 The practical nature of his mind, his constitutional antago- 
 nism to corporate monopolies that neither serve the public nor 
 allow that service to be performed by others, and his ability in 
 the handling of financial questions, are well shown in this 
 maiden speech. The very subject of the speech precluded the 
 idea of a display of the peculiar sort of sentimentality, or 
 patriotic verbiage, which is the staple of most speeches made 
 " for Buncombe." It was directed against the impudence, in- 
 solence, and inefficiency of a corporation which, in its time, 
 known as the Camden and Amboy monopoly, was the occasion 
 of more well-directed imprecations than any other corporation 
 of its size that ever existed. It was then proposed to establish 
 a postal railroad route across the State of New Jersey, which 
 was at that time generally known as the ' ' State of Camden and 
 
74 THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 Amboy." About that time Governor Joel Parker had issued 
 an astounding proclamation affirming the right of New Jersey 
 as a " sovereign State" to protect and defend her " sovereign- 
 ty," which, in this connection, meant the sovereignty of Cam- 
 den and Amboy, as superior to that of the United States, so far 
 as any efforts on the part of the United States to facilitate and 
 cheapen the transmission of the mails, the troops and the mili- 
 tary supplies of the Governmeat, were concerned. In reply to 
 Governor Parker's queer application of the phrase, " sovereign 
 State," General Garfield remarked that, *'Mr. Coleridge some- 
 where says that abstract definitions have done more harm in 
 the world than plague and famine and war. I believe it ! I 
 believe that no man will ever be able to chronicle all the evils 
 that have resulted to this nation from the abuse of the words 
 ' sovereign ' and ' sovereignty.' " Then he w^ent on specifying 
 the attributes of sovereignty, and said, among other things, 
 *' Sovereignty has the right to put ships on the ocean and the 
 high seas. Should a ship set sail under the authority of New 
 Jersey : it would be seized as a smuggler, forfeited and sold. 
 Sovereignty has a flag, but, thank God, New Jersey has no 
 flag ; Ohio has no flag. No loyal State fights under the ' Lone 
 Star,' the 'Rattlesnake,' or the 'Palmetto Tree;' no loyal 
 State of this Union has any flag but the banner of beauty and 
 glory, the flag of the Union. These are the indispensable ele- 
 ments of sovereignty. New Jersey has not one of them." In 
 reply to the remark that New Jersey was a loyal State, and had 
 sent her citizens into the army, he said : " They are not fight- 
 ing for New Jersey, but for the Union, and when it is once re- 
 stored, I don't believe these men will fight for the Camden and 
 Amboy monopoly. Their hearts have been enlarged, and there 
 are patriotic men of New Jersey, in the army and at home, who 
 are groaning under this tyrannical monopoly, and they come 
 here and ask us to strike off the shackles that bind them, and 
 I hold it to be the high right and duty of this body to strike off 
 their fetters and let them go free." 
 
 On the 26th of April, after the passage of several bills mak- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 75 
 
 ing large ailroad grants, Mr. Washburne moved an adjourn- 
 ment, but General Garfield, in a very suggestive speech of three 
 lines, contributed materially to the discussion by remarking 
 that, " As there must be very little public land left after what 
 we have done to-night, I hope gentlemen will be allowed to go 
 through with it." 
 
 The great and almost appalling difficulty in attempting to 
 give even a fair notion of the scope and nature of Garfield's 
 work in the Thirty-eighth as in all the succeeding Congresses, 
 arises from the wonderful versatility, activity, industry, and 
 ability of the man. The more I have attempted to grasp and 
 group the salient features of his immense work, the more the 
 w^ork has grown on me. It is impossible, within the limits of 
 even half a dozen volumes to reproduce with any fulness his 
 Congressional achievements. Take, for instance, a bare cata- 
 logue of his speeches or remarks from the index of the 
 Congressional Olobe for the first session of the Thirty-eighth 
 Congress— 1863 to 1865— viz. : "Deficiency bill," "Bill to 
 continue bounties," "Revenue bill," "Confiscation," "Con- 
 scription bill," " Bill to revive grade of Lieutenant-General, " 
 " Resolution of thanks to General Thomas," " Sale of surplus 
 gold," "Relating to enlistments in the Southern States," 
 " Bill to drop unemployed general officers," " New Jersey rail- 
 road bill," " Currency bill," " The state of the Tnion, in reply 
 to Mr. Long, " " The expulsion of Mr. Long, " " A correspond- 
 ence with the Rebels," "Revenue bill (No. 405)," "The in- 
 quiry in relation to the Treasury Department," " The Army 
 appropriation bill," " Pennsylvania war claims," "The bank 
 rupt bill," "Repeal of fugitive slave law," "Bill to provide 
 for claims for rebellion losses." 
 
 In subsequent Congresses the list of important subjects and 
 bills discussed by Garfield grew much larger. It will be seen 
 that it is only practicable to make anything like a fair present- 
 ation of what he did and said by selecting a few of the great 
 subjects of debate, and grouping under separate heads the facts 
 and the utterances which show the continuous development of 
 
76 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 his thinking and policy. And as it is Garfield's peculiar dis- 
 tinction that, although he came from the army into Congress, 
 and easily obtained prominence and leadership in discussing 
 military questions and those growing out of the war, he early 
 began to give his best energies to the much more difficult and 
 less sensational financial questions, I shall give the main part of 
 the limited space allowed for reviewing his Congressional 
 activities to the development of his views on the Currency 
 question and the Tariff question. It will be seen that for over 
 half a generation he has been fitting himself to be a wise leader 
 of the American people, as regards two of the great and diflicult 
 problems which are now of all-commanding importance. 
 
 (Garfield to 13. A. ITinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, December 11, 1S65. 
 
 We have begun, as you have pecn, and currents are beginning to develop 
 their direction and strength only feebly ai? yet. We appear to have a very robust 
 House, and indications thus far show it to be a very sound one. The message is 
 much better than we expected, and I have hoped that we shall be able to work 
 with the President. He sent for me day before yesterday, and we had a free con- 
 versation. I gave him the views of the earnest men North as I understand them, 
 and we tried to look over the whole field of the difficulties before us. 
 
 They are indeed many and formidable. Sumner and Boutwell and some 
 more of that class are full of alarm ; less, however, than when they first came. 
 Some foolish men among us are all the while bristling np for fight, and seem to 
 he anxious to make a rupture with Johnson. I think we should assume that he 
 is with us, treat him kindly, without suspicion, and go on in a firm, calmly con- 
 sidered course, leaving him to make the breach with the party if any is made. I 
 doubt if he would do it under such circumstances. The caucus resolution of 
 Thad. Stevens was bad in some of its features. It was rushed through before 
 the caucus was fully assembled, and, while it expresses the sentiment of the 
 House in its main propositions, there are some points designed to antagonize 
 with the President. It still lies over in the Senate, where it will be modified, if 
 it passes at all. 
 
 (Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, January 11, 1868. 
 
 This lengthy statement shows you why T passed over a day without writing 
 you the usual letter. Having passed the time, I concluded to wait for your let- 
 ter and write in response. 
 
 I hope we shall not allow ourselves to get in the habit of omitting or post- 
 poning these New Year's letters ; for they not only keep us advised of the 
 progress, fortune, or misfortune of each other, but they link us to our best 
 selves, and help us measure our own tendencies better than we can do in almost 
 auy other way. . , , 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 77 
 
 The longer I continue in Congress, the more nnmerous and difficult are the 
 duties that press upon me. These increase in proportion to the increase of ray 
 circle of acquaintance, and, I suppose, increase my influence. I have some- 
 times almost despaired of keeping up with the work. The result is I get but 
 little time for careful study ; still, I am doing some reading, and am making 
 general advance in some studies. 
 
 I have accepted an invitation from the Social Science Association of Boston 
 to prepare a paper on some financial theme at its next annual meeting in Febru- 
 ary at Albany, though I am beginning to fear shall not get the time to do all I 
 desire in the way of preparation. I must do something to keep my thoughts 
 fresh and growing. T dread nothing so much as falling into a rut and feeling 
 myself becoming a fossil. ... 
 
 We are boarding this winter, and, for that reason, not so pleasantly situated 
 as we have been hitherto. We have rooms in one house and board in another. 
 
 {Garfield to A. B. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, D. C, January 1, 1867. 
 
 I am less satisfied with the present aspect of public aflTairs than I have been 
 for a long time. T find that many of the points and .octrines, both in general 
 politics and finance, which I believe in and desire to see prevail are meeting with 
 more opposition than heretofore, and are in imminent danger of being overborne 
 by popular clamor and political passion. 
 
 In reference to reconstruction I feel that if the Southern States should adopt 
 the Constitutional Amendments within a reasonable time, we are literally bound 
 to admit them to representation ; if they reject it, then I am in favor of striking 
 for impartial suffrage, though I see that such a course is beset with grave 
 dangers. 
 
 Now Congress seems determined to rush forward without waiting even for 
 the action of the Southern States, thus giving the South the impression, and our 
 political enemies at home a pretext for saying that we were not in good faith 
 when we offered the Constitutional Amendments. . . . 
 
 Really there seems to be a fear on the part of many of our friends that they 
 may do some absurdly extravagant thing to prove their radicalism. I am trying 
 to do two things : dare to be a radical and not be a fool, which, if I may judge 
 by the exhibitions around me, is a matter of no small difficulty. 
 
 I wish the South would adopt the Constitutional Amendments soon and in 
 good temper. Perhaps they will. . . . 
 
 Next, the Supreme Court has decided the case I argued last winter, and the 
 papers are insanely calling for the abolition of the court, . . . 
 
 In reference to finance, I believe that the great remedy for our ills is an 
 early return to specie payments, which can only be effected by the contraction of 
 our paper currency. There is a huge clamor against both and in favor of ex- 
 pansion. 
 
 You know my views on the tariff. I am equally assaulted by the free traders 
 and by the extreme tariff men. There is passion enough in the country to run 
 a steam-engine in every village, and a spirit of proscription which keeps pace 
 with the passion. My own course is chosen and it is quite probable it will throw 
 me out of public life. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 
 
 There can be no better illustration of Garfield's character, 
 nor of his peculiar ability to deal with great and diflficult prac- 
 tical questions, than is aflorded by his speeches on the various 
 phases of the currency question. In this respect his record in 
 many important features, is absolutely unique. He had no 
 special instructions from his constituents to adopt the bold line 
 of policy which he assumed so early in his Congressional career, 
 while there were many members whose constituencies held such 
 decided opinions, on one side or the other of the financial 
 issues, that their election to Congress was a sufficient instruc- 
 tion and guide, for they were merely the mouthpieces of their 
 constituents. But General Garfield, who rapidly came to be 
 regarded as the representative, not merely of his own district, 
 but of his State, was not elected originally on any such issue, 
 and, as its proportions developed growing importance and gave 
 rise to more exciting agitations, his own State was, at first, in- 
 clined to yield to the specious doctrines that, at one time or 
 another, have prevailed in every civilized country. He could 
 easily have evaded this issue, at the outset at least, if it had 
 been in his nature to dodge any responsibility or duty. Instead 
 of this, with a perfect intuition of the surpassing magnitude of 
 the currency question, he began to prepare himself for its intel- 
 ligent comprehension and discussion, by a course of study and 
 investigation which very few of our statesmen have given to it. 
 He exhausted all the histories of the various experiments of 
 dealing with public debts and of furnishing paper currency 
 that had been made in this country ; he followed the investiga- 
 tion back into English history, studying all the text-books ; he 
 mastered the French language, so as to be able to read the un- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 79 
 
 translated French treatises on political economy and the 
 currency, and sought in all directions, from the experience of 
 all countries, whatever light or information could aid him in 
 dealing with the financial situation in which we were left at the 
 close of the war. Thus thoroughly grounded in knowledge, 
 armed with authorities in defence of sound principles and prac- 
 tices, and inspired with an abiding horror of the countless evils 
 brought on all classes of society by false systems of finance, he 
 "Vvas ready to take the side of the currency question which, with 
 •such knowledge and such equipment, a man whose whole 
 •^lature revolted at time-serving and cowardly expedients, and 
 from dishonesty and injustice in every form, would naturally 
 take. Through whatever mutations of public sentiment or- 
 these questions convulsed the people of his State ; through th< 
 darkest eras in our financial Jiistory ; under whatever pressure, 
 and amid whatever suggestions of immediate party expedi- 
 ency, Garfield maintained a course so ingenuous, courageous and 
 consistent in principle, that his most malign enemy might )e 
 safely challenged to explore his record at every point. 
 
 The speech which he made on the IGth of March, 1866, on 
 the public debt and specie payments, covers substantially the 
 whole ground of the great argument that was only concluded — 
 if it is concluded — by the grand success of the Secretary of the 
 Treasury in safely and easily accomplishing specie payments, 
 after a protracted and ceaseless struggle, in which his sagacity, 
 his tact, and his persistence have earned for him the right to be 
 named and honored alongside of Washington's immortal 
 Secretary, Alexander Hamilton. The speech v/as not a long 
 one, but it w^as one that reached down to the foundations of a 
 wise and honest system of finance. It was a good beginning 
 for the series of arguments with w^hich, from time to time, in 
 Congress and out of Congress, General Garfield was always 
 ready to meet every species, phase, and form of false systems of 
 finance. The time of the delivery of this speech is important 
 to be considered. It was long before the Republican Party had 
 been brought — largely through the heroic firmness of two sue- 
 
80 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 cessive Presidents — Grant and Hayes — into substantial unity on 
 the main features of the currency question. It is easy enough 
 now for Republican statesmen to advocate what Garfield so 
 courageously advocated fourteen years ago in time, and a gene- 
 ration ago in events. His speech was a strong plea for confer- 
 ring upon the Secretary of the Treasury the advantage of that 
 large discretion in funding the debt which subsequent experi- 
 ence has proved to be absolutely essential to the restoration of 
 a sound financial system. It was, also, not only a courageous 
 demand for an immediate adoption of a settled policy of return 
 to specie payments, but a bold arraignment of the folly of con- 
 tinuing the stimulus of inflation, and a bold argument for con- 
 tracting an irredeemable currency, so as to prepare the way for 
 practical resumption. It was a plain, business-like, earnest 
 speech, based on the highest financial authorities, illustrated by 
 the financial disorders of the country, and abounding in epi- 
 grammatic exposure of the fallacies that were destined to yield 
 a terrible fruitage of evil, because there were not more Garfields 
 in Congress. 
 
 The House was not ready to support the judicious bill which 
 Garfield advocated, and it was lost by a small majority, when 
 he changed his vote so as to enable him to move to reconsider, 
 which motion was sustained by the House, on the 19th, by 
 a vote of 81 to 67, but before moving the previous question he 
 made a few brief remarks, in which he took and returned the 
 shots of such experienced and able debaters as Thaddeus 
 Stevens, Judge Kelley and others, and strenuously maintained 
 that the honest and heroic policy was the only safe, and would 
 be the only successful, one to pursue. In reply to Judge 
 Kelley, Garfield said, and he knew what he was saying : 
 " There is no leading financier, no statesman now living, or one 
 who has lived within the last half century, in whose opinions 
 the gentleman can find any support. They all declare, as the 
 Secretary of the Treasury declares, that the only honest basis of 
 value is a currency redeemable in specie at the will of the 
 holder. I am an advocate of paper money, but that paper 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 81 
 
 money must represent what it professes on its face. I do not 
 wish to hold in my hands the printed lies of the Government ; 
 I want its promise to pay, signed by the high officers of the 
 Government, sacredly kept in the exact meaning of the words 
 of the promise. Let us not continue to practise this conjuror's 
 art, by which sixty cents shall discharge a debt of one hundred 
 cents. I do not want industry to be everywhere thus crippled 
 and wounded, and its wounds plastered over with legally- 
 authorized lies." 
 
 In concluding, he spoke with impassioned and prophetic 
 earnestness, and what he said may well go into his record, for 
 the circumstances under which, and the time in which, he 
 spoke, are essential elements in considering the character and 
 statesmanship of the speaker. Said he : 
 
 " We leave it to the House to decide which alternative it will 
 choose. Choose the one, and you float away into an unknown 
 sea of paper money that shall know no decrease until you take 
 just such a measure as is now proposed to bring us back to 
 solid values. Delay the measure, and it will cost the country 
 dear. Adopt it now, and with a little depression in business 
 and a little stringency in the money market, the worst will be 
 over, and we shall have reached the solid earth. Sooner or 
 later such a measure must be adopted. Go on as you are now 
 going on, and a financial crisis worse than that of 1837 will 
 bring us to the bottom. I for one am not willing that my name 
 shall be linked to the fate of a paper currency. I believe that 
 any party which commits itself to paper money will go down 
 amid the general disaster, covered with the curses of a ruined 
 people. 
 
 " Mr. Speaker, I remember that on the monument of Queen 
 Elizabeth, where her glories were recited and her honors 
 summed up, among the last and the highest, recorded as the 
 climax of her honors, was this— that she had restored the money 
 of her kingdom to its just value. And when this House sliall 
 have done its work, when it shall have brought back values to 
 their proper standard, it will deserve a monument." 
 
 A careful examination of Garfield's entire record on the 
 financial issues, and of the speeches made thereon both in and 
 out of Congress, will be found interesting to that large class of 
 
82 THE LIFE OF GEl^-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 practical business men who believe that it is of the utmost im- 
 portance to have in the White House for the next four years an 
 Executive as sound and judicious and immovable by clamors as 
 we have had there for nearly four years. 
 
 Garfield did not wait for the development of public opinion, 
 or even Republican opinion, in favor of the financial principles 
 which have been found to be wise and essential, by the experi- 
 ence of all civilized countries. As we have seen, he took early 
 ground on these questions, a ground broad enough on which to 
 meet all the changing phases of discussion which have agitated 
 the country. Faithful, conscientious, well-directed study had 
 fortified his vigorous mind for the long struggle in which he 
 was to take so conspicuous a part. The breadth of his views, 
 his courageous enunciation of them, and his clear perception of 
 the situation, are illustrated in more speeches than can even be 
 referred to within the limits of this volume ; but a cursory view 
 of a few of these speeches will suflBciently develop the results 
 of Garfield's stalwart thinking on these subjects. In a speech 
 which he delivered in the House on the 15th of May, 1868, he 
 showed, to begin with, his appreciation of the fact that war 
 times had gone, and that the more diflRcult problems of finance 
 were looming up as the tests of the wisdom and patriotism of 
 Congress and the people. No man realized these difficulties 
 earlier or more thoroughly than he did, or how they should be 
 met. Said he, at the outset of this speech : 
 
 " All the questions which spring out of the public debt, such 
 as loans, bonds, tariffs, internal taxation, banking and currency, 
 present greater difficulties than usually come within the scope 
 of American politics. They cannot be settled by force of num- 
 bers nor carried by assault, as an army storms the works of an 
 enemy. Patient examination of facts, careful study of princi- 
 ples which do not always appear on the surface, and which in- 
 volve the most difficult problems of political economy, are the 
 weapons of this warfare. No sentiment of national pride 
 should make us unmindful of the fact that we have less experi- 
 ence in this direction than any other civilized nation. If this 
 fact is not creditable to our intellectual reputation, it at least 
 affords a proof that our people have not hitherto been crushed 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAEFIELD. 
 
 83 
 
 under the burdens of taxation We must consent to be instn^ct- 
 
 but as seekers after truth." 
 
 Whereupon he went into a review of the financial troubles 
 thll we e causing such distress in Great Britain and throughou 
 Letty much the whole Continent of Europe, as well as m the 
 S States. These difficulties he did not attribute to chance ; 
 that was not the nature or training of b- -tura ly nduct.- 
 and loRical mind He showed why and how the mdustual 
 revo ufion caused by the return of two million of "ble-bod.ed 
 men discharged from the Army and Navy to active product.on 
 Tudth enormous inflation of currency and prices, had produc d 
 widespread distress, discontent and disaster. As usual, .n d.s- 
 Tuss ng such questions, he availed himself of thorough previous 
 prpltion, and made a startling exhibit from a table prepared 
 !wt request, a year before, by Mr. Edward Young, u, the rev- 
 11 service, ;xhibiting a comparison of wholesale P-es^t Kew 
 York in December, 1865, and December 1866. The average 
 decline in this period in the prices of all commodities was at 
 feast 10 per cent, and the distress which followed was ine - 
 table He then proceeded to illustrate the functions of cur- 
 rency and the unavoidable dangers and disturbances caused by 
 an" redeemable paper currency, showed the relation of currency 
 to prices, and demonstrated that an inflated currency was the 
 rL" so'rt of taxation, whose chief burden ff^^/^^ 
 men He went over the history of every panic m the country, 
 and showed the direct relation between the increase or decrease 
 of the currency and the financial condition of the country H s 
 illustrations of the nature and eifect of tbe currency not regu- 
 atedin its volume by supply and demand, and by constan 
 convertibility into coin, were such as could be easily understood 
 ;;:: ordinary laborer. Said he. " The dollar s the gauge 
 that measures every blow of the axe, every swing of the scjthe 
 e': y s roke of the hammer, every fagot that blazes on the 
 poor man's hearth, every fabric that clothes his children, ever, 
 
84 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 mouthf\il that feeds their hunger. The word dollar is a sub- 
 stantive word, the fundamental condition of every contract, of 
 every sale, of every payment, whether from the national treasury 
 or from the stand of the apple-woman in the street. Now, 
 what is our situation ? There has been no day since the 25th 
 of February, 1862, when any man could tell what would be the 
 value of our legal currency dollar the next month or the next 
 day. Since that day we have substituted for a dollar the 
 printed promise of the Government to pay a dollar ; that 
 promise we have broken. "We have suspended payment, and 
 have, by law, compelled the citizen to receive dishonored paper 
 instead of money." 
 
 He did not attempt to disguise or mitigate the stern fact that 
 the transition from irredeemable paper to a currency worth its 
 face in coin would be very trying and hard to bear. Consider 
 the fact that at the time this speech was delivered the most 
 promising and popular Democratic statesman from Ohio, and 
 who had been the candidate of his party for the office of Vice- 
 President, Mr. George H. Pendleton, was moving his own 
 party, and thousands of discontented Republicans who wanted 
 Congress to "make money easy," with his seductive proposi- 
 tion to cancel with greenbacks $1,500,000,000 of five-twenty 
 bonds. This was the measure, under the stress of whose prob- 
 able popularity Mr. Pendleton was expecting the Presidential 
 nomination by his party. At this very time Garfield had the 
 courage, in his place in Congress, to utter these wholesome 
 words, which had nothing in them of immediate promise of 
 relief to the business troubles of his constituents. Said he : 
 
 " The simple fact in the case is that Congress went resolutely 
 and almost unanimously forward in the policy of gradual re- 
 sumption of specie payments and a return to the old standard 
 of values, until the pressure of falling prices and hard times 
 began to be felt ; and now many are shrinking from the good 
 work they have undertaken, are turning back from the path 
 they so worthily resolved to pursue, and are asking Congress to 
 plunge the nation deeper than ever into the abyss from which 
 it has been struggling so earnestly to escape. Did any reflect- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 85 
 
 ing man suppose it possible for the country to return from the 
 high prices, the enormous expansion of business, debt, and 
 speculation occasioned by the war, without much depression 
 and temporary distress ? The wit of man has never devised a 
 method by which the vast commercial and industrial interests 
 of a nation can suffer the change from peace to war, and from 
 war back to peace, without hardship and loss. The homely old 
 maxim, ' What goes up must come down,' applies to our situa- 
 tion with peculiar force. The ' coming down ' is inevitable. 
 Congress can only break the fall and mitigate its evils by ad- 
 justing the taxation, the expenditures, and the currency of the 
 country, to the changed conditions of affairs. This it is our 
 duty to do with a firm and steady hand." 
 
 Going through the successive experiments of the country in 
 paper money, and censuring strongly the error of Congress in 
 1866 in preventing a further contraction of the currency, he 
 then submitted his own plan for restoring the paper dollar as 
 the honest representative of its face value. His process was a 
 very simple one : it was to direct and authorize the Secretary 
 of the Treasury, on and after the first day of December, 1S68, 
 to pay gold coin for any legal-tender note that might be pre- 
 sented at the office of the Assistant Treasurer in New York, at 
 the rate of one dollar in gold for $1.30 in legal-tender notes. 
 On and after the first day of January, 1869, the rate should be 
 one dollar in gold for $1.29 in legal-tender notes, and during 
 each successive month the amount of legal-tender notes required 
 for exchange for one dollar in gold should be one cent less than 
 was required for the preceding month, until the exchange should 
 be one dollar in gold for one dollar in legal-tender notes — dollar 
 for dollar. But there was a proviso that nothing in the act 
 should be so construed as to authorize the retirement or cancel- 
 lation of any legal-tender notes of the United States. There 
 were one hundred million dollars of gold in the Treasury at 
 that time, which would have been suflicient, with the half mil- 
 lion a day received from customs, to carry out the provisions of 
 this bill. This was not in the nature of a new experiment, for 
 it was tried in England under an act passed, in 1819, under the 
 leadership of Robert Peel, which reached resumption in the 
 
8G THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 same gradual manner. The English act at once gave a fixed 
 value to paper money, and business so readily adjusted itself in 
 anticipation, that specie payments were resumed tvv^o years be- 
 fore the time fixed by the law. 
 
 Garfield, with his sublime confidence in the intelligence, integ- 
 rity and courage of the American people, believed that if Con- 
 gress would do something definite to restore an honest currency, 
 the people would soon adjust themselves to the evils of the 
 transition, and reminded Congress that after the first defeat at 
 Bull Run many ofiicers of the Government thought it not safe 
 to let the people know at once the whole extent of the disaster, 
 but that the news should be broken gently, that the nation 
 might be better able to bear it ; but " long before the close of 
 the war it was found that the Cabinet and Congress and all 
 the officers of the United States needed for themselves to draw 
 hope and courage from the great heart of the people. It was 
 only necessary for the nation to know the extent of the danger, 
 the depth of the need, and its courage, faith, and endurance 
 were always equal to the necessity." 
 
 On the 15th of July, following the speech on the currency, 
 Garfield made a reply to General Butler and Mr. Frederick A. 
 Pike, who had been ventilating some rather specious fallacies 
 with regard to the taxation of United States bonds, a theme 
 which, from its very nature, has been the favorite subject of 
 demagogues who pay the American people the poor compliment 
 of believing that they can be induced to sacrifice the national 
 credit, which is the foundation of all credit and prosperitj^ and 
 the common interest of the people in order to strike, or to ap- 
 pear to strike, at the class known as the " bloated bondhold- 
 ers," which designation is as false and deceptive as the argu- 
 ments that have been called out by a supposed prejudice. Gar- 
 field first riddled the argument made by Mr. Pike on the basis 
 of misconceptions and perversions of English legislation on the 
 subject, and, of course, was ready with the facts and authori- 
 ties that rendered his exposure scathing and effectual. There 
 was a running debate between Mr. Pike and Mr. Butler, on one 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 87 
 
 side, and Garfield, on the other, in which Garfield met his an- 
 tagonists at every point, showed superior knowledge of facts, 
 dates, statutes and events, and strengthened his argument by 
 an exposure of the fallacies of his opponents, and by showing 
 his own superior mastery of the whole subject. This was a de- 
 bate in which mere cramming on an unprepared mind, however 
 vigorous and ready, would have been of no avail. It required 
 thorough, extensive and well-digested knowledge and thinking, 
 as the condition of success in such an encounter. After resist- 
 ing successfuly every onset of his antagonists, he showed the 
 immediate evil effects of taxing the bonds in a merely financial 
 point of view, illustrating it by the fact, which was peculiarly 
 effective in Butler's case, that while the Massachusetts five per 
 cent gold bonds were quoted in London at 89 and 90, the ten- 
 forty gold-bearing 5 per cent United States bonds were at 68i, 
 merely because Massachusetts had not only kept faith through all 
 the vicissitudes of the war, but had not sought technical 
 grounds of escape from her obligations. But rising from the im- 
 mediately pecuniary point of view, he honored his party by ex- 
 pressing his pride in it, because, " having saved the life of the 
 nation by its policy, it now declares its unalterable purpose to 
 save by its truth and devotion, what is still more precious, the 
 faith and honor of the nation." He quoted the declaration 
 made by the old English gentleman in the days of Charles 
 II., as one that does honor to human nature. " He said he 
 was willing at any time to give his life for the good of his 
 country, but he would not do a mean thing to save his country 
 from ruin." " So sir," said Garfield, " ought a citizen to feel 
 in regard to our financial affairs. The people of the United 
 States can afford to make any sacrifice for their country, and 
 the history of the last war is proof of their willingness ; but the 
 humblest citizen cannot afford to do a mean or a dishonorable 
 thing, to save even this glorious Republic." 
 
 Two of Garfield's speeches on the currency question are suffi- 
 ciently representative of his latest views to afford the material 
 
88 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAKFIELD. 
 
 for illustrating the continuous and consistent workings of his 
 mind on this vitally important subject. 
 
 The first of these speeches was delivered in the House on the 
 16th of November, 1877, on the House bill for the repeal of the 
 third section of the act entitled '' An Act for the Resumption 
 of Specie Payments." At the very outset of this, he reiterated 
 the assertion he had made frequently before, that the contest 
 for a sound currency was not a new one, nor the arguments for 
 a vicious currency peculiar American inventions. Said he : 
 " Hardly a proposition has been heard on either side which was 
 not made one hundred and eighty years ago in England, and 
 almost a hundred years ago in the United States." With his 
 usual intellectual habit of combating partial truths or passing 
 errors of popular judgment by larger inductions from facts 'and 
 from history, he \irged that it " was only when long spaces of 
 time are considered that we find at last that level of public 
 opinion which we call the general judgment of mankind ; and 
 from the turbulent ebb and flow of the public opinion of to-day 
 he appealed to that settled judgment of mankind on the sub- 
 ject-matter of debate." Going back to the period of universal 
 prosperity which prevailed just before the war, he recalled the 
 fact that : 
 
 "If any one thing was settled above all other questions of 
 financial policy in the American mind at that time, it was this : 
 that the only sound, safe, trustworthy standard of value was 
 coin of standard weight and fineness or a paper currency con- 
 vertible into coin at the will of the holder. That was and had 
 been for several generations the almost unanimous opinion of 
 the American people. It was true there was here and there a 
 theorist dreaming of the philosopher's stone, dreaming of a time 
 when paper money, which he worshipped as a kind of fetich, 
 would be crowned as a god, but those dreamers were so few in 
 number that they made no ripple on the current of public 
 thought, and their theories formed no part of public opinion. 
 The opinion of 1860 to 1861 was the aggregated result of the 
 opinions of all the foremost Americans who have left their 
 record upon this subject. 
 
 '' No man," said he, " ever sat in the seat of Washington as 
 President of the United States who has left on record any word 
 
THE LIFE OP GEis\ JAMES A. GARFIELD. 89 
 
 that favors inconvertible paper money as a safe standard of 
 value. Every President who has left a record on the subject 
 has spoken without qualification in favor of the doctiine I have 
 announced. No man ever sat in the chair of the Secretary of 
 the Treasury of the United States who, if he has spoken at all 
 on the subject, has not left on record an opinion equally strong, 
 from Hamilton down to the days of the distinguished father of 
 my colleague [Mr. Ewing], and to the present moment. The 
 general judgment of all men who deserve to be called the lead- 
 ers of American thought, ought to be considered worth some- 
 thing in an American B ouse of Representatives on the discus- 
 sion of a great topic like this." 
 
 Then he briefly developed the reasons for the great convul- 
 sions of public opinion on this before-settled subject, which 
 were occasioned by the peculiar circumstances of the war, and 
 reminded the House that 
 
 *' Only twelve years have passed — (for as late as 1865 this 
 House, with but six dissenting votes, resolved again to stand 
 by the old ways and bring the country to sound money) — only 
 twelve years have passed, and what do we find ? We find a 
 group of theorists and doctrinaires who look upon the wisdom 
 of the fathers as foolishness. AVe find some who advocate what 
 they call ' absolute money ' ; who declare that a piece of paper 
 stamped a ' dollar ' is a dollar ; that gold and silver are a part 
 of the barbarism of the past, which ought to be forever alDan- 
 doned. We hear them declaring that resumption is a delusion 
 and a snare. We hear them declaring that the eras of pros- 
 perity are the eras of paper money. They point us to all times 
 of inflation as periods of blessing to the jDeople and prosperity 
 to business ; and they ask us no more to vex their ears with any 
 allusion to the old standard, the money of the Constitution. 
 Let the wild swarm of financial literature that has sprung into 
 life within the last twelve years witness how widely and how 
 far we have drifted. We have lost our old moorings, have 
 thrown overboard our old comiDass ; we sail by alien stars, 
 looking not for the haven, but are afloat on a harborless sea." 
 
 In combating the financial fallacies of Mr. Buckner, Mr. Har- 
 rison, Judge Kelley and others, he showed his thorough famil- 
 iarity with the financial experiments in the way of resumption 
 in France, England, and Germany, and defended as a blessing 
 
90 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 the resumption act of 1819 in England, showing that the dis- 
 tresses suffered by that country from 1821 to 1826 did not arise 
 from the resumption of specie payments, but from other causes, 
 the two especial causes being the corn laws and over specula- 
 tion. Then he riddled the fallacies of those who assume that 
 legislation in favor of the immediate interests of the debtor 
 class is for the benefit of laboring men. His argument on this 
 theme is one so well adapted to popularize sound doctrine of 
 finance that it is entitled to be quoted from at some length, to 
 wit : 
 
 " As a matter of fact, the poor man, the laboring man, can- 
 not get heavily in d«bt. He has not the security to offer. Men 
 lend their money on security ; and, in the very nature of the 
 case, poor men can borrow but little. What, then, do poor 
 men do with their small earnings ? "When a man has earned, 
 out of his hard work, a hundred dollars more than he needs for 
 current expenses, he reasons thus : ' I cannot go into business 
 with a hundred dollars ; I cannot embark in trade ; but, as I 
 work, I want my money to work.' And so he ])uts his small 
 gains where they will earn something. He lends liis money to 
 a wealthier neighbor, or puts it into a savings bank. There 
 were in the United States, on the first of November, 1876, 
 forty-four hundred and seventy-five savings banks and private 
 banks of deposit ; and their deposits amounted to $1,377,- 
 000,000, almost three fourths the amount of our national debt. 
 Over two and a half millions of the citizens of the United States 
 were depositors. In some States the deposits did not arerage 
 more than $250 each. The great mass of the depositors are 
 men and women of small means— laborers, widows, and 
 orphans. They are the lenders of this enormous aggregate. 
 The savings banks, as their agents, lend it — to whom ? Not to 
 the laboring poor, but to the business men who wish to enlarge 
 their business beyond their capital. Speculators sometimes 
 borrow it. But in the main, well-to-do business men borrow 
 these hoardings. Thus the poor lend to the rich, 
 
 " Gentlemen assail the bondholders of the country as the rich 
 men who oppress the poor. Do they know how vast an amount 
 of the public securities are held by the poor people ? I took 
 occasion, a few years since, to ask the officers of a bank in one 
 of the counties of my district, a rural district, to show me the 
 number of holders and amounts held of United States bonds on 
 
THE LIFE or GEX. JAMES A. GAllFIELD. 01 
 
 which they collected the interest. The total amount waS 
 $416,000. And how many people held them ? One hundred 
 and ninety-six. Of these, just eight men held from $15,000 to 
 $20,000 each ; the other one hundred and eighty-eight ranged 
 from $50 up to $2500. I found in tliat list, fifteen orphan 
 children and sixty widows, who had a little left them from their 
 fathers' or husbands' estates, and had made the nation their 
 guardian. And I found one hundred and twenty-one laborers, 
 mechanics, ministers, men of slender means, who had saved 
 their earnings and put them in the hands of the United States, 
 that tliey might be safe. And they were the ' bloated bond- 
 holders, ' against whom so much eloquence is fulminated in this 
 House. 
 
 " There is another way in which poor men dispose of their 
 money. A man says, I can keep my wife and babies from 
 starving while I live and have my health ; but if I die they may 
 be compelled to go over the hill to the poor-house ; and, 
 agonized by that thought, he saves of his hard earnings enough 
 to take out and keep alive a small life-insurance policy, so that, 
 if he dies, there may be something left, provided the insurance 
 company to which he intrusts his money is honest enough to 
 keep its pledges. And how many men do you think have done 
 that in the United States ? I do not know the number for the 
 whole country ; but I do know this, that from a late report of 
 the insurance commissioners of the State of New York, it 
 appears that the companies doing business in that State had 
 774,625 policies in force, and the face value of these policies 
 was $1,922,000,000. I find, by looking over the returns, that 
 in my State there are 55,000 policies outstanding ; in Pennsyl- 
 vania, 74,000 ; in Maine 17,000 ; in Maryland, 25,000, and in 
 the State of New York, 160,090. There are, of course, some 
 rich men insured in these companies ; but the majority are poor 
 people ; for the policies do not average more than $2,200 each. 
 What is done with the assets of these companies, which amount 
 to $445,000,000 ? They are loaned out. Here again the cred- 
 itor class is the poor, and the insurance companies are the 
 agents of the poor to lend their money for them. It would be 
 dishonorable for Congress to legislate either for the debtor class 
 or for the creditor class alone. We ought to legislate for the 
 whole country. But when gentlemen attempt to manufacture 
 sentiment against the resumption act, by saying it will help the 
 rich and hurt the poor, they are overwhelmingly answered by 
 Uie facts. 
 
 " Suppose you undo the work that Congress has attempted — 
 
92 THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. " 
 
 to resume specie payment — what will result ? You will depre- 
 ciate the value of the greenback. Suppose it falls ten cents on 
 the dollar. You will have destroyed ten per cent of the value 
 of every deposit in the savings banks, ten per cent of every life- 
 insurance policy and fire-insurance policy, of every pension to 
 the soldier, and of every day's wages of every laborer in the 
 nation. 
 
 '' In the census of 1870 it was estimated that on any given 
 day there were $120,000,000 due to the laborers for their un- 
 paid wages. That is a small estimate. Let the greenback 
 dollar come down 10 per cent and you take $12,000,000 from 
 the men who have already earned it. In the name of every in- 
 terest connected with the poor man, I denounce this effort to 
 prevent resumption. Daniel Webster never uttered a greater 
 truth in finance than when he said that of all contrivances to 
 cheat the laboring classes of mankind none was so effective as 
 that which deluded them with irredeemable paper money. 
 The rich can take care of themselves ; but the dead-weight of 
 all the fluctuation and loss falls ultimately on the poor man whc 
 has only his day's work to sell. 
 
 " I admit that in the passage from peace to war there was a great 
 loss to one class of the community, to the creditors ; and in the 
 return to the basis of peace some loss to debtors was inevitable. 
 This injustice was unavoidable. The loss and gain did not fall 
 upon tlie same people. The evil could not be balanced nor ad- 
 justed. The dcbtois of 1862-65 are not the debtors of 1877. 
 The most competent judges declare that the average life of 
 private debts in the United States is not more than two years. 
 Of course, obligations may be renewed, but the average life of 
 private debts in this country is not more than two years. Now, 
 we have already gone two years on the road to resumption, and 
 the country has Ijeen adjusting itself to the new condition of 
 things. The people have expected resumption, and have 
 already discounted most of the hardships and sufferings inci- 
 dent to the change. The agony is almost over ; and if we now 
 embark again upon the open sea, we lose all that has been 
 gained and plunge the country into the necessity of trying once 
 more the same boisterous ocean, with all its perils and uncer- 
 tainties. I speak the deepest convictions of my mind and heart 
 when I say that, should this resumption act be repealed and no 
 effectual substitute be put in its place, the day is not far distant 
 when all of us, looking back on this time from the depth of the 
 evils which are sure to result, will regret, with all our power to 
 regret, the day when we again let loose the dangers of inflation 
 upon the country.'* 
 
THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 93 
 
 His own position on the subject of greenbacks is perfectly 
 delineated in this paragraph of the same speech : 
 
 " We who defend the resumption act propose not to destroy 
 the greenback but to dignify it, to glorify it. The law that 
 we defend does not destroy it, but preserves its volume at 
 $300,000 000, makes it equal to and convertible into coin. I ad- 
 mit that the law is not entirely free from ambiguity. But the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, who has the execution of the law, 
 declares that section 3579 of the Revised Statutes is in lull 
 force, namely : 
 
 " ' When any United States notes are returned to the Treas- 
 ury, they may be reissued, from time to time, as the exigencies 
 of the public interest may require. ' 
 
 " Although I do not believe in keeping greenbacks as a per- 
 manent currency in the United States, although I do not my- 
 self believe in the Government becoming a permanent banker, 
 yet I am willing for one, that, in order to prevent the shock to 
 business which gentlemen fear, the $300,000,000 of greenbacks 
 shall be allowed to remain in circulation at par, as long as the 
 wants of trade show manifestly that they are needed." 
 
 In 1878 he was invited to make a speech in behalf of honest 
 money in Faneuil Hall. This argument was so admirably 
 adapted to meet the ingenious fallacies with which General 
 Butler at that time was agitating the laboring classes in Massa- 
 chusetts that it was printed in a neat pamphlet, together with 
 a refutation of some of General Butler^s recent misstatements on 
 the currency question, by Mr. William Endicott, Jr., a docu- 
 ment of extraordinary incisiveness and vigor ; and the speech 
 and the letter together were universally circulated in Massachu- 
 setts, and produced a powerful effect on the then pending cam- 
 paign. The introduction of this speech stated a general truth, 
 which is just as applicable to the present campaign as it was to 
 that of 1878 in Massachusetts. Said he : 
 
 " Real political issues cannot be manufactured by the leaders 
 of political parties, and real ones cannot be evaded by political 
 parties. [Applause.] The real political issues of the day de- 
 clare themselves and come out of the depths of that deep 
 which we call public opinion. The nation has a life of its own 
 as distinctly defined as the life of an individual. The signs of 
 
94 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAKFIELD. 
 
 its growth and the periods of its development make the issues 
 declare themselves ; and the man or the political party that 
 does not discover them, has not learned that character of the 
 nation's life. Now, as heretofore, attempts are being made to 
 create political issues. They will all fail. [Applause.] One 
 grouj) of politicians is seeking to find in the reminiscences of 
 the Presidential Election of 1876 the political issues of this 
 year. They cannot raise the dead. [xVpplause.] Others be- 
 lieve they can make State issues the chief topic of this year. 
 But you are about to create the Forty-sixth Congress, and give 
 it the impulse of your aspirations and opinions. The issues are 
 too large for the boundaries of any State. They declare them- 
 selves and challenge you to meet them." 
 
 Then, reviewing the successive dominant issues that had con- 
 trolled the politics of the country since the firing on Sumter, he 
 was brought to that which he regarded as the fourth and the 
 last, and this issue still remains. It is that of the finances, as to 
 which he began by recalling the heroic period of the war, when 
 the exigencies of the Government were met by voluntary loans 
 and cheerfully-paid taxes by the people. Then he recurred to the 
 forced loan required by the exigencies of the war, in the shape 
 of the issue of irredeemable greenbacks. Referring to Lin- 
 coln's recommendation of the organization of national banks, 
 the final step in broadening our financial ability to meet extra- 
 ordinary emergencies, he said that, great as were the tasks 
 undertaken by him and his associates, they did not claim wis- 
 dom enough "to regulate the inexorable laws of value and of 
 trade ; and that brought him face to face with the most popu- 
 lar of all the financial fallacies that have afflicted the country — 
 that of a currency issued by the Government to meet " the 
 wants of trade," as to which there is no better definition of 
 what is practicable and impracticable than Garfield gave in the 
 following passage : 
 
 " Is there any man in America wise enough to measure the 
 wants of trade and tell just how much currency is needed ? 
 Who forgets the infinite diflRculty to find a man with brain 
 enough and resource enough to feed an army and to clothe it 
 and to house it ? Its house is of the rudest — only a piece of 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 95 
 
 clotli ; its clothing is of the simplest, and its food is a definitel}'- 
 prescribed ration. But it is considered worthy of the glory of 
 one glorious life to be able to feed and clothe and house an 
 army of a hundred thousand men. [Applause.] Now, fellow- 
 citizens, suppose somebody should offer to take the contract of 
 feeding, clothing, and housing Boston and its suburbs, includ- 
 ing half a million of men. Remember that all nations are 
 placed under contribution to supply the city of Boston : every 
 clime sends its supplies ; every portion of our own land, all our 
 roads of transportation are looked to to supply the tables, 
 houses, and the clothing of this community. Do you suppose 
 any man in the world is wise enough, is skilful enough to sup- 
 ply tlie wants of this population, in a circle of twenty miles 
 around Boston ? Now multiply that by a hundred, and get the 
 population of the United States. Is there any man in this 
 world wise enough, is there any congress in the world wise 
 enough, to measure the wants of 45,000,000 of people and tell 
 just what is needed for their supplies? [Applause.] No, 
 fellow-citizens ; but there is something behind legislation that 
 does — does all so quietly and so perfectly. Every man seeking 
 his own interest, millions of men acting for themselves, acting 
 under the great law of supply and demand, the laws of trade, 
 feed Boston, feed the United States, clothe, house, and trans- 
 port the nation and carry on all its mighty works in perfect 
 harmony and with ease, because the higher law above legisla- 
 tion — the law of demand and supply — pervading and covering 
 all, settles that great question, far above the wisdom of one 
 man, or a thousand men to determine it. 
 
 " And now, one of the great means by which all these 
 mighty tranasctions are carried on is the currency that circu- 
 lates and exchanges values among all these people. Every 
 transaction, abroad or at home, of the eleven hundred million 
 dollars' worth of trade we have with Europe and Asia, of the 
 ten times greater value of our home trade, is carried on and 
 regulated by that great pervading law, higher than legislation 
 and wiser than the wisdom of men. To that law we must con- 
 form our currency system, or it will perish. Any congress or 
 any party that tells you they are going to vote a sufficient sup- 
 ply of currency for the wants of trade, tells you they are going 
 to do an impossibility. [Applause.] It cannot be. [Applause.] 
 And it was for that reason that the men of 1862 and 1864 
 established a system of banking to be diffused throughout the 
 Republic, which was held to the strictest accountability for the 
 character of its securities to the depositors and bill-holders ^ 
 
96 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 but the volume of its circulation was to depend, not upon the 
 uncertain will and more uncertain wisdom of Congress, but 
 upon the law of demand and supply. Bound always to redeem 
 their notes in greenbacks or coin, their own interests and safety 
 would lead them to enlarge or contract that volume, as tlie 
 tide of business should ebb or flow. 
 
 " Such was the origin, and such the character of the financial 
 system established by the men who guided the war for the 
 Union.*" [Applause.] 
 
 He then proceeded to show what the Government had done 
 to relieve the people of the terrible burdens of debt that were 
 necessarily incurred in the salvation of the Union, He showed 
 that in exact proportion as the nation had observed good faith 
 to its creditors had prosperity come in and grown, and had the 
 burdens of taxation been diminished. 
 
 " All the finance of the period," said he, " is summed up in 
 the present overmastering duty to resume specie payments and 
 keep the promise. And here," he added, "I meet the chief 
 debate on the issues of this year. This proposition is met 
 throughout America by a storm of indignant opposition, and 
 we stand to-day in the very teeth of a storm that we must 
 either meet in honor or be swept away by. On that ground we 
 meet our antagonists, and challenge them to the combat." 
 
 Then he tackled squarely the fiat money delusion in all its 
 phases ; riddled completely General Butler's scheme of a non- 
 exportable and inconvertible fiat money ; brought to view the 
 purposes of the Fathers of the Constitution in limiting the 
 powers of Congress as to fixing the standards of value ; defined 
 the nature and use of paper money, and ridiculed the idea that 
 Congress could increase the wealth or the comforts of the 
 nati(m by any amount of issues of irredeemable paper. 
 
 Some of his illustrations were peculiarly applicable to the most 
 ordinary understanding. Said he : 
 
 " Suppose the farmers in your agricultural districts should 
 say, We are in distress ; our great need is more land ; if we 
 had more land we would get on better with o\ir affairs ; and now 
 let us get a law through the General Court that every man may 
 
THE LIFE Of GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 97 
 
 surrender np his deed and have a new one written, with two 
 acres for every one. [Laughter and applause.] When you can 
 enlarge your farm by changing the figures in your deeds [laugh- 
 ter] ; when your dairymaid can make more butter and cheese 
 by watering her milk [applause] ; when you can have more 
 cloth by decreasing your yardstick one half [laughter] ; when 
 you can sell more tons of merchandise by shortening your pound 
 one half — then, and not until then, you can increase the value 
 of your property or labor by decreasing your standard of 
 values." [Applause]. 
 
 In the same line of illustration was what he said of the effect 
 of an inflated currency of uncertain value : 
 
 " An uncertain currency that goes up and down, hits the 
 faborer, and hits him hard. [Prolonged applause.] It helps 
 him last, and hurts him first. [Applause.] Therefore, of all 
 men in America, the man who should demand the resumption 
 of specie payment, and the fixing and making certain the 
 standard of value, is the laboring man, who can only suffer 
 tvhen that standard is departed from. [Applause.] The cap- 
 italist can take advantage of the market ; if lie has anything to 
 buy, he is not compelled to buy it all to-day; he can wait until 
 the market price is low, and buy at advantage. If he has any- 
 thing to sell, he is not compelled to sell it to-day, but can wait 
 until the price is up, and sell it at the best. Not so with the 
 laboring man, who goes to market with just one thing to sell, 
 and that is his day's work. He must sell it to-day, at the 
 price to-day, or it will be wholly lost. [Applause.] What he 
 needs to buy he must buy now, when necessity compels him. 
 He cannot, like the capitalist, dodge the call of inflation or 
 contraction, but pays the day's standard of value ; and so it 
 strikes him both ways, and strikes him hard. [Applause.] 
 What, therefore, the laboring man needs, is this, that when he 
 has earned his money, he shall get it in a currency that will 
 keep over night." [Prolonged applause and cheers.] 
 
 Quoting in a subsequent part of this speech the prediction of 
 Macaulay made in 1857, that the conflicts between capital and 
 labor would ultimately destroy our institutions, he said that 
 with all his soul he repelled that prophecy as false ; and the 
 reasons which he gave for his faith were admirably calculated 
 to lead discontented men who were clutching at specious and 
 
98 THE LIFE OP' GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 temporary measures for relief from business misfortunes to 
 broader views of the nature and blessedness of our institutions. 
 Said he : 
 
 " My first answer is this : No man who has not lived among 
 us can understand one thing about our institutions ; no man 
 who has been born and reared under monarchical governments 
 can understand the vast difference between theirs and ours. 
 How is it in monarchical governments ? Their society is one 
 series of caste upon caste. Down at the bottom, like the granite 
 rocks in the crust of the earth, lie the great body of laboring 
 men. An Englishman told me not long ago that in twenty-five 
 years of careful study of the agricultural class of England, he 
 had never known one who was born and reared in the ranks of 
 farm laborers that rose above his class and became a well-to-do 
 citizen. That is a most terrible sentence, that three millions of 
 people should lie at the bottom of society, with no power to 
 rise. Above them the gentry, the hereditary capitalist ; above 
 them, the nobility ; above them, the royalty ; and, crowning all, 
 the sovereign — all impassable barriers of caste. 
 
 " No man born under such institutions can understand the 
 mighty difference between them and us in this country. Thank 
 God, and thank the fathers of the Republic who made, and the 
 men who carried out the promises of the Declaration, that in 
 this country there are no classes, fixed and impassable. Here 
 society is not fixed in horizontal layers, like the crust of the 
 earth, but, as a great New England man said, years ago, it is 
 rather like the ocean, broad, deep, grand, open, and so free in 
 all its parts that every drop that mingles with the yellow sand 
 at the bottom may rise through all the waters, till it gleams in 
 the sunshine on the crest of the highest waves. So it is here in 
 our free society, permeated with the light of American freedom. 
 There is no American boy, however poor, however humble, 
 orphan though he may be, that, if he have a clear head, a true 
 heart, a strong arm, he may not rise through all the grades of 
 society, and become the crown, the glory, the pillar of the 
 State. 
 
 " Here, there is no need for the old-world war between 
 capital and labor. Here is no need of the explosion of social 
 order predicted by Macaulay. All we need is the protection of 
 just and equal laws — just alike to labor and to capital. Every 
 poor man hopes to lay by something for a rainy day — hopes to 
 become a capitalist, for capital is only accumulated labor. 
 "VMienevp.r a laborer has earned one hundred dollars more than 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 9^ 
 
 he needs for daily expenses, he becomes to that extent a capi- 
 talist, and needs to be safe in its enjoyment. [Applause.] 
 
 " There is another answer to Macaulny. He could not under- 
 stand — no man could understand until he had seen it — the 
 almost omnipotent power of our system of education, that 
 teaches our people how to be free by teaching them to be in- 
 telligent. But fellow-citizens, who has read the letter of 
 Macaulay that did not remember it a year ago last July, when 
 in ten great States of the Union millions of American citizens 
 and millions of American property were in peril of destruction ? 
 when the spirit of mob ran riot ? when Pittsburg flamed in 
 ruin and smoked in blood, and many of our great cities were 
 in peril of destruction — who did not remember the doctrine of 
 Macaulay then, and did not anew resolve that the bloody track 
 of the Commune should have no pathway on our shore ? [Great 
 applause.] 
 
 " I have introduced all this for the purpose of saying that 
 behind the element that now attacks the public faith ; behind 
 the misguided honest men w^ho have adopted the greenback 
 theory ; behind them, and preparing the movement, is com- 
 munism, coming from its dens in Europe and this country." 
 
 This speech made a deep and profound impression in Massa- 
 chusetts at the time, and gave him a rank in the opinions of the 
 Republican leaders in that State which accounts largely for the 
 universal gratification with which his nomination at Chicago 
 
 was received. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, D. C, January 20, 1867. 
 Your letters are, and have always been, a source of great pleasure tome ; for 
 I feel that we have much less need than most people of those commonplace 
 platitudes and guarded utterances which so abound in correspondence. I hape 
 our New Year's custom will never be abandoned till one of us is removed be- 
 yond the necessity of earthly communications. I am preparing for the financial 
 legislation which will develop all the mania of the paper age. I expect to be 
 overborne by the brute force of votes ; but I expect to be vindicated before 
 long, when the people look back from the gulf of financial ruin into which they 
 are hastening, and see that I was the true friend of their industrial interests. 
 Tiie appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober is not a pleasant one to make ; it 
 is not complimentary to Philip. . . . 
 
 iGarfiela to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, D. C, December 5, 1867. 
 The appointment took the House completely by surprise. Schenck had no 
 such expectations, and was in favor of my appointment as chairman of Ways ao'' 
 
100 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 Means. Next to the pleasure of having that place by the conBeut of the House 
 is the satisfaction I have of knowing tiiat the regret is very general that I was 
 not appointed. Of course, the place I am ni is important, but out of the chosen 
 line of my studies. I don't intend to be thrown out of financial work, and, al- 
 ready, a few of us who have ideas on the subject are talking of forming a tsort of 
 volunteer outside committee to consider these subjects together and debate 
 them in the House. . . . I have examined the testimony and reports of the 
 Judiciary Committee in reference to impeachment, and have been compelled to 
 conclude that they have not made out a case. 1 shall, therefore, vote against the 
 measure. It may, and probably will, cost me my political life. I see all this, 
 and. after having studied the question of impeachment carefully, I see my duty 
 most clearly, and I am glad to tell you that my heart and will have not hesitated 
 for a moment in deciding my course. 
 
 You and I are trying experiments— you to see whether a man can think and 
 speak his convictions and stay in the Disciple ministry ; I, whether I can do the 
 same and represent a Western Reserve constituency. We shall know- before 
 long whether the experiment cau succeed ; if it fails, the w orld is wide, and we 
 are free. 
 
 (Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, D. C, December 15, 1867. 
 
 I appreciate what you say in reference to the currency question. My convic- 
 tions on some points of that subject are so clear that I have a very plain duty to 
 do, from which I dare not flinch, were I coward enough to desire to. 
 
 The Phillipses are quite mistaken in supposing that theirt is a case without 
 precedent. On the contrary, there are an abundance of precedents, both in our 
 own and other countries, and they all teach the same lesson. Financial subjects 
 are nuts and clover for demagogues. Men's fijrst opinions are almost always 
 wrong in regard to them, as they are in rega d to astronomy, and he who reads 
 the truths that lie deepest is in imminent danger of being tabooed foramadman. 
 . . . It may be that before very long that the only escape out of the Butler- 
 Pendleton bond repudiation scheme on the one hand, and the contraction and 
 inflation fight on the other, is by the shortest road to specie payments, when the 
 contractionists will be willing to let the inflationists have their fill of paper 
 money so long as they redeem it, and when the cry that the soldier or his widow 
 is paid in poorer money than the bondholder would be ended. The early return 
 to specie payments would settle more diflicult and dangerous questionsthan any 
 one such act i^as done in history, so far as I know. I am glad to have the op- 
 portunity cf standing up agaiust a rabble of men who hasten to make weather- 
 cocks of themselves. 
 
 Think of this : December 8th, 1865, the House passed the following resolu- 
 tion by ayes 144, noes 6 : " Resolved, That this House cordially concurs in tlie 
 views of tne Secretary of the Treasury in relation to the necessity of a contrac- 
 tion of the currency, witii a view to as early resumption to specie payments as 
 the business interests of the country will permit, and wu hereby pledge coopera- 
 tion to this end as speedily as possible." 
 
 Ten years ago but thirty-two men were found to vote against a bill to stop 
 
THE ^IFE OF GEI?-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 101 
 
 contraction altogether. There are near a hundred of the same men who voted 
 on the two measures. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Hiram, Ohio, New Year's Eve, 1867-1868. 
 I fear I am not able to write yoii anything that will be more than an apology 
 for ray usual New Year's letter. I have just returned from a tedious trip to 
 Ashtabula, where I made a two hours' speech on finance, and, when I came home, 
 came through a storm of paper-money denunciation in Cleveland, only to find on 
 my arrival here a sixteen-page letter full of alarm and prophecy of mypolitical ruin 
 for my opinions on the currency. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, April 10, 1874. 
 I have no doubt the speech will do me great injury in the district, and add 
 new fuel to the hostility against me ; but I would not on any account flinch from 
 my conviction on this subject. I have probably never received higher encomiums 
 for anything I have done in Congress than for this liberal speech ; but, of course, 
 the praise comes mainly from those who are not of the West. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, April 23, 1874 
 Who will deny that Grant is one of the luckiest men that ever sat in the 
 Presidential chair. For twenty years no President has had an opportunity to do 
 the country so much service by a veto message as Grant has, and he has met the 
 issue manfully. You will read the veto message before this, and see how Talid 
 a blow he struck the inflation iniquity. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 GARFIELD AND THE TARIFF. 
 
 The difficult and complicated questions involved in the dis- 
 cussion of the antagonistic systems of " Protection" and " Free 
 Trade" have been gradually assuming more and more prominence 
 in the public mind, since the issues growing out of the war have 
 been either settled or reduced into secondary rank. It is quite 
 lil^ely that, as the nation becomes more consolidated and sec- 
 tional animosities die out, the Tariff question will again rise to the 
 proportions which it occupied during the long period when our 
 ablest statesmen gave their best energies to its discussion, and 
 when Presidents were elected or defeated largely on account of 
 the popularity or unpopularity of their views on the subject of 
 Protection. It might have been expected that Garfield, whose 
 interest in, and knowledge of, jDolitical matters was like that of 
 most men of his age at the time preceding the war and for 
 years afterward, would have given little thought to the princi- 
 ples which underlie the great controversies made memorable in 
 our history by such discussions as those of Clay, Calhoun, Web- 
 ster, Benton, and other great statesmen. To a certain extent 
 this was true. "When, at the age of 17, he had fixed the whole 
 purpose of his resolute nature on the acquisition of a college 
 education, and when that involved not only hard study but 
 hard work and great privations in the attainment of the means 
 for getting an education, he determined to interest himself in 
 nothing that would divert his mind or energies from the manly 
 path he had laid out for himself to pursue. It is possible that 
 he might have been confirmed in this purpose by the influence 
 of a fellow-pupil of great strength of character and individu- 
 ality, who was imbued with the views of the class then known 
 as the " Come-outers." These people, enthused by the extreme 
 
THE LIFE OE GE^. JAMES A. GARFIELL>. 103 
 
 anti-slavery views of Garrison, had come to the religious con- 
 viction that it was wrong to have any connection with or inter- 
 est in the jjolitics of the age, on the ground that both political 
 parties were so far complicated with the maintenance of the 
 institution of slavery that to sustain either party would be to 
 help preserve what they regarded as the sum of all villainies 
 and wrongs. His schoolmate's earnest talk in this vein made 
 such an impression on Garfield that it might have been damaging 
 in its results, but for the publication, about that time, of a series of 
 articles by Alexander Campbell, the great founder of the " Disci- 
 ples," or the " Campbellite" sect, as they have been wrongly term- 
 ed, which took the bold ground that there was Biblical and Chris- 
 tian authority for the maintenance of the relation of master and 
 slave. But with this qualification, that whoever adopted this 
 theory was bound to apply the Christian law of love to the 
 neighbor in his relations with the slave— a qualification which, 
 it is needless to say, would have been j^retty nearly impracti- 
 cable to maintain in fact. The great power of Campbell over 
 young Garfield's mind, and the clearness of Campbeirs demon- 
 stration, rescued him from the ultra-fanaticism of his school- 
 mate. But from that time till he completed his college course 
 he gave as little thought and time to the study and discussion 
 of any other political questions than those growing out of the 
 institution of slavery, as it was possible for so vigorous and 
 active a mind to refrain from bestowin"-. 
 
 o 
 
 In the senior year in college his attention was first directed, 
 in the usual course of study in Wayland's " Political Economy," 
 to the question of Protection and Free Trade, to which it was 
 his destiny to give a much more thorough study than has been 
 pursued by any of our statesmen whose political reputations 
 have been made since the war. Wayland's text-book is that of 
 a moderate, conservative, and philosophical writer, whose ten- 
 dencies were toward Free Trade, but who recognized and ad- 
 mitted the practical dilRcuUies in the way of realizing it. Gar- 
 field gave himself to the study of this text-book with all the 
 vigor and independent habit of thinking which have character- 
 
104 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 ized him from the beginning. • He did his own thinking. His 
 mind was open to the reception of the conflicting views that 
 were presented in his text-book, and upheld by that broad- 
 minded and statesman-like teacher, President Mark Hopkins. 
 His immediate teacher. Professor Perry, was more inclined to 
 radical Free Trade doctrines, but had not then developed into 
 the doctrinaire which lie has since become. At the close of the 
 chapters in Wayland on the subject of Protection and Free 
 Trade, Professor Perry asked Garfield what were the impres- 
 sions that he had received, and the views he entertained. His 
 reply at that time was remarkal)le, not only for its terseness 
 and comprehensiveness, but as showing the keen intuitions of 
 his nature and his readiness to accept practical limitations ; in 
 fact, his whole life liad been such a strenuous struggle against 
 practical limitations that he was in little danger of becoming a 
 mere theorist. His reply to Professor Perry was this : 
 
 *''' As an ahairact theory, the doctrine of Free Trade seems to be 
 universally trve, hut as a question ofpracticdhility, under a govern- 
 ment like ours, the protective si/stem seems to he indispensahle.''^ 
 
 On this broad basis Garfield has firmly stood, and built up a 
 national reputation as a statesman, in the handling of the ques- 
 tion of Protection. 
 
 For ten years after this definition of his views, the state of 
 the country — the absorbing and exciting nature of the slavery 
 question, of the war, and of the legislation growing out of the 
 war — prevented him from giving much attention to subjects in- 
 volving merely financial considerations. But in 18C6, in a speech 
 which he made in the Plouse, he showed that integrity, con- 
 sistency, and development of intellectual conviction which is so 
 greatly characteristic of his mind. 
 
 In his speech in Congress he simply enlarged the definition 
 which he gave to Professor Perry. He said : 
 
 " We have seen that one extreme school of economists would 
 place the price of all manufactured articles in the hands of for- 
 eign producers by rendering it impossible for our manufacturers 
 to compete wit^i them ; while the other extreme school, by 
 
THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 105 
 
 making it impossible for the foreigner to sell his competing 
 wares in our market, would give the people no immediate check 
 upon tlie prices which our manufacturers might fix for tlieir 
 products. I disagree with both these extremes. I hold tliat 
 a properly adjusted competition between home and foreign prod- 
 ucts is the best gauge by which to regulate international trade. 
 Duties should be so high that our manufacturers can fairly com- 
 pete with the foreign product, but not so high as to enable 
 them to drive out the foreign article, enjoy a monopoly of the 
 trade, and regulate the price as they please. This is my doc- 
 trine of protection. If Congress pursues this line of policy 
 steadily we shall, year by year, approach more nearly to the 
 basis of free trade, because we shall be more nearly able to com- 
 pete with other nations on equal terms. I am for a protection 
 which leads to ultimate free trade, I am for that free trade 
 which can only be achieved through a reasonable protection." 
 
 From the platform which he laid down for himself then he 
 has never been driven by clamor, by misrepresentation, or by 
 fear of being misunderstood. Every speech he has made since 
 then on the Tariff has been in rigid consistency with the princi- 
 ples laid down in the above comprehensive paragraph. On the 
 1st of April, 1870, he made another speech on the Tariff ques- 
 tion, which shows the progress of his study of the historical 
 illustrations of the practical workings of Protection. He was 
 perfectly ready to admit, at the outset, that, as an abstract 
 theory of political economy, Free Trade has an attractive aspect, 
 and that much can be said in its favor ; nor did he deny that the 
 scholarship of modern times is largely on that side, or that the 
 great majority of thinkers of the present day are leaning in the 
 direction of what is called Free Trade ; but while making these 
 concessions, with his customary liberality, he held that it was 
 equally undeniable that the principle of Protection has always 
 been recognized and admitted, in some form or other, by all 
 nations, and is to-day, to a greater or less extent, the policy of 
 every civilized government. Going through with the history 
 of the planting of colonies in the New "World, and of the policy 
 pursued by England, particularly, toward her colonies, he 
 summarized tlie methods by which England sought to make the 
 
lOG THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAllFIELD. 
 
 colonists the mere dependent customers of the mother country, 
 for every article which it was to the interest of England to ex- 
 port. 
 
 By this record of continuous and more and more oppressive 
 tyranny over the colonists he illustrated the evil effects of such 
 a system, and accounted for tlie subsequent reaction in England 
 and in European nations toward Free Trade. The sentiment of 
 Free Trade, as a protest against the old system of oppression 
 and prohibition, he believed to be a sound one, but he held and 
 proved that, underlying all theories, there had been a strong and 
 deep conviction in the minds of the great majority of our people 
 in favor of protecting American industry. And in the use of 
 this phrase, "American industry," he was particular to avoid 
 any misapprehension as to his meaning. He objected to any 
 theory that treats the industries of the country as they were 
 treated in the preceding census, where we had one schedule for 
 " agriculture'' and another for " industry," as though agricul- 
 ture were not an industry, as though commerce and art and 
 transportation w^ere not industries. Said he : 
 
 " American industry is labor in any form which gives value 
 to the raw materials or elements of nature, eitlier by ex- 
 tracting them from the earth, the air, or the sea, or by 
 modifying their forms or transporting them through the 
 channels of trade to the markets of the world, or in any way 
 rendering them better fitted for the use of man. All these are 
 parts of American industry, and deserve the careful and earnest 
 attention of the legislature of the nation. Wherever a ship 
 ploughs the sea, or a ])lough furrows the field ; wherever a mine 
 yields its treasure ; wherever a ship or a railroad train carries 
 freight to market ; wherever the smoke of the furnace rises or 
 the clang of the loom resounds ; even in the lonely garret where 
 the seamstress plies her busy needle, there is industry." 
 
 Then, as ever since, he was willing to modify the Tariff 
 wherever a change would give most relief to industry, and he 
 advised those who w\intcd to undertake this difficult task to 
 study the key to our financial problems, or at least the chief 
 factor in every such problem, the "doctrine of prices," and 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 107 
 
 suggested that, if he was to direct any student of finance 
 where to begin his studies he would refer him to the great 
 work of Thomas Tooke on the "History of Prices," as the 
 foundation upon which to build the superstructure of his 
 knowledge. 
 
 Going through the then recent history of prices in connection 
 with the increase of duties, and the annual expenditures of the 
 government, as well as the condition of our foreign trade, he 
 pointed out the fact, which was ignored by " high tariff" men, 
 that the markets of neighboring countries were not buying our 
 products in the same proportion as before the war, and that 
 one of the most efficient methods of encouraging home industry 
 was to secure extensive markets, which could only be brought 
 about by adjusting our prices so as to open our trade to more of 
 the markets of the New World. 
 
 When it came to the question of adjusting taxation, he held, 
 first, that we should tax the "vices" of the people, " if that 
 term may be properly applied to some of their social habits." 
 He admitted, and was one of the first to do so, that the income 
 tax was "vexatious and inquisitorial," and hoped that our 
 revenues would soon allow its abolition. Discussing what is 
 known as the " Morrill Tariff " that was adopted, in 1861, in a 
 most extraordinary and exceptional state of affairs, and which 
 required extensive adjustments to conditions that existed in 
 1866, he said that he had " refused to be the advocate of any 
 special interest as against the general interest of the whole coun- 
 try." " Whatever," said he, " may be the personal or political 
 consequences to myself, I shall try to act first for the good of 
 all, and, within that limitation, for the industrial interests of 
 the district which I represent." That he was sincere in this 
 expression was proved by the position which he took in regard 
 to a provision of the " Schenck Tariff Bill" which most con- 
 cerned the only great manufacturing interest in his own district 
 — that is, the duty on pig-iron. There were at that time nine- 
 teen iron-furnaces in blast in his district, nine more in the dis- 
 trict of his colleague. Judge Ambler, and several more in the 
 
108 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIEL 
 
 adjoining district, represented by another colleague, Mr. Upton. 
 The bill reduced the duty on pig-iron $2, which was 22i per cent 
 less than the existing duty. Nevertheless, with a full knowledge 
 of the certain results in his own district, and on a most influen- 
 tial body of men, of his declaration, he frankly said : *' If the 
 House of Representatives thinks that this ought to be done, and 
 if I shall be convinced that the public requires it, I shall not 
 resist it." 
 
 It is unnecessary to refer to many of Garfield's speeches 
 on the Tariff question. He has been so consistent through- 
 out that it is only needed that extracts be given from a few of 
 the more important of those speeches, delivered at consider- 
 able intervals from one another. In 1878 an exceedingly able, 
 ingenious, and eloquent plea for a Tariff adjusted to the old 
 Southern doctrines was made by that distinguished Virginian, 
 Mr. J. Randolph Tucker. Mr. Tucker's presentation of the 
 subject to a Democratic House was so able that Garfield felt 
 called upon to make a somewhat elaborate reply, and, as it 
 showed the results of twelve years of study and reflection, 
 since the making of the speech to which reference has been 
 made above, it is worth while to give a tolerably full concep- 
 tion of its drift and powerful points. Having read and re-read 
 it carefully, and having read all the great speeches made in 
 Congress for forty years before the war on this diflBcult ques- 
 tion, it is my deliberate conviction that the sound American 
 doctrine of Protection has never been stated with equal clear- 
 ness, breadth, and practicality. At the very outset he demol- 
 ished the foundations of Mr. Tucker's argument, which were 
 based on the construction of the Constitution which was, be- 
 fore the war, and still is, recognized by most Southern states- 
 men. Mr. Tucker thought that if we were lo adopt a proper 
 construction of the Constitution we should find that the regu- 
 lation of commerce does not permit the protection of manufac- 
 tures, nor can the power to tax be applied dii'ectly or indirectly 
 to that object. 
 
 Without entering into an elaborate discussion of that ques- 
 
THE LIFE OF GE^T. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 109 
 
 tion, Gariield said : "I cannot refrain from expressing my ad- 
 miration of the courage of the gentleman from Virginia, who in 
 that part of his speech brought himself into point-blank range 
 of the terrible artillery of James Madison, one of the Fathers 
 of the Constitution, and Virginia's great expounder of its pro- 
 visions. More than one hundred pages of the collected works 
 of James Madison are devoted to an elaborate and exhaustive 
 discussion of the very objection which the gentleman (Mr. 
 Tucker) has urged." 
 
 And he made his statement good, by full quotations from the 
 great Virginia expounder. Having thus cleared away the Vir- 
 ginia and South Carolina doctrines of the Constitution, he pro- 
 ceeded to build up his own doctrine, from the language of the 
 Constitution itself and from the practice of the Fathers of the 
 Government, quoting the language of the Constitution which 
 says that " Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, 
 duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for 
 the common defence and general welfare of the United States." 
 He held that the power to tax w^as the great motive power of 
 the Government, and that " its regulation impels, retards, re- 
 strains, or limits all the functions of the Government." With 
 a broad comprehension of the creative ideas of the Fathers of 
 the Government, he said : 
 
 " The men w^ho created this Constitution also set it in opera- 
 tion, and developed their own idea of its character. That idea 
 was unlike any other that then prevailed upon the earth. They 
 made the general welfare of the people tVie great source and 
 foundation of the common defence. In all the nations of the 
 Old World the public defense was provided for by great stand- 
 ing armies, navies, and fortified posts, so that the nation might 
 every moment be fully armed against danger from without or 
 turbulence within. Our fathers said : * Though we will use the 
 taxing power to maintain a small army and navy sufficient to 
 keep alive the knowledge of war, yet the main reliance for our 
 defence shall be the intelligence, culture, and skill of our people ; 
 a development of our own intellectual and material resources, 
 which will enable us to do everything that may be necessary to 
 equip, clothe, and feed ourselves in time of war, and make our, 
 selves intelligent, happy, and prosperous in peace.' " 
 
110 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 On this broad historic and philosophic basis he erected his 
 theory of carrying out the intention of the Fathers, and of mak- 
 ing this country really independent, as to all the essentials, 
 both of existence and of self-defence, against any foreign enemy. 
 He showed that the purpose of the Fathers to make their eman- 
 cipation complete by adding to agriculture all the mechanical 
 arts, inspired the legislation of all the earlier Congresses, and 
 that our legislation was continuously shaped with this view, un- 
 til, under the lead of John C. Calhoun, the Protective Tariff of 
 1816 was enacted. After going through a discussion of the 
 practical operation of the *' Morrill Tariff" as compared with 
 those of the Kevenue Tariff for fifteen years preceding the war, 
 he boldly confronted the glittering generalities of Mr. Tucker, 
 as expressed in these beautiful sentences : 
 
 " Commerce, Mr. Chairman, links all mankind in one corajnon 
 brotherhood of mutual dependence and interests, and thus cre- 
 ates that unity of our race which makes the resources of all the 
 property of each and every member. "VVe cannot if we would, 
 and should not if we could, remain isolated and alone. Men 
 under the benign influence of Christianity yearn for intercourse, 
 for the interchange of thought and the products of thought as 
 a means of a common progress toward a nobler civilization. 
 ******** 
 
 "Mr. Chairman, I cannot believe this is according to the 
 Divine plan. Christianity bids us seek, in communion with our 
 brethren of every race and clime, the blessings they can afford 
 us, and to bestow in return upon them those with which our 
 new continent is destined to fill the world." 
 
 This he admitted was " a grand conception, a beautiful vision 
 of the time when all the nations should dwell in peace." . . . 
 " If," said he, " all the kingdoms of the world should become 
 the kingdom of the Prince of Peace, then I admit that universal 
 Free Trade ought to prevail. But that blessed era is yet too re- 
 mote to be made the basis of the practical legislation of to-day. 
 We are not yet members of ' the parliament of man, the federa- 
 tion of the world.' For the present the world is divided into 
 separate nationalities ; and that other divine command still ap- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. Ill 
 
 plies to our situation : ' He that provideth not for liis own 
 household has denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel,' 
 and until that latter era arrives patriotism must supply the place 
 of universal brotherhood." But he was careful to isolate him- 
 self from that class of Congressmer^ whose support of the Tar- 
 iff has been due to the special interests of their localities, and 
 from those whose opposition to Protection has been due to the 
 same influences, and it may be safely said that no instances can be 
 found in his Congressional career when he has done or refused 
 to do anything in the way of Tariff legislation not in consistency 
 with these broad declarations. 
 
 " Too much of our tariff discussion has been warped by narrow 
 and sectional considerations. But when we base our action upon 
 the conceded national importance of the great industries I have 
 referred to, when we recognize the fact that artisans and their 
 products are essential to the well-being of our country, it fol- 
 lows that there is no dweller in the humblest cottage on our re- 
 motest frontier who has not a deep i)ersonal interest in the 
 legislation that shall promote these great national industries. 
 Those arts that enable our nation to rise in the scale of civiliza- 
 tion bring their blessings to all, and patriotic citizens will cheer- 
 fully bear a fair share of the burden necessary to make their 
 country great and self-sustaining. I will defend a tariff that is 
 national in its aims, that protects and sustains those interests 
 without which the nation cannot become great and self-sus- 
 taining." 
 
 Then recurring to the fundamental doctrine of national de- 
 velopment, as essential to national safety and independence, he 
 added : 
 
 " So important, in my view, is the ability of the nation to 
 manufacture all these articles necessary to arm, equip, and 
 clothe our people, that if it could not be secured in any other 
 way I would vote to pay money out of the Federal Treasury to 
 mamtain Government iron and steel, woollen and cotton mills, 
 at whatever cost. Were we to neglect these great interests and 
 depend upon other nations, in what a condition of helplessness 
 would we find ourselves when we should be again involved in 
 war with the very nations on whom we were depending to fur- 
 nish us these supplies ? The system axiopted by our fathers is 
 
113 TEE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 wiser, for it so encourages the great national industries as to 
 make it possible at all times for our people to equip themselves 
 for war, and at the same time increase their intelligence and 
 skill so as to make them better fitted for all the duties of citi- 
 zenship both in war and in peace. We provide for the common 
 defence hy a system which promotes the genei-al welfare. ' ' 
 
 The last sentence of which is the most epigrammatic statement 
 of the American system of Protection, as understood by Gar- 
 field, which has ever been made in Congress ; and a still more par- 
 ticular and definite statement of Garfield's general attitude on 
 the question of Protection is found in the same speech, and 
 seems to be about as comprehensive a platform and as practical 
 a statement of this question as has ever been proposed by any 
 of our public men : 
 
 " My view of the danger of extreme positions on the ques- 
 tions of tariii rates may be illustrated by a remark made by 
 Horace Greeley in the last conversation I ever had with that dis- 
 tinguished man. Said he, 
 
 '' ' My criticism of you is that you are not sufiiciently high 
 protective in your views.' 
 
 " I replied, 
 
 " ' What would you advise ? * 
 
 " He said, 
 
 " ' If I had my way — if I were king of this country — I would 
 put a duty of $100 a ton on pig-iron and a proportionate duty 
 on every tiling else that can be produced in America. The re- 
 sult w^ould be that our people would be obliged to supply their 
 own wants ; manufactures would spring up, competition would 
 finally reduce prices, and we should live wholly within our- 
 selves.' 
 
 " I replied that the fatal objection to his theory w^as that no 
 man is king of this country, with power to make his policy per- 
 manent. But as all our policies depend upon popular support, 
 the extreme measure proposed would beget an opposite extreme, 
 and our industries w^ould suffer from violent reactions. For 
 this reason I believe that w^e ought to seek that point of stable 
 equilibrium somewhere between a prohibitory tariff on the one 
 hand and a tariff that gives no protection on tlie other. What 
 is that point of stable equilibrium ? In my judgment it is this : 
 a rate so high that foreign producers cannot flood our markets 
 and break down our home manufacturers, but not so high as to 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN-. JAMES A. GARFJELD. T13 
 
 keep them altogether out, enabling our mannfacturers to com- 
 bine and raise the prices, nor so high as to stimulate an un- 
 natural and unhealthy growth of manufactures. 
 
 ''In other words, I would have the duty so adjusted that 
 every great American industry can fairly live and make fair 
 profits, and yet so low that if our manufacturers attempted to 
 put up prices unreasonably, the competition from abroad would 
 come in and bring down prices to a fair rate. Such a tariff I 
 believe w411 be supported by the great majority of Americans. 
 We are not far from having such a tariff in our present law. In 
 some respects we have departed from that standard. Wherever 
 it does, we should amend it, and by so doing we shall secure 
 stability and prosperity." 
 
 The latest exposition of General Garfield's views on the Tariff 
 is found in a report by the minority of the Committee on Ways 
 and Means, submitted to the House on the 24th of May last. 
 The report, which w^as his production, contains several interest- 
 ing exhibits showing the operations of the Tariff, especially iu 
 developing the wool-growing interests, and the operation of the 
 proposed tariff on wool manufacturers, as well as interesting 
 statements in regard to the growth of the manufacture of 
 earthenware in the United States and its remarkable develop- 
 ment. The report itself is a brief and thoroughly practical 
 document, reviewing some of the inconsistencies and injustices 
 of the tariff proposed by the majority of the Committee. Some 
 of the illustrations of the evils that might grow^ out of the pro- 
 posed tariff changes are entirely in the line of Garfield's consist- 
 ent policy of developing into a state of reasonable independence 
 and security those manufactures which are most essential to the 
 practical independence of the country, as to every article wiiich 
 might become indispensable in case of foreign war. He noted 
 the grow^th, under the favoring protection of the existing tariff, 
 of such manufactures as that of steel files, which had wdthin a 
 few years become fully established, so as to reduce the cost of 
 these articles to a point far lower than was ever before known 
 in the country. The minority report states Garfield's views in 
 regard to amending our tariff system in this very succinct and 
 practical manner, to wit : 
 
114 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 " The undersigned agree that in many respects the tariff sys- 
 tem should be amended. Where rates are exorbitant they 
 should be reduced as rapidly and as far as the wants of the 
 revenue and the prosperity of our great national industries will 
 permit. There are articles m the tariff on wools and woolleng 
 tliat may be reduced ; and perhaps the whole group can safely 
 bear some reduction. But on the whole, no part of our tariff 
 system has been more amply vindicated by experience than that 
 which rehites to wools and woollens. The foundations of these 
 provisions were laid in 1861 ; but in 1807 the existing rates 
 were established, after a long and exhaustive investigation, and 
 with the concurrence of the two interests which had theretofore 
 been in opposition. 
 
 " The basis of that legislation was this : that upon the several 
 grades of imported wool a duty should be imposed sufficient to 
 promote the growth of sheep husbandry in the United States. 
 A specific duty was then imposed on woollen goods, as near as 
 possible equal to the duty put upon the wool which entered into 
 the manufacture. This was not protection, but simply an 
 equivalent duty, which placed the woollen manufacturer on the 
 free-trade level. To this specific duty was then added a duty 
 of 35 per centum ad valorem on woollen goods, as a protection 
 to the manufacturer against foreign competition. This adjust- 
 ment of the law has remained substantially unchanged for thir- 
 teen years ; and during the six years preceding the adjustment 
 the law contained similar though less complete provisions. 
 
 '' With this preliminary statement the undersigned invite 
 attention to the results of this legislation. 
 
 " In 1836 the wool product of the United States was esti- 
 mated at 42 millions of pounds per annum ; in 1860, according 
 to the census, it had risen to 60 million pounds per annum ; 
 under the operations of the Morrill Tariff the product had risen 
 in 1867 to 147 millions of pounds per annum ; in 1877 it had 
 risen to 208 million pounds per annum ; and it is now estimated 
 to be 250 million pounds per annum. In the twenty-four years 
 preceding the war the wool product of this country had in- 
 creased but 40 per cent ; while the present annual product of 
 wool is 400 per cent greater than that of twenty years ago. 
 
 " The development of our sheep husbandry has been most re- 
 markable in the West and South. In 1 862 Messrs. Hollister «fe 
 Dibbles introduced 400 merino ewes into California, where 
 sheep husbandry at that time was almost unknown. Now Cali- 
 fornia takes the lead of all the States of the Union, and produces 
 not less than fifty million pounds of wool per annum, an amount 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAKFIELU. 115 
 
 nearly equal to the total wool product of the United States in 
 1860. The growth of the wool interest has been hardly less 
 rapid in Texas, which now occupies the second rank as a wool- 
 growing State. 
 
 " With this vast increase in the quantity, the improvement in 
 quality has been equally marked. While the farmers of the 
 United States have been thus enabled to increase their food 
 supply and increase the raw material for the clothing of our 
 people, the effect of the tariff on woollens has been correspond- 
 ingly beneficent. In 1860 we were largely dependent for our 
 clothing upon foreign wool-growers and foreign manufacturers, 
 at such prices as they were able to dictate. Now the woollen 
 fabrics used by our people are mainly manufactured by the skill 
 and labor of our own artisans from the product of our own 
 flocks. 
 
 " No attentive observer who visited the Centennial Exposition 
 failed to notice the astonishment with which the French and 
 English manufacturers examined the fine cloths produced by 
 American looms ; and no feature of that great exhibition reflect- 
 ed more credit upon American enterprise and skill. As a reve- 
 nue measure the Tariff of 1867 on wools and woollens has been 
 very effective, having produced $360,000,000 of revenue in the 
 last thirteen years— an average of $28,000,000 per annum. 
 
 " The bill of the committee destroys the adjustments of the 
 existing tariff on wool and woollens, and wholly disregards the 
 relations which these two branches of industry sustain to each 
 other. Should it become a law, it will be impossible for our 
 farmers to compete in the market with the mestiza wools of 
 South America ; and it will be equally impossible for our manu- 
 facturers to compete with those of France and England. Of 
 course any legislation that destroys the woollen manufactures is 
 equally destructive to sheep husbandry, for the farmer would 
 no longer have a market for bis wool. That nation can hardly 
 be called independent which does not possess the materials and 
 the skill to clothe its own people. 
 
 " For a more detailed statement of the effects of this bill 
 upon our wool and woollen industries, we refer to the very able 
 an instructive letter, hereto appended (marked A), of Mr. John 
 L. Hayes, secretary of the National Association of Wool Manu- 
 facturers. To this letter is also appended a letter (marked B) 
 of Mr. William Whitman, a leading manufacturer of Boston, 
 Mass. 
 
 " In reference to the provisions of the committee's bill which 
 reduce the duties upon stoneware and crockeryware — an inter- 
 
116 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 esting and important industry of recent origin in this country- 
 attention is invited to the accompanying letter (marked C) of 
 Mr. Homer Laughlin, of East Liverpool, Ohio, chairman of the 
 executive committee of the United States Potters' Association, 
 and also the letter of Hon. I. D. Blake, of New Jersey (mark- 
 ed U). 
 
 " Other features of the committee's biU are equahy open to 
 just criticism ; but enough has been said to indicate the spirit 
 of hostility to our national industries which pervades it, and 
 the partial and unjust treatment of the various subjects which 
 it embraces." 
 
 It would be far easier to fill a whole volume with interesting 
 extracts from the speeches of General Garfield on the Tariff 
 than it is to select from the numerous illustrations of the states- 
 manship he has displayed on this question those which it is con- 
 sistent with the limits of this book to use ; but if all of 
 his public utterances were published together in chronological 
 order they would only enhance, by the multiplicity of illustra- 
 tions, the impression that must be made on any fair-minded 
 and intelligent man by the few extracts which have been given ; 
 and the most complete collection would only the more effect- 
 ually and variously prove the consistency of his policy on this 
 subject. From the beginning of his public life he has favored 
 the Protection that would lead to liberating the protected arti- 
 cles to Free Trade. He has always been opposed to merely pro- 
 hibitory protection, and has been in favor of a tariff which 
 would enable our people to fairly compete with the world and 
 to keep our national industries alive. He has opposed a tariff 
 on any article so high as to encourage manufacturers to form 
 monopolizing combinations, in the absence of foreign competi- 
 tion. In the maintenance of this middle ground he has been 
 exposed to the attacks of two extreme classes. The first class 
 is that of Free Traders, who want Free Trade at once, and who 
 forget that, even if it were practicable. Congress is not merely a 
 debating society^ but the representative of vast numbers of dis- 
 tinct local interests, all of which have to be considered and 
 harmonized by any leader who attempts to accomplish actual re- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEi^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 117 
 
 f ormatory legislation. On the other hand, he has had to stand 
 the fire of extreme Protectionists, because they wanted their own 
 private interests furthered by legislation, without regard to the 
 general interests. He says, himself, of his attitude, that the po- 
 sition he has held on the Tariff question is exceptional m his 
 career, in this respect : that it has been a middle between two 
 extremes. He says : " I have usually been at one pole or the 
 other ; there I stood on the equator, and there insisted that the 
 true doctrine was the point of stable equilibrium, where we 
 could hold a tariff that would not be knocked down every time 
 the Free Traders got into power, and boosted up every time the 
 Protectionists got into power, but to give the country a stable 
 policy where the tendency would be toward amelioration all the 
 While. I have held that equitable ground throughout, and held 
 it against the assaults, now from one side and now from the 
 other, and I estimate it one of the greatest of my achievements 
 in public life to have held that equipoise." 
 
 In spite of the well-known consistency of his record on the 
 Tariff, it has been his fortune, as it has been that of other great 
 statesmen, to be the victim of gross misapprehensions as to par- 
 ticular declarations of his views, or as to his acts in Congress. 
 For instance, at a time when Secretary Boutwell regarded it 
 as of the utmost importance to ourcredit abroad that the Engbsh 
 statesmen and people should understand the nature of the fight 
 which our soundest statesmen were making in behalf of an 
 honest currency, he sent to Mr. Gladstone and to Mr. Bright a 
 copy of Garfield's then recent speech on tlie currency question, 
 which the Secretary regarded as highly creditable to American 
 statesmanship. In recognition of the ability and soundness of 
 this argument, Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright had General Gar- 
 field elected an honorary member of the Cobden Club, an honor 
 rarely conferred except in recognition of distinguished states- 
 manship or ability in treating economic subjects. From this 
 simple fact it was hastily assumed that General Garfield had 
 won the favor of a Club identified with the propagandism of 
 Free Trade by tiis position on the Tariff, while -*" 
 
 LI BR AR"^ 
 
118 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 thing which obtained for him this unexpected compliment was 
 a speech in which there was not the least reference to the Tariff 
 question. 
 
 A still more annoying misapprehension grew out of the discus- 
 sions, diiiang the last session of Congress, on the question of re- 
 moving the duty from wood-pulp. As the newspaper interest 
 was generully and naturally in favor of this reduction, it is not 
 at all strange that considerable criticism was called out by a mis- 
 apprehension of Garfield's position. This misapprehension was 
 due to the circulation, among all the newspapers of the coun- 
 try, of a misstatement as to what his position was, and of a 
 charge that he was responsible for maintaining an odious mo- 
 nopoly in the manufacture of paper. If Garfield had been at all 
 disposed to cringe and curry favor with the greatest, and some- 
 times the most dangerous, power in this country, that of the 
 Press, he would have avoided taking the stand which he did in 
 regard to this matter ; but he treated the paper manufacture in 
 the same broad spirit in wliich he treated the iron manufacture, 
 as to which his course at one time exposed him to a good many 
 *' shrieks of locality." He was determined not to budge an 
 inch under the concentrated fire of ever so many newspapers 
 that had not taken the trouble to learn the facts before pro- 
 nouncing judgment. In regard to the duty on wood-pulp, there 
 were, of course, some newspapers that favored protection on 
 other articles and did not want any tariff on the materials used 
 in paper manufacture. These papers were willing to support 
 Protection as a system, but thought it was quite consistent and 
 reasonable for them to be exempted from its operation, as re- 
 gards their own business. To such a philosophy as that he 
 could not give his assent. He was willing to reduce the duty 
 on wood-pulp as low as it could be reduced without destroying 
 an industry which in a few years had assumed formidable pro- 
 portions, and had largely aided in reducing the price of paper 
 from twenty-seven cents a pound to five and one half cents a 
 pound. The discovery of the German inventor who conceived the 
 idea of supplying the growing demand for paper material by the 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 119 
 
 simple process of grinding soft wood into pulp had given such a 
 sudden and vast accession to the stock of paper material that the 
 effect of its introduction was a steady and rapid reduction of 
 prices of the manufactured article. In fact, without this discov- 
 ery, it is difficult to imagine how the demand for paper could have 
 been supplied or prices kept within any reasonable limits. For 
 nearly a century there had been a growing competition in the 
 world between reading and rags. The readers had multiplied 
 their demands much faster than the supply of rags had been kept 
 up. It had finally reached the point that Germany and other 
 foreign countries discouraged the exportation of rags, and Amer- 
 ican paper manufacturers had been obliged to establish branch 
 mills in Egypt for the reduction of rags to pulp. It was not until 
 the discovery of the availability of soft wood to supply this im- 
 portant demand of civilization that there seemed to be any possi- 
 bility of keeping up the cheap manufacture of one of the most 
 essential elements of our progress. There was great distrust of 
 the new discovery at first, and it was not until the owners of 
 the wood-pulp patents established paper-mills of their own that 
 the utility of the new discovery was vindicated, and from that 
 time the growth of this branch of industry was remarkably 
 rapid, so that fifty-seven wood-pulp-mills were put in operation, 
 and have turned out such a mass of cheap material for paper that 
 the whole industry has assumed a new phase. The duty on 
 paper pulp was twenty per cent. General Garfield proposed to 
 reduce this duty to ten per cent, which he thought would about 
 reach the lowest point consistent with preventing our own home 
 production from being overslaughed by importations of wood- 
 pulp from Canada, where no royalty was paid to the owners of 
 the patent. 
 
 This is the whole story of his connection with the wood-pulp 
 duty. It was a simple matter in itself, but he probably had to 
 encounter more newspaper criticism, a great deal of it from 
 some of his most sincere admirers and supporters, than for 
 any other act of his Congressional life. He appreciated this 
 from the first, understood it, disliked it, but did not fear it, and 
 
120 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 did not vary his policy a hair's-breadth from the strict line 
 which he has pursued from the beginning of his Congressional 
 career, in deciding as to the details of Protection. On the 
 whole, it is probable that most of the newspaper editors who 
 favored him with indignant execrations think all the more of him 
 at present because he was so steady and unmoved, even by the 
 clamor of the Press. He had no selfish motive whatever to stand 
 by this particular duty on wood-pulp. There was not a paper- 
 mill in his district. Among the most earnest advocates of the 
 abolition of the duty were editors who were his warmest per- 
 sonal friends. It was easy for him to have evaded any contest 
 of this sort, or to have yielded. He did neither. He per- 
 formed his duty, took all the attacks on himself good-naturedly, 
 and was very little disturbed by them. 
 
 (,Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, October 14, 1865. 
 
 I have read the hibtory and philoifophy of the Tariff question very thorough- 
 ly, though I have not yet finii«hed it. When I see you I want to give you the 
 salient points in the history of British commercial policy ; it is very curious and 
 interesting. . . . 
 
 In the literary way I have fallen upon one of the finest things I have ever 
 met. It is Walter Savage Landor's " Pericles and Aspasia," which gives in the 
 most vivid and beautiful style the best summary 1 have ever seen of the spirit 
 and character of Greek history, politics, philosophy and literature. It has been 
 a very rich treat to us all. We are yet in the midst of it. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Uiiiadale.) 
 
 Washington, December 20," 1879. 
 I have noticed the insincere and absurd talk of the politicians about high 
 tarifl" bills. Put these two things together: ••Garfield is too valuable a man in 
 the House to be spared," " Garfield is unsound on the tariff, and ought not to be 
 elected to the Senate." Yet these arguments are used by the same men. If I 
 were to consult my own preference entirely, apart from public opinion, and if I 
 could be sure of continued robust health, 1 would prefer to remain in the House ; 
 but the bone-breaking work that position has brought upon me for the last few 
 years admonishes me that my final break-down of health must soon come if 1 
 continue where I am. The Senate is a smaller body, and I shall there probably 
 escape file responsibilities and labors of leadership. Then it would eeem churl- 
 ish to stand in the way of the reasonable ambition of my friends in the Nine- 
 teenth District, and so, if the Senatorahip comes tome, 1 shall take it ; but with 
 some sadness and regret. The talk of the newspapers about the successorship 
 .las been premature and embarrassing to all of us. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 COMMITTEE WORK. 
 
 So far as the national reputation of members of Congress is 
 concerned, it is mostly founded on their more important speeches 
 and measures. So far as their reputation among Congressmen is 
 concerned, the ability, fidelity, and judgment with which com- 
 mittee work is performed is a much more decisive test of rela- 
 tive standing. There always have been in Congress a few mem- 
 bers who seldom made speeches of any length, and yet com- 
 manded unusual respect from their fellow-members, and 
 wielded a very large influence, from their familiarity with the 
 details which are only learned in committees. 
 
 Gai-field has fairly won a distinguished reputation in both 
 ways. In his speeches, which are familiar to all our people, he 
 has vindicated the right to the leadership of his party in the 
 House, which was accorded to him by common consent when 
 Mr. Blaine left the House. In the arduous duties devolving 
 upon him as a member of most important committees he has 
 won the high respect of his fellow-members of successive Con- 
 gresses, without regard to their party predilections. 
 
 His first assignment, when he entered Congress, to committee 
 work, was a very natural one. Coming fresh from the army, and 
 from a position requiring as much knowledge of army organiza- 
 tion, needs and other details as was required of the commanding 
 general whose chief of staff he was, his services were at once 
 sought for the Committee on Military Affairs, then by far the 
 most important in the House. No member of that committee 
 contributed so much to its knowledge of the actual condition 
 and needs of the anny. His reports were models of fulness 
 and accuracy, in dealing with the various questions that came 
 before the committee. 
 
123 THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GAEFIELD. 
 
 The constitution of the Committee on Military Affairs in the 
 38tli Congress was as follows, the names being given in the 
 order of precedence : 
 
 Robert C. Schenck, of Ohio. 
 John F. Farnswohth, of Illinois. 
 George H. Yeaman, of Kentucky. 
 .Tames A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 Benjamin Loan, of Missouri. 
 Moses F. Odell, of New York. 
 Henry C. Deming, of Connecticut. 
 F. W. Kellogg, of Michigan. 
 Archibald McAllister, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 It was somewhat of a surprise to the Speaker of the House 
 when tlie 39th Congress assembled in 1865, and Garfield was asked 
 by the Speaker if he had any request to make about the com- 
 position of committees, to hear Garfield say that he had but one 
 request, and that was that he should be left off from the Military 
 Committee and assigned to that of Ways and Means ; and yet the 
 former committee had before it the great work of reorganizing the 
 army, and other difficult and important questions, involving the 
 exercise of a great deal of power and wisdom. But Garfield's 
 vigorous and prescient mind was quick to anticipate and leap 
 into the new emergencies that were beginning to be fore- 
 shadowed, and he wanted to put himself in the place where the 
 line of his duty would put him most completely in the way of 
 preparation. It was his theory that the great coming question 
 was that of finance, and he was determined to be prepared for 
 its discussion. From that early period in his Congressional 
 career dates the beginning of that wonderful growth in the mas- 
 tery of all the questions of detail about tariff, taxation, currency, 
 and the public debt, which has marked all his public utter- 
 ances. 
 
 The Committee on Ways and Means in the 39th Congress con- 
 sisted of the following able statesmen ; 
 
 Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. 
 Samuel Hooper, of Massachusetts. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 123 
 
 James Brooks, of New York. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 John Wentworth, of Illinois. 
 RoscoE CoNKLiNG, of New York. 
 James R. Moorhead, of Pennsylvania. 
 William B. Allison, of Iowa. 
 John Hogan, of Missouri. 
 
 In the 40th Congress there was a just recognition of his ser- 
 vices as a member of the Committee on Military Affairs in the 
 38th Congress, by his appointment as chainiian of that commit- 
 tee by the Speaker. The committee was constituted as follows : 
 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 William A. Pile, of Missouri. 
 John H. Ketoham, of New York. 
 Henry D. Washburn, of Indiana. 
 Grenville M. Dodge, of Iowa. 
 Green B. Raum, of Illinois. 
 Isaac R. Hawkins, of Tennessee. 
 Charles Sitgreaves, of New Jersey. 
 Benjamin R. Power, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 In the 41st Congress the Speaker made recognition both of 
 the acknowledged ability and research of Garfield in regard to 
 all the financial questions, and of the newly acquired importance 
 of the Committee on Banking and Currency, by making him its 
 chamnan. The committee consisted of the following mem- 
 bers : ^ ^^. 
 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 
 John Lynch, of Maine. 
 
 Norman B. Judd, of Illinois. 
 
 John Coburn, of Indiana. 
 
 WoRTHiNGTON C. SMITH, of Vermont. 
 
 John B. Packer, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Israel G. Lash, of North Carolina. 
 
 Samuel S. Cox, of New York. 
 
 Thomas S. Jones, of Kentucky. 
 
 Horatio C. Burchard, of Illinois* 
 
 He was also appointed on the Select Committee on the Ninth 
 Census, in which he occupied the second place, although the 
 
124 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 great burden of shaping the work of the committee fell upon 
 him, at the request of the Speaker, who desired him to yield the 
 place out of courtesy to William B. Stokes, of Tennessee. The 
 labors devolved on this committee were very arduous, and the 
 results of their work, and especially of General Garfield's direct- 
 ing share in it, can be seen in the official reports. No preced- 
 ing committee on this subject had ever made such an exhaustive 
 and scientific presentation of the ends to be achieved by a na- 
 tional census, or of the means by which they could most readily 
 and certainly be effected. The committee was composed as 
 
 follows : 
 
 "William B. Stokes, of Tennessee. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts. 
 William B. Allison, of Iowa. 
 Addison J. Laflin, of New York. 
 Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, 
 Martin W. Wilkinson, of Minnesota. 
 Richard J. Haldeman, of Pennsylvania. 
 John G. Schumacher, of New York. 
 
 He was also appointed a member of the Committee on Rules, 
 which is always made up with especial reference to the parlia- 
 mentary knowledge of its members. The committee was con- 
 stituted as follows : 
 
 The Speaker (James G. Blaine). 
 Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts. 
 Thomas W. Ferry, of Michigan. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 James Brooks, of Nevvr York. 
 
 In the 42d Congress Garfield was made chairman of the Com- 
 mittee on Appropriations, on which had been devolved the 
 most responsible duties and the greatest powers previously as- 
 signed to the Committee of Ways and Means. The committee 
 was constituted as follows : 
 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 Aaron A. Sargent, of California. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN-. JAMES A. GARFl<i£LD. 125 
 
 Oliver J. Dickey, of Pennsylvania. 
 Freeman Clarke, of New York. 
 Frank W. Palmer, of Iowa. 
 Eugene Hale, of Maine. 
 William E. Niblack, of Indiana. 
 Samuel S. Marshall, of Illinois. 
 Thomas Swann, of Maryland. 
 
 Garfield was continued on the Committee on Rules, which con- 
 sisted of 
 
 The Speaker (James G. Blaine). 
 Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 Samuel S. Cox, of New York. 
 Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 In the 43d Congress Garfield was reappointed chairman of 
 the Committee on Appropriations, which consisted of the fol- 
 lowing members : 
 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 
 Eugene Hale, of Maine. 
 
 William A. Wheeler, of New York. 
 
 Charles O'Neill, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Henry H. Starkweather, of Connecticut. 
 
 William Loughridge, of Iowa. 
 
 James N. Tyner, of Indiana. 
 
 Isaac C. Parker, of Missouri. 
 
 Samuel S. Marshall, of Illinois. 
 
 Thomas Swann, of Maryland. 
 
 John Hancock, of Texas. 
 
 As during two previous Congresses, he was appointed on the 
 Committee on Rules, which consisted of 
 
 Tlie Speaker (James G. Blaine). 
 Horace Maynard, of Tennessee. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 Samuel S. Cox, of New York. 
 Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 In the 44th Congress Garfield was placed on the Committee 
 
126 THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 on Ways and Means. As the House was Democratic, he was 
 naturally placed below all the Democrats on the committee, 
 and below William D. Kelley, who was much his senior in Con- 
 gressional service. The committee was constituted as follows : 
 
 William R. Morrison, of Illinois. 
 Fernando Wood, of New York. 
 John Hancock, of Texas. 
 Philip L. Thomas, of Maryland. 
 Benjamin H. Hill, of Georgia. 
 Chester W. Chapin, of Massachusetts. 
 J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia. 
 William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 Horatio C. Burchard, of Illinois. 
 Henry Watterson, of Kentucky. 
 
 The last-named only filled a vacancy toward the end of this 
 Congress, and his position on the committee was probably due to 
 his own request. 
 
 In the 45th Congress the Committee on Ways and Means con- 
 sisted of the following members : 
 
 Fernando Wood, of New York. 
 J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia. 
 Milton Sayler, of Ohio. 
 William M. Robbins, of North Carolina. 
 Henry R. Harris, of Georgia. 
 Randall L. Gibson, of Louisiana. 
 James Phillips, of Connecticut. 
 William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 Horatio C. Burchard, of Illinois. 
 Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts. 
 
 The Committee on Rules in this Congress consisted of 
 
 The Speaker (Samuel J. Randall). 
 Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia. 
 Milton Sayler, of Ohio. 
 Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 127 
 
 In the 46th Congress the Committee on Ways and Means con- 
 sisted of 
 
 Fernando Wood, of New York. 
 J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia. 
 Randall L. Gibson, of Louisiana. 
 James Phillips, of Connecticut. 
 William R. Morrison, of Illinois. 
 R. Q. Mills, of Texas. 
 John S. Carlisle, of Kentucky. 
 William H. Felton, of Georgia. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania. 
 Omar D. Conger, of Michigan. 
 William P. Frye, of Maine. 
 Martin H. Dwinnell, of Minnesota. 
 
 The Committee on Rules consisted of : 
 
 The Speaker (Samuel J. Randall). 
 Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia. 
 Joseph C. Blackburn, of Kentucky. 
 James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 
 William P. Frye, of Maine. 
 
 A good conception of the thoroughness with which Garfield 
 discharged his onerous duties as chairman of the Committee on 
 Appropriations may be formed from reading the speech which 
 he made on "Revenues and Expenditures," on the 5th of 
 March, 1874. With a pretty thorough knowledge of all the im- 
 portant speeches that have been made in Congress since the 
 foundation of the Government, I do not believe that there was 
 ever before made in that body a presentation of the philosophy 
 and methods of adjusting the revenues and appropriations of 
 the Government which covered so much ground in so brief a 
 space, or which disclosed so clearly the principles on which ap- 
 propriations should be made. 
 
 At the outset he announced his disagreement with the assump- 
 tion implied in the common maxim that we should ' ' cut our 
 garment according to our cloth," which he admitted was cor- 
 rect as applied to private affairs, but not at all applicable to the 
 
128 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 wants of nations. " Our national expenditures," said he, 
 " should be measured by the real interests and the proper needs 
 of the Government. We should cut our garment so as to fit the 
 person to be clothed. If he be a giant, we must provide cloth 
 sufficient for a fitting garment." 
 
 " It was the effort of the Committee on Appropriations," he 
 said, " to find what are the real and vital necessities of the Gov- 
 ernment ; to find what amount of money will suffice to meet all 
 its honorable obligations, to carry on all its necessary and essen- 
 tial functions, and to keep alive those public enterprises which 
 the country desires its Government to undertake and accomplish. ' ' 
 
 He regarded it as unfortunate that the work of appropria- 
 tions was not connected directly with the work of taxation, 
 in which case " the necessity of taxation would be a constant 
 check upon extravagance, and the practice of economy would 
 promise as its immediate result the pleasure of reducing taxa- 
 tion." 
 
 As to the effect of taxation on the people, he said that " they 
 willingly bear the burdens of taxation when they see that their 
 contributions are honestly and wisely expended to maintain the 
 government of their choice, and to accomplish 1»hose objects 
 which they consider necessary for the public welfare. So far 
 as the Government is concerned, the soundness of its financial 
 affairs depends upon the annual surplus of its revenues over ex- 
 penditures. A steady and constant revenue, drawn from sources 
 that represent the prosperity of the nation, a revenue that grows 
 with the growth of national wealth, and is so adjusted to 
 the expenditures that a constant and considerable surplus is 
 annually left in the treasury above all the necessary current de- 
 mands—a surplus that keeps the treasury strong, that holds it 
 above the fear of sudden panic, that makes it impregnable 
 against all private combinations, that makes it a terror to stock- 
 jobbing and gold -gambling— this is financial health." 
 
 Reviewing the financial history of the Government, he called 
 attention to the history and causes of deficits and of surpluses, 
 and then passed to the wonderful history of the reduction of 
 
THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 129 
 
 taxes since the war, and the effects of the reduction of revenue 
 on this surplus. 
 
 One of the most interesting portions of this thorough exam- 
 ination into the workings of our system of appropriations and 
 expenditures was an analysis of expenditures for the preceding 
 fiscal year, from which at a glance any intelligent reader could 
 ascertain precisely the amounts expended for every department 
 of the Government — for the maintenance or construction of pub- 
 lic works, for interest on our funded debt, and for all the vari- 
 ous other objects of Government outlay. These expenditures 
 he grouped in different classifications, with the usual analytic 
 ability of his discussions of such questions, and took up in detail 
 the objects in whose support retrenchment was practicable and 
 advisable. Three classes of expenditures called for his special 
 attention, and his policy toward each of these illustrates his 
 views of wise economy and expenditure. As to the expendi- 
 tures on rivers and harbors, he called attention to the fact 
 ** that in fifteen of the last thirty-four years not a dollar was 
 appropriated for rivers and harbors in the United States. Our 
 friends on the other side of the House, when they were in 
 power, believed in the doctrine that Congress had no right to 
 make internal improvements, and in fifteen of their years of 
 power our docks and piers were rotting and our harbors were 
 filling up, because the theory of non-improvement left them to 
 perish. More than seventy-five per cent of all that has ever 
 been appropriated to open our rivers and clear out [our harbors 
 and make a highway for commerce on our coasts and upon our 
 inland lakes and rivers has been appropriated since the war by 
 the party now in power." 
 
 These works, he said, he named only to praise them. *' They 
 are carried on under the War Department, and no man, I be- 
 lieve, has ever charged corruption in the expenditure of the 
 in money. But it is one of that class of expenditures that can 
 in part be postponed, that need not be done in a year. It is well 
 that enough has been done to make it possible for us to open 
 
130 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 our internal avenues of commerce as the growth of trade re- 
 quires. ' ' 
 
 As to the expenditures for the maintenance of our light- 
 house system he was equally liberal. Said he : "I look 
 upon it as one of the wonders of our early history that 
 during the first three months of the life of the first Con- 
 gress our fathers struck out on a new line, unknown in the 
 history of legislation, when they declared in one simple act that 
 the light that gleamed from every Pharos on our shores should 
 be free to the ships and sailors of all nations. Until recently 
 the United States has stood absolutely alone in allowing the na- 
 tions of the world to have the benefit of lights without charge. 
 I always feel a keen sense of satisfaction when I am permitted 
 to aid in making appropriations to keep these lights burning on 
 our shores. The life-saving stations which have been added are 
 expenses of the same character. I would do nothing to cripple 
 these great interests. ' ' 
 
 But as to another branch of public works, that of the con- 
 struction of public buildings, he was as free in his condemna- 
 tion of haste and extravagance as he had been of praise in re- 
 gard to the two preceding classes. 
 
 A late illustration of the grasp of Garfield's study of 
 the revenues and expenditures of the Government which 
 was prosecuted in the course of his service on the Committee 
 on Appropriations may be found in an article of his in the 
 Korth American Eeview for June, 1879. In that exceedingly 
 clear and readable article he quoted a passage from a speech 
 which he made on revenues and expenditures in the House 
 in 1873, which, for the interest and attractiveness with which 
 he succeeded in investing a subject that is generally regarded 
 as forbidding by reason of its dryness and technicalities, may 
 well be compared with that brilliant budget of Gladstone's 
 earlier parliamentary career, which has been so famous. In 
 this speech he gave his philosophy of expenditures and appro- 
 priations, and prophesied, among other things, at what time ia 
 our history we could probably reach a peace level of expend!- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 131 
 
 tures after the war — at what time we could get down so low 
 that we could not get any lower, and that the natural growth 
 of the country would require a revival of trade and rise of 
 prices ; and in forecasting the time he took a very large risk in 
 saying that " at a certain period so far ahead it will be found 
 that we shall touch bottom on the scale of reduction, and at ^ 
 that time we shall probably get our interest down to such 
 a figure, and our annual expenditures down to such a figure, 
 and thereupon and thereafter the growth of the country will 
 make the peace increase starting up again necessary." The 
 period he had fixed on was about the end of 1876. In his 
 North American article he showed that his only mistake was 
 that this revival came about a year later than the time which he 
 predicted in 1872, and the figures were almost identical. This 
 prediction was not a mere speculative theory, but was on the 
 basis of an immense induction of historical facts, which con- 
 vinced him that the expenditures of a war could not be reduced 
 so as to strike a peace level short of a period twice the length 
 of the war itself after it. He showed that this was the case in 
 England's wars, and that it was so in all our wars from the be- 
 ginning ; that the expenditures reached their height, of course, 
 at the close of the w^ar, then they began to drop gradually down 
 an inclined plane until they struck the new level of peace, 
 where the rise began again gradually, and this was arrived at in 
 a period twice as long after a war as the length of the war it- 
 self. Our war was substantially five years long, ending finan- 
 cially in 1866. Add ten years, and the period of decline fixed 
 on the basis of this calculation would extend tol 876 ; and he 
 said in his speech in 1872, " We shall reach our peace level 
 then." He made an analysis, showing what were our war ex- 
 penditures and those resulting from the war, and what the 
 peace expenses were, proving that the peace expenses would 
 increase all the time, growing with the growth of the country, 
 and that the war expenses would decrease. There were two 
 processes ; but the war expenditures were so great that their 
 decrease would be more rapid than the peace increase ; and after 
 
132 THE LIFE OF GEN-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 a while those two lines would meet, and the sloping incline of 
 peace would come. 
 
 Besides the work devolved upon him in the regular and 
 special committees to which I have referred, Garfield has been 
 called on from time to time to serve on special committees re- 
 quiring an unusual amount of labor, care, and judgment ; and 
 special occasions of great magnitude have given to the work of 
 the regular committees to which he belonged unusual responsi- 
 bilities and labors. For instance, the investigation into the 
 causes of the gold panic, which was ordered by the House in 
 December, 1869, was devolved on the Committee on Banking 
 and Currency, of which he was chairman. It is probable that 
 no special subject of investigation by a Congressional committee 
 attracted more universal attention at the time than did this, 
 and for very obvious reasons. Charges had been made calcu- 
 lated to create the impression that there had been some sort of 
 connection between the gigantic and reckless operations of 
 New York gamblers in gold and the action of the President of 
 the United States in regard to the selling of gold. There were 
 few intelligent people who gave to these charges any sort of 
 credence ; but there was a sufficient array of circumstances to 
 give a basis for a swarm of calumnies likely to affect seriously 
 the reputation of the President, and of course to impair the 
 respect in which our Government and institutions were held 
 abroad. It was deemed advisable, therefore, that the transac- 
 tions which had occasioned so much comment and scandal should 
 be rigorously investigated and the bottom facts brought to the 
 surface. The conduct of this investigation by General Garfield 
 was the subject of universal admiration at the time, and of most 
 complimentary comments by the press of New York, particularly 
 the tact and adroitness and firmness with which he managed 
 and drew out that most remarkable and irrepressible of wit- 
 nesses, Mr. James Fisk, Jr. The results of the most thorough 
 inquiry were embodied in the report of the committee, and its 
 Etatements of all of the essential facts developed by their inquiry 
 were so clear and satisfactory that no question has arisen since 
 
THE LIFE OF GEl^". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 133 
 
 as to the accuracy of the committee's findings. The reputation 
 of the Executive was vindicated, while the nefariousness and 
 recklessness of the conspiracy were exposed in the most striking 
 manner. 
 
 {Garfield to Col. A. F. Eockwell.) 
 
 Hiram, Ohio, Angupt 30, 18G9. 
 It seems as though each year adilcd more to the work that falls to my share. 
 This season I have the mam weight of the census bill and the report to carry, 
 and the share of the Ohio campaign that falls to me, and in addition to all this 
 I am running in debt and building a house m Washington. On looking over I 
 found I had paid out over $5,000, i>ince I fir^t went to Congress, for rent alone, and 
 all this is a dead loss ; so, finding an old staff-officer (Maj. D. G. Swaim), I nego- 
 tiated enough to enable me to get a lot on the corner of Thirteenth and 1 Streets, 
 north, opposite to Franklin Square, and I have got a house three quarters done. 
 It may be a losing business, but I hope I shaU be able to sell it when I am done 
 with it, so as to save myself and the rent. 
 
 {Garfi£ld to Col. A. F. Eockivell.) 
 
 Hiram, Ohio, August 6, 1870. 
 I have at last reached home in the groen fields and pure air of the country, 
 and for the first time in many months have a few days of comparative rest now 
 before the opening of the fall campaign. 
 
 My work during the last Congressional year has been harder than ever be- 
 fore I gave eighty davs' hard work last summer and fall to the census, and, 
 though I carried my bill successfully through the House, it failed in the Senate. 
 Then I spent forty days' on the Gold Panic Investigation and Report, nearly all 
 the work of which I did. Then I gave three or four weeks' hard work to the 
 Tariff Bill and more than that amount to the Currency Bill, which I had charge of 
 and which created a long and strong combat. Add to this all the usual outside 
 workandtwo cases in the Supreme Couit, one of which I argued and won, and 
 yon will see that it filled my days and many of my nights with about as close 
 gi-ubbing as I was capable of performing. On the whole, I have done as much as 
 I had any reason to hope I should. 
 
 I was very much obliged for your discussion of the Indian affairs. You can 
 see how nearly impossible it is for a member of Congress, nearly a thousand 
 miles away from the scene of Indian events, and knowing nothing but what he 
 learns from vague and contradictory reports, to understand the real situation 
 and to provide wise and efficient means for managing a subject so difficult and 
 so impossible to handle by general laws or regulations. I have from the first 
 been in favor of the transfer of the Indian Bureau to the War Department ; but 
 the Piegan massacre and the personal quarrel of which yon speak preventedthe 
 transfer. I twice got the bill through the House. I shall take the liberty to 
 Avrite to Secretary Cox and quote «ome passages from your letter. 
 
134 THE LIFE OF GENT. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 {Garfield to Col. A. F. Eochwetl. ) 
 
 Washington, December 13, 1871. 
 I am now np to my eyes in the work of the Committee on Appropriations, 
 of which I am Chairman, though I do manage to steal a little time from work 
 and sleep, almost every day to read over carefully a few lines from Horace, to 
 keep the breath of classical life in my body. 
 
 {GarMd to Cd. A. F. EocktoeU.) 
 
 Washington, March B, 1875. 
 At last the long, hard straggle is over, and I lie stranded, like a ship ashore, 
 water-logged and shattered by the battle of wind and waves. 
 
 'You will perhaps think I am always saying the same thing at the end of a 
 session ; but, I am sure, no other five days of my Congressional life have been 
 so crowded with heavy work as those just ended. Forty-eight hours ago six of 
 my appropriation bills were in peril. Two of them had not passed the House 
 the first time, and the others were in the Senate or in Conference Committees. 
 They were all passed In good shape at half-past eleven a.m. yesterday. 
 
 The amount of intellectual work I have done, and the physical strain which 
 has accompanied it, is something more than everything I have ever done before 
 
 {Oarfidd to Col. A. F. Rockwdl.) 
 
 Washington, December 4, 1875. 
 The committees have not yet been announced, but you will probably see 
 them before this reaches yon. I have followed rather austerely the rale of eelf- 
 respect, and have kept aloof from all combinations. I have asked nothing, nor 
 h.ave I permitted my friends to ask anything for me. I was gratified and 
 surprised when the Republican members of the Ohio delegation united in a 
 unanimous expression of their desire that I should be appointed Chairman of 
 the Committee on Appropriations, but I asked them not to make any requests 
 for me. 
 
CHAPTER Xn. 
 
 THE EXTKA SESSION OP 1879. -■ 
 
 No Republican leader of the House ever had devolved upon 
 him a responsibility so great or a duty so arduous as were 
 thrown upon Garfield by the extra session of Congress, in 1879, 
 called within three weeks after the adjournment of the regular 
 session, on the 4th of March, which left the Executive and 
 Legislative branches of the Government in a deadlock of un- 
 yielding antagonism, and all the branches of the Government 
 without the supplies essential to their maintenance. In fact, it 
 may be said that no such exigency was ever before presented to 
 any leader of the House. Before that time Congress had never 
 undertaken to condition the performance of its duty to support 
 the Government on the acquiescence of the Executive in the 
 demands of the former. Legislation, it is true, had been in- 
 corporated in appropriation bills, which practically left the 
 President little discretion. But these legislative " riders" did 
 not amount to a formal and formidable declaration of the in- 
 tention of Congress to coerce the Executive. And this was 
 precisely the appalling situation which was presented when the 
 winter session of 1878-9 came to its unsatisfactory close. In the 
 stormy debates which preceded this deadlock, Garfield, as the 
 responsible leader of the Republican minority, had fairly offered 
 to the majority not so much a compromise of the principles 
 involved in the legislation which the majority attempted to 
 force the Executive to accept, as a Conservative Republican re- 
 vision, adapted to the times, of the legislation which had been 
 put upon the statute-books in periods of essentially different 
 character. The very fairness of his proposition and the broad 
 statesmanship which he displayed in the closing debates of that 
 session had alienated from him, to a greater or less extent, many 
 
13G THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 Republican members of Congress with whom he had been in 
 most cordial co-operation, and who afterward heartily rallied 
 under his leadership. 
 
 From this fact, and from the lack of intimate relations be- 
 tween several Republican leaders in Congress and the President, 
 the duties imposed on Garfield in the extra session were such 
 as demanded in their performance the most sagacious judgment, 
 and frequently the highest degree of moral courage. No leader 
 of the party in either branch of Congress at any period was 
 ever before placed in such a peculiar and delicate position. But 
 he did not shrink from the straightforward performance of his 
 duty, and its diflSculty not only nerved him to greater efforts to 
 maintain what he regarded as the only tenable position on 
 which his party could stand, but what was far more important 
 than this, to maintain the constitutional balance of power be- 
 tween the three departments of the Government, whose contin- 
 uance is absolutely essential to the preservation of our institu- 
 tions. His speech in the House on the 29th of March shows 
 the solemnity of his impression of the magnitude and perils of 
 the crisis through which he was to pilot the way to safety with 
 honor. He did not shrink at the outset from stating what was 
 really the most terrible indictment of the policy of the majority 
 in Congress. Said he : 
 
 " Mr. Chairman : I have no hope of being able to convey tc» 
 the members of this House my own conviction of the very great 
 gravity and solemnity of the crisis which this decision of the 
 Chair and of the Committee of the Whole has brought upon 
 this country. I wish I could be proved a false prophet in ref- 
 erence to the result of this action. I wish T ceuld be over- 
 whelmed with the proof that I am utterly mistaken in my 
 views. But no view I have ever taken has entered more deeply 
 and more seriously into my convictions than this : that this 
 House has to-day resolved to enter upon a revolution against the 
 Constitution and Government of the United States. I do not 
 know that that intention exists in the minds of half the Repre- 
 sentatives who occupy the other side of this hall. I hope it 
 does not. I am ready to believe it does not exist to any large 
 extent. But I mean to say the consequence of the programme 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 137 
 
 just adopted, if persisted in, is nothing less than the total sub- 
 version of this Government." 
 
 Then he reviewed the history of the struggle in the preceding 
 session, and gave the history of the formation of the issue be- 
 tween the two parties-the demands on the one side, and the 
 resistance on the other— and placed the grounds of his resist- 
 ance on the broad principles of the Constitution. He pointed 
 out several ways in which our Government could be destroyed 
 without armed revolution. For example, by a refusal on the 
 part of the people to elect Representatives to Congress ; or a 
 majority of one branch or the other of Congress might, on the 
 first day of the session, vote to adjourn on the hour of meeting, 
 and continue to vote so at every session during the two years of 
 the existence of that Congress ; or a majority of either body 
 might vote down every bill to support the Government by ap- 
 propriations. All these methods of destroying the Government 
 are permitted by the Constitution, because the people " being 
 themselves the creators of all the agencies and forces to execute 
 their own will, and choosing from themselves their Representa- 
 tives to express that will in the forms of law, it would have been 
 like a suggestion of suicide to assume that any of these great 
 voluntary powers would be turned against the life of the Gov- 
 ernment. Public opinion— that great ocean of thought from 
 whose height all heights and all depths are measured— was 
 trusted as a power amply able, and always willing, to guard all 
 the approaches on that side of the Constitution from any as- 
 sault on the life of the nation." 
 
 "Up to this hour," he continued, *' our sovereign has never 
 failed us. There has never been such a refusal to exercise those 
 primary functions of sovereignty as either to endanger or crip- 
 ple the Government ; nor have the majority of the representa- 
 tives of that sovereign in either house of Congress ever before 
 announced their purpose to use their voluntary powers for its 
 destruction. And now, for the first time in our history, and 1 
 will add for the first time for at least two centuriesm^bfiJl^^ 
 tory of any English-speaking nation, it is propo^^^^^irl^f^CV?^^ 
 
 ( L I B R A R ^^ 
 
138 THE LIFE OF GE:S. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 upon that these voluntary jDOwers shall be used for the destruc- 
 tion of the Government. I want it distinctly understood that 
 the proposition which I read at the beginning of my remarks, 
 and which is the programme announced to the American people 
 to-day, is this : that if this House cannot have its own way in 
 certain matters, not connected with appropriations, it will so 
 use, or refrain from using, its voluntary powers as to destroy 
 the Government." 
 
 Going deep down to the foundations of the philosophy of our 
 Government, he bottomed his whole argument on these compre- 
 hensive propositions, which were ample to sustain the super- 
 structure of illustration with which he strengthened and adorned 
 it. Said he : 
 
 "Our theory of law is free consent. That is the granite 
 foundation of our whole superstructure. Nothing in the Re- 
 public can be law without consent — the free consent of the 
 House ; the free consent of the Senate ; the free consent of the 
 Executive, or, if he refuse it, the free consent of two thirds of 
 these bodies. Will any man deny that ? Will any man chal- 
 lenge a line of the statement that free consent is the foundation 
 rock of all our institutions ? And yet the programme announced 
 two weeks ago was that if the Senate refused to consent to the 
 demand of the House, the Government should stop. And the 
 proposition was then, and the programme is now, that, although 
 there is not a Senate to be coerced, there is still a third inde- 
 pendent branch in the legislative power of the Government, 
 whose consent is to be coerced at the peril of the destruction of 
 this Government ; that is, if the President, in the discharge of 
 his duty, shall exercise his plain constitutional right to refuse 
 his consent to this proposed legislation, the Congress will so 
 use its voluntary powers as to destroy the Government. This 
 is the proposition which we confront ; and we denounce it as 
 revolution." 
 
 Although he was willing, at the regular session, to make 
 reasonable amendments to the laws which it was proposed to 
 carry on the backs of appropriation bills, he took the broad 
 principle that, however inoffensive the proposition, if it was 
 demanded " that as a matter of coercion it shall be adopted, 
 against the free consent prescribed in the Constitution, every 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 139 
 
 fair-minded man in America is bound to resist you, as much as 
 though his own life depended upon the resistance." And he 
 then challenged all comers to show a single instance in our 
 history when this consent was coerced. " This," said he, " is 
 the great, the paramount issue, which dwarfs all others into 
 insignificance." 
 
 Then, showing that the election law, which was denounced 
 as so great an offence as to justify the destruction of the Gov- 
 ernment rather than let it remain on the statute-books, was 
 passed with the active co-operation of prominent Democratic 
 members of both houses, and thus aggravating the criminality 
 of their changed position, he intensified the point he made 
 by stating that " the proposition now is that, after fourteen 
 years have passed and not one petition from one American 
 citizen has come to us asking that this law be repealed, while 
 not one memorial has found its way to our desks complaining 
 of the law, so far as I have heard, the Democratic House of 
 Representatives now hold that if they are not permitted to force 
 upon another house and upon the Executive against their con- 
 sent the repeal of a law that Democrats made, this refusal shall 
 be considered a sufficient ground for starving this Government 
 to death." 
 
 This phrase, " starving the Government to death," was one 
 of those inspirational condensations of argument and truth 
 which only occur to statesmen of creative and original minds. 
 It covered the whole ground, reached to the vitals of the con- 
 troversy, and exposed to the people the nature and the deadli- 
 ness of the conspiracy that had tried to ambush itself under 
 English precedents of redressing grievances that were totally 
 inapplicable to our system of three independent, free, and equal 
 branches of the Government. 
 
 Without undertaking to review or to revive the special points 
 of argument with which this speech and a following speech on 
 the same subject on the 4th of April, fairly bristled, it is suffi- 
 cient to quote one passage which stands a fair chance of going 
 down to posterity and ot taking its place alongside of Web- 
 
140 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 ster's defences of the Constitution against attacks prompted by 
 the same spirit and originated in the same quarter. Said he : 
 
 " Touching this question of Executive action, I remind the 
 gentleman that in 185« the National Democratic Convention, 
 in session at Cincinnati, and, still later, the National Demo- 
 cratic Convention of I860, affirmed the right of the veto as one 
 of the sacred rights guaranteed by our Government. Here is 
 the resolution : 
 
 " ' That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President 
 the qualified veto power by Avhich he is enabled, under restric- 
 tions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the public 
 interests, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot 
 secure the approval of two thirds of the Senate and House of 
 Representatives until the judgment of the people can be 
 obtained thereon.' 
 
 " The doctrine is that any measure which cannot be passed 
 over a veto by a two thirds vote, has no right to become a law ; 
 and the only 'mode of redress is an appeal to the people at the 
 next election. That has been the Democratic doctrine from 
 the earliest days — notably so from Jackson's time — until now. 
 
 " In leaving this topic, let me ask what you would have said 
 if, in 1861, the Democratic members of the Senate, being then 
 a majority of that body, instead of taking the heroic course and 
 going out to battle, had simply said, ' \Vc will put on an ap- 
 propriation bill an amendment declaring the right of any State 
 to secede from the Union at pleasure, and forbidding the 
 President or any officer of the Army or Navy of the United 
 States from interfering with any State in its work of seces- 
 sion.' Suppose they liad said to the President, 'Unless you 
 consent to the incorporation of this provision in an appropria- 
 tion bill, we will refuse supplies to the Government.' Per- 
 haps they could then have killed the Government by starva- 
 tion ; but even in the madness of that hour, the leaders of 
 rebellion did not think it worthy their manhood to put their 
 fight on that dishonorable ground. They planted themselves 
 on the higher plane of battle and fought it out to defeat. 
 
 " Now, by a method which the wildest secessionist scorned to 
 adopt, it is proposed to make this new assault upon the life of 
 the Republic. 
 
 " Gentlemen, we have calmly surveyed this new^ field of con- 
 flict ; we have tried to count the cost of the struggle, as we 
 did that of 1861, before we took up your gage of battle. 
 Thouorh no human forcsiiif-ht could forecast the awful loss of 
 
THE LIFE OF GEIT. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 141 
 
 blood and treasure, yet in the name of liberty and union we 
 accepted the issue and fought it out to the end. We made 
 the appeal to our august sovereign, to the omnipotent public 
 opinion of America, to determine whether the Union should 
 perish at your hands. You know the result. And now law- 
 fully, in tlie exercise of our right as Representatives, we take 
 up the gage you have this day thrown down, and appeal again 
 to our common sovereign to determine whether you shall be 
 permitted to destroy the principle of free consent in legislation 
 under the threat of starving the Government to death. 
 
 " We are ready to pass these bills for the support of the Gov- 
 ernment at any hour when you will offer them in the ordinary 
 way, by the methods prescribed by the Constitution. If you 
 offer those other propositions of legislation as separate meas- 
 ures, we will meet you in the fraternal spirit of fair debate and 
 will discuss their merits. Some of your measures many of us 
 will vote for in separate bills. But you shall not coerce any inde- 
 pendent branch of this Government, even hj the threat of 
 starvation, to surrender its voluntary powers until the question 
 has been appealed to the sovereign and decided in your favor. 
 On this ground we plant ourselves, and here we will stand to 
 the end." 
 
 In his speech on the 4th of April he reminded the Democratic 
 members that they had only to w^ait two years, when they could 
 have the three consents to all the legislation they wanted which 
 are required by the letter and spirit of the Constitution, to 
 wit, the free consent of the House, the free consent of the 
 Senate and the free consent of the Executive, provided by that 
 time they had convinced the people that the legislation they 
 desired was needed and just. Until then he asked them to 
 restrain their rage until they had the lawful power to strike 
 down these statutes. But, lest he should be misunderstood, he 
 added : 
 
 " I said last session, and I have said since, that if you want this 
 whole statute concerning the use of the Army at the polls torn 
 from your books, I will help you to do it. If you will offer a 
 naked proposition to repeal those two sections of the Revised 
 Statutes named in the sixth section of this bill, I will vote with 
 you. But you do not ask a repeal of those sections. Why ? 
 They impose restrictions upon the use of the Army, limiting its 
 
142 THE LIFE OF GE;N-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 functions and punishing its officers for any infraction of these 
 limitations ; but you ask to strike out a negative clause, there- 
 by making new and affirmative legislation of the most sweeping 
 and dangerous character. 
 
 '' Your proposed modification of the law affects not the Army 
 alone, but the whole civil power of the United States. ' Civil 
 officers ' are included in these sections, and, if the proposed 
 amendment be adopted, you deny to any civil officer of the 
 United States any power whatever to summon the armed posse 
 to hel]) him enforce the processes of the law\ If you pass the 
 section in that form, you impose restrictions upon the civil 
 authorities of the United States never before proposed in any 
 Congress by any legislator since this Government began. I say, 
 therefore, in the shape you propose this, it is much the worst 
 of all your 'riders.' In the beginning of this contest, we un- 
 derstood that you desired only to get the Army away from the 
 polls. As that would still leave the civil officers full power to 
 keep the peace at the polls, I thought it was the least impor- 
 tant and the least dangerous of your demands ; but as you have 
 put it here, it is the most dangerous. If you re-enact it in the 
 shape presented, it becomes a later law than the supervisors 
 and marshals law, and pro tanto repeals the latter. As it stands 
 noAV in the statute-book, it is the earlier statute, and is pro 
 tanto itself repealed by the marshals law of 1871, and is there- 
 fore harmless so far as it relates to civil officers. But if you 
 put it in here, you deny the power of the marshals of the United 
 States to perform their duties whenever a riot may require the 
 use of an armed 'posse. ' ' 
 
 The ablest and most specious Democratic plea in behalf of 
 the scheme of coercing the Executive w^as made by that distin- 
 guished jurist from Virginia, Mr. J. Randolph Tucker. He had 
 most artfully used the deceptive and false precedent of the 
 practice of the House of Commons of accompanying supply bills 
 with a list of grievances to be redressed, to which Garfield 
 replied : 
 
 " The gentleman from Virginia says, ' Unless you let us ap- 
 pend a condition which we regard a redress of grievances, w^e 
 will let the Army be annihilated on the 30th day of next June 
 by withholding supplies.' That is legitimate argument; that 
 is a frank declaration of your policy. Let us examine the pro- 
 
THE LIFE OP GEi^. JAMES A. GAEFIELD. 143 
 
 position. What is the ' grievance ' of which the gentleman 
 complains ? He uses the word ' grievance ' in the old English 
 sense, as though the king were thrusting himself in the way of 
 the nation by making a war contrary to the nation's wish. 
 What is the ' grievance ' of which the gentleman complains \ 
 His ' grievance ' is a law of the land— a law made by the repre- 
 sentatives of the people— by all the forms of consent known to 
 the Constitution. It is his ' grievance ' that he cannot get rid 
 of this law by the ordinary and constitutional methods of 
 appeal. [Applause.] When he can get rid of any law by the 
 union of all the consents that are required to make or unmake 
 a law, then he can lawfully get rid of it, whether it is a griev- 
 ance or a blessing. But his method is first to call a law a 
 ' grievance ' and then try to get rid of it in defiance of the 
 processes which the Constitution prescribes for the law-making 
 2D0wer of the nation. I denounce his method as unconstitu- 
 tional and revolutionary, and one that will result in far greater 
 evil than that of which he complains." 
 
 Through the whole of this controversy in the regular and in 
 the extra session, Garfield bore himself not only with courage, 
 which is a common attribute, but with a conscientious and in- 
 dependent statesmanship which refused to be controlled even 
 by the criticism and clamor of influential members of his own 
 party. Throughout the whole he was not so much the partisan 
 as he was the constitutional lawyer and the patriot. Believing 
 in, thoroughly comprehending, and admiring with the whole 
 force of his nature, the grandeur of the system of checks and 
 balances and distributions of powers, which characterize our 
 Government, he was as inflexible in the maintenance of his own 
 convictions of right, against the pressure of friends, as he was 
 fearless in meeting the assaults of political enemies who had 
 attempted a desperate and revolutionary scheme. He was the 
 central and commanding figure in all this great controversy — 
 as important, in all respects, as that which Webster faced so 
 grandly in 1832. As the prejudices, passions, and excitements 
 which clouded the minds of many of the combatants in this 
 period pass away, Garfield's courage and broad-minded states- 
 manship has become more and more the subject of admiration 
 
144 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 on the part of those who agreed with him at the time, of those 
 within his own party who then differed from him, and even of 
 many of those whose arguments he was obliged to repel. He 
 showed himself more than a mere party leader. He rose to the 
 full proportions of an American statesman, whose nature, con- 
 victions, and training had rendered it impossible that he should 
 either surrender or cease to defend any of that beautiful and 
 symmetrically proportioned edifice of civil liberty which was 
 the product of the wisdom, the experience, and the patriotism 
 of the fathers. 
 
 Although it would be supposed that the duties imposed upon 
 him as leader of the Republican side of the House at the extra 
 session in opposing the coercionist and revolutionary schemes 
 of the Democrats would have been sufficient to engage all his 
 energies, it is notable that he was found prepared for every 
 emergency of debate on other issues of importance as they arose 
 for tha consideration of the House. For instance, on the 15th 
 of April he furnished a startling array of facts as to the num- 
 ber of Union soldiers who had risked everything for the cause 
 in the seceding States. Five days before that he had handled 
 with his usual vigor the question of resumption and the cur- 
 rency, resisting an insidious attempt to increase the volume of 
 the subsidiary paper currency. On the 17th of May he made a 
 brief speech on the House bill to authorize the unlimited coin- 
 age of silver, and to give the profits thereof to the owners of 
 bullion, which was a remarkable instance of condensation, and 
 was well calculated to appeal to the good sense of those advo- 
 cates of silver who have some consideration for the immutable 
 laws of trade and currency, and warned the House that the bill 
 under consideration reached further and touched more vital 
 interests than was generally apjireciated. He called attention 
 to the fact that " within recent months the leading thinkers of 
 the civilized world had become alarmed at the attitude of the 
 two precious metals in relation to each other," and that " many 
 leading thinkers were becoming clearly of the opinion that by 
 some wise, judicious arrangement both the precious metals 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 145 
 
 must be kept in service for the currency of the world. ' ' And he 
 called the attention of the House to the fact that in England 
 there had been recently a decided accession to the side of those 
 who believed that she ought to abandon the single gold stand- 
 ard and " harness both silver and gold to the monetary car of 
 the world." " And yet," added he, " outside of this Capitol, 
 I do not this day know of a single great and recognized advo- 
 cate of bimetallic money who regards it prudent or safe for 
 any nation largely to increase the coinage standard of silver 
 coin at the present time beyond the limits fixed by existing 
 laws. France and the States of the Latin Union, that have 
 long believed in bimetallism, maintained it against all comers, 
 and have done all in their power to' advocate it throughout the 
 world, dare not coin a single silver coin, and have not done so 
 since 1874. The most strenuous advocates of bimetallism in. 
 those countries say it would be ruinous to bimetallism for 
 France or the Latin Union to coin any more silver at present. 
 The remaining stock of German silver now for sale, amounting 
 to from forty to seventy-five millions of dollars, is a standing 
 menace to the exchange and silver coinage of Europe. One 
 month ago the leading financial journal of London proposed 
 that the Bank of England buy one half of the German surplus 
 and hold it five years on condition that the German Govern- 
 ment shall hold the other half off the market. The time is 
 ripe for some wise and prudent arrangement among the nations 
 to save silver from a disastrous break-down." 
 And he continued : 
 
 "Yet we, who during the past two years have coined far 
 more silver dollars than we ever before coined since the founda- 
 tion of the Government— ten times as many as we coined during 
 half a century of our national life— are to-day ignoring and 
 defying the enlightened, universal opinion of bimetallists, and 
 sayino- that the IJnited States, single-handed and alone, can 
 enterlhe field and settle the mighty issue alone. We are justi- 
 fying the old proverb that ' Fools rush in where angels fear to 
 
 " It is sheer madness, Mr. Speaker. I once saw a dog on a 
 
146 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 great stack of hay that had been floated out into the wild, over- 
 flowed stream of a river, with its stack-pen and foundation still 
 holding together, but ready to be wrecked. For a little while 
 the animal appeared to be perfectly happy. His hay-stack w^as 
 there and the pen around it, and he seemed to think the world 
 bright, and his happiness secure, while the sunshine fell softly 
 on his head and his hay. But by and by he began to discover 
 that the house and the barn and their surroundings were not 
 all there as they were when he went to sleep the night before ; 
 and he began to see that he could not command all the prospect 
 and peacefully dominate the scene as he had done before. So 
 with this House. We assume to manage this mighty question 
 which has been launched on the wild current that sweeps over 
 the whole world, and we bark from our legislative hay-stacks, 
 as though we commanded the whole world. [Applause.] In 
 the name of common-sense and sanity, let us take some account 
 of the flood ; let us understand that a deluge means something, 
 and try, if we can, to get our bearings before we undertake to 
 settle the affairs of all mankind by a vote of this House. 
 
 " To-day we are coining one third of all the silver that is 
 being coined in the round world. China is coining another 
 third ; and all other nations are using the remaining one third 
 for sui)sidiary coin. And if we want to take rank with China 
 and part company with all of the civilized nations of the West- 
 ern world, let us pass this bill, and then ' bay the moon ' as 
 we float down the whirling channel to take our place among 
 the silver monometallists of Asia. 
 
 " What this country needs above all other things, is that this 
 Congress shall pass the appropriation bills, adjourn, and go 
 home [applause on the Republican side], and let the forces of 
 business and good order and brotherhood, working in their 
 natural and orderly way, bring us into light and stability and 
 peace. And we want time to adjust this great international 
 question. Now, while I am speaking, the Administration is 
 opening negotiations with all the Western nations, to see if 
 there cannot be some international arrangement whereby this 
 question of bimetallism may be wisely settled. We tried it by 
 international monetary conference. It was a preliminary recon- 
 naissance, and — " 
 
 [Here the hammer fell.] 
 
 On the 21st of June General Garfield made a speech on the 
 Mississippi River as an object of national care, which showed 
 that while he was resolutely opposed to wasting the national 
 
THE LIFE OF GEJq-. JAMES A. GAllFIELD. 147 
 
 trecisure in improving mountain-trout brooks for purposes of 
 navigation, and to river and harbor bills that consisted largely 
 of appropriations for harbors which had no commerce and 
 rivers which were vexed by no keels, he was perfectly willing 
 to go the full length of a wise liberality in the improvement of 
 great national water-ways, especially of the river which drains 
 thirty States of the Union. 
 
 This speech attracted much attention and called out much 
 admiration at the time, and deserves to form a part of any 
 record of GarfiekVs statesmanship. Said he : 
 
 '' Mr. Speaker : I should oppose this bill, very decidedly, if 
 it committed us at this time to any plan or theory of managing 
 the Mississippi River ; and I think the remarks of the gentle- 
 man from Indiana [Mr. Baker], warning us against committal 
 in any such direction, are wise. But I have looked the bill 
 over with what care I could, and it does not seem to me that by 
 its passage we commit ourselves to anything further than the 
 purpose to obtain accurate official information touching the 
 present condition and needs of this great stream. I admit that 
 we have already had examinations and explorations of the 
 Mississippi, some of them scientific and very valuable ; but 
 everybody will concede that one important experiment has been 
 made, in recent years, which, though against the opinion of 
 the majority of engineers, has proved apparently a great suc- 
 cess : I mean the jetty system at the mouth of that river. I 
 say ' apparently,' because it is possible that in the long run it 
 may not prove a success ; but at the present moment it appears 
 to be a great and striking success in the management of the 
 mouths of that river. If it prove to be permanently so, all our 
 calculations, and, indeed, all our theories concerning the im- 
 provement and management of other portions of that river need 
 to be reconsidered in view of the new light that the jetty 
 system will throw upon the question. Hence a proposition to 
 turn on the light, to get information, and to get it from the 
 best scientific advisers that we can call to our aid, is a step in 
 the right direction. I have always favored measures which 
 will result in giving us information upon all questions about 
 which we are called upon to legislate. What shall be done 
 with this knowledge when it comes, will be for our successors 
 to say. We do not commit ourselves or them to any scheme at 
 this time. But for myself, I believe that one of the grandest 
 
148 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 of our material national interests — one that is national in the 
 largest material sense of that word — is the Mississippi River and 
 its navigable tributaries. It is the most gigantic single natural 
 feature of our continent, far transcending the glory of the 
 ancient Nile or of any other river on the earth. The states- 
 manship of America must grapple the problem of this mighty 
 stream. It is too vast for any State to handle ; too much for 
 any authority less tlian that of the nation itself to manage. 
 And I believe the time will come when the liberal-minded 
 statesmanship of this country will devise a wise and compre- 
 hensive system, that will harness the powers of this great river 
 to the material interests of America, so that not only all the 
 people who live on its banks and the banks of its confluents, 
 but all the citizens of the Republic, whether dwellers in the 
 central valley or on the slope of either ocean, will recognize the 
 importance of preserving and perfecting this great natural and 
 material bond of national union between the North and the 
 South — a bond to be so strengthened by commerce and inter- 
 course that it can never be severed. [Applause.] 
 
 " One of our early Presidents went so far as even to exceed 
 his early preconceived opinions of the constitutional power of 
 the Executive, in order to buy from France a mighty empire to 
 be added to the Union ; and he did it for this reason chiefly, 
 that the young Republic could not permanently endure as a 
 nation without owning and controlling the mouths of the 
 Mississippi. Nearly the whole continent west of that river was 
 bought, to make the Union perpetual by bringing every foot of 
 the shore of the Mississippi under our flag. If I did not think 
 it almost unworthy of so great a theme, I would say that if 
 there had been no patriotic impulse higher than any considera- 
 tion of material welfare which moved twenty millions of Ameri- 
 cans to resist the attempt to break the Union in pieces, and im- 
 pelled them to hold it together by all the cost of blood and 
 treasure that our late war required, if there had been no higher 
 national sentiment inspiring them, the immense material stake 
 which the people of the great North and West and centre of 
 this country had in the free use of that river from its sources to 
 its mouth, that their commerce might go southward to the sea 
 under the one flag, unvexed by conflicting nationalities, this 
 material stake alone would have made all the people of the 
 upper valley of the Mississippi resis-t to the last the dismember- 
 ment of the Union. 
 
 " This great river, wiiich our fathers made such sacrifices to 
 acquire, and which the present generation made so much cost- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAKFIELD. 149 
 
 lier sacrifices to redeem from disunion and to hold within the 
 grasp of the nation, we have held, not in obedience to mere 
 sentiment alone, not with a view of keeping it as a vast and 
 worthless waste of water, but to utilize it by making it the ser- 
 vant of all the people of this country. How shall we utilize it, 
 unless at some time, and in some wise way, we bridle it by the 
 skill of man and make it subservient to the interests of com- 
 merce ? 
 
 " Now, Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the House, there is 
 another reason why I am in favor of this measure. I rejoice in 
 any occasion which enables Representatives from the North 
 and from the South to unite in an unpartisan effort to promote 
 a great national interest. [Applause.] Such an occasion is 
 good for us both. And when we can do it without the sacrifice 
 of our convictions, and can benefit millions of our fellow- 
 citizens, and thereby strengthen the bonds of the Union, we 
 ought to do it with rejoicing ; for, in so doing, we shall inspire 
 our people with larger and more generous views, and help to 
 confirm for them and for our posterity to our latest generations, 
 the indissoluble Union and the permanent grandeur of this 
 Republic. I shall vote for this bill. " [Applause on both sides 
 of the House.] 
 
 On the 27th of June he made a very terse and condensed ar- 
 gument on the various phases of the revived doctrine of State 
 Sovereignty, showing from the recent speeches of Democratic 
 members that Calhounism still had prominent defenders and ex- 
 ponents among the leaders of that party in both branches of 
 Congress. The declarations made by these men he summarized 
 in this manner : 
 
 '* Let me summarize them : First, there are no national elec- 
 tions ; second, the United States has no voters ; third, the 
 States have the exclusive right to control all elections of mem- 
 bers of Congress ; fourth, the Senators and Representatives in 
 Congress are State officers, or, as they have been called during 
 the present session, ' ambassadors ' or ' agents ' of the State ; fifth" 
 the United States has no authority to keep the peace anywhere 
 within a State, and, in fact, has no peace to keep ; sixth, the 
 United States is not a nation endowed with sovereign power, but 
 is a confederacy of States ; seventh, the States are sovereignties 
 possessmg inherent supreme powers ; they are older than the 
 
150 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 Union, and as independent sovereignties the State Governments 
 created the Union and determined and limited the powers of the 
 General Government. 
 
 " These declarations embody the sum total of the constitu- 
 tional doctrines which the Democracy has avowed during this 
 extra session of Congress. They torm a body of doctrines 
 which I do not hesitate to say are more extreme than were ever 
 before held in this subject, except perhaps at the very crisis of 
 secession and rebellion." 
 
 He then enumerated the attempts which had been made to 
 embody these abstract and false theories of our Government in 
 practice ; and met them with these broad counter-propositions, 
 ■Qrhich are important in any estimate of Garfield's constitutional 
 views : 
 
 " I affirm : First, that the Constitution of the United States 
 was not created by the Government of the States, but was or- 
 dained and established by the only sovereign in this country— 
 the common superior of both the States and the nation — the 
 l^eople themselves ; second, that the United States is a nation, 
 having a government whose powers, as defined and limited by 
 the Constitution, operate upon all the States in their corporate 
 capacity and upon all the people ; third, that by its legislative, 
 executive, and judicial authority, the nation is armed with ade- 
 quate power to enforce all the provisions of the Constitution 
 against all opposition of individuals or of States, at all times and 
 all places within the Union." 
 
 These propositions he defended by a summary of the history 
 of the sovereignty and government in this country as comprised 
 in four sharply defined epochs, to wit : 
 
 *' First : Prior to the 4th of July, 1776, sovereignty, so far 
 as it can be affirmed of this country, was lodgd in the Crown of 
 Great Britain. Every member of every colony (the colonists 
 were not citizens but subjects) drew his legal rights from the 
 Crown of Great Britain, ' Every acre of land in this country 
 was then held mediately or immediately by grants from that 
 Crown,' and ' all the civil authority then existing or exercised 
 here, flowed from the head of the British Empire. ' 
 
 " Second: On the 4th day of July, 1776, the people of these 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A, GARFIELD. 151 
 
 colonies, asserting their natural inherent right as sovereigns, 
 withdrew the sovereignty from the Crown of Great Britain and 
 reserved it to themselves. In so far as they delegated this na- 
 tional authority at all, they delegated it to the Continental 
 Congress assenibled at Philadelphia. That Congress, by gen- 
 eral consent, became the supreme government of this country — 
 executive, judicial, and legislative in one. During the whole 
 of its existence it wielded the supreme power of the new na- 
 tion. 
 
 *' Third : On the 1st day of March, 1781, the same sovereign 
 power, the people, withdrew the authority from the Continental 
 Congress and lodged it, so far as they lodged it at all, with the 
 Confederation, which, though a league of States, was declared 
 to be a perpetual union. 
 
 *' Fourth : When at last our fathers found the Confederation 
 too weak and inefficient for the purposes of a great nation, they 
 abolished it and lodged the national authority, enlarged and 
 strengthened by new powers, in the Constitution of the United 
 States, where, in spite of all assaults, it still remains. All these 
 great acts were done by the only sovereign in this Republic, 
 the people themselves." 
 
 After illustrating the truth of his propositions, by quotations 
 from Elliot's "Debates" and the "Decisions of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, ' ' he said : 
 
 *' I am unwilling to believe that any considerable number of 
 Americans will ever again push that doctrine to the same ex- 
 treme ; and yet in these summer months of 1879, in the Congress 
 of the reunited nation, we find the majority drifting fast and 
 far in the wrong direction, by reasserting much of that doctrine 
 which the war ought to have settled forever. And what is 
 more lamentable, such declarations as those which I read at the 
 outest are finding their echoes in many portions of the country 
 which was lately the theatre of war. No one can read the pro- 
 ceedings at certain recent celebrations, without observing the 
 growing determination to assert that the men who fought 
 against the Union were not engaged in treasonable conspiracy 
 against the nation, but that they did right to fight for their 
 States, and that, in the long run, the lost cause will be victo- 
 rious. These indications are filling the people with anxiety and 
 indignation ; and they are beginning to inquire whether the 
 war has really settled these great questions. 
 
152 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 " I reminfl ji^entlemen on the other side tliat we have not our- 
 selves revived tliese issues. We had hoped they were settled 
 beyond recall, and that peace and friendship might be fully 
 restored to our people. 
 
 '• But the truth requires me to say that there is one indispen- 
 sable ground of agreement on which alone we can stand to- 
 gether, and it is this : The war for the Union was right, ever- 
 lastingly right [applause] ; and the war against the Union was 
 wroDg, forever wrong. However honest and sincere individ- 
 uals may have been, the secession was none the less rebellion 
 and treason. We defend the States in the exercise of their 
 many and important rights, and we defend with equal zeal the 
 rights of the United States. The rights and authority of both 
 were received from the people— the only source of inherent 
 power. 
 
 " We insist not only that this is a nation, but that the power 
 of the Government, within its own prescribed sphere, operates 
 directly upon the States and upon all the people. We insist 
 that our laws shall be construed by our own courts and enforced 
 by our Executive. Any theory which is inconsistent with this 
 doctrine we will resist to the end." 
 
 {Garfield toB.A. Uinsclale.) 
 
 Washington, May 20, 1879. 
 
 I have read yonr letter carefully. It is all interesting, and some of your re- 
 flections and suggestions are very valuable. I will notice your points in the 
 order you state them. 
 
 First.— You think my position in the first ppeech was greatly modified, if 
 not abandoned, in the second, because, first, from the speech of March 29th, the 
 ordinary reader would got the idea that revolution comes in on the rider, and 
 not in insisting upon the rider when it could not command a two thirds vote ; 
 second, that the latter point is not mentioned at all in my first speech, and no in- 
 timation is made that the rider is ever legitimate. It is no doubt true that the 
 reader of my first speech who-had not paid special attention to the transactions 
 of Congress during the preceding month might fail to understand what was plain 
 to my hearers, who had listened to the debate, in which the Democrats had re- 
 peatedly stated that their reason for putting their independent legislation upon 
 the appropriation bill as a rider was because they were certain it would be vetoed 
 if passed as an independent measure, and their only hope of success was to pass 
 no appropriation bills without the riders. 
 
 Several of these declarations are quoted in the President's veto of the Army 
 Appropriation Bill. But I don't think that the ordinary reader can find anything 
 in my first speech which implies that it is revolutionary to put a rider on an ap- 
 propriation bill. 
 
 It is singular that no member of Congress who replied to me attempted to 
 Bhow by any quotation from my speech that I had said so. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEJ^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 153 
 
 On the contrary, I thi.ik the ordinary reader will understand that I was dis- 
 cussin<^ the refusal to vote supplies if the ridcred bill should be vetoed. 
 
 Tel me call your attention to the fact that, after developing on pages 6, . and 
 8 of the first speech, the doctrine of the voluntary powers of the government, 
 Id that the free consent of the House, the Senate, and the P--^^"*: -^^-'^ 
 thhd of the House and Senate against the President's consent is the basis of all 
 ou laws,Isayatthecloseof pageS: ''The programme announced two w^^^^^ 
 Lo was that if the Senate refused to consent to the demands of the Ilou.e the 
 gfvemment should stop. And the proposition was then -^ t^«/-=---;, 
 is now that, although there is not a Senate to be coerced, there metUl a third 
 i^depliident branch^n.he legislative power of the government whose consen 
 is to be coerced at the peril of the destruction of tb.s government. That is, i 
 he President! in the discharge of his duty, shall exercise his plain consti utional 
 rl^if to refu;e his consent to this proposed legislation, Congress will so use 
 its voluntary powers as to destroy the government." 
 
 TMs Se propositic,n which we confront and we denounce as revolutionary. 
 Thau "t^L DcL ratic party in Congress, Knowing it had not a two h.rds nia- 
 ^01- ty,i claredthatif tl^^ President refused his signature to their xndependen 
 egisMion they would not vote supplies and would let the government pensh of 
 uanition My replies to the questions of Mr. Stevens, page 11, a^id Mr. Davis 
 pariraretothesame effect, from the beginning to the end of the speech 1 
 wa". discu«sing their proposition, that if they could not pass their measures of 
 IXptdent fcgislation i'n spite of the ^-sident^s ^.to andj.ey kn^v tbey 
 rould not-they would refuse to vote supplies. As Mr. Beck said . NV Qctner 
 that course is right or wrong, it will be adhered to, no matter what happens to 
 
 ^'^ ;iT;;re w^s t^p^oposed coercion of the President and the threatof stop- 
 
 '^" VtMnkuTp^ets from the foregoing that I did not ell riders revolutionary. 
 I-said nothing about the legitimacy of riders, because that was not my theme^ 
 
 sVcoND -You think,ir.<, that I used the word revolution in a loose stump- 
 sveedZ^^e and not in the more serious sense in which statesmen should em- 
 vXor^t sZll and you see nothing in the state of the public mind outside of 
 Cono^e^s to ndicate any general concurrence in my opinion that revolution was 
 Sened I know the ;ord is sometimes loosely used in reference to changes 
 of a au"et sort We say, for example, there has been a revolution m the com- 
 In sroorsy;tem^ I do not think I am open to the charge of nsing it either m 
 Te stuC-spLch or in the milder sense just referred to. Certainly we had a 
 
 revotron n 1861 ; but before we came to blows the revolution was prepared by 
 
 Te a temp of tl; South to put in force the doctrine that a State was sovereign 
 
 and h"d a right to secede from the Union. To put that doctrine m practice was 
 
 to destroy the government, and dissolution was revolution. 
 
 nIw the Semocratic programme, as announced by Thnrman, Beck, and he 
 
 rest^sThat, whatever may be the consequence, they will not vote -PP^- ""; 
 
 less certain laws are repealed; and, not having the constitutional power torepea. 
 
 those laws hey have thus far refused to vote supplies. Continued persistence 
 ^thar^fisal destroys the government. I denounce their policy and purpose 
 
154 THE LIFE OF GEK-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 as threatened l-evolntion. If that which inevitably' destroys the government be 
 not revolution, in the largest and most dangerous sense of that word, I am wholly 
 mistaken. 
 
 You say yon do not see signs of revolution in the country : nor do I. I saw 
 it only in Congress. The title of my speech was " Revolution in Congress," and 
 I resisted it there in order that it might not spread and become revolution 
 throughout the whole Union. I do^not now believe it will ripen into completed 
 revolution, because the purposes of the Democracy having been disclosed, pub- 
 lic opinion will break them down. I think my speech has done something to- 
 ward breaking them down by disclosing their purposes. The responses of the 
 country before I made my second speech greatly relieved my apprehensions, and 
 I felt less for the result April 4th than I did March 29th, though the Democracy 
 had not abandoned their scheme, nor have they done so yet. 
 
 Third.— Your analj^sis of the elements that make up the spirit of the Re- 
 publican party is certainly just in the main. It would not be possible for any 
 party to be the chief actor in the events of the past twenty-five years without 
 being influenced by the spirit of the events themselves. Our recent history has 
 developed a war-horse type of Republican which I agree with you in despising 
 as a permanent element; but I do not agree with you that the present agitation 
 is an outcome on the part of Republicans to get up a new cry. Wo do not get 
 up the cry, we do not bring in this new issue. My analysis of the situation is 
 this : Two Democratic leaders, Tilden and Thurman, are engaged in a desperate 
 struggle for the next Presidency. Tilden hopes to be elected on the reminis- 
 cences of 1876. The Potter Committee was appointed to infuse the belief that 
 Tilden had been counted out by fraud. Tilden had been gaining ground as a 
 candidate, and if Thurman merely joined in this cry of fraud he carried coals to 
 Tilden's cellar and dil not help himself. lie therefore raised a new issue to rally 
 the party around iiini. Ilis cry was: *' No military interference with elections !" 
 "Down with the bayonet at the polls !" "Down with national interference 
 with elections." The only way that he and his associates could elevate this issue 
 into prominence was by threatening to stop the government if his aggravations 
 are not redressed. Not to have resisted this scheme would have been criminal 
 on our part. It is true that in resisting it the war-horse type of Republican has 
 found new employment, and many of the undesirable elements of our party are 
 delighted that this issue has been raised. This could not he otherwise ; but it is 
 notjusttosay that Republicans have raised the issue to feed their taste for 
 gore. 
 
 I note with great interest what you say about the recent history of my 
 mind and the effect of stump-speaking upon my modes of thinking. I have no 
 doubt that it induces a looseness and superficiality of thought, and an extrava- 
 gance of expression ; but, on the other hand, it has some compensations. A 
 man addressing a great and mixed audience composed of friends and enemies is 
 certainly impelled to be more careful in his statements of facts than one whr 
 has his audience all to himself. He is much less liable to become cpigrammati- 
 cal and self-confidentin his own views than those who have a friendly audience, 
 where nobody opposes or puts questions. I should be grieved indeed if I felt 
 that political speaking was weakening my love of study and reflection in other 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 155 
 
 directions. I thank you for the suggestions, and shall keep watch of myself all 
 the more in consequence of them. But it occurs to me I have made more 
 epeeches of the kind you approve within the last sis months than of the kmd 
 you disapprove. For example, the Henry speech, the speech on the Relation of 
 the Government to Science, the Sugar Tariff speech, the speech on Mr. 
 Schleicher, the Chicago speech, and the two articles in the North American He- 
 view. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, July 7, 1879. 
 
 The session haa been a most uncomfortable one ; but, on the whole, it haR 
 been valuable in the new class of topics it has brought into discussion The 
 Democrats completely abandoned the main ground which they at first took, and 
 the most sensible among them do not hesitate to admit privately that it was 
 wholly untenable. Instead of withholding $45,000,000 of appropriations to com- 
 pel the redress of grievances, they withheld only $«00,000, and they did not c^arry 
 as many points of legislation as were tendered them at the close of the last Con- 
 gress. The course of justice can only be kept by the marshals advancing the 
 necessary money and run the risk of Congress paying them hereafter ; but their 
 nower? and official authority are not impaired. ... 
 
 Partywise, the extra session has united the Republicans more than anything 
 Bince 1858, and it bids fair to give us 1880. 
 
CHAPTER XTII. 
 
 THE LOUISIANA COUNT AND OTHER MATTERS. 
 
 Some attempt has been made to asperse Garfield on account 
 of his going down to New Orleans as one of the " visiting states- 
 men," after the Presidential election of 1876. The attempt is 
 utterly futile, but it may be well to refer to the actual facts 
 with regard to this visit. At the request of President Grant he 
 went to New Orleans, and when Mr. Potter afterward came 
 there with his investigating committee, after full inquiry he 
 found no fault whatever with Garfield's conduct in his report. 
 Nobody before the committee charged that he did or said any 
 unjust or unfair thing. What he did, and all he did, was to 
 examine very carefully the testimony in relation to the election 
 in one parish. West Feliciana, and to write out a careful, brief, 
 and judicial statement of the oflicial testimony as to the con- 
 duct of the election there, and bring out his own conclusions, 
 which formed a part of the general report ; but his report on 
 West Feliciana was written separately. In it he analyzed the 
 Ku-Klux Rifle Club movement in that parish which broke up 
 the election, and confined himself to that. He is perfectly will- 
 ing to stand on everything he did there as being straight and 
 true and fair. 
 
 When the "visiting statesmen" returned, and the question 
 of counting the electoral votes came up, an effort was finally 
 made to constitute the Electoral Commission, on the assump- 
 tion that the Vice-President had not the right to count the vote, 
 but that Congress had the exclusive right to count it. He made 
 a speech on this subject on the 28th of January, 1877, in which 
 lie took the ground that the Vice-President had the right under 
 the Constitution to count the vote ; that Congress would be 
 committing a usurpation i f it imdertook to count it ; that Con- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 157 
 
 gress was only present as a witness of a great, solemn ceremony, 
 and not as an actor, and he voted against the bill establishing 
 the Electoral Commission. He was opposed to it on principle. 
 The bill itself was due largely to suggestions from the Demo- 
 cratic members— not of a majority, but of a few influential men. 
 It was also supported by prominent Republicans. The Demo- 
 crats joined heartily in sustaining it, and defended it as from 
 Jiigh and patriotic principles. It afterward appeared that they 
 believed that Judge Davis of the Supreme Court, who had be- 
 come almost if not quite a Democrat, would hold the casting 
 vote and count in Mr. Tilden. Mr. Henry B. Payne, of Ohio, 
 afterward admitted, in a speech in Cleveland, that he and his 
 Democratic colleagues would not have passed the Electoral bill 
 had they not supposed that Judge Davis would be a member of 
 the committee. Garfield had voted against the Electoral bill, 
 \ind spoken against it, yet when it was, by common consent of 
 tome of the ablest and most patriotic members of both Houses 
 of Congress, decided that the Electoral Commission should be 
 constituted, and that the Republicans should have two members 
 of the Commission from the House and the Democrats three, 
 when the Republicans met they first and unanimously selected 
 Garfield as the man to represent them, and then chose Mr. George 
 F. Hoar, now Senator, and lately the chairman of the Chicago 
 Convention. Garfield accepted the appointment to serve, but 
 regarded it as he would service on a committee. He did not 
 believe that the Electoral Commission w^as a constitutional 
 body, but merely a select committee appointed by Congress to 
 make a report, which was subject to rejection by both Houses 
 of Congress ; and it is singular that the Democrats who sus- 
 tained Mr. John Bigelow's able argument in favor of the abso- 
 lute power of Congress to count the votes have forgotten, or 
 failed to see, that it is entirely immaterial whether or not the 
 Electoral Commission was either a constitutional body or a just 
 and conscientious committee. It was the action of Congress 
 on the report of the Electoral Commission which made the 
 count effectual and constitutional, and on any theory whatever 
 
158 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 tin's action gave to Mr. Hayes a title as valid as has been pos- 
 sessed by any President. 
 
 On the inauguration of Hayes to the Presidency the Repub- 
 lican party was considerably divided and demoralized. It was 
 reunited and vindicated by the report of the Potter Committee, 
 which, having set out to authenticate Democratic scandals, 
 ended by the discovery of scandals of a much more serious na- 
 ture affecting their own candidate. At that period Garfield 
 held the difficult position of a leader who was trying to protect 
 his party from divisions, which he only succeeded in doing by 
 keeping the minority for six months from having a caucus, ex- 
 cept to meet and choose officers or to do some unimportant and 
 unexciting business. There was no caucus in this period held 
 for the purpose of declaring party principles or policies. 
 
 In this connection it is well to state, as showing the recogni- 
 tion of Garfield's leadership by his party associates in the House, 
 that after Mr. Blaine Avent to the Senate Garfield was unani- 
 mously voted for as their candidate for Speaker. He was thus 
 sustained three successive times— once after Kerr died, during 
 Lis term as Speaker, and when Randall was elected for the short 
 term ; then when Randall was first elected, and again when he 
 was re-elected Speaker. 
 
 There was a strong tendency in 1877, on the part of some of 
 the Republican leaders in both Houses, to assail President 
 Hayes as a traitor who was going to Johnsonize the party. At 
 first the defenders of the Administration were comparatively 
 few ; but there was perfect agreement between them that they 
 would prevent any serious division in the party, so far as possi- 
 ble, and there was no party caucus of the Republican members of 
 the House on any important question until Mr. Potter made his 
 motion for an investigation of the title of President Hayes. 
 That had the effect to bring all the Republican members to- 
 gether. A caucus was held w^hich denounced the Potter Inves- 
 tigation as revolutionary, and worked together with perfect 
 harmony ; and on this nucleus of support to one of the cleanest, 
 purest, and ablest administrations of the Government in all its 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 15'J 
 
 history, was gradually developed a Republican support of the 
 administration which has been all the more notable that ,t has 
 come from a quiet and steadily growing recognition by Repu - 
 licans of the ability, fidelity to duty, and statesmanship w.th 
 which the President and his constitutional advisers have ul- 
 flUed their duties and met their responsibilities. Garfield s 
 work as a pacificator of the party was very effective He is a 
 natural conciliator, having no selfish or personal ends in view, 
 absorbed entirely in strengthening his party, and leading it 
 through honorable paths, to lasting successes. His ready 
 abandonment of minor causes of difference, his generous spirit, 
 his inspiring devotion to the true interests of the party have 
 made him its most helpful leader, the one who has aroused the 
 fewest antagonisms, and who has won for his party its most 
 honorable triumphs. 
 
 {Garfi-ld to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, 'Novomhor 11, 1876. 
 lastevenin- the President telegraphed me from Philadelphia, requesting 
 xne t; go to New Orleans and remain until the vote is counted, actin, as a w^- 
 ri« of the count I was a good deal embarrassed by the request for several 
 Tsons Firs he President has no power in the case, and I could on y act lu 
 nrnal and 'irresponsible way, with thedanger that Imi.ht 1^ con.dercd an 
 intermeddler : second, I did not know who else was going, and I flight find 
 CeTf as ociated with violent partisan Republicans, who mean to count our 
 7aet per fas or ../«.. lu that case I should be called upon either to as^en to 
 the il^tice or to nike a report which would call down upon mc all th« pas urn 
 nf tMs na s.on.te hour Of course neither of these eitnations is pleasant to con- 
 teClate mf-h^ from both by declining to go, but it may be a duty of 
 
 thT very highT tsort, which I have no right to decline on any personal ground^ 
 
 sirT-At fo r o'clock this afternoon I called on the President. He 
 showe^mralis of gentlemen whom he had invited to go to New Orleans. I 
 fa^rconcluded to go, and shall leave at midnight I go with great reluctance, 
 but feel it to be a duty from which I cannot shrink. 
 
 {Garfield to the Hon. C. C. Hill, Boston, Ma,«9.) 
 
 New Orleans, La., November 18, 18T6. 
 
 The present political situation is a very grave one. and some of its aspects 
 
 fill 1 wfth soUcUude. I think it is the duty of all good citizens to discourage 
 
 ! Solent feeUng The day of choice is past. Neither you nor I have any 
 
 1^:^Z rigt^S P-h our Uerenccs. That effort vvas ended on the 7th in^ 
 
IGO THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 Btant. Our chief concern should now be to ascertain what the choice was, and 
 then to insist that the choice shall be our law. 
 
 It is most unfortunate that the result should turn upon the vote of a State 
 80 peculiarly and delicately situated as Louisiana. The whole stress and strain 
 of public passion thus presses upon the weakest and worst place. The official 
 report of the State Board of Canvassers cannot be completed in less than ten 
 days. They begin their worli to-day, and will invite a delegation of both politi- 
 cal parties to join as spectators. I shall try to get excused from being on the 
 delegation if possible, for I want to go home. But it now appears probable I 
 shall be compelled to remain until the count is complete. 
 
 ********** *4t«4c 
 
 I started for this place on the urgent request of the President. I have been 
 so depressed in spirit by the loss of our precious little boy that I have hardly 
 had the heart to write at all. 
 
 (Garfield toB. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, January 4, 1877. 
 
 When I reflect that it is now more than sixteen years since I have been for 
 a moment free from the responsibilities of public life, I seem to have become 
 the slave of others, and hardly at all free to follow the plans of personal culture 
 of which I once dreamed and hoped ; and so I join you in much dissatisfaction 
 with my past, and yet I suppose we should feel the same in any course of life 
 we might have pursued. 
 
 I appreciate what you say of the political situation. I have no doubt that 
 Avhatever man is inaugurated President will go in with a cloud upon his title, in 
 the estimation of many men, but the behavior of a great nation in the adminis- 
 tration of its laws at a critical moment is more important than the fate of any 
 one man or party. We have reached the place where the road is marked by no 
 footprint, and we must make a direct line to be fit to follow after we are dead. 
 It is only at such times that the domain of law is enlarged and the safeguard of 
 liberty is increased. I confess to you that I do not feel adequate to the task ; but 
 I shall do my best to point out a worthy way to the light and the right, 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. IRnsdale.) 
 
 Washington, March 10, 1877. 
 It is due to Hayes that we stand by him and give his policy a fair trial. I 
 understand he wants me to stay in the House. I shall see him this evening and 
 if he is decided in his wishes on that point, I shall probably decline to be a can- 
 didate for the Senate. On many accounts I would like to take that place, but it 
 seems to fall to my lot lo make the sacrifice. It is probable, though not certain, 
 that I could be elected if I ran. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 OCCASIONAL SPEECHES. 
 
 It is wonderful, considering all of his other activities and 
 with his multifarious studies, that Garfield has found the time 
 to deliver so many addresses of a non political character. It is 
 impossible to consider even a small proportion of these efforts, 
 all of which are interesting, many of which are important, and 
 some of which deserve to be ranked among the first class of 
 productions of their sort. 
 
 His oration on the first great occasion of decorating the graves 
 of Union soldiers is a type of one class of purely patriotic efforts. 
 It was delivered at Arlington Heights, to a most distinguished 
 audience, consisting of the President, his Cabinet, a large num- 
 ber of members of Congress, and eminent citizens from all parts 
 of the country, and amid surroundings peculiarly calculated to 
 inspire any speaker as susceptible and impressible as Garfield. 
 It was the first considerable memorial service of the sort ob- 
 served anywhere in the Union, occurring on the 30th of May, 
 1868. At the very opening, he admitted that he was oppressed 
 with a sense of the impropriety of uttering words on such an 
 occasion. Said he : 
 
 " If silence is ever golden, it must be here, beside the graves 
 of fifteen thousand men, whose lives were more significant than 
 speech, and whose death was a poem the music of which can 
 never be sung. With words, we make promises, plight faith, 
 praise virtue. Promises may not be kept ; plighted faith may 
 be broken ; and vaunted virtue may be only the cunning mask of 
 vice. We do not know one promise these men made, one pledge 
 they gave, one word they spoke ; but we do know they sum- 
 med up and perfected, by one supreme act, the highest virtues 
 of men and citizens. For love of country they accepted death ; 
 
162 THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 and thus resolved all doubts, and made immortal their patriot- 
 ism and their virtue. 
 
 " For the noblest man that lives there still remains a conflict. 
 He must still withstand the assaults of time and fortune ; must 
 still be assailed with temptations before which ^ofty natures 
 have fallen. But with thene, the conflict ended, the victory was 
 won, when death stamped on them the great seal of heroic 
 character, and closed a record which years can never blot." 
 
 One oratorical passage in this beautiful tribute to the gallant 
 dead will be appreciated by all those who have beheld the im- 
 pressive scene which is spread out in front of the visitor to Ar- 
 lington Heights. Said he : 
 
 ' ' The view from this spot bears some resemblance to that which 
 greets the eye at Rome. In sight of the Capitoline Hill, up 
 and across the Tiber, and overlooking the city, is a hill, not 
 rugged or lofty, but known as the Vatican Mount. At the be- 
 ginning of the Christian Era, an imperial circus stood on its 
 summit. There, gladiator slaves died for the sport of Rome, 
 and wild beasts fought with wilder men. In that arena, a Gal- 
 ilean fisherman gave up his life a sacrifice for his faith. No 
 human life was ever so nobly avenged. On that spot was 
 renred the proudest Christian temple ever built by human 
 hands. For its adornment the rich offerings of every clime and 
 kingdom had been contributed. And now, after eighteen cen- 
 turies the hearts of two hundred million people turn toward it 
 with reverence when they w^orship God. As the traveller de- 
 scends the Apennines, he sees the dome of St. Peter rsing above 
 the desolate Campagna and the dead city, long before the Seven 
 Hills and ruined palaces appear to his view. The fame of the 
 dead fisherman has outlived the glory of the Eternal City. A 
 noble life, crowned with heroic death, rises above and outlives 
 the pride and pomp and glory of the mightiest empire of the 
 earth." 
 
 Probably the memorial efEort that gave him the greatest de- 
 gree of thought and labor, and even apprehension, was the 
 eulogy on General George H. Thomas, which he delivered to 
 his comrades of the Army of the Cumberland, at Cleveland, on 
 the 2oth of November, 1870. No man had a deeper apprecia- 
 tion of the massive and majestic character of Thomas than Gar- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 1G3 
 
 field, for he had been associated with Thomas in the closest 
 official and personal relations, and between them there had 
 sprung up a friendship of extraordinary strength. It is gen- 
 erally conceded that this eulogy upon Thomas is by far the 
 ablest, the justest, and the most eloquent tribute ever paid by 
 an orator to the great Virginia soldier. As a review of Thom- 
 as's personal and military career, as a defense against malignant 
 accusations from treasonable sources, and as a rhetorical picture 
 of a character of singular individuality and grandeur, it is with- 
 out blemish, and comes up to the highest standard. His por- 
 trait of Thomas will go down to history as a masterly descrip- 
 tion of a magnificent specimen of manhood. Said he : 
 
 *' I know that each of you here present sees him in memory at 
 this moment, as we often saw him in life ; erect and strong, like a 
 tower of solid masonry ; his broad, square shoulders and massive 
 head ; his abundant hair and full beard of light brown, sprinkled 
 with silver ; his broad forehead, full face, and features that 
 would appear colossal but for their perfect harmony of propor- 
 tion ; his clear complexion, with just enough color to assure 
 you of robust health and a well-regulated life ; his face lighted 
 up by an eye which was cold gray to his enemies, but warm, 
 deep blue to his friends ; not a man of iron, but of live oak. 
 His attitude, form, and features all assured you of inflexible 
 firmness, of inexpugnable strength, while his welcoming smile 
 set every feature aglow with a kindness that won your manliest 
 affection. If thus in memory you see his form and features, 
 even more vividly do you remember the qualities of his mind 
 and heart. His body was the fitting type of his intellect and 
 character ; and you saw both his intellect and character tried 
 again and again in the fiery furnace of war, and by other tests 
 not less searching. Thus, comrades, you see him ; and your 
 memories supply a thousand details which complete and adorn 
 the picture. I beg you, therefore, to supply the deficiency of 
 mj work from these living phototypes in your own hearts." 
 
 His description of the secret of Thomas's success is to so large 
 a degree applicable to his own career that it has an autobiogra- 
 phical interest. Said he : 
 
 Thomas's life is a notable illustration of 
 
1G4 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 power of hard work ; and in the last analysis the power to do 
 hard work is only another name for talent. Professor Church, 
 one of his instructors at West Point, says of his student life, 
 that ' he never allowed anything to escape a thorough examina- 
 tiou, and left nothing behind that he did not fully comprehend ' 
 And so it was in the army. To him a battle was neither an 
 earthquake, nor a volcano,*^nor a chaos of brave men and frantic 
 horses, involved in vast explosions of gunpowder. It was 
 rather a caim rational concentration of force against force. It 
 was a question of lines and positions ; of weight and of metal, 
 and strength of battalions. He knew that the elements and 
 forces which bring victory are not created on the battle-tield. 
 but must be patiently elaborated in the quiet of the camp, by 
 the ])eifect organization and outfit of his aimy. His remark to 
 a captain of artillery while inspecting a battery, is worth re- 
 membering, for it exhibits his theory of success : ' Keep every- 
 thing in order, for the fate of a battle may turn on a buckle or 
 a linchpin.' He understood so thoroughly the condition of his 
 aimy, and its equipment, that when the lio\n' of trial came, he 
 knew how great a pressure it could stand, and how hard a blow 
 it could strike." 
 
 Without much changing of words, this terse characterization of 
 the sources of Thomas's adequacy to every emergency might be 
 applied to Garfield's own readiness to meet the numerous criti- 
 cal occasions to which he has always and invariably shown his 
 equality. 
 
 As is well known, each State of the Union has the right to 
 place in the sculpture gallery of the old Senate cliamber tw^o 
 statues representing distinguished citizens of the Common- 
 "wealth. Their reception by Congress is always the occasion of 
 memorial speeches by those members who are supposed to be 
 best fitted for such discourses. On the 19th of December, 1876, 
 an occasion of this sort occurred in the House, in regard to the 
 reception of the statues of John Winthrop and Samuel Adams 
 from the State of Massachusetts. Garfield's speech w%as a brief 
 one, but it was marked by its felicity of historical allusion and 
 patriotic sentiment. Nothing, for instance, could be more 
 graceful, in the way of a compliment to two great States, than 
 this passage : 
 
THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 1G5 
 
 " I can well understand that the State of Massachusetts, em- 
 barrassed by her wealth of historic glory, found it difticult to 
 make the selection. And while the distinguished gentleman 
 from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] was so fittingly honoring his 
 State by portraying that happy embarrassment, I was reflecting 
 that the sister-State of Virginia will encounter, if possible, a 
 still greater difficulty when she comes to make the selection of 
 her immortals. One name I venture to hope she will not 
 select ; a name too great for the glory of any one State. I 
 trust she will allow us to claim Washington as belonging to all 
 States, for all time. If she shall pass over the great distance 
 that separates Washington from all others, I can hardly imagine 
 how she wdll m ike the choice from her crowded roll. But I 
 have no doubt that she will be able to select two who will rep- 
 resent the great phases of her history as happily and worthily 
 as Massachusetts is represented in the choice she has to-day 
 announced. It is difficult to imagine a happier combination of 
 great and beneficent forces than will be presented by the rep- 
 resentative heroes of these two great Stales. 
 
 '_' Virginia and Massachusetts were the two focal centres from 
 which sprang the life-forces of this Republic. They were, in 
 many ways, complements of each other, each supplying what 
 the other lacked, and both uniting to endow the Republic with 
 its noblest and most enduring qualities." 
 
 Nor could there be given better reasons for going back to 
 Winthrop and Adams as the especially honored representatives 
 of Massachusetts in the Congressional Pantheon than the 
 following : 
 
 " Indeed, before Winthrop and his company landed at Salem, 
 the Pilgrims were laying the foundations of civil liberty. While 
 the Mayflower was passing Cape Cod and seeking an anchor- 
 age, in the midst of the storm, her brave passengers sat down 
 in the little cabin and drafted and signed a covenant which 
 contains the germ of American liberty. How familiar to the 
 American habit of mind are these declarations of the Pilgrim 
 covenant of 1620 : 
 
 " ' That no act, imposition, law, or ordinance be made or im- 
 posed upon us at present or to come but such as has been or 
 shall be enacted by the consent of the body of freemen or asso- 
 ciates, or their representatives, legally assembled.' 
 
 " The New England town was the model, the primary cell, 
 
166 THE LIFE OF GEi^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 from which our Eepublic was evolved. The town meeting was 
 the germ of all the parliamentary life and habits of Americans. 
 
 " John WinthrDp brought with him the more formal organi- 
 zation of New England society ; and, in his long and useful 
 life, did more than perhaps any other to direct and strengthen 
 its growth. 
 
 '' Nothing, therefore, could be more fitting, than for Massa- 
 chusetts to place in our Memorial Hall the statue of the first of 
 the Puritans, representing him at the moment Avhen he was step- 
 ping on shore from the ship that brought him from England, 
 and bearing with him the charter of that first political society 
 which laid the foundations of our country ; and that near him 
 should stand that Puritan embodiment of the logic of the Revo- 
 lution, Samuel Adams. I am glad to see this decisive, tliough 
 tardy, acknowdedgment of his great and signal services to 
 America. I doubt if any man equalled Samuel Adams in 
 formulating and uttering the fierce, clear, and inexorable logic 
 of the Revolution. With our present habits of thought, we 
 can hardly realize how great were the obstacles to overcome. 
 Not the least was the religious belief of the fathers— that alle- 
 giance to rulers was obedience to God. The thirteenth chapter 
 of Romans was to many minds a barrier against revolution 
 stronger than the battalions of George HI. : 
 
 " ' Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For 
 there is no power but of God : the powers that be are ordained 
 of God. Whosoever therefore rcsisteth the power, resisteth the 
 ordinance of God.' 
 
 " And it was not until the people of that religious age were 
 led to see that they might obey God and still establish liberty, 
 in spite of kingly despotism, tliat they were willing to engage 
 in war against one who called himself ' king by the grace of 
 God.' The men who pointed out the pathway to freedom by 
 the light of religion as well as of law, were the foremost pro- 
 moters of American Independence. And of these, Adams was 
 unquestionably chief." 
 
 His concluding paragraph might well be emblazoned in some 
 conspicuous place in the halls of both houses of Congress. 
 Said he : 
 
 " Mr. Speaker, this great lesson of self-restraint is taught in 
 the whole history of the Revolution ; and it is this lesson that 
 to-day, more, perhaps, than any other we have seen, we ought 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 1G7 
 
 to take most to heart. Let us seek liberty and. peace, under the 
 law ; and, following the pathway of our fathers, preserve the 
 great legacy they have committed to our keeping." 
 
 On the 16th of January, 1878, General Garfield introduced 
 into the House of Representatives a resolution thanking a very 
 liberal, jjatriotic and philanthropic lady of New York, Mrs. 
 Elizabeth Thompson, for the presentation to Congress of 
 Carpenter's great painting of President Lincoln and his Cabinet 
 at the time of his first reading of the proclamation of emanci- 
 pation, and accepting of her gift. On the 12th of February the 
 formal presentation and acceptance of the painting by Congress 
 occurred. General Garfield was selected by the joint order of 
 the Senate and the House, and on behalf of Mrs. Thompson, to 
 make the speech of the occasion. It was to him a welcome 
 task, because of his friendship for the artist, his natural love 
 for all works of art, particularly those which illustrated the 
 history of our own country, and because of his reverent admira- 
 tion of Mr. Lincoln. His speech was not only appropriate to 
 the peculiar occasion which gave it birth, but contained an 
 estimate of the greatness of Lincoln and of his place in history 
 which is singularly just, truthful and appreciative ; and there- 
 in, without intending it, he forecast, with considerable simili- 
 tude, the position which he was to occupy among the leading 
 men of his own party. Much that he said in this passage, of 
 Lincoln and his career, will be found applicable to himself and 
 his own career : 
 
 " Let us pause to consider the actors in that scene. In force 
 of character, in thoroughness and breadth of culture, in ex- 
 perience of public affairs and in national reputation, the Cabi- 
 net that sat around that council-board has had no superior, 
 perhaps no equal, in our history. Seward, the finished scholar, 
 the consummate orator, the great leader of the Senate, had 
 come to crown his career with those achievement^ which placed 
 him in the first rank of modern diplomatists. Chase, with a 
 culture and a fame of massive grandeur, stood as the rock and 
 pillar of the public credit, the noble embodiment of the public 
 
1G8 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 faith. Stanton was there, a very Titan of strength, the great 
 organizer of victory. Eminent lawyers, men of business, lead- 
 ers of States and leaders of men, completed the group. 
 
 " But the man who presided over that council, who inspired 
 and guided its deliberations, was a character so unique that he 
 stood alone, without a model in history or a parallel among 
 men. Born on this day, sixty-nine years ago, to an inheritance 
 of extremest poverty ; surrounded by the rude forces of the 
 wilderness ; wholly unaided by parents ; only one year in any 
 school : never, for a daj, master of his own time until he 
 reached his majority ; making his way to the profession of the 
 law by the hardest and roughest road ; yet by force of uncon- 
 querable will and persistent, patient work, he attained a fore- 
 most place in his profession, 
 
 And, moving np from high to higher, 
 Became, on fortune's crowning blope, 
 The pillar of a people's hope. 
 The center of a world's desire. 
 
 '* At first, it was the prevailing belief that he would be only 
 the nominal head of his administration ; that its policy would 
 be directed by the eminent statesmen he had called to his 
 council. How erroneous this opinion was, may be seen from a 
 single incident : 
 
 '' Among the earliest, most difTicult, and most delicate 
 duties of his administration, was the adjustment of our rela- 
 tions with Great Britain. Serious complications, even hostili- 
 ties were apprehended. On the 21st of May, 1861, the Secre- 
 tary of State presented to the President his draught of a letter 
 of instructions to Minister Adams, in which the position of the 
 United States and the attitude of Great Britain were set forth 
 with the clearness and force which long experience and great 
 ability had placed at the command of the Secretary, 
 
 " Upon almost every page of that original draught are eras- 
 ures, additions, and marginal notes in the handwriting of 
 Abraham Lincoln, which exhibit a sagacity, a breadth of wis- 
 dom, and a comprehension of the whole subject, impossible to 
 be found except in a man of the very first order. And these 
 modifications of a great state paper were made by a man who, 
 but three months before, had entered, for the first time, the 
 wide theatre of Executive action. 
 
 " Gifted with an insight and a foresight which the ancients 
 would have called divination, he saw, in the midst of darkness 
 and obscurity, the logic of events, and forecast the result. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 169 
 
 From the first, in his own quaint, original way, without osten- 
 tation or offense to his associates, he was pilot and commander 
 of his administration. He was one of the few great rulers 
 whose wisdom increased with his power, and whose spirit grew 
 gentler and tenderer as his triumphs were multiplied." 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 GARFIELD'S CAREER AS A LAWYER. 
 
 In undertaking a brief review of Garfield's career as a lawyer, 
 it is impossible to avoid a feeling that it is far more difficult to 
 impress on the public mind a fair sense of what he has achieved 
 in this direction of activity than as to any other part of his pub- 
 lic life. Everybody knows something of the romantic history 
 of his early struggles for education. The prominence which he 
 rapidly attained in the army and his brilliant record during the 
 period of his service are equally well known. In Congress he 
 has been, for over half a generation, conspicuous in the debates 
 on all the living issues of the day. But there are few who kcow 
 
 Note.— It is far from my purpose to go into any elaborate exposure of the 
 falsehoods, misrepresentations, insinuations, and misunderstandings as to Gar. 
 field'e official integrity, that are kept alive through malice, and only impose on 
 ignorance. If he is not an honest man, from core to cuticle, I do not know where 
 to find an honest man in public life. But he has perfectly vindicated himself, and 
 Ills vindication has beeu scattered all over the land. I have before me a copy of 
 the Troy Times, whose editor would be the last man to help cover up any official 
 shortcoming or oflence of his best friend, which contains, in full, the memora- 
 ble speech made by Garfield to his constituents, in the campaign of 1874, at 
 Warren, then the headquarters of the most disaffected and hostile Republican.^ 
 in his district. At every stage of this exhaustive review of these stale scandals, 
 that are now daily served up as the nutriment of the unfortunate readers of 
 extreme Democratic organs, he paupea for questions. I never read a manlier 
 speech. Every accusation and innuendo was frankly and fully met, and the intelli- 
 gent man who reads it, and has any remaining doubt of Garfield's absoluto 
 integrity, must have a peculiar and unenviable organization. As to the De 
 Golyer charge, it was shown to be utterly absurd and baseless. In the first p^ace, 
 Garfield, as a member of the Committee on Appropriations, was bound to vote 
 for the assessments on Federal property for any pavement properly peti- 
 tioned for by a certain proportion of adjacent property-holders. He simply 
 undertook, for a conditional fee of $50(X), to act as assistant counsel to Mr. 
 Parsons, who was retained by the owners of the De Golyer pavement paient. 
 After going into a detailed statement of all the facts in the case, covering nearly 
 two columns, he was interrupted by a qucBtion. I give both question and 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 171 
 
 the extent of his ability and acquirements in .the liighcr ^valks 
 of the profession wliich he adopted before going into the arn.y, 
 but did not practice until after he had become kno^vn as a 
 statesman. The extent of the lack of appreciation of >vhat Gar- 
 field has actually achieved in this arduous and exactmg profes- 
 sion is shown in the common statements in Democratic papers 
 which refer to the malicious De Golyer charge, and assume that 
 the fee which he received from De Golyer was not paid to him pro- 
 fessionally, because he was not entitled to large fees as a lawyer. 
 Such has' not been the estimate of the distinguished advocates 
 of both parties who have tested Garfield's high legal ability by 
 actual encounter or in active co-operation. On general princi- 
 ples it is diftieult for any man to obtain a high reputation m 
 the law who has not ascended to eminence by regular gradation 
 from the lowest and most primary stages of practice. The rule 
 of success and eminence at the bar is generally a course of 
 patient apprenticeship, beginning with studying in a lawyer s 
 
 of the West : 
 
 first place, there were ^'rty-l\\ o diiiertiu kiuu m j ^j j' patent s-lhere 
 governoienl look one, there might e a ^•^^^^^i^f^i^^j'f^i' e my fl,8t duty to 
 mi-htbeapatent awsuitgr()wmgoutof it-and l^el^^^ pavement were valid 
 inquire whether Hie two Patents that extend into mi« pa ^he verv 
 
 patents that coal.l properly ^^^^^^^ fji^,^.^" . V, f ^^^ ^Vo^ks said 
 
 tirsi 8U p 1 took in the case. I ^"1 ^^f,f ^nd that tlie ^oa u ^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ 
 
 tt,at they .lid not care very much « «f^„\^^ J',^^',^ ^ ^l e a ntractor liimself-the 
 !;j^.S;Stl;i;at^n^eSVd^it^ra?Su^b^iSchi.^^ thoval-dttyof the 
 
 ^""'^n:^ ^w£ 'li^t^S^y^^, or nearly thaL concerned, it i. of some 
 importance to know the relative validity of the patents. 
 
 And vet there is little likelihood that Garfield's wilfnl defamers will no- 
 is the most futile. 
 
IT^ THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAKFIELD. 
 
 office, and peihaps sweeping the same for a year or two, then a 
 period of clerkship for as much longer, then petty practice in 
 inferior courts and subordinate positions in important cases, 
 until, at mature age, a man finally becomes recognized as a law- 
 yer, when admittance into the Supreme Court of the United 
 States with a case to argue there is considered the final attesta- 
 tion of his professional standing. Neither as regards attaining 
 eminence in the law nor in any other line of intellectual effort 
 has Garfield pursued the beaten and common path. It so hap- 
 pened that the first case in which he ever appeared was one of 
 the most important argued in the Supreme Court of the United 
 States for many years. He thus, to use a sailor's maxim, 
 "jumped in through the cabin windows," apparently. But it 
 was not true that he attained this position by boldness or good 
 luck. As in the case of his readiness for all great questions of 
 statesmanship, he had done the work and pursued the studies 
 which enabled him, on his first appearance in this new arena, to 
 take his place among the first men in the country. lie had 
 studied law as thoroughly as any of the legal jDractitioners in 
 his neighborhood— studied it in its principles and in its illus- 
 trations in English and American history, and was admitted to 
 the bar in 1861 by the Supreme Court of Ohio. He was about 
 to form a law jDartnership and to go into practice when the war 
 broke out, but had never tried a case, nor argued one, nor had 
 anything to do with one, until he appeared as one of the coun- 
 sel in the famous Milligan case, in the Supreme Court of the 
 United States. 
 
 On the 18th of January, 1865, Henry Winter Davis of Mary- 
 land and General Garfield made very energetic protests against 
 the arbitrary exercise of powers by the subordinates of the Sec- 
 retary of War. No two members of the House had been more 
 devoted or energetic in the support of every measure essential to 
 the prosecution of the war ; but in both the love of civil liberty 
 was a controlling sentiment. Both were admirers of the tre- 
 mendous working powers and efficiency of Mr. Stanton. Both 
 were too manly to witness without indignation the tyrannical and 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 173 
 
 lawless acts which were committed by some of Mr. Stanton's 
 subordinates. General Garfield had had his quick sympathies 
 excited by a visit to what was known as the Old Capitol mili- 
 tary prison, and spoke with a warmth which excited consider- 
 able attention at the time. He spoke of the case of one oflBcer 
 who had been confined for five months in that prison and had 
 not been furnished even with a copy of the charges against 
 him, although he had frequently demanded to know with what 
 crime he was charged. This man bore on his person honorable 
 scars received .n the service of his country. He was a colonel, 
 and was the victim of the vengeance of some unknown enemy. 
 Garfield, alluding to the fact that there were many alleged 
 cases where officers and citizens after being confined for a lonar 
 period had been allowed to go out without a word of explana- 
 tion concerning either the arrest or the discharge, made this 
 manly appeal : 
 
 " I ask the House of Representatives whether that kind of 
 practice is to grow up under this Government, and no man is to 
 raise his voice against it or make any inquiry concerning it lest 
 some one should say he is factious, he is unfriendly to the War 
 Department, he is opposing the administration. Gentlemen, if 
 we are not men in our places here, let us stop our ears to all com- 
 plaints. Let every department do as it ^"leases, and with meek- 
 ness and in silence vote whatever appropriations are asked for. 
 I do not say, for I do not know, that the head of any depart- 
 ment is responsible for these things, or knows them. It may 
 be that they have been done by subordinates. It may be that 
 the heads of the departments are not cognizant of the facts. I 
 make no accusation ; but I do say that it is our business to see 
 that the laws be respected, and that if a man has no jjowerful 
 friend in court he shall at least find the Congress of the United 
 States his friend. I hope the resolution will not be recon- 
 sidered, and I renew the motion to lay on the table the motion 
 to reconsider." 
 
 On calling the roll there were 136 yeas and only 5 nays, the 
 latter includiug Mr. Spalding and Thaddeus Stevens ; the im- 
 
174 THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 mediate effect of which energetic protests of Garfield and Henry- 
 Winter Davis was a large jail delivery from the Old Capitol 
 prison the very next day. 
 
 Garfield based his resistance on the broad grounds which he 
 had learned in the history of the development of Anglo-Saxon 
 liberty. About that time that great law^yer. Judge Jeremiah 
 S. Black, as the attorney of the Indiana Democrats who had 
 been opposing the war, came to his friend Garfield and said that 
 there were some men imprisoned in Indiana for conspiracy 
 agiiinst the Government in trying to prevent enlistments, and to 
 encourage desertion. They had been tried in 18G4, while the 
 Avar was going on, and, by a military commission sitting in In- 
 diana, where there was no w^ar, they had been sentenced to 
 death. Mr. Lincoln commuted the sentence to imprisonment for 
 life, and they w^ere put into State prison in accordance 
 with the commutation. They then took out a w^rit of habeas 
 corpus^ to test the constitutionality and legality of their trial, 
 and the judges in the Circuit Court had disagreed, there being 
 two of them, and certified their disagreement up to the Supreme 
 Court of the United States. Judge Black said to Garfield that 
 he had seen what Garfield had said in Congress, and asked him 
 if he was willing to say in an argument in the Supreme Court 
 what he had advocated in Congress, to which Garfield replied, 
 *'• It depends upon your case altogether." Judge Black sent him 
 the facts in the case— the record. Garfield read it over and said, 
 " I believe in that doctrine." To wiiich Judge Black replied, 
 " Young man, you know it is a perilous thing for a young Re- 
 pu'olican in Congress to say that, and I don't want you to injure 
 yourself." Said Garfield, " It does not make any difference. I 
 believe iu English liberty and English law. But," continued 
 he, " Judge Black, I am not a practitioner in the Supreme 
 Court, and I never tried a case in my life anywhere." Judge 
 Black asked, " How long ago were you admitted to the bar?" 
 " Just about six years ago." ''That will do," Black replied, 
 and he took Garfield thereupon over to the Supreme Court and 
 moved his admission. He immediately entered upon the con- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A, GAKFIELD. 175 
 
 sideration of this important case. On the side of the Govern- 
 ment was arrayed a formidable amount of legal talent. The 
 Attorney-General was aided by General Butler, who was called 
 in on accouDt of his military knowledge, and by Henry Stan- 
 bery. Associated with General Garfield as counsel for the pe- 
 titioners were two of the greatest lawyers in the country— Judge 
 Black and the Hon. David Dudley Field— and the Hon. John E. 
 McDonald, now Senator from Indiana. The argument submitted 
 by General Garfield was one of the most remarkable ever made 
 before the Supreme Court of the United States, and was made 
 under circumstances peculiarly creditable to Garfield's courage, 
 independence, and resolute devotion to the cause of constitu- 
 tional liberty— a devotion not inspired by wild dreams of polit- 
 ical promotion, for at that time it was dangerous for any young 
 Republican Congressman to defend the constituti(mal rights of 
 men known to be disloyal, nnd rightly despised and hated fcr 
 their disloyal practices. 
 
 Merely as a lawyer-like presentation of the case, Garfield's 
 argument is worthy of special study and commendation. It ex- 
 hibits, not the skill and adroitness of a practiced case-lawyer, 
 or of a lawyer whose mind has been cramped and narrowed by 
 the study of mere precedents and technicalities ; but it is a logi- 
 cal and philosophical development of the doctrines and pur- 
 poses of the Constitution, of the careful limitation of the military 
 as of all other powers, and of the fundamental principles of 
 civil liberty. 
 
 At the very outset of his masterly argument he affirmed that 
 every citizen of the United States is under dominion of law ; 
 that whether he be a civilian, a sailor, or a soldier, the Constitu- 
 tion provides for him a tribunal before which he may be protected 
 if innocent, and punished if guilty of crime. Thereupon he 
 proceeded to show the development of the true theory of the 
 Constitution by the practice of the fathers, by the decisions of 
 our courts, and by the precedents from the English practice. 
 Throughout the whole sweep of this reasoning there is shown 
 that mastery of English and American history which some of 
 
17G THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GAllFIELD. 
 
 our most eminent lawyers fail to attain. After establishing his 
 propositions by an impregnable array of precedents, the glow 
 of the patriotic statesman entered into the argument of the law- 
 yer. Speaking of these precedents, he said ; 
 
 " They enable us to trace from its far-ojff source the prog- 
 ress and development of Anglo-Saxon liberty ; its innumer- 
 able conflicts with irresponsible power ; its victories, dearly 
 bought, but always won — victories which have crowned 
 with immortal honors the institutions of England, and left their 
 indelible impress upon the Anglo-Saxon mind. These princi- 
 ples our fathers brought with them to the new world, and 
 guarded with sleepless vigilance and religious devotion. In its 
 darkest hour of trial, during the late rebellion, the Republic did 
 not forget them. So completely have they been impressed on 
 the minds of American lawyers, so thoroughly have they been 
 ingrained into the very fibre of American character, that not- 
 withstanding the citizens of eleven States went off into wild re- 
 bellion, broke their oaths of allegiance to the Constitution, and 
 levied war against their country, yet with all their crimes upon 
 them, there was still in the minds of those men, during all the 
 struggle, so deep and enduring an impression on this great sub- 
 ject, that even during the rebellion the courts of the Southern 
 States adjudicated causes like the one now before you, in favor 
 of the civil law and against court-martials established under 
 military authority for the trial of citizens. In Texas, Missis- 
 sippi, Virginia, and other insurgent States, by the order of the 
 rebel President, the writ of habeas carpus was suspended, mar- 
 tial law was declared, and provost-marshals were appointed to 
 administer military authority. But when civilians, arrested by 
 military authority, petitioned for release by writ of habeas corpus, 
 in every case, save one, the writ was granted, and it was decided 
 that there could be no suspension of the writ or declaration of 
 martial law by the Executive, or by any other than the sujjreme 
 legislative authority." 
 
 No Democratic statesman who has used the grand doctrines 
 of American and civil liberty as an ambush behind which to 
 fight the prosecution of the war for liberty and the Union has 
 ever stated more broadly the English and American doctrines 
 
THE LIFE OF GEJS". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 177 
 
 than this young and ambitious Republican politician stated it to 
 the Supreme Court of the United States in the first case which 
 ever tested his ability and his manhood. Said he : 
 
 " And yet, if this military commission could legally try these 
 petitioners, its authority rested only upon the will of a single 
 man. If it had the right to try the petitioners, it had the right 
 to try any civilian in the United States ; it had the right to try 
 your Honors, for you are civilians. The learned gentlemen tell 
 us that necessity justifies martial law. But what is the nature 
 of that necessity ? If at this moment, Lee, with his rebel army 
 at one end of Pennsylvania Avenue, and Grant, with the army 
 of the Union at the other, with hostile banners and roaring guns, 
 were approaching this Capitol, the sacred seat of justice and 
 law, I have no doubt they would expel your Honors from the 
 bench, and the Senate and House of Representatives from their 
 halls. The jurisdiction of battle would supersede the jurisdic- 
 tion of law. This Court would be silenced by the thunders of 
 war. 
 
 " If an earthquake should shake the City of AVashington, and 
 tumble this Capitol in ruins about us, it would drive your Hon- 
 ors from the bench, and for the time volcanic law would super- 
 sede the Constitution. 
 
 " If the Supreme Court of Ilerculaneum or Pompeii had been 
 in session when the fiery rain overwhelmed those cities, its au- 
 thority would have been suddenly usurped and overthrown, but 
 I question the propriety of calling that Imo which, in its very 
 nature, is a destruction or suspension of all law." 
 
 As to the specious and dangerous plea of necessity, he was 
 equally explicit and fearless. Said he : 
 
 " The only ground on which the learned counsel attempt to 
 establish the authority of the military commission to try the pe- 
 titioners is that of the necessity of the case. 1 answer, there 
 was no such necessity. Neither the Constitution nor Congress 
 recognized it. I point to the Constitution as an arsenal, stored 
 with ample powers to meet every emergency of national life. 
 No higher test of its completeness can be imagined than has 
 been afforded by the great rebellion, which dissolved the munic- 
 ipal governments of eleven States, and consolidated them into 
 
178 THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 a gigantic trnitorous government de facto ^ inspired with the 
 desperate purpose of destroying the Government of the United 
 States." 
 
 "■ From the beginning of the rebellion to its close, Congress, 
 by its legislation, kept pace with the necessities of the nation. 
 In sixteen carefully considered laws the National Legislature 
 undertook to provide for every contingency, and arm the Exec- 
 utive at every j)oint with the solemn sanction of law. Observe 
 how perfectly the case of the petitioners was covered by the pro- 
 visions of law.'' 
 
 Then he went on to prove the baselessness of some of the 
 charges under which Milligan was convicted, and swept them 
 away with a logic and with facts that were irresistible. 
 
 His conclusion showed that the instincts of an American citi- 
 zen, who valued his citizenship intensely because the institutions 
 of his country had enabled him to make his way upward with 
 such brilliant rapidity, were all-powerful and commanding over 
 his conduct and his enthusiasms. Said he : 
 
 " Your decision will mark an era in American history. The 
 just and final settlement of this great question will take a high 
 place among the great achievements which have immortalized 
 this decade. It will establish forever this truth, of inestimable 
 value to us and to mankind, that a republic can wield the vast 
 en"-inery of war without l)reuking down the safeguards of lib- 
 erty ; can suppress insurrection and ])ut down rebellion, how- 
 ever formidable, without destroying the bulwarks of law ; can, 
 by the might of its armed millions, preserve and defend both 
 nationality and liberty. Victories on the field were of priceless 
 value, for'they plucked the life of the Republic out of the hands 
 of its enemies ; but 
 
 ' Peace hath her victories 
 No less renowned than war ;' 
 
 and if the protection of law shall, by your decision, be extended 
 over ever acre of our peaceful territory, you will have rendered 
 the great decision of the century. 
 
 '' When Pericles had made Greece immortal in arts and arms, 
 in liberty and law, he invoked the genius of Phidias to devise a 
 monument which should symbolize the beauty and glory of 
 Athens. That artist selected for his theme the tutfilar divinity 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 179 
 
 of Athens, the Jove-born gocldcss, protectress of arts and arms, 
 of industry and law, who typified the Greek conception of com- 
 posed, majestic, unrelenting force. He erected on the heigiits 
 of the Acropolis a colossal statue of Minerva, armed with spear 
 and helmet, which towered in awful majesty above the sur- 
 rounding temples of the gods. Sailors on far-off ships beheld 
 the crest and spear of the goddess and bowed with reverent 
 awe. To every Greek she was the symbol of power and glory. 
 But the Acropolis, with its temples and statues, is now a heap 
 of ruins. The visible gods have vanished in the clearer light of 
 modern civilization. We cannot restore the decayed emblems 
 of ancient Greece, but it is in your power, O judges, to erect in 
 this citadel of our liberties a monument more lasting than 
 brass ; invisible indeed to the eye of flesh, but visible to the eye 
 of the spirit as the awful form and figure of Justice, crowning 
 and adorning the Republic ; rising above the storms of political 
 strife, above the din of battle, above the earthquake shock of 
 rebellion ; seen from afar and hailed as protector by the op- 
 pressed of all nations, dispensing equal blessings, and covering 
 with the protecting shield of law the weakest, the humblest, the 
 meanest, and, until declared by solemn law unworthy of pro- 
 tection, the guiltiest of its citizens." 
 
 Remember that this argument was not only made by a Repub- 
 lican politician representing one of the most radical of Republi- 
 can districts, but that it was made on the 6th of March, 1SG6, the 
 year before a distinguished soldier, 'whose sole duty was to en- 
 force the laws of the United States, undertook to further the 
 schemes of the strong men who had determined to make him a 
 Presidential candidate of the party that had opposed him in the 
 only field where he had ever been either prominent or active, by 
 issuing a series of ])roclamations which encouraged the revival 
 of a rebellious and disorderly spirit in Texas and Louisiana, and 
 which were not only insubordinate to the legislative branch of 
 the Government, but to his two distinguished military superiors. 
 Hancock, the favorite and 'protkje of Andrew Johnson, under- 
 took the task of reversing the policy of Sheridan and of Grant, 
 rJter the greatest of all Virginians since Washington, George H. 
 Thomas, had absolutely and indignantly refused to do Johnson's 
 work and to undo the work of the war. It was not any part of the 
 
180 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 fluty of a soldier in Hancock's place to indulge in the "glittering 
 generalities" wliich were a misplaced and shallow adaptation of 
 the sound and lawyer-like doctrines of civil liberty expounded by 
 the citizen-soldier and the defender of the rights of citizenship, 
 James A. Garfield, who had much to fear politically from his 
 course, while Hancock had everything to expect from adding the 
 incongruous functions of a demagogue to the proper duties of a 
 subordinate commander. The people of the United States can 
 judge whether Garfield's defense of civil liberty or Hancock's, 
 under all the circumstances and conditions, was the more credit- 
 able and patriotic. 
 
 The preparation for the argument in the Milligan case was 
 necessarily limited in time, but the fundamental principles which 
 underlaid Garfield's effort were all thoroughly familiar to him, 
 and he needed only to work up the cases and make the appli- 
 cation. Realizing fully the importance of the case, he plunged 
 with all his vigor into the work of preparation, accomplishing, 
 through the help of his unusually vigorous constitution and 
 power of rapid work, an immense amount of actual achievement. 
 In making out his argument he worked for two days and two 
 nights, with the exception of four or five hours of sleep, and 
 concentrated in that time what most lawyers would consider 
 fortnight labor. 
 
 The day before the trial was to come off the counsel were as- 
 sembled for consultation to determine upon the policy to be 
 pursued, when Judge Black called upon Garfield, as the junior 
 counsel, to give his views first. The diffidence of Garfield in 
 responding to this request was very deep and unfeigned, in 
 presence of some of the very ablest and mosc distinguished law- 
 yers in the country, to whom he was to show his method of try- 
 ing the case ; but he had done his best, and there was nothing 
 for him to do except to state his points and the line of his argu- 
 ment, which having done, the senior counsel relieved him of all 
 apprehension and anxiety by unanimously telling him, " Don't 
 you change a line or a word of that." 
 
 The argument which passed so successfully the ordeal of such 
 
THE LIFE OF GEIS". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 18J 
 
 severe critics was equally effectual in court, whose decision wa? 
 unanimously in favor of Garfield's clients. It was a great tri- 
 umph, one richly deserved by Garfield for Ms courage in assum- 
 ing the risks of unpopularity with his own party, and not other- 
 wise compensated for than in the consciousness of having de- 
 fended what he believed to be the true principles of our Govern- 
 ment. There was certainly little outside encouragement for the 
 work which he did in this case. The defendants were poor 
 and in prison. Garfield paid for printing his own brief. He 
 had never seen his clients, never had any relations with them, 
 nor ever received a cent in any way for his service. But his 
 argument and his success won for him immediately a high stand- 
 ing in the Supreme Court of the United States, and opened to 
 him a practice before that and other high tribunals which has 
 really afforded to him all the profit which is represented in his 
 actual present property, as his compensation in the army and in 
 Congress has barely paid the economic expenses of his living. 
 
 One of the pleasantest circumstances connected with his 
 argument of the Milligan case was its effect in deepening the ex- 
 isting friendship between himself and his mortal enemy in poli- 
 tics, Judge Black, and in increasing Judge Black's already 
 strong admiration for the intellectual, moral, and manly quali- 
 ties of his young friend. This friendship has continued under 
 all circumstances with increasing strength and fervor to this 
 day, and has given rise to many other acts of friendship on 
 the part of Judge Black than his now celebrated letter defend- 
 ing Garfield from the charges in connection with the Credit Mo- 
 bilier and other matters. To those who know Judge Black and 
 his unbending, uncompromising integrity of character, it is un- 
 necessary to say that no considerations would cause him to write, 
 in behalf even of a most beloved brother, such a letter as that 
 which has been recently republished in regard to General Gar- 
 field and the latter's connection with the Credit Mobilier. 
 
 Among the cases in which Garfield has been retained as coun- 
 sel, one of the most notable was that known as the great Alex- 
 ander Campbell will case, in which he was associated with 
 
182 THB LIFE OF GEIN-. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 JiulgG Black in defence of the M'ill, His senior counsel ■«\is 
 obliged to leave the conduct of the argument to Garfield en- 
 tirely. Alexander Campbell, the foimder of the sect known as 
 the Campbellites, left about a quarter of a million of dollars, 
 and his will was contested on the ground that he was mentally 
 infirm from old age when his will was made. The trial lasted 
 for ten days, and presented many difficult points, but Garfield 
 w^as successful, and maintained the soundness of the testator's 
 mind and tlie validity of the will. In this case he was well 
 paid. 
 
 In another case he was the assistant junior counsel of that 
 great jurist Benjamin R. Curtis, in the last case which the 
 latter ever argued before the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, of which tribunal he had been for many years the most 
 distinguished ornament. The question involved in this case 
 was one as to the effect of war on a life-insurance policy — 
 whether a Southern policy-holder by entering the Confederate 
 military service forfeited his policy. Judge Curtis and General 
 Garfield maintained that he did. It was an entirely new ques- 
 tion in the Supreme Court, and its difficulty may be judged of 
 from the fact that as one of the nine judges happened to be sick 
 the other eight were equally divided, and it w^as impossible then 
 to arrive at a final decision. 
 
 But a year later, after Judge Curtis' death, another case 
 came up involving the same discussion, and Garfield was chosen 
 by the New York Life Insurance Company to manage it, and 
 won it, the Court deciding that war vitiates and renders void a 
 policy of life insurance. 
 
 The mention of these cases shows that General Garfield main- 
 tained the extraordinary position in the profession which he 
 assumed at the very outset. They arc mentioned only to indi- 
 cate the nature of the practice into which Garfield entered, and 
 which has been since continued in a large number and variety 
 of important cases, some of which will be referred to elsewhere. 
 The records of the American Bar will fail to show any parallel 
 instance to that of his splendid beginning and of his maintenance 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 183 
 
 of the elevated position to which he at first attained — a position 
 reached by few, even among those whose whole lives have been 
 given to the professional work, until after they have passed their 
 meridian. Of course he has been able to give but a small propor- 
 tion of his time to the practice of the law, even for large fees, 
 lie has never sought cases, but has been obliged to decline a great 
 deal of practice which has come to him of its own accord. Still, 
 liis income has been materially benefited by his fees as a lawyer, 
 and altogether they would amount, probably, to a considerable 
 sum. The amount he has received has varied very much in 
 different years. In some years his receipts from the profession 
 would not be over a thousand dollars, while in other years they 
 w^ere six or seven times that amount. 
 
 {Oarjield to B. A. Ilimdale.) 
 
 Washington, February 2, 18G8. 
 
 You were eurprised that I introduced the Hancock Bill ; so was I ; but the 
 orders and proclamations which he had been issuing were of so insubordinate 
 a character as to endanger the whole work of reconstruction in Louisiana. It 
 was a part of the plan by which the President Beemed determined to make it 
 appear that the reaction was going to overthrow not only our party, but all its 
 work. Even if we should see that the Government plan was not the best, it was 
 manifest that a change now would be every way disastrous. Those who clamor 
 against the plan of Congress most are not able to say what better thing can now 
 be done— indeed, they propose no plan. Their only purpose is to get into 
 power. Seeing this 80 clearly, it became manifest that we must rebuke all 
 attempts at insubordinate reaction. We must show that our refusal to impeach 
 the President did not ai'ise either from want of courage, nor from any purpoi^e 
 to abandon our work of reconstruction on the basis of universal freedom. With 
 these views I introduced the Hancock Bill, not so much for the purpose of pass- 
 ing it as to show him how completely he was in our hands, and that he could not 
 makei)olitical merchandise of his commission, and read lectures to the National 
 Legislature when he ought to be executing its law. I could readily have carried 
 the bill through, but preferred to let it hang suspended. I think it has had the 
 desired effect, for the General has kept his place ever since. So long as he con- 
 tinues to do so, I shall let liim alone. 
 
 I sent you a copy of my remarks on the Reconstruction Bill, which will sho\r 
 you more at length my reasons. I have been spending all my leisure during the 
 past two weeks in studying the currency question— in going over again the 
 ground— and in a week or two shall make a speech on which I expect to stand or 
 fall, probably the latter, for I see the tide of wild and insane clamor for paper 
 money rising higher and higher. 
 
184 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 {.Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, March 8, 1868. 
 
 When your last letter came, I was ia the midst of my preparation for tha 
 Campbell wUl case. That case kept mc away from the ciiy thirteen days. . . . 
 
 You may be interested to know that the chief burden of the will case fell 
 upon me. The trial occupied tea days, and Judge Black left me at the end of 
 the second day. Young Richardson, of Wheehng, was my only assistant, and 
 he was sick part of the time. There were sixty eight witnesses, and the lawyers 
 ou the other side spoke over eight hours. 1 had the closing speech, and re- 
 viewed the testimony and opposing speeches. I spoke six hours and a half. 
 The will and codicil were sustained. I suppose it may not be immodest for me 
 to say to you that I think I have never done a more creditable piece of intellec- 
 tual work than on that trial. . . . 
 
 The State Convention at Columbus has committed itself to some financial 
 doctrines that, if I understand them, 1 cannot and will not endorse. If my con- 
 etituents approve them, they cannot approve me. Before many weeks my im- 
 mediate political future will be decided. 1 care less about the result than I have 
 
 ever cared before. 
 
 (Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, April 30, 1874. 
 
 There is much in life to make one sad and disheartened ; but whether we 
 maintain a cheerful spirit or not, depends largely on the way in which we view 
 the events and outcomes of life. I think the main point of safety is to look 
 upon life with a view of doing as much good to others as possible, and, as far as 
 possible, to strip ourselves of what the French call egoism. 
 
 The worst days of darkness through which I have ever passed have been 
 greatly alleviated by throwing myself with all my energy into some work relat- 
 ing to others. Your life ia so much devoted in this direction that I think you 
 will find in it the greatest safety from the danger of gloom. 
 
 ********** 
 
 Those who criticise the paving business, do so without recalling that the fee 
 was a contingent one in which the labor went for nothing if the result was not a 
 success. It is everywhere understood that the fee is larger in consequence of the 
 risk the lawyer takes of getting nothing, and, when it is considered that the 
 work the parties were to do was to amount to $700,000, the contingent fee of 
 Parsons will not be considered an extravagant one. Judge Black charged the 
 Phillips Bros. $10,000 for the work we did for them in Philadelphia, and he had 
 two thirds of the fee and I one third. This was on account of the large sum 
 involved, namely, $400,000. Nobody would criticise that as an extravagant fee 
 under the circumstances ; and yet, the amount involved was little more than one 
 half of that involved in the Parson's fee. If I had had any reason to suppose that 
 the parties were employing anybody else, I would not have helped Parsons. 
 They gave Parsons no intimation that they were employing anybody besides him. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, January 7, 1876. 
 I hardly know what to say of the last year. For many reasons it has been 
 very unlike its prcdecessorsk To me it has been full of work, of sickness and 
 
THE LIFE OF GEiT. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 185 
 
 changes. It has brought to me the wonders of the Pacific coast. It has brought 
 tome some good books and large thoughts. It has brought a revolution iu 
 political parties. It has brought me for the first time into a legislative minority. 
 It has brought me to confront more seriously than ever the proposition to retire 
 from public life, and enter upon work for myself. More than any other year of 
 my life, it has brought to me a conviction that I have possibly so far sinned 
 against my health by overwork that I shall never again have tlie capacity for 
 work formerly enjoyed. It has brought the first death into the small and select 
 circle of my lliram friends iu depriving us of Almeda. It is not a little surpris- 
 ing that so few deaths have occurred in our cuxle for twenty-two years , but 
 the shaft will fall thicker and faster hereafter. 
 
 1 ought to have added, the last few mouths have awakened iu rae an in- 
 creased iuterest in the law, and 1 think the year has witnessed considerable in- 
 crease iu my power as a lawyer. I have followed this {rule : whenever I have 
 had a case, I have undertaken to work out thoroughly the principles involved iu 
 it ; not for the case alone, but for the sake of comprehending thoroughly that 
 branch of the Jaw. And my cases have fortunately covered a wide range. 
 
 I send you a couple of briefs which 1 have written within the last ten days, 
 and which will, iu part, illustrate my meaning. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Alliance, Ohio, June 13, 1877. 
 
 You know that my life has abounded in crises and diflicull situations. This 
 trip has been, perhaps, not a crisis, but certainly has placed me in a situation of 
 extreme difficulty. Two or thiee months ago, W. B. Duncan, a prominent busi- 
 ness man in New York, retained me as his lawyer iu a suit to be heard in the 
 United States Court in Mobile, and sent me the papers inthecase. I studied 
 them, and found that they involved an important and somewhat difficult question 
 of law, and I made myself sufficiently familiar with it, so that when Duncan tele" 
 graphed me to be in Mobile on the first Monday iu June, 1 went with a pretty 
 comfortable sense of my readiness to meet auybody who should be employed on 
 the other side. But when I reached Mobile I foimd there were two other euita 
 connected with this, and involving the ownership, sale, and complicated rights of 
 several parties to the Mobile and Ohio Eailroad. 
 
 After two days' skirmishing, the Court ordered the three suits to be consoli- 
 dated. The question I had prepared myself on passed wholly out of sight, and 
 the whole entanglement of an insolvent railroad, twenty-five years old, and I3 in 
 across four States, and costing $20,000,000, came upon us at once. There were 
 seven lawyers in the case besides me. On one side were John A. Campbell, of 
 New Orleans, late member of the Supreme Bench of the United States, a leading 
 New Y''ork and a Mobile lawyer. Against us were Judge noadley,of Cincinnati, 
 and several Southern men. 1 was assigned the duty of summing up the case for 
 our side, and answering the final argument of the opposition. I have never felt 
 myself in such danger of failure before, all had so much better knowledge of the 
 facts than 1, and all had more experience with that class of litigation ; but I am 
 very sure no oue of them did so much hard work, in the five nights a^^ R.^. u <^ ■ ^ -."^■^« 
 
 LI BR ^R^ 
 
 Hr. -^ o 
 
 y 
 
186 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 of the trial, as I did. I am glad to tell you tliat I have received a dispatch from 
 Mobile that the Court adopted my view of the case, aud gave us a verdict ou all 
 poiuta 
 
 As you may imagine, I am good deal used i^. 
 
 (^Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, November 2, 1878. 
 Last evening I called on Judge Black at the Ebbett House and found him 
 with a Bible in his hand. He said : " I don't know any one who has properly 
 appreciated the parables of Jesus. 1 don't believe that the man e\er lived who 
 could have written any one of them, even the least of them. They are unlilie 
 anything in literature or philosophy in their spirit, purpose, and character. I 
 they were all that Jesus bad left us, they would be conclusive proofs of his 
 divinity." What do you think of this ? The Judge then went on to say that he 
 had that morning asked a lady friend to lend him some books for Sunday read- 
 ing, aud, among others, she had sent him a volume entitled "Alone with Jesus." 
 " And," said he, " the title repelled me for two reasons : first, it is a piece of 
 Bpontaueous egoism for any man to assume that he is of fo much consequence 
 In the universe that Christ would shut out all the rest of the world and attend to 
 him ; and, second, I knew a bank cashier who stole everything ho could lay his 
 hands on, and then ran away in the night. He left behind him a diary full of the 
 most pious ejaculations, and the last entry he made in it was this : ' Spent an 
 hour of sweet communion alone with Jesus.' This remembrance spoiled the 
 book for me, and so I have not read it." 
 
 I spent several hours with him, and found him more than usually brilliant. 
 He said he was inclined to believe that a man rarely, after he waaforty yearsold. 
 fell in love with a new poet. For his own part no one later than Byron had taken 
 nnich hold on him. Coleridge, Soulhey, and Wordsworth he had read but little, 
 probably because Byron had so pavagely denounced them as the lakers. He has 
 no admiration for Tennyson, and says he never haci the patience to wade through 
 " In Memoriam." He was greatly pleased with my plan of going into the law, 
 and proposed to form a sort of special partnership in the cases that he and I 
 might have in the Supreme Coma here. This may be of much service to me. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 EDUCATION. 
 
 In the addresses which at various times he has delivered on 
 the subject of education, he has disclosed the methods and 
 workings of his own mind, with an unconsciousness of that fact 
 which is perfectly characteristic. For instance, in an address 
 delivered before the Literary Societies of the Eclectic Institute 
 at Hiram on the 14th of June, 1867, he covered the whole 
 ground of the disputed educational questions of the day, and 
 brought out very strongly many of the theories of education 
 which he had evolved from his own experience and reading. 
 Take, for instance, his classification of the kinds of knowledge 
 that should be the objects of a liberal education. This con- 
 forms largely with the classification of Herbert Spencer ; but it 
 is broader and deeper by far than Herbert Spencer's, for in 
 giving his final definition, which is made comprehensive and 
 sweeping, he says that " the student should study himself, his 
 relations to society, to nature, and to art, and above all, in all, 
 and through all these, he should study the relations of himself, 
 society, nature, and art to God, the Author of them all." 
 
 Having started in his education with a passionate love of the 
 classics, he had finally reached the point of enlargement by a 
 study of the physical sciences, where he began to believe that 
 the share of time ailoted to classical studies by our colleges was 
 too great in proportion, and not arranged in the right order of 
 development. To illustrate his views by his own language, 
 what he suggested as to the order of study was " that the stu- 
 dent shall first study what he needs most to know ; that the 
 order of his needs shall be the order of his work." " Now," 
 said he, "it will not be denied that from the day that the 
 child's foot first presses the green turf till the day when, an old 
 
188 THE LIFE OF GEi^. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 man, he is ready to be laid under it, there is not an hour in 
 which he does not need to know a thousand things in relation 
 to his body, ' what he shall eat, what he shall drink, and where- 
 withal he shall be clothed.' If parents were themselves suffi- 
 ciently educated, most of this knowledge might be acquired at 
 the mother's knee ; but, by the strangest perversion and mis- 
 direction of the educational forces, these most essential elements 
 of knowledge are more neglected than any other. ' ' 
 
 Further on he said: "It is to me a perpetual wonder that 
 any child's love of knowledge survives the outrages of the 
 school-house," and added, " I, for one, declare that no child of 
 mine shall ever be compelled to study one hour, or to learn even 
 the English alphabet, before he has deposited under his skin at 
 least seven years of muscle and bone." 
 
 Alluding to the then common college course of study, he 
 said : 
 
 "A finished education is supposed to consist mainly of 
 literary culture. The story of the forges of the Cyclops, where 
 the thunderbolts of Jove were fashioned, is supposed to adorn 
 elegant scholarship more gracefully than those sturdy truths 
 which are preaching to this generation in the wonders of the 
 mine, in the fire of the furnace, in the clang of the iron-mills, 
 and the other innumerable industries which, more than all 
 other human agencies, have made our civilization what it is, 
 and are destined to achieve wonders yet undreamed of. This 
 generation is beginning to understand that education should 
 not be forever divorced from industry ; that the highest results 
 can be reached only when science guides the hand of labor. 
 With what eagerness and alacrity is industry seizing every truth 
 of science and putting it in harness !" 
 
 Reviewing the extent and variety of knowledge, scientific 
 and practical, which the farmer needs in order to reach the full 
 height and scope of his noble calling, he asks, " What has our 
 American system of education done for this controlling majority 
 of the people ?" Which question he answers with the single 
 fact that " notwithstanding there are in the United States 120,- 
 000 common schools, and 7,000 academies and seminaries ; not- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEIf. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 189 
 
 withstanding there are 275 colleges where young men may be 
 graduated as Bachelors and Masters of the liberal arts, yet in all 
 these the people of the United States have found so little being 
 done, or likely to be done, to educate men for the work of 
 agriculture, that they have demanded, and at last have secured, 
 from their political servants :n Congress, an appropriation suffi- 
 cient to build and maintain, in each State of the Union, a 
 college for the education of farmers. This great outlay would 
 have been totally unnecessary but for the stupid and criminal 
 neglect of college, academic, and common school Boards of 
 Education to furnish that which the want of the people require. 
 The scholar and the worker must join hands if both would be 
 successful.'' 
 
 But it was not the lack of utility in the common courses of 
 educational training which most awakened Garfield's indigna- 
 tion. He was more aroused by the neglect to provide text- 
 books for instruction as to the nature of our own Government, 
 and as to the history of its development and progress. Said he : 
 
 " For this defect I have neither respect nor toleration. It is 
 far inferior to that of Persia three thousand years ago. The 
 uncultivated tribes of Greece, Rome, Libya, and Germany sur- 
 passed us in this respect. Grecian children were taught to 
 reverence and emulate the virtue of their ancestors. Our edu- 
 cational forces are so wielded as to teach our children to admire 
 most that which is foreign and fabulous and dead. Our 
 American children must know all the classic rivers, from the 
 Scamander to the yellow Tiber, must tell you the length of the 
 Appian Way, and of the canal over which Horace and Virgil 
 sailed on their journey to Brundusium ; but he may be crowned 
 with baccalaureate honors without having heard, since his first 
 moment of Freshman life, one word concerning the 122,000 
 miles of coast and river navigation, the 6000 miles of canal, and 
 the 35,000 miles of railroad, which indicate both the prosperity 
 and the possibilities of his own country." 
 
 Without undertaking to give the full scope of this vigorous 
 outline of what he regarded as a style of education adapted to 
 the unprecedented conditions of American youth, there is one 
 
190 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 passage which is so profound and lofty in its intelligent Ameri- 
 canism, that it must be given without regard to its length or 
 the lack of space : 
 
 '* It is well to know the history of those magnificent nations, 
 whose origin is lost in fable, and whose epitaphs were written 
 a thousand years ago — but if w^ cannot know both, it is far 
 better to study the history of our own nation, whose origin we 
 can trace to the freest and noblest aspirations of the human 
 lieart— a nation that was formed from the hardiest, purest, ^nd 
 most enduring elements of European civilization —a nation, that 
 by its faith and courage has dared and accomplished more 
 for the human race in a single century than Europe accom- 
 plished in the first thousand years of the Christian Era. The 
 New England township was the type after which our Federal 
 Government was modelled ; yet it would be rare to find a college 
 student who can make a comprehensive and intelligible state- 
 ment of the municipal organization of the township in which 
 he was born, and tell you by what officers its legislative, judi- 
 cial and executive functions are administered. One half of the 
 time which is now almost wholly wasted, in district schools, on 
 English Grammar, attempted at too early an age, would be 
 suflficient to teach our children to love the Republic, and to be- 
 some its loyal and life-long supporters. After the bloody bap- 
 tism from which the nation has arisen to a higher and nobler 
 life, if this shameful defect in our system of education be not 
 speedily remedied, we shall deserve the infinite contempt of 
 future generations. I insist that it should be made an indis- 
 pensable condition of graduation in every American college, 
 that the student must understand the history of this continent 
 since its discovery by Europeans, the origin and history of the 
 United States, its constitution of government, the struggles 
 through which it has passed, and the rights and duties of 
 citizens who are to determine its destiny and share its glory. 
 
 " Having thus gained the knowledge which is necessary to 
 life, health, industry, and citizenship, the student is prepared 
 ■ to enter a wider and grander field of thought. If he desires 
 that large and liberal culture which will call into activity all 
 his powers, and make the most of the material God has given 
 him, he must study deeply and earnestly the intellectual, the 
 moral, the religious and the aesthetic nature of man ; his rela- 
 tions to nature, to civilization, past and present ; and above all, 
 his relations to God. These should occupy, nearly, if not fully, 
 half the time of his college course. In connection with the 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. I9i 
 
 philosophy of the mind, he should study logic, the pure mathe- 
 matics, and the general laws of thought. In connection with 
 moral philosophy, he should study political and social ethics, a 
 science so little known either in colleges or Congresses. 
 Prominent among all the rest, should be his study of the won- 
 derful history of the human race, in its slow and toilsome march 
 across the centuries — now, buried in ignorance, superstition 
 and crime ; now rising to the sublimity of heroism and catch- 
 ing a glimpse of a better destiny ; now turning remorselessly 
 away from, and leaving to perish, empires and civilizations in 
 which it had mvested its faith and courage and boundless 
 energy for a thousand years, and plunging into the forests of 
 Germanv, Gaul, and Britain, to build for itself new empires 
 better fitted for its new aspirations ; and at last, crossing three 
 thousand miles of unknown sea, and building in the wilderness 
 of a new hemisphere its latest and proudest monuments." 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 
 
 It has generally happened to political parties to have at least 
 one question that was peculiarly troublesome. The slavery 
 question was the death of the old Whig party, whose composi- 
 tion was such that it was impossible that it should stand any- 
 thing like a chance of success in a competition with the Demo- 
 cratic party for the favor and support of the South. Time has 
 brought its revenges, however, and since the war the various 
 phases of the slavery question and of the constitutional doctrines 
 which were invented to buttress slavery against external 
 assaults, have been, at various times, very ugly things for the 
 Democratic party to deal with, and the currency question has 
 been still fuller of dangers and disasters. But the question 
 of Civil Service Reform has been the peculiar difficulty of the 
 Republican Party. It is a party which, as a matter of recog- 
 nized fact, contains within itself a large proportion of the best 
 educated, the most intelligent, and politically the most consci- 
 entious and independent people in the country. While, in some 
 of the States of the Union, twenty years of continuous power 
 have given to what are known as the " party machines" a per- 
 fection of organization, a thoroughness of drill and discipline, 
 and a steadiness of grip, unequalled, perhaps, in the political 
 history of the country, there is no State in which the whole 
 fabric of organization is not liable to be swept away at any time 
 by an uprising of the disinterested intellectual and moral forces 
 within the party, on sufficient provocation and with proper 
 direction. And yet, although the party convention in Cincin- 
 nati four years ago adopted an unequivocal Civil Service Reform 
 platform, which was received with approbation by pretty much 
 all Republicans who were not either running political 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 193 
 
 ''machines" or expecting favors and offices therefrom, it has 
 required three years of excellent, pure, successful, and, in some 
 respects, magnificent administration, for President Hayes to 
 secure from his party the unquestionably general honor, respect, 
 and support which he now enjoys. But it would be very unsafe 
 to suppose that, with all the human nature there is in any great 
 political party, the Republican Party is anything like a unit on 
 the subject of Civil Service Reform. It is one thing to be will- 
 ing to fight for freedom in the Territories, or for emancipation in 
 all the old slave States ; it is quite another thing to fight for 
 purity of administration and the abolition of patronage for 
 political purposes, when there are so many good people in the 
 country who, for themselves or for their friends or relations, are 
 entertaining great expectations from the distribution of a hun- 
 dred thousand Federal offices. The tendency of the party un- 
 questionably is toward Civil Service Reform ; and while the 
 Chicago platform, for reasons needless to mention here, ignored 
 this question in the way of any direct treatment, the convention 
 unanimously nominated a man for the Presidency whose record 
 on the subject of Civil Service Reform is, in itself, a platform ; 
 and that record, if it is not known of all men, easily can be. I 
 am sure that General Garfield will not shrink from its minutest 
 scrutiny, or from the implied pledges that are contained in his 
 various public declarations on this subject. So far as his career 
 as a politician is concerned, from first to last, he has been, not 
 80 much antagonist to, as distinct from, that class of leaders whose 
 power has been strengthened, continued, and perpetuated by 
 the creation and preservation of " machines" and the judicious 
 disposition of patronage. Garfield has maintained his hold on 
 the affections and confidence of the people of his own district 
 and of the State of Ohio by virtue of what he has been, and 
 said, and done. He never managed a convention or a caucus in 
 his own interest, or for his own purposes. He never attempted 
 to do so. Even in his contest for the United States Senate, when 
 his opponent was a man of such large national reputation and 
 deserved personal popularity, he not only did not go near the 
 
194 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 scene of the contest, he did not have there any " headquarters ;** 
 kept no " grocery ;" made no pledges, bargains, or concessions ; 
 authorized and made no personal attacks on his great competi- 
 tor, Judge Thurman, and quietly and without excitement awaited 
 the result. 
 
 He has been repeatedly and continuously honored by his fellow- 
 citizens with their confidence, not because of what he has done 
 directly to insure that support, but by virtue of what he has uni- 
 formly said and done in the interests of his party and of his coun- 
 try. He therefore has, and can have, no sympathy with those 
 who oppose Civil Service Reform, because it is inconsistent with 
 the maintenance of despotic political " machines," run for their 
 own benefit. But he is also an exceedingly practical man. As a 
 member of Congress unusually familiar with the wants and tne 
 relative merits of his constituents, he has long acted as their 
 friend, their mouthpiece, and their mediator, with the appoint- 
 ing power. He knows how utterly impossible it is for executive 
 officers in Washington to understand, unaided by Congressional 
 advice, the relative merits of competing applicants for office, all 
 over the vast extent of this country ; and yet he has a constitu- 
 tional aversion to acting as an intermediary between office- 
 seekers and the Executive. Even the slightest glimpse into the 
 activities of a public character which have distinguished him 
 ever since he took his seat in Congress would show any one 
 how he must begrudge every moment of time given to the mere 
 details of providing constituents with offices, no matter how fit 
 they may have been for Executive favor. 
 
 But it is far better to allow General Garfield to define his own 
 views on a subject so delicate, difficult, and important. He has 
 done this in a contribution to the Atlantic Monthly for JuU , 1877, 
 which IS, perhaps, as clear and comprehensive a statement of 
 the views of an enlightened and practical statesman, who has 
 been in thorough accord with the spirit of the Hayes Admin- 
 istration, while he has opposed or criticised many of its methods, 
 as could possibly be found. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAIUIELD. 195 
 
 ** This brings me to consider the present relations of Congress 
 to the other great departments of the Government, and to the 
 people. The limits of this article will permit no more than a 
 glance at a few principal heads of inquiry. 
 
 '■'• In the main, the balance of powers so admirably adjusted and 
 distributed among the three great departments of the Govern- 
 ment have been safely preserved. It was the purpose of our 
 fathers to lodge absolute power nowhere ; to leave each depart- 
 ment independent within its own sphere ; yet, in every case, 
 responsible for the exercise of its discretion. But some danger- 
 ous innovations have been made. 
 
 *' And first, the appointing power of the President has been 
 seriously encroached upon by Congress, or rather by tfie mem- 
 bers of Congress Curiously enough, this encroachment origi- 
 nated in the act of the Chief Executive himself. The fierce 
 popular hatred of the Federal party which resulted in the ele- 
 vation of Jefferson to the Presidency led that officer to set the 
 first example of removing men from office on account of politi- 
 cal opinions. For political causes alone he removed a consid- 
 erable number of officers who had recently been appointed by 
 President Adams, and thus set the pernicious example. His im- 
 mediate successors made only a few removals for political rea- 
 sons. But Jackson made his political opponents who were in 
 office feel the full weight of his executive hand. From that 
 time forward the civil offices of the Government became the 
 prizes for which political parties strove ; and, twenty-five years 
 ago, the corrupting doctrine that ' to the victors belong the 
 spoils ' was shamelessly announced as an article of political 
 faith and practice. It is hardly possible to state with adequate 
 force the noxious influence of this doctrine. It was bad enough 
 when the Federal officers numbered no more than eight or ten 
 thousand ; but now, when the growth of the country, and the 
 great increase in the number of public offices, occasioned by the 
 late war, have swelled the civil list to more than eighty thousand, 
 and to the ordinary motives for political strife this vast patronage 
 is offered as a reward to the victorious party, the magnitude of 
 the evil can hardly be measured. The public mind has, by de- 
 grees, drifted into an acceptance of this doctrine ; and thus an 
 election has become a fierce, selfish struggle between the * ins ' 
 and the ' outs,' the one striving to keep and the other to gain 
 the prize of office. It is not possible for any President to select, 
 with any degree of intelligence, so vast an army of office-holders 
 without the aid of men who are acquainted with the people of 
 the various sections of the country. And thus it has become the 
 
196 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 habit of Presidents to make most of their appointments on the 
 recommendation of members of Congress. During the last 
 twenty-five years it has been understood, by the Congress and 
 the people, that offices are to be obtained by the aid of Senators 
 and Representatives, who thus become the dispensers, some- 
 times the brokers of patronage The members of State Legis- 
 latures who choose a Senator, and the district electors who 
 choose a Representative, look to the man of their choice for ap- 
 pointments to office. Thus, from the President downward, 
 through all the grades of official authority, to the electors them- 
 selves, civil office becomes a vast corrupting power, to be used 
 in running the machine of party politics. 
 
 *' This evil has been greatly aggravated by the passage of the 
 Tenure of Office Act of 1867, whose object was to restrain Pres- 
 ident Johnson from making removals for political cause. But 
 it has virtually resulted in the usurpation, by the Senate, of a 
 large share of the appointing power. The President can remove 
 no officer without the consent of the Senate ; and such consent is 
 not often given, unless the appointment of the successor nomi- 
 nated to fill the proposed vacancy is agreeable to the Senator in 
 whose State the appointee resides. Thus it has happened that 
 a policy, inaugurated by an early President, has resulted in 
 seriously crippling the just powers of the Executive, and has 
 placed in the hands of Senators and Representatives a power 
 most corrupting and dangerous. 
 
 " Not the least serious evil resulting from this invasion of the 
 executive functions by members of Congress is the fact that it 
 greatly impairs their own usefulness as legislators. One third 
 of the working hours of Senators and Representatives is hardly 
 sufficient to meet the demands made upon them in reference to 
 appointments to office. The spirit of that clause of the Consti- 
 tution which shields them from arrest ' during their attendance 
 on the session of their respective houses, and in going to and 
 from the same,' should also shield them from being arrested 
 from their legislative work, morning, noon, and night, by office- 
 seekers. To sum up in a word : the present system invades 
 the independence of the Executive, and makes him less responsi- 
 ble for the character of his appointments ; it impairs the effi- 
 ciency of the legislator by diverting him from his proper sphere 
 of duty, and involving him in the intrigues of aspirants for 
 office ; it degrades the civil service itself by destroying the per- 
 sonal independence of those who are appointed ; it repels from 
 the service those high and manly qualities which are so neces- 
 sary to a pure and efficient administration ; and, finally, it de- 
 
THE LIFE OF GE:N'. JAMES A. GARFIELD, 197 
 
 bauches the public mind by holding up public office as the re- 
 ward of mere party zeal. 
 
 " To reform this service is one of the highest and most impera- 
 tive duties of statesmanship. This reform cannot be accom- 
 plished without a complete divorce between Congress and the 
 Executive in the matter of appointments. It will be a proud 
 day when an administration Senator or Representative, who is 
 in good standing in his party, can say as Thomas Hughes said, 
 during his recent visit to this country, that though he was on 
 the most intimate terms with the members of his own adminis- 
 tration, yet it was not in his power to secure the removal of the 
 humblest clerk in the civil service of his government. 
 
 ' This is not the occasion to discuss the recent enlargement of 
 the jurisdiction of Congress in reference to the election of a 
 President and Vice-President by the States. But it cannot be 
 denied that the electoral bill has spread a wide and dangerous 
 field for Congressional action. Unless the boundaries of its 
 power shall be restricted by a new amendment of the Constitu- 
 tion, we have seen the last of our elections of President on the 
 old plan. The power to decide who has been elected may be 
 so used as to exceed the power of electing. 
 
 " I have long believed that the official relations between the 
 Executive and Congress should be more open and direct. They 
 are now conducted by correspondence with the presiding offi- 
 cers of the two Houses, by consultation with committees, or by 
 private interviews with individual members. This frequently 
 leads to misunderstandings, and may lead to corrupt combina- 
 tions. It would be far better for both departments if the mem- 
 bers of the Cabinet were permitted to sit in Congress and par- 
 ticipate in the debates on measures relating to their several de- 
 partments, but, of course, without a vote. This would tend to 
 secure the ablest men for the chief executive offices ; it would 
 bring the policy of the administration into the fullest publicity 
 by giving both parties ample opportunity for criticism and de- 
 fense." 
 
OHAPTER XVni. 
 
 BY WAY OF REVIEW. 
 
 The reader will have realized before reading this chapter, 
 how hard it is to grapple with all the aspects of Garfield's pub- 
 lic career, to illustrate which adequately half a dozen volumes 
 would be needed. It will only be possible to deal in general- 
 ities, with a few salient features of Garfield's public activities and 
 private life since he entered Congress. His record as a party 
 leader, to begin with, has been exceptional. At every stage of 
 his rapid, and yet steady, advance toward the culmination and 
 crowning of his leadership, by the spontaneous and unanimous 
 action of the assembled representatives of his party, at Chicago, 
 he has developed, in growing measure, the rare combination of 
 powers and qualities that made him the most honored and pop- 
 ular student at Williams, then President at Hiram College, and 
 State Senator, and afterward the Chief of Staff of the Aimy of 
 the Cumberland. The reasons for his success have been in him, 
 and not in his circumstances or in any adroit scheme to capture 
 it. His courage, inherited on both sides, developed by his early 
 life, and under tire and amid disaster, in the army, has been of 
 that high moral order that dares the censure or criticism of as- 
 sociates or constituents, when his clear intuitions of right and 
 justice have commanded his action, as they always have. His 
 unreserved, confidential letters to Hinsdale and Rockwell and 
 other intimate friends, which he never dreamed would see the 
 light, show this with the utmost clearness. From his first 
 entrance on public life until the Chicago Convention, these let- 
 ters show him to have been almost continually acting on con- 
 victions not shared by some of his best friends in Congress, and 
 unpopular with many of his constituents and with politicians. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 199 
 
 Congress to pass an efficient draft law, and begged members to 
 pass it, as the only means by which our armies could even be 
 kept in the field, there came an occasion when Garfield stood 
 up, solitary and alone, and voted in accordance with Lincoln's 
 entreaties. When, in the heat of the desperate conflict between 
 the majority in Congress and President Johnson, there was 
 exhibited, on the part of the former, some disregard of the 
 spirit of the Constitution, Garfield, the Representative of the 
 most radical, anti -Johnson district in the country, called a halt. 
 When some Republican Congressmen failed to see that justice 
 and policy demanded that tlie South should have a fair chance to 
 show its acceptance of the results of the war, he was not afraid 
 to use the language of prudence, moderation, and wisdom. And 
 then, when the "solid South,'' whose "Brigadiers" ruled the 
 Democratic Congressional caucus, had determined to " starve 
 the Government" unless the Executive should surrender his con- 
 stitutional prerogatives, he was the leader of the fight that re- 
 quired the highest degree of moral courage ever demanded of 
 a party leader in Congress. 
 
 In all the sectional and partisan discussions which have 
 afforded chances for the display of his powers in Congress, he 
 has retained the esteem, confidence, and personal good- will of 
 the best and ablest of his antagonists. Among his warmest 
 friends are to be found some of the most pronounced represent- 
 atives of extreme Soutlicrn and Democratic sentiment. They 
 know the man, and so transparent, ingenuous, and outspoken a 
 man is easily known. They know that he has no political passions 
 whatever. They know that there is not a legitimate Southern 
 interest which would not be certain of justice and liberality at 
 his hands ; that sectional hates have no place in his generous 
 heart, nor sectional ideas in his broad nature. It is impossible 
 to conceive of his enduring for a day the misery of a grudge or 
 a jealousy. Least of all, is it possible for him to cherish ill- 
 feelings or suspicions toward party associates who have sought 
 the same ends that he has, by different methods. The feeling 
 of " comradeship" with party associates in public life who 
 
200 TUE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAliFIELD. 
 
 are actuated by any high sense of the mission and duties of the 
 party, is peculiarly warm and strong— no matter what their 
 attitude toward him or his policy may have been. He is the 
 best friend of the greatest number of men, and the poorest and 
 most intfficient enemy, of any man whom I know in politics. In 
 fact, the very exuberance of his own activities and the fruition 
 thereof, render him largely unconscious of and apathetic toward 
 inter-party contentions and rivalries. 
 
 It is a characteristic of Garfield, as it is of every man whose 
 intellectual and moral growth has been healthful, spontaneous, 
 symmetrical, and consistent, that whatever thing has once ab- 
 sorbed his interest and his energies, has so jjossessed his whole 
 nature that from that time forward only opportunities and oc- 
 casions have been needed to develop the views and the pur- 
 poses, with larger knowledge and stronger faith, that had be- 
 come part of his existence. 
 
 In fact, the prelude and key to his whole public career can 
 be found in those terribly hard-working days when he was alter- 
 nately teacher and pupil ; when his mind was grasping out in 
 all directions with an ambition as broad as Bacon's, when he 
 wanted to '' possess all knowledge" as his ''province,'' but 
 under limitations, amid difficulties, and with a poverty of facili- 
 ties which the nature of Bacon never would have surmounted. 
 The athletic young teacher, who was the comrade of his pupils 
 and the devoted friend of his most acomplished teacher, found 
 the full fruition of his functions in his noble and heroic experi- 
 ence at Hiram. He was the teacher then in all his instincts, 
 with all his force, with all his winning affectionatcness of 
 nature, with all his swift-growing capacity to communicate. 
 He has been, ever since and simultaneously, the teacher and the 
 pupil. He has been able to illustrate every one of the themes 
 which he has been obliged to develop in Congress as a teacher ; 
 because no application has been too great, no press of oflScial 
 duties too arduous, to prevent him from sitting reverently at 
 the feet of the wisest teachers of all times and filling himself 
 .up with the abundance from which he has instructed others. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 201 
 
 Being such, it was most natural tliat one of his early and ear- 
 nest efforts in Congress was to make a plea for the establishment 
 of the National Bureau of Education, which owes its existence 
 to his energetic and persuasive advocacy, and which has done 
 more good, at less cost, than any other bureau established by 
 our own or any other government. 
 
 His speech delivered on the 8th of June, 186G, passed in view 
 the magnitude of the interests involved in the establishment of 
 the proposed bureau. In a brief space it covered the progress 
 of general education in our own and other countries, and the in- 
 crease of the facilities of knowledge, and cited eloquent passages 
 from the great men of our own and other lands. 
 
 In behalf of extending educational privileges, he said, in con- 
 clusion : " I know that this is not a measure which is likely to 
 attract the attention of those whose chief work is to watch the 
 political movements that affect the results of nominating con- 
 ventions and elections. The mere politician will see in it noth- 
 ing valuable, for the millions of people to be benefited by it can 
 give him no votes ; but I appeal to those who care more for the 
 future safety and glory of this nation than for any mere tempo- 
 rary advantage to aid in giving to education the public recog- 
 nition and active support of the Federal Government." 
 
 It was natural that he should keeji up and widen his culture 
 and his acquaintance with, and friendship for, literary and scien- 
 tific men, even during the very thick of thronging public duties. 
 Mr. Spofford, the Librarian of Congress, will testify that no 
 other member has made such large and constant use of the 
 Library as Garfield. He has not been a promiscuous and desul- 
 tory reader, except in periods of illness, convalescence, or rest, 
 but has taken special themes or fields of inquiry and study, and 
 followed them out in all directions. At one time, to illustrate, 
 he collected everything he could find in regard to Goethe, his 
 development, surroundings, relations to German thought, and 
 influence on his contemporaries and successors. I have seen the 
 large blank book which is nearly filled with the rich gleanings 
 of this comprehensive search, in his own handwriting. So he 
 
202 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 got from the Library its rarest and most valuable treasures of 
 Horatiau literature, which he never tires of exploring. One of 
 his letters to Colonel Rockwell shows that even in a rough and 
 hasty rhythmical transfer of one of Horace's odes he was able 
 to display a keen application of the subtle beauties of the most 
 artistic of Latin poets. One of the most valued treasures in his 
 library is a beautiful Paris editi(m of Horace, sent to him by his 
 distinguished and scholarly friend, Secretary Evarts, for whose 
 commanding ability as a jurist, advocate, and statesman he 
 cherishes an admiration that has been deepened by the intimacy 
 growing out of like literary tastes and of common high objects 
 of a political character. 
 
 In all his official, professional, and literary work, Garfield has 
 pursued a system that has enabled him to accumulate, on a vast 
 range and variety of subjects, an amount of easily-available in- 
 formation such as no one else has shown the possession of by its 
 use. His house at Washington is a workshop, in which the 
 tools are always kept within immediate reach. Although books 
 overrun his house from top to bottom, his library contains the 
 working material on which he mainly depends. And the 
 amount of material is enormous. Large numbers of scrap-books 
 that have been accumulating for over twenty years, in number 
 and in value — made up with an eye to what either is or may 
 become useful, which would render the collection of priceless 
 value to the library of any first-class newspaper establishment — 
 are so perfectly arranged and indexed that their owner, with 
 his all-retentive memory, can turn in a moment to the facts 
 that may be needed for almost any conceivable emergency in 
 debate. These are supplemented by diaries that preserve Gar- 
 field's multifarious political, scientific, literary and religious in- 
 quiries, studies, and readings. And, to make the machinery of 
 rapid work complete, he has a large box containing sixty-three 
 different drawers, each properly labelled, in which he places 
 newspaper cuttings, documents, and slips of paper, and from 
 which he can pull out what he wants as easily as an organist 
 can play on the stops of his instrument. In other words, the 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 203 
 
 hardest and most masterful worker in Congress has had the 
 largest and mast scientifically arranged of workshops. 
 
 Having been entirely contented with the congenial activities 
 and pleasant social relations and warm friendships of his career 
 as member of the House, he has not exerted himself for official 
 promotion. The position of United States Senator would have 
 been congenial to him, for the reason that it would have given 
 him greater leisure for study and culture, and opportunity for 
 more preparation in the way of speech-making. But he not 
 only never did anything to secure it— intriguing for it would 
 have been impossible for him —he declined to accept the candi- 
 dacy for it, when it was within his reach, because President 
 Hayes and others urged on him the duty of remaining in the 
 House, where he was most needed. When his election to the 
 Senate did come, it was the spontaneous and unforced result of 
 nearly twenty years of good and great service, for his party and 
 his country, of which every detail was known to the people of 
 Ghio. His great antagonist, Judge Thurman, who, two years 
 before, had publicly testified his deliberate judgment as to the 
 baselessness of the now revived slanders and scandals, was so 
 fairly beaten, and by such an overpowering sentiment in favor of 
 Garfield, that his supporters, moved by his own lofty spirit, 
 joined in support of the motion to make Garfield's nomination 
 unanimous, and he was elected without a dissenting vote. By 
 this unprecedented vote, the State of Ohio, which knows Gar- 
 field from the beginning, and has sifted all the slanders that 
 malice and ignorance have combined to invent and keep alive, 
 has cast her broad and protecting mantle over the greatest of her 
 sons. The prophet that is thus honored " in his own country'' 
 must have a record that will stand the minutest scrutiny, and 
 those who know less of him than his own fellow '* Buckeyes" 
 should learn all the facts known to Ohioans about Garfield, be- 
 fore attempting to reverse Ohio's judgment. 
 
 Note.— A week after his election, Garfield had a reception in the House of 
 Representatives, at Columbus, and, before the assembled Legislature and a 
 large number of other citizens, delivered a speech which was a model of 
 
204 THE LIFE OE GEN. JAMES A. GAllFIELD. 
 
 Which inevitably brings me to a few allusions to the only por- 
 tion of Garfield's public career which has ever given him serious 
 annoyance. It was that in which arose the wholly inadequate 
 foundations for what are known as the "Credit Mobilier," 
 " De Golyer," and " Back Pay'' scandals. As to them, he has 
 made the fullest and most satisfactory explanations to those 
 who were most directly interested in ascertaining the exact degree 
 of his culpability, if any at all existed. His defences were 
 published and widely circulated at the time when our newspa- 
 pei-s and people were in the habit of condemning public men 
 as soon as the latter were accused, and then considering whether 
 the condemned could " prove themselves innocent," which 
 neither the law nor the everlasting principles of justice require 
 any man to do. But after epidemics of olRcial corruption there 
 always follow epidemics of promiscuous censure and flaming 
 
 eloquence. It contained one paragraph which would not have been spoken by 
 any man, under the circumstances, to men of both parties who had known him 
 his whole life-time, bad he not enjoyed " a conscience void of ofEence."' Said 
 he : " And now, gtntemeu of the General Assembly without distinction of 
 party, I recognize this tribute and compliment made to me to-night. Whatever 
 my own course may be in the future, a large share of the inspiration of my 
 future public life will be drawn from this occasion and tliese surroundings, and 
 I shall feel anew the sense of obligation that I feel to the State of Ohio. Let me 
 venture to point a single sentence in regard to that work. During the twenty 
 years that I have been in public life, almost eighteen of it in the Congress of 
 the United States, I have tried to do one thing. Whether I was mistaken or 
 otherwise, it has been the plan of ray life to follow my conviction at whatever 
 personal cost to myself. I have represented for many years a district in Con- 
 gress whose approbation I •^'•""tlj ^icsired ; but though it may seem, perhaps, a 
 little egotistical to say it, I yet desired still more the approbation of one person, 
 and his name was Garfield. [Laughter and applause] He is the only man that 
 lam compelled to sleep with [laughter], and eat with, and live with, and die 
 with ; and if I could not have his approbation, 1 should have bad companion- 
 ship. [Renewed laughter and applause.] And in this larger constituency, 
 which has called me to represent tbera now, I can only do what is true to my 
 best self, applying the same rule. And if I should be so unfortunate as to lose 
 the confidence of this larger constituency, I must do what every other fair- 
 minded man has to do— carry his political life in his hand and take the con- 
 sequences But 1 must follow what seems to me to be the only safe rule of my 
 life ; and with that view of the case, and with that much personal reference, I 
 leave that subject." 
 
THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD.. 205 
 
 virtue. The drift-wood of a wave of fierce and ill-considered 
 newsj)aper comment on Garfield is still preserved and displayed 
 by malignant partisan organs, probably to the annoyance of the 
 respectable journals that have seen and admitted how unjust 
 were their hasty contemporary criticisms. Thus the very dregs 
 of the Past are cherished and thrust into the living waters of 
 the Present. 
 
 There is nothing new or strange about these reiterations of 
 charges that have been fully met and answered, even to the 
 satisfaction of so independent, critical, and almost cynical 
 a judge of public men as the Nation. The charges against Gar- 
 field are mild, tame, and colorless compared with those that 
 were persistently brought against Washington, Jellerson, the 
 two great Adamses, Jackson, and Clay. Even without the con- 
 clusive testimony of the man who knew all about the facts on 
 which these charges rest, and who has always been a bitter polit- 
 ical foe of Garfield, Judge Jeremiah S. Black ; without the 
 testimony of Judge Poland, the chairman of the committee that 
 investigated the " Credit Mobilier" scandals ; without the com- 
 prehensive defences made by Garfield himself, which satisfied a 
 most exacting and enliglitcned constituency ; without the testi- 
 mony in his behalf of such an able representative of the most 
 aggressive Democracy of the South, Henry Watterson ; no man 
 who knows Garfield well — his history, his opportunities for 
 making fortunes by the undiscoverable and unpunishable exer- 
 cise of his ofiicial opportunities as chairman of the Committee 
 on Appropriations ; the constant narrowness of his means for a 
 plain though generous style of living ; his struggles with 
 debt ; the ingenuousness of his nature and its utter freedom 
 from guile, craft, or deceit — would listen with patience, much 
 less with credence, to the stale scandals that can no more affect 
 the people's judgment of his character for integrity, than would 
 any sort of scandals as to the courage of Grant or Sheridan, the 
 honor of Bayard, the truthfulness of Washington, or the purity 
 of Channing, affect the people's judgment as to the traits assailed. 
 "NVTioever knows Garfield knoAvs that corruiDtionism could no 
 
'v'06 THE LIFE OF GEX. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 more taint his blood than cowardice could have blanched the 
 cheeks of Sir Philip Sydney. And if I have succeeded in im- 
 parting to my readers any tolerable conception of the sort of 
 man that he, by his ancestiy, breeding, habits, life, and trials, 
 has become, they would be offended by any elaborate defence 
 of his character against scandals that cannot be made to stick 
 to it. 
 
 [Mr. George William Curtis, lu Harper'*s WeeJdy, has piorced the heart of the 
 *' Credit Mobilier" elauder with a siugle arrow from a full quiver. Says he : 
 •' The authors of the report— Ltlie Polaud Report]— may have thought if^ necessary 
 to show their impartiality by eacrificing eome of their own party friends. But 
 whatever the reason of their action, the whole case, so far as Mr. Garfield is con- 
 cerned, is a question of veracity between him and Oakes Ames. Comparing 
 Ames's testimony regai-diug Mr. Garfield with that in reference to others, it will 
 be seen that when he testified from memory, he acquitted Mr. Garfield entirely, 
 and afterward, in every case except that of Mr. Garfield, he produced some doc- 
 umentary evidence, certificates of stock, receipts of money or dividends, checks 
 bearing the full names or the initials of the persons to whom they purported to 
 have been paul, or entries in his diary of accounts, marked 'adjusted und closed.' 
 Ko such evidence, or auy other but Mr. Ames's assertion and his diary was pro- 
 duced in Mr. Garfield's case, aud nobody ever pretended or supposed that such 
 evidence exists or ever existed. The admitted facts of the transaction, and the 
 character of Mr. Garfield, never before or since impeached by frii nd or foe, and 
 impeached in this case only by a man engaged in bribery, but who confesses that 
 he may be mistaken, who cannot explain why he did not give Mr. Garfield the 
 stock which he said Mr. Gai-field had paid for, aud who does not pretend to say 
 why Mr. Garfield did not ask for the rest of the money which was due to him. 
 have already completely acquitted Mr. Garfield in every candid mind."] 
 
 (Garfidd to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 HiKAM, October 26, 1865. 
 I do not remember to have claimed that St. Cyril was tinctured with Neo- 
 platonism ; but I did say that the Church at Alexandria was considerably influ- 
 enced by the doctrines of that sect. 1 have looked into it a little and find a con- 
 siderable variety of opinions among different authors. Gibbon speaks of it as 
 an attempt to reconcile the doctrines of Plato aud Aristotle, and says that as a 
 philosophy it is unworthy of notice. It is only important as connected with 
 Christianity. The bigotry and folly of the Church persecuted it. Gibbons com- 
 mentator says the Neoplatonists wrre not a? war with Christianity, but desired 
 to apply their philo-ophy to the religion of Christ. Gibbon spejiks of it also as 
 an attempt to revive Paganism. See also his interesting account of Julian the 
 Apostate, who was a Neoplatonist for a while. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. CARFIELD. 207 
 
 {Garjield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, FehrnaryS, 1871. 
 
 I appreciate all the difficulties of the Governorship question as yuu present 
 them. I have answered our friends in the Legislature by positively refusing to 
 be a candidate, and have tried to explain to them the grounds of my refusal. 
 
 I think there is great danger of ray giving offence by this course, but I can- 
 not help it. I may see the case differently hereafter, but I think not. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, January 1, 1872. 
 
 In regard to the authenticity and purity of the Shakespeare text I have made 
 some considerable study, and with what I have already done, I hope to be able 
 to get something for you at the library either in the way of a loan or of refer- 
 ence, and I will attend to it soon. . . . 
 
 Have you seen the new book on Physical Geography by the French writer 
 Reclus? A translation ha-^ ja«t been published in New York. I have looked 
 over it, and think it a remarkably valuable book. The Evening Post has said of 
 it within the past two or three days that it is the completest work extant on that 
 subject. 
 
 {GarfieM to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, January 11, 187'i 
 The Senatorship went as I expected it would. I may say to you, however, 
 that the Democrats tendered to me their unanimous vote, and enough Republi- 
 cans to elect with the help of the Democrats expressed themselves willing to 
 bolt from the caucus nomination. It was, I confess, some temptation with some 
 risk. A position obtamed in that way would have been an independent one. 
 But, on the whole, though the Democrats did not demand any conditions, I felt 
 I would be considered as placed under obligations, and therefore declined. What 
 say you, was it wise or otherwise ? 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, February 82, 1872. 
 
 Yours of the 16th instant is received. I am glad to know that somebody has 
 related the subject of the Holy Roman Empire in an intelligent way. It his al- 
 ways been to me one of the dark points in European history. I fhall get the 
 book without delay, and read it as soon as I can steal time enough from work and 
 sleep. 
 
 Since I wrote you last I found a book which interests me very much. You 
 may have seen it ; if not, I hope you will get it. It is entitled "' Ten Qreat Re- 
 ligions," by James Freeman Clarke. I have read the chapter on Buddhism with 
 great interest. It ia admirably written, in a liberal and philosophical spirit, and 
 I am sure will interest you. What I have read of it leads me to believe that we 
 have taken too narrow a view of die t-nbject of ruligiou. fcA****' r* ^Tim ^^*. 
 
 ^^-^ OF AMtRICA ''^ 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
208 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, December 31, 1872. 
 
 The astonishing reverses of political life during the past year mark an epoch 
 in our history and tend to sadden one's views of that kind of a career. There 
 is something so touching, so pathetically tragic in the last days of Mr. Greeley, 
 that it throws a shadow over all the walks and ways of public men. 
 
 We are in a singular condition here in Congress. There is virtually no op- 
 position to the Republican party. The Democracy are stunned, perhaps killed, 
 by their late defeat, and there seems to be no limit to the power of the (Jominants 
 party. If to its great strength it shall add, as I fear, arrogance and recklessness, 
 it will break in two before the next administration goes far. 
 
 The Credit Mobilier scandal has given me much pain. As I told you last fall, 
 I feared it would turn and that the company itself was a bad thing. So I think 
 It will, and perhaps some members of Congress were consciously parties to its 
 plans. It has been a new form of trial for me to see my name flying the rounds 
 of the press in connection with the basest of crimes. It is not enough for one 
 to know that his heart and motives have been pure and true if he is not sure but 
 that good men here and there, who do not know him, will set him down among 
 the lowest men of doubtful morality. There is nothing in my relation to the 
 case for which the tenderest conscience or the most scrupulous honor can blame 
 me. It is fortunate that I never fully concluded to accept the offer made me ' 
 but it grieves me greatly to have been negotiating with a man who had so little 
 sense of truth and honor as to use his proposals for a purpose in a way now ap- 
 parent to me. I shall go before the committee, and in due time before the House, 
 with a full statement of all that is essential to the case so far as I am concerned. 
 You and I are now nearly in middle life, and have not yet become soured and 
 shrivelled with the wear and tear of life. Let us pray to be delivered from that 
 condition where life and nature have no fresh, sweet sensations for us. 
 
 {Garfield to B, A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, January 27, 1873. 
 
 You have seen the second testimony of Mr. Ames is utterly in conflict with 
 his first, and clearly inspired by a desire to protect himself against the threatened 
 suit of the company to account to them for the stock he did not sell as pretended. 
 I am involved, as the whole subject now is, in a storm of general obloquy and in 
 the falsehoods which Mr. Ames has thrown into it. No one can tell the extent of 
 damage it will work to individual reputations. It is clear to my mind that I shall 
 suffer to some extent in consequence of his wickedness. 
 
 He has produced a pretended memorandum of au account with me— a mem- 
 orandum of his own making— which he says he copied from his books ; but 
 these he has not produced. 
 
 The only course for me to take for the present is to bear in silence whatever 
 is cast upon me until the investigation is concluded. Then I shall speak. The 
 condition of panic into which the public mind is thrown makes it nearly impos- 
 sible either to speak "or listen with calmness and judicial fairness. In the mean- 
 time I bespeak the patience of ray friends. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 209 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. mnsdale.) 
 
 Washington, Febrnary 8, 1873. 
 
 Nothing new has transpired since you wrote except that Ames has been or- 
 dered to hring his original books and memorauda. None of the papers that he 
 presented to the committee in the form of accounts were oi-igiual except the re- 
 ceipts in Patterson's case. He does not pretend to have any receipts from me, 
 nor any other evidence of the points in which our testimony conflicts. The com- 
 mittee themselves have been stampeded by the general spirit of panic that has 
 prevailed, and, though some of them are good lawyers, they have not applied the 
 rules of evidence to this investigation. I think the indications are that the men 
 here are recovering their balance a liitle, and begin to think with more calmness 
 on the merits of the case. Bat it is, even yet, too early to tell into what conclu- 
 sions the public judgment will settle down. . . . 
 
 I expect Judge Black in town to-day, and I have no doubt that he will re- 
 member that I gave him three years ago the same account of my relation to the 
 Credit Mobilier as I have given in my testimony. 
 
 {Garfidd to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, February 15, 1873. 
 
 Ames has come and made whatever exhibition hismemorandnni -book enabled 
 him to make. I cannot see that he has added anything to the strengthening of 
 his case by the production of the book. The impression here is beginning to 
 prevail that he fixed up his memorandum for use with his company, to make 
 them believe he had effected sales of his stock. 
 
 I think it is clear that Ames intended to get members of Congress interested 
 in this compiny without saying anything to them to indicate his purpose. He 
 does not pretend to have any receipt of mine or any other evidence but his state- 
 ment in his book of the transaction which he alleges took place between us. 
 
 The investigation is really done now, and the report will probably be finished 
 in the course of three or four days. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) * 
 
 Washington, March 19, 1873. 
 
 lam thoroughly disgusted with the way my vote on the salary question is 
 treated, and Ift-el as if there was but little use in attempting to resist the sense, 
 less and wicked clamor which is being raised on the subject. 
 
 It is very singular to notice how differently the subject is treated in different 
 parts of the country. In some, at least, the increase of salaries, together with 
 the retroactive clause, is stoutly defended, and but little criticism is made. 
 
 I feel this morning, though I would not say this except to you, like throwing 
 np my position in disgust and retiring from a field where ten years of honest 
 work goes for naught in the face of one vote, of which, at the very most, it can 
 be said to be only a mistake honestly made, and which could not possibly have 
 changed the result. 
 
 Were it not for the Credit Mobilier I believe I would resign. 
 
 I have not drawn the additional salary, and do not know that 1 shall. Cer- 
 tainly, I shall not for the present, and probably not at all. But this 1 will not 
 say in the midst of this storm. 
 
210 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 (.Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, March 21, 1873. 
 When I find that I voted no less than fifteen times against motions made in 
 favor of the salary amendment, and did all in my power, both by speech and 
 vote, to prevent it, I feel keenly the injustice with which the public are treating 
 me ou this subject, and I begin to get really angry over it. 
 
 {Garfield toB. A, Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, April 4, 1873. 
 
 I agree in all you say on the question of back-pay ; but neither truth nor 
 ability seemed to avail anything in the face of this temptation. I not only have 
 never drawn the extra pay, but, nearly two weeks ago, I ordered the Sergeant- 
 at-Arms to close my account, and directed my back-pay due me, $4500, to be 
 covered into the Treasury beyond my reach, or that of my heirs in case of my 
 death. That has been done ; but I felt that under no circumstances would I 
 allow it tc be known publicly, at least for the present. It may, however, be 
 necessary by and by to let the fact come out. What do you think ? 
 
 ***** *♦* 
 
 One phase of this case is most singular. Here in Washington, among all the 
 men who most earnestly opposed the salary clause from the start, I have none 
 who attack me for the course I have taken, while at home the condemnation 
 seems to be universal. You know that I have always said that my whole public 
 life was an experiment to determine whether an mtelligent people would sustain 
 a man in acting sensibly on each proposition that arose, and in doing nothing 
 for mere show or for demagogical eflFect. I do not now remember that I ever 
 cast a vote of that latt< r sort. Perhaps it is true that the demagogue will suc- 
 ceed when honorable statesmanship will fail. If so, public life is the hollowest 
 
 of all shams. 
 
 {Garfield to Cd. A. F. liockweU.) 
 
 Washington, May 21, 1873. 
 After many years of prosperity and success, it has been my fortune to try 
 the discipline of disaster, without any fault o wrong on my part. My name has 
 been dragged into the whirlpool of calumny, and I have been defending myself 
 against assault. enclose you a copy of my review of the Credit Mobilier ras- 
 cality, and shall be glad to know how it strikes you. I think of you as away, 
 and in an elysium of quiet and peace, where I should love to be, out of the 
 storm and in the sunshine of love and books. Do not think from the above that 
 I am despondent. There is life and hope and fight in your old friend yet. 
 
 {Garfield to Col. A. F. Rockwell., 
 
 Washington, January 15, 1874. 
 Permit me to transcribe a metrical version whicn I made the other day of 
 the third ode of Horace's first book. It is still in the rough : 
 
 TO THE SHIP WHICH CARRIED VIRGIL TO ATHENS. 
 
 So may the powerful goddess of Cyprus, 
 So may the brothers of Helen, twin stars, 
 So may the father and ruler of tempest 
 (Restraining all others, save only lapix). 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. JJll 
 
 11. 
 Guide thee. O ship, on thy journey, that owest 
 To Attica's chores Virgil tru>-ted to thee. 
 I pray thee restore him, in safety restore him, 
 And saving him, save me the half of my soul. 
 
 in. 
 
 Stout oak and brass triple surrounded his bosom 
 Who first to the waves of the merciless sea 
 Committed his frail bark. He feared not Africus, 
 Fierce battling the gales of the furious North. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Nor feared he the gloom of the rain-bearing Hyads, 
 Nor the rage of fierce Notus a tyrant than whom 
 No storm-god that rules o'er the broad Adriatic 
 l3 mightier, its billows to rouse or to calm. 
 
 V. 
 
 What form, or what pathway of death him affrighted. 
 
 Who faced w ith dry eyes monsters swimming the deep, 
 
 Who gazed without fear on the storm-swollen billows, 
 
 And the lightning-scarred rocks, grim with death on the shore ? 
 
 VI. 
 
 In vain did the prudent Creator dissever 
 The lands from the lands by the desolate sea. 
 If o'er its broad bosom, to mortals forbidden. 
 Still leap, all profanely, our impious keels. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Recklesslv bold to encounter all dangers, 
 Through deeds God forbidden still rushes our race ; 
 The son of lapelus. Heaven-defying, 
 By impious iraud to the nations brought fire. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 When fire was thus stolen from regions celestial 
 Decay smote the earth and brought down in his train 
 A new summoned cohort of fevers o'erbrooding, 
 And Fate, till then slow and reluc ant to strike, 
 
 IX. 
 
 Gave wings to his speed and swift death to his victims. 
 Bold Daedalus tried the void realms of the air, 
 Borne upward on pinions not given to mortals. 
 The labors of Hercules broke into Hell. 
 
 • X. 
 
 Naught is too high for the daring of mortals, 
 
 Even Heaven we seek in our folly to scale : 
 
 By our own impious crimes we permit not the thunder 
 
 To sleep without flame in the right hand of Jove. 
 
 I can better most of these verses, but send to you as I left them in the first 
 rough draft. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, July 30, 1873. 
 In the course of thinking over your life and mine, I was strongly impressed 
 with the conviction that "oii and I ought to study German and master it. I had 
 
212 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 considerable knowledge of it some years ago, but have neglected it and should 
 need to begin the work almost anew. French has been more important to me, 
 for the reason that more financial ditcussion appears in French than in Geiman. 
 But to profound theological scholarship German is indispensable. I think 
 your mind is rather of the Teutonic type, and you would be immeasurably bene- 
 fited were you to draw from the great German storehouse of criticism. It is a 
 large undertaking to master a foreign language ; but 1 think you ought to under- 
 take It at once. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington October 27. 1873. 
 
 I have read the paper of Mr. Warren, as reported in the Methodist, and have 
 Qtopped to consider the marked passage. The statement of the author in refer- 
 ence to the part played by Whitefield in laying the foundation of colonial unity, is 
 new to me. I do not know that it is historically true ; but it bears many external 
 evidences of truth. If it is true, it is a very important element in the history of 
 this Republic, and shows that religion played even a broader part in the forma- 
 tion of our nation than I had supposed. After reading the article, I read a brief 
 sketch of Whitefield's life in Brown^s Encyclopaedia, and find some discrepancies 
 between that and Warren. For example, Warren eays that Whitefield crossed 
 the Atlantic nineteen times. The Encycloptedia mentions each of his voyages 
 by date, and i^aya that his seventh was his last. This would make thirteen times 
 across the Atlantic. The Encyclopaedia seems to have viewed Whitefield's life 
 mainly from an English standpoint, and it may be for that reason that his 
 American work does not stand out in such prominence in the Encyclopaedia as 
 in Warren's article. 
 
 If I had had time in my lecture last evening, I should have spoken of the 
 struggle between Protestantism and Catholicism lor the possession of this conti- 
 nent. Warren's article informs us how striking was the contrast between the 
 unity of the eccl 'Siastical power of France and Spain on the one hand, and the 
 discord of the English Protestants on the Atlantic slope on the other. If White- 
 field brought al)OUt ecclesiastical union, he prepared the way for the colonial 
 triumph of England over France in 1763, and the triumph of the colonies over 
 England in 1783. 
 
 (Garfidd to B. A. Sinsdaie.) 
 
 Washington, January 8, 1874. 
 I can't see that he (John Stuart Mill) ever came to comprehend human life 
 as a reality from the actual course of human affairs beginning with Greek life 
 down to our own. Men and women were always, with him, more or less of the 
 nature oi abstractions; while, with his enormous mass of books, he learned a 
 wonderful power of analysis, for which he was by nature surprisingly fitted. But 
 his education was narrow just where his own mind was originally deficient. He 
 was educated solely through books ; for his father was never a companion. His 
 brothers and sisters bortd him. He had no playfellows, and of his mother not a 
 word is said in his autobiography. 
 
THE LIFE OF GEZST. JAMES A. GARFISLD« 213 
 
 {.Garfield lo B A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, March 81, 1874. 
 I have sent yoa by to-day's mail copies of such of my pamphlet speeches as 
 I have on hand that are not in the list you sent me. This is not all, but it is nearly 
 all : Argument before Supreme Court, March 6th, 1866 ; Public Debt and Specie 
 Payments, March 16th, 1866 ; Freedman's Bureau, February 1st, 1866 ; In Me- 
 moriam Abraham Lincoln, April 14th, 1866 ; Rebel States under Military Coa- 
 trol, February 8th, 1867; College Education, June 14th, 1867 ; Reconstruction, Jan- 
 uary 17th, 1868 ; Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, March 2d, 1868 ; Oration at 
 Wilmington, May 30th, 1866 ; Elements of Success, June 29th, 1869 ; Public Ex- 
 penditures and Civil Service, March 14th, 1870 ; The Tariff, April Ist, 1870 ; The 
 McGarrahan Claim, Febniary 20th, 1871 : Public Expenditures, January 2:id, 
 1872 ; National Aid to Education, February 6ih, 1872 ; Campaign on the Reserve, 
 July 3l8t, 1872; Increase of Salaries, March 27tb, 1873 , Credit Mobiller Company, 
 May 8th, 1873 ; Revenues and Expenditures, March 5th, 1874. 
 
 (Garfield to B. A. IRnsdale.) 
 
 Washington, April 20th. 1874 
 The latest news from Columbus seems to indicate that the re-di.stricting 
 scheme has broken down. Still, it may possibly succeed, and George H. Ford 
 writes me he believes it will before the session ends. Personally, I shall be glad 
 to be districted out, so that I can have a good excuse for quitting public life : 
 but I ametill receiving requests to change my residence, so as to stay in the old 
 Nineteenth. 
 
 (Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, November 14, 1874. 
 I have commenced work again on my committee, but still I may find time 
 to do some reading. My reading, however, is like the wanderings of a man iu 
 a pleasant forest, without much plan or purpose. I am now, however, trying to 
 get abetter view of the literature and intellectual life of Germany connected 
 with Goethe and his times. 
 
 (Garfield to B. A. Himdale.) 
 
 Washington, January 4, 187.5. 
 With me the year 1874 has been a continuation and in some respects an ex- 
 aggeration of 1873. That year brought me unusual trials, and brought me face 
 to face with personal assaults and the trial that comes from calumny and pub- 
 lic displeasure. This year has perhaps seen the culmination, if not the end, of 
 that kind of experience. 1 have had much discipline of mind and heart in liv- 
 ing the life -which these trials brought me. Lately I have been studying my 
 eelf with some anxiety to see how deeply the shadows have settled around my 
 spirit. I find I have lost much of that exuberance of feeling, that cheerful 
 spirit which I think abounded in me before. I am a little graver and less genial 
 than I was before the storm struck me. The consciousness of this came to me 
 slowly, but I have at last given in to it, and am trying to counteract the tend- 
 ency. 
 
214 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 So far as individual work is concerned I have done something to keep alive 
 my tastes and habits. For example, since I left you I have made a somewhat 
 thorough study of Goethe and his epoch, and have sought to build up in my 
 mind a picture of the state of literature and art in Europe, at the period when 
 Goethe began to work, and the state when he died. 1 have grouped the various 
 facts into order, have written them out, so as to preserve a memoir of the im- 
 pression made upon my mind by the whole. The sketch covers nearly sixty 
 pages of manuscript. I think some work of this kind outside the track of one's 
 every-day work is necessary to keep up real growth. 
 
 {Garfidd to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, July 8, 1875. 
 X am taking advantage of this enforced leisure to do a good 'deal of reading. 
 Since I was taken sick I have read the following : Sherman's two volumes ; 
 Leland's " English Gipsies ;" George Borrow's •* Gipsies of Spain ;" Borrow's 
 " Rommany Rye ;" Tennyson's "Mary ;" spven volumes of Froude's England; 
 several plays of Shakespeare, and have made some progress in a new book, 
 which I think you will be glad to eee, " The History of the English Teople," 
 by Prof. Green, of Oxford, in one volume. 
 
 (^Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, October 22, 1877. 
 Since receiving your postal card I have read Godwin Smith's essay on tho 
 Decline of Party Government. To me it is altogether a disappointing paper. 
 Many of his facts and suggestions are interesting, but his suggestions of substi- 
 tution for party government are too vague to be of any value, while there are 
 grave differences of opinion among men on questions of vital importance, 
 whether in church or state, in social life or in science. There will be parties 
 based upon those conditions, and the thing most desired is not how to avoid tho 
 existence of parties, but how to keep them within proper bounus. 
 
 {Garfield toB. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, November 14, 1877. 
 It is in the power of the Democratic Party to make the whole country rejoice 
 in the President's Southern policy : but I fear their usual reactionary spirit will 
 go far to increase public dissatisfaction. 
 
 (Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, January 9, 1878, 
 Concerning the future I feel no great certainty. On many accounts I prefer 
 to retire from public life, and may do so ; but the present struggle for honest 
 money seems to make a very imperative demand on me to stand by my post a 
 little longer. 
 
 If it were certain that the Democrats are to come into power— and that seems 
 to be probable— both in the National Government and to continue in power in 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 215 
 
 Ohio, I would not feel like continuing. It will take the nest election to deter- 
 mine Ohio's future. 
 
 On the whole, it is probable I will stand again for the House. I am not sure, 
 however, but the Nineteenth District will go back on me on the silver question. 
 If they do I shall count -it an honorable discharge. 
 
 {Garfield toB.A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, October 12, 1878. 
 The result of our election shows the value of a sturdy fight for principle. 
 The party that makes that will always win in the long run. 
 
 {Garfield toB. A. IRnsdale.) 
 
 Mentor, Ohio, November 16, 1878. 
 I have read with great interest and satisfaction your little volume on the 
 Christian Jewish Church. I know of no work which contains within such small 
 compass so complete and thorough a discussion of the subject. Youranalysiaof 
 the early struggle between the Jewish and Greek Christians, and the peculiar 
 influences of the Jewish and Greek mind upon the historical development of 
 Christianity throws a strong and clear light upon many portions of the New Tes- 
 tament, and aflEords valuable assistance to the study of church history. Tho 
 whole book is pervaded with the spirit of thorough and reverent scholarship, 
 and you deserve, and doubtless will receive, the gratitude of a wide circle of 
 readers. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, January 30, 187'J. 
 I have long recognized the class of citizens whom you designate as the 
 " left centre," that occupy that broader line of the two parties, and hold slack 
 allegiance to the organization of which they are members. I have no doubt they 
 exercise a valuable conservative influence upon the conduct of public afCairs by 
 resisting extreme measures on the part of their party. Of course, they exercise 
 their power as voters and writers. I think, however, there never has been any 
 such prominent class in Congress. Of course, we have had men in both parties 
 who were less partisan than the majority of their associates, and who have, in a 
 measure, represented the voters referred to. Perhaps it would be well if we had 
 a recognized party of the left centre in Congress ; but I doubt if that would be 
 possible under our institutions. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 Washington, April 21, 1880. 
 
 I share your regret that I am so much absorbed in political work ; but the 
 position I hold in the House requires an enormous amount of surplus work. I 
 am compelled to look ahead at questions likely to be sprung upon us for action, 
 and the fact is, I prepare for debate on ten subjects where 1 actually take part 
 in but one. For example : it seemed certjiin that the Fitz-John Porter case 
 would be discussed in the House, and I devoted the best of two weeks to a care- 
 ful re-examination of the old material and a study of the new. 
 
 There is now lying on top of my bookcase a pile of books, revisions and 
 
216 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 manuscripts three feet long by a foot and a half high which I accumulated 
 and examined for a debate which certainly will not come off this Beeeion, and 
 perhaps not at all. 1 must stand in the breach to meet whatever question 
 comes. . . . 
 
 1 look forward to the Senate as at least a temporary relief from this heavy 
 work. , . . 1 am just now in antagonism with my own party on legislation 
 in reference to the election law, and here also I have prepared for two discus- 
 sions, and as yet have not spoken on either. . . . 
 
 Doubtless you are right in supposing that the government is, in some cases, 
 the most imperfect part of the social organism. That is so because all free gov- 
 ernments are managed by the combined wisdom and folly of the people. Per- 
 haps, as a mere matter of government, a good despot would make a better gov- 
 erument ; but for the education of the people governed, a good despotism is 
 worse than freedom with its admixture of folly. . . . 
 
 1 am sorry you did not write me in regard to my going to Chicago, I have 
 refused to be a delegate from my district, but I think it likely that the State 
 Convention will elect me as delegate at large. I prefer not to go at all, but, if I 
 am chosen, I suppose 1 had better go. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. mnsdale.) 
 
 Washinston, -lannary 18, 1880. 
 At first, let me say that among the 1200 letters and telegrams that have come 
 tome since my nomination to the Senate, no one has touched all the points of 
 the case so perfectly as you have in your letter of the 1.3th instant. I need not 
 say a word about the nomination and election and my relations to it, for you have 
 said it all. This, however, I may say on another phase of the subject : on many 
 accounts my transfer to the Senate brings sad recollections. Do you remember 
 the boy "Joe" in one of Dickens' novels who said that everybody was always 
 telling him to "move on," that, whenever he stopped to look in at a window to 
 long for gingerbread, or catch a glimpse of tlie pictures, the voice of the inexo- 
 rable policeman made him " move on V I have felt something of this m th« 
 order that scuds me away from the House. It is a final departure. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 HOME LIFE AT WASIII^^GTON AND MENTOR. 
 
 GENERAii Garfield is one of the most domestic of men. For- 
 tunate in the liorae of his early life, where love, self-sacrifice, a 
 cheerful religious sentiment and perfect purity made the atmos- 
 phere of his life a constant source of healthful inspiration ; en- 
 gaged early to a woman who has been his fellow-student, best 
 counsellor and friend, sharer of all his nobler ambitions, activi- 
 ties, joys, and sorrows, and helpmeet in every sense of the 
 word ; with his heroic mother as companion and friend, in his 
 growing household ; with children who are worthy scions of 
 noble stocks — intelligent, promising, loving and lovely in char- 
 acter ; with a nature simple in its tastes, affectionate, hospita- 
 ble, averse to social display and fashionable distractions, and 
 utterly incapable of enjoying vicious or undomestic pleasures — 
 how could such a man's home help being filled with the warm 
 sunlight of his generous nature, or be other than a well-spring of 
 hajipincss to all under its roof-tree ? Of necessity Garfield has 
 had tw^o homes since he entered Congress. From his limited 
 means his domestic life in both j)laces has been plain, and only 
 until within a few years past has he been able to live in both 
 places in a style suitable even for a family so quiet and simple 
 in its tastes and social ambitions as his own. In fact, it has 
 only been wdthin a very few months that the Ohio home — that 
 in which Garfield's free and farm-bred nature feels most at ease 
 — has been at all sufficient for its master's needs. And this 
 Mentor home, which the name " Lawnfield " aptly describes, 
 owes its enlargement and architectural transformation to the 
 taste and contriving skill of his thoughtful and planning wife, 
 who, like many others who saw his proportions before the peo- 
 ple and his natural destiny, long before he realized or thought 
 
218 
 
 THE LIFE OF GEK. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 of either, barely got her graceful and enlarged conceptions 
 realized in the new home, in time to have its generous capacity 
 tested to the uttermost by the throngs of visitors and guests, of 
 high and low degree, who have compelled General Garfield, in 
 the language of Governor Foster, to "keep a country hotel" 
 
 GKN. GAJUTELD's AVA8U1NGT0N UOME. 
 
 ever since the Presidential lightning struck the biggest head 
 there was at the Chicago Convention. 
 
 To the Washington home I have already alluded. It is plain, 
 well arranged, roomy, comfortable, and economical. When the 
 family are in it, there is no limit to its hospitality : it is always 
 open to friends, new and old, high and humble, plain and cul- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 219 
 
 tured. It is filled with the mingled atmosphere of politics, 
 literature, sociality, family culture and sports, and general good- 
 nature. One might say it was a literary and political workshop 
 and headquarters, if it were not such a centre of social gather- 
 ings and pleasures. Fortunately it is not a large house. In 
 that case Garfield would have been a bankrupt before this ; for 
 he is as free in his hospitalities as he is disinclined and unfitted 
 for making money by any other way then by honestly earning 
 it, which he always has done, "by the sweat of his brow." 
 But his old and intimate friends have long felt that there was 
 but one house in Washington that was adequate for a man of 
 his nature, means, and popularity. It is very large, and surround- 
 ed by fine grounds, that afford pleasant prospects and breathing- 
 room for the big-lunged and Nature-loving farmer of Mentor. 
 It is nobly situated between the Treasury building and that occu- 
 pied by the State, War, and Navy Departments, with the business 
 and occupants of which he has become so familiar that the loca- 
 tion of the house I speak of seems to be better suited to his 
 probable needs than to those of any other man in the country, 
 and certainly no other man has been better trained for the busi- 
 ness to which a large part of the house has always been devot- 
 ed. Popularly this is called " the White House." 
 
 The new Mentor home, however is, the most notable and 
 visited place in the country, and all the housekeeping tact and 
 ability of Mrs. Garfield are put to their severest test by the crowd 
 of visitors. That she was equal to every emergency, and seemed 
 at the end of each day's "country hotel" keeping as fresh, 
 undisturbed, and free of care-marks as though the daylight 
 hours had passed in elegant leisure, I can testify from an ex- 
 perience of an eight days' visit in the latter part of June and 
 the first of July, when " Lawnfield " was busiest and most 
 populous. In that eventful period for the Garfield household I 
 failed to see that Governors and Senators and Congressmen and 
 Generals and committeemen fared any better or were treated 
 with more courtesy than "common people." If Governor 
 Foster's arrival was hailed with unusual fervor it was not bo- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 221 
 
 cause of his title, but because he was greeted as the old friend 
 " Charles" or " Charlie Foster" by the older, and as " Uncle 
 Charlie" by the younger members of the family. His response 
 to all these greetings was hearty, but especially to the last. 
 
 Driving along the wide, pleasant, well-kept, tree-shaded 
 road, for six miles from the lovely town of Painesville, with lawn- 
 surrounded houses worthy of the finest suburbs of New York, 
 the first impressions of " Lawnfield " are decidedly attractive. 
 The aspect of the large, well-proportioned and home-like prod- 
 uct of Mrs. Garfield's skill and taste is that of the country 
 place of a family who want plenty of room, in-doors and under 
 piazzas. Although costing far less than w^ould be thought 
 economical for a carriage-house up the Hudson, it is by no 
 means an ordinary or uninteresting structure. To be particu- 
 lar : with its sixty feet of front and fifty of depth ; with its 
 three stories, including that under the high and picturesque 
 roof ; with its commodious piazzas without and wide hallways 
 within, and graceful proportions generally, it is a piece of 
 architecture that grows in one's esteem, especially as it so 
 admirably fits in to a lovely landscape and is dignified by the 
 number of the out-buildings, large and small, all suggesting the 
 uses of actual farming and also perfect arrangement. With en- 
 closed grass fields in front and on the south-western side ; with 
 the croquet lawn between it and the road ; with the orchard and 
 garden on the east, and a lane in the rear through which the 
 sunset glories transfigure the bordering trees, and with the book 
 and desk and table filled little house near and to one side of 
 the rear, it suggests truthfully the living and working place of 
 a family enjoying Nature's most human aspect — that in which 
 she resjionds to all of healthy, hard-working, simple human 
 nature's needs and tastes. Its interior arrangements show care- 
 ful and thoughtful provision for the several and various de- 
 mands of the family, especially the cosey and cheerful up-stairs 
 "snuggery" of the General, and the delightful room, on the 
 ground floor, with the front piazza on -^ne side, the garden on 
 another, and the parlor on another, devoted to the uses of the 
 
223 THE LIFE OF GEIS\ JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 most important and one of the busiest members of the house- 
 hold, independent, individual, and unique "Mother" Garfield, 
 who is as bright and vigorous as most old ladies of sixty or less, 
 and between whom and her "James*' there is a comradeship 
 which is only abandoned when, in her judgment, the compli- 
 ments of distinguished guests seem likely to make him unmind- 
 ful of his proper filial subordination. And yet, six months be- 
 fore the Chicago Convention, this mysterious and prophetic old 
 lady one day startled her son by entering his room, saying 
 oracularly, " James, you will be nominated for President next 
 June," and departing without saying or waiting for another 
 word. She- knew what she and Providence had been training 
 him for, as only a mother, and such a mother, can know by the 
 mingled intuitions of heart and head. 
 
 The household was enlivened by the presence of the Gen- 
 craPs two eldest boys, Harry A. and James, just returned from 
 the famous St. PauPs School, at Concord, New Hampshire, the 
 former bringing a well-earned prize for English declamation. 
 There were, besides, INIollie, a bright, joyous, beautiful girl just 
 in her " teens ;" Irvin iMcDowell, next younger, and Abram, the 
 youngest and most peculiar of a flock that has in it no " black 
 sheep," together with the son and daughter of Colonel Rock- 
 well, of about the ages of Harry and IMollie. These are not 
 mentioned by way of mere chronicling of personalities, but to 
 illustrate the spirit that pervades the household of which they 
 were the life and light. With all their varied studies and sports 
 the father and mother seemed to sympathize, and fully entered 
 into, as though the latter were but " children of a larger 
 growth." Love took the place of authority on the one side, 
 and of fear on the other, and I believe the father had a more re- 
 alizing and prouder sense of his boy Harry's success and manly 
 promise than of his own triply accumulated political honors. 
 JSTor could 1 see that any member of the family seemed to be 
 put at all out of his or her spiritual gear by the constant and 
 inevitable allusions of visitors to the probable destiny of the 
 plam head of the housenold. One might have supposed that it 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 223 
 
 had " run iu the family" to have Presidential honors, to which, 
 be it added, few allusions were made by any of its members, 
 though all were pervaded with a pleased consciousness of the 
 future, except the General himself, who does not welcome the 
 approaching close of the free and unfettered activities that 
 have so long been the joy of his vigorous life. And he did wel- 
 come every good chance to escape from the work of dealing 
 with thousands of letters and dispatches and continual politi- 
 cal calls and conferences, to talk over old times and inci- 
 dents and to discuss questions far removed from politics. If 
 ever a Presidential candidate was free from self-consciousness, 
 and regarded himself only as the standard-bearer and represent- 
 ative of a great party and great principles, James A. Garfield is 
 the man. 
 
 And he is best seen and known at bis Mentor home, which 
 he began to " make" three years ago last spring. He had felt 
 a growing longing for his old-time relations with Nature, when 
 by hard labor he earned his support from her bounties. He 
 wanted the soul-resting labor of actual farming, and to get 
 fresh vigor from actual contact with " Mother Earth." So he 
 bought part of the farm he now owns, and has added until it 
 comprises about one hundred and fifty acres. Like most of the 
 farms that border the old turnpike, or " ridge-road," near the 
 shore of Lake Erie, it has a small frontage, only fifty rods, and 
 runs back, across the *' ridge," about a quarter of a mile in the 
 rear, which was the old and wave-beaten shore of the lake, 
 down across the low and spring-moistened alluvial soil of the 
 beautiful valley, in the middle of which, on the tracks of the 
 Lake Shore Railway, the long and thundering trains, bearing 
 the mighty traffic of twenty States, suggest the heavy pulsations 
 of a nation's vigorous life. As his wife enlarged and gave 
 beautiful proportions to the home-nest, so he mixed his practi- 
 cal and scientific farmer brains with the soil he set out to mas- 
 ter. A wet and uncultivable field between the " ridge" and the 
 railroad was scientifically drained and made capable of big 
 corn crops ; a hydraulic ram was put in the low land near the 
 
224 THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 riclge, wliich received and was worked by the copious and 
 pure spring water from the gravelly ridge, and made to send a 
 constant and abundant sujiply for house and out-houses, for 
 people and for their dumb servants. x\. workshop, a tool- 
 shop, a root-house, improved agricultural machinery, and the 
 other outfits of a good farm were added. And in all the farm 
 work the master easily took the lead, working with a will and 
 until tired nature brought the solid rest that is not given to 
 brain toilers. By this sort of actual companionship with Na- 
 ture he has recuperated from the prodigious overwork of legis- 
 lation and politics, got renewed strength, and preserved his old 
 simplicity of tastes. He has got a more valuable crop out of 
 that farm than is harvested from the largest of the famous 
 Minnesota wheat domains, that rival principalities in size and 
 value. 
 
 Two quite diilcrent opportunities of seeing Garfield in his 
 relations with his fellows, outside of politics, were afforded 
 during my visit. The first was the Fourth of July celebration 
 at Painesville whose peculiar interest drew out the largest and 
 best attendance of "Western Reserve'' people ever known in 
 that handsome town, for there was to be witnessed the formal 
 dedication of a noble " Soldiers' 31onument," in the park-lik© 
 " Public Square," which had been many years in course of 
 completion, and then everybody wanted to see and hear their own 
 long-trusted and beloved representative, as of old, before the 
 nation claimed him. There was a long and interesting proces- 
 sion, and there were several good speeches. Ex-Governor Cox, 
 the main orator, was scholarly and eloquent, of course ; the Hon. 
 A. G. Riddle recalled, by his off-hand short speech, the mem- 
 ories of old-time irresistible 2Dlcas before "Western Reserve" 
 juries, and Tribune correspondent E. Y. Smalley, as one of the 
 first company of Painesville volunteers, warmed up into a most 
 efi"cctive style of reminiscence. But no one had a fair chance 
 of securing the full attention of the thousands of intelligent 
 and earnest people who swarmed around the speakers' stand 
 and back out of ear-shot, save the pride and glor^' of tlie " dis- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 225 
 
 trict," Garfield. And, moving around the crowd that hung 
 breathlessly on every glowing and thrilling utterance of the 
 " citizen-soldier," I could see how the '* old Western Keserve" 
 "rises at" Garfield and holds him in its heart of hearts, as 
 greater than Giddings, yet unspoiled by success and unconscious 
 of the fulness of his powers. 
 
 " The Fourth" came on the third, at enterprising Painesville. 
 The next day, Sunday, afforded a totally different experience. 
 I was asked to go to the "Disciples" meeting-house, about a 
 mile toward Painesville, and attend the worship there, and went, 
 as did pretty nearly all the Garfield family. The meeting- 
 house is a small, old-fashioned rural New England sort of 
 temple, built of boards and painted white, with commodious 
 horse-sheds around. The attendance was not large, but of peo- 
 ple who looked earnestly religious, in their plain and primitive 
 w^ay. There w^as no "preacher," in the usual sense of that 
 w^ord. But in the preacher's seat was General Garfield's prac- 
 tical, original and independent old friend and adviser, one of 
 the most noted characters in the "Reserve," Dr. J. P. Kobi- 
 son, who, when young Garfield first seriously contemplated the 
 task of getting a college education, carefully examined the 
 brawny and brainy youth, at the latter's request, and told him 
 that he "had the brain of a Webster," and lung power and 
 muscle to support it. In his younger career the doctor was a 
 famous and successful lay preacher, but with his large and 
 varied business and farm interests, and advanced years, he con- 
 fines his public exhortations to his own neighborhood church. 
 His discourse was a plain and pungent and sometimes sarcastic 
 and humorous attack on all human substitutes for, and addi- 
 tions to, the revealed word of God. He classed the complex 
 modern " theologies" with the " mythologies" of old, and, 
 while admitting the value of a thorough theological training, 
 could not helj) alluding to the learned doctors of divinity 
 whose preaching yielded few converts, while ' ' Paul stole out 
 of jail, converted a whole family, and got back so quickly that 
 he was not missed." I confess that tlie i:>lain and powerful talk 
 
226 THE LIFE OF GEX. JAME3 A. GARFIELD. 
 
 of this vigorous old man, whose grip on worldly realities and 
 business is remarkable, and who seemed so equally sure of the 
 " eternal verities" of the Gospel, with his unconsciously splen- 
 did contemjDt for any human assumptions of divine authority, 
 gave me an impression not at all unfavorable to the " Dis- 
 ciples" persuasion. After the preaching was over he asked 
 the congregation to " sing a song," and proceeded, with the aid 
 of two deacons, to administer the " Lord's Supper," as is done 
 every Sunday by the " Disciples." The ceremony was impress- 
 ive by its very simplicity and evident sincerity. After the 
 broken bread had been blessed and partaken of, the doctor 
 asked " Brother Garfield" to ask a blessing on the wine, and 
 the latter did so, with the manner of one who was per- 
 forming a simple and customary duty. Altogether the services 
 were exceedingly suggestive of the apostolic times and of the 
 notion that much might be learned from the misunderstood and 
 humble " Campbellites. " They gave me a much clearer con- 
 ception of the natural and normal character of Garfield's 
 " preaching, " in his early manhood, and for this reason had 
 special value and significance. And it seemed to me that when 
 a man so brilliantly suocessful in politics is so endeared to all 
 his old neighbors, and moves them so deeply, one day, by 
 his thrilling expressions of eulogy for the dead heroes of the 
 w^ar in which he freely exposed his own life, and the next day, 
 among those with whom he has long worshipped in simplicity, 
 is an earnest and devotional leader, he has a largeness and 
 wholeness of nature and life that inevitably draw to him the 
 best sentiments of the people who know him best. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A. Hinsdale.) 
 
 "Washington, D. C, Febrnary 14, 1875. 
 I don't remember whether I have ever called your attention to a book which 
 has given me a great deal of pleasure, and which I think is an admirable help 
 to young people in laying the foundation of a knowledge of Shakeppeare. You 
 may be familiar with it, but I never saw it until this winter. It is Shakespeare 
 written in a condensed and attractive form, by Charles and Mary Lamb, and 
 published in Bohn's Library. It gives but eighteen pages to each play, and puts 
 the story in so plain a way that a very young child can understand it. The vol- 
 ume contains sketches of about half of the plays. About twice a week I read 
 
THE LIFE OF GEN". JAMES A. GARFIELD. 227 
 
 * 
 one of these stories to the children, and even Mollie gets a pretty fair tinder- 
 etandinar of the story. Not only thi«, but they give older and much clearer 
 notions of the plot of the play than the reading of the whole play ordinarily 
 gives. 
 
 {Garfield to B. A, Hinsdale.) 
 
 Mentor, Ohio, May 13, 1877. 
 Toucan hardly imagine how completely I have turned my mind out of its 
 usual channels during the last four weeks. You know I have never been able to 
 do anything moderately, and, to-day, I feel myself lame in every muscle with 
 too much lifting and digging. I shall try to do a little less the coming week. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Let us, in conclusion, consider a few of the remarkable fea- 
 tures of Garfield's character and public career. 
 
 In the first place, his career may be said to be, perhaps, the 
 most remarkable illustration of the developing power of our 
 institutions that was ever afforded. Exception to this might be 
 taken as regards two instances : first, that of Franklin ; but 
 Franklin accomplished by far the most important achievements 
 of his life after he had passed the age of fifty, which Garfield 
 has not yet reached ; second, that of Lincoln, who is consid- 
 ered by many profound thinkers to have been the greatest man 
 ever begotten on this continent ; but Lincoln was one of those 
 rare natures which seem to be peculiarly inspired for great emer- 
 gencies ; and although he rose from the lowest origin, through 
 a life of comparative poverty and great toil, to the highest hon- 
 ors of the Republic, yet his greatness seems to have been more 
 a special gift of Heaven than the result of the steady develop- 
 ment, improvement, and culture of a great brain. 
 
 The stories about the toils and ^Drivations endured by Garfield 
 in his boyhood and early manhood will deservedly endear him 
 to the popular heart, for the lesson they afford is one full of 
 cheer and inspiration to the millions of young Americans whose 
 circumstances compel them to meet like hindrances to culture 
 and development. But it is quite possible that too much may 
 be made of these popular illustrations, which tend to divert 
 from consideration the fact that from the age of seventeen until 
 he graduated from Williams the determination, energy, inflex- 
 ible purpose, and lofty resolves of young Garfield were concen- 
 trated on higher ob^'ects than those which command the ambi- 
 tion of most of that arge class of men who are known as " self- 
 
THE LIFE OF GE:N'. JA^IES A* GARFIELD. 229 
 
 made men," and whose successes arc purely selfish in their 
 character. Garfield's spirit and whole life during this heroic 
 period of struggle were of a totally different sort from those 
 which have been displayed by men who have sprung from pov- 
 erty and obscurity into a wealth or political power that was 
 made the ultimate end of life. He pursued culture and knowl- 
 edge for the sake of developing the powers he felt within him 
 — largely for the sake of culture, but also in order to enable him 
 to fulfil, in some worthy sphere of usefulness, the highest func- 
 tions of his nature, and to exercise the Avidest scope of his 
 ])owers. In all human probability, he has been, since the age 
 of seventeen, the " growingest" specimen of human nature 
 under process of development in this country. Whoever will 
 undertake faithfully to go through the various evidences and 
 products of his activity for a little over a generation will fully 
 coincide with this proposition. No subject of human interest 
 has been foreign to the searchings, sympathies, and thinking of 
 this athletic student. An American of Americans, he has ab- 
 sorbed, in the generous juices of his soul, all the elements of 
 knowledge, culture, faith, and aspiration which come most 
 definitely within the broad domain of American history, jiat- 
 riotism, philosophy, and forecast. Living near the shore of one 
 of the chain of lakes that constitute our Mediterranean, and 
 in a region central to the better settled parts of the Union, his 
 sympathies have been as broad as the continent ; his consum- 
 ing love of nationality has been that of a man who desires, 
 not to extend the power of the nation over any portion of it as 
 a despotism, but that every portion shall equally and to the 
 fullest extent enjoy all the privileges and advantages of the 
 National Government which he believes the fathers established 
 ** to promote the general welfare." 
 
 As to Garfield's political career, there are many points of sin- 
 gularity. It has been seldom in the history of this country that 
 a young man elected to the House of Representatives has main- 
 tained himself in the confidence and affections of his constitu- 
 ents to such a remarkable degree. Elected nine successive 
 
230 THE LIFE OF GEIf. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 times, with such growing popularity, especially during the last 
 three campaigns, that he coiild have been re-elected again and 
 again, to all human appearance, as long as he chose to remain 
 in the House — he has maintained this length and eminence of 
 public service without having had to depend on the methods 
 by which other statesmen have continued for long periods in 
 one or the other branch of Congress. To illustrate : The early 
 founders of the Republican Party w^ho served in Congress for 
 long periods won their popular strength mainly by the zeal, 
 ardor and constancy with which they devoted themselves to 
 the one idea which was the animating purpose of the Republi- 
 can Party u]) to the beginning of the war. After the war be- 
 gan, most of these men continued their hold upon the j^ublic 
 confidence and that of their constituencies by continuing their 
 old war cries. Other members of Congress who have served 
 several terms have been able to do so by the support of large 
 financial or other interests, which they have made it their pecul- 
 iar mission to aid. Still others have achieved the same sort of 
 success by their adroitness, care, skill, tact or boldness in 
 manipulating caucuses and managing conventions. From all 
 these public men, many of them worthy and useful statesmen, 
 Garfield has been widely differentiated. He has had no special 
 hobby in Congress, but has impartially and energetically devot- 
 ed himself to the advocacy of what he has regarded as the right 
 side of every great and living issue that has been presented 
 since he entered that body. Ilis speeches have been as remark- 
 able for the great scope of subjects which they embraced as was 
 the course of studies which he pursued in obtaining the knowl- 
 edge and culture that were to be the main elements of his 
 success. 
 
 There has been a steady crescendo in his career w^hich impresses 
 every one who realizes its peculiar nature, with the conviction 
 that it cannot be thwarted or arrested in its development. 
 There have been plenty of heroic and romantic incidents in it, 
 and a wealth of varied honors, but each successive step has 
 seemed so natural to so strong a will and to so stalwart and uu- 
 
THE LIFE OF GEIT. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 231 
 
 ceasingly and variously active a brain, that it is taken as a mat- 
 ter of course. It is what would be '* the unexpected " to most 
 men that has been " happening" to him pretty much all his 
 life. That the poor canal boy should become a college Presi- 
 dent was romance enough for one career. That the college 
 President should be spontaneously chosen a State Senator and 
 become a leader in critical times was a fresh marvel. That the 
 preaching and legislating college President should jump from 
 his chosen avocations into the new business of fighting and be- 
 gin military life as acting Brigadier-General, win the title by a 
 series of rapid and brilliant operations, become Chief of StafiE 
 of a large army by another jump and win a Major-General's 
 commission by pure moral and intellectual courage and power, 
 w^as something to which the history of our great war offers no 
 parallel. That the youngest member of Congress, coming from 
 the army in mid-war times should be the first to give the best 
 energies of his nature to a determined grapple with questions 
 of finance and lay the foundations of the most consistent and 
 fruitful career in the development of sound theory and wise 
 practice in dealing with problems of taxation, tariff and cur- 
 rency, was, again, enough to distinguish any public man. And 
 so we might go on, carving out of the achievements and successes 
 of Garfield material enough to answer for several distinct and 
 distinguished careers and biographies. 
 
 All of which unconsciously led him to, and prepared him for, 
 the unsought, unplanned triumph at Chicago, which was not 
 only the most wonderful event in all political history, but the 
 most perfect instance of the resistless strength of a man devel- 
 oped by all the best and purest impulses, forces, and influences 
 of American institutions into becoming their most thorough and 
 ablest embodiment, in organic and personal activity, aspira- 
 tions, and character. The finest feature of the English form of 
 government, the virtual crowning of victorious leadership, was 
 reproduced in the Convention of the party that has wielded the 
 greatest powers for twenty years, and has learned how to gov- 
 ern as no other party ever did learn. The w-holc^ hi^stqry o f 
 
 /^V OF AI>£RICA ^*-> 
 
 (library 
 
232 THE LIFE OF GEIT. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 GarfiekVs relations with the Convention, which he entered as 
 the sincere and single-minded friend of Sherman, is full of sig- 
 nificance. Day after day it became unconsciously more and 
 more convinced that the nominator, and not one of the dis- 
 tinguished nominees, was the man of the hour, for the time, for 
 the official leadership of the party whose existence was exactly 
 coeval with the political activity of Garfield, and whose rank 
 and file he had most fully represented on every field of conflict. 
 When the party crowned with its highest honors the most per- 
 fect type of American development, by American processes, 
 methods and institutions, it gained a fresh lease of life and 
 power by recognizing the solid foundations of our institutions 
 and became the most genuine Democracy, as well as the wisest, 
 ever organized anywhere. There is not a nobly amlntious poor 
 boy in the land who should not feel that Garfield's election 
 would be the pledge of another century of unlimited openings 
 and chances for youth of like poverty and hard fortune. And 
 so long as poor American boys may feel that the liighest of 
 earthly offices is attainable by such methods as Garfield has fol- 
 lowed, so long the boldest of all experiments in government 
 will continue to baffle all the evil predictions of its enemies, 
 and to surpass in its beneficence the most glowing dreams of 
 its friends. 
 
 END. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 GARFIELD'S CHICAGO CONVENTION SPEECU. 
 
 {Xew Vork Times, June \Qth.) . 
 
 General Gai-field's speech noraiaatiug Sherman at Chicago last 
 Saturday evening was not telegraphed. It is a fail* specimen 
 of his eloquence : 
 
 ** Mr. President : I have witnessed the extraordinary scenes of 
 this convention with deep solicitude. No emotion touches my 
 heart more quickly than a sentiment in honor of a great and noble 
 character, but as I sat on these seats and witnessed these demon- 
 strations, it seemed to me you were a human ocean in a tempest, 
 
 " I have seen the sea lashed into fury and tossed into spray, 
 and its grandeur moves the soul of tlie dullest man, but I re- 
 member that it is not the billows but the calm level of the sea 
 from which all heights and depths are measured. When the 
 storm has passed and the hour of calm settles on the ocean, 
 when the sunlight bathes its smooth surface, then the astronomer 
 and surveyor takes the level from which he measures all terres- 
 trial heights and depths. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the convention, your present temper may not 
 mark the healthful pulse of our people. When our enthusiasm 
 has passed, when the emotions of this hour have subsided, we 
 shall find that calm level of public opinion below the storm from 
 which the thoughts of a mighty people are to be measured, and 
 by which their final action will be determined. Not here in 
 this brilliant circle, where 15,000 men and women are assem- 
 bled, is the destiny of the Republican Party to be decreed. 
 Not here, where I see the enthusiastic faces of seven hundred 
 and fifty-six delegates, waiting to cast their votes into the urn 
 and determine the choice of the Republic, but by four million 
 Republican firesides, where the tbouglitful voters, with their 
 wives and children ubout them ; with the culm thoughts in- 
 
234 APPEKDIX. 
 
 spired by love of home and love of country ; with the history 
 of the past, the hopes of the future and the knowledge of the 
 great meu who have adorned and blessed our nation in days 
 gone by — there God prepares the verdict that shall determine 
 the wisdom of our work to-night. Not in Chicago, in the heats 
 of June, but in the sober quiet that will come to them between 
 now and November, in the silence of deliberate judgment, will 
 this great question be settled. Let us aid them to-night. 
 
 *' But now, gentlemen of the convention, what do we want ? 
 [A voice, ' Garlield !' followed by applause]. Bear with me a 
 moment, hear me for this cause, and for a moment, ' be silent, 
 that you may hear.* Twenty-five years ago this republic was 
 wearing a triple chain of bondage. Long familiarity with traffic 
 in the bodies and souls of men had paralyzed the consciences of 
 a majority of our people. The baleful docti-ine of State sove- 
 reignty had shackled and weakened the noblest and most bene- 
 ficent powers of the National Government, and the grasping 
 power of slavery was seizing the virgin Territories of the West 
 and dragging them into the den of eternal bondage. At that 
 crisis the Republican Party was born ; it drew its first inspira- 
 tion from that fire of liberty which God has lighted in every hu- 
 man heart, and which all the powers of ignorance and tyranny 
 can never wholly extinguish. The Republican Party came to 
 deliver and save the republic. It entered the arena where the 
 beleaguered and assailed Territories were struggling for freedom, 
 and drew around them a sacred circle of liberty, which the 
 demon of slavery has never dared to cross. It made them free 
 forever. Strengthened by its victory on the frontier, the young 
 party, under the leadership of that great man who, on this 
 spot, twenty years ago, was made its leader, entered the national 
 capital, and assumed the high duties of the Government. The 
 light which shone from its banner dispelled the darkness in 
 which slavery had enshrouded the capital, melted the shackles 
 of every slave, and threw its rays into the darkest corner of 
 every slave-pen within the shadow of the Capitol. Our great 
 national industries, by an unprotected policy, were themselves 
 prostrated, and the streams of revenue flowed in such feeble 
 currents that the Treasury itself was well-nigh empty. The 
 money of the people was the wretched notes of two thousand 
 uncontrolled and irresponsible State banking corporations, wliich 
 were filling the country with a circulation that poisoned rather 
 than sustained the life of business. 
 
 " The Republican Party changed all this. It abolished the 
 Bubel of confusion and gave the country a currency as national 
 
APPENDIX. 235 
 
 as its flag and based it upon the sacred faith of the people. It 
 threw its protecting arm around our great industries, aud they 
 stood erect, as with new life. It filled with the spirit of true 
 nationality all the great functions of the Government ; it con- 
 fronted a rebellion of unexampled magnitude, with slavery be- 
 hind it, and, under God, fought the linal battle of liberty until 
 the victory was won. Then, after the storms of battle, were 
 heard the sweet, calm words of peace spoken by the conquering 
 nation, and saying to the conquered foe that lay prostrate at its 
 feet : ' This is" our only revenge, that you join us in lifting into 
 the serene tirmament of the Constitution, to shine like stars for- 
 ever and ever, the immortal principles of truth and justice that 
 all men, white or black, shall be free and stand equal before 
 the law.' Then came the questions of reconstruction, the public 
 debt, and the public faith. 
 
 ** The Republican Party has finished its twenty-five years of 
 glory and success, and is here to-night to ask you to launch it 
 on another lustrum of glory and victory, llow shall you do it ? 
 Not by assailing any Republican. [Cheers.] The battle this 
 year is our Therniopvlfe. We stand on the narrow isthmus, and 
 the little Spartan band must meet all the Greeks whom Xerxes 
 can bring against them, and then the stars in their courses will 
 fight for us. [Applause.] To win the victory we want the 
 vote of every Grant Republican, and of every Blaine man, and 
 of every auti-Blaine man. We are here to take calm counsel 
 together, and tx) inquire what we shall do. We want a man 
 whose life and opinions embody all the achievements of which I 
 have spoken. 
 
 " I am happy to present to you and to name for your consid- 
 eration a man who was the comrade, the associate, and the 
 friend of nearly all those persons whose faces look down upon us 
 in this building to-night ; a man who began his career in the 
 politics of this country twenty-five years ago ; whose first ser- 
 vice was done in the days of peril on the plains of Kansas, when 
 the first red drop of that blood-shower began to fall, which in- 
 creased into the deluge of gore in the Rebellion. He stood by 
 young Kansas then and returned to his seat in the national 
 legislature. Through all the subsequent years his pathway has 
 been marked by the labors which he had performed in every de- 
 partment of legislation. If you ask me for his monument, I point 
 to twenty-five years of the National Statutes. There is not one 
 great, one beneficent statute on your books within that time 
 that has been placed there without his intelligent and powerful 
 aid. He was one of the men who formulated the laws that 
 
336 APPENDIX. 
 
 raised our great armies and navies and carried us through the 
 war. His hand was in the workmanship of the statutes which 
 brought back the unity and married calm of these States. His 
 hand was in all that great legislation which created the great 
 wark currency that carried us through, and in the still greater 
 •work that redeemed the promise of the Government and made 
 it good. [Applause.] 
 
 '• At last he passed from the halls of legislation into a high 
 executive office, and there he displayed that experience, intelli- 
 gence, firmness, and power of equipoise which throngs a stormy 
 period of two and a half years, with half the public press liowl- 
 ing and crying ' Crucify him,' carried him through unsw^erved 
 by a single hair from the liue of duty. He has improved the 
 resources of the Government and the great business interests of 
 the country, and has carried us through in the execution of that 
 law without a jar, in spite of the false prophets and Cassandras 
 of half the continent. [Applause.] lie lias shown himself 
 able to meet in the calmness of statesmanship all the great 
 emergencies of government. For twenty-five years he has trod 
 that perilous height of public duty, and against all the shafts 
 of malice he has borne his crest unliarmed, and the blaze of that 
 tierce light which has been upon him has found no flaw in his 
 honor, no stain on his shield. I do not present him as a better 
 Republican or a better man than thousands of others whom we 
 honor and revere ; but I present him for your deliberate consid- 
 eration. I nominate John Sherman, of Ohio." 
 
 GARFIELD'S mFORMAL ACCEPTANCE. 
 
 Chicago, June 7. — About midnight the committee appointed 
 to wait on Garfield and Arthur, and inform them of their nomina- 
 tion, found them at the Grand Pacific Hotel, and Senator Hoar, 
 as chairman made an appropriate speech. Garfield responded : 
 
 '' Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : I assure you that the infor- 
 mation you have officially given me brings the sense of very 
 grave responsibility, and especially so in view of the fact that 
 I was a member of your body, a fact that could not have exist- 
 ed with propriety had I had the slightest expectation that my 
 name would be connected with the nomination for the office. 
 
 '' 1 have felt, with you, great solicitude concerning the situa- 
 tion of our party during the struggle ; but believeing that you 
 are correct in assuring me that substantial unity has been 
 reached in the conclusion, it gives me a gratification far grcxiter 
 than any i)ersonal pleasure your announcement can bring. 
 
APPENDIX. 237 
 
 " I accept the trust comitted to my liands. 
 
 " As to the work of our party and as to the character of the 
 campaign to be entered upon, I will take an early occasion to 
 reply more fully than I can properly do to-night. 
 
 '' I thank you for the assurance of confidence and esteem you 
 liave presented to me, and hope we shall see our future as prom- 
 ising as are the indications to-night." 
 
 GARFIELD IN THE LIGHT OF PHRENOLOGY. 
 
 {From the yew York Tribune of August Ut) 
 TnE August number of The Phreiiohgical Journal contains a 
 sketch of General Garfield which begins with the following 
 analysis of his mental characteristics, based upon an examina- 
 tion from the phrenologist's point of view. As many persons 
 attribute no little value to such phrenological statements, this 
 analysis will undoubtedly be read with interest : 
 
 " James A. Garfield is a man of very strong physical consti- 
 tution, with broad shoulders, deep chest, and a good nutritive 
 system, which serve to sustain with ample vigor his uncom- 
 monly large brain ; standing fully six feet high, and weighing 
 220 pounds. The head, which is twenty-four inches in circum- 
 ference, seems to be very long from front to rear, and then the 
 length seems extreme from the centre of the ear to the root of 
 the nose ; it is also long from the opening of the ear backward. 
 The whole back-head is large, and the social group amply indi- 
 cated, but the reader will observe the extreme length anterior 
 to the opening of the ears, especially acrossthelower part of the 
 forehead, in which are located the organs of the perceptive in- 
 tellect, those which gather and retain knowledge, and bring a 
 man into quick sympathy with the external world, and also 
 with the world of facts as developed in science and literature. 
 
 " Perhaps there are not two men in a hundred thousand who 
 are intelligent and educated, who will see as much and take into 
 account so many of the principles involved in what he sees as the 
 subject before us. Nothing escapes his attention ; he remem- 
 bers things in their elements, their qualities, and peculiarities, 
 such as form, size, and color. He would make an excellent 
 judge of the size of articles, and also of their weight, by simple 
 observation. He has a talent for natural science,, (es-j^^ecially 
 
238 APPENDIX. 
 
 chemisty and natural philosophy. His memory, indicated by 
 the fulness in the middle of the forehead, is enormously de- 
 veloped, aiding him in retaining vividly all the impressions that 
 are worth recalling. 
 
 " The superior portion of the forehead is developed more 
 prominently in the analogical than in the logical. His chief 
 intellectual force is in the power to elucidate and make sub- 
 jects clear ; hence he is able to teach to others whatever he 
 knows himself. 
 
 " He has the talent for reading character ,- hence he addresses 
 himself to each individual according to h:s peculiar characteris- 
 tics, and reaches results in the readiest and best way. His 
 language is rather largely indicated ; he would be known more 
 for specific compactness than for an ornate and elaborate style, 
 because he goes as directly as possible from the premises to the 
 conclusion, and never seems to forget the point at issue. 
 
 *' The side-head is well developed in the region of Order, 
 Constructiveness, sense of the beautiful and of tlie grand. It is 
 also strongly marked in the region of Combativeness and 
 Destructiveness, which give force and zealous earnestness in the 
 prosecution of that which he attempts to do. He is able to 
 compel himself to be thorough, and to hold his mind and his 
 efforts in the direction required until he has made himself 
 master of the subject. Industry is one of his strong traits. 
 
 He is firm, jjositive, determined, and the middle of the top- 
 head indicates strong religious tendency. We seldom see so 
 large Veneration ; he is devout, respectful toward whatever he 
 thinks sacred, whether it relates to religion or to subordinate 
 topics ; he would reverence ancient places made memorable in 
 story and song ; he is respectful to the aged, polite to his 
 equals, and especially generous and friendly toward those who 
 are his inferiors in age or culture. Thus, young men and even 
 children have ready access to him by his invitation and permis- 
 sion. His strong social affection makes his face and his voice 
 a standing invitation toward confidence, and he has great famil- 
 iarity in his treatment of the young. 
 
 *' His method of studying subjects is instinctive ; he consid- 
 ers all the facts, every condition, that will be brought into ques- 
 tion, and combining these by means of his logical force, his 
 conclusions seem clear, are vigorously stated and influential. 
 He has a strong physiognomy ; that broad and high cheek-bone 
 indicates vital power ; that strong nose indicates determina- 
 tion, courage and positiveness ; the fulness of the lips shows 
 warmth of affection and of sympathy. 
 
APPENDIX. 239 
 
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ADVERTISEMENTS. 
 
 lOSEPHI^ILLOTrS 
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ADVERTISEMENTS. 
 
 International Review. 
 
 The Review is about to enter upon its eighth year 
 of existence with an encouraging access of popularity 
 and better prospects than it has ever before erijoyed. 
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 edge of the age ; and there will be few persons who 
 will not find in every number some matter of interest 
 to them ably and agreeably treated. 
 
 PARTIAL LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS. 
 
 Henry W. Longfellow, E. A. Washburn, D.D. Wilkie Collins, 
 
 Wm. Cullen Bryant, John Bigelow, Ernest Curtius, 
 
 E. L. Godkin, Prof. Sumner, Baron F. von Holtzendorff, 
 
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 Theodore D. Woolsey, Walter Besant, Mark Hopkins, D. D., 
 
 James McCosh, Thomas Hughes, P A. Chadbourne, 
 
 E. A. Freeman, D. C. L., Thomas Brassey, M. P., Noah Porter, 
 
 Philip Gilbert Hamerton, Alex. H. Stephens, Pres. Magoun, 
 
 Bayard Taylor, Horace White, Samuel Osgood, 
 
 Philip Schaff, D.D., Gen. J. H. Wilson, Dr. J. P. Thompson, 
 
 John Hall, D.D., David A. Wells, Dr. E. DePressense. 
 
 Subscription, $5.00 a Year. Price, 50 cents a Number. A 
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 A. S. BARNES & CO., Publishers, New York. 
 
ADVERTISEMENTS. 
 
 1850. Thirtieth Year. 1880. 
 
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ADVER nSEMENTS. 
 
 THE ATLAS SERIES OF ESSAYS. 
 
 No. Price. 
 
 1. The Currency Question. By Amasa Walker, LL.D. $0.20 
 
 2. Men of Mark. Biographical and Critical Essays on 
 
 Bryant, Longfellow, Poe, Charles Tennyson, Macaulay, 
 Freeman, Curtius, Sumner, Ticknor and Mill. By E. P. 
 Whipple, E. A. Freeman, J. H. Ingram, Noah Porter, 
 and others '60 
 
 3. The Labor Question. Political and Social Essays on 
 
 Co-operative Stores, Wages in England, Etc. , Grangerism, 
 The Indian Question, The Chinese Question, Republicanism 
 in America, Republicanism in Europe. By Thomas 
 Hughes, Thomas Br asset. Judge Cooley, Francis 
 Walker, Francis Whartin and others .... .40 
 
 4. The Centennial Exhibition. A Criticism. By Gen 
 
 eral Francis A. Walker 20 
 
 5. European Exhibitions. By M. Gindriez, of Paris, 
 
 and Prof. J. Morgan Hart 20 
 
 8. Tlie Gold Room, Stock Exchange and Clearing 
 
 House. Three Essays by Kinahan Cornwallis . . ,20 
 
 9. Higher Education. Essays by Dr. James McCosh, P. 
 
 G. Hammerton and others, on International Communica- 
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 Schools, Study of Greek and Latin Classics, Universities 
 in Italy, Universal Education, Industrial Art Education . ,4:0 
 
 10. The Country and the Government. An Indict- 
 
 ment of the Beaconsfield Ministry. By Rt. Hon. Wm. 
 
 E. Gladstone 10 
 
 11. Theological Unrest. Essays on Science and Religion. 
 
 By James Anthony Froude, Prof. P. G. Tait of the Uni- 
 versity of Edinburgh, and Rev. E. A. Washburn, D.D., 
 of New York ,25 
 
 A. Cremation. By an Eye-witness. Illustrated. . . ,15 
 
 B. NTew Departures in College Culture and Con- 
 
 trol. By Prof. Caleb Mills, of Wabash College . . ,30 
 *^* A?iy of the above sent post-paid on receipt of price. 
 
 FOR SALE BY BOOKSELLERS AND NEWSDEALERS. 
 
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ADVERTISEMENTS. 
 
 BATTLES OF THE REYOLUTION, 
 
 By HENRY B. CARRINGTON, M. A., Col. U. S. Army. 
 Large 8vo., cloth, 712 pp. Third edition. Illustrated with 41 full page topographical maps. 
 
 Price, $6.00. 
 
 ***Among the many testimonials to the value and interest of this work is the following 
 rom the accomplished author of the Life and Times of Sir Williattt Johnson^ and The 
 Campaign of Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne^&c: 
 
 * * * "Although, perhaps, it may be deemed impertinent, when you have not solicited 
 ny opinion, to write you upon your able work on the Battles of the American Revolution^ 
 ret, as a brother author, and enthusiastically interested in two of the battles you describe — 
 hose of September 19th and October 7th, 1777 — I feel that I must, nolens voletts, express to 
 ron the pleasure it has afforded me to read your book. Of the accuracy of all of the battles 
 ron relate I cannot of course speak ; but in regard to those which were fought between General 
 3ates and General Burgoyne I can confidently— inasmuch as Burgoyne's campaign has been 
 I hobby of mine for many years — I having visited Germany in 1857, especially to study the 
 )riginal papers of Major-General Riedesel, which, as you know, I afterwards translated. _ 
 
 "Judgmg by the masterly manner in which you have treated those battles, the keen insight 
 roxi have shown in respect to the causes which led to the strategic movements of the opposmg 
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 )f battle— regarding which I pretend to some knowledge— I do not hesitate to say that if your 
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 luthority on which it treats, but the hackneyed phrase, so often meaningless, is, in the case of 
 rour book emphatically true — that no library of American history can be said to be complete 
 vithout it. * * * '• Believe me, dear Colonel, 
 
 " Very faithfully yours, 
 ^CoL.H.B. CARRINGTON." " WILLIAM L. STONE." 
 
 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE 
 
 REVOLUTION IN AMERICA; 
 
 9r, an Attempt to Collect and Preserve some of the Speeches^ Orations and Proceedings^ 
 
 -with Sketches and Remarks on Men and Things, and other Fugitive or Neglected 
 
 Pieces belonging to the Revolutionary Period in the United States, ti'c. _ By Hezekiah 
 
 NiLES. Dedicated to the Young Men of America. Large 8vo, cloth. Price, $3.00. 
 
 Mr. Niles' pages read like prophecies. One marvels at every step, at the wonderful insight, 
 
 ;he almost inspired grasp of the future which was displayed by men of olden times. Scarcely 
 
 I difficulty or a danger which has beset our national progress but what was foreseen in its full 
 
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 ng it clearly laid down. And one wonders in going over the work, if in the tremendous advance 
 
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 Ireary waste of monetary uncertainty in which we wander without a guide. We look in vain 
 
 For the broad and far-seeing wisdom which shall harmonize and reconstruct our conquered 
 
 empire. And yet our fathers were equal to emergencies even greater than these. 
 
 THE POETS OP COISTNECTICUT. 
 
 With Biographical Sketches. Edited by Rev. Charles W. Everest. 
 
 Sixth edition, izmc, cloth. Price, $1.75. 
 
 *** This work presents a complete survey of the poets and of the poetical literature o 
 Connecticut, a State which from the days of Barlow and Dwight has continued to exercise a 
 profound influence on American Literature. Mr. Everest's selections are made with great 
 taste a»d judgment ; and the biographical sketches are models of that very difficult, but very 
 interesting species of writing, literary biography. ^^^^ 
 
 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 The Lives of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 i2mo., cloth. Price, $1.50. 
 ***A general knowledge of the distinguished men whose names are set to the Declaration 
 of Independence should at all times be considered desirable by the young men and rising 
 generations of the Union. 
 
 Sent post-paid to any address on receipt of price by the publishers, 
 
 A. S. BARNES & CO., New York and Chicago. 
 
ADVERTISEMENTS. 
 
 A G-REAT HISTORICAL WORK ! 
 
 History of the City of New York; 
 
 Its Origin, Rise and Progress, 
 
 Illustrated with sixteen full-page engravings in tint ; nine rare and 
 
 valuable maps of the City at different periods ; and one 
 
 hundred and thirty-three engravings scattered 
 
 through the text, all by the most eminent 
 
 artists and engravers in the country. 
 
 Published in 32 Parts, at 50 Cents each Part. 
 
 26 Parts Now Ready. Sold only by Subscription. 
 
 Price In Cloth, gilt tops, uncut edges, $10; Sheep, $11 ; Half 
 
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 " The author of this work is showing herself a worthy historian of this glis- 
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 BE IN the library OF EVERY OLD New Yorker."— iV. Y. Sun, Oct. 12, 1877 
 
 No more desirable, inexpensive or appropriate present can 
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 A. S. BARNES k CO., Publishers, 111 William Street, New York City. 
 
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